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A00002.P4	The brides ornaments viz. fiue meditations, morall and diuine. 1. Knowledge, 2. zeale, 3. temperance, 4. bountie, 5. ioy.	[ "Aylett, Robert, 1583-1655?" ]	1625.	Printed by William Stansby,	London :	eng	[]	THE BRIDES ORNAMENTS, Viz. Fiue MEDITATIONS, Morall and Diuine. 1. Knowledge, 2. Zeale, 3. Temperance, 4. Bountie, 5. Ioy. LONDON, Printed by WILLIAM STANSBY. 1625. Your Lordships bounden in all dutie and seruice, ROBERT AYLETT. THE BRIDES ORNAMENTS, Viz. Fiue Diuine and Morall MEDITATIONS. 1. Prudence. 2. Obedience. 3. Meekenesse. 4. Gods Word. 5. Prayer. LONDON, Printed by WILLIAM STANSBY. 1625. A faithfull Friend. ROBERT AYLET. VRANIA, OR THE HEAVENLY MUSE. LONDON, Printed by WILLIAM STANSBY. 1625. Yours truly deuoted. R. A. THE CONVERTS CONQVEST. LONDON, Printed by WILLIAM STANSBY. 1625. Your true vnfeigned Friend, R. A.
A00005.P4	Here begynneth a shorte and abreue table on the Cronycles ...	[ "Higden, Ranulf, d. 1364. Polycronicon. English. Selections.", "Trevisa, John, d. 1402." ]	In the yere of our lorde god. M.CCCCC.xv. [1515]]	In powlys chyrche yarde at the west dore of powlys besyde my lorde of londons palays by me Iulyan Notary,	[Enprynted at Londo[n] :	eng	[ "Great Britain -- History -- To 1485 -- Early works to 1800.", "England -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800." ]	IN soo moche that it is necessary to all creatures of cryen relygyon / or of false relygyon / or gentyles / & machomytes to knowe theyr pryn¦ce / or princes / that regne vpon thē & them to obey. So it is comodydus to knowe theyr noble actes & dedes / & the cyrcūstaūce of theyr lyues. Therfore in the yere of oure lor∣de. M.CCCC.lxxxiii. ye yere of ye regne of kyn¦ge Edwarde ye fourth at saynt Aldons / so that all men may knowe ye actes namely of our no¦ble kynges of Englonde / is cōpyled togyder ī this boke / & moreouer is translated out of la∣tyn in to englysshe / fro the begynnynge of the worlde ye lygnage of Cryst / from Adam tyll it be comen to Dauyd / & from Dauyd ye kynges of Israel & of Iewes ye hyghe bysshops ī theyr dayes with the Iuges & prophetes. The foure pryncypall reames of ye worlde / that is to say of Babylon. of Percees. of Grekes. & of Ro∣mayns. And all the Emperours of Rome / or Popes / by ordre / & theyr names. And many a notable fader with certē of theyr actes As mo¦re playnly is declared in the chapytre nexte af¦ter. ¶And here ben rehersed the names of the Auctours / of whom these Cronycles ben trās¦lated moost namely. ¶Galfridus Nunmoth monke in his boke of Brute Saynt Bede in ye actes of Englōde. I Bede in his boke of ty¦mes. Gyldas in ye actes of Brytayne. wyllyā Malmesbury monke in ye actes of kynges of Englonde & bysshops. Cassider{us} of ye actes of Emperours & bysshops. Saynt Austyn de ci∣dei. Titus Liuius de gestis Romano{rum}. Mar∣tyn Penytencyary to ye pope in his cronycles of Emperours & bysshops. And namely Theo¦bald{us} Cartusien & conteynynge in his boke ye progresse of all notable faders from ye begyn∣nynge of the worlde vnto our tyme with ye no¦table actes of the same. ¶In thys newe trās¦lacyon are cōtayned many notable & maruay¦lous thynges. And those ben alledged by auc∣toryte of many famous clerkes. And that eue∣ry man may knowe how these Cronycles ben ordred▪ ye shall vnderstande / that this boke is deuyded in .vii. partes. Of the whiche ye fyrst parte contayned from Adam tyll Brue came in to Brytayne. The seconde parte cōtayneth frome Brute came fyrst in to Englonde. vnto the cyte of Rome was buylded by Romolus. The thyrde parte conteyneth syth rome was bylded / vnto Cyste was borne of ouer lady Mary. The fourth from thens vnto ye comyn¦ge of Sadus in to Englonde. The fy parte from thens vnto the comynge of the Danys. The syxte parte from thene / vnto ye comynge of ye Normans. The seuēth parte fro the Nor¦mās / vnto our tyme. whiche is vnder ye regne of Edwarde the fourth .xxiii. yere / whoos no∣ble cronycles by custome maye not sene. ¶And soo in euery parte of these .vii. partes ben shewed ye moost & necessary actes of all ye kynges of Englōde & theyr names wryten abo¦ue in ye margene / that euery man maye fynde them sone. And afore the kynge of Englondes actes ben wryten / there is wryten ye lygnage of cryst from Adam tyll that Cryst was borne of oure lady / with the hye bysshop & the Iue that were in that tyme / & certayne of theyr ac∣tes necessary / tyl it be comyn tyl cryst was bor¦ne. And after that Cryste was borne / & Peter was Pope of rome / is shewed by ordre the na¦mes of all the popes & emperours of Rome / a¦fore / & after / with certeynt of theyr actes bre∣uyatly / & many other dyuers thynges & mer∣ueyles in those mennes dayes fallynge. And it is shewed euery thynge in his place / howe ma¦ny yere it fell after the begynnyng of ye worlde & how longe afore that Cryste was borne. And whan that I come to Cryst was borne then it is wryten / how longe ony thynge fell after the Natyuyte of Cryst / And this is ye ordre of this boke & the thynges that ben spoken of. ANd as to mennes desyrynge to haue a very knowledge / of these cronycles or of ony other / it is necessary: to knowe .vi. thin¦ges. ¶The fyrst is the states of thynges / and those ben two One is fro the begynnynge of ye worlde vnto Cryst / the whiche is called the sta¦te of Diuiacion. The secunde is frome Cryste to the ende of ye worlde / ye whiche is called ye sta¦te of Reconsiliacion. ¶The seconde thynge is the diuisyon of tymes & those ben thre. One is afore the lawe of moyses / & an other is vn∣der ye lawe of Moyses / an other is vnder ye la∣we of grace after cryst dyed. ¶The thyrde is ye gouernynge of kyngdomes. And as for that ye must know: that al though there were foure pryncypall kyngdomes / that is to say. Of Ba¦bylon / of Persces / of Grekis / and Romayns. neuertheles: as to the cours of the worlde: & the ordre of holy scrypture: ye fyrst gouernyng was vnder faders: from Adam vnto moyses. The seconde vnder Iuges from Moyses vn∣to Saul. The thyrde vnder kynges: frō Saul vnto zorobabel. The fourthe vnder bysshops from zorobabel vnto Cryst. ¶The fourth is the dyuersyte of lawes & those were fyue. The fyrst was the lawe of nature: and that was co¦men of all men. The seconde is the lawe or the custome of gentyles: whan that vnder kynge Nyon ye peple began to worshyp fals goddes. The thyrde is vnder the lawe wryten: rose the lawe of Iewes: whā ye Circūcisyon deuyded ye Iewes from other peple The fourth is vnder Cryst / rose the lawe of cristen men / whan fay¦the and grace of the sacramentes / enformed ye lyf of men. The fyfth vnder Machomete / rose the lawe of Sarrasyns & Turkes. ¶The fyf¦the is / the noblenesse or vnnoblenesse in dedes ¶And as to these / it is to knowe that .vii. per¦sons ben redde of / whome the dedes many ty∣mes are had in mynde in hystoryes. That is to wyte / of a prynce in his reame / of a knyght in batayll. of a Iuge in his place / of a bysshop in the clergy / of a polytyk man in the peple of an husbonde man in the hous / & of an abbot ī his chirche. And of these are wryten many tymes the laudes of good men / & the punysshemētes of the cursyd men. ¶The sixthe is ye true coū¦tynge of the yeres and as to that it is to be kno¦we / that there were .viii. maner of nombryng or coūtynge of the yeres. Thre after the Hebre¦wes. Thre after the Grekis. One after ye Ra¦mayns· And one nowe after the crysten men. The Hebrewes thre maner of wyse begyn̄eth theyr yere. After the Hebrewes there is the yere vsuall / begynnynge at Ianuary / the whiche they vse ī couenaūtes & bargēs makyng. And the yere leyfull begynnyng at Marche / ye whi¦che they vse in theyr cerymonyes. And the ye∣re Emergens from May begynnynge whan they went from Egypt. they vse in theyr crony¦cles & calculacions. ¶The Grekis nombreth theyr yere thre manere of wyse. Fyrst to ye glo∣ry & Ioye of theyr victory / coūteth theyr yeres from the destruccyon of Troy The fyrst / the seconde / the thyrde / the fourth &c. ¶Thenne after the chyualry beganne at the hylle of O∣lympus / they notefyed ye yeres after the same Olympyadū. And what Olympyades is / ye shall knowe after in ye boke. The thyrde / whā they begā to haue lordshyp of all ye world they notefyed theyr yeres these maner of wyse In ye yere of the regne of Grekys the .iiii. the .x. the: xv. &c. As it is open in ye boke of Machabeo{rum} ¶Then̄e after the Romayns gouernynge ye worlde / counted & nombred theyr yeres (ab vr be condita) ¶The last of all Cristen men coū¦teth theyr yeres from ye Incarnacyon of cryst And bycause we ben Crysten men we vse mo∣ste to nombre / from ye begynnynge of the worl¦de / vnto cryst was borne. And fro Cryste was borne vnto our tyme. And this ordre is obser∣ued and kepte in all the booke / of euery thyng in his place as it is sayd before. BYcause of this bokes made / to tel what tyme of ony thynge notable was. Ther¦fore the begynnyge of all tymes shortely shall be touched. For the whiche after doctours it is to be knowen / that .iiii. thynges were made fyrste / & in one tyme: & of one aege. That is to wyte / the heuen Imperyall / aūgels nature: ye matere of ye foure elemētes: & tyme. And that doctours calle: the werke of the creacyon: the whiche was made afore ony daye or nyght of the myghty power of god. And was made of nothynge. ¶Thenne after foloweth the wer¦ke of the dyuysyon: the whiche was made in thre of the fyrst dayes in whiche is shewed the hyghe wysdome of the maker. ¶Thenne af∣ter foloweth the arayenge of this werke in the whiche is shewed the goodnes of the creature the whiche was made .iii. of the nexte dayes fo¦lowynge (Vt patʐ clare in teu gen̄. primo) ¶The fyrst day god made / & deuyded ye lyght from the darkenesse. ¶The seconde daye god made: & ordeyned the fyrmament: & deuyded the water from the water. ¶The thyrde daye god made in the whiche he gadered ye waters in to one place: erthe then appered. ¶The fourth daye god made: in the whiche he ordey¦ned the sonne: ye mone & the sterres & put them in the fyrmament. ¶The fyfth daye god ma¦de: in the whiche he ordeyned fysshes and fou∣les: and grete whales in ye water. ¶The sixte daye god ordeyned: in the whiche he made be∣est and man. ¶The seuenth daye god made: and in that daye he rested of al werkes that he hadde ordeyned / not as in werkynge beynge wery. But he eased to make mo newe creatu¦res (Vide plura gen̄ .i.) BE it knowē / that Adam ye fyrst man / of whom it is wryten ī this fyrst age next lowynge / lyued .ix.C. yere & .xxx. And he gate .xxxii. son̄es / & as many doughters. depiction of Adam and Eve, the Tree, and the Serpent IN the fyrst yere of the worlde the syxte day / god made A∣dam in the felde. Damascn̄ & eua of one of his ryb∣bes / puttyng thē in paradyse. And bad them to kepe his cōmaūdemēt yt they sholde not ete of ye fruyte of lyfe vnder ye pay∣ne of deth. And ye same day that they had syn∣ned: anone he caste them out of paradyse in to ye londe of cursydnes that they sholde lyue the¦re with swetynge & sorowe tyl they dyed (Vide plura gen̄ .i.) ¶This Adam was an holy mā all the dayes of his lyfe / & grete penaūce dayly he dyd. And he cōmaūded his chyldren to lyue ryghtwysly. And namely that they shold auoy¦de in all wyse from the company of Cayn and his chyldren. Nor that they sholde not marye with none of thē. ¶This mā Adā was oure fyrst fader. And for one syn̄e he put vs oute of paradys. But thrugh his holy cōuersacyon & penaūce / he gaue vs ensample to come to the kyngdome of heuen. And he that wyl not folo¦we his holy cōuersacyō & exāple / for one syn̄e ryghtwysly / he can not cōplayne on hym / as we do many. ¶Seth sone to Adam was bor∣ne after the begynnynge of ye worlde .C. & .xxx. yeres / & lyued .ix.C. & .xii. But Moyses ouer∣skypped an hundreth of those / in the whiche A¦bell wept in ye vale of Ploracyon nyghe Ebrō Thys Seth for the oyle of mercy to be goen / wēte to paradys. Delbora was syster to Abell Abell was slayn of cayn his brod. This Abell the fyrst martyr began ye chyrche of god. This man after Austyn made the cytee of god / & he was ye fyrst cytezyn of that cyte. And bycause that he was ryghtwyse our lorde receyued his offeryng. ¶Calmana was syster & wyf to Ca¦yn. This Cayn was a cursed man / & he made ye fyrst erthely cyte that euer ī this world was in the whiche he put his people for drede in so moche as he vsyd caryn & vyolēce. For he tru¦steth suche thyng to be done to hym as he dyd to other / therfore he put hym & hys ī to a syker place. Thys man slewe his brother Abell for enuye / & he was punysshed of god / and wan∣dred aboute in a dyspayre. And after was slay¦ne of Lamath a blynde man. ENos of the lyne of cryst lyued .ix.C. ye∣re & .v. This Enos began to call the na¦me of our lorde. It myght happe be foūde some wordes of prayer / or made some ymages for god to be worshypped / as now is in ye chyrche ¶Chanam lyued after .ix.C. yere and .x. MAlaleel of the lyne of cryste lyued .viii.C.lxxxxv. yere ¶areth of the same ly¦ne lyued .ix.C.lxii. ¶Enoch of the same lyne lyued .iiii.C. yere .lxv. This Enoch was a ry∣ghtwys man / & pleased god. And for his grete holynesse our lorde translated hym in to para¦dyse where he lyueth with Hely / in grete reste of body and soule / tyll ye comynge of Antecryst Then they shall go forthe for ye comfortacyon of good men. And they shall be crowned with the crowne of martyrdome. MAtusalē of Crystys lyne: lyued .ix.C. lxix. yeres. This matusale was the ol∣dest mā that euer ony scrypturs hath mynde of For whā he had lyued nyghe fyue hondred ye∣re: our lord sayd to hym Buylde the an hous & thou wyle: for yet thou shalt lyue .v. hondred yere. And he answered & sayd. For so lytel a ty¦me as .v. hondred yere. I wyll buylde no hous But rested vnder trees and hegges: and there slept / as he was wonte to do for a tyme. LAmeth was of aege vii. hōdred .lxxvii. This Lameth the fyrst agaynst natu∣re & good maneres ordeyned that a mā myghte haue two wyues / in doyng his auowtry. And he was sore punysshed of them / for they gaue hym many a grype For it is so that bi what thī¦ge a man sen̄eth / by the same he is punysshed. This Lameth slewe Cayn wylfully not. But whan he was olde & blynde / he was ladde of a childe ye whiche trowed that he had seē a wylde beste & sayd to his mayster that he sholde shote & so he slewe Cayn. wherfore he bete the childe so sore that the childe also was deed ¶And it is to be knowē that al craftes / or scyēces lyberal or hande craftes / or of physyke seruyng to the curyosyte of man are redde that they were fost¦den of ye childern of Lameth and for they drad¦de the perylle to come of the flood & of the fyre therfore Tuball graued ye same craftes ī two pylers. The one was of Marbyll / the other of yle or brycke. ¶Tuball foūde fyrst the crafte to werke golde & syluer / & yren. And was ye fyr¦ste grauer that euer was ¶Iabe foūde first Tē¦oria for shepherdes / and pauelyons for other men. ¶Iuball founde fyrste the crafte to pla¦ye vpon an harpe and organs and other musy¦call Instrumentes he vsid. ¶Nocma founde fyrst ye crafte for to weue lynnen & wollen clo∣the / and to drawathredes of wulle and flexe. And afore that tyme / the people vsed the skyn¦nes of bestes for ther clothes. THe shyppe of Noe hadde in length .iii. hondred cubytes / in brede .l. in altytue¦. (Vide plura genesis .vi. ¶Knowe ye af∣ter uctours that a cōuenyent payne this ty∣me was ordeyned to the worlde. For thenne le¦chery habūded the whyche defouled mannes body. And there by water ye erth was wasshed & clēsed in sygne of the promyse that god made to mā that there sholde neuer be suche a flood a¦gayne ¶And the Raynebowe hath two pryn¦cypall coloures the whiche represente the two Iugement{is} The water colour represēteth the flood that is passyd the fyre colour betokeneth the Iugement to come / & fyre / by that whyche we certēly abye ī the ende of th{is} world by cause couetyse shal haboūde by fyre it shal be brente Golde & syluer by ye fyre is wonte to be clēsyd. depiction of Noah's ark THis Noe was a ryghtwys mā & foūde grace ayēst god whā Noe was fyue hō¦dred yere of aege he had gotē Chā. Sem. & Ia¦pheth that tyme bi ye cōmaūdemēt of god he be¦gan to make a shyppe. & he made it parfyte in an .C. yere. And the .C. yere complete / our lord god appered agayne to hym / & cōmaūded him that he with his wyf & his childern & ye wyues of them shold entre the shyppe with all maner of bestes / & all maner of foules also. &c̄. ¶And anone the flood came / & stode aboue all hylles xv. cubyte (Vide plura gen̄ .viio) ¶After the flood a greate dronkenesse betyde vnto Noe. & through occasyō of that drōkesse he blessyd his two sones. Sem & Iaphet / for the faders ho∣nour that they had to hym & for ye honest shame that they couered mekely ther fader membres whan he was slepynge. & his sone Cham / for his scornynge & his vnreuerence / he cursyd. ¶And here after saynt Austyn is made / ye fyr¦ste mencyon of boūdage / & of noblynesse con∣trary to it· For Noe sayd that Chā shold be ser¦uaūt in bondage to Sem & Iaphet / for his vn¦reuerēce. Neuertheles ye shall not trowe / that all that descēded of Cham were vnnoble mē & of no power. For they began fyrst to be mygh∣ty men of ye erthe. As it is open of Nemroth & the kyng of Canaan & Asco{rum}. Nor all of Sem & Iaphet were vertuous & noble & myghty mē whan almost euerche one fell in to the cryme of ydolatry / and were ofte tymes oppressed of other men. But this blessynge & this cursyng hath a respect to vertue & vyce / for ye whiche a man is called truly a noble mā or an vnnoble man. For he that is vertuo{us} is a noble mā & he that is vnuertuous is not noble. the same ma¦ner of wise tho that foloweth ye faith of abrahā rathar were called his childern than ye Iewes the whiche carnally descēded frō hym. Neuer¦theles they had a spyrytuall preuelege of god / for the faders meryt{is} & his blessyng. & these .iii sones oe Noe he beynge alyue after thy story of Philīs were born .xxiiii.M. & .vii.C. mē wy¦thout wym̄en & childern. And they had on thē thre prynces Nemroth. Iactan. & Suphen. SEm sone to Noe / the seconde yere after the flood gate Arpharat / & other whyle he is called Melchisedeth The whiche fyrst af¦ter the flood made the cyte of Salem / & now it is caled Ierusalem ¶Cham his broder optey¦ned Affricam / & gate sones tweyne. Chus and Mesrayam. And the two gate sones & dough¦ters / & many a regyon was of them & many of them to vs ben vnknowen. For they enhaby∣te & haue theyr mansyons in ye occydentall yn∣de. ¶Iaphet was broder vnto Cham / & was blessyd of his fader / & this Iaphet had .vii. so∣nes. as Gomor. magog. Maday. Ianam· Tu¦ball. Masog. & Iras. And these .vii. gate sones & doughters / & of them came many a regyon (Vide pa Gen̄ .xv.) ¶Arpharat sone to sm lyued .CCCC. & .xxx. yere. And gate Elam. As∣sure. Ludde / & Aram / & they gate many a sone & doughter (vt pʐ gen̄) ¶This Assur / by cau∣se he wolde not rebell ayenst god. in the edefy∣enge & buyldynge of ye toure of Babylon / as Nemroth dyd therfore he was dryuen vnto ye londe of Sennaars londe / whyche was ryght straunge to hym & was not afore enhabyted / The whiche was called after his name Assuri¦a. And there he edefyed & buylded a cyte after∣warde named Niniue / ye whiche was Metro¦polon of all the kyngdom of Assuriū. ¶Chus sone to Cham was fader to Nemroth. Thys Nemroth was a gyaunt of .x. cubytes longe. & he began to be myghty in ye worlde & he is cal¦led a boystous hunter afore god This man be¦gā that wretched vyce of coueytousnesse by h{is} tyranny / with the whiche vyce euermore after this worlde is fulfyled. And the pryncypalest kyngdom that he had was Babylon. & he had Archade. Edissa. Selencia / & the londe of Sen¦naar. ¶Sale sone to Arpharat lyued .cccc. & .xxxiii. yeres. & of hym in scrypture is no thyn∣ge wrytē but that Moyses nombred hym ī the lyne that cometh of cryste. Th{is} Sale gate a so¦ne that was named Heber The whiche after ye Hebrewes had the spyryte of prophecye. And of this Heber ye Hebrewes ben named. For the Hebrewes tonge bode alone in his hous in the confusyon of the lāgage And that lāgage was called mānes langage / the whiche euery man vsed afore the toure of Babyloa was buylded ¶This Heber hadde two sones / and one was called Iectan thrughe ensample of Nemroth decensendynge from Cham toke the Prynce∣hode vpon the childern of Sem. And he hadde .xiii. sones. But these people after Ierom are not knowen of vs / for fernesse of the coūtree / or mutayon & chaungynge of the people / or elles of some other manere cause. ¶Turris Babylonis. PHaleg ly∣ued two .C. & .xxxix. yeres this phaleg was the yonger sone of Heber / & ī his dayes was made the confusyon of langages For in his hows abode the olde tonge al oule / & yt was He¦brewe. wherfore after Saynt Au∣styn / in hym ape¦red a greate sted∣fastnesse of right wysnes For this hous was free of that payne / As not cōsētynge to the buyldynge of the toure. (t se∣cundū Aug) there was .lxxii. generacōns / & so there were .lxxii. langage. ¶Iacta oder to Phaleg Sem Nemroth prynce of Cham Sul¦phen of Iaphet / these thre prynces with there peple gadred thē to gyder in ye felde of Senna¦ar / dredynge ye ood to come ayen sayd. Lette vs buylde a toure / of the which: ye hyght shall reche to heuen &c. Gen̄. xii. Our lord sawe the folysshnes of the people. Maruayllously for ye payne of ther synne / he confoūded the tonge of thē. ī so moche that none vnderstode what an other sayd. And so they were disperpled & ason¦dred by all ye worlde. ¶Of the malyce of thys Nemroth bokes ben wryten full ¶And after the cōfusyon of ye langage he went to the londe of Pertees / & there he enstrocte & taught them to doure & worshyp ye fyre as god. And he left his sone Belus in Babylon / the whyche Be∣lus suceded hym. And so from thens his pro∣genye opteyned ye kyngdom / vnto the tyme of many a yere after. ¶In this tyme began ma∣ny kyngdoms. & the most of those kyngdoms was the kyngdome of Scitarum. But there were soo many rude & boystous people in it / that cyte was neuer hadde in worshyp. And it was a stronge and a myghty regyon of dystaū¦ce. ¶And about this tyme began the kyngdo∣me of Egept / the whiche with dyuers and ma¦ny alteracyons often tymes was chaunged· also it is spoken of many tymes in scrypture ¶Noblynesse or gentylmen about this sayd tyme beganne. And this noblynesse or gentyl∣men was ordeyned for many causes. ¶The fyrst cause was necessyte. For whan makend drewe sore & men were prompte & redy to doo euyll. it was very necessary / to withstande the greate malyce of the cursyd people / agaynste good men Ther of a man is called a gentylmā or a nobleman / as before other in vertues no∣table. ¶wher of Ierom sayth. I see no thynge elles in noblesse or ī gentylmen bute that they are bounden in a creteyn necessyte / that they shall not recede fro the vertue / and the gentyl∣nesse of ther noble auncetours. ¶The secon∣de was the dyuers worshyppynge of the peo∣ple. For no man worshypt thenne / but as hys naturall reason gaaf. And they knewe not ry∣ghtwysly what they sholde worshyp / all thou∣ghe they lyued peasyble amonge themself For they were so dull of wytte / that they coude pon¦dre no grete thynge / but ye was publysshed by the comyn people. wherfore it was expedyent for ther peas be kept that they sholde haue prin¦ces of noble byrth. ¶The thyrde cause proce∣deth of some synguler strength. Many tymes the comynalte were greued thrugh enmyes co¦mynge vpon them. And then they sayd ye who someuer wolde deffende & kepe them from the¦se peryles / he shold haue the ryght of noblenes¦se for hym & his heyers for euer more & in thys maner of wyse many are radde to be noble mē ¶The fourth cause of noblynesse / was grete haboundaunce of goodes. Somtyme the peo∣ple we holdē with grete penury of mete & dryn¦ke. And then they toke them and theyrs to so∣me ryche man / that thrugh that couenaunte / they sold tempre the grete straytnesse of ther hungre / and after that they shold knowe hym as theyr lorde and a noble man. ¶Also there be founde certen noble men by the prouysyon of god / thoughe they were but fewe of the why¦che some abode in vertue / as Dauyd: and so∣me fayled anone: as Saull and Ieroboam. Also it is radde: that many were noble men by tyranny and vyolence. Of the whyche some were destroyed anone. And some abode in sta∣blenesse / as Paynymes myght. SAruk lynelly descended from our forn fader Adam to Abraham And Nachor was sone / & he lyued an houndred and .xlviii. yere. ¶And aboute this tyme ydolatry began to encreace myghtely. And yf ye reuolue & loke the hystoryes / ye shall fynde that thre thynges pryncypally brought men to the synne of ydo∣ly. That is to vnderstonde. the affeccyon why¦che theg had to deed men. Dredde & flaterynge agaynst ther prynces. And the dylygence of ar¦tyfycers & crafty men about scultures or gra∣uynges. wycked fendes thenne entred in to ye ydollis / and gaue answeres to the people And these wycked spyrytes confermed the erroure of the peple myghtely. In so moche / that what some euer manere of persone / wolde not con∣forme hym to the reason / he sholde greuously suffre the payne of deth. Also there was added and put to these thynges the dysceyuynge lau¦de and praysynge of Poetes / the whiche wret∣ches and also dampned men in to heuen with alle theyr gaye aourned wrytynges exalted / And that same tyme / whanne deuylles began¦ne for to speke / so fayrly and so mekely to man The good lorde of his greate and abundaunt mery / sente his aungelles / That they sholde speke to hys elected men in vysybly / leest that all man kynde sholde perysshe wyth thys mys¦cheuous errour. BElus sone to Nemroth this tyme was kynge of Babylon. And he was ye fyrst kyng of this world / & this man was he whom the errour of the people fyrst trowed / shold be a god / wherfore dyuers people named hym dy¦uersly. And some called hym Bell / some Baal some Baalim / some Beelphagor / & some Bel¦sabub And this vnhappy errour stode in man kynde more than two .M. yeres. ¶Ninus so¦ne to Belus the seconde kynge of Babylon of assuriorū / regned .liiii. yeres. And thys Ninus desyred for to haue lordshyp & worshype and to that entēt that he myght be lorde of all ye coūtre about hym / he gaue batayll to all that dwelled nyghe about hym. And by cause that tyme the people were rude and had not the comynge of yght ynge nor armour / anone he subdued vn¦to hym all Asiam. And there was made the fyr¦ste Monarche in the eest party. And whan his herte was sory for the deth of his fader Belus / he made to be made to hym for his cōforte an ymage of his fader. to whom he gaf so myghty reuerēce that what someuer gylty mā had fled¦de to that ymage ther shold no mā do vnto hym no hurte / and he pardonned hym of all his tres¦passe· And thrugh his ensample many a man began to worshyp the deed ymage / of theyr de¦re frendes. Thenne these malycyous spyrites seynge the curyosyte of the peple / hydde them within them / and gaaf answeres vnto the pe∣ple / and sayd they were goddes. And cōmaun¦ded them to doo reuerence vnto them as god∣des Th{us} that vnhappy synne of ydolatry was brought in / the whiche repugned myghtely to goddes mageste. And in so moche this madnes¦se grewe. that he shold suffre the payne of deth that sayd / they were men but goddes. THare sone to Nachor lyued .ii.C. & .v. yere. this Thare after ye deth of Aram went frome Vr of Calde / & passed in to Char∣tam with his childern & his neuewes And it is sayd / by cause he wolde not worshyp the as Nemroth had taught he was banysshe coūtre. And the comyn opynyon of the Hebre∣wes is Nemroth regned there the whiche was called an other name Amraphel the kynge of Sennar / whom longe tyme after this Abra∣ham ouercame Vt dicitur Gen̄. xiiii. HEre begyneth the deuoute & holy storye of holy patryarkes ye whiche worshype the very god / & in ther worshyppyng they cau¦ghte it (vide pla gen̄. xii. vs{que} ad finē ¶This Abraham a faythfull louer of god was born ye xliii. yere of Nin{us} kyng of Babylon. & knowe ye that ye .lxxiv. yere of Abrahā thorugh ye my∣ghty glorye of ye hye god. The worde of mercy descēded vpon mākynd / for then he gan appe¦re the oraculus of ye promyse of god vide Au. xvi. de ci. dei. Itm̄ gen̄. xv. For this tyme holy aūgels appered to vs in forme of mankynde. ¶This Abraham had two brethern. Aram & Nachor. and Aram gate Loth a ryghtwys mā & an holy. & he deserued to be vysyted with aū∣gles depiction of Abraham as his vncle Abraham was· And for this Loth abraham smote .iiii. kyng{is} / for they toke Loth (gen̄. xiiii. Of whom one was sayd to be Nemroth but he is called here amraphel. And Abrahā had many wyues / as Sara & Agar. & his childern & his brethern had many childern But for vs that write cronycles it is not neces¦sary / to speke of all men / but of ye noble faders (sed vide pla ine gen̄) ¶Melchisedech this ty¦me was kyng of Salē. This man was called a ryght wys kyng / for his excedynge holynesse And he offred bred & wyne to Abrahā in sygne of a gret mystery. He was also the preest of the hye god. ¶Semiramis ye thyrde kyng of Ba¦bylon / he ordeyned an army / & went into ynde & opteyned that coūtre. And so by all Asyā / the kyngdom of Assurio{rum} was dilated. & he multi¦plyed ye cyte of Babylon myghtly. & made wal¦les about it. This Semiramis had a wyf & he forsoke her & it is wrytē that she was slayne of her sone Nin{us} / by cause she prouoked hym to the vnlefull cōcupyscēce (sic di. Au. viii.dcci. dei.) & ye mayster ī h{is} storyes sayth that she wed¦ded hir owne sone & he gate a childe on her / the whiche ordened babylon / to be ye heed of al his reame. ¶Ninus the fourth kyng of Babylon was sone to grete Ninus. Of this man lytell is wryten but that he slewe his owne moder as is sayd afore ¶Arrius was the fyfth kyng of Babylon. And vnder hym was borne ysaac. ALso ysaac sone of Abraham / of ye lyne of Cryst / lyued .C.lxxx. yere. this ysaac had a wyf called Rebecca & on her he gate two sones Esau & Iacob. This Esau solde his he rytaūce to his broder Iacob. & he was ye fader of Idumeo{rum} / & he had in possessyon ye hylle of Seyr / & put fyrst marys to asses wher of was engēdred mules. ¶About this tyme .xxx. lord shyps & Gomorra for ther horryble syn̄e were ouerthrowen. the wyf of Loth / lokynge back∣warde torned in to a salt stone / sheweth ye noo man in the waye of delyberacyon shold desyre thynge past (hec Aug{us} de ciuitate dei) IAcob lyued .C.xlvii. yere. This Iacob had four wyues or some cōcubines that is to wyte. Lyam Balam▪ zelphā & Rachel Ly¦am was ye fyrst wyf / & she was blereyed. And she bare hym .vi. sones Iudas. Ruben. Syme¦n. Leuy· ysachar. zabulon / & a doughter ye hy¦ght dyna. Bala seruaūt to Lya & cōcubyne to Iacob / bare hym two sones. Dan & neptalim ¶Rachel ye seconde wyf to Iacob was baray¦ne longe tyme / & at ye last she bare hym two so∣nes. Ioseph & Beniamyn zelpha seruaūt to ra¦chel bare Iacob two sones. Gad & Aser / & eue∣ryche of these made a trybe / of whō in this pla¦ce it is not necessary to speke (vide plura gen̄) ¶Ioseph sone to Iacob was borne lxxxx. yere of his fads aege / & he lyued .C.i. yere. ¶zerses this tyme was kyng of babylon vnder whom was borne Iacob / & was ye .vii. kyng of Babi¦lon. ¶Armauirre was kyng after him. & after saynt austyn ī that mānes daies our lord appe¦red to ysaac / promysynge hym those thynges the whiche he promysed to his fader. ¶Beloc{us} the .xi. kyng of Babylon was after this man. And vnder Belocus / or in this tyme our lorde spake wyth Iacob / promysynge hym / that he hadde promysed to his fader / the whiche were two. The possessyon of the londe of promyssy∣on & Canaan / & the benedyccyon of all ye peo∣ple in his seed / ye whiche is our lorde Ihesu cry¦ste. Abraham about this tyme decessyd / & was buryed in hebron. ¶Inachus the fyrst kynge that euer was in Grece was this tyme: for thē ye kyngdom begā. ¶Phoromius was ye kyng after hym / & he ordeyned lawes to ye grekis. &c̄ IVdas son̄e of Iacob descēded of hym / & of this trybe of Iudas came the kynges progeny / & at last Cryst our lorde. Iudas gate Phares / & Phares Esron / & of these men lytel is had inscrypture / but Math reherseth them. ¶Beleus in this Pares dayes was kynge of Assurio{rum} / or of Babylon & he was the .x. kyng vnder whom ysaac decessed. ¶Athlas the gre¦te astronymyer was also the whiche is sayd to bere vp heuen on his sholdre / for ye very know¦ledge of the sterres. ¶Sarapis was ye thyrde kyng of Arguio{rum} or of Greco{rum} & this Sarap{is} was called otherwyse Apis / & he came in to E¦gypte with a myghty nauy / & there decessed & was made of ye blynde gentyles ye egypcyens the gretest god amonge them. Aand that tyme began a meruaylous superstycyon in ydolatry of a calfe of two coloure whiche they called A∣pē / & that calfe dyed / ye deuylles procured a ly¦ke calfe to that / for to be made / that they myʒt deceyue the rude peple / & aft{er} that it came that the chyldrē of Israel dyd on the same wyse (vt pʐ) And what thynge coude be more wretched or folysshe ī mā hauyng reasō. ¶Argus was the fourthe kynge of Grekis / after whom the noble cyte of Argus toke his name. Cyeropis edefyed Athenes ī Grecia / & this te was the nouyssher of lyberal scyēce & of many phylo¦sophers / yet they were deceyued by deuylles / & grete superstycyosyte in the cyte was made (vi¦de aug{us} et mirabilē fabulā reperies (¶Omo∣gires the fyrste man put oxen to the ploughe. ¶Belus this tyme was kyng of Babylon / & he was the .x. kynge of the regyon / & vnd hym deyed ysaac: ¶Pharao was kynge of Egypt whiche receyued Ioseph / & exalted hym for the interpretacyon of his dremes (vide scientiam palcherrimā{que} historiam. gen̄. xlii. &c. ¶Ami¦thus was the .xii. kynge of Babylon / vnder whom dyed Ioseph a blessyd man in chastyte. ¶Pharao Emonophis aboute Esdroms day¦es was kynge of Egypt / & this Pharao know not Ioseph ne none of his lygnage & he cōmaū¦ded ye chyldn of Israel to be drowned / as it is had (Exodi .i.) ye clerkes may loke that booke and we laye wyl loke to cronycles / but aboute this tyme the story of Exodi began. ARam son̄e to Esrom of the lyne of crist was about this tyme & he gate Amina¦dab. Naason / of these men letell is wryten in scrypture & therfore I procede to other maters ¶Iob that holy man & of al pacyēce ensāple about this tyme was borne / of the lyne of Na¦chor the broder of Abraham / & he lyued many yeres: & after that god had visyted hym: & had assayed his pacyēs / he lyued an .C. & .xl. yere {per} ang. greg. & .lix) ¶Moyses aboute this tyme was borne / & the chyldrē of Israel were ī gre∣te trybulacyō & bondage. & Moyses was put in the water to be drowned. ¶Aron aboute this tyme was borne. ¶Dafrus was kyng of Babylon & was the .xiiii. kynge / and Moyses was borne vnder hym in Egypt. ¶Cycrops was the fyrst kynge of Athenes. And after sa∣ynt austyn / that tyme many lesyng were wry¦ten / in the hystoryes of the Grekis the whiche comynly were lesse than the comyn fame fa∣the / of a lytell thynge they wrote a grete mae∣re / bycause to shewe theyr connynge for there was the vnyuersyte of Grekys. AMynadab son̄e to Aron / of crystes ly∣ne was this tyme. Thys Amynadab fyrst after moyses with a full fayth / entred in to the reed see / & dredde not whan many a hon¦dreth were ferde leste they sholde be drowned / and therfore he deserued to brynge forthe the kynges lygnage / of whome descended our lor¦de Ihesu Cryst. Moyses was the fyrst of Isra¦el that euer was / & he was Iuge .xl. yere. This Moyses was the most excellent prophete that euer god made / and the moost notable wryter of storyes / & of his louynge heuen & erthe spe∣kethe. For he sawe almyghty god clerely face to face whiche in this frayl lyf was neuer foū¦den in scrypture but of hym & Poul thapostle ¶Aron ye fyrst bysshop lyued a .C.xxiii. yere / this Aron was called of god in to ye dignyte of the hye preest or of a bysshop & was ordened ye eternal testamēt to himself & to al that come af¦ter hym for the gret power of presthode. whā he was a .C.xxiii. yere of aege / he decessed and was buryed in the hylle of Hor. And his sone Heleazarus succeded hym in ye bysshopryche. ¶Pharao Boccaris this tyme was kynge of Egypt / & this Pharao wolde not here the cō∣maūdement of god / ne delyuer the childern of Israel / wherfore he was punysshed with ten plages (Vt patʐ exo) And after he with all his hoost were drowned ī ye red see. Nason sone to Amynadab was prynce of the trybe of Iudas in the deserte / and about this tyme the lawe of god was gyuen in the hylle of Synay / & the bo¦ke of Leuicici was wryte / and another booke was called Numerū / & the tabernacle was or¦deyned. The boke of Deuteromanū was ma∣de. Balaam was prophete and was slayne. SAlmen of the lyne of cryst was aboute th{is} tyme / & had a wyfe that hyght Reab Moyses about thys tyme decessed / the water of frome Iordan was drye. Ierico was take / the son̄e stode in the fyrmament Inmeuable (Historia li. Iosue incipit. et Iudicū) Iosue se∣conde Iuge of Israel was a myghty mā in ba¦tayll / & the fyrst in deserte he ouercame Ama∣lech / & after Moyses of god he was ordened iu¦ge of Israel / of whom ye bataylles the werkes & the relygyous lyf / ye may see in ye boke of Io¦sue wryten. ¶Eleazar was ye secōde bysshop And he & Iosue deuyded the londe of promyssy on to the childern of Israel. And of hym descē¦ded the bysshops vnto cryst / a fewe excepted. ¶Othonyell of ye trybe of Iuda / was ye thyr∣de Iuge. And thys man delyuered ye chyldern of Israel from ye oppressyō of the reame of me¦sopotamie / the whiche he ouercame in batayl This man toke Axam to his wyf / ye whiche as¦ked the vale londes aboue & beneth of her fad Calepth (vt pʐ Iudicū .i.) ¶Aoth was ye four the iuge of Israel· This man subdued Eglon the kyng of Moab & delyuered the childern of Israel. This was a myghty man in batayl: & he vsed the one as wel as thother for his ryght honde. ¶About this tyme ye kyng of ytaly be∣gan. And many tymes theyr names ben chaū¦ged: of the whiche progenyte of the Romayns more clerely is shewed. ¶Ians was ye fyrst kyng of ytaly: & after warde of ye rude gētyles he was worshyped as god: & they feyned hym to haue two faces. for they worshypped his fe¦est in ye begynnyng of the yere: as he were the ende of ye last yere. And the begynninge of the fyrst. And of hym ye moueth of Ianuary hath his name. ¶Amictus was the .viii· kynge of Babylon vnder whom Iosue decessed. BOos sone to Salmon of ye lyne of cryst was this tyme: but of hym is lytel wry∣ten / but that Mahe. nombred hym in ye Geno¦logy. As doctours saye / there was made skyp¦pynge of names bytwyxt Boos & Obeth. For at the lest betwyxt them were .ii.C.lxxii. yere / ye whiche tyme to one mā may not be referred and therfore here many thynges is spoken of or I come to ye lyne of cryst agayne) Nichola{us} de lyra dicit qd sūc .iii. boos vn{us} post alium) ¶Sāgar was ye .v. Iuge of Israel / but he ly∣ued no yeres. ¶Dolbara was ye .vi. Iuge / th{is} Dolbora was a womā / & for ye grace of her {pro}∣phecy / was gyuē to her honour that she Iuged Israel. She by the cōmaūdemēt of god called Baruch that he shold go fyght with ye enemy∣es of Israel / & ye chyldren of Israel gate ye vyc¦tory agaynst Iabyn ye kyng of Chanaan & Ci¦zaram ye prynce of his chyualry & he destroyed them (vt ptʐ iudicū .iiii) ¶Phenies was bys∣shop / & this Phenies yet a yonge man for god¦des sake slewe many lecherous men / & therfo∣re our lorde was pleased with hym. ¶Satur¦nus this tyme was kynge of yealy & he was ye secōde kyng there / this Saturn{us} is sayd / to co¦me fro ye londe of cretens in to ytaly / who by ydolatry & thrughe a maruaylous blyndenes they sayd he was no man but a god. & yet they sayd that he regned vpon them as theyr kyng And he taught men to dounge theyr feldes. And of Saturn{us} ye Romayns were called Sa¦turniani. Pic{us} was son to saturn{us} & or he was kyng ī ytaly he was kyng ī larētin / & after his dethe / he was worshyped of ye gētyls for a god GEdeon ye .vii. Iuge of Israel was thys tyme / this Gedeon subdued .iiii. kyn∣ges. Oreb. zebe. zeb. and Salmana. And he subdued Madean to Israel. (Vide plura Iu∣dicum .vi.vii. et .viii. BOcci was bysshop in Israell then. ¶Abimalech the .viii. Iuge in Israell was natural son̄e to gedeon. & he was not cal¦led of god / but malycyously tooke on hym the pryncehode of Israel. And he slewe lxx of hys brethern / wherfore he ended hys lyfe mysche∣uously (Vt pʐ iudicū) ¶Tola was ye .ix. Iuge in Israel. And this man guyded hym after the olde gouernaūce of Iuges / by the maner of dy¦reccyon & coūsell / more than by domynacyon ¶Bocci was bysshop aboute this tyme / but of hym lytell is wryten. ¶Iayr the .x. Iuge of Israel had .xxx. son̄es whom he made prynces of .xxx. Cytees. And by cause they were goode men and ruled to the pleasure of god. Therfo∣re in the dayes of these two men. Israel drewe to our lorde. And therfore al thynge came and was in prosperyte and welthe. FAnus was the .iiii. kynge in ytaly & he was kynge of larentin both. ¶Latin{us} was kynge in ytaly after Fanus / & of this La¦tin{us} was called ye kyngdome of Latino{rum}. And Carment{is} doughter of Euandri foūde fyrste latyn letters. Tauran{us} about this tyme was kynge of Babylon or of Assirio{rum} / & vnder this man Troy was dystroyed fyrst. The occasyō of the batayl of Troy began for a lytell thyng In so moche as Lamydon kynge of Troy re∣ceyued not Hercules & Iason with due honou¦re / as they sholde haue receyued / & of so lytell a trespaas / how many harmes & hurtes grewe. ¶Sibilla delphica afore the batayll of Troy propheyed / how a chylde sholde be borne of a vyrgyn without mānes seed. ¶Lamydō kyn¦ge of Troy was slayne / & his doughter Roxo∣ma was taken in to Grekys londe. For ye whi¦che foloweth myghty batayll & moost ferdfull myscheues (vide hystoria troianam) Hercules with Iason destroyed Iliū or Troy ye whiche anone after was buylded of Pryamus son̄e to Lamydon. This Hercules dyd many meruey¦lous thyng{is} & many mighty bataylles. And in¦fynyte lesynges ben fayned on hym. At ye last whan he had ouercome moche people / he was sore hurte in warre. And whan he myght not suffre the payne of his sore with the whiche he was greued. Hymselfe he ranne in to the fyre / and whan he was deed / he was worshypped amonge the goodes of ye Gentyles myghtely. AFter the dethe of Iayr Iuge of Israell the people of Israel added newe syn̄es to theyr olde. And our lorde toke them in to the power of Philistiens & to the chyldren of Amō xviii. yere. And they were gretely oppressed / & thenne they cryed to oure lorde. Then̄e Repte was espyed with almyghty god / and faught a¦gaynst Amon & sedycyous peple of the hylle of Effraym. And for an vnprudent voys he se∣we his owne doughter folysshly / & dyd sacrefy¦se to god with her (Iudicū .xi. et .xii. ¶Ozy this tyme was bysshop in Israel / & he was of the seed of Aron / by ye lyn of Eleazari ye whi¦che deyed / thrugh the prouysyon of god ye bys∣shopryche torned to the lyne of ythamar an .C & .xx. yere / in the whiche lyne He y was ye fyrst hyghe bysshop. And Abachar was the laste. ¶Ebassam was Iuge in Israel .vii. yere & he was the .xii. Iuge / & he was named other wyse Boos ye whiche wedded Ruth. ¶Abialon the xii. Iuge of Israel was Iuge .x. yere. And vn∣der these tymes ye chyldren of Israel were quy¦ete. And therfore none notable thynges were done in these dayes. ¶Abdon ye .xiiii. Iuge go¦uerned in Israell .viii. yeres. And aboute this tyme the hystorye of Ruth was wryten. ¶Au¦thamanis this tyme was kynge of Asseri & Priam{us} kyng of troy son̄e to Lamido ye buyl¦ded his cyte agayne merueylously strōge. And began batayl with the Grekes vnto his owne hurte. And he had a son̄e was called Hector a leyffull gentyl son̄e by his wyfe Eccuba. This man was faythfull & wyse & Incōparable of strēgth & noblenes. This Priamus had an o∣ther son̄e that was called parys ye whiche to∣ke away fro ye lōde of grekes helena wyf to me nelai{us} ye kyng. ¶Agamenon ye kyng brother to Menelaius the leder of al the Grekes hoste faught agaynst Troy / and at the laste he wan¦ne the Cyte falsly / and to the Grekes mooste shame and sclaunder that myght be. For cer∣taynly that myght be called an vnhappy ba∣tayll where no man gyueth louynge to ye Gre¦kes / but euery man reporteth shame. ¶Eneas was kynge of ytaly thre yere. And this Eneas after Troye was destroyed of the Grekes / that came īto ytaly with .xx. shyppes & dyde myghty batayles there. And this man had wedded Priamus doughter Elinsaram. And he was made a god thrughe the errour of the comyn people / & of this man came Iulius cezar & Octauian{us} august{us}. ¶Vlixes an elo∣quent man amonge all ye Grekes / after many perylles on the see wente home to hys Penelo¦pem. the mooste faythfull & the mooste chaste woman that is radde of. And the Grekes pe∣rysshed wretchedly after that they had destroy¦ed Troy / bothe on the water & on the londe as they wēte home warde ayen. ¶And that was ye pryncypal date of theyr wrytynge after that victory. For they wrote theyr hystoryes and o¦ther wrytynges (sic āno primo. vel secūdo. &c̄. post Troiam captam) And that was the thyr∣de yere of abdon Iuge of Israell. OBeth of crystes lyne sone to Boosis re∣herced in Ma. ¶Sampson the .xv. Iu¦ge regned .xx. yere / this sampson was ye moost strongest man that euer was / & he delyuered Israell from ye Philistiens / & fro his meruay∣lous strengthe men trowed he had ben Hercu∣les (et rius mirabilia o{per}a vide Iudicū .xiii.) IEsse sone to Obeth of the lyne of cryste otherwyse called ysay fad to dauyd this tyme lyued a notable man ī honeste. No kyng egrete gouernour. But of hym many times is made mēcyon ī holy scrypture. For of hym descēded cryst our sauyour. ¶This tyme Ely was Iuge & bysshop of Israel the whiche had two sones Ophni & Phinees. & for he correc∣ted thē not suffycyently / he & they were punys∣shed both of our lorde. For they were slayne of the Philistiens. And Ely felle of his sete & bra¦ke his necke. This Ely was Iuge nexte after sampson & not of ye lygnage of Aran: that was fyrst bysshop of god electe / but of ythamar / ye lygnage dured an hundred & .xx. yere. In the whiche lygnage Ely was fyrste bysshop / and Abiathar the last (Vide plura primo regum) THys tyme Saul was kynge in Israell after ye mayster in his hystoryes / & Io∣seph{us} in his ·viii. boke. This Saul was fyrste kynge in Israel / & regned .xx. yere / the whiche or he was kyng was a good mā & electe of god but after warde wretchedly he fayled: & he was slayne & his thre sones in the hylles of Gylboy ¶In the tyme of Saull Samuel was Iuge & prophete in Israel / an holy man / & borne of a barayne moder many a daye. And he mynys∣tred afore our lorde from a chylde to his aege. And was not hyghe bysshop / but he Iuged Is∣rael al the dayes of his lyfe. And was the very prophete of god. Two kynges he anoynted. Saul fyrst / & after Dauyd. This samuel alo∣ne / & Moyses are radde. that they prayed for theyr enemyes in al ye olde testamēt. Of this sa¦muel & Saul be dyuers oppynyons. ¶Isyder sayth / that Samuel & Saul ruled Israel .xl. ye¦re. ¶And Iosepus in his .viii boke / & ye may∣ster in his storyes sayth. Samuel to be Iuge .xii. yere alone. And after hym Saul to regne .xx. yere (Plura vide primo regū) AScanius the .vii. kynge of ytaly was sonne to Eneas / & buylded the cyte of Albyn. And he was called ye kynge of Albano rū. This ascanius gate Siluius the .viii. kyn¦ge of ytaly / the whiche Siluius was fader vn¦to Brute kynge of brytayne / nowe called En∣glōde. And I leue of ye kynges of ytaly: for they dyd but lytell noble thynges / tyll it be comen to Romulus & Remus yt buylded Rome. And then shall those kynges come agayne / & nowe to procede to ye cronycles of Englonde / for the whiche namely this boke is made. ¶And Ve¦nes & Padua were buylded aboute this tyme / of the resydue of the Troyans. ¶Homere the grete poete aboute this tyme was / the whiche wrote & fayned gloryously many a lesynge. ¶Afore that I wyll speke of Brute / it shall be shewed howe the londe of Eng∣londe was fyrst named Albyon / and by what encheson it was so named. OF the noble londe of Sirrie / there was a ryal kynge & myghty & a man of grete renowne / that was called Dyoclesyā that wel & worthely hym gouerned & ruled thrugh hys noble cheualry. Soo that he conquered all the londes aboute hym / so that almoost al the kyn¦ges of ye worlde to hym were attendaūt. ¶It befell thus that this Dyoclesyā spowsed a gen¦tyl damoysell that was wōder fayre / that was his vncles doughter Labana. & she loued hym as reason wolde / so that he gate vpō her .xxxiii daughters / of the whiche ye eldest was called. A bine. And these damoyselles whā they came vnto aege became so fayre that it was wonder wherof Dyoclesyan anone lete make a somo∣nynge / & cōmaunded by his letters that all ye kynges that helde of hym sholde come at a cer¦tayne daye / as in his letters were conteyned to make a feest ryall. At whiche daye thyther they came / & brought with theym Admyralles prynces and dukes / and noble chyualry. The feest was ryally arayed / and there they lyued in Ioye & myrth ynough / that it was wonder to wyte. And it befell thus / that Dyoclesyan thought to mary his doughters amonge al tho kynges that were at that solempnyte. ¶And so they spake & dyd / that Albine his eldest dou¦ghter & al her systers rychely were maryed vn¦to xxxiii. kynges / that were lordes of grete ho¦nour & of power at this solempnyte. And whā the solempnyte was doone / euery kynge toke his wyfe & ladde them in to theyr owne coūtre & there made them quenes. And it befell thus afterwarde that this dame Albine became so stoute & so sterne / that she tolde lytell pryce of her lorde / and of hym had scorne & dyspyte & wolde not do his wyll / but she wolde haue her owne wyl in dyuers maters. And al her other systers euery chone bare them so euyl agaynst theyr lordes that it was wonder to wyte. And for as moche that thē thought that theyr hus∣bondes were not of so hyghe parentage come as theyr fad But those kyng{is} that were theyr lordes / wolde haue chastysen them with fayre manere vpō al loue & frendshyp that they shol¦de amende theyr selfwylled condycyons. But all was for noughte / for they dyd theyr owne wyl in al thynge that thē lyked. & had of pow∣er. wherfore those .xxxiii. kynges vpon a tyme and ofte tymes bete theyr wyues. For they wē¦de that they wolde amende theyr tatches. And theyr wyckednesse. But of suche condycyons they were / that for fayre speche & warnynge / they dyd all ye wors / & for betynges ofte tymes moche the wors. Wherfore the kynge that had wedded Albine wrote the tatches and condy∣cyons of his wyfe Albine / and sente the lettre to Dyoclesyan his fader. And whan the other kynges herde that Albines lorde hadde sente a lettre to Dyoclesyan. anone they sente letters sealed with theyr seales the condycyons & tat∣ches of theyr wyues. whan the kynge Dyocle∣syan sawe & herde so many playntes of his dou¦ghters. He was sore ashamed & became won∣der angry and wrothe towarde his doughters and thought. howe he then̄e myght amende it that they so mysdyde. And anone sente his let∣ters vnto the .xxxiii. kynges that they sholde co¦me to hym: & brynge with theym theyr wyues euerychone at a certayne daye. For he wolde there chastyse theym of theyr wyckednesse / yf he myght in ony maner wyse. So the kynges came all at that tyme & day that then was set∣te bytwene hym and the kynges. Dyoclesyan receyued them with moche honoure / and ma∣de a solempne feest to all that were vnderneth his lordshyp. And the thyrde day after that so¦lempnyte / the kynge Dyoclesyan sente after his .xxxiii. doughters that they sholde come & speke with hym in his chābre. And whan they were come / he spake to them of theyr wycked∣nes & of theyr cruelte and spytefully them re∣preued & blamed / & to them he sayde. That yf they wolde not be chastysed / they sholde his lo¦ue lose for euermore. And whan the ladyes her¦de al this / they became abasshed & gretly asha¦med. And to theyr fader they sayde / that they wolde make al amendes and so they departed out of theyr faders chābre. And dame Albine that was the eldest syster ladde theym alto her chambre / & then made to voyde all that were therin so that no persone was amonge theym but she and her systers togyder. ¶Then sayd Albine. My fayre systers wel we know that ye kynge our fader vs hath reproued shame and dyspysed / for bycause to make vs obedyen vnto our husbondes. But certes that shall I neuer whyles that I lyue / sythe that I am co∣me of a more hygher kyng{is} bloode than myn husbonde. And whan she had thus sayde / alle her systers sayd the same. And thē sayd Albine well I wote fayre systers that our husbondes haue cōplayned vnto our fader vpō vs wher¦fore he hath vs thus foule reproued & dispised wherfore syster my counsell is / that this ny∣ghte whan our husbondes ben a bede / all we with one assente for to kytte theyr throtes and thenne we may be in peas of them And beter we now do this thynge vnder our faders po∣wer than other where elles. And anone all the ladyes consented and graunted to this coun∣sell. And whan nyght was comen / the lordes and ladyes went to bedde / And anone as theyr lordes were a slepe / they kette all theyr husbō∣des throtes / and so they slewe them all. whan that Dyoclesyan theyr fader herd of this thin∣ge / he became furyously wrothe agaynste hys doughters / And anone wolde them alle haue brente. But all the barons and lordes of Sir∣rie coūseyled not so for to do suche streytnesse to his owne doughters / but only sholde voyde the londe of them for euer more so that they ne¦uer sholde come ayen / and so he dyde. And Dy¦oclesyan that was theyr fader anone cōmaun¦ded them to go in to a shyppe / & deliuered to thē vytaylles for half a yere· And whan this was done / all the systers went in to the shyppe and saylled forthe in the see / & betoke all theyr fren¦des to Apolin that was theyr god. And so long they saylled in the see / tyll at the last they came and arryued in an yle / that was all wyldernes¦se. And whan dame Albion was come to that londe & all her systers. This Albyne went fyr∣ste forth out of the shyppe / & sayd to her other systers. For as moche sayde she as I am the el¦dest syster of all this company / & fyrst this lon¦de hathe taken / and for as moche as myn na∣me is Albine. I wyll that thys londe be called Albion / after myn owne name. And anone al her systers graunted to her wyth a good wyll Tho wente oute all the systers of the shyppe & toke the londe Albyon as ther syster called it. And there they wente vp & downe / and foūde neyther manne woman / ne childe / but wylde beestes of dyuerse kyndes. And whan the vy∣taylle were dyspended & they fayled / they fed¦de them with herbes and fruites in the season of the yere / and so they lyued as they best my∣ghte. And after that they toke flesshe of dyuer¦se beestes & became wonder fatte. And so they desyred mannes company / and mannes kyn∣de that thē fayled. And for hete they waxed wō¦der courageous of kynde / so that they desyred more mānes company than ony other solace and myrthe whā the deuyll that perceyued wē¦te by dyuerse countrees and toke a body of ye ayre & lykynge natures shed of men / & cam in to the londe of Albyon / & laye by tho wym̄en & shadde tho natures vpon them & they concey∣ued / & after brought forth gyaūtes. Of ye whi¦che one was called Gogmagog / and an other Longherigam And so they were named by dy¦uers names / & in this maner they came forth and were borne horryble gyaūtes in Albyon And they dwelled in caues and in hylles atte ther wylle And hadde the londe of Albyon as them lykyd / vnto ye tyme that Brute arryued and came to Tornes that was in the yle of Al¦byon. And there this Brute cōquered and dy∣scomfyted the gyauntes abouesayde. BE it knowen that in the noble cytee of grete Troy / there was a noble knyght & a man of grete power that was called Ene¦as. And whan the cyte of Troy was loste & de¦stroyed thrugh them of Grece. Thys Eneas wyth all his meyne fledde thēs & came to Lom¦bardy. That thē was lorde & gouernoure of ye londe a kyng that was called Latyne. And an other kynge there was that was called Turo¦celyne / that strongely warred vpon this kyn∣ge Latyne / that oftentymes dyde hym moche harme And whā this kynge Latyne herde that Eneas was come / he receyued hym with mo∣che honour / & him with helde for as moche as he had herde of hym / & wyst wel that he was a noble knyght & a worthy of hys body & of his dedes. This Eneas helped kyng Latyne ī his warre / And shortely for to telle / so well and so worthely he dyde that he slewe Turocelyne / and discomfyted hym and all his people. And whan all this was done / kynge Latyne gaaf all that londe that was Turocelynes / to thys noble man Eneas in maryage wyth Lauyne his doughter ye moost fayrest creatue that ony man wyst. And so they lyued togyder in yoy & myrthe all the dayes of ther lyftyme ¶And after Ascanius sone to Eneas wedded a wyf / & vpon her he gate a sone that was called Sil¦ueyne. And this Silueyne whan he coude so∣me reason of man / vnwetynge his fader and aenst his wyll aqueyted hym with a damoy∣sell that was cosyn to Lauyne that was kynge Latynes doughter ye quene that was Eneas wyf / and brought the damaysell with chylde. And whan Ascanius his fader it wyst / anone lete enqueyre of ye wysest maysters & of ye gret¦test clerkes / what chylde the domoysell sholde brynge forth / & they answerde & sayd / that she sholde brynge forth a sone that shalde kylle bo¦the his fader & also his moder. And so he dyde. For his moder deyed in berynge of hym. And whan this childe was borne / his fader lete cal¦le hī Brute And the maysters sayd that he shol¦de do moche harme & sorowe in many dyuers places / and after he sholde come to grete ho∣nour and worshyp. This kyng Ascanius dey∣ed whan god wolde / and Silueyne his sone re¦ceyued the londe / & made hym wonderly well beloued amonge his people. And so whā Bru¦te that was Silueynes sone was .xv. yere ol∣de / he wente vpon a day with his fader for to play & solace. And as Brute sholde haue shot vnto an herte / his arowe myshappe and glā∣ced / and so there Brute slewe hys fader. ANd whan this myschaūce was befall all ye people of the londe made sorowe ynough & were sore an angred. And for enche son there of they droue brute out of the lōde / & wolde not suffre hym among them. And whā he sawe that he myght not there abyde / he wē from thens in to Grece / and there he founde .vii. thousande men that were of the lygnage and kynred of Troy that were come of grete blood as the story telleth / as of men and wym¦men and chyldern / the whyche were all hollde in thraldome and bondage of the kynge Pan∣dras of Grece / for the dethe of Achilles that was betrayed and slayne at troy. This brute was a wonder fayre man and a stronge and a huge of his age and of gladde there and sem∣blaunt / and also worthy of body / & was well beloued amonge his people. Thys kyng Pan¦dras herde speke of his goodnes & his condici¦ons / and anone made hym dwelle wyth hym soo that brute became wonder preuy & moche beloued with the kynge / soo that longe tyme brute dwelled with the kynge So at the laste they of Troy and brute spake togyders of kyn¦red and of lygnage & of acquayntaunce / & the¦re playned them vnto Brute of ther sorowe & of ther bondage / & of many other shames that the kynge Pandras had them done. And vnto brute they sayde vpon a tyme. ye be a lorde of our lygnage & a strong man & a myghty ye be our capytayne & lorde / and gouernoure / & we wyll become your men / & your cōmaundemē¦tes doo in all maner of thynges / & brynge vs out of this wretchednesse and bondage / & we wyll fyghte with the kynge for trouthe with ye grace of the grete god / we shal hym ouercome and we shall make you kyng of the londe and to you doo homage / and of you we shall holde euer more. Brute had tho grete pyte of theyr bōdage that they were brought ī. And preuly wente then from the kynges courte and tho them that were of Troy / wente and put them in to woodes and in to moūtaynes and them there helde. And sente vnto kynge Pandras / that he sholde gyue them leue sauely for to wē¦de out of the londe / for they wolde noo lnger dwelle in his bondage. The kynge Pandras wexed tho sore anoyed and tho swore that he sholde slee them euerychone / and ordeyned a grete power and wente to warde them all for to fyght. But Brute and his men māly them defended and fyerfly fought and slewe all the kynges men that none of them escaped / and toke the kynge and helde hym in pryson / and ordeyned counsell bytwen them what they my¦ghte done And some sayde that he sholde be put to dethe / and some sayde that he sholde be exi∣led out of ye londe And some sayd / that he shol∣de be brēte. And tho spake a wyse kynght that was called Mempris / and sayd to Brute and to alle tho of Troy. yf kynge Pandras wolde yelde hym and haue his lyf. I counsell that he gyue vnto Brute that is our duke & our soue¦rayne / his doughter Gennogen to a wyf / and in maryage wyth her an hōdred shyppes well arayed / and all his tresoure of golde & syluer of corne & of wyne / & as moche as we nede to haue of o thyng & other. & then̄e go we out of this londe / & ordeyned vs a londe elles where. For we nenōe of our kynred that come after vs shall neuer haue peas in this londe amōge theym of Grece. For we haue slayne so many of ther knyghtes and of other frēdes that euer more warre and contake sholde be among vs Brute tho and all his folke consented well to that counseyll. And this thynge they tolde to kyng Pādras. And he for to haue his lyf graū¦ted as moche as they axed / and anone gaf vn∣to Brute Gennogen his doughter to wyfe / & an hondred shyppes with asmoche / as them neded of all vytaylles / as afore was ordeyned Brute tho toke his wyfe and all his men / that forsoke the londe of Grece and went them vn¦to the see and had wynde & weder at theyr wyll and came ye thyrde daye in to an Ile that was called Lorgers. Thys Brute anone sente of his men a londe for to espye the maner of the countree. And they founde an olde cyte all wa¦sted and forlet that was ther in nother mā ne woman / ne no thynge dwellynge / and in the mydeell of this cyte they founde an olde tem∣ple of a fayre lady that was called Dyana the goddesse. And they came ayen vnto Brute & tolde hym what they had seen and foūde. And they counselled hym to goo and doo sacrefyce vnto dame Dyana / for she was wōte to yeue answere of what euer men prayed her and na∣mely vnto them that her honoured with sacre¦fyce. Brute wente vnto that yamge and sayd Dyana noble goddesse that all thynge haste in thy myght and power / wyndes / waters. woo∣des / felde / and all thynge of the world / and all manere of beestes that theryn ben. To you I make my prayer / that ye me counseyll and tel∣le / where / and in what place: I shall haue a co¦uenable dwellynge for me and for my people and there I shal make in honour of you a well fayre temple and a noble / wherin ye shall al¦waye be honoured / whā he had done his pray¦er. Dyana answerd in this maner Brute say∣de she go euen forth thy waye ouer the see in io Frauce to warde the west / and there ye shall fynde an yle that is called Albyon / & that yle is be compassed all wyth the see / and noo man maye come ther in but it be by shyppes and in that londe were wonte to dwelle gyauntes / but now it is not soo / but all wyldernes. And that londe is destenyed and ordeyned for you and for your people. THenne whan Brute had this answere of Dyana the goddes. Anone he lete ye ancres wynde vp & sayled in to the hyghe see. And whan he & his men had saylled .xx. dayes and moo / they foūde fast besyed a cost of ye see a thousande men of the lygnage & kynred of Troy. And ther souerayne & ther mayster of all was called Corin· And whan Brute wyste whens they were / he tho toke them wyth mo∣che Ioye in to hys shyppes / and ladde theym forth wiht hym Th{is} Corin there be came bru¦tes man & to hym dyde homage. And so longe they saylled forth in the see tyll they cam vnto Gascoyne. And anone they arryued in the ha¦uen of Lyegers & there they dwlled .viii. day∣es them for to rest. & ther saylles to amēde the¦re that it was nede. Tydynges soone came to kynge Goffar that was lorde of that lōde howe that moche people of straūge londe were arry¦ued in to his lōde in ye hauen of Lyegres wher¦fore he was sore angreged & anoyed / that they came and arryued in his londe wythout his ly¦cence and his leue. And anone ordened hym a gret power for to dryue out brute & to destroye hym & all his people. But it was so that kyng Goffar was dyscomfyted & all his peple. And hym self fledde in to Fraūce / there for helpe & socour. And in that tyme regned in Fraunce ·xii. kynges / & an .xi. of them assembled a grete power for to helpe Goffar & for to fight ayest Brute. This Goffar dwelled with thē of fraū¦ce halfe a yere & more. And in the meane tyme whan Goffar was in Fraūce. Brute and his company destroyed all the londe of Gascoyne and lete take all the tresour that kyng Goffar had / & there lete brynge it all in to his shyppes And this Brute founde in that londe a fayry place and couenable / & there brute made a fay¦re castel and a stronge. ¶whan that this was done / kyng Goffar came from Fraunce and .xi. kynges with hym and brought wyth hym .xx.M. men for to fyghte with Brute and his company and Brute had but .vii.M. & .CCC men. And neuertheles whanne the two hostes mette togyder. Brute folke thorugh helpe of hymself: & of Turin his cosen: and of Corin ye well and manly hym defended: and fought so tyll that in lytell tyme they hadde slayne of the Frensshemen two thousande & mo. Anone all that were alyue fledde awaye. And in this ba∣taylle Turin Brutes cosyn was slayne. And Brute lete entere hym worthely whan he had space & leyser in the castell that he had made: & tho lete calle that same castell Toures: For by cause of the name of Turin that there was en¦tred. And yet vnto this day there is a noble cy¦te that is called Toures. And kynge Goffar wyste that Turin was deed he came agayne with his men: & after yaue a stronge bataylle vnto Brute. But brute & his men were so we¦ry for fyghtynge: that they myght noo lenger endure: but to megre hym & all his. And then Brute yede in to his castell with his men: and made the gates faste for to saue them: and for to take counsell amoage them what were best for to do. Brute and Corin gaaf counsell and ordeyned pryuely: that Corin sholde go oute & busshe him ī a wood tyll on the morne soo that in the mornynge whan that Brute sholde fy∣ghte with his enemyes: thenne Corin shold co¦me with his folke in the one syde: and slee and do all the harme that he myght. And in a mor∣nynge in the dawnynge of the daye Brute wē¦te out of the castell: and fyersely faughte with his enmyes: and they manly deffended them. But within a lytell tyme Brute and his folke slewe .viii. hondred of kynge Goffars men. Thenne came Corin with ye busshement and smote to grounde he & his companye all those that wolde stonde or abyde. So that the kyng Goffar & his cōpany were dyscōfyted: & faste they began to flee And brute & Corin with ther cōpany fyersely them pursewed & slewe mo of them in ye fleynge than they dyd in ye batayll. And ī this maner Brute had the victory. and neuertheles brute made moche sorowe for his cosyn Turī that there was slayne & other also that he haded lost of his men. That is to saye. vii· hondred and .xv. The whiche nobly he en¦tered in the same castell of Toures / there whe¦re he had entered Turin his cosyn. SO whan all this was done Brute wol¦de no lenger there dwell / for to fyghte / nor for to lese no moo of his people. For kynge Goffars people myghte euery daye encreace / mo and moo. And Brutes lossened. And ther∣fore he toke all his men and wente vnto the see and had wende and weder at theyr wyll. And the fyfth daye after they arryued in an hauen at Totnesse / and came in to the yle of Albyon And there neyther man nor woman as the sto¦ry telleth they founde but Gyaūtes. And they dwelled in hylles & in caues. And Brute sawe the londe was fayre and at his lykynge. And was good also for hym and for his people / as Dyan a the goddesse hadde hym behyght. And therfore was Brute wonder gladde and lette assembled vpon a daye all his ole to make a solempne sacrefyce and a grete feest in honour & reuerence of Dyana the goddesse of the whi¦che he hadde counseyll fyrste for to come in to this londe. And thenne whan that they hadde ther solempnyte done / as they vpon a daye sa∣te at ther meete / there came in vpon them .xxx gyauntes & slewe of Brutes men .xxx. Brute and his men anone strete vp and faught with the gyauntes and slewe them euerychone exce¦pte one that was called Gogmagog. & he was mayster of all the Gyauntes. And he was strō¦ger and hygher than ony of other. And Brute kepte hym for by cause that he sholde wrestyll with Corin that was Brutes mā. Fo he was greter & hygher than ony of bruces men from the gyrdelstede vp warde. ¶Gogmagog and Corin vndertoke there for to wrestell. And so togyders they wente / and wrestlyd a longe ty∣me / but at the last Gogmagog Helde Corin so fast that he brake two rybbes of h syde wher∣fore Corin was sore angry. And there he toke Gogmagog betwixt his armes and cast hym downe vpon aroche / soo that Gogmagog bra¦ke all to peces / and soo he deyed an euell deth. And therfore the place is called vnto this day∣the saute of Gogmagog. ¶And thenne after Brute yaue alle that contree vnto Corin. And there Corin called it after his name Cor∣newayl. And his men he called Cornewayl∣les / and so sholde men of tha countree be cal∣led for euermore / And in that contree dwelled Corin and hys men. And they made townes and howses / and enhabyted the londe by theyr owne wyll ¶London. depiction of London BRute and his men wente forth / and sa∣we about in dyuers places / where that they myght fynde a good place and couenable that they myght make a Cyte for hym and his folke. And soo at the laste they came by a fayre Ryuer that is called Tamys and / there Bru∣te began to buylde a fayre cyte / and lete calle it newe Troy / in mynde and remembraunce of the grete Troy / from the whiche place all ther lygnage was comen. And this Brute lete felle downe woodes / and lete eere and sowe londes And also lete mawe downe medowes for suste¦naunce of hym and of his people. And thenne he departed the londe to theym / so that euery∣he of theym had a parte / and a certayne place for to dwelle in. ¶And thenne Brute lette calle this londe Brytayne after his owne na∣me and his folke he lette calle Brytons. And this Brute had goten on his wyf Gennogen thre sones / that were worthy of dedes. The fyrst was called Lotrin / the seconde Albanak and the thyrde Cambar. And brute bare crow¦ne in the cytee of Troy .xx. yere after the tyme that the cytee was made. And there he made ye lawes that the Brytons holde / and this brute was wonderly well beloued amonge all men. And Brutes sones also loued wonderly welle togyder· And whan Brute had sought all the londe in lengthe and also in brede he founde a londe that Ioyned to Brytayne / that was in the northe and that londe Brute yaue to Alba¦nak his sone. And lete calle it Albanie after his name / that nowe is called Scotlonde. And Brute founde an other countree towarde the weste / and yaue that to Cambar his other so∣ne / and lete calle it Cambar after his name / & now is called walys. And whan Brute hadne regned .xx. yere as before is sayd / then̄e he dey∣ed in the Cyte of newe Troy. AFter Brute regned Lotrī h{is} sone / that was the seconde kynge in Brytayne. The whiche began to regne the seconde yere of Samuell. And this Lotrin was crowned kynge wyth moche solempnyte and glorye of all the londe of Brytayne. And after whan he was crowned kynge. Albanak and Cambar his two brethern wente agayne into theyr ow¦ne countree & there they lyued with moche ho∣nour / & worshyp. And Lotrī theyr brother reg¦ned / & was kynge & gouerned it well & wysely for he was a good man & wonderly well belo∣ued of all his londe. And it befell so that Alba∣nak dwelled in his owne londe with moche ho¦noure and worshyp. And thenne came kynge Humbar of Hunlonde with a grate power & a¦ryued in Albyne / & wolde haue conquered the londe / & began to warre vpon kyng Albanak was slayne / the people of that londe fledde vn¦to Lotrin & tolde hym for he was kynge of bry¦tayne / how that his brother was slayne / & pra¦yed hym of his helpe and of his socour for to a¦uenge his brothers dethe. Lotrin there anone lete assemble all the Brytons of Kente / of Do∣uer in to Dere went of Norfolke and South∣folke / of Keftefen / and Lyndessey. And whan they were assembled they spedde them faste to¦warde there enemyes for to yeue them batayll And Lotrin had sente to Cambar his brother that he sholde come vnto hym with all the po∣wer that he myght make hym for to helpe / & to he dyde with a good wyll. And so they came to¦gyders / & toke ther waye pryuely for to go and seke Humbar where they myght hym fynde. And so it befell that thys Humbar was besyde a water that was a grete Ryuer wyth hys fol∣ke / hym for to dysporte. And there came Lo∣trin and Cambar his brother with all ther peo¦ple sodaynly or that ony of that other wyste. And whan Humber sawe them come he was sore adradde / for as moche as his men wyst it not afore / and also they were vnarmed. And anone Humbar for dredde lepte in too the wa∣ter / and drowned hym selfe / and soo he deyed / and h{is} men were all slayne so that none of thē escaped. And therfore is that water called Hū¦bar / and euer more shalbe for bi cause that th{is} kynge Humbar therin was drowned. ¶And after that Lotrin wente to his shyppes & toke there golde and syluer as moche as he founde vnto hym self. And all that other pylfre he gaf vnto other foke of the hoste. And they founde in one of the shyppes a fayre damoysell / that was kynge Humbars doughter / & she was cal¦led Estrylde· And whan Lotrin sawe her / he tooke her with hym for her fayrnesse / And for her he was ouertaken in loue, and wolde haue wedded her. This tydynges came to Corin / & anne thoughte to auenge hym vpon Lotrin. For as moche as Lotrin had made couenaū for to spowse Corins doughter / that was cal∣led Guentolin. And Corin in haste wente vn∣to hym vnto newe Troy / and thus he sayd to Lotrin. Now certes sayde he / ye rewarde me full euyll / for the paynes that I haue suffred & had many tymes for Brute youre fader. And therfor syth it is so I wyll auēge me now vpō you. And he drewe his fawcon on hygh & wol∣de haue slayne this Lotrin the kynge. But the damoysell wente bytwene tho & made them to be accorded in this manere. That Lotrin shol¦de wedde or spowse Guentolin that was Co∣rins doughter / & so Lotrin dyd. And netheles whan that he had spowsed Guentolin Corins doughter / pryuely he came to Estrylde / & brou¦ghte her with childe / & gate vpon her a dough¦ter / the whiche was called Abram. And it be fell so that anone after Corin deyed / and after whan he was deed. Lotrin forsoke Guentolin that was his wyfe / and made Estrelde quene. And there Guentolin that was his wyf went from thens all in greate yre and wrathe vnto Cornwayle / & there seased all the londe in to her owne honde / for as moche as she was her faders heyre she vndetoke feautes and homa¦ges of all the men of the londe. And after war∣de assembled a greate hoste and a grete power of men / for to be auenged vppon Lotrin that was her lorde / and to hym came & yeue hym a stronge batayll and there was Lotrin her hus¦bonde slayne and his men dyscomfyted in the v. yere of his regne. Guentolin let take Estryl¦de and Abram her doughter / and bounde thē bohe honde and foot / and caste them bothe in to a water / and so they were drowned wher¦fore that water was euermore after called. Abram / after the name of the dāmoyseyll that was Estryldes doughter· And Englysshe men calle that water Seuerne / And walsshtmen calle it Abram vnto this daye to. And whan this was done Guentolin lete crowne her que¦ne of all the londe / and gouerned the londe ful welle and wysely vnto the tyme that Madan her sone that Lotrin hadde goten vppon her was of .xx. yere of aege that he might be kynge and soo the quene regnd .xv. yere. And thenne lete she crowne her sone kynge / and he regned and gouerned the londe well and worthely. And she wente in to Cornewaylle / and there she dwelled all her lyues tyme. MAdan sone to Lotrin regned on ye Bry¦tons .xl. yere / the whiche began to reg∣ne the .xv. yere of Saull. And this Madan ly∣ued in peas all his daye / and gote two sones. Mempris and Maulyn. Then̄e he deyed and lyeth at newe Troy. depicion of King David DAuyd the se∣cond kynge in . Israel regned this tyme a mā cho¦sen after the desyre of god. And he was anoynted in his yō¦ge aege by Samu∣ell and after the de∣the of Saul regned .xl. yere This Da∣uyd was a meruay¦le in all mankynde In whom euer was founde so moche power and soo moche humy¦lyte / soo moche noblynes & so moche mekenes so greate a charge of seculary thynges / and so pure & deuoute a contemplacyon of spyrytual thyng{is} / so many men to kylle / & so many teres to wepe for his trespaas. (Plura vide .i. regū) ¶Abiathar this tyme was bysshop / & he fled∣de from Saull vnto Dauyd / and he was glo∣ryous with hym all his dayes. Gad. Nathan / and Asoph were prophetes thenne. And Na∣than was brother sone to Dauyd THis Mempris and hys brother Mau∣lyn stroue fast for the londe And Mem¦prin began to regne the .xxxv. yere of Dauyd. And for by cause that he was the eldest sone / he wolde haue had all the londe / and Maulyn wolde not suffre hym so that they toke a daye of loue and accorde· And att this daye Mem∣pris lete kylle his brother thorugh treason and hym self after warde helde the londe. And ano¦ne lete crowne hym kynge and regned. And af¦ter be came soo lyther a man that he destroyed within a whyle alle the men of his londe. And at the laste he be came soo wycked and soo le∣chenus / that he forsoke hys owne wyfe and vsed the synne of Sodomy. wherfore almygh∣ty god was gretely dysplesed and sore wrothe with hym. And vpon hym toke vengaunce for by cause of his weckednesse. For on a daye as he wente forthe on huntynge in a forest / there he loste alle his men that were wyth hym and wyste not what he sholde doo / and soo he wen∣te vp and downe hym self allone / and cryed af¦ter his men but they were gone. And there ca∣men wulues anone and alle to drewe hym in peces whanne he hadde regned .xxiiii· yere. whan hys people herde that he was soo deed / they made Ioye and myrthe ynough and ano∣ne made Ebrac his sone kynge and he regned with moche honoure. SAlomon the kynge of peas of the gyfte of our lorde / had a synguler excegynge aboue alle men that euer was in this worlde / but alonly god in wysdome and in ryches / in deyntees and in glory & famylyaryte with god And all though Moyses and Dauyd. Peter & Poul· Ierom and Austyn & other mo / exceded hym in holynesse but yet they exceded him not in glory and ryches· And this man so excedyn∣ge all men wretchedly felle. Of this Salomon is redde in a pystle of saint Ierom that he gote a childe on the doughter of Pharao at .xi. yere of his aege (Vide plura regū) ¶Sadoch thys tyme was bysshop / and for he declyned not to the parte of Adonie Dauyd sone but was with Nathan for Salomon / and Abyathar on the other parte was deposed. ROboas succeded Salomon hys fader in his kyngdome / but not in wysdome. He was dysceyued thorughe the counseylle of yonge men. And loste .x. trybus in soo moche as he answered not wasely the people / as it is open (iii. regum.) ¶Achimias was bysshop∣pe / and was the sone of Sadoch (Vt patet. primo parali) IHeroboas regned kynge in Israell .xx.ii yere / and he was fyrst of the hous of Sa¦lomon and a good mad / But whanne he was made kynge he was a mycheuous man in ydo¦latry / and made Israell to synne in ydolatry / and many greeate Inconuyences were done / almooste to the destruccyon of Israell. For he was the fygure of Machomete (Plura vide .iii. regum) ¶Abdias the sone of Roboas reg∣ned in the Iury thre yere / And other whyle a good man and holpen by god / and other why¦le wretchedly dysposed in ydolatrye / and ther¦fore our lorde suffred hym to regne lytyll tyme (Vt pʐ .iii. regum et .ii. parali.) ASa the sone of Abdias regned .xvi. ye∣re. In the begynnynge of his regne he was a ryghtwys man and walked as Dauyd dyde. And he ouercame the Ethyopes / and de¦stroyed ydolles / but after that he was sworne to ye kynge of Syrie Benedab For Baasa kyn¦ge of Israell / then̄e began to fyght ayenst hym the / whiche dyspleased god. wherfore he sende to hym the prophete Anani / whome he put in pryson / and therfore he hadde the gowte strō∣gely & deyed ther of (Vt pʐ .iii. regum .ii. para) ¶Azarias sonne to Achomas was bysshop. Nadab kyng of Israell regned to yere / ye why∣che beganne to regne the seconde yere of Asa kynge of Iewes / and dyde not as hys fader. And Baasa ouerthrewe hym and regned for hym (Vt pʐ .iii. regū ¶Baasa kynge of Israel regned .xxiiii. yere / the whiche began to regne the thyrde yere of Asa kynge of Iewes / and he walked in the synnes of Ieroboam and slewe Iehen the prophete ¶Hela thesone of Baasa regned in Israel two yere \ & zamri slewe hym & regned .vii. dayes. ¶Amri regned .xii. yere / & dyde not as his predecessours dyd. ¶Archa sone to Amri regned on Israell .xxii. yere / and aboue all that were afore hym he was cursyd for wycked Iesabell ruled more than he / & me¦ued hym to folowe her (vt pʐ .iii. regū) THys Ebrac regned .lx. yere / & a stron∣ge man he was & a myghey And thys Ebrac thorugh hys myght & helpe of his Bry¦tons cōquered all Fraunce. And wanne there so moche golde & syluer that whā he came ayen in to this londe he made a cyte / and after hys owne name he lere calle it Ebrac that is called Euerywyk. And this kynge made the castell of Maydens / that now is called Edenbrugh. This kyngehad. xx sones and .xxiiii. dough∣ters by dyuers wymmen goten / & these sones were called as ye shal here Brute greneschelde de. Margāde. Iakyn. Kymbar. Roselm. Spa∣dogh. Godeherl. Thormnan. Gldaugh. Ior∣kaughut. Haibor. Ketyn. Rother. Kaier / & As∣saruth. And all the dougters hyght as ye shal here after. Eligene. ymogen. Oghdas. Guen¦bran. Guardith. Auganrel. Guenthold Tan∣gustell. Gorghō. Michel. Medhan. Mailour Ondre. Cambredan. Ragā. Renthely. Neest Cheghā. Skaldud. Gladus. Herherhen. Aba∣laghe and Blandan. And these were tho .xxiiii doutghters And the brethern becam good kny¦ghtes and worthy in many countrees AFter the dethe of kyng Ebrac / regned brute Greneschelde his. sone .xxx. yere that was Ebracs fyrst sone / that well and no∣bly regned. And whan tyme came he deyed / and lyeth at yorke. ANd whan Brute Greneschelde was deed / regned hys sone Leyl .xxii· yere. And he made a fayre towne and lette calle it Karleyl after his owne name. And he was a worthy man and welle beloued of his peope. And so whan he badde regned .xxii· yere he dy∣ed / and lyeth at Karlyll. ¶And in his tyme re¦gned kyng Salomon in Iherusalem / and ma¦de the noble Temple. And to him came quene Sibylle quene of Saba / for to here and see yf it were sothe that men spake of the greate and noble wytte and wysdome of kynge Salemō And she founde it soth that men had her tolde. IOsaphat kynge of Iewe / was a good man and a ycke and a deuoute in the waye of oure lorde: and regned .xv. yere: and dyde none yll: but to the cursed kynge of Isra∣ell gaue helpe: and other lytel thyng. And ther¦fore oure lorde was with hym (vt pʐ. ii para) ¶Helyas the greate prophete was thys tyme an hooly man: that was lyfted vp in to para∣dyse with grete solace a charre. ¶Macheas and Abdias prophecyed wyth hym. ¶Ocho∣syas sone of Achab regned in Israell .ii. yere. And sende to Belsabub god of Acharam to be helyd. For. the whyche he deyed: after the say∣enge of Hely (Vt pʐ .iiii. Regum) LVd Ludibras this kyng: made the cy∣te of Caunterbury & wynchester. And he regned .xxxix. yere and thenne he deyed and lyeth at wynchester. SO after this Ludibras regned bladud his sone / a greate Nygromancer. And thorugh his crafte of Nygromany / he made the meruayllous hote bathe / As the geste el∣leth. And he regned .xxi. yere / and he lyeeh at the newe Troy. IOram kynge of Iewes sonne to / Iosa∣phat regned .viii. yere / this Ioram was a cursyd man & had a good fader / & slewe hys brother / & wyckedly lyued / as dyde the kynge of Israel· Therfore he was sore correcetd & dy¦ed vnhappely (vt pʐ .iio para) ¶This tyme he lyas was rauisshed in the Paradyse ¶Ocho¦sias or Asarias kyng of Iewes regned oo yere & lyued not as his fader dyd & anone was slay¦ne with all the hous of Achab. ¶Athalia mo∣der to Asarias toke the kyngdome / & slewe all the kynges blod: & regned .x. yere. And the .vii. yere of Ioiada bysshop she was slayne (iiii. re∣gū) This Asarias & his sone Ioas: & his neue we Amasia. Matheus the gospeller putteth not in the lyne of Cryste for ther offences. Io∣ram kyng of Israel regned .xii. yers: the whi∣che began to regne the .xviii. yere of Iosaphat for his brother Ochosie: & cursedly he lyued: and was slayne of Iehen with alle his faders housholde (vt pʐ) ¶Iehen anoynted of ye chil∣de of Helyse: vpon Israel slewe Achariam the kyng of Iewes: & Ioram the kynge of Israell and Isabell moder to Ioram: and .lxx. childn of Achab: and ·xlii. brethern of Azari: & all the preestes of Baall. And he regned .xviii. yere. ¶Athalia moder to Azari kyng of Iewes dou¦ghter to Achab regned on ye Iewes .vi. yere & flewe the kyngis blood of Ioram: except Ioas the sone of Azari / the whiche was kepte amō∣ge shepeherdes / and afshe was slayne. IOam sone to Achazie regned in the Iu∣ry .xl. yere / whome Ioiada the bysshop crowned kynge at .vii. yere of aege. And hely∣ued well as longe as he was ruled by Ioiada / but after he forsoke god and martred Azrias that tyme bysshop sone to Ioiada / for he bla∣med hym that he forsoke hys god (Vide plura .ii. para) ¶Ioathas sone to Iehen / regned in Israell .xvii. yere / in whoos dayes Helyse the prophete deyed. And he began to regne the .xx. yere of Ioas (Vide plura iiii. regum) ¶Ioam sonne of Ioathas regned in Israell .xvii. yere / and he troubled Amazia (Plura vi∣de .iiii. regum .xiii.) AFter kynge Bladud regned Leyr hys sone. And thys Leyr made the towne of Leycetre / and lete calle the towne after his name / and gouerned the towne welle and no∣bly. This kynge Leyr hadde thre doughters. The fyrste was called Gonorill. The seconde Rigan. And the thyrde Cordeill / and the yon∣gest doughter was fayrest and beste of condy∣cyons. The kynge theyr fader became an olde man / and wolde that his doughters were ma∣ryed or that he dyed. But fyrste he thought to assaye whiche of them loued hym moste and best. For she that loued hym best sholde best be maryed And he axed of ye fyrste doughter how well she loued him. And she answerde and say¦de / better than her owne lyf. Now certes say∣de her fader / that is grete loue: Thenne he ax∣ed the seconde doughter: how moche she loued hym. And she sayde more and passynge all the creatures of the worlde. Per ma foy sayd her fader I may noo more axe. And tho axed he of the thyrd doughter how moche she loued hym Certes fader sayde she: my systers haue tolde you glosynge wordes: but I shalle tell you the crouth for I loue you as I ought to loue my fa¦der. And for to brynge you more in certayne how I loue you. I shall tell you. As moche as ye be wroth: so shall ye be loued The kyng her fader wēde that she had scorned hym & be came wonder wroth: & swore by heuē & erth she shol¦de neuer haue good of him but h{is} doughts that loued hym so moche sholde be well auaūced & maryed. And the fyrst doughter he maryed to Mangles kyng of Scotlonde. And the secon∣de he maryed to hanemos erle of Cornewayle & they ordened & spake bytwene thē that ye shol¦de departe the reame bytwene them two after the dethe of kynge Leyr theyr fader. Soo that Cordeill his yongest doughter sholde nothyn∣ge haue of his londe. But this Cordeill was wonder fayre & of good condicyons & maners That the kynge of Fraunce Agampe herde of her fame / & sente to the kynge Leyr her fader for to haue her vnto his wyf / and prayed hym therof. And kynge Leyr her fader sente hym worde that he had departed his londe & gyuen hit al vnto his two doughters before sayd: & he sayd he had no more lōde wherwith her to ma¦rye. And whan Agampe the kynge of fraunce herde this āswere / he sent anone agayne to Le¦yr & sayd. That he axed nothyng with her but oonly her clothynge and her body. And anone kynge Leyr sente her ouer see to the kynge of fraunce. And he receyued her with moche wor¦shyp / and with solempnyte he spowsed her / & made her quene of Fraunce. THus it befell afterwarde / that tho two eldest doughters wolde not abyde tyll Leyr theyr fader was deed. But warred vpon hym whyles that he was on lyue & dyde hym moche sorowe and shame / wherfore they toke from hym holy ye realme / & bytwene them had ordeyned / that one of thē sholde haue kyng Le¦yr to soiourne all his lyfe tyme with .lx. knygh¦tes & squyres / that he myght worshypfully ry¦de & go whether that he wolde & in to what coū¦tre that hym lyked to play & to solace. So that Maugles kynge of Scotlonde hadde kynge Leyr with hym in the maner as is aboue sayd And or the other halfe yere were passed. Gono¦ril that was his eldest dought & quene of Scot¦londe / was soo anoyed of hym & of his people that anone she & her lorde spake togyder wher¦fore his knyghtes halfe & his squyres fro hym were gone / & no moo lefte with hym but oon∣ly .xxx. And whan this was done / Leyr began to make moche sorowe for bycause that his sta¦te was empeyred. And men had of hym more scorne & dyspyte than euer they hadde before. wherfore he wyst not what to done. And at the laste he thought he wolde go in to Cornewayll to Rigan hys other doughter. And whan he was come / the erle and his wyfe that was Le¦yrs doughter hym welcomed / and with hym made moche Ioye. And there he dwelled with xxx. knyghtes & squyres. And he had not dwel∣led scarsly .xii. monethes there / that his dough¦ter was wery of hym and his company. And her lorde & she of hym had grete scorne & despy¦te / soo that from .xxx. knyghtes they broughte vnto .x. And afterwarde he had but fyue / & so they lefte hym no moo. Thenne made he soro∣we ynoughe. and sayd sore wepyng. Alas that euer I came in to this londe & sayd. yet had ye be better to haue dwelled with my fyrste dou∣ghter. And anone he wente thens to his fyrste doughter agayne / but anone as she sawe hym come / she swore by god & by his holy name / & by as moche as she myght: that he sholde haue no moo with hym but one knyght \ yf he wolde there abyde. Then beganne Leyr to wepe. and made moche sorowe: and sayd then. Alas now haue I to longe lyued / that this sorowe & mys∣cheyf is to me nowe fallen. For now I am poo¦re: that somtyme was ryche. But nowe haue I noo frende ne kynne that to me wyll do ony good. But whan I was ryche all men me ho∣noured & worshyped & now euery man athe of me scorne & dyspyte. And now I well wote that Cordeill my yongest doughter sayde me trouth / whan she sayd. As moche as I had soo moche sholde I be loued. And all ye whyle that I had good: so longe was I loued & honoured for my ryches. But my two doughters glosed me then: & now of me they set lytell pryce. and soth tolde me Cordeil: but I wolde not byleue it ne vnderstonde. & therfore I lete her goo fro¦me as a thynge that I sette lytell pryce of: and now wote I neuer what for to do syth my two doughters haue me thus dysceyued: that I so moche loued: & now must I nedes seke her that is in an other londe: that lyghtly I lete her go from me without ony rewarde of gyftes. And she sayde / that she loued me as moche as she ought to loue her fader by all maner of reason And then I sholde haue aed her no more. And those that me otherwise behoteth thrugh their fals speche: now haue me desceyued. In thys maner Leyr lōge tyme begā to make his moo¦ne: & at ye last he shypped hym to ye see & passed ouer in to Fraunce: and axed & aspyed where ye quene myght be foūde. And men tolde hym where she was▪ & whan he came to ye cyte that she was in pryuely he sent his squyre vnto the quene / for to tell her that her fader was come to her for grete nede. And whan the squyre ca∣me to the quene / he tolde her euery deale of her systers frome the begynnynge vnto the ende. Cordeil ye quene anone toke golde and syluer plenty / & toke it to the squyre in coūsell that he sholde go & bere it to her fader / & that he sholde go in to a certayne cyte / & hym aray & wasshe / & then come agayne to her. And brynge with hym an honest company of knyghtes .xl. at ye leest with theyr meny. And then he sholde sen∣de to her lorde ye kyng / & feyne that he were co¦me for to speke with hys doughter / & hym for to se & so he dyde. And whan the kynge and the quene herd that they came: with moche honou¦re they hym receyued. And ye kynge of fraunce then lete lende thrugh al ye realme / & cōmaun∣ded that al men sholde be as entendaūt to kyn¦ge Leyr the quenes fader in all maner of thyn¦ges as it were vnto hymselfe. whā kynge leyr had dwelled there a moneth & more / he tolde to the kynge & to the quene his doughter / how his two eldest doughters hadde hym serued. Agampe anone lete ordeyne a grete hooste of Frensshmē & sente in to Brytayne with Leyr ye quenes fader for to cōquere his lōde agayne & his kyngdome. And Cordeill also came with her fader in to Brytayne / for to haue ye realme after her faders dethe. And anone they wente to shyppe & passed the see & came in to Brytay¦ne & fought with ye felons / & thē dyscomfyted & slewe / & then had he his lōde agayne / & after lyued .iii. yere & helde his realme ī peas & after warde dyed. & so Cordeill his doughter thenne let enter him with moche honour at Leycestre AMasius sonne to Ioam regned on the Iewes .xxix. yere / after the whiche the kyngdom of Iewes was without kynge .xiii. yere. This man worshypped ye goddes of Se∣yr (vt pʐ .ii. para .xv. ¶Ieroboam sone to Io¦am regned on Israel .xli. yere the whiche was manly and vyctoryous. For he ouercame the kynge of Sirie / & restored Israel & Damaske after the worde of Iono the prophete. But he was not good. Therfore sayth austyn. if good men regne / they profyte many a man. And yf ylle men regne / they hurte many men· Ozias or Azarias sone to Amasie regned on the Iury .lii. yere / the whiche lyued wel afore oure lorde / of hym is none euyl thyn¦ge wryten but that he vsurped the dygnyte of preesthode vnder Azari / ye whiche he forbode hym. For yt whiche cause our lorde stroke hym with a leper (vt pʐ .ii. para) ¶Ozee bysshop & prophete was this tyme the fyrst of ye .xii. that is sende astaynst ye .xii. tribus. ¶Ioel ye secōde of ye .xii. prophecyed of Iuda. Ananias ye thyr∣de prophecyed agaynst many people. Abdias ye fourth of the .xii. prophecyed agaynst Edom ¶zacharius son̄e to Ieroboam regned in Is∣rael .vi. monethes / the whiche began to regne the .xxxviii. yere of Ozias & was nought ī his lyuynge as his predycessours were. And Sel∣lum slewe hym / & regned a moneth. And Ma∣nahen slewe hym & toke his kyngdome (vt pʐ .iiii. regū) This Manahen regned .x. yere / the whiche began to regne the .xxxix. yere of Ozi∣as \ & he ruled hym myscheuously. And our lor¦de toke hym in the power of the kynge of Assu¦rio{rum}. And he payed to hym a thousande talen∣tes of syluer. (vt pʐ .iiii. regū) ¶Phaseia son̄e to Manahen regned in Israel .ii. yere / & he be¦gan to regne the .l. yere of Ozias: and he was nought in his lyuynge. ¶Phase slewe phase¦ia: & regned .xx. yere: & he began to regne the .lii. yere of Ozias: & dyde as other cursed men dyde (Plura vide .iiii. regū) And after this. Is¦rael was without ony kynge .viii. yere NOw as kynge Leyr was deed Cordeil his yongest doughter regned the .x. ye∣re of Ozias kynge of Iury. And after her reg¦ned Conedag the .xv. yere of Ozias: & Cordeil that was Leyrs yongest daughter after ye deth of her fader had all the londe .v. yere. And in ye meane tyme deyed her lorde Agampe / hat was kynge of Fraūce: & after his dethe she was wy¦dowe. And there came Morgan and Conedag that were Cordeils systers sones & to her had enuyte: for as moche as theyr aunte sholde ha∣ue the londe. So that bytwene them they ordey¦ned a grete power: and vpon her warred gre∣tely. And neuer they rested tyll they had her ta¦ken and put her vnto deth. And tho Morgan and Conedag seased all the londe / & departed it bytwene them. And they helde it .xii. yeres. And whan that those .xii. yeres were gone the∣re began̄e bytwene them a grete beatel / so that they warred strōgely togyders. And eueryche of theym dyde other moche dysease. For Mor∣gan wolde haue all the londe frome beyonde Humbre that Conedag helde / But he came a∣gaynst hym wyth a grete power / so that Mor∣gan durste not abyde but fledde a waye in to walys. And Conedag pursued hym / and toke hym & slewe hym. And tho came Conedag a∣gayne and seased all the londe in to his honde and held it And regned after .xxxiii· yere. And thenne he deyed and lyth at newe Troy. ¶And by cause the matere conteyneth moost comodyously togyder of ye kynges of Brytay∣ne / now called Englonde / for ye tyme of them is not certaynly knowē / what tyme of ye wrol¦de the kynges folowen regned. Therfore they shall be togyder / tyll it be comen vnto Guen∣tolen kyng of Brytayne now called Englōde ANd after thys Conedag regned Rey∣nolde h{is} sone that was a wyse knyght & a hardy & curteyes that wel & nobly gouerned the londe / & wonder welle made hym beloued of all maner of folke. And in hys tyme regned blood that lasted thre dayes. As god wolde / & soone after ther came a grete dethe of people / For hostes wythout nombre of people fought tyll that almyghty god ther of toke mercy and pyte & tho gā it cesse. And this Reynolde reg∣ned .xxii. yere & deyed and lyeth at yorke. AFter thys Reynolde that was Cone∣dags sone / regned Gorbodian that was thys Reynoldes sone ·xv. yere / and then∣ne he deyed and lyeth at yorke. SO whan thys Gorbodian was deed / hys two sones that he had be came stou¦te and proude and euer warred togyder for the londe. And that one was called Ferres / and that other Porres. ¶And thys Ferres wolde haue all the londe / but that other wold not suf¦fre hym. This Ferres had a felonous herte & thoughte thrugh treason to slee his brother. But pryuely he wente in to Fraunce / and the∣re abode with the kynge Sywarde tyll vpon a tyme whan he came ayen / and fought wych his brother Ferres / But full euyll it happed tho / he was slayne fyrste. whan ydoyne ther moder wyst that Portes was deed / she made grete sorowe / for by cause that she loued hym more than that other. And thought hym for to slee pryuely. And pryuely she came to her sone vpon a nyght with two knyues and ther with kytte his throte / and ye body in to smale peces who herde euer suche a cursed moder / that sle∣we with her owne hondes her owne sone And longe tyme after lasted the repreef & shame to the moder / that for by cause of ye one sone she murdred the other / & so lost them bothe. AS the two brethern were deed they le¦fte not behynde them nother sonne ne dougter / ne none other of the kynred that my∣ghte haue the herytage. And for as moche as the strōgest mē droue & descomfyted the febleit & toke all ther lōdes so that ī euery coūtre they had grete ware and stryfe vnder them but a¦monge all other thynge / there were amonge them in the counther / that ouercame all the o∣ther / and though ther myghte and strengthe they toke all the londes / and euery of them to∣ke a certayne countree / & in hys contree lete calle hym kyng / & one of thē was called Sca∣ter / & he was kyng of Soctlonde / & that other was called Dawalier / & he was kynge of Loe¦gers / & of al ye lōde that was Lotris / that was Brutes sone / the thyrde was called Ruda / & he was kīge of walys / & the fourth was called Cloten / & was called kynge of Cornewayle. But this Cloten sholde haue had all the londe by reson for by cause that there was no man that wyste none so ryght an heyre as he was. But they that we strongest sette lytel by them that were of lesse estate / and therfore this Clo¦ten hadde noo more londe amonge them but Cornewaylle THis Cloten had a sone that was called Donebant: that after the dethe of hys fader became an hardy man and a fayr and a curteis so that he passed al ye other kīges of fay¦renesse & of worthynesse & anōe a he was kny∣ghte he wyste well that whā hys fader lyued he was moost ryghtfull heyre of all ye londe: and shold haue had by reasō. But ye other kynges that were of a moche more strengthe than he was: toke from hym his londe. And after war¦de this Donebant ordened him a grete power and conquered fyrste all the londe of Loegers & after he wolde haue conquered all the londe of Scotlōde & walys. And Scater came with his men & yaue hym batayll. And Rudac cam ayen wyth his walysshmen for to helpe hym▪ but so it befel that Rudac was slayn & also sca¦ter in playne batayll. And soo Donebant had the victory: & conquered alle the londe: & well mayntened it in peas & in quyete / that neuer before it was so well mayntened. THis Donebant lete make hym a crow∣ne of golde / & wered the crowne vpon his heed as neuer kyng dyde before / and he or¦dened a statute that & a mā had done neuer so moche harme & myʒe come ī to ye Temple / the∣re sholde no man hym mysdo / but go there in sauete & in peas / and after go in to what londe or coūtree that hym pleased wythout ony har∣me / and yf ony man sette ony hōde vpon hym He then̄e sholde lese his lyf And this Donebāt made the towne of Malmesbury / and ye tow∣ne also of the Vyse. And whan he had regned well and worthely .xl. yere / then̄e he deyed and lyeth at newe Troy. ANd after that this Donebant was de∣ed / his sones that he had departed the londe bytwene them / as ther fader had ordey∣ned so that Belin his eldest sone had the al the londe of brytayne / from Humber South war¦de. And his brother Brenne had all the londe from Humber vnto Scotlond. ¶But for as moche that Belin had the better parte. Bren∣ne therfore wexed wroth / and wolde haue had more of ye lond / & belin his brother wold graū¦te hym no more / wherfore cōtake & warre aro¦se amonge them two But Brenne the yonger brother had no myght ne strength ayenst Be∣lin / & therfore Brenne rhrugh coūsel of his fol¦ke went from thens in to Norwaeye to ye kyn¦ge Olsynges / & prayed hym of helpe & socour for to conquere all the londe vpon Belin hys brother vpō that couenaūt that he wolde haue his doughter to wyf and the kynge Olsynges hym graunted / And Belin anone as hys brod was gone to Norweye he seased in to his hon∣de all the londe of Northoumberlonde / and to¦ke al the castelles & lete them be arrayed & kep¦te the costes of the see / that Brenne sholde not arryue in noo syde / but that he were taken· ❀ ¶The kynge Olsynges lette assembel a grete hoste / and delyuered hys doughter to Brenne and all the people that he had assembled. And thys damoysell Samie had longe tyme loued a kynge that was called Gutlagh and to hym she tolde all her coūsel / how that Bren̄e sholde her haue / and her lede with hym for euer more and so he sholde lese her but that she myght for sake Brenne. And whan Gutlagh had herde this tydynges / he lay for to aspye Bren̄e with as many shyppes as he myght haue. Soo the two fletes mette togyder and longe tyme they faught / soo that Brennes men tourned ayen were dyscomfyted. And kynge Gutlagh toke Samie & put her in to his shyppe. And Brēne shamefully fledde thens as a man dyscomfy∣ted. And this kyng Gutlagh wold haue gone in to his owene coūtree / but there came vpon hym suche a grete tempest that fyue dayes las∣ted / soo that thorugh that tempest he was dry∣uen in to Brytayne with thre shyppes and no moo / and tho that kepte the costes of the see to¦ke Gutlagh and Samie and all his folke and them presented to Belin And Belin put them in pryson. IT was not longe after that Brenne ca∣me agayne with a grete nauy / & sent to his brother Belin / that he shold yeld ayen his londe to his wyfe and his folke / and his castel¦les also. Or elles he wolde destroye his londe. ¶Belin dradde noo thyng his malyce / & wol¦de no thynge do after that he hadde sayd. wher¦fore Brenne came with his folke and foughte with Beline. And then Brenne was discomfy¦ted and his folke slayne / & hym self fledde wih .xii. men in to Fraunce. And this Belin that was Brenne brother wente thenue to. yorke / and toke coūseyll what he shold do with kyng Gutlagh. For kynge Gutlagh proferde to be∣come his man / & for to holde his londe fo him yeldynge yerely .M.li. of syluer for euermore / and for surenesse of this couenaut to be kepte Gutlagh shode brynge hym good hostage / & to hym sholde doo homage & his folke / & yet he sholde swere vpon a booke yt it sholde neuer be broke ne fayled. Belin tho by counseyll of his folke graūted him his axenge / & so Gutlagh be came his mā & Belin vndertoke of him his ho¦mage by an othe & by wrytynge the same coue¦naūtes. And vpō these couenaūtes kyng Gut¦lagh toke Samie & his folke & wente thens / & torned ayen to Denmak. Euer more after we¦re the couenaūtes holden & the treuage payed tyll the tyme that Honelus was kyng of Den¦marke & also of his lond thorugh his wyf Gil¦debuh that he had spoused for she was ryghe heyre of his londe. ¶This Belin dwelled tho in peas / & worshyp fully hym helde amōge his barons / and he made foure ryall wayes / one from the eest in to the weest & that was called watlynge strete / and an other frome the north vnto the south / and that is callen Ikelme stre¦te. And two other wayes he made in bossynge thrugh out ye lōde that one is called fosse & that other Fosse dyke. And he mayntened well the good lawes that Donebant his fader had ma∣de. & ordeyned in his tyme / as befor is sayde. BRenne that was Belins brother hadde longe tyme dwelled in Fraūce / & there had conquered a grete lordshyp thrugh mary∣age. For he was duke of Bourgoyne thrugh the dought of the duke fewyn that he had spou¦sed that was ryght heyre of the lond. And this Brenne ordened a grete power of hys folke / & also of Fraunce / & came in to this londe for to fyght with Belin his brother. And belin came ayenste hym with a grete power of Brytons / and wolde tho haue yeuen hym batayll. But ther moder Cornewen that tho lyued had that one brother wolde haue destroyed that other and wente bytwene her sones and them made acorde with moche payne So that at the laste tho two brethern with moche blysse wente to¦gyder in to newe Troy / that now is called Lō¦don / and there they dwelled a yere. And after they toke theyr counseyll for to goo & conquere all Fraunce. And so they dyd / and brente tow∣ne & destroyed the londe both in length and in brede. And the kyng of Fraūce yaue them ba∣tayl with his power / but he was ouercome / & yaue trauge vnto Belin & to his brother. And after that they wente forth vnto Rome con∣quered Rome & all Lombardy & Garmany / & tooke humage & feaute of erles bacons & of all other. And after they came in to thys lond of brytayne / and dwelled there wyth brytons in Ioye and rest. And tho made brenne the two∣ne of brystowe / and after he wente ouer to his owne lordshyp / and theyr dwelled he all his lyf And belin dwelled at newe Troy and there he made a fayre gate that is called belynges gate after his owne name. And whan thys be¦lin hadde regned nobly .xi. yere he deyed and lyeth at newe Troy. ANd after thys belin regned hys sone Cormbratus a good man and a wor∣thy. And the kyng of Denmark wolde not pay to hym his truage that is to saye a thousande pounde as he had sworne by othe for to paye it / and also by wrytynge recorde to belin his fader. wherfore he was euyll appayed & wro∣the / and assembled a grete hoste of bryons & wente in to Denmark & slewe the kynge Gut∣lagh / and brought the londe in subgecion all newe. And toke of the folke feautes and homa¦ge / and after wente ayene in to his owne lon∣de. And as he came fothe by Orkeney / he foū∣de .xxx. shyppes full of men and wymmen be∣syde the coste of the see. & the kynge ared what they were. And an Erle that was mayster of them all curteysly answered vnto the kyng & sayd. That they were exieled out of Spane / & soo that they had traueyled halfe an yere and more in the see / to wyte yf they myghte fynde ony kynge in ony londe that of them wold ha∣ue pyte or mercy to gyue them ony lōde in ony countree where in they myght dwuell and ha¦uerest / and become his lyege men / and to him wolde do homage and feuate whyle that he ly∣ued / & to his heyers after him / and of hym & of his heyres holde that londe. And whan ye kyn∣ge this herde / he had pyte of hym / & yaue them an yel all wyldernesse / there that no man was dwellynge sauf oonly wylde best{is}. And the Er¦le thanked moche the kynge and became hys man & dyde him homage and feaute and toke all his folke and wente in to the same yle. And the Erle was called Irlamall / and therfore he lete calle the londe Irlonde after his owne na¦me. This kyng Cormbratus came ayen in to his londe and regned .xxv. yere / and after he deyed and lyeth at newe Troy. IOathan sone to Osias regned in ye Iu∣ry .xvi. yere / of this Ioathan no thynge is wryten of / but that he toke not awaye excel¦sa as other dyde) vt pʐ .ii. para) ¶Amarias was bysshop. And ysayas the noble prophete was in his dayes. ¶Olympias with the Gre¦kes began the fyrste yere of Ioathan after Io¦sephus. And after Beda Troy was destroyed foure hondred yere afore the fyrste Olympias began vnder Esalo a Iuge of Athens. In whi¦che Coribus gate ye chyualry among{is} all men Olympus is the name of an hylle in Grecia / the whiche for hys precyousnesse is called the hylle of god· And after Ierom one Olympias conteyneth fully foure yere / in the whiche fou¦re yere / foure yerely prynces are made. And these Olympiades are places ordeyned tothe worshyp of Iupater vnder the hylle of Olym¦po. And the lawe of this. That who someuer is beste in ony chyualry / what someuer he de∣syreth he shall haue. ACham the sone of Ioathan regned on the Iewes .xvi. yere of this Acham no thinge that is good is wrytē for he forsoke oure lorde. And our lord stroke him wyth hys owne people strongly / and with the kynges of Tir∣ri (vt pʐ .ii. para. xx viii.) ¶Achicob this tyme was bysshop. Ozee kynge of Israell regned ·ix. yere the whiche beganne to regne the .xii. ye¦re of Acham kyng of Iewes. This Ozee drad¦de not god / for he lyued noughte. And he was the laste kynge of Israell· And in the .ix. yere of hys regne he was taken of Salmanasar. And Israell was translated in to Assirias (vt habetur .iiii. regum .xvii.) ¶Rome. depiction of Rome AFter Euseby Rome was made in the hyl of Palatin the fourth yere of Achā kyng of Iewes of two brethern Romulus and Remus .xi. Kal. Man. the .vii. Olympiades be¦gynnynge. Iosephus & Beda sayen the .vi. O¦lympiades / & so they defferre a yere. Neuerthe¦les it is redde other men to haue regned about that place myghtly in ytaly. That is to wyte Ianus. Picus Famus. Latinus / the whiche vnto Eneas regned about two hondred yere. And thenne after warde frome this Eneas to Romulus / it was regned vnder .xv. gouerno∣urs .iiii.C.xxxii. yere. After that fro the Cytee was made vnto the laste yere of Tarquyne yt proude / it was regned vnd .vii. kynges about two hondred and .xliii. yere· Then̄e after war¦de vnder Senatours and Counsullers / vnto Iulius Cezar Emperour / by foure hondred .lxiiii. yere. Romulus the fyrste of Romayns / of whome they ben called in latyn Romans / made the cyte to be named Rome after his na¦me. The whyche gadred togyder the peple on euery syde an .C. of the sage men and wyseste he chose / the coūsell of whom all thynge he dys¦posed / the whiche he named Senatours for ye tyme of theyr aege. And he made theyr names to be wryten in golden letters / wherfore we wryte noble faders and thynges soo yet. Also he called .M. men of armes the whyche he na∣med Milites (a numero miito) But the∣se were noble blod. Therfore as saynt Austyn sayth (de ciuit. dei) And also ther was longe warre betwixt the Sabyns and them. For Ro∣mulis toke many wymmen of the noble blode of Sabyns / & maryed theym to that vnnoble blood. Of thys Romulus Orosyus wryteth moche euyll (Vt patet in libro suo) ¶Aboute this tyme Merodach the kynge of Babylon sende grete gyftis to Ezechie the kyge of Ie∣wes (vt pʐ .iiii. regū .xx.) And then̄e the kyng∣dome of Babylon begon. Ezechias the .xiiii. kyng of Iewes a good childe of a cursyd fader regned wyth a partyte herte to our lorde. And he restored the hous of god / & ther was none lyke hym afore nor after amonge the kyng{is} of Iewes / therfo¦re our lorde god gloriyed hym. For whan Sen¦ancheryb the kyng of Assurio{rum} came ayenste Ezechias with a myghty hoste / our lorde stro¦ke hys people and slewe an ·C.lxxxv. of fygh∣tynge men / & Sennacheryb fledde shamfully (vt pʐ .iiii. regum .ix. et .ii. para .xxxii.) ¶Sa∣doch this tyme was hyghe bysshop there. MAnasses kyng of Iewes regned .lv. ye¦re / & he was an euyll chylde of a good fader / for he dyd more cursedly than ony that was afore hym. For he slewe the prophetes of god / that the stretes in Ierusalem were al blo¦dy. And he made ysai the prophete to be sawen the peces with a sawe of tree. wherfore ye kyn¦ge of Assurio{rum} wasted the Iury / and toke Ma¦nasses put him in pryson. And after Manas¦ses repented his trespaas & cryed for mercy to our lorde / & was herde. Thenne he was resto∣red to his kyngdome / & he amended his lyf) vt pʐ .iiii. regū .xxi. et .ii. para. xxxiii) ¶Selum was bysshop / and Echias after hym This ty¦me ye .vii. wyse men had worshyp in Grece. . Tale. Solon. Chilon Poreandus Eldobolus Bias. Pitacus. Thys Talus founde fyrste the defawte of the sonne and the moone) Vide plura. august .viii. deci. dei) ¶Numa the se∣conde kynge this tyme regned in Rome .xlii. yere / the whyche was a greate worshypper of fals goodes. He fulfylled Rome soo full / that he myght haue noo place for hym self to dwe∣le in. This man put Ianuary and February to the begynnynge of the yere (Vide plura in august. de ciui. dei.) ¶Aboue alle reason it is meruaylle that suche men so extedyng in wyt∣te in all thynges that was ylle receded fro the knowlege of very god. Amon kyng of Iewes regned two yere / the whiche was noughte in his lyuyng. And he was strykyn of his seruaū¦tes / and he deyed without ony repentances. IOsias the sone of Amon ac .viii. yere of his aege began to regne & regned .xxxi. yere / a good chylde of a peruerse fader. in hys yonge aege he saught the grace of god. And in that grace laudably abode vnto his ende. His relygyous lyfe and his werkes ye maye see. (iiii. regum .xxii. et .ii. para. xxxiiii) ¶Azastas the sone of Elchie was bysshop. ¶Tobyas a∣boute this tyme deyed. And he was a very ho¦ly man. And he prophecyed the destruccyon of Ierusalem· ¶Tulius Hostilius was the thyr¦de kynge in Rome. And saint Austyn sayth in his boke deciuitate dei. that from Rome was made vnto August the Emperour / there was too contynuell bataylle / that it was take for a merueylle / and they were one yere without ba¦taylle / excepte ·xlii. in Nume dayes in the whi∣che was contynuell peaas. And that Tulius by cause he hadde reste / he dyd cursedly to hys neyghburs and thenne he was slayne and all hys husholde wyth a stroke of lyghtnynge. ¶Nabugodonosor thys tyme was kynge of Babylon / a manly man and a victoryous. For he was the scourge of our lorde / to punys¦she the syn̄es of many people. This man was kynge of Babylon / and after he conquered ye kyngdom of Assuriorum and made it one mo∣narche. But many wayes scrypture speketh of this man / nowe good and nowe euyll. And for by cause scrypture concludeth that he en∣ded his lyf in the louynge of god / by the pray∣er of Danyell / and in the knowlege of one ve∣ry god / some doctours saye. He is saued / and some saye it is doubte. ¶Ancus Marcius the fourth kyng of Rome regned .xxiii. yere This man for grace and truste that he had to Tar∣quinus Preiscus made hym the gouernour of his chyldren And Ayres and he ylle rewarded hym. ¶Danyell yet a chylde delyuerd saynt Susan / and stode in the conceyte of the kyng wyth his felowes / and after warde he dyscus∣sed the dremes of the kynge and was made a man of grete honeste / (Vt pʐ Danielis prio.) ¶Ionathas the seconde sone of Iosie regned on the Iewes thre monethes / and was made kynge by the people / and he was not good. And Pharao tooke hym and ladde hym in to Egypte / and made hys elder brother kynge. (vt pʐ .iiii. regum .xxiii.) IOachim or Ieconyas the sone of Iosie was made kynge of Iewes by pharao / regned .xi yere. And by cause he lyued nought ne herde not the prophetes. Nabudonosor to∣ke hym and made hym his seruante thre yere. And he rebelled ayenst hym after warde / and he toke hym & was aboute to haue ladde hym vnto Babylon / but his coūsell was chaūged and so Nabugodonosor slewe hym in Iherusa¦lem and cast his body ouer the walles after ye prophecy of Ieremy / and tooke with hym the vesselles of our lord Ihesu (vt pʐ .ii. para. vlt) ¶Samias was bysshop vrias prophete was slayne of Iecony the kynge / and Ieremi was presente. ¶Ioachim sone to Ieconias regned in the Iury thre monethes & lyued nought / & therfore anone he was meued that he sholde regne no lenger / and was boūde and transla∣ted in to Babylon / and many with hym were translated (vt pʐ .iiii. regum .xxiiii. ¶Daniel. Anamas. Azarias. Mysaell. Ezechiel & Mar¦docheus / all these with Ioachim the kyng we∣re ladde in to Babylon / yonge chyldern / for by cause they werre of the noble blood. SEdechias the thyrde sone of Iosie reg∣ned on the Iewes .xi. yere / thys Sede∣hias was a myscheuous man in his lyuynge And he wolde not here Ieremy the prophete / therfore he perysshed wretchedly / and alle the Iury wyth hym And his eyen were put out / & hys chyldern were slayne (vt pʐ .iiii. regum.) ¶Iosedech the sone of Azarie was bysshop / & was trāslated fro Iherusalem by Nabugodo∣nosor in to Babylon. ¶Abacuk prophecyed ayenst Nabuch at Babylon. And there be opy¦nyons what tyme this Abacuk as. This A∣bacuk brought mete to Danyel whan he was put to the lyons after Ierom THys tyme ye Temple of Salomō was brente of the Caldes & Ierusalem was destroyed / this Temple stode .cccc. & .xlii. yere that is to wyte / fro the fyrst makyng / the why¦che was made ye fourth yere of Salomō. And fro ye destruccion / ye whiche was made by Ty¦tus that is to wite .xlii. yeres after the passiō of Cryst. ¶Priscus Torquin{us} the fyfth kyng of Rome regned. And he made Capitoliū (quasi caput solū) For in the groūde werke was foū∣de an heed without ony body / as for prophecy of thynges to come. For there after warde the Senatours sate as one heed of all the worlde. ¶This tyme thre childern were cast ī to a fur¦nays bren̄yng / & with a myracle they were de¦lyuern / as it is sayd (in dan̄. prio) ¶Nabugo∣donosor ye sone of Nabugodondsor ye myghty regned in Babylō / this man an hyngyng gar¦den with myghty costes for his wyfe (& many meruaillo{us} thynges he dide. So that he wolde be named to excede Hercules in his gretenesse & strengthe. Enilmerodach brother to ye later Nabugodonosor / regned in Babylon. Thys man toke Ioachim out of pryson. and worshi¦ped hym. his fader deed body after the coūseyl of this man / he deuyded to an hundred grypes leest yt he shold ryse from deth to lyue. ¶Nota This playe of the chesse was foūde of Xerse a Philosopher. For the correctōn of Eniime∣rodach thys tyme the kynge of Baby a grete tyraunte. the whyche was wonte to kylle hys owne maysters and wyse men And for he dur¦ste not rebuke hym openly / with suche a wyt∣ty game / he procured hym to be meke. SAlathiel of the line of Cryste was sone to Iecony the kynge of Iewes. the whi¦che he gate after the transmigracōn of Baby∣lon. as Mark ye Euāgeliste sayth ¶Seruius Tulius the sixt kyng of Rome was of a bonde condicyon on the maders syde. For she was a captyue mayde. but she was of ye noble blode / This man had grete louynge & nobly he bare hym in euery place / Thre hylles to the cyte he put· & dyched ye walles roūde about. ¶Regu∣sar Sabusardach & Balthasar were brethern the whyche regned one after a nother & were kynges in Babylon. And Balthasar was the laste kynge of Babylon / the whyche was slay¦ne of Darius & Cir{us} (Plura vide daniel .v. DArius vncle to Ciro. felowe in ye kyngdom with Ciro trā¦slated the kyngdomes of Ba∣bylon Caldees in to the kyng∣dom of Persa{rum} & Medo{rum} Ci∣rus was emperour .xxx. yere This Cyrus helde the monarche hole at Per¦ses. Of this man prophecyed ysayas / & he de∣stroyed Babylon: & slewe Balthasar kyng of Babylon / & he worshyped gretly danyel ye Ie∣wes he sende home ayen that they sholde buylde the Temple of god (Vt pʐ Esdre prio) ¶Ba∣bylō that strōge castel was destroyed & h{is} pow¦er was take from hym as it was prophecyed. This was the fyrst cyte & the gretest of all the worlde / of ye whyche Incredyble thynges are wryten / & this that was so stronge ī one nyght was destroyed / that it might be showed to ye po¦wer of god / to the whiche power all other ben but a sperke & duste. For it is sayd forsoth: that it was Incredyble to be made with mannes hō¦de or to be destroyed with mānes strēgth wher¦of al the world myght take an ensāple & it wol¦de or myght be enfourmed. ¶Tarquin{us} Su∣perbus was the .vii. kynge of Rome / & he reg∣ned .xxxv. yere. Thys man concyued fyrst all the tormentes whiche are ordryned for male∣factours. As exile / pryson / welles / & galowes feters and manacles / chaynes & colous and suche other▪ And for his grete pryde and cruel¦nes god suffred hym to myschyef and in what maner of wyse it shall be shewed. He had a so∣ne of the same name / ye whiche defoyled a wor¦thy mannes wyfe / they called hym Collatin & his wyf was called Lucres. Thys Tarquin{us} that was this .vii. kynges sone aforesayde ca∣me vnto the ladyes hous absente her husbon∣de to supper and to lodgyng And whan all we¦re a slepe he a rose with a swerde in hys honde and with strengthe and fere he rauysshed the woman. And whan he was gone ye nere daye after / she sende vnto her fader and to her hus∣bonde / for she was of greate kynne / and thus she sayde to them. The kynges sone came hy∣ther & as frende / of whome▪ I had no mystrust and thus he hath defoylled my chastyce & loste my name for euermore. Thenne her frendes sawe her wepe and pytously complayned and they comforted her as well as they coude and sayd it was noo vylany vnto her for it was a∣yenst her wyll. She answered & sayd yet shall ther neuer woman excuse her by Lucres / For though she cōsented not to thys dyde yet shall she not dye without payne for that dede. And with that worde she had a knyf redy vnder her mantell / with the whiche she smote herself to the here & for this cruelnes & this pyteous deth the peple of rome arose & exiled ye king for euer more & all his progenye. And thus seased the∣se kynges of Rome & neuer was none after. AFter thys tyraunte was deed the Ro∣mayns ordened that theyr shode neuer be kynge more in Rome. But they wolde be gouerned fro that forthe by Cōsules. So whā tho kynges had regned .ii. hondred yere and .xl. they made thys statute that two Consules sholde be chosen: & they sholde gouerne the cy∣te & the people. & for this cause these two were chosen that ony of thē wolde make ony yf ex∣cesse: the other sholde gouerne hym. For theyr was no thynge obeyed: but yf they consented bothe. Also they sholde not stonde in ther dyg∣nyte passynge one yere: for thys cause. That for domynacyon of longe tyme: they sholde not vsurpe vpon them more than was ryght In alle thys tyme the Empyre of Rome was not dylated possynge .xii. myle. The fyrst Con¦sules that were made: they called Lucium and the other Brutū / and these two men dyde gre∣te thynges in theyr time But yet ye peple bare heuy of theyr domynacyon / wherfore they cho¦se an other man / the whyche shold haue more auctoryte than they / & they called hym Dicta∣tor ¶In this same tyme theyr was a grete dys¦cencyon betwixt the people and the Senate werfore they chose Trybunas wyth theyr Iu∣ges ouer the people / and defended them fro wronge as saythe ysyder. For the Dictator whan he was chose he lasted .v. yere / and the Trybunas were remeued euery yere. ¶But ye muste vnderstōde that ye shall not haue here after all ye Consules named that gouerned Ro¦me bytwene ye sessynge of kyng{is} / & the begyn∣nynge of themperours. For it were to long to wryte / specyally whan euery yere were newe syn / that one man myght be chosen soo often∣tymes as we rede / and also for the endurynge of ther gouernaunce. For they were gouer∣nours of Rome .v.C. yere .lxvii. So the moste famous men of these shalle be reherced / after the fourme of Cronycles / and as they stonde in the boke was echeone after other. zOorobabell after the commaundemēt of god foūded the Temple and made it parfyte / but it was longe after (Vt pʐ Esdre .vi.) After the people of Ierusalem ca∣me fro Babylon / these two ruled Ihesus the hyghe prest as gouernour / and zorobabelas duke. And this maner of guydynge was kep∣te vnto Herodes tyme that the hyghe preestes sholde be prayncypall / and the dukes vnder theym. But the dukes were euer of ye trybe of Iuda / after the prophecye of Iacob. And vn∣der that good gydynge of preestes it is not redde the people to haue receded fro the very true fa¦yth / as they dyde afore in the tyme of Iewes / & of kynges. For then many tymes they rae to ydolatrye. ¶Esdras the preest of ye kynrede of Aron thys tyme exceded men in hoolynes / thorugh whose grete wysedome all the Iewes state was hopen. ¶Cambyses the sone of S∣ri regned oon the kyngdome of Persarum / the whyche commaunded mygtely the Temple of Ierusalem shold not be buylded ayen. Hy faders commaunded it sholde be buylded. Thys Cābyses made a cursyd Iuge to beley¦ed or helte a lyue and made his sone to sytte on his faders skynne / that thrughe that drede he sholde drede falshede and Iuge ryghtwysely. Thys Cambyses hadde many names in holy scrypture in the boke of Esdre. Arthaxerse or Assures in history Iudith / that was done vn¦der hym he called Nabugodonoscor / or Oly∣fernes the prince of his chyualry subdued ma¦ny londes to his lorde. And at the last he came vnto Bethuleem / and there was slayne of Iu¦dith a woman / (vt pʐ Iudith .ii. et .xlii.) ¶E∣nereydes regned in Perses half a yere. ¶Dari¦us regned at the Persees / the whiche by ye mo¦cyon of zorobabel commaunded the werke of the Temple to be taken ayen. And commaun¦ded his prynces that on nowyse they shold let¦te it / but sholde helpe it in all that they coude. (Vide plura in Esore. vode. vo tempore ambi∣guū propter diuersitatē docto{rum}) ABiuth sone to zorobabell of ye lyne of Cryste was aboute this tyme. For of hym and of other folowynge vnto Ioseph / no¦thyng is hadde in scrypture / but tha Mathe theuangelyst nombreth theym in the Genelo¦gy / and therfore the certayn tyme of them due¦ly can net be knowe. ¶Ioachim thys tyme bysshop after Iosephus was called Iosedech vnder whome Ierusalem was buylded ayen (vt dicit. et hoc idempatet Neemie .xii.) ¶In the .ii. hōdred and .xliiii. yere after that Rome was made / the Romayns ordeyned two Con¦sules in the stede of theyr kynge / the whyche sholde gouerne one yere alone / leest that by ta¦ryenge they shold be proude: and that the one sholde corecte the other yf he exceded or erred ¶Brutus was the fyrste Consull: and Luci∣us the seconde. And thenne was there a man that was called Dictator / the name of an offy¦ce: the whyche sholde go wyth the people ayen¦ste ther enmyes. ¶Titus Puphis. Marcus consules. ¶Thenne after the Romayns cō∣playned gretly on the condycyons of the Con¦sules. And then the power was put to .x. men to an excedynge coste to the comyn peple. For eueryche one of them wente lyke a kyng) and nede caused them to leue that dygnyte. And they trusted neuer to reste the warre was soo stronge agaynst them. ¶Arthaxeses was kyn¦ge of Persa{rum} / vnder whome Esdras came to Ierusalem. And Neemias was buteler to the same kynge. whom after warde he sēt to buyl¦de the walles of Ierusalem. ¶zerses regned after him two monethes. Segdianus .vii. mo¦nethes / and lytell they dyde. ELyac is reherced in the lyne of Cryst in Mathee. prio & more of hym is not had in crypture. Esdras a holy man a connynge and worshypfully was had amonge the peple this man came frome Babylon with other / & he meued with very Charyte went ayen to ba¦bylon / that he myght wynne moo of Israel / & saue the soules & brynge them home with hym In this tyme he repeyred the lawe and the ho∣ly bokes the whiche the Caldees had brente / & an happy wytnesse to all the worlde he lefte in scrypture. He foūde newe letters / and lyghter in faccyon / the whiche thorugh the holy goost fulfylled he came ayen to Iherusalem wyth a grete multytude / and with the kynges preuy∣lege / that he sholde teche ye people the lawe that he had repeyred. And there he deyed in a good aege. ¶Neemias an Hebrewe butelere of kyn¦ge Arthaxerses / at his lordes cōmaundement wente from Babylon in to Ierusalem. where of he hadde .xii. yere the ledynge of the people / And the .v. yere he began to repeyre the yates and the walles of Ierusalem / the whiche wer∣ke he ended in two yere and four monethes / & that whit greue Impedymentes. For the halfe of the people stode armed without the cytee to withstod the people of other nacyonne. inten∣dynge dystroy them / & ye other parte laboured in armes holdinge in the one honde stones for walles / and in the notable other honde aswer¦de / or nyghe by it (Vide pluralio. suo) ¶Per∣menides a phylosopher / and namely in mor∣tall thynges was abute thys tyme. ¶Socra∣tes a phylosophar whyche vnderstode moche of the power of god / and he was Platoes may¦ster. Democrit{us} ypocras / and other / of whom the noble werkes abode were also. Azor is reherced in the lyne of Cryste in Mathe .io. but no thynge of his dedes is wryten in ye scriptur. ¶Elyasyb or Elysa∣phat succeded Ioachim in the bisshopryche (vt dicit Eusebius et magister histo) ¶Camillus was Dictator at Rome / in whoos dayes mys∣cheuous playes were ordeyned / that pestylen¦ce sholde cesse atte Rome. Of the playes saynt Austyn treateth dylygently in repreuynge the falshede of the goddes / the whyche desyred to be pleased with suche wretched playes. Soo shamefully these playes were vsed with naked men and wymmen / that honest men & wym∣men wolde not e at those playes / ne yet behol¦de them (Vide plura in Aug. de ciuitate dei.) ¶Darius Notus regned at the Persees .xix. yere. ¶Plato the deuyne phylosopher and A∣rystotle his discyple were this tyme noble and famous clarkes. ¶Tit{us} Quint{us} was dicta∣tor atte Rome / and he was a couetous man whome Austyn de ciuitatē dei. bryngeth in a∣yenste coueytous and proude Crysten men. ¶Gaius was a Senatour vnder whom was a grete bataylle agaynst the kynge of Turco{rum} And .viii. thousand men of theym were taken ¶Marcus Valerius was also a noble Sena¦toure of Rome / the whiche wyth .lx. thousan∣de Romayns foughte wyth the Frensshmen & had the better and slewe many of them. ¶Ar∣thaxereses kyng of Persees called ayen to his Empyre Egypte. And he put Nacranabo the kynge in Ethyopia: & many Iewes in to trans¦mygracyon. Also he sende Vagosum a prynce ouer Flom Iordan to aske ayen to the trybute that was forgete: to Eldra that was the .vii. yere rente (propter subbam terre) ¶Asamus succeded hym: and regned a yere. ¶Darius the sone of Arsamus regned with the Persees xxiiii. yere. This Darius was a myghty man and a bolde: the whyche asked of the Grekes a trybute: & that was the cause of the destruc∣cyon of the monarche of Persarū: For it was translyted to the Grekes: after the prophecye of Danyll. For it is sayd: that Dari{us} brought .xv. hondred thousande fyghtynge men: whō all Alexander slewe. ¶Iodas the sone of Ely∣saphat was hygh bysshop in Ierusalem in ty∣me of Mardachin. Iohannes his sone succe∣ded hym. ¶Arystotiles the moost subtell and famous phylosopher lerned this tyme. Seno¦crate the mooste chaste phylosopher was thys tyme: with dyuerse other moo. ANd whan Cormbratus was deed reg¦ned Guentholen / that was his sone a man of good condycyons and well beloued / and he gouerned the londe welle and wysely. And he regned .xxv. yere / and after he deyde lyeth at newe Troy. ANd after Guentholen regned hys so∣ne Seysell welle and worthely gouer∣ned the londe as his fader hadde done before. And he regned .xv. yere / and deyed and lyeth at newe Troy. ANd after Seysell regned his sone Ky∣mor well & nobly .xix. yere ī peas & thē¦ne after hym regned Howan his sone .x. yere / and thenne he deyed / & lyeth at Ikaldowne· AFter thys Howan regned Morwith / and he became so wycked & so sterne: tyll at the last a grete vengeaunce came vpon hym. For whan as he wente vpon a tyme by the see side hemette with a grete beest: that was black and horryble & hydeous. & he wēde that it had be a whale of the see: & bent an arblast & wolde haue slayne that beest with his quarell but he myghte not smyte hym. & whan he had shot al h{is} quarlles that beest anōe came to him in a grete hast: & hym deuoured a lyue: & so he deyed for hys wyckednesse: thorugh vengeaū¦ce of god: after that he had regned .ix. yere. AFter that thys Mor with was dede: ye brytons crowned Brandobodiā his sone / & this Grandobodiam longe tyme reg∣ned in goodnes: & made temples and townes this Grandobodiam made the twone of Cam¦brydge: & ye towne of Graūtham was well be¦loued of ryche & poore / for he honoured the ry∣che / and helped the poore. This Grandobodi∣am had .iiii. sones. Artogaill. Hesyder. Higa∣mus & Petitur· And whan he had regned .xi. yere / he deyed / and lyeth at newe Troy. AFter Grandobodiam regned his sone Artogaill .v. yere / & he became so wyc∣ked & so sterne yt the brytons wolde not suffre hym to be kynge / but put hym downe & made Hesyder his brother kynge / & he be came so go¦od & merci able that mē hym called kyng of py¦te. And whan he had regned .v. yere he had so grete pyte of h{is} brother Artogaill that was kī∣ge before· And anone he forsoke his dignyte & toke his brother the crowne ayen & made him kynge ayenst all the brytons wyll. ¶And af∣ter Artogaill became soo good of condicōns / that he was well beloued of the londe for he ca¦me so debonayr and free / and dyde ryght & re∣ason to all maner of men. And he regned .vi. yere and deyed / and lyeth at Grauntham. AFter the deth of Artogail / ye brytons crowned an other tyme Hesyder / but his two brethern Hygamus & Petitur had of hym grete spyte & scorne / & ordeyned them for helpe to warre vpon the kyng ther brother / & soo they tooke hym & put hym in pryson the se¦conde yere of his regne. And they departed all the londe betwixt them both but Higamus ly∣ued but .vii. yere / and tho had Petitur all the londe and he made the towne of Pickerynge. ANd whan thys Petitur was deed the brytons toke Hesyder anone and ma∣de hym kynge the thyrde tyme / And tho reg∣ned he in peas .xiiii. yere. And after he deyed and lyeth at Karleyll. AFter the deth of Hesyder regned .xxxiii kynges eche after other in peas & with out ony longe taryēge. I shal tell thē all & how lōge eche regned as ye story telleth. the first kyn¦ge of tho .xxxiii. was called gerbodia he regned .xii. yere after hym regned morgan. yere. And after him regned Cighnus .vi. yere And after hym regned Iowalā .viii. yere. And after him regned on Rohugo .xi. yere / And after regned Voghen .xiii. yere / And after hym regned Ca∣tyll .xv. yere / And after hym regned Porrex .ii. yere / & after hym regned Cherin .xvii. yere & after hym regned Coyl .xii. yere / & after him regned Sulgenis .xiiii. yere / & after hym reg∣ned Esdad .xx. yere / & after hym regned Andra¦gie .xvii. yere / & after hym regned vrian, v. ye∣re / and after hym regned Eliud .ii. yere / And after he regned Eldadan .xv. yere / And after hym regned Claten .xii yere / & after hym reg∣ned Ouirgūde .viii. yere / & after hym regned Mortan .vi. yere / and after hym regned Ble∣dagh .iiii. yere / & after hym regned Caph .i. ye∣re / & after hym regned Gen. ii. yere / and after hym regned Seysel & kyng Bled .xxii. yere / & kynge Tabreth .xx. yere / & Archynall .xiiii. ye∣re / and Croll .xxx. yere / & Rodyngir .xxxii. yere & Hectir .v. yere & Harpir ·vi. yere & Carpour .vii. yere / and Digneyll .iii. yere and Samuell .xxiiii. yere / and Rede .ii. yere / & Ely .vii. mo∣nethes. This Ely had thre sones. Lud. Cassi∣ballam / and Enemion. AFter the dethe of Ely regned Lud hys sone & gouerned well the londe & mo∣he honoured good folke / & tempred & amēded wycked folke / thys Lud leued more to dwelle at Troy than in ony other place of the londe. wherfore the name of newe Troy was left / & tho was the cyte called Ludstone. But the na∣me is chaūged thrught varyaunce of letters / and now is called London. And this king ma¦de in the cyte a fayre gate / & called it Ludgate after his name / And the folke of ye cyte are Lo¦doners And whā he had regned .xi. yere he dy∣ed & lyeth at London. And he had two yonge sones that one was called adraghē & that other ormace. But they coude neyther speke ne go for yongthe / And therfore the Brytons crow∣ned a strōge knyght that was called Lud / that was Cassibalanius brother / & made hym kyn¦ge of Brytayne / now called Engonde. SAdoch of the lyne of Crist / is nombred in Mathe. primo / but in scryture the∣re is nomore mēcyon / made of hym ¶Iadu the sone of Iohn̄ was hygh bysshop in Ierusa¦lem / this tyme kyng Alexander regned / ye whi¦che was wrothe with ye people of Iherusalem and came to the cytee. Thenne Iadus arayed in his Pontyfycall ornamentes came to mete hym. And he sodeynly was pleased & worshy∣ped the bysshop & with peas & Ioye entred the cyte. And he made to be brought to hym the bo¦ke of Daniell \ & the prophecy to be expowned to hym the whiche was spoken of hym. & that done he Ioyed strongly. For all thyng the whi¦che he had herde by ye dreme in due ordre was fulfylled. And it was lykely to hī that he sholde be the same persone of whom Daniell prophe¦cyed: & of that he toke more hardynes to fyght wyth Dari{us} kynge of Perse: dyde the sacrafy∣ce: & badde the Iewes to aske what they wolde haue he graūte that they sholde kepe theyr ow∣ne lawes at ye .vii. yere shold be without tribu¦te (vid mgm in histo) ¶The hoste of Alexan∣der as Orosi{us} sayth was .xxxii. M. of foot mē and .iiii. M. horsmen: & shyppes C.lxxx. And it is vncertayne whether it is more meruaylle: that he sholde conquere all the worlde with so lytel a power or how that euer he durst go vpō them with so lytell a power. And ther was of Alexand & his hoste slayne ye yng of Persa{rum} (Et vt orosi{us} dicit quīquies decies cētena mi∣lia) Eneas ye sone of Iady was bysshop after his fader. Manilius Papirius & Fabius we cōsulers at rome. This papiri{us} whā he was a child he was very wyse & he feyned many fayr lesīge that he myght kepe h{is} maysters coūsel & the Senatours. And whan he came vnto mā∣nes state: he was so noble a waryou That whan ye Romayns dradde Alexander he was chosen for to goo ayenste hym· And of the god¦des charged not but he scorned and reproued the goddes: sayenge afore that vnhappy thyn¦ge sholde falle· And that to his grete louynge hooly douctours saye Kynge Alexander thys tyme began to be lorde of all the worlde: and he was cal∣led gret Alisand for his gret victory ye whiche he had in so lytell tyme It was an euydēc Iuge mēt of ye wrath of god ayēst syn̄ers of that time certenly some myracle oure lorde dyde in hel∣pynge of his power for hym / for ye see of Pam¦philicon was deuyded to hym as in olde tyme the reed see to the Iewes whan he persecuted Dari{us}. Also at his prayer the hylles of Caspii were shytte that certen of the cursed Iewes mygh neuer come out. But at last in babylon with venym he was poysōed & dyed the ·xxxiii yere his of age / & ye fyfth yere of his monarche the .xii. yere of the kyngdome of Macedon. ¶Knowe ye that whan Alexander was deed those .xii. to whom he deuyded his kyngdome accorde they myghte not / & then began Infe∣nyte batylles / & at the laste foure opteyned all the kyngdome (Vide plura in Orosio) AChym of the lyne of Cryst sone to Sa∣doch is nombred ī Mathe prio. and of him is nomore had in scriptur. ¶Symō was bysshop this tyme an holy man / & also ryght∣wys he was named of the people. ¶Eleazar{us} was bysshop after syomon / this man sende to Pretholomeo kyng of Egypt .lxxii. lerned mē of euery trybe sex / to Interpret the lawe of the Iewes / the whiche translated from Hebrewe ī to Greke thorugh a grete miracle that so ma∣nimen sholde in .lxxii. dayes translate all holy scripture with one accorde (Vide aug. de ciui. dei) ¶Dolobela Emilius. Marcus Curius. Genutus tyme were Cōsules at Rome Thys Dolobela conquered Samnites / & after ma∣ny bataylles hadde / and Marcus subdued E∣pitoras and slewe .xxiii.M. of his men / & then fledde kynge Pirro / the whyche sende to hym for peas & offrynge to hym greere yeftes. And then this Consull answered & sayd / ther shall no batayl cause me to flee / nor no moneye cor∣rupte me. For I had leuer cōmaūde ryche mē to doo this & this than be ryche myself. ¶To¦nucius subdued the cyte of Argiuo{rum} / & a legy∣on of knyghtes of Rome he sende to Rome / & caused them to be bete openly in the myddes of the market / for they had them not lefully to the courte of Rome For the lawe was thenne kepte so streytly at Rome / that & they had fay∣led to do ye due obseruaunce in vertue they shol¦de be punysshed. These Romayns and many afore and after were the mooste noble men of the worldes honeste that myght be: and in all maner of vertue circumspect: As hooly doc∣tours saye that they put ther examples to Cry¦sten men but not the Intencyon: for they lac∣ken the keye of fayth PTholomeus Philodolphus this tyme was kyng ī Egypt: this Philodolphus was the very worshyper of one god: & full gra¦cyous to the Iewes: of whome .xx.M. & .C. he delyuerd out of captyuyte: & that he dyde that he myght please the god of Israel: of whom he herde the meruayles. And his lawe he desy¦red to haue: nor it myght not be translated in to none other longage but of deuoute mē: and that with a due reuerence & a solempnite. Cer¦tayne men atempted to haue wryten it amon the Gentyle storyes: whome the plage of god stroke tylle they repented. Thys kynge sende vnto Eleazar the bysshop: to sende to hym ler¦ned men: The whyche he dyde gladly (Vide plura in mgrō histo) ELyud of the lyne of cryst: gate Eleazar as it is open ī Mathe. io. & more in scry¦pture is not hadde of hym. ¶Omias bysshop was sōe to Symon simō was bisshop after hī the whiche was a very relygyous man. He re∣fourmed the Temple of god in to better and enceraced the cyte of Ierusalem with mani o∣ther good thynges. ¶Sempronius. Appius. Claudius. Gueus. Gaius. Artilius. Rgulus. Emelius Fabius thys tyme were Senatours at Rome. Thys Sempronius fought ayenst the countre of Picentes: and almoost the chy∣ualry on both the partyes were slayne: excep∣te a fewe Romayns were lefte a lyue: & subdu∣ed the coūtree. Appius Claudi{us} subdued Sira¦cusanas & ye coūtree of Penos: & put grete try∣bute to thē. Atil{us} Regul{us} a noble senatour ouer came thre Kynges & .lxxiii. cytees he subdued: & a dragō of a .C.xv. foot he kylled. After war¦de whan he was ouer cruell ayenst his enmy∣es: & denyenge to yeue them peas: but yf they wolde paye a myght trybute: they almoost be∣ynge in dyspayr & fought ayenst hym: & ouer∣came hym & his hoste & toke hym: & neuerthe∣lesse yet they wolde fayne haue had peas: but thys moost faythful man had leuer dye in pay¦nes grete / than to yeue rest and peas to cursyd peple. His louynge gretly saynt Austyn exal∣teth. ¶Emelius Fabi{us} and Gai{us} wolde haue delyuerde Regulus but they opteyned not. ¶Ptholomias Euer gites this tyme was kin¦ge of Egypt a victoryous prynce and a mygh¦ty. This man subdued Siriam & Ciriliā / and the moost parte of Asie / & tooke ther goodes & brought them in to hys coūtree. Ptholomeus Philopater / sone to Euergites regned in Egypte .xvii. yere. This man fought ayenst two brethern. Seneleū & grete Antiochū / & he prostrated many a thousāde / but neuertheles he preuayled not (Vide plura in Iohē su{per} Da¦nielis) ¶Hanyball the moost cursed kynge of Peno{rum} & of Affricano{rum} myghtely hoted ye Ro∣mayns / for he destroyed them almoost to ye vt¦termest ende / & nyghe the cytee of Rome he de∣stroyed. And soo many noble men of Rome he slewe at one time / that thre bussheles ful of gol∣de rynges he drewe offyngers. Also ī a certay¦ne water / of the slayne bodyes of these Roma¦yns / he made as it were a brydge / that his host myght passe. And at the laste Cipio ye noble se¦natur direckid his host to hym & scōfyted hym and almoost Cipioes hoste of Romayns was slayne. ¶Lucaci{us} consull. Simproni{us} Vale∣rius. Fulnius Lutin{us} staius & Cipio / ruled at Rome / this tyme the Romayns had peas one yere alone / & it was take for a myracle tha they had rest so long. For afore this tyme in .iiii.C. & .xl. yere the Romayns had neuer rest. These Consules whan the yere was done gadred all the strengthe of ytaly / & they had in theyr host .viii.M. armed men for drede of the Frenssh∣men / whom they dradde strongly / & after war¦de ye Romayns subdued them. ¶Epiphanes the sone Philopater regned in Egypte .xxiiii. yere. Cleopatra doughter to grete Antiochus was his wyf· ¶Antroch{us} magnus thys tyme regned in Syry / the whiche dyde moche mys∣chyef to the Iewes (vt pʐ Mathe) ¶Onias this tyme was bysshop in Ierusalē. This O∣nias for the tyranny of Antiochus fledde with many Iewes in to Egypte / feynynge hym to fulfyll the prophecye ysaie .xix. that is to wyte To builde the Temple. But ī that he sin̄ed for he sayd otherwyse than he thought. The kyn∣ge of Egypte gracyously receyued hym / & gaf hym ye londe of Helipolees / & there he buylded his Temple. ¶Somon his sone was bysshop at Ierusalem / after that his fader was fledde. ELeazar of the lyne of cryst was aboute this tyme. Of hym no thyng wryten in scrypture: but that Mathe nombreth hī (vt pʐ prio) ¶Onias Pius was to the bysshop thys tyme an holy man: & well beloued with god & man And not alonely with good men but euyl men also. At the last vnryght wysly was slay∣ne of Adronito (vt pʐ .ii. machabeo{rum}) ¶Pau∣lus Tereneius Scipio Affricanus: these we∣re Senatours at rome. These two erected an hoste ayenst Hanybal: & there almost the Ro∣mayns hope dyed· For there was slayne. xliii.M. Romayns. And this noble Scipio affri∣canus brought ayen ye state of the Romayns people the whyche stode in a distpayre euer to haue recouered. For he fought with Hanybal manly & dyscōfyted hym. All Spayne e ouer came All Affrica he subdued: gre Antiochus he brought to be his seruaunt. All Asie he ma∣de trybutary to the Romayns: this man so no¦ble & so victoryus by his owne vnkynde coū∣tree was outlawde: & there he deyed. ¶Philo∣metor the sone Epiphanes of Cleopatra reg∣ned in Egypt .xxxv. yere. This kyng ye a chil¦de / noble Antioch{us} gretly oppressyd with ma∣ny dysceytes but the Romaynes sent Legates the whiche cōmaūded Antiochus that he shold cesse of his tyranny ayenst him. And Marcus Publius made a cercle to Antiochus thus sa∣ynge. The Senatours of rome & the peple cō∣maūde yt that thou go not out of thys cercle yl thou haue answered to this mater This Anti¦och{us} seynge that he myght not contynueh ty∣ranny sayd yf it be thus cōmaūded me of the Senatours & Romayns peple I muste nedes tourne ayē & so wood āgry he was that he lost the sege of Alexandre / & tourned to ye poore re∣leues of ye Iewes / vengynge hym vpon them by cause he myghte not venge hym on a more myghtyer people (vt pʐ iii lio Machabeo{rum} .ii. MAthachias an holy man / and of all lo∣uynge moost worthy hated in hys her∣te the conuersecyon of all synners / alonly tru∣stynge in our lord god of Israell (vt pʐ primo macha. ii.) And thys man had .v. sones of the same loue vnto god. Thys man was not by∣shop in Israell / but his thre sones were. ¶Iu¦das Machabeus was bysshop .iii. yere / & he was sone to Mathathias. This Machabeus was the moost named man that euer was ī Is¦raell / the whiche had neuer none lyke hym afo¦re ne after. He was in batayll a myghty man & offred hym to deye a martyr for the lawes of god. ¶Ionatas his brother succeded him .xix yere. The whyche grewe in vertue and gouer∣ned & stode stedfaste in the lawes of god / & af∣ter falsely was slayne of Cryphone & two of his sones (Plura vide Iuda et frēm ei{us} li. ma∣cha. Antiochus Epiphanes sone to Antioch{us} the myghty this tyme was kynge of Syrry, This man from the heed vnto the feet within & without all was cursed / And therfore he was fygured to Antecryst. Many martyrs cruelly he made & falsely he dyspose hym to entre in to Egypt as his fader dyde / but he opteyned not for the Romayns letted hym. His moost vn∣happy werke / & how he was in hastage at Ro∣me / and howe the prophecy of Danyell was completed in hym / ye maye see in the boke of Machabeo{rum}. ¶Quintus Flaminius. Mar∣chus Cato. Thiberius Gracius were Sena∣tours of Rome. This tyme was soo contynu¦all and so moche bataylle / that lerned men of Gentyles and of the true fayth both were we∣ry for to wryte the actes or to haue thē in myn¦de. In the whiche bataylles men meruaylled gretly on the stedfastnesse of the Romayns / that no trybulacyon / no drede no hardenesse myght not fere them / but euer contynued in batayll. And certaynly these Romayns after the worldes honeste / they were the moost wy∣sest men that were. And therfore the Macha∣bees desyred ther company. MAthon sone to Sadoch of the lyne of Cryst gate Iacob (vt patet Mathei .i.) ¶Symon sone to mathias was bysshop .viii yere. Thys Symon was a very wyse man / & from youth vntyll his aege was euer of good conuersacyon / euer more vertuous. And at ye last he was slayne of his brother Elay. (vt pʐ .i. macha) ¶Iohannes Hircanus sone to Sy¦mon / was after his fader .xxix. yere / a noble man as al the kynrede was before hym. This man after his decesse left his wyf a very wyse woman & his fyue sones to gouerne the Iury of the eldest was called Aristobolus an vnpa∣cyent man & an vnhappy. Hys owne moder with thre of his yonger brethern he prysoned & slewe them thrugh hungre & soo alone he ly∣ued kynge & bysshop one yere (Vide plaura li. Machabeo{rum}) ¶Publius Lucimius. Lucius Emilius. Lucius Lucinius. Lucius Consori∣nus were Consules att Rome. In whoos ty∣me the Cartagynes & the Romayns warred strongely· But the Romayns subdued them / entendynge to haue destroyed ye Cartagynes vtterly. But among the Romayns ther was a notable wyse mā called Scipio Nauta. And amonge many notable coūseylers two he ga specyally to be had ī minde. The fyrst that Car¦tago sholde not be destroyed that thrugh the occasyon of for and bataylles / a In warde cō∣corde sholde abyde amonge the Romayns / & a perpetuell strength for contynuell excercyse of batayll. The seconde. That in no wyse the other sholde be buylded in Rome. For he sayd that was the moost enmye that myght be to ye people that vsed warre For that place nourys¦shed slouth and prouoked lechery ¶And how wysely this notable man gaaf counseyll / the tymes folowyng declareth (vide plca in Aug. dei ciuite dei libro .iiii.) ¶yet for all this coun∣seyll that noble cyte of Carcago was destroy∣ed of Cipio & the Senatours. And it brente .xvii. dayes contynuelly Many men there we∣re solde / & many men ranne in to the fyre wyl¦fully. ¶Corinth{us} this same yere was destroy¦de of the Romayns / the whyche was the ry∣chest countree of the worlde. ¶Ptholomeus this tyme regned in Egypte / & was famylyer wyth the Romayns. And so longe he & his pre∣decessours regned as they kept fydylyte to the Romayns. And knowe euery man that there was none other cause that the power of ye Ro∣mayns encreased so strongly abue other peo∣ple / but vertue / the whyche habundanly ryg∣ned in them / & namely reght wysnesse whiche aboue all thynge they vsed. And as longe as they kept mesures & loued ryght wysnesse / soo longe they were neuer ouercome And as sone as they were corrupted / it is radde / they were ouercomē. ¶It is had in a certayne reuelacy¦on of god shewed to saynt Brygyte that oure lorde god bereth wetnesse to these olde Roma∣yns. That none in this naturell lyf lyued mo¦re ryght wysely. And what lyghtes of faythe they shewed in the tyme of Crysten relygyon shall be shewed after warde. ARistobolus was the fyrste kynge and preest in ye Iury this man regned one yere alone / and tooke to hym the Dyademe of the kyngdome. And he helde hym not conten∣te with that his fader gaaf hym in his testa∣mente. But he put his moder in pryson & his brethern. And therfore he perysshed wretchid¦ly with his brother Antigon{us} the whiche was of his coūseyll and helped hym.) Vide magys∣trum in historiis (¶Antigonus brother vn∣to the kyng was slayne thrugh the enuytee of the quene. ¶lexander was bysshop after Ar∣stobolus / & he stode .xxvii· yere. And he was al atyraunte / all though he appered sobre in the begynnyng. But he made it knowen what he was in his stomacke / for he slew his owne bro¦ther. And in .xii. yere he slewe .l. thousande of the olde sage faders of grete vertue / by cause they tolde hym his mysgydyng. Then̄e whan he sholde deye / he left two sones behynde hym Hircanū and Aristobolum. But certaynly he sayde his wyf sholde regne / for she stode in the grace of the people. ¶Seruius Flaccus. Lu∣cious. Fabi{us}. Plubius this tyme were Sena¦tours at Rome This tyme bataylles amonste them sif began̄e. Of the whiche the firste cau¦se & the begynnynge / was Graceus a myghhy man / well knowen with noble Romayns / be∣gan to seke a cause ayenst them. And by cause that he myght do no thynge alone to them / he meued the comyn people to theym sayenge / That all the londes & possessyons sholde be de¦uyded equaly / and also the moneye. &c̄. And for that cause there was an Insurrreccyon / in the whiche Graccus was slayne / and many myscheues felle after (Vide Orosium) ¶In ye tyme of these men / there was a chyld borne at Rome / hauynge foure feet / foure armes / two faces and foure eyen. ¶The hylle of Ethna spetted out flammynge fyre horryble / and de∣stroyed the places nyghe aboute it. ¶And the¦se men berynge rule. Cartago was cōmaun∣ded to be restored. And it was fulfylled of the Romayns people. And there was myghty ba∣tayll in the cyte of Rome. ¶Fabius with a ly∣tell host ouercame the kynge of Armenye And there were drowned an honyred & four score thousāde men in the water of Rome. ¶Ptho¦lomeus Alexander was kynge in Egypte. In his tyme was borne Lucerius a Poete / ye whi¦che afterward was madde for loue of wym̄en & slewe hymself. ¶Pthoiomeus sone to Cleo∣patre regned after him / vnder whom Salus∣tius ye noble wryter of hystoryes was borne. ¶Ptholome{us} Dionisius was after this man And in his tyme virgyll & Oraci{us} were borne. IAcob naturell fader to Ioseph of the ly∣ne of crest is reherted in Luke & Mathe & lytell of hym is had in scrypture. ¶Alexan¦dra wyf to Alexander was bysshop in the Iu∣ry .ix. yere / & shewed moche tyrannye al yf she was made bysshop by her feyned holy relygy¦on. ¶And Hircanū her sone she prouoked to the bysshopryche / & she ordeyned that he shold regne after. This woman in ye lyne of the bys¦shops is put fro the coūtynge of ye yeres. Not as she vsed the offyce of a bysshop for it was not leyfull to her. ¶Hircanus sone to Alexan∣dra regned .xxxiii yere. This Hircanus after the decesse of his moder succeded in the kyng∣dom / in ye whyche he had lytell prosperyte for percyalte of the peple. For anone he was ouer comen / & after warde he was restored thrugh the helpe of the Arabees. And thenne he was made trybutary to the Romayns. And soo was in peas a lytell tyme. But not in ye name of kynge. At the last he dyd wretchedly for he was begyled thrugh the fraude Partho{rum} the whiche Antigon{us} hyred ayenst hym (vide ple∣ne magistrū historie) ¶The heresye of ye Pha¦rysees aboute this tyme began. And amonge them were thre sectes in the Iury. Pharacey. Saducey. & Essey. All these were deuyded frō the comyn vse of the Iewes / & were enfee with mani errours for thei sayd that thei were holyer than other men. For they lyued streyt∣lyer than other men dyde (Vide plus alias) ¶Virgyll the moost excellent of Potes was magnefyed this tyme / & meruaylous thynges he dyd. And amonge other whan that Neopo∣lis was vexed wyth deedly payne of myghty wormes. Virgyll caste a worme of golde in to a pounde or a water / and it laye a certayne se∣ason there. And whan it was take vp in to the towne / all the cyte was made full of wormes. And tyll the worme of golde was put in to the water ayen / they hadde In fyte wormes. And whan it was in the water all the wormes wen¦te a waye. ¶Also it is wreten in the cronycles of Rome / that Virgyll by connynge condescē¦ded or thycked the ayre / soo that he walled his gardyne with the ayre. And he made a brydge of the ayre / by the whiche he myght passe euery tyme that he lyst Also he asked Morcellū Neo¦politanū / neuewe vnto the Emperour / yf he wolde haue a byrde taught to kylle all byrdes or a flye taught to dryue all flyes out of the cy∣te. And this Marcellū tolde this to the Empe∣rour. And he desyred to teche a flye to kylle all flyes. For the comyn people were sore anoyed with yes. And many other maruales he dy∣de (vide magistrū Rodulfū Cesterū) ¶Ora∣cius Flaccus / and Salustius Crispus histori∣cus were at this tyme. Quintus Cipio. Gai{us} Lucis this tyme were Consules at Rome. ¶Pompeius. Marcus Crassus & Iulius Ce¦zar this tyme were Dictatours at Rome. For as it is sayd / afore there were many dygnyte¦es at Rome / of the whiche some dured one ye∣re / some two yere. And amonge all the dygny¦tees the Dictatours exceded / for it dured fyue yere. But whan the comyn peple and the lord shypes of Rome encreasynge were made thre Dictatours. And thys tyme was pompeius. Iulius & Marcus Crassus Dictatours. And by cause Pompeius was of grete honour and aeged / he bode at Rome to kepe the comyn peo¦ple of Rome. ¶Marcus Crassus was sende to subdue and fyght with the regyon of Per∣thus. And thrugh treason he was taken and slayne ¶Iulius Cezar was sende to the weste parte of the worlde to subdue them. And he ha¦the wyth hym seuen legyons of people. And whan that he hadde subdued Lomberdye and Fraunce his fyue yere were spended / the whi∣che were assygned to hym and no lenger. The¦re by his owne auctoryte he toke other fyue ye¦re vpon hym / in the whiche he subdued Cassy¦bolon kynge of Brytayne / and the Frenshmē that rebelled agaynst hym ¶This same Iuli¦us after he had conquered the countrees / vn∣to Rome he roode agayne / for to be receued with certayn worshyp as conquerours were before hym but it was denyed hym / and also the entree of the Cytee / by the Instygacyon of a lorde called Pompei. wherfore thys Iulius Cezar was annoyed / and wyth force of my∣ghte entred the Cyte / and robbed the comyn treasoure and ladde it wyth hym / and depar∣ted it amonge the seuen legyons that were his seruauntes. Thenne wente he in to Spayne to fyght agaynste this Pompei. For Pompei hadde the gouernaunce of Cartago. But af∣ter that Iourneye in ytale Pompei and he en¦countred togyder. ¶In the whyche bataylle Pompei fledde vnto the kynge of Egypte / and that same kynge for specyall loue that he hadde vnto this Iulius Cezar smote or Pom∣peus heed and sente it to Iulius Cezar. yet for all the enuyte that was betwixt them two Iu∣lius wepte whan that he sawe thys Pompei∣us heed· Thys Iulius was excedynge in wyt¦te afore other men / and he faught in bataylle .lii. tymes. This man alone exceded Marcus Crassus: the whyche is sayde to haue fough∣ten .xxxix. tymes. Thys man tooke fyrste the Empyre of Rome vpon hym: whan Pompei and other noble men of the Romayns were slayne. ¶And atte the laste the fyfthe yere of hys Empyre: Thys Iulius Cezar the ruler of all thys worlde was slayne in the coūsell hous thrughe treason of hys lordes. ¶Cathon the moost named phylosopher: Seeynge Iulius Cezar haue the victorye: whom he fauoured not: at a towne called Vticam dyde slee hym selfe (iuxta illud Mauult cota mari: quam de∣roget vrbis honorari) But for that after Au∣styn he was not excused of senne. ¶This tyme the Iury was trybutarye to the Romayns for percyalyte of two brethern Ari¦stobolus and Ercanus bothe of them for en∣uye of other caste them to the Romayns that they myghte regne. ¶This tyme thre sonnes appered in heuen to warde the eest parte of the worlde: the whiche by lytell and lytelle were broghte in to one body. A grete sygne it was that Affrica. Asia: and Europa sholde be brou¦ghte ī to one monarche and that ye lordshyp of Anthony the Senatoure and Lucius Antho∣nii sholde tourne in to one lordshyp. ¶Mar∣cus Cicerio Tullius the moost noble Rethory¦cen was Counsell of Rume this tyme. AFter the deth of kynge Lud regned his brother Cassybolon & became a good man & moche beloued of his brytōs so that for hys goodes & corteysy they graunted hym the reame for euer more to hym & to his heyres. & the kynge of hys goodnes lete nourysshe wor∣thely bothe the sonnes that were Lud his bro∣ther. And after made the eldest sone erle of Cor∣newayle / and the yngest sone he made erle of London. And whyle this kynge Cassybolon regned / came Iulius Cezar that was Emper∣our of Rome in to the londe wyth a power of Romayns / & wolde haue had this londe thru∣ghe strength / but Cassybolon ouer came hym in batayll thrugh helpe of the Brytons / & dro∣ue hym out of this londe. And he wente ayen to Rome & assembled a grete power an other tyme / & came agayne in to this londe for to gy¦ue batayll to Cassybolon / but he was dyscom∣fyted thrugh strength of ye Brytons / & thrugh helpe of the Erle of Cornewayle & the Erle of London his brother / & thrugh helpe of Gudi¦an kyng of Scotlonde / & Corbonde the kynge of Northwalys / & of Brytayl kyng of South¦walys. And in this bataylle was slayne Nen∣non that was Cassybolons brother / wherfore he made moche sorowe / And soo went Iulius Cezar out of this londe with a fewe of Roma∣yns that were lefte a lyue. And thenne Cassy∣bolon wēte ayen to London and made a feest to all folke that tho hym had helped. And whā that this feest was done / Thenne euery man yede in to his owne countree. ANd after it befelle thus vpon a daye / that the gentylmen of the kinges hous¦holde & the gentylmen of the Erles housholde of London after meete wēte togyd for to playe And thorugh debate that arose amonge them Enelin that was the Erles cosyn of London slewe Irēglas that was ye kyng{is} cosyn. wher∣fore swore that Enelyn shold be hanged. But the Erle of London that was Enelins lorde wolde not suffre hym / wherfore the kyng was gretely wroth and vexed towarde the Erle / & thought hym destroye. And preuely the Erle sente letters to Iulius Cezar that he sholde co∣me in to this londe for to helpe hym and hym auenge vpon the kynge / and he wolde helpe hym with all his myghte. And whan thempe¦rour herde thys tydynges he was full glade / and ordeyned a stronge power / and came a∣yen the thyrde tyme in to thys londe / and the Erle of London helped hym with .viii. thou∣sande men / and at the thyrde tyme was Cassi¦bolon ouercome and dyscomfyted and made peas to the Emperour for thre thousande poū¦de of syluer yeldīge by yere for trauge for thys londe for euermore. ¶And thenne half a yere after passed the Emperour Iulius Cezar wen¦te ayen vnto Rome / and the Erle of London wich hym. For he durste not abyde in this lon∣de. And after Cassybolon regned .vii. yere in peas / and tho he deyed the .xvii. yere of his reg¦ne and lyeth at yorke. AFter the deth of Cassybolon for as mo¦che as he hadde none heyre of his body begotē / the lordes of londe by ye comyns assente crowned Andragen erle of Corneway∣le & made hym kyng. And he regned well and worthely / & he was a good man & will gouer¦ned the londe. And whan he had regned. vii. yere thenne he deyed / & lyeth at London IOseph of the lyne of Cryste was abou this tyme borne / and after was husbon∣de vnto our lady. ¶Anthigon{us} was bysshop∣pe thys tyme in the Iury. This Anthigonus was sone vnto Aristoboly / and on euery syde he was false. For he obeyed not to the Romay¦nes / and a grete plage he brought vnto the lō∣de for to destroye Hircanus his vncle that he myghte regne kynge / and soo Hircanus was expulsed / and Flaccus was slayne / and Hero∣de was exiled. But whan Herode came vnto Rome and tolde the Senatours all these thyn¦gys / the Emperour cerated hym kyng sendyn¦ge with hym an hoste / the whiche tooke Ieru∣salem. And Anthigonum the bysshop taken / ledde to Anthony the Senatoure / the whiche made hym seker / and soo was Herode confer∣med in to his kyngdom. And he a straūger reg¦ned on the Iewes / & so the kyngdom of the Ie∣wes cessed as Iacob had sayd. ¶Titus Liui∣us historicus and Quidius were thys tyme. OCtauian was Emperour of Rome .lvii. yere .vi. mouthes ond .. dayes. Thys Octauyan neuewe to Iuly whā he was a yon¦ge man toke the Empyre vpon hym. His flou∣rysshynge youthe he spended in warre. Fyue thousande bataylles he dyde. And shortly af∣ter many bataylles / he brought all the worlde in to one Monarche / that man had no felowe And in his dayes peas was in alle the worlde thrught the prouysyon of the very god. That the temporall peas myght glorifye the natyuy¦te of our sauyour Cryste Ihesu. This Octauy¦an was the fayrest man that myghte be / and hygh in wytte / the moost fortunate in all thyn¦ges. And he lacked not the vyce of hys flesshe∣ly luste. This man made alle the worlde to be mesured. And in the .lii. yere of his regne was our lorde Ihesu Cryste borne / the Sauyoure of this worlde / the whiche graunteth eternall peas to his louers. ¶Hic nota secundum Ie∣ronimum) that Anna and Emeria were sys∣ters. ¶And of Emeria was borne Elyzabeth moder to Iohan the Baptyste. And she was fyrste wedded to Ioachim of whome she toke Mary moder of Cryste. The seconde husbon∣de was Cleophe / and he gate oon her Maria Cleophe / the whiche was wedded to Alphe of whom proceded Iames the lesse Symon Ca∣naneus. Iudas Tadeus / and Ioseph the whi∣che is called Barsabas / The thyrde tyme An∣na was wedded to Salome / of whome she to∣ke Mary Salome the whiche was wedded to zebede and of them came Iames ye more / and Iohan the euangelyst ¶The fyrste Mary wedded Ioseph brother to Cleophe afo¦re sayde. This tyme Sibilla Tiburrina pro∣phecyed of Cryste / and sayde to themperoure August / that he sholde not trowe that he was not god after the folysshenes of the paynyms And there she shewed hym a fayre virgyne in heuen holdinde a child in her armes / and say∣de to hym / this childe is greter than thou / and therfore doo hym worshyp. ¶The monarche of Rome about this tyme myghtly encresed. And whan it was soo that by all the world in dyuers prouynces bataylles were reysed sodē∣ly all men merualynge / they were sessed and put them holy to the prynce of Rome that opē¦ly it myghte be shewed that suche an vnyuer∣sall peas came neuer by laboure of bataylle / but of ye powere of the very god / that in his na¦tyuyte peas sholde regne in all the worlde. ¶Herode Ascolonira was kynge in the Iury .xxxv. yere This Herode ydume{us} was ye fyrst straūge kynge that regned on the Iewes. The mayster in historiis sayth / he was a noble mā and faythfull in the begynnynge / and in alle thynge he had hym nobly. He wys very gētyll vnto the Romayns and to the people that lo∣ued peas· And in his olde aege / whan he wolde moche please the Romans herde of the byrthe of Cryste: dredynge to be expulsed of his kyng¦dome as a straunger: wretchedly he felle and slewe the Innocentes and dyuer of his owne children. And at ye last was hatefull to all peo∣ple: and felle syke & deyed wretchedly. ¶Ma∣ry the moder of Cryst was borne afore the Na¦tyuyte of cryste .xv. yere or there aboute. AFter the deth of Andragē regned Kym¦balyn his sone a good man & well go∣uerned the londe in moche prosperyte and pe∣as all his lyf tyme. And in his tyme Ihesu Cri∣ste was borne of that swete virgyne Mary. This kynge Kymbalyn had two sones. Gyn∣der and Armager good knyght{is} and worthy. And whan thys Kymbalyn had regned .xxii. yere: he deyed and lyeth at London. IN the begynnyge of the .xlii. yere of Oc¦tauyan themperoure. whyche began to regne in Marche: and in .xxx. yere of Herode .vii.C. and .l. yere after that Rome was buyl¦ded / the .vi. monthe frome the conceyuynge of Iohan Baptyst: the .viii. Kal. of Apryl: the .vi. fery at Nazareth of Galylee: of the virgy¦ne Mary was conceyued Cryste our sauyour and the same yere was borne· THat daye our lorde Ihesu Cryst was borne / a welle of oyle beyonde Ty¦bre by Rome sprā¦ge and ranne alle daye. The goldȳ yamge fell yt why¦che Romul{us} had made: and put it in his palays say¦enge. This yma∣ge shall not fayle vnre a mayde be∣re a chylde. ¶whan Herode disposid hym to slee the chyldern of Israell: he was commaun∣ded by the letter of themperour to come to Ro¦me to Answere to the accusacyon of hys chyl∣dern Alexium. and Aristoboli: And ther were thre Herodes grely spokē of for ther yll dedes The fyrste was called Ascolonita / and vnder this man was borne cryste / and the chyldren of Israell were slayne. The secōde was called Antipas sone to ye fyrst Herode / vnder whom Iohn̄ Baptyst heeded / and cryst suffred deth. And the thyrde was called Agrippa sone to A¦ristoboli / sone to the fyrst Herode / the whyche slewe Iames & prysoned Peter. The fyrst He¦rode whan he sawe his sones Alexiū and Ari∣stoboli thrugh the pretens of hys letter by the Emperour sende / stryue for the successyon of his kyngdome / he disposid and made Antipa∣ter that was his fyrste begoten sone to be befo¦re them: and whan they were talkynge of the deth of theyr fader he cast them awaye: & they went to thēperour to complayne of ye wrong of therfader. And in the meane tyme the thre kynges of Coleyne came by Herode vnto Ie∣rusalem: & whan they came not ayen by hym he thought that they were ashamed for to co∣me ayen by hym for bycause that they were dis¦ceyued: and that they founde not the chylde as he denied: therfore in the meane season he ces∣sed to slee the chyldern of Israell and so wene vnto Rome for the cytacion of themperoure. And he toke his waye by the cyte of Tarsum where he brente the shyppes in the whiche the thre kyng{is} of Coleyne shold haue saylled in to ther owne countree. Thenne after a yere and certen dayes: this Herode came frome Rome ayen: accorded with his sones And for the cō∣fyrmacōn of his kyngdome he was made mo¦che holder: and then he slewe all the chyldern of Bethleem that were of two yere of aege & vn∣der that had space of one nyght of aege: and a¦monge these was there one of hys owne chyl∣rden. And Aristoboli & Aleriū werre had in sus¦peccion: in so moche as they promysed a bar∣bour a grete rewarde that he sholde take & kitte ther faders throte whā that he dide him shaue. & whan this Herode herde this he was greued & there he slewe bothe his sones. And Herode Agrippa his sone he ordeyned to be kige. wher¦fore Antipater hys oldest sone was aboute to poyson his foder: the whiche Herode Agrippa vnderstode: & prysoned there his brother that whiche the Emperour herde and sayd that he had leuee be an hogge of Herodes: than for to be one of his sones: for hys hogges he spareth and his sones he sleeth. ¶And whan that He∣rode was .lxx. yere of age he was stryken with a grete sykenesse in his hondes and in his feet and in his membres: that noo lethe myght co¦me to hym for stenche: and soo he deyed. ¶So Antipater his sone in pryson herde tell of thys and Ioyed gretely: and therefore that cause he was slayne. ¶Thenne stroue Arche∣laus and Herodes for the successyon of the fyr¦ste Herode. The Emperour there thrugh coū∣seyll of the Senatours: the halfe of the Iury and Idumea gaaf to Archelaus vnder name of Tetrarche. And the other parte he deuyded in two. Galylee he gaaf to Herode Antippa. And Ituriam and Traconidem he gaafe to Philype Herodes brother. ¶And that same yere Cryste came from Egypte / And Archela¦us was accused many tymes of the Iewes / & was exiled in to Vyennam in to fraūce. And in that place were sette foure Tetrarchees / to the repreuynge of the vnstablynesse of the Ie∣wes. ¶And that same yere Octauyan ye Em¦perour deyed. I.N.R.I. ¶Crux χρristi. stylized depiction of cross I.N.R.I. IHesus Cryste at .xii. yere of aege herde the doctours in the Temple. ¶Our lor¦de. Ihesu Cryst at .xxx. yere of Aege was bapty¦sed· ¶Ihesu Cryste the lorde of all. thynges at .xxx. yere of aege & .iii. monethes deyed far hys seruauntes ¶Annin{us} Rufus was bysshop in the Iury about this tyme. ¶Valeri{us} Geace{us} was after hym .xi. yere. This man openly sol∣de the bysshopryche / & he that moost yaaf had it. And there was moneye in alytell whyle. ¶Poncius Pylat{us} was Iuge & Proctour in the Iury vnder ye Emperour. And vnder this man Iohn̄ Baptyst began for to preche. And our lode surffred deth / the whyche was damp¦ned to dethe vnryght wysly for drede of them¦perour. ¶Tyrus a certen kynge gate a chylde on Pyla a poore mānes doughter / the whiche man hyght Arus / & this chylde of his moders name and hys besyre put togyds was called Pylatus / This Pylatus ye fourth yere of hys aege was sente to his fader. The whiche kyn∣ge of his lefull wyf had goten a chylde euen of the aege with Pylate / & by cause this lefull go¦tē chylde as they proceded in aege exceded this bastarde Pylatus he was full of enuye & slewe his brother the lefull goten chylde. wherfore forth with his fader sēte hym to Rome for pled¦ge for hys trybute that he payed to Rome / en∣tendynge he wolde neuer redeme hym. In the whiche tyme the kyng{is} sone of Fraunce was pledge for his trybute / ye whiche exceded hym in strēgth & chyualry also he slewe hym. Ther¦fore the Romayns sente Pylate as a profyta∣ble man for ye comyn wele to the yle of Ponto to tame the cursyd people / the whiche slewe e∣ueri Iuge that came to them And he that cursid man gouerned that vnhapy people what with thretynge & with promyse / & with lawe & with ieftes that nōe of them durste contrai do to his pleasure / wherfore he was called Pylate of Ponto. ¶Herodes Antipa yonge in his con∣uersacyons / with yeftes and messages drewe hym to hym & made hym prynce of the Iury vnder hym. And this tyme Pylate gadred mo¦che moneye / & Herode not knowynge he wen¦te to Rome that he might receiue of the Emper∣our that Herode had giuē him. Wherfore Hyro¦de & Pylate were enmyes togyder / vnto ye pas¦siō of our lord / whan that pylate sende Ihesus vnto Herode clothed in a whyte clothe / then̄e they were made frendes. ¶Ouidius Naso in ponto aboue thys tyme deyed the fourth yere of his exile. ¶Tyburius this tyme was Em∣peroure at Rome / & he regned xxiii. yere / & he lyued ī the yere that our lord Ihesu Cryst deyed & somwhat after. This mā was in al his wer∣kes greteli auysed that there sholde be nothing sodenly done wyse ī warres studyous ī bokes fayr of speche fresshe in wyte / saue he wold of tymes feyne hymself to do thīges that he wolde neuer do of other. This Emperour vndersto¦de & trusted in cryst / & worshyped hym for god Some men saye at the last he was cruel ayen∣ste people but it was a grete reasō of pyte that he was euer gracious to his subgettes & poore men. And he had peas all his dayes / & alle the peple that said ayenst crystē folke with out oni mercy he destroyed: & he exyled pylate for euer Thenne he decessed & a worse succeded hym. ¶After Euseby it is wryten: our lord at .xxx. yere of his aege chose his .xii. apostles: the whi¦che made our Crede: that is byleue. and thei ma¦de it after the Resurreccyon of cryst: & after ye holy ghost was sende vnto thē. whan they had chose Mathia the apostle & eche of thē made a part as it is shewed hereafter. And this mathi¦a was chose bytwene ye doye of the Ascencyon and wytsondaye in the place of Iudas Scary¦ot the traytoust / of ye whiche Iudas in a histo∣ry is redde thus. ¶There was a certen man in Ieruslem that hygh Ruben / & after saynt Ie¦rom he was of ye trybe of isacar. And his wyf hyght Cyborea the whiche one a certen nyght whan he wolde lustely knowe his wyf / she dre¦med that she shold bere a chyld of myschef & ye childe shold be a traitour to his king & to al ye pe¦ple of that regiō & whā that childe was borne & called Iudas his fader & his mod abhorred as well to slee ther chyld / as to nourysshe a tray∣tour to the kyng & all his people / ther fore they put him in to a panyer / or a lepe in to the see / & he flowed to the yle of Scaryoth / where the la¦di of that place had no childe bi her husbonde & she feyned her to be with childe / but she fayled And after ī a lytell season ye same layd & quene cōceiued a chil of her husbonde & whan that he was of aege. Iudas many tymes angerd hym & caused hym to wepe / the whiche the quene sa¦we / & bete Iudas many tymes / and after she knowleged that iudas was not ye kynges snoe hers / wherfore Iudas slewe the kenges sone / & he dradde the payne of ye lawe / & fledde with certen exiles to Ierusalem. And whā he came there: he gate hī in to Pylates courte that was Iuge & by cause that o cursed mā draweth to ā other: therfore he drewe to pylate & stode gret¦ly in his fauour. And vpon a certen daye whā Pylate loked out of his palays in to an orchar¦de of a that mānes was called rubē that was ve¦ry fader to Iudas. Pylate desyred to haue ap∣ples: & Iudas went to gadre apples: & Ruben ranne to Iudas for to lette hym bycause he to¦ke h{is} apples whithaut ony leue & whā they had chyd this Iudas smote his fad on ye heed with a stone & slewe hym: & Iudas fled a way secret∣ly aft that dede but it was said that rubē died so¦denly. Then pylate gaf to Iudas all ye goodes that Rubē had & ciborea Rubēs wyf that was moder to Iudas. & he dealed not curcesly wyth her as a māshold with h{is} wif & for that she wep¦te & wailed for she had put her sōe to ye see & that she was maryed ayēst her well It was percey∣ued that Iudas had slaī h{is} owe fad & wedde h{is} owne mod. Then̄e ciborea his mod & wyf me∣uyd hym to leue his synne / & then he folowed Cryst: & he forgaue hym his syn̄e & made hym his procoure & apostle. And howfals he was to Cryst / it nedeth not to reherce. And ye same yere Mathewe was chosē / & ye holy ghost was sende in to them as it is sayd afore. ¶The ap∣postles or they were sparpied in to all ye world they gadred theym cogyd in to Ierusalē & ma∣de the Crede here folowinge that is our bileue. IHesu Cryst our sauyour rose fro deth to lyf & sayd to his discyples All the power in heuen and in erthe is gyuen vnto me. And goo ye thus in to all the wrold and preche and teche vnto euery creature / and Ish all be with you vnto the ende of the world. ¶Here he chy¦se hym .lxxii. discyples. & he had .xii. apostles ye whiche he sende in to all the worlde to preche. Ne it is not redde that there were more ordres amonge the discyples of Cryste / of whom the prestes and bysshops in the chirche of god yet kepe the fourme. For to the appostles the bys∣shops succede / and to the dyscyple preestes. To the whyche two ordres / all the chyrche is gyuen as a goodly Ierarche (Vt patet in De∣creto Damasie pape) PEter a Iewe the fyrste pope was a bles∣sed man & a gloryous apostle of Cryst. ¶He was heed of ye chyrche .xxxvii. yere. And he helde hys bysshopryche in the eest .v. yere & sayd masse he made our lorde / & alone sayd the Pater noster. Thenne after he came to Antio∣chiam & there he abode .vii. yere techynge the waye of trouth. And Symon Magus he con∣founded away. That season he preched to the people that were circūcysed / the whiche were in Ponto of Galati. Capadocia. Asia. Bichi∣nia. Thenne herde he that Symon Magus deluded the Romayns / thrugh the loue of the fayth / he came to Rome in the fourthe yere of Claudius ye Emperour. And there he preched the worde of god / and shewed the falshede of Symon Mag{us} and tourned many a man to the fayth / Thenne he sende his precher by dy∣uerse prouynces / by whome crysten relygyon was myghtely encreased. ¶He ordeyned the feest of Lenton afore Eester / and Aduent and the Emerynge dayes to be fasted of all crystē people / in to the myrrour of the fyrste and se∣conde comynge of our lorde Ihesu. ¶Then̄e whan he had be pope at Rome .xxv. yere .vii. monethes and ·viii. dayes / He was slayne of Nero (Ei{us} pla o{per}a vide acti{bus} aplo{rum}) ¶Ba∣ius this tyme was Emperour at Rome & reg∣ned .iii. yere & .x. monethes. This Gaius was fyrst vicyous in lyuynge / for two of his owne sesters he mysused / and on one of them he ga∣e a doughter / whyche chylde he sette betwext the knees of Iupyter in the Temple / and fey∣ned after warde that Iupyter had goten her. wherfore he dyde crye thrugh the coūtree that alle men sholde worshyppe her as a goddesse / This man also made an ymage lyke hymself and sente it to one Patronie Presydent at Ie∣rusalem vnder the Romayns commaundyn∣ge hym that he shold compell the Iewes to do worshyp therto. And fore thyse enormytees & many other / oure lorde suffred hym to be slay∣ne at Rome in his owne Palays. ANd after the dethe of thys Kymbalyn regned Gynder his sone a good man and a worthy / and was of soo hygh herte that he wolde not paye to Rome that trybute that kynge Cassybolon had graūted vnto Iulius Cezar wherfore themperour that was tho that was called Claudius Cezar was sore anoyed And ordeyned a grete power of Romayns / & came in to this londe for to conquere the tribu¦te thrugh strengthe / and for to haue it on the kynge· But thys kynge Gynder and Arma∣ger his broder assembled & gadred a grete host togyd of Brytons & yaue batayll to the Empe¦roure Claudius / and slewe of the Romayns gerte plente. The Emperour had after warde one that was called Hamon that sawe the peo¦ple there fast slayne / & pryuely cast a waye his owe armes & toke the armes of a deed Bryton and armed hym wyth hys armour / & came in to the bataylle to the kynge & sayd in this ma∣ner. Syr be of a good hert for goddes loue for the Romayns that ben youre enmyes anone shall be slayn & dyscomfyted euerychone. And the kynge gaf no kepe to his wordes / ne to his speche forbi cause of the armes that he hae vpō hym / and demyd that he hadde ben a Bryton. But the traytour euer helde hym next the kyn¦ge And pryuely vnder ye sholder of his armes he smote the kynge / wherfore the kynge deyed and felle downe to the erth ¶whan Armager sawe his brother so deed herast awaye his aras¦mes and toke to him his brothers armes / & co¦me in to the batayl amonges the brytons and badde them hertly for to fyght / and fast laye a downe the Romayns. And for the armes they wende it had be kyng Gynder that afore was slayne / yt they wyst not. Thenne began ye Bry¦tons fyersly for to fygth / & slewe ye Romayns So at the last the Emperour forsoke the felde and fledde as fast as they myght with his fol∣kein to wynchestre. And the fals traytour Ha¦mon that had slayne the kynge / fast anone be∣ganne for to flee with all ye hast that he myght And Amager ye kynges brother pursued hym full fyersly with a fyers herte / & droue hym vn¦to a water & there he toke hym. And anōe smo¦te of both honde and feet & heed / and hewed ye body all to peres / and thenne lete cast hym in to the water wherfore that wat was called Ha¦mons hauen. And after there was made a fay¦re towne that yet stondeth that is called Sou¦thampten. And after Armager wente to wyn¦chestre for to seke Claudius Cezar the Emper¦our of Rome. And there Armager hym tooke. And Claudius the emperour thorugh counseyl of the Romayns that were wyth hym left a ly¦ue / made peas with Armager ī this maner as ye shall here. That is to saye. How that Clau∣dius the Emperour sholde yeue vnto Arma∣ger Gennen his fayr doughter for to haue vn¦to his wyf. Soo that this londe from that ty∣me for warde sholde he in the Emperours po∣wer of Rome vpō suche couenaūt / that neuer after warde no Emperour of Rome sholde ta¦ke none other trybute of thys londe / but only feaute And they were accorded. And vpō this couenaunt Claudius Cezar sent to Rome for his doughter Gennen. And as she was come Claudi{us} Cezar yaf her vnto Armager to wyf. & Armager spowsed her at Lōdon with moche solempnyte & myrth. And thenne was Arma∣ger crowned & made kynge of Brytayne. THis Armager regned well and worthe¦ly / and gourned the londe ryght wor¦shypfully. ¶And Claudius Cezar in remem∣braūce of this accorde / and for reuerence and honoure of hys doughter made in this londe fayre town & a castell / and lete calle the tow∣ne after his name Clauestren / ye whiche now is called Gloucestre▪ & then̄e whā all this was done the Emperour toke his leue & then̄e wēte to Rome ayen. And Armager thenne was kin¦ge / and gouerned the londe well and worthely all his lyues tyme. And this Armager gate a sene on his wyf whiche was callyd westmer. And while that this Armager regned saint Pe¦ter preched in Anthioche And there he made a noble chirche. In the whiche he satte fyrste in hys chayre And ther he dewelled .vii. yere. and after he wente to Rome: and was made pope: tylle that Nero ye Emperour lete martyr hym And then preched openly all the apostles in dy¦uerse londes the ryght fayth. ¶And whan Ar¦mager hadde regned .xxxiiii. yere: he dyed and lyeth at the auncyente cyte of London. ANd after this Armager regned his so∣ne westmer: that was a good man and a worthy of body: and well gouerned the lon∣de. It befell so that tydynges came to hym vp∣on a daye: that the kynge Roderyk of Gascoy¦ne was come in to thys londe wyth an hughe host of peple: & was dwellyng in Scanys mo∣re. & whā kyng westmer herde those tydynges he lete assemble an huge host of Brytons / & ca¦me to the kynge Roderyk & yaue hym batayll. And kynge westmer slewe kynge Rodoryke wyth hys owne hondes in playne baytaylle. ¶And whan kyng Roderyks men sawe that ther lorde was slayne / they yelded them all to kyng westmer / & became his men for euer mo¦re. And he gaf them a coūtree that was forletē wherin they myghte dwelled. ¶And thyther they wente And dwelle there alle theyr lyues tyme / and .ix. hondred men there were of the¦ym & nomoo lefte at that batayll· Theyr go∣uernour & prynce was called Berynger. And anone he began a towne that they myght ther in dwelle & haue resorte and lete calle the tow∣ne Berwyk vpon Twede. And there they en∣habyte & becam ryche. But they had no wym¦men amonge them / & the Brytons wolde not yeue there doughters to the straūgers. wherfo¦re they wēte ouer see in to Irlonde / & brought with them wymmen & there they them spow¦sed. But the men coude not vnderstōde theyr langage ne the speche of these wymmen / and therfore they spake togyder as Scottes. And after warde thrugh chaunginge ther langage in al Fraūce they were called then̄e Scottes & soo sholde the folke of that countree be called for euer more. ANd after this batayl that is aboue say∣de whan Roderyke was deed / kynge westmer in remembraunce of his victory lete arere there besyde the way a grete stone on hy¦ghe / and yet it stondeth & euer more shall ston¦de. And he lete graue ī ye stone lette that th{us} say¦de The kynge westmer of Brytayne slewe in thys place Roderyk his enymye. ¶And thys westmer was the fyrst that buylded hous and towne ī westmerlōde & at that stone begynneth westmerlōde that westmer lette calle after hys owne name. And whan westmer had so done he dwelled all his lyf tyme in that countree of westmerlonde / for he loued that coūtree more than ony other coūtre / & whan he had regned .xxv. yere / he deyed and lyeth at Karleyll. AFter this: his sone kynge Coill regned a good man & a worthy: and of goode condycyons: and well gouerned hys londe. And of all men he hadde loue and peas. And in his tyme was neuer contake debate: nor war∣re in Brytayne. And he regned and was kyn∣ge in peas all his lyues tyme· And whā he had regned .xi. yere he deyed & lyeth at yorke. CLaudius was Em{per}our at Rome nexte after Gaius. And he regned .xiiii. yere / and .viiii. dayes. This man came in to greate Brytayne now called Englonde / for to chalē∣ge the trybute whyche they dyde denye vnto the Romayns. And after grete bataylles ther was bytwene the Emperour Claudius & Ar∣mager kynge of Brytayne. And after accorde¦ment made / that thys armager sholde wedde Claudius doughter / & after they two sholde e∣uer lyue in peas. In token werof / this Claudi¦us named the cyte where they were wedded af¦ter hym / and called it Claudicestre / where we now it calle Gloucestre. ¶This Claudi{us} had thre wyues. And on Petiua the fyrste wyfe he gate a doughter that hyght Antonia / the fyrst wyf decessed / and he wedded Messalinam / & gate a sone that hyght Brytanic{us} & Octauia a doughter. The thirde he wedded Agrippina hauyng a sone that hyght Nero. Claudi{us} wed¦ded his doughter Octauia to Nero his wyues sone. This Claudius for loue that he hadde to Agrippina his laste wyf / he slewe Messalina his fyrst wyf / leest she shold haue holpe Brita¦nicus her sone & his to Empyre. yet Agrippi∣na the laste wyf of Claudius dradde / leest her husbonde wolde haue proferred Brytanicus and he deposed Nero her sone / therfore she poysoned her husbonde Claudius / and Nero was promoted to the Empyre. And this same Nero ayue his moder suche a rewarde ayen. For he poysoned Brytanicus and slewe hys owne moder & his wyf Octauia. ¶Iames ye more the apostle this tyme was slayne of He∣rode Agrippa / & Peter was prysoned (Vt pʐ act .xii. The body of saynt Iames was brou∣ghte by myracle in Galeciam of Spyne. ¶Nero after Claudius was Emperour / and he regned .xiii. yere & .vii. monethes. This Ne¦ro was a cursyd man / & made grethe waste in the Empyre. He wold not fysshe but with net∣tes of golde & ropes of sylke. A grete parte of ye lordes of Rome he slew He was enemye to no men but to good men. He slewe his broder and hys wyf his moder & his mayster. He slewe al∣so Peter and Poule / he wolde neuer were one cloth two tymes. Alle his hors and his mules were shood wyth syluer / & at the laste he dyde sette a grete parte of Rome on fyre / some saye the Romayns complayned the stretes were to narowe. And as he had brente a grete parte of Rome. Nero sayd there is space to buylde the stretes wyder. Thenne the Senatours wyth the comyn people came vpon hym to sleehim and he fledde by nyght in to the subarbes of ye cytee & hyde hym / & he herde karles & beggers sayenge. And they wyst where the Emperour were he sholde neuer scape theym. Nero thou¦ghte it shold be grete derogacyon to his name and he were slayne of karles. And on a grete stake he ranne hym self to the herte and deyed and there was buryed. And deuylles kept his body many a daye after / and dyde grete hurte to the people / tyll by a myracle of our lord the body was founde and taken away / and then∣ne ye deuylles voyded. ¶Seneca was this ty∣me mayster to Nero. ¶Iuuenal{is} pota. ¶Lu¦can{us} poeta. ¶Iames the lesse the appostle bys¦shop of Ierusalem was slayne of the Iewes ye .vi. yere of Nero. Marcus the euaungelyste was martred the fyrste yere of hym. LInus ytalicus was pope of Rome .x. yere and .iii· monethes and .xiii. dayes This Linus and his successour Clet{us} / thrugh theyr holy conuersacyon were made to mynys¦tre the tresoure of the chirche to the people Pe¦ter beynge a lyue. And Peter attended to pray¦enge & prechynge. ¶It is redde of this Clet{us} / that he wrote fyrst in his letters (Salutem et apostolicā benedictionem) ¶Afore this tyme was many a dyscyple of Peter slayne vnder Nero. ¶Galba thys tyme was Emperour / & he regned .vii. monethes. This man was ma¦de Emperour by the power of Spayne in the same londe Nero lyuynge. And after the deth of Nero brught to Rome / & there was slayne of a man that came wyth whete to Rome. He smote of his heed and bare it to hym that was Emperour next / seynge all his men & none of them helpynge hym. ¶In this mānes dayes came ye grete Rethoricyen to Rome fro Spay¦ne / & was the fyrste that euer taught the scyen¦ce opēly / his nyme was Quintilian. ¶Otho regned after hym / and he regned but .iii. mo∣nethes. For one Vitellus that was President of Fraunce chalenged ye Empyre. And in yta¦lye betwixt these two were thre gret bataylles And in the fourth batayll Otho sawe he shol∣de be ouercome and in grete dispeyre he slewe hymselfe. ¶Vitellus regned after Otho & he regned .viii. monethes / for he was folower of Nero moost specyall in glotony / & in syngyn∣ge of foule songes: and at festes etynges oute of mesure that he myght not kepe it. ¶Vespa¦sianus regned nexte after hym .ix. yere and .x. monethes and .xii. dayes. ¶The well gouer∣ned men of Rome seynge the cursyd successy∣on of Nero sent after this Vespasian vnto pa¦lestyn For there he was & his sone Tit{us} whiche had besyeged Iherusalem. ¶And whā be her¦de that Nero was deed: by whom he was sen∣te to Ierusalem: & herde of these cursyd men regnynge. At the Instaunce of these men: not wyllyngly: toke vpon hym the Empyre. And anone as he was come to Rome: he ouercame the tyraunte Vitellus and lete hym be drawe thorugh Rome: & after in to tybre tyll he was deed: & then̄e lete hym sayle without sepulture for this ye people desyred. This man was cu∣red of waspis in his nose anone as he byleued in our lorde Ihesu: And yt was the cause why¦che wente to Ierusalem / to venge Crystis deth He fought .xxii. tymes wyth hys enemyes & deyed the yere of grace .lxiix. CLetus a martyr was pope .xi. yere thys Cletus was a Romayn and gretely be¦loued pylgrymages to sayntes sayenge it was more profyte to the helthe of mānes soule to vi¦syte the place yt saynt peter was in than or to fast two yere. He cursyd alle tho men lettynge suche pylgrymages / or counsellers contrary therto. At the last he was martryd by Dami¦an the Emperour. ¶Titus sone to Vespasia¦nus was Emperour thys tyme & regned thre yere. And he abode stylle at Ierusalē after the eleccyon of his fader and destroyed the cytee. And slewe there as the storye sayth with bata∣yll and hungre .xi. hodred thousande Iewes And a hondred thousāde he toke and solde .xxx. for a peny. By cause they solde Cryst for .xxx. pens / and brought thens all thynge that was precyous / and put them in his hous at Rome whiche was called Tēplū pacis / But now is that place falle downe for ye moost party / and all these grete Iewelles ben dystrybuted to cer¦tayne chirches in Rome. ¶This Titus was so full of vertue that all men loued hym / so set forth / that they called hym the moost delecta∣ble of men. He was full lyberall to all mē in so moche that he sayd often tymes / ye there sholde noo man goo from an Emperour with an he∣uy herte / but he shold som what haue of his pe¦tycyon. He wolde be sory that daye in the why¦che he hadde graunted no man no benefyte. ¶whan that he was deed euery man yt was in Rome wept for hym / as that they had lost the¦yr fader. ¶Domician brother to Titus reg∣ned after him .xxiiii. yere & .v. monethes. First he was asy / and after ward full vnresonable For moche of ye Senate was destroyed by his malyce / and also moche of his kynred. He be∣gan the secōde persecucōn after Nero ayenst crysten men / in the whiche persecucion Iohn̄ the euangelyst was exiled in to Pathius after the Emperoure had put hym in to a tonne of oyle brēnynge & hurte hym not. So this man was not the folower of his fader Vespasian / ne his brother Titus / but rathur lyke Nero & his kyn rede. And for these wycked condicyōs he was slayne in his owne palays at Rome in the .xxvii. yere of his aege· ¶Clemens a mar∣tyr was pope .ix. yere and he succeded Cletus. This Clemens fyrste of saynt Peter was or∣deyned to be successour to hym. And for peryll he wolde Linus and Cletus sholde be popes & fore hym / lest that thrugh that ensample pre∣lates sholde ordeyne vnder thē who some euer they wolde. This man made ye lyf of martyrs to be wryten by regyons. And he made many bokes He ordeyned that a chylde shold be con¦fermed as soone as it myght / namely after it was crystened. And at ye laste he was martred vnder Traian. ¶Nerua was Emperour af∣ter Domician oo yere & two monethes. And whan he was chosen he meued the Senate to make a lawe / that thynge whyche Domician comaunded to be kepte sholde be broken / By the whyche meane saynt Iohan the euāgelyst was losed out of his exyl: & suffrey to come a∣yen to Ephase. This man dyde an other thyn¦ge ryght comendable that he assyned soo wyse a man as Traian was to gouerne the people after hym. ¶Nota. ¶Traianus Hispani∣cus was Emperour .xxi. yere. This Traian{us} many man sayd. He was the best amonge all the Emperours: But in one thynge alone he was vicious In so moche as he for the loue of the fals goddes was aboute to destroye ye cry¦sten fayth. Iugyng in hymself so moost to ple¦ase god. Some men say not by hymself but by other he pursewed the crysten fayth: and in ye ende of his lyf he dyde but fewe to dethe. And all his louyng Isette at nought. But at saint Gregory meued with pyte wepyng: & prayed vnto our lord for hym: that he wold haue mer¦cy vpon hym and by his prayer haue hym out of helle: in to whiche place he was dampned. And now yf that he be saud or not: a grete al∣teracyon is amōge doctours. And to vs yt wry¦te Crony eles: it is no parte of our charge to de¦termyn. But all the eest parte of ye world. Ba¦bylon. Selencia: the vtter partes of the ynde. Germayne the seconde after Alexander hel¦de vnder. In all these thynges so pyteous and soo mekely he guyded hym to euery man as a kynge. He was gentyll: and to no man vngē∣tyll: the whiche is redde of fewe: All his dayes he lyued that men sayd he was the moost wor¦thy man in all his Empyre. And thought and sayde euer more: that noo man was more vn∣worthy to be Emperour than he. ANacletus a martyr was pope ·ix yere And he. was a Greke. He monysshed an crystē men: that preestes shold be worshyp∣ped aboue all other men. Sayenge: that prees∣tes doynge sacrifyce to god shold be borne out and not vexed: but be worshypped. And pree∣stes whan they sayd masse the shold haue wye¦nesse with them and namely bysshops Also he decreed that clerkes shold were no berdes nor longe heere. Also that a bysshop sholde be con∣secrated of thre: and dyuerse other thynge. At the last the .xii. yere of Traianus he was mar∣tred and buryed by the body of saynt Peter. ¶Plinius the seconde Oratour and pheloso¦pher wrote moche thyng{is}. Thys man meued Traianus that he sholde wythdrawe the sen∣tence yeuen ayeste crysten folke: wryten to hym that they sholde do noo ylle but take hede to the vertue: But that they sholde ryse afore daye and worshoppe ther god secretly in the nyght· ¶Euaristus a Greke & a martyr was pope .x. yere and .vii. monethes after Anacle∣tus. Thys man ordeyned that man and wo¦man sholde be wedded openly: and that they sholde be blessyd openly of the preest and fader and moder. And he was martred ye thyrde ye¦re of Adrian & buryed by saynt Peter. ¶Alex¦ander a Romayn was pope .viii. yere and .v. monethes. This Alexander the moost parte of the Senatours he conuerterd vnto our lorde And he constytuted and ordeyned / that hooly water sholde be spynkled in to crysten mēnes houses. And he ordeyned that the brede that prestes vse to synge with sholde be made of pu¦re and clene brede and that in a lytell quanty∣te. At the laste he was martred vnder Adryan that was the Emperour. And many of them he conuerted to the fayth. ¶Sixtus a Roma∣yn was pope .x. yere and .iii. monethes. Thys man ordeyned (Sanctus Sanctus Sanct{us}. &c̄) Sholde be sayd in the masse. And that the holy thynges of the chirche sholde not be tou∣ched but of mynysters of ye chyrche. Also that the corporax sholde not be made of sylke / but of pure lynnen clothe wouen / and not dyed and that a woman sholde not touche the holy / vessell of the a wter / ne the palle. Also he ordey¦ned / that yfony bysshop were vacant / that no bysshop sholde be receyued in to his benefyce but with the popes letters. Also that no masse shold be sayd but vpon an a wter / & at the last he was martred. ¶Adrianus was emperour .xxi. yere This Adriani many thīges is cōmē dede to crysten men / other wylle he was graci¦ous / and certeyn of them that wolde not do sa¦cryfyce to the fals goddes he slewe. He was an vniuersall man all moost in all scyence. Peas he had all his dayes / but with the Iewes and many a lawe he made. And thenne he cōmaū¦ded that crysten men sholde not be dampned to dethe but with due processe. Ierusalem he subduded ayen / & forbadde that no Iewe sholde dwelle therin by no wyse. Cristē mē he suffred there to dwelle. Ayenst his wyll he came to the Empyre / But he gouerned hym very welle. whā ye senatours prayed hym to calle his sone Emperour after hym / He sayd / it is not ynou¦ghte to me that ayenst my wyll I haue regned whiche I haue not deserued. For ye emperour{us} of Rome shold go by successyon of blood / but to suche men as haue deserued it thrugh theyr merytes. Many tymes he regned vnuertuous¦ly that is a kynge borne / & vertue sholde come before his kyngdom. ¶Eustachius other wy¦se called Placid{us} & Therospita his wyf / & two of ther sones / of whom merueyllous thynges ben redde / were martred by the commaunde∣ment of Adrian. This Placidus was mayster of the Emperours knyghtes Ierusalem was restored by Adrian and made larger / soo that the place where Cryste deyed was within th walles / the whiche was without before. And thys ys the thyrde buyl dynge agayne of that cyte / for yt was thryes destroyed. Of the Cal∣dees in the tyme of zedethee / of Anthyocus in the tyme of Machabeorum / and of Tytus in the tyme of Vespacian. THelesporus a Romayne was pope .xi. yere thys man ordeyned thys aungels ympne to be songe in the masse (Glorya in ex∣celsis deo &c̄) & the gospell to be redde afore the sacrynge / and ō Crystemasse daye thre masses to be songe. And he ordeyned there sholde noo masse be songe be fore thre of the clocke. And at the laste he was martred & buryed at saynt Peters· ¶Ignyus a Greke was pope foure ye¦re. This man ordeyned that a chylde shold ha¦ue a god fader & a god moder at the time of bap¦tysynge: & also one at confyrmacōn. Also that no Archebysshop / excepte the pope shalde con∣dempne his Suffrygan but yf the cause were shewed in the prouyncyal coūsell of bysshops. Then̄e he was martred & buryed at saynt Pe∣ters. ¶Anthoni{us} Pius was Emperour .xxii. yere with his sones Aurolio and Lucio This mā was myghtly wyse & naturelly fayr of spe∣che / the whiche lyghtly in oo man is not foūde Noto. ¶Excedinge men in wysdom comyn∣ly are not fayre speched / nor peasfull namely of nature / ne contrayous. Excedynge men in fayre speche comēly are lesse than wyse. Thys man was meued with both these proprytees. Therfore many kyngdomes the whyche rece∣ded from other Emperours wylfully to thys man torned ayen. And to crysten men was no ne so gentyll. He sayd thrught the ensample of Cipio. I hadde leuer kepe one heereof a man / than slee an hondred of myn enmyes. And so¦me martyrs were made vnder hym / but they were made vnder the cōmoundemente of the Emperours afore. And the crygen people we¦re soo hatefull vnto the bysshops & to the pree¦stes of ye Temple of the fals goddes: that they prouoked the prynces alwaye ayenste them. For they supposed that the crysten fayth shol¦de destroye them· Therfore it was noo mer¦ualle: all though the pryce was vnpleased: for they sayd All ther goddes were deuyllesy lower Iuges pursued crysten folke & mared: them. This tyme .x. thousande martyrs. were crucyfyed in Arminea / in an hyghe hylle cal∣led Arath. ¶Pompeius trogus isto tempore historias a nino vs{que} ad octauianū deduxit. PIus ytalicus was pope .xi. yere. & .iiii. monethes and .xv. dayes / This mā or∣deyned the feest of Eester euer more sholde be halowed on the sonday. And also an heretyke comynge fro the secte of the Iewes sholde be receyued and baptysed. Thenne he was mar∣tred and buryed in saynt Peter. ¶Anicetus was pope after Pi{us} almoost .x. yere / this man made many decrees of the Canon and for bys¦shops (vt in ca{us} violatores. &c̄. ¶Galienus a leche goten in Pergamo was in grete fame at Rome. The whiche not alonly expowned the bokes of ypocras but he put many of them to his bokes. And of this man is sayd / for his dis¦crete abstynence the whyche he vsed / he lyued an hondred & .xl. yeres. He neuer ete nor dran∣ke hys fylle. ¶Nota abstinenciam. ¶He ne∣uer toke rawe fruytes. Alwaye he had a swete brethe. He deyed all only thrugh aege & noo sy∣kenesse. ¶Marcus Anthonius the true / and Lucius Comodus were Empyrours .xix. ye∣re. These toke the Empyre after Anthony the meke / and thenne began two Emperours to regne / but Luci{us} Comodus decessed. And An∣thom was Emperous a lone / the whiche was a victorious man and a noble / but that he ma¦de the fourth persecucion to kylle crystē men. This Marcus was of so grete sadnesse & sted∣fastnesse / ye for no chaunce he lough neuer / ne chaūged no chere / nother for gladnesse ne for sorowe. And whan he was a childe / he was of suche manhode / that on a certayne tyme whā he loked his tresour / and had not that whiche he myght gyue his knyghtes & his men whan he wente to fyght ayenste the Germayns / the Sclauous / and Sarmatus / he wolde hurte ne greue no body / but had leuer to selle his wy¦ues golden vessell and her arayment / her bed∣dynge / & all her ryall stuff / than take taxe of the Senaours / or of hys prouynce vnder hym But he gate the victorye of his enmyes / & re∣couered all ayen / and released the prouences or ther trybutes. ¶And those that wolde selle hym his wyues tresour ayen he restored them ther moneye / and those that wolde not / he ne∣uer greued them. But the tables of ther dettes betwixt hym and them he brent openly in the market place and thanked them / that they hel¦ped hym in his necessyte. AFter thys kynge Coill regned Lucie his sone: that was a good man to god and to all the people. He sente to Rome to Eu∣lentre yt then was pope: & sayd. He wold beco∣me a crysten man & receyue bapym in the na∣me of god & torne to the ryght fayth & byleue. Eulentre sēte two Legates / yt were called Pa∣gan: an other Elybam in to this londe & bap∣tysed the kyng & all his meyne And after wen∣te from towne to towne & baptysed the people tyll all the londe was baptysed. And this was in the yere an hondred .lvi. after the Incarn∣cyon of our lorde Ihesu cryste. And this kyng Lucie made tho in thys londe two Archibys∣shops: one at Caunterbury an other at yorke & other many bisshops that yet bē in this londe And whan these two Legat{is} had baptysed all this londe: they ordeyned prestes for to bapty∣se chyldern: and for to make the sacramente: and after they wente ayen to Rome. And the kynge dwelled in his londe: and regned wyth moche honoure .xii. yere: and after deyed and lyeth at Gloucestre. THis kyng Lucie had none heyre of his body begotē: that was after warde gre¦te harme & sorowe to the londe. For after thys kynge Lucies deth: none of the grete lordes of the londe wolde suffre an other to be kynge: but lyued in warre & debate amōges them self .l. yere without kyng. But it befell after war∣de that a grete prince came from Rome ī to th{is} londe that was called Seuerie: not for warre but for to saue the ryght of Rome. But neuer theles he had not dwelled halfe a yere in thys londe but that the Brytons slewe hym. And whan they of Rome wyst that Seueri was so slayne: they sente an other grete lord in to this londe that was called Allec that was a stron∣ge man & a myghty of body & dwelled in thys londe longe tyme & dyde moche sorowe to the Brytons. So that after for pure malyce: they chose a kynge amonge theym that was called Astelepades. And assembled a graee hoste of Brytons: & wente to London to seke Allec: & there they foūde hym & slewe hym & all his fe¦lowes. And one that was called walon deffen¦ded hym fyersly: & fought longe with the Bry¦tons but at the last he was dyscomfyted and the Brytons tooke hym and bonde hys hondes & feet and cast hym in to a water. wherfore that water was called euer more walbroke. Tho regned Astelepades in peas: tyll one of his Er¦les that was called Coill made a fayr towne a¦yenste the kynges wyll: & lete calle the towne Colchestre after hys owne name. wherfor the kyng was full wroth & thought to destroy him And began to warre vpon hym and brought grete power of men and yaf the Erle batayll. And the Erle defended hym fyersly wyth hys power & slewe the kynge hymself in that bata¦yll. And tho was Coill crowned & made kyng of this londe. This Coill regned and gouere∣ned the londe well & nobly / for he was a noble man and well be loued amonged the Brytons. ¶whan tho of Rome herde that Astelepades was slayne: they were wonder gladde: & sente an other grete prynce of the Romayns yt was called Cōstance. And he came to ye kyng Coill for to chalēge the trybute that was wōte to be payed to Rome. And ye kynge answered well & wisely & sayde: that he wolde paie to Rome all that ryght and reason wolde with good wyll. And so they accorded tho with good wyll and without ony cōtake. And so both they dwelled togyd in loue. ¶Kynge Coill yaaf to hym his doughter Eleyne for to haue her to his spow∣se / that was bothe fayre & wyse & good & well lettred. & this Cōstance spowsed her there with moche honoure. And it befell soone after that thys kynge Coill deyed in the .xiii. yere of hys regne / and lyeth at Colchestre entyred AFter this kynge Coill Constance was made kynge and crowned / for asmo∣che as he had spowsed kynge Coils doughter that was heyre of that londe. The whiche Cō∣stance regned well and worthely gouerned ye londe And he begate on his wyf Eleyne a son∣ne that was called Constātyne. And this kyn∣ge bare true fayth. And truly dyde vnto them of Rome all his lyf. And whan he had regned .xv. yere / he deyed and lyeth at yorke. AFter kynge Constance dethe regned Constantyne hys sone and the sone of saynt Eleyne that foūde the holy crosse in the hooly londe. And how Constantyne be came Emperour of Rome. ¶It befell soo in ye tyme there was an Emperour at Rome that was a Sarrasy & a tyraunt / yt was called Maxen∣ce / that put to dethe all that byleued ī god & de¦stroyed hooly chirche by all his power & slewe∣all Crysten mī that he myght fynde And amō¦ge all other he lete martyr Saynt Katheryne. And many other crysten people that had dre∣de of deth fledde & came in to this londe to kyn¦ge Constantyne. And tolde hym of the sorowe that Maxence dyde to the Crystyanytee wher¦fore Constantyne had pyte / & made grete soro¦we / & assembled a grete hoste & a gret power and wente ouer vnto Rome / and there tooke the cyte and slewe all that there was ī that we¦re of mysbyleue that he myghte there ynde / And tho was he made Emperour and was a good man & gouerned hym so wel that all on¦des to hym were attendaunt for to be vnder his gouernaunce· ¶And this deuyll & tyaun Maxence that tyme was in the londe of Gre∣e / & herde these tydyngs / & sodeynly became wood / and sodeynly he deyed and so he ended hys lyf. ¶whan Constantyne went from thys londe vnto Rome: he tooke wyth hym hys mo¦der Eleyne / for the moche wysedome that she coude / and the other grete lordes that he mo∣che loued / ye one was called Hoell an another was called Taberne / and the thyrde Morhyn And toke alhys londe to kepe vnto the Erle of Corne wayle that was called Octauyan. And soo anone as thys Octauyan wyste that hys lorde dwelled at Rome. Incōtynent he seased all the londe in to hys honde / & therwyth dyde all hys wyll amonge hyghe & lowe & they hell∣de hym for kynge. ¶whan these tydynges ca∣me to Constantyne the Emperoure: he was wonder worthee towarde the Erle Octauyan And sent Taberne wyth ·xii.M. men for to de¦stroye the erle for hys falsenesse. And they ar∣rayued at Por tesmouth. ¶And whan Octa¦uyan wyst that he assembled a grete power of Brytons and dyscomfyted Taberne & Taber∣ne fledde thens in to Scotlonde. and ordeyned there a grete power / and came ayne in to thys londe another tyme to yeue batayll to Octaui¦an. ¶whan Octauian herde that / he assem∣bled a grate power & came to warde Taberne as moche as he myght / soo that those two hos∣tes mette togyders vppon Stanesmore / and strongely smote togyder / & tho was Octaui∣an dyscōfyted / & fledde thens vnto Norwaye. And Taberne seassed all the londe in his hon∣de / townes & castelles / and as moche as they ther had. And syn Octauian came ayen from Norwaye with a grete power & seased all the londe in hys honde & droue out all the Roma∣yns and was tho made kynge and regned. THis Octauian gouerned ye londe well and nobly / but he had none heyre saue a doughter that was a yonge childe that he lo∣ued as moche as his lyfe And for as moche as he wered syke and was in poynt of det / & my∣ghte no lenger regne / he wold haue made one of his neuewes to haue be kynge / the whyche was a noble knyght & a strong man that was called Conan Meredok & he sholde haue kyp¦te the kynges doughter and haue maryed her whan tyme had ben. But the lordes of the lon∣de wolde not suffre it / but yaaf her coūseyll to be maryed to some hygh man of grete honour and thenne myght she haue all her luste / & the coūsell of the Emperour Constantyne her lor∣de. And at this coūseyll they accorded / & chose tho Cador of Cornewaylle for to go to the em∣perour for to do this message. And he toke the waye and wente to Rome / and tolde the Em∣peroure thys tydynges well and wysely. And the Emperour sente in thys londe wyth hym hys owne cosyn that was hys vncles sone a noble knyght & a stronge / yt was called Maxi∣mian. And he spowsed Octauians doughter / and was crowned kynge of this londe. THis kynge Maximian became soo ry∣all that he thougt to conquere the lon∣de of armory cam for the grete rychesse that he herde tell yt was in that londe / so that he ne lyfe man that was of worthynes / knyght / squere ne none other man / that he ne toke wyth hym to the grete damage to all the londe. For he lef¦te at home behynde hym noo man to kepe the londe / but toke them wyth hym fro thys londe .xxx. thousande knyghtes that were doughty mennes bodyes / & wente ouer to the londe of. Armorycam and there slewe the kynge yt was called Imball / & conquered all the londe. and whan he had so done / he called Conan & sayd. For as moche as kynge Octauian made you kynge of Brytayne / & thrugh me ye were lette and dystroubled that ye were not kynge. I gy∣ue you thys londe of Armorycam / & you there of make kynge. And for as moche as ye be a. Bryton. I well that this londe haue the same name / & no more be called Armoricam / but be called Brytayne. And the londe from whens we be comen shall be called moche Brytayne And soo shall men knowe that one Brytayne fro thae other. Conan Meriedok thāked hym gretly / & soo was he made kynge of lytell Bry∣tayne. And whan all this was done. Maximi∣an wente from thens vnto Rome / & tho was made Emperour after Constantyne. And Co∣nan dwelled styll in lytell Brytayne with mo∣che honour / & there lette ordeyne .ii. thousande ploughmen of the londe for to culture the lon∣de to harow it & for to sowe it & feffed thē ryche¦ly after yt they were. & for asmoche as kyng Co¦nan & none of his knyght{is} ne nōe of his othere peple wold not take wyues of ye naciō of fraū∣ce / he tho sente in to grete. Brytayne to the er∣le of Cornewayle that mē called dionothe that he shold these thorugh out al this londe .xi.M. of maydens. That is to saye .viii.M. for the meane people / and .iii·M. for the grettest lor∣des that sholde them spowse. And whan Dyo∣noth vnderstode this / he made a commaunde¦mente thorughout all the londe of Brntayne. And as many as the nombre cam to be assem¦bldy togyder of maydens / for there was noo man that durste wythstande hys commaunde¦ment{is} / for as moche that all the londe was ta∣ke hym to warde and kepe / to doo all thynge that hym good lyked. ¶And whan these may¦dens were assembled / he lete them come a fore hym atte London. And lete ordeyne for them shyppes hastely / and as moche as them neded to that vyage. And tooke his owne doughter that was called Vrsula that was the fayrest creature that ony man wyst. And he wolde ha¦ue sent her to konge Conan / that sholde haue spowsed her and made her quene of the londe But she had made pryuely to god a vowe of chastyte / that her fader not wyst / ne nōe other man elles that was lyuynge vpon erthe THys Vrsula chose vnto her company .xi. thousande maydens / that of all o∣ther she was lady and meystresse And all they wente to shyppe at one tyme in the water that is called Tamyse / and cōmaunded her kynne and her frendes to almyghty god / and saylled to warde lytell Brytayne. But whan they we¦re come in to the hyghe see / a stronge tempest arose as it was goddes wyll / and vrsula wyth her shyppes and her compny were dryue to Hundlonde thrugh temstpe / and arryued in the hauen of the cyte of Coleyne And the kyn∣ge of the londe that was called Gowan / was tho in the cytee· And whan he wyst the tydyn∣ges / that soo many fayre maydens were there arryued: He toke Elga hys broher and other of hys housholde wyth hym & went to the shyp¦pes to see that fayre company. And whan he sawe them so fayre: he and hys company wol¦de haue ouerlayne them & take fro them ther mayndehode. But Vrsula that good mayde coumseylled: prayed: warned: and taught the¦ym that were her felowes that they sholde de∣fende them wyth all theyr myghte: and rather suffre deth thā suffre ther body to be defoyled. Soo that all tho maydens became so stedfast in god: that they defended them thrughe hys grace: soo that none of them hadde power to doo them shame. wherfore the kynge Gowan was sore anone that he for wrath slewe them euerychone anone ryght: and soo were all tho maydens martred for the loue of god: and ly∣eth at Coleyne. AS alle thys was done kynge Gowan that was a Sarrasyn called hys bro∣ther. Elga and sayde to hym: that he sholde go conquere the londe that alle those fayre may∣dens were borne in. And he ordened tho a gre∣te power of Pehites of denmarke of oreay and of Norway· And they came in to this lon∣de: and brente townes & slewe folke: and caste a downe chirches & houses / and obbed all the lond in length & brede & put to deth alle tho that wolde not forsake the ryght byleue & crysten∣dome / for as moche as there was no soueray∣ne that myght them helpe. For the kyng Max¦imian had take with hym all the worthy men whan he wente to conquere lytell. Brytayne And in the same tyme ye ye here now telle was saynt Albon martryd thrugh the wod tyr Dyoclesyan / in the same place where is now an abbaye made of saynt Albon whyles that he was a paynym. But he conuerted hym to god thrugh the predicacyon of clerke & a wyse man that was called. Anble that was r∣bourghed a nyght in hys hous. And this was after thyn carnacyon of Ihesu Cryste ·ii. hon∣dred .xxvi. yere. And men shalle vnderstonde that saynt. Albon suffred his martyrdom befo∣re that saynt Edmonde was martryd & ther∣fore is saynt. Albon called the fyrste martyr of Englond. ¶This Gowans brother and hys folke that were sarrasyns wēt thrugh the lōde & destroyed al thynge that they foūde & no thyn¦ge they spared· whan these tydynges came to rome how ye kynge Gowan had begon for to destroye this londe / ye Emperour of come sent a strōge mā & of greate power that was called Gracian with ·xxiiii.M. well fyghtynge men for to caste out those sarrasyns of thys londe. And all they arryued at Portsmouth. Maxi∣mian myght not come hymself / for as moche. as he was chosen Emperour after the deth of Constantyne that was Saynt Eleyns sone. whan this Gracian was arryued with his ho¦ste / he lete sapye preuely where kyng Gowan myght be founde. And he sette vpon them so∣denly as they laye in theyr beddes / and discō∣fyted hym and slewe them in ther beddes eue∣rychone / that none of them scaped / sauff Go∣wan that fledde in to his owne countree with moche sorowe and grete payne. ¶Soone af∣ter it befelle that Maximian was slayne atte Rome thrughe treason. And whan Gracian wyste that tydynge he lete crowne hym kyn∣ge of this londe. THis Gracian whan he began to regne he became so wycked & soo sterne / & so moche sorowe dyde to the Brytons yt they sle∣we hym amonge them. ¶Tho whan kynge Gowan vnderstode yt Gracian was slayne & done to dethe he assembled a grete power & ca∣me ayen in to this londe. And yf he had fyrste done harme tho dyde he moche more. For tho destroyed he all this londe / & the crysten peple that were in moche Brytayne so that no man was so hardy for to name god / & he that so dy∣de anone he was put to strange deth. ¶But ye bysshop of London that was that was called Gosselim scaped / & went thens to them of Ro¦me to seke socour / to helpe to dystroy the sarra¦syns that hadde destryed this londe. And the Ro¦mayns sayd / that they had ben so often enoy∣ed for ther sendinge people in to Brytayne all for to helpe the Brytōs / & they wolde nomore soo do / and soo the Bysshop Gosselin wente thens wythout ony socoure or helpe. And tho wente he to the kynge of lytell Brytane that was called Aldroye / & this was ye thyrde kyn∣ge after Gowan Meryedok / as before is say∣de. ¶The bysshop prayed this Aldroye of hel∣pe & socoure / & the kynge had pyte in his herte whan he herde how the bysshop fledde / & how that the crysten men were soo slayne in grete. Brytayne thrugh ye paynyms & sarrasyns / he graūted hym cōstantyne his broder him for to helpe wyth power of folke. And then dyde ar∣raye hors armour & shyppes & al thynges that neded to that vyage. And whā al thinge was re¦dy / he called ye bysshop / & to hym sayde I take you here Cōstantyne my broder vpon this co∣uenaū. That yf god gyue hym grace the pay∣nems & that sarrasins to destroye yt ye then ma¦ke hym kynge. And the bysshop graūted wyth good wyll. ¶Constantyne & the bysshop toke leue of ye king Aldroye & betoke him to god & to¦ke men .xii. thousande & went to ther shyppes & saylled to warde grete Brytayne & arryued at Totnesse. ¶whan the Brytons herde the∣se tydyng{is} that to thē came socoure / they were strongely holpen / & ordeyned thē an huge nō∣bre of people & came to them & receyued them with moche honoure. ¶Gowan anone as he wyst of these tydynges / he assēbled all ye Sar∣rasyns & cam ayenst them & yaue thē batayle. An Cōstantyne slewe hym with his owne hō¦des. And all those other Sarrasyns were dys∣comfyted & slaine that nōe of them escaped but those that were cōuerted vnto almyghty god. ANone after ye batayll they wēte to Lō∣don & crowned there Cōstantyne & ma¦de hym kyng of this lōde. And ye bysshop Gos∣selyn sette the crowne on his heed & anoynted hym / as it befalleth for a kynge to be. And tho began crystendome ayen in this londe / And a¦none this kyng Constantyne as he was crow∣ned. Anone after he spowsyd hys wyf thrugh coūseyll of ye Brytōs And he begate thre sones on her. The fyrst was called Cōstance & that o¦ther Aurilambros / & ye thyrde Vter. This Cō∣stance the elder brother▪ whan he cam to aege he made hym a monke atte wynchestre. This Constantyne theyr fader thrugh treason was slayne ¶For it befel on a time that a Pehite ca¦me to hym vpon a day in message as yt were. And said that he wold speke with ye king preue¦ly in coūseyll. The kyng lete voyde his cham∣bre of the men yt were there with in / & ther abo¦de no moo but yt kyng & the Pehite. & he made a coūtenaūce as though he wold haue spoken with the kynge in his eere. And there he slewe him with a lōge knyf. And after that he wente meruaylously out of the chābre in to a nother chābre so at ye last no man wyst where he was become. ¶whan the kynges mē wyst that the¦yr lorde was so deed they made then so moche sorowe that they wyst not what to do. For as moche as his two sones Aurilambros & Vter were so yonge / that they myght not be kynge / and the thyrde was a mōke as is sayd before. But Vortiger that was Erle of westsex thou∣ghte preuely in hys herte thrugt queyntaunce for to be kyng hymselfe. And went to wynche¦stre / where that Constance was monke / and sayde vnto hym. Constance sayde he / your fa∣der is deed & your two brethern that ben wyth Gosselyn ye bysshop of London to nourysshe be so yonge / ye none of thē may be kyng. wher¦fore I counsell you / yt ye forsake your habyte & come wyth me. And I shall make suche a mea¦ne vnto ye Brytons / yt ye shall be made kynge. THys Vortyger coūselled thys Constan¦ce so moche / tyll he forsoke hys abbot & wēte with him. And anone after he was crow¦ned kynge by thassent of the Brytons. Thys kynge Constance whan he was crowned and made kyng / he wyst ne knewe but lytell of the worlde ne cude nothynge what knyghthode axed· And he made vortiger his chyef mayster and coūseyller / & gaf hym all his power / for to-ordeyne & do as moche as to ye reame apertey¦ned. So that hymself no thynge entermedled but only bare the name of kynge. whan Vor∣tiger sawe that he had all the londe in his war¦de & gouernall / he thought a preuy treason to slee Constance the kynge / that he myght hym self be crowned & made kynge & regne. And le¦te sende after an hōdred kynghtes of Pehites the worthyest of all ye londe / & them helde with hym for to dwelle \ as to be kepers of hys body as he wolde goo thorugh the londe to ordeyne thinges that apperteyned to a kyng. And this Vortiger honoured so moche the hondred kyn¦ghtes & soo moche yaue them of golde & syluer and so ryche Iewelles / robes horses and other thynges plente / wherfore they helde hym mo∣re lorde than they dyde the kynge. And Vorty∣ger tolde them / yf he myght be kynge / ye as it were thrugh treason / he wolde make them ry∣chest of the londe. Soo at the laste thrugh gre∣te gyftes that he had gyuen largely they cryed thrugh the courte that Vortyger were beter worthy to be kynge than Constance. wherfore Vortiger made semblaunt as he had ben wro¦the. And he departed thens from the courte: & sayde he must goo elles were for thynges that he hadde to do. And soo the traytour sayde for by cause that they sholde slee hym: that ys to saye Constance. ¶whan thys Vortyger was gone: yt befell soone after: yt tho hondred kyn∣ghtes of Pehyces brake the doores of the kyn∣ges chambre and there they hym slewe: & smo¦te of hys heed ād bare it to Vortiger there that he dwelled. And soo whan vortiger sawe that heed he wepte full tenderly with his eyen: and neuer theles he was som deale glad in hys ber∣te of his deth· ¶And anone this vortiger toke those hondred kenghtes of Pehytes: and bad∣de hys seruauntes bynde theyr hondes behyn∣de them: and ladde them to London: and ther they were dampned vnto dethe as fals tray∣tours. And anone after all the Brytons of the londe by the comyn assente crowned vortiger and made hym kynge of the londe SOther a martyr was pope after Any∣cetum .ix. yere the whyche decreed that a Nonne sholde not touche the pale of the aw∣ter: nor put in sence therto. And that she shold were a wymple about her heed. And many pe¦rylles he sawe aboute matrymony. Therfore he ordeyned that noo woman sholde be callen a lefull wyf: but yf she were blessyd of the pre∣est. ¶Elentherus a martyr was pope after Sother .xv. yere: the whyche ordeyned that crysten men sholde refuse no meete resonable that was mannes mete (Nota) ¶Also that noo man vnaccused in cryme: sholde be put from his dygnytee or degree tyll he were con∣uycted: thorugh ensample of cryst the whyche kepte styll Iudas Scaryoth not accused: and Crist knewe hym gylty. And what someuer he dyde amonge the apostles for the dygnyte of his seruyce abode ferme & stable· And he sente also Legates vnto Lucie the kyng of Brytay∣ne: the whiche baptysed hym & his peple. And Fagus and Domianus legate: the whyche the pope sente fyrst: preched in Englonde and this crystendome dured in Brytayne two hō∣dred yere: vnto the tyme of Dyoclesyan the Emperour whan saynt Albon was martred. ¶Marcus Anthonius: & Luci{us} Comod{us} we∣re Emperours / but Marcus deyed anone / & Lucius Comodus regned. Comodus was cal¦led prouffytable of scorne / for he was to euery man vnprouffytable. He was yeuen vtterly to lechery. Many Senatours & Crysten men he made to be slayne. He dampned his owne wyf to deth for aege. He deyed a sodeyne deth with struglynge amonge maydens. ¶Helius Per∣tinax after this man was Emperour .vi. mo∣nethes / and was a man of grete discrecyon / whome Iulian the grete lawer slewe. And he entred the Empyre / & was slayne the .vii. mo∣neth of Seuerus. ¶Victora martyr was po∣pe after Elentheriū .x. yere. & for ye discorde of the paschall tyme he called a coūsell ī Alexand where he was presente yt tyme / & many other / where he decreed that Eesters daye shold be ke∣pte on the Sonday but he must kepte the chaū¦ge of the moone of Apryll & that was to dyffer∣re fro Iewes for many bysshops of the eest a∣bode that tyme / the same daye that the yewes dyd halowe that feest. ¶Also he ordeyned yt in the tyme of nede / childern mystht be cristened in euery place / & in euery water. ¶zepherin{us} a martyr & a Romayne was pope after victor .ix. yere. This man ordeyned that Crysten pe∣ple of .xii. yere of aege & aboue / sholde receyue his god on Eeester daye ones oo yere. also he or¦deyned that all the vessels of the awter sholde be glasse or tynne / and not tree / as in olde ty∣me the consecracyon of ye glorious blood was made in tree vessell· And this tyme past / & the worshyp of the chirche grewe / & glasen vessell were forbode (Vt patet de conse. de pri. ca.) ¶Origenes the noble clerke was thys tyme / & he wrote so moche / that saynt Ierome sayde I haue redde of Origenes werkes .iiii. thousā¦de volimes without pystles. He translated the Byble from Hebrwe in to Greke / & dyde ma∣ny other grete thinges. And of this Origenes Sampson. Salomon / and Traian / is a grete question amonge doctours yf yt they ben dam¦pned or saued. Therfore those thynges yt with out perell we ben not boūde to knowe nor the chirche is not certifyed of them. And therfore lete them alonly commytted vnto god. ¶Ca∣listus a martyr & a Romayne was pope after zepherin{us} o. yere / and he ordeyned the Cimite¦ri (in via apia) where many a thousande mar∣tyr is buryed. ¶Also he ordeyned the feest of the Eemerynge dayes to be kept. ¶Anthoni{us} Aurelius was Emperour .iii. yere. And thys man lacked no kynde of lechery / & at the laste he was slayne amonge a greate multytude of peple / for hys myscheuous lyuynge. Antho∣nius Marc{us} regned after hym .vii. yere. This man lyued abstynatly / & therfore he was slay∣ne as was his predecessour. ¶Alisander was Emperour after Anthoni{us} & regned .xiii. yere This man at the Instaūce of his moder a cry∣sten woman & ye techyng of Origenes / ye why∣che came to Rome to conuerte her / was made so good vnto crysten men yt he suffred them to haue ther coūseylles & theyr prayers by them∣self / but neuertheles in this tyme the cursed of¦fycers of hym made many martyrs. VRbanus was pope after Calist{us} .viii. yere / and olde and yonge he was very vertuous. And all the halowed vesselles of the chyrche he made of golde or syluer. This man lefte his popehede and went to Agryppa and .xi. thousande virgyns wyth hym. And ye cler∣gy sayd he lefte not hys dygnytee for holynesse but for appetyte of tho virgyns / & wrote hym not in the booke of popes. And there he a vir∣gyn was martred with those virgins. ¶Pon¦cianus a martyr succeded Vrbanus. And he ordeyned that psalmes sholde be soyde daye & nyght in the chyrche of god. And that a preest sholde saye Confite or afore the masse. ¶An∣teros a martyr was pope after this man / this man ordeyned that a bysshop myght be reme∣ued from one vnto an other. And he made the lyfe of martyrs to be wryten. And he was slay∣ne and buryed in the Cimitery of saynt Calixt ¶Maximianus was chosen Emperour act Magūcia of the hoste / & not by ye Senatours and regned thre yere / and destroyed the chyr∣che myghtely / and was slayne for Origene. ¶Gordian regned after hym .vi. yere / and of hym is lytell wryten / but he was slayne (Hiis diebus Celus dux Colchestrie in asclepio reg∣nat in britannia annis quasi .xxx. vs{que} ad ad∣uentum Constancii. Lati .M. vacat) ¶Phy∣lyp was Emperour after hym / & this Phylyp chose to hym Phylyp his sone / & they regned .xvii. yere: & were the fyrst Emperours yt were crystend: and after slayne of the host: They be queued all ther tresour in ther deth: yt it sholde be dysposed to poore men. And saynt Lauren∣ce at the assygnacyon of his mayster the pope departed this tresour about Rome / the why¦che was greate cause of his martyrdome (Vt quidē dicunt) ¶Decius was Emperour thre yere / & in all thynges a tyraūt. For he entred thempyre whan he & the hoste had slayne the two Philyppes his lordes & after that he was slayne with his sone. ¶Fabian{us} a martyr & a Romayne was pope after Anteros .xii. yere / this was a very holy man. For whan Crysten men stode to abyde the eleccyon of the pope / so¦denly a whyte douue or a culuour descēded on hys heed / sayenge vnto hym / thou shalt be po∣pe of Rome. This man ordeyned euery yere ye Creme sholde be halowed vpon Sherethurs∣daye. Also he deuyded regyons to deakens the whiche sholde wryte the lyf of maetrys. And at the laste Dicitus slewe hym. ¶Cornelius a martyr & Romayne was pope after Fabian{us} .iii. yere. This man toke vp the bodyes of Pe∣ter & Poul / & with grete honoure put them in worshypfull places with beata Lucina· ¶Lu¦cius was pope after Cornelius thre yere / and of hym lytell is wryten. ¶Gallus with his so¦ne Volucianus were Emperours two yere / & they foughte with Emilianus / & were slayne And Emilian{us} the thyrde moneth was slayne ¶Valerian was Emperoure wyth hys sone Galyene .xv. yere. Thys man was vertuous and manly in the begynnynge / but after was gyuen to vyce / & moche wrytchednesse. And so was his sone Galiene. This valerian wen∣te vnto the londe of Perse. And therfore ye gre∣te blod of martyrs whiche he had shedde was taken of the kyng of Perse. And whan he had take hym he put out both his eyen & kept hym in grete bondage. And to this entente he kept hym / that whan so euer he shold ryde / this Ve¦ferian shalbe lye downe / & he sholde sette hys leet vpon hys backe whan he wolde take hys horse. This herde Galiene his sone yt was lef∣te at Rome. And that caused hym that he was not so cruell ayenst Crysten men. ¶And here was the .viii. persecucyon of the chyrche ma∣de by the Emperour. And made ye Romayns to lese ther kyngdomes / the whiche were neuer recouerd ayen to the emperour / And generall pestelence was thrugh out all ye world for ther trespasse. ¶Stephanus a martyr after Luci∣us was pope .iii. yere / this man ordeyned that no man sholde vse none halowed clothes but to ye worship of god. ¶Sixtus a martyr and a Romayne was pope after Stephanus two ye¦re. Thys man ordeyned that the masse sholde besayd vpon an awter the whiche afore was not / and thenne he deyed. ¶Dyonisius a Ro∣mayne was pope after hym two yere. Thys man deuyded parysshes and chyrcheyardes / and assygned to chyrches certen preestes. ¶Felix a martyr was pope after Dyonisius two yere. He ordeyned that for the memorye of martyrs masses sholde be sayde. Also he or∣deyned the Dedycacyon of the chyrche euery yere sholde be sayde. ¶Claudius was Empe∣rour after Valerian / this emperour subdued Gothas nobly / and thenne he dessessed. EVtician{us} a martyr was pope after Fe∣lix .viii. yere. This man ordeyned that corne & beenes sholde be blessyd on the awter. And he buryed .CCC & ·xliiii. matyrs wyth his owne hondes. ¶Aurelius was Emperour after Claudius .v. yere this Auelius crysten men was gentyll wherfore he had the victory in euery place gloryously. And whan he was desceyued by cursyd men & pured crysten men myghtly / and namely in Frauce for there he abode / & after that he hadde neuer good fortune. But was slayne. And this was the nynth persecucyon of the chyrche & csten fayth. ¶Tacitus was Emperour after thys man / And he regned but thre monethes and was slayne in Ponto. ¶Probus was Empe∣roure after hym .v yere and ·iiii. monethes. Thys man recouered Fraunce ayen: the why∣che was occupyed with Barbaryk men. And he yaue them & Pannonias lycēce to haue vy∣ne yerdes. And whan he had almoost al thyn∣ges well in peas he sayde. Knyghtes wyth in a lytell tyme shalle not be necessary: and anone after he was slayn at Siriū· ¶Carus and his two sones Carun{us} & Numerian were em∣perours after Probus but some were they de∣de: and theyr fader was drowned: and the two sones were slayne: all these thre regned but .ii. yere. ¶Dyoclesian and Marimian came af∣ter these thre Emperours the one regned in the Est: and the other in the weste. ¶The fyrste thynge that Dyoclesyan dyde: he brente all ye crysten mennes bokes that myght be founde. The two tyrauntes dyde more harme to Cry∣sten men than euer dyd ony other· For .x. yere lasted the persecucyon. And as we rede. wyth in ·xxx. dayes .xx. thousande men were slayne for Crystis sake. And in Englonde all faythe was almost destroyed in ye tyme of maximian ¶Gaius was pope after Eutician{us} / this mā ordeyned that no man sholde accause a bysshop or an other clerke to ony seculer Iuge. And yt a pagon or an heretyke sholde not accuse a Cry¦sten man. Also he ordeyned that he yt was wor¦thy shold ascende gree by gree to his ordre / fyr¦sten Benet / than Colet / subdeacon / deacon / & than preest. And at ye last he was martred vn∣der Dyoclesyan. Arcellin{us} a martyr was pope after Gaius .xi. yere and .iiii. monethes This mā was persecuted sore / for drede of deth he of freed thre cornes of incense to the sacrefyce of the ydolles. And after warde he openly repen∣ted / & suffred the payne of deth for the fayth of the chyrche of god. Hys body laye vnburyed thre dayes for dred of the curse of god. And af∣ter thorugh auysyon of saynt peter & Marcell he was buryed at saynt Peters foot. ¶Mar∣cellus was pope after Marcellinus .v. yere. This man ordeyned that a generall counseyl myght not be ordeyned without the auctorite of the pope (vt pʐ .xvii. di .c. sinodū) ¶Also he chose .xv. Cardynalles in the cyte to burye cri∣sten men. At the last whan he had kept beestes longe tyme in a house closed in with them / by the commaundement of Maximian / he deyed for faute. ¶Eusebi{us} a martyr was after this man two monethes & certayne dayes. Thys man of a laye man was made pope / & he ordey¦ned that no laye māsholde accuse his bysshop but yf he went fro his fayth (vt pʐ .ii.ix.vii.c. laicos) Nato. ¶This tyme saynt Albon was martred in Brytayne. This Albon whan he was a pagan / he lodged a certayne man / the whyche conuerted hym to the fayth and after was Iuged vnto dethe. And moche people he torned vnto our lorde / that were nygh the wa¦ter / the whiche he made drye thrugh his pray∣er. And he suffred deth nygh ye cyte of verelom (Vide plura in vita sancti Albani) ¶Melchi¦ades a martyr succeded Eusebius .iiii. yere. This man forbode ye men sholde fast on Son∣daye or on Thursdaye in so moche as paga∣nes faste on those dayes. Atte the laste he was martred as al his predecessours were. ¶And vnderstonde ye that there were .xxxiii. popes of Rome martred eche one after other. Peter was the fyrste / and thys melchiades was the laste. And then̄e it was laudable after Grego∣ry / a man to desyre a bysshopryche. ¶Galeri∣us was Emperour after Dyoclesyan two ye∣re / and an other wyth hym called Constācius So was the Empyre in those dayes deuyded. Thys Constācius after he had conquered all spayne / he came in to grete Brytayne / & there he wedded a kynges doughter an whom he ga¦te grete Constantyne. And this same Constan¦cius deyed in Brytayne / & lyeth at yorke / as Martyne sayth in his Cronycles / and left on lyue Constantyne that was goten on Eleyne and was kynge of Brytayne and of Fraunce SIluester was pope after Melchiades. This was a glorious Cōfessour / & ma¦ny wayes he worshiped ye chirche of god what in wrytynge / what in myracles. He recyued ye pratrymony of saint Peter. That is for to say the kyngdom of ytalye with the cyte of Rome of Constantynople the Emperour / and to the worshyp of the hole vnyuersal chyrche of god he torned it. He baptysed Eeleyne and the Ie∣wes / & thenne he decessyd an holy Confessour ¶Constantyne the myghty was Emperour this tyme. This Constantyne was a glorious man and a victoryous in bataylle. In gouer∣nynge of the comyn people he was very wyse And in the necessyte of the byleue he was with out compayre. Deuoute. His pyte and his ho∣lynes ben so wryten in the bokes of holy doc∣tours / that wythout doubte / he is to be nom∣bred amonge Sayntes. And the Grekes saye that in the ende of his lyf he was made a amō¦ke. And more ey maye here of hym in the Cro∣nycles of Englōde. For he was kyng in Eng∣londe. ¶Helena the quene moder to Constan∣tyne repayred agayne the holy Crosse this ty∣me. And she made .lxx. Colleges / and she glori∣fyed the state of all holy chyrche. ¶Nicholas bysshop of Myrree seete an holy mā was this tyme. ¶Athanasius was thys tyme bysshop in Alexandre a gloryous doctoure / made the (symbalum Quicun{que} vult saluus esse. &c̄. ¶Marcus was pope after Siluester two ye∣re and .viii. monethes / this man ordeyned the Crede sholde be openly songe in the chyrche. And that the bysshop of Hostience sholde con∣secrate the pope / & that he sholde were a palle. ¶Iulius was pope after Marcus .xi. yere / vnder Constantyne the seconde. ¶Constan{us} this mā was exiled .x. yere & after suffred deth vnder Constantyne the seconde. ¶Constan∣tinus wyth hys two brethern redned .xxiiii. ye¦re. And in his laste ende he was peruerted by the heresyet of the Arience by a bysshop called Eusebe. And he pursued ye chyrche of god strō∣gely. The ende of this mā was thys. as he shol¦de go to cōstātynople vnto agret counseyll in ye whych coūcyl he thought to haue cōdēpned ye bysshop & ye clerkes of true byleue / he wēt befo¦re vnto a chambre to auoyde suche thyng{is} as nature requyred / & anone sodenly his bowels felle from hym / & therby was deed as ye now here. ¶Liberius was pope after Iulius .xix. yere and .vii. monethes. Thenne was the se∣conde dyscorde of the chirche bytwene Libery¦us & Felix / for the heresye of the Ariens ye why¦che fauoured Lyberyus. Thenne Constancy{us} themperour called ayen Liberius from his ex¦yle / by cause he fauoured thys heresye And the chyrche deycede Liberyus & toke Felix for po∣pe / & the other was expulsed as an heretyke of the chyrche. But Felyx obteyned not / for the Emperour put in Lyberyus & expulsed Felyx. ¶Feilix was pope after the deth of thys Lybe∣ryus. And he declareed Constancyus the Em∣perour an heretyke & anone after he was mar¦tred. ¶And here was the first that euer ye chir¦che of Rome had an Infamed pope. For all ye predecessours of thys Liberyus were sayntes & yaue holy ensamples. ¶Iulymus Apostata was after Constancyus Empero ur two yere & .viii. monethes / He was called Apostata for he fleede thys Constancius / whyche slewe hys brother. And for fere of deth was made a cry∣sten man & a monke. But after warde by the coūseyll of Nygromancers / he asked ye deuyll whether he sholde be Emperoure or not. The deuyll sayd that he sholde be Emperour vpon a condycyon that he sholde forsake his crysten fayth and be vtter enmye to cristen men And so he dode. For he yaue leue to the Iewes that they sholde buylde ayen the Temple in spyte of the crysten men. And he toke all the goodes that crysten men had and destroyed many of them. ¶Iomynyanus was Emperour after hym .viii. monethes. For whan Iulyan{us} was deed the hoste chose hym Emperour. And he was a crysten man. And he sayd it was not le∣stull to a crysten man to be lorde ouer so ma∣ny hethen people. They answered and sayde. Rather than he shold forsake ye Empyre they wolde be crystened. And thus toke he the dyg∣nytee. But soone he was deed / and in a mer∣uayllous maner. For he was layde in a cholse hous after hys Iourneye made all of stone ne¦wely whyted wyth lyme / in ye whiche they ma¦de to his cōforte as they thought a fyre of char¦coole· And of the ayre of these two in the moro¦we he was founde deed. ¶Valentinian wyth hys brother Valent was Emperour after Io∣minian{us} .xi. yere For he departed the Empyre & gaue hys brother the eest / and kepe hymselfe the west parte / This Valentinian was a lord wyth Iulyanus Apostata. And it happed hym on a tyme for to goo in a Temple of false god∣des for to doo satcrefyce. And mynystres stode there with water halowed after the gyse with the whiche they strynkled the lordes. This va¦lentinian smote the mynyster that cast the wa¦ter vpon hym & sayd. He was rather defoyled by it than clensed. For this Iulian{us} dyde exile hym. But our lorde god for hys open confessy¦on of hys name rewarded hym wyth the Em∣pyre. Hys brother Valent fell in to the opyny∣on of the Ariens and deyed in that heresye. Thys same Valent lyued foure yere after Va¦lētinian wyth Gracian themperour. Thys tyme lyued saynt Ambrose. DAmacias was pope after. lix.xviii. yere and two mon∣thes this was an eloquent man in meter. And he wrote many stories of popes & mar¦tyrs· He ordeyned that. Go∣ria patri sholde be sayd in ye endes of the psal∣mes. And that was at the prayer of saynt. Ie∣rom. And thrugh the mocyon of this pope. Ie∣rome translated the. Byble from Hebrewe in to Latyn / and thenne he decessed a cōfessour. ¶Valence with Gracian & Valentinian we∣re Emperours foure yere / In this tyme were chirches opened ayen and crysten men hadde leue to renewe the seruyce of god that was de∣fended afore wyth Emperours enfected wyth heresye as was Valens & other / wherfore the chirche had no lyberte whan valens was on lyue. ¶A Synodus of a hōdred & .l. bysshops were gadred vnder Damasi{us} pope at Constā¦tynople ayenste Macedoniū an heretyke / the whiche denyed the holy ghost to be very god. And then̄e was the Crede made / that is songe on holy dayes in the chirche. ¶Augustynus a Cartaginen̄ of Affrica was this tyme He was as noble a Rethoricien as myght ebe. And in. all phylosophye and poetrye in comparable And all thynge that ony phylosopher founde in his yougth he vnderstode with lytel labour And about this tyme he was sent to Mediola¦num where he was torned anone of saynt Am¦brose & baptysed. Thys man grewe vnto ano¦ble doctour of the chyrche. And not longe after that he was bysshop of yponen̄. And there he lyued .iiii. yere / and moche dyuynyte he wrote (vt patet in librissu is) ¶Sirit{us} was pope of∣ter Damasi{us} .xv. yere / he dampned heretykes & lytell elles is wryten of hym. ¶Thodosyus sone to Gracian with valētyne hys vncle we∣re Emperours .xvii. yere / Thys man was a crysten man & gracyous / & in gouernaunce ly∣ke to Trayan{us} / soone wroth & anone reconsy∣led. Thys man on a daye whan he wolde haue gone to haue herde masse / saynt Ambrose for∣badde hym the entree of ye chyrche / tyll he had penaunce & made satysfaccion for the sleenge of .xxx. knyghtes the whych he slewe in angre at Constantynople. wherfore they made a la∣we that the sentence of a prynce sholde be de∣ferred .xxx. dayes of those yt sholde do execuso∣on yf they myght falle in the grace of the pryn¦ce wythin the .xxx. dayes. ¶Aboute thys tyme was a chylde borne in the castell of Emons / from the nauyll & aboue deuyded in two body¦es / hauynge two heedes and two wyttes / so ye the one slepynge or etynge / the other slept not neete not. And whan they were two yere of a ege / the one decessyd & the other lyued thre day∣es after. ¶Claudius poeta was thys tyme. ¶Arcadius and Honorius regned .xxx. yere. And in theyr tyme Rome was nere destroyed by a kynge called Alaticus. Of the whiche de¦struccyon rose a grete blasphemye of the Ro∣mayns. For they sayd they farde neuer well sy¦then Cryst came to Rome / and bereeued them ther goodes by the prechyng of Peter & Poul And yet thys Arcady{us} subdued all hys enmyes by the power of god / & shedde no blood. Ayen∣ste this blasphemye saynt Austyn made that so¦lempne werke / the whyche they calle (de cyuy∣tate dei) Honorius was Emperour with The∣odosius his brothers sone .xv. yere & he was a man of holy lyf. For two wyues he had / & yet wyth both he deyed mayden· He loued specyal∣ly the chirche & hated heretykes. ¶Ierom dey¦ed this tyme at Bethleem the yere of hys aege .lxxxi. ¶Sanctus Heracides the whiche wro¦te Vitas patrū to lapsn̄ episcopū was this ty∣me. ¶Iohōnes Crysostom{us} was exiled of En¦dochia the wyf of Arcadius / & thrugh heete of the sonne he was deed. ¶Anastasius was po∣pe after Siritius thre yere. This man or dey∣ned that eueryman sholde stande at the redyn¦ge of ye holy gospell. & that he that was a may¦med man sholde not be preest. ¶Innocenci{us} was pope after Anastasius / thys man ordey∣ned ye syke men sholde be anoynted with hooly oyle. And at masse ye kysse of peas to be yeuen And he dampned Pelagyen an heretyke & ma¦ny other thynges dyde (vt patet .xxvi. q. i.) zOzimus was pope after Innocēcius two yere & .viii. monethes / This man ordeyned that clerkes sholde be noo ta∣uerners ne selle no wyne / & that a boūde man sholde be made no preest the lycence of his lorde. ¶Bo Romayne was pope after zozimus foure yere. This man or∣deyned that a woman sholde not touche ye pal¦le of the water ne sholde not wasse the awter. ¶Celestim{us} a Romayne was pope after Bo∣nifacius .viii. yere & .ix. dayes / the whyche or∣deyned the psalme afore masse. (Iudica me¦deus. &c̄.) And at the begynnyng of the masse sholde be sayde a verse of a psalme / and at the Grayle / and that the Offertorye sholde be say∣de afore the sacrynge. This same man sente saynt Patryke to Irlonde to conuerte ye londe and Palladius deaken of. Rome to the. Scot∣tes to be conuerted. ¶And in the fourth yere of thys man there was a generall. Synody at Ephysima of thre hondred bysshops ayenste Nestorium an heretyke. ¶Theodosius the yonger wyth valentinian his neue we regned .xxvii. yere. In his tyme was the feest ordey∣ned / whyche is called Aduincula sancti petri. And in his tyme deyed saynt Austyn / in the ye¦re of his aege .lxxvi. And this tyme was reysed the .vii. slepers / ye whiche sleped two hondred yeres. Thys man deyed at Constantynople & there was buryed. ¶This tyme the. Saxons entered Englonde / and anone by lytyll and ly∣tell they grewe vp myghtely. And at the laste they opteyned all the londe. ¶Sixtus a Ro∣manyne was pope after Celestinus .viii. yere. This was a holy man & a meke And lytell of him is wryten but ye he buylded Sācta māria maior. ¶Leo Tuscus a Confessour was po∣pe after Sixtus. Thys man was as hooly as ony mā. Fyue tymes in a daye or more he wol∣de saye masse. And on a tyme. After yt befell whan a cretayne woman kyssed hys honde / he was tempted wyth her / And for the trespa∣as that he hadde done / vnto hys penaunce he made hys hode to be stryken of. And whan the noyse rose vpon hym that he myght not saye masse as he was wonte to do / thenne he was ryght sory. And all only betoke hym in prayre to our lady to helpe hym. And our lady resto∣red hym hys honde ayen and thenne he sayde masse as he was wonte for to doo. And so that myracle was openly shewe to all people. And in the tyme of thys pope. Marcian the Empe∣rour beynge there / was congregate at. Calce∣dony the fourth vnyuersall. Synody of .vi. ❀ hondred and .xxx. bysshops agaynst. Eugicem the abbot of. Constantynopolyton. & (Alexan∣drum episcopum. qui negauerunt in chrysto veram carnem fuisse. et etiam negabant car∣nis nostre resurrectionem.) ¶And after he hadde made many notable sermons and epy∣stles he decessed. ¶Marcianus and valentia¦nus were Emperours thys tyme .vii. yere. In whose tyme was the grete. Synody afore re∣herced / whan Eusticem and Dyoscorus were condempned. IN the tyme that Macianus was Empe¦rour vortyger was kynge in Brytayne now called. Englond. In whose tyme ye. Sax∣ons came in to Brytoyne & made many kyn∣ges. That is to wyte as is playne by the Cro∣nyeles .vii And by cause it is tedyous to man∣nes reason to reherce many dyuers names to gyder as .vii. kynges of Englonde and in one tyme / the Emperours and Popes. Therfore the Cronycles of Englonde shall be sette togy∣der tylle yt we shall treate of Alured. In whose tyme the Danes came in to Englonde. And ye Popes and ye. Emperours and other kynges deed the same tyme shall be se togyder. THys tyme ca∣me ye. Saxons that were pagans fyr∣ste in to Brytane now called. Englonde vn∣der vortiger the why∣che was crowned kin∣ge of this londe. This tyme those yt had these two childern in kepin∣ge ye whyche were Cō∣stantynes sons. That is to saye Aurilambros and vter / thrugh ordynance of Gosselin that was bysshop of. London after the faders deth that is to saye. Constantyne durst not dwelle in this londe with those childern / but conuey∣ed them vnto the kynge of lytell Brytayne. For as moche as he tho wist the treason of vor¦tiger that tho was made kynge. Thorugh who me. Constance the elder brother was slayne / wherfore the hondred knyght{is} of Pehites we∣re put to dethe and bore all the blame as that vortiger hadde not wyst ther of ne consented. And so the kepers of those two chyldern drad¦de lest vortiger sholde put them to deth thrugh his treason and falsenesse / As he had done the brother before. And therfore they were ladde ouer in to lytell. Brytayn / and the kyng them receyued with moche honour and lete them to nourysshe. And there they dwelled tyll they be¦came fayre knyght{is} & stronge and fyers. And thourght to be auenged vpon Constaunce the¦yr brother whan they sawe theyr tyme and so they dyde as ye shalle here telle after warde. ¶It was not longe after warde that ye tydyn¦ges came ouersee to ye kynred of the hondred knyght{is} of Pehites that were dampned & put to deth thrugh Vortiger in thys londe / therfo∣re they were wonderly wrothe and swore that they wolde be auenged of theyr kynnes mens deth. And came in to this londe with a greate power / and robbed in many places / & slewe & dyde all ye sorowe that they myght. whan Vor¦tiger it wyst / he made moche sorowe and was sore anoyed / And in an other place also tydyn¦ges came to hym that Aurilambros and Vter his brother assembled a grete hoste to came in to moche Brytayne / that is to saye in to thys londe / for to be auenged vpon Constance the¦yr brothers deth. Soo in that one half and in that other / he was brougho in to so moche so∣rowe that he ne wyst whether to go. ANd soone after this sorowe / tydinges came to vortyger that a grete nauy of straūgers were arryued in ye coūtree of Cent / he wyst not whēs they were ne wherfore they were come in to this londe. ¶The kynge sent anone a messager thyder / that some of sholde come and speke wyth hym / for to wyte what folke they wert and what they axed / and in to what coūtree they wolde. ¶There were two brethern maysters and prynces of that stron∣ge company / that one was called Engist and that other Horne. Engist wente to the kynge and tolde hym the cause wherfore / they were come in to this londe and sayde. Syrewe ben of a countree that is called Saxonne / that is ye londe of Germayne / wheryn ys so moche soro¦we / That of the people ben soo many that the londe maye not them susteynes. And the may∣sters and prynces that haue ye londe to gouer∣ne and rule. They made to come before them men and wymmen that boldest ben amonge theym for to fyghte / and that beste maye tra∣uayll in to dyuerse londes. And soo they sholde them yeue horse and harnes / armour / and all thynge that they nedeth. And after they shall saye to them / that they go in to an other coun¦tree where that they mowelyue / as theyr And cetrees dyde them before. ¶And therfore syr kynge / yf ye haue ought to doo wyth our com∣pany: we ben comen in to youre londe: And wyth good wylle you wolde serue your londe kepe helpe and defende from your enmyes yf that ye nede. ¶whan vortyger herde these ty∣dynges: he sayde gladly he wolde theym wyth holde: vppon suche couenanuce: yf they my∣ghte delyuer hys londe of hys enmyes: he wol∣de yeue theym resonable lōdes where they shol¦de dwelle for euer more. ¶Engyst thanked hym goodly: and in thys maner he and his cō∣pany a .xi. thousande sholde dwelle wyth the kynge vortiger. And moche they dyde thrugh theyr boldenesse: they delyuered hys londe of his enmyes clene. ¶Tho prayed Engyst the kynge of so moche londe that he myghte ma∣ke to hym a Cyte and for hys meyne. ¶The kynge answered / it was not to doo wythoute the coancell of Brytons. ¶Engist prayed hym eftsones of as moche plyce as he myghte compace with a thonge of a skyn̄e wherupon he myghte make a. Mancer for hym to dwelle in. And the kynge hym graunted freely. ¶Tho toke Engist a bulles skynne / and kyt¦te it as smae as he myghte all in to oo thonge all a roūde. And ther with compaced he as mo¦che londe as he myght then̄e make vpon a fay¦re castell. And so whan this castell was made / he lett calle it Thongcastell for as moche as ye place was marked with a thonge. SO whan this castell was made / & full well arayed. Engist pryuely dyd sende by letter ī to ye coūtree where he cam fro / after an .C. shyppes fylled with men ye were strong & also well fyghtynge in all bataylles / & ye they sholde also brynge wyth them. Ronowen hys doughter that the fayrest creture that a man myghte see. ¶And whan those people were. come that he hadde sente after / he tooke them in to the castell wyth moche. Ioye. And hym∣self vpon a daye went vnto the kynge / & pray¦ed hym there worthely that he wolde come and see hys newe maneer that he had made in the place yt he had compassed wyth the thonge of the skynne. The kynge anone graunted hym frely. And with hym went thyder / & was well apayed wyth the castell & wyth the fayr werke and togyder they ete and dranke wyth moche Ioye. And whan nyght came that the kyng- Vortiger sholde go in to hys chambre to take there hys nyghtes reste. Ronowen yt was En∣gistes doughter came wyth cuppe of golde in her honde / and kneled before the kynge & sayd to hym (wassaylle) And the kynge knewe not what it was for to meane ne what he shold an¦swere there vpon / for as moche as hymself / ne none of all his Brytons coude noo Englysshe spese ne vnderstonde it / but he spake in the sa∣me langage that. Brytons done yet. Neuer∣theles a latiner tolde it to the kynge the full vn¦derstandynge therof (wassayll) and that other sholde drynke (hayll) And that was the fyrste tyme that (wasshayll) and (drynkhall) came vp in this londe. And frome ye tyme vnto thys tyme / it is well vsed in this londe. ¶The kyn¦ge Vortiger sawe the fayrnesse of Ronowen / & his armes layde about her necke / & thryes swe¦tely kyssed her / & anone ryght he was enamou∣red vpon her yt he desyred to haue her to wyf & asked of Engist her fader. And Engist graun∣ted hym vpon this couenaūt / yt the kyng shol∣de yeue him all the coūtree of kent / that he the∣re myghte dwelle in and hys people. The kyn¦ge hym graunted pryuely wyth a good wylle. And anone he spowsed ye damoysell / and that was moche confusyon to hymselfe. And ther¦fore alle the. Brytons became soo wrothe / for by cause he spowsed a woman of mysbyleue. wherfore they wente all frome hym / and noo thynge to hym tooke / ne halpe hym in thynge that he had to done. THis Engist wente in to Kente and sea∣sed all ye londe in to his honde for hym and for his men / & bycame with a lytyll why¦le of soo grete power and so moche people had¦de / that men wyste not lytell tyme whyche we∣re the kyng{is} men and whyche were Engistes men. wherfore all the Brytons hadde of hym dredde / and sayd amōges theym. But yf that they ne toke other counseyll bytwene them all the londe sholde be bytrayed thrugh Engist & his people. ¶Vortiger the kyng had begoten on his fyrst wyf thre sones. The fyrst was cal∣led vortimer. The seconde Catagien / and the thyrde Passent. ¶The Brytons euerychont by one assent chose vortimer to be theyr lod & souerayne / and counseyler in euery batayll / & crowned hym and made hym kynge / & wolde not suffre vortiger no lenger to regne / for cau∣se of the alyaunce betwixt Engist and hym. ¶The Brytons ordeyned a grete host to dry∣ue out Engist and his company of the londe / and yaue hym thre bataylles. The fyrste was in Kente there he was lorde / the seconde was at. Tetforde / and the thyrde in a shyre a thys half Colchestre in a more. And in this batayll theym mette. Catagien and. Horne. Engistes brother / so that eche of thym slewe other· but for as moche as the countree was yeuen lon∣ge befor to horne thrugh vortiger tho e spow¦sed his cosyn / there he made a fayr castell that is called Horne castell after his owne name. And vortiger was so anoyed for his brothers dethe / that anone he lete fell downe the castell to the grounde. And after he ne lefte nyght ne daye tyll he had dryuen out. Engist & his peo∣ple of the londe. And then̄e Ronowen his dou∣ghter made sorow ynogh. And quenely spa∣ke to them that were nexte the kyng vortimer and pryuyest with hym. And so moche she ga∣ue hym of gyftes / that he was enpoysoned & deyed at London the fourth yere of hys regne and there he lyeth AFter vortimers dethe: the Brytons by theyr comyn assēt eft sones made vor∣tiger theyr kynge vpon this couenaunt: that he sholde neuer after suffre. Engist ne none of his eft sones to come ī to this londe And whā all this was done. Ronowen the quene pryue∣ly sente by letter to. Engist that she hadde en. poysoned vortimer: and that vortiger her lor¦de bare ayen ye crowne and regned. And that he sholde come ayen in to this londe well aray¦ed wyth moche people for to auenge hym vp∣pon the Brytons and for to wynne this londe ayen. ¶And whan Engist herde these tydyn∣ges / he made grete Ioy. And appareylled hym hastely with .xv. thousande men / yt were deu∣ghty in euery batayll / & came in to this londe And whan vortyger herde telle that. Engyst was come ayen wyth a grete power in to thys londe / he assembled hys. Brytons / & tho went ayenst Engyst for to yeue hym Batayll & hys folke. But Engist dradde hym sore of the Bry¦tons for they had dryuen hym before & discom¦fyted hym with strēgth. wherfore this Engist prayed hym for a loue daye / & sayd he was not comen in to this londe for to fyght / but for to haue hys lond ayen yf he myght accorde with the. Brytons / & of them to haue loue and grace The kynge Vortiger thrugh counseyll of hys Brytons graūted hym a loue daye. And thus it was ordeyned thrugh the Brytons / yt the sa¦me daye sholde be holden fast besyde Salysbu¦ry vpon a hylle. And Engyst sholde come thy∣der with four hordred kdnghtes without moo And the kyng with as many of the wysest men of hys londe· And at that daye the kynge came with his coūseyll as it was ordeyned / but En¦gist had warned hys knyghtes pryuely / & then conmaunded that euery one of them shold put a longe knyf in hys hose. And whan he sayde Fayre syres now ys tyme to speke of loue & pe∣as euery man Anone shold drawe out hys kyn¦ue & slee a Bryton. And so they slewe. a M.lxi. knyghtes / & wyth moche sorowe many of them escaped. And the kyng vortyger there hymself tho was taken / & ladde to Thongcastell & put in pryson. And some of Engystes men wolde that the kynge had be brente alle quycke And vortiger tho for to haue hys lyf / graūted them as moche as they wolde are / & yaue vp all the londe townes / castelles / cytees / & borughs to Engist and to his folke. And all the Brytons fledde thes in to waiys / and there they helde them styll. And Engyst wente thorugh the lon¦de and seased all the londe / wyth fraunchyles And in euery place lete cast a downe chyrches and houses of Relygyon / And wasted and de∣stroyed crystendome thrughout all thys londe And lete aunge ye nam of thys lond called bry¦tayne: that noo man of hys were soo hardy af∣ter that tyme to calle this lōde Brytayne: but calle Engist londe. And then ne he departed all the londe to hys men: and there made .vii. kynges for to strength the londe that the Bry¦tons sholde neuer after come therem. ¶The fyrst kyngdome was Kent: there that Engist hymself regned: and was lorde & mayster ouer al ye other. ¶The other kyng had Southsex yt now is called chychestre ¶The thyrdet kyng had westsex. ¶The fourth had Eestsex. The fyfth had Estangill: yt now is called Northfol¦ke Southfolke. Merchemeryk: that ys to saye therldome of Nycholl. ¶The sixth had Ley∣cheter shyre. Northampton shyre. Herforde: and Huntyngdon. ¶The seuenth hadde Ox enforde. Glouchestre. wynchestre. wer wyke∣and Derbyshyre. AS Engist had departed all the lond in thys maner bytwene hys men: and in lyuerde vortyger out of pryson & suffred hym freely to go whyther that he wolde. And he to∣ke his waye and wente in to walys there that his Brytons dwelled: for as moche as ye londe was stronge & wycked to wynne. And Engyst neuer came therene neuer knew it before that londe. ¶Vortiger helde hym there wyth hys Bratons / and axed counseyll what hym was best to do. And they yaue hym counseyll to ma¦ke a stronge castell that hym myghte hymself there in kepe and defende yf nede were. Mae sons in haste tho were fette / & began to werke vpon ye hylle of Breigh / but certes thus it be∣fell that all the werke that the masons made a daye downe it felle the nyght / and they wyste not what it myght be. Ther of the kynge was sore anoyed of that chaunce & wyste not what to do. werfore he lette sende after the wysest clerkes & also lerned men than were thorugh out walys that myght be foude / for they shol∣de tell wherfore ye foūdament so fayled vnder the werke / and they sholde hym tell what was best for to doo. And whan these wyse men lon∣ge tyme had studyed they sayde to the kynge / that he sholde doo seke a chylde borne of a wo∣man that neuer had with man to do And that chylde sholde be slayne / and tempred with his blood the morter of the werke. And soo sholde the werke euer endure withouten ende. AS the kynge herde this he commaun∣ded his messagers anone to go thrugh out walys to seke that chylde yf they myghte hym fynde / and that they sholde hym brynge forthe with them vnto hym. And in recorde & in wytnesse of thys kynge he hadde take them his letters that they ne were distroubled of no▪ man ne lette. And tho the messengers wente thens / and spedde soo faste that they came in to a towne that was called Carmardyne / and as they passed for the theyr waye they founde two chyldern of .xxiiii· yere of aege thydynge togyder with hasty wordes. And one of them sayde to that other Donebat sayde he ye do all wronge to chyde or stryue with me for ye haue no wytte ne no reason as I haue. Certes mer∣lyn sayde he / of your wytte ne youre reson. I make no force. For men telle comynly that ye haue no thynge of god all myghty syth ye had neuer fader / But euery man knoweth who was youre moder. ¶The messengers of the kynge vortiger whan they herde the stryue be∣twixt the two gromes they axed of them that stode besyde them whens that· Marlyn was borne / and also whom hym nourysshed. And the folke them tolde / that a greate gentyll wo∣man hym bare in. Carmadyne that was cal∣led Adhanr But neuer myght noth man wyte who was his fader. ¶whan the kynges mes∣sengers herde these tydynges they wente ano∣ne to hym that was wardeyne of the towne & tolde hym the kyng{is} wyll and shewed hym his leter wherfore they were come thyder. ¶Merlyn and his moder were fetched be∣fore the wardeyne of the towne. And he com∣maunded them that they sholde go to the kyn∣ge as it was ordeyned by his messagers. Mer∣lyn and his moder wente thens and came vn∣to ye kynge and there they were receyued with moche honour. And the kynge axed of that la∣dy yf ye chylde were her sone & whome hym be gate. The lady answered full tenderly wepyn¦ge and sayde. She neuer hadde company of worldly man. But syr sayde she As I was a yonge mayden in my faders chambre / and o∣ther of greate lygnage were in my company / that oftentymes wente to place and solace. I belefte alone in my chambre / wolde not goo orthe for bernnynge of the sonne. And on tyme there came a fayre bacheler and entred in my chambre there that I was alone. But how he came in to me / and where. I wyst it ne¦uer \ ne yet knowe I not. For the doores were fast barred and with me he dyde game of loue For I ne had myght ne power / hym to defen- from me. And often he came vnto me in ye for∣sayd maner / so that he begate this childe. But neuer myght I wyte what he was. SO whan Merlyn hadde herde all that his moder hadde sayd. He spake to the kynge in this maner. ¶Syre how I was begoten axe ye no more For it be falleth not to you ne to none other to wyte. But telle me the cause wherfore I am to you brought & wher∣fore ye haue sente after me. ¶Truely sayd the kyng / my wyse couseyllers haue done me to vnderstode / yt ye morter of a werke that I haue begonne / behouety to be thempred with your blood / or the foundament shall fayle for euer more. ¶Syr sayd Merlyn. wyll ye slee me for my blood to tempre with your morter. ye sayd the kyng / or elles my castell shall neuer stande as my coūseyllers do me to vnderstonde Tho- answerd Merlyn to the kyng. Syr he sayd he sayd / lete them come before me those wyse coū¦seylles & I woll preu they saye not well ne tru∣ly. And whan ye wyse men were comen. Mer∣lyn axed yf his blod were ye cause to make this werke to stōde & endure. All tho wyse men we∣re abasshed & coude not answere. Merlyn tho sayd to the kynge. Syr I shall tell you ye cause wherfore your werke thus fayleth & may no stande. There is vnder the moūtayne there yt ye haue buylded youre toure a grete ponde of water & ī ye botome of ye ponde vnder ye water there ben two dragons / & ye one is whyte & ye o¦ther reede / ye fyght togyd ayēst your werke do ye myne depe eyll your men come to ye pond / & cause your men to take a way ye water all out / & thenne ye shall see ye dragans as I haue you tolde ye togyder fyght ayēst your werke & this is the cause wherfor your foūdament fayleth The kynge anone lete dygge vnder that men came to the ponde / And lette doo a waye the water / and there they founde two dragons as Merlyn had tolde that egerly fought togyder The whyte dragon egerly assayled the reede and lyadde on hym so strongely that he myght not endure / but withdrewe hym and rested in the same caue. And whā he had a whyle rested hym / he wente before & assayled the reede dra∣gon angerly / & helde hym soo sore yt he myght not ayenste hym endure / but withdrewe hym & rested And after came ayen ye whyte dragon and strongly fought wyth the reede dragon. & bote hym euyl & ouercame. that he fledde from thens and nomore came agayne. THis kynge vortyger and hys men that sawe thys batayll had grete meruaysle and prayed Merlyn to tell him what it myght betoken. Syr quod Merlyn I shall telle you. The reede dragon betokeneth yourselfe / and the whyte betokeneth the folke of Saxon that fyrste ye toke & helde in your londe that fyght ayenst you / and you haue dryuen & enchaced. ¶But Brytons of ynure lygnage ouercame them and droue them a waye And sythen at ye comynge ayen of the Saxons they recouered this londe and helde it for euer more. And dro¦ue out the Brytons and dyde wyth this londe all they wyll / and destroyed crystēdom thrugh out thys londe. ye had fyrste grete Ioye wyth theyr comynge / But now yt ys torned to you grete damage and sorowe. For tho brethern of Constance that was kynge the whiche ye le¦te slee shal come before a quīzeme passed with a grete power from lytell Brytayne / & shall a¦uenge the deth of theyr brother. And they shal brenne you fyrst wyth sorowe / and after they shall slee a grete parte of Saxons / & shall dry∣ue out all the remenaūt of the londe. And ther¦fore abyde ye here noo lenger to make castell nor other werke. But anone goo elles where youre lyues alle for to saue. To god I you betake / trouthe I haue sayde to you of thyn∣ges that shalle befalle. ¶And vnderstande ye welle that Aurilambros shalle be kynge But he shalle be enpoysoned / and lytell tyme shall he regne MErlyn and hys moder departed frome the kynge / and torned agayne to Car∣mardyn. And soone after tydynges came to ye Brytons that Aurilambros and vter his bro¦ther were arryued at Totnesse wyth a greate hoste / And anone the Brytons assembled thē and wente to receyue Aurylambros and Vter wyth grete noblesse. And had them vnto Lon¦don / and crowned Aurylambros & made hym kynge / and dyde vnto hym homage. And ano¦ne he axed where. Vortyger that was kynge myght be founde / for he wolde be auenged on his brothers dethe / and after he wolde warre vpon paynems. And they tolde hym that Vor¦tyger was in walys / & soo they ladde hym thy¦ther warde. ¶Vortiger wyste welle that tho brethern came hym to conquere / And fledde thens in to a castell that was called. Gerneth that stode vppon an hyght mountayne / and there hym helde. Aurilambros and Vter hys brother and theyr folke had besyeged the ca∣stell full long tyme / for the cagell was stron∣ge and well arrayed. ¶So at the laste they ca¦sted wylde fyre and brente howses and men & all theyr araye: and as moche as was wythin the castell. Soo that Vortiger was brente a∣monge all other: and soo he deyde wyth moche sorowe. ¶Tho was Engist in Kente and reg¦ned there: ane herde thys tydynges: and ano∣ne fledde and wolde haue gone in to Scotlon¦de for to haue had socoure. But Aurilambros and his men mette with hym in the north coū¦tre and yane hym batayl. And Engist and his men defended whyles that they myghte. But he and his folke were discomfyted and slayne And Octa his sone fledde vnto yorke. And Au¦rilambros hym folowed egerly. And. Octa a lytell whyle withstode hym: But after warde he put hym to his mercy. And aurilambros re¦ceyued hym: and to hym and to hys men gaaf∣the countree of Galewaye in. Scotlonde: and there they dwelled. ¶The kyng aurilambros wente thorugh out the londe: and put awaye the name of. Englonde: that. Engist after hys name had called it befoere. Tho lete he it calle agayne grete. Brytayne: and lete make ayen cherches: houses of religyon: castelles: cytees and broughs. And towones that the. Saxons hadde destroyed. And came to London: and le¦te make the walles of the cyte: whyche Engist and his folke hadde castedowne. ¶The Bry¦tons ladde hym vnto the mount of. Ambrian that somtyme was an hous of relygyon: that tho was destroyed thrughe the paynems: ¶wherof a knyght that was called Ambri sometyme was founder of that house. And ther¦fore the same hylle was called the mount of. Ambrian. And after it was called. Ambresbu∣ry. And shall be so for euermore. HOw the kynge Aurilambros lete amen¦de and redresse the house of Ambresbu∣ry / and there in put monkes. But now there ben Nonnes a lytell fro the place that was cal¦led Salysbury / are that the Saxons slewe the Brytons / where Engist and they shold haue made a laue daye. In the whyche tyme were slayne a thousande knyghtes .lxi. thrugh trea∣son of Engist· The kynge therof had grete py¦te and thoughte to make in mynde of them a monument of stone that myght endure to the worldes ende. And of thys thynge they tooke ther counseyll what therof was best for to do. ¶Tho spake to the kynge the bysshop of Lon¦don that was called Ternekyn that he sholde requyre after. Merlyn. For he coude best telle how this thyng myght best be made. And mer¦lyn after was sought and founde and came to the kyng. And the kynge tolde hym hys wyll of the monumente that he wolde haue made. Merlyn answered to the kynge & sayd. There ben grete stones in Irlonde and longe vpon the hylle of Kyan that men called. Gyauntes karoll. And yf they were in this place as they ben there / they wolde endure for eurer more in remembraunce of those knyghtes that here be entyred. ¶Per may foy sayd the kynge as har¦de stone ben in my londe as in Irlonde. ¶Soth sayde Merlyn. But in all your londe ben none suche. For gaūtes sette them for gre∣te good of themself. For atte euery tyme that they were woūde or in ony maner hurte / they wysshe the stones with hote water / And then∣ne they wysshe them ther with and anone they were hoole. AS soone as the. Brytons had herde of this thynge / they yede and swore amō¦ge them they wolde go seke those stones. And toke with them. Vter the kynges broder to be thyef capytayne and .v. thousande men / and Merlyn counselled them for to go vnto Irlon¦de and soo thye dyde / And whan the kynge of Irlonde that was culled Guillomer herde tell straungers were arryued in his londe / he assē¦bled a grete power & fought ayenst them But he & his folke were dyscomfyted. ¶The Bry∣tons went before tyll they came to the mount of Kyan / and clymmed vp vnto the mounte. But whan they sawe the stones & the maner how they stode / they had grete meruaylle and sayde bytwene themself / that noo man sholde them remeue for noo strengthe ne engyne soo grete they were and soo longe. But. Merlyn thrugh his crafte he remeued them and brou∣ghte them in to theyr shyppes and came ayen in to thys londe. And Merlyn sette the stones there that the kyng wolde haue them. And set∣te them in the same manner that they stode in Irlonde / and whan ye kynge sawe that it was made he thanked Merlyn / And rychely hym rewarded at his owne wyll. And that place le¦te calle Stonhenge for euer more. ANd men shall vnderstonde that Pas∣sent that was Vortigers sone lyued ye same tyme / and came in to thys londe wyth a grete power / and arryued in the north coūtre & wolde be auēged of his faders deth Vortiger and strongely trusted vpon the company that he had brought wyth hym out of the londe of Germayne / and had conquered all the North countree vnto yorke. ¶And whan kynge Au∣rilambros herde this he assemled a grete pow¦er of Brytons & went for to fyght with passēt & he dyscomfyted Passent & all his peple. but Passent escaped thens with some of his men / & fledde thens in to Irlonde & come to kynge Guillomer & prayed hym of helpe and socour. The kynge graūted hym with good wyll and sayde / that he wolde helpe hym / vppon that couenaunt that I my selfe muste go with you with all my power in to brytayne. And I wol∣de me aduenge vpon the Broytons the rather for they came in to my londe & toke the stones with strength that is called Gyauntes karoll ¶The kyng Guillomer lete ordeyne his ship¦pes & went to the see with .xv. thousāde men and arryued in walys & began to robbe / & mo¦che sorowe he dyde. ¶It befell so that kynge Aurilambros laye syke at wynchestre / & my∣ghte not helpe hym self. So that he sente in his name Vter his brother with a power to helpe walys. And thyther warde he went as moche as he myght. ¶The kynge of Irlonde & Pas∣sente herde telle that Aurilambros was syke / & to hym there came a Sarrasyn that was cal∣led Cappa & sayde. Syre dwelle ye here all in peas with your host & I behyght you thorugh my quayntesye ye I shall slee the kynge Auri¦lambros that is syke. Thenne sayd Passent / yf ye doo so I shall you rychely auaunce. The traytour Cappa put vpon hym an habyte of relygyon / & lete shaue hym a brode crowne & came vnto the kynges courte / and sayde that he wolde help the kynge of his malady. Tho sayd the traytour Cappa vnto the kyng. Syr be of good comforte. For I shall yeue you su∣che a medicyne that ye shalle swete anōe ryght & lyste to slepe & haue good reste. And the tray∣tour yaaf hym suche poyson to slepe anone ry¦ghte / & deyed in hys slepynge. And ye traytour sayd yt he wolde go out to the felde tyll he were awaked / & so escaped he awaye. For no man had to hym suspeccyon / for by cause of his ha∣byte that he was clothed ī / & also for hys brode shauen crowne. But whan the kynges men wyste that he was deed / they became wonder sory / and faste soughte the traytoure / but they myghte not fynde hym· For ye Cappa torned ayen vnto the hoste frem whes yt he came. SO whan the kyng Aurilambros was deed & enpoysoned at winchestre. On the morne after he was dede aboute the tyme of Pryme there was sene a sterre grete & clere & the beeme of that sterre was brygheter thā ye sonne. And at the bought of ye beeme apperyd a dragons heed / & out of hys mouth came two huge lyghtes / that were as bryght as ony fyre brennynge. & that one beeme to warde Fraun∣ce and streyght ouer the see thyther warde. And out of that beeme came .vii. beemes full clere and longe as it were the lyghte fyre. ¶This erre was seen of many a man / But none of them wyste what it be tokened. ¶Vter that was the kynges brother / that was in walys wyth hys hoste of Brytons / sawe that sterre & the grete lyght that it yaue / they wondred ther of gretly what it myghte betoken. And lete cal¦le Merlyn and prayed hym for to telle what yt it myhght betoken. MErlyn sawe ye sterre / and be∣helde yt a longe tyme. And sythen he quoke and wepte tenderly. And sayde· Alas alas that soo noble a kyng & worthy ys deed And I do iou to vnderstān∣de that Aurilambros your brotherds poyso¦ned / & that I see well in thys sterre. And your∣selfe ys betokened the heed of the dragon that is seen at the bought of the beeme that ys your self that shall be kynge and regne. And by the beeme that stondeth to warde the Eest ys vn∣derstonde that ye shall gete a sone that shall con¦quere all Fraunce / and all the londes that be∣longeth to the crowne of Fraunce / that shalle be a wrothyer kynge & of more honoure than euer were ony of his auncetours. ¶And by the beeme that stretched towarde Irlonde is betokened that ye shalle gete a doughter that shalle be quene of Irlonde. ¶And the seuen beemes betoken that ye shall haue .vii. sones. And euery one of them shall be kyng / and reg∣ne wyth moche honoure. And abyde ye no len∣ger here / but goo and yeue batayll to your en∣myes / and fyghte wyth them booldely for ye shalle ouercome them and haue the victory. ¶Vter thanked hertely Merlyn and toke his men and wente to warde hys enmyes / & they fought togyder mortally / and soo he dyscom∣fyted his enmyes & them destroyed. And hym self slewe Passēt that was vortigers sone And his Brytons slewe Guillomer that was kyng of Irlonde and all his men. ¶And Vter ano∣ne after that batayll toke hys waye to warde wynchestre / for to doo entyere Aurilambros kynge that was his brother. But tho was the body borne vnto. Stonhenge with moche ho∣nour / that he had done make in remembraū∣ce of the Brytons that there were slayne thrugh treason of Engist / that same day that they sholde haue ben accorded. And in the sa∣me place they entyered. Aurelambros the se∣conde yere of hys regne wyth all ye worshyp ye myght belonge to suche a kynge. On whoos soule god haue mercy. Amen. AFter the dethe of. Aurilambros. Vter his brother was crowned and regned well & worthely. And in remembraunce of the dragon that he was lykened to / He lete make two dragons thrugh coūseyll of his. Brytons And made that one for to be borne before hym whā he wēte in to batayll / and ye other for to a¦byde att wynchestre in the bysshop chyrche. And for that cause he was called euer after v∣ter Pendragon. ¶And Octa that was Engis¦tes sone cōmended vter but lytell yt was made newe kynge. And ayenste hym began to meue warre. And ordeyned a grete power of his frē¦des & of hys kynne / and of. Ossa hys brother \ and had taken all the londe from Humbre vn∣to yorke / But those of yorke helde strongely a¦gaynst them / and wolde not suffre them to co∣me in to the cytee / neyther to yelde the cytee to them. And he besyeged the towne anone ryght and yaue therto a stronge assawte. But they of the cyte them kept well & strongely. ¶And whan vter herd therof / he came thyther wyth a grete stronge power for to helpe & rescowe ye towne & put a way the syege / & yaue a stronge batayll. And Octa & his company them defen¦ded as well as they myght. But at ye laste they were dyscōfyted & the most partye of thē slay∣ne. And. Octa and. Ossa were taken & put in pryson at London. ¶And vter hymfelf dwel¦led a whyle atte yorke / and after he wente to London. And at the Eester after he wold vere crowne & holde a solempne feest. And lette so∣mone all his Erle and Barons / that they shol¦de come to that feest. And all those that hadde wyues sholde brynge them also to that feest. And all the seygnoury came at the kynges cō∣maundemente as they were commaunded. ¶The feest was rychely arayed and holden. And all worthely sette to meete after that they were of astate. Soo that the· Erle Gorloys of Cornewaylle and. Igreyne his wyf sate nexte vnto the kynge. And whan the kyng sawe the fayrnesse of that lady and the beaute that she had. He was anone rauysshed for her beaute and often he made to her nyce countenaunce in lokynge and laughynge. So at the laste the Erle perceyued the preuy lokynge and laug∣hynge and the loue bytwene them. And roso vp from the table in wrathe / and toke his wyf nd called to hym hys knyghtes and wente thens wrath / wythout takynge leue of ye kyn∣ge. ¶The kynge anone sente after hym that he sholde come agayne and goo not thens in dyspyte of hym. And the erle wolde not come agayne in no maner of wyse. ¶wherfore the kynge was wrothe / and in wrathe hym defy∣ed as his deedly enmye. ¶And the erle wente thens in to Cornewaylle with his wyfe in the castell of Tyntagyll. ¶And the kynge lete or∣deyne a grete host and came in to Cornewayl¦le / for to destroye the erle yf that he myghte. But he hadde put hym in suche a castell that was stronge and welle arayed called. Tynta∣gyll / and wollde not yelde hym to the kynge. ¶And the kynge anone besyeged the called / & there dwelled .xv. dayes that neuer myghte spede / and euer he thought vppon Igreyne / & vpon her layde so moche loue / That he wyste not what to doo. ¶So at the laste he called to hym a knyght that was called vlfin that was preuy wyth hym and tolde hym all hys coun∣seyll / and axed hym wha was best for to done ¶Syr sayde he / sende after Merlyn anone / for he came telle you the beste counseyll of ony man lyuynge Merlyn anone was sente after & came to the kynge. And the kynge tolde hym all his counseyll and his wyll. Syr sayd Mer∣lyn. I shall doo so moche thrugh crafte that I can / that I shalle make you come to nyght the castell of. Tyntagyll / & shall haue all yo wyll of that lady. MErlyn thrugh craft yt he co the kynges fygure in of the Erle / and Vlfin Garlois in to the fygure of Iorda erles chambrelayne / so that ec transfygured in to others lyke Merlyn had soo done / he sayde Syr sayd he / now ye may goo castell of Tyntagyll & axe ene your wyll. The kynge toke pry to gouerne and lede to a knyght that he moche loued / & tooke his waye towarde the castell / & with hym toke Vlfin his Chambrelayne and Merlyn / & whan they came thyder the porter demyd it had ben hys owne lorde. And whan tyme came for to go to bedde / the kynge went to bedde with Igreyne the erles wyf and dyde with her alle his wyll. And begate vpon her a sone that was called Arthur. And vppon the more we the kynge tooke his leue of the lady & wente ayen to hys hoste. And the same nyghte that the kynge laye by Igreyne in bedde that was the erles wyf the kynges men gaaf a gre∣te assawte vnto the castell. And the erle & hys men manly them defended. But at the laste it befell so / that in the same assawte the erle hym self was slayne & the castell taken. ¶And the kynge anone torned againe to Tyntagill and spowsed I greyne with moche honour & made her quene ¶And soone after tyme came that she sholde be lyuered & bare a chylde a sonne yt was called Arthur. & after gate on her a dou∣ghter that was called Amya▪ / And whan she came to aege / a noble. Baron that was lorde of Lyons weded her. ¶whan Vter longe ty∣me had regned / ther came vpon hym a grete sykenesse as it were a sorowe. ¶And in ye me∣ane tyme those that had to kepe Octa yt was Engistes sone & Ossa his brother / that then̄e were in pryson / they lete them go for grete yef∣tes that they them yaue & went wyth thē. And whan tho two brethern were escaped & were in to theyr owne countree agayne / Thenne they ordeynede them a gret power of folke and began for to warre ayen vpon the kynge. ANd for as moche as kynge Vter was syke & myght not helpe hym self / he or∣ Aloth sone of Eleyne that tho was cho¦ to be wardeyne and chyeftayne of alle . And soo he anone and all hys Bry∣ mbled a grete hoste & yaue bataylle to his folke / but Octa at the last was . ¶It befell thus after warde / ytons had dedignacion of Aloth othe to hym attendaūt. wherfore as anoyed wonder sore & lete put in the hoste amonges his folke de hym to. Vereloyne yt tho was a fayre cyte / there that saynt. Albon was mar∣tred. And after was the cytee destroyed wyth paynems thrugh warre· & thyther they hadde sente. Octauian and. Ossa & ther people. And entered in to the towne / and lete make sure ye yates / & there they helde them. And the kynge came & them besyeged / & made a strōge assaw∣te / but the that were within manly theym def∣fended / ¶The kyng lete ordeyne his gunnes and his engynes for to breke the walles / & the walles were soo stronge that no man myghte them mysdo. ¶Octa & his people had grete despyte / that a kynge lyenge in a letere had the ym besyeged. And they toke counseyll among them for to stande vp in the morowe erly and come out and yeue batayll to the kynge / & soo they dyde. And in that batayle were both Oc∣ta and Ossa slayne / & all the other ye escaped a lyue fledde in to Scotlonde / & made Colegyn theyr chyeftayne. & the Saxons yt were a lyue & escaped fro the batayll / brougth ayen a grete strēgth & amōge thē they sayd that if kyng Vt were deed they sholde well conquere the londe and thought to enpoysen the kynge / & ordey∣ned men for to do this dede / & yaue them of yef tis grete plente this thynge to do. And they or¦deyned them thyderwarde there that ye kynge was dwellyng / and clothed them in poore we∣de the better all for to spede theyr fals purpose But neuertheles all theyr falsenes & subtylte they myght neuer come to nygh ye kyng. But so at the last they aspyed that the kynge dran∣ke noo other lycoure but only water of a clere wel tha was nyghe besyde & ye fals traytours vpon a daye preuely wente to the welle & put therin poyson / soo that all the water was en∣poysoned. And anone after as the kynge had dronke of that water / he began to swelle / and soone after he deyed: and as many as dranke of that water deyed also. And anone as thys was aspyed folke of the towne lette stoppe the welle of euermore. ¶whan ye kynge was deed his folke bare hym to Stonhenge wyth grete solempnyte of bysshops and barons that we∣re there hym to burye besyde Aurilambros hys broher. And after torned ayen tho euerycho∣ne and sent after his sone: and they made him kyng of the londe with moche reuerence after his faders deth: the .xvii. yere of his regne. As Arthur was made kyng of the londe / he was but yonge of aege of .xv. yere / but he was fayr and bolde and dough∣ty of body. And to me∣ke folke he was good and curteys / and lar∣ge of spendinge / & ma¦de hym welle beloued amonge them there that yt was nede / & whan he began to regne heswore truely that ye. Sax¦ons neuer shold haue reste ne peas tyll that he hadde dryuen them out of he londe. And assē∣bled a greate hoste and fought wyth Colegryn the whyche after ye tyme that Octa was deed the Saxons mayntened. And thys Colegryn was dyscomfyted & fledde vnto yorke & tooke the towne / & there hym helde. And the kyng be¦syeged hym there but he myght no thynge spe∣de for the cyte was so strong. And they wythin the towne kept the cyte well & orpedly. ¶And in the mene tyme Colegryn lette the towne to Bladulf & fledde hymselfe to Cheldryk yt was kynge of almayne / for to haue of hym socour. And the kynge assembled a grette power & ca∣me & arryued in Scotlonde with .xv. hondred shyppes. And whā Arthur wyst of these tydyn¦ges that he had not power & strength ynough to fyght ayenst. Cheldrik / he lete be the syege & went to London / & sent anone his letters to ye kynge of lytell Brytayne that wys called Ho∣well hys neuewe hys systers sone / that he shol∣de come to hym with all the power that he my¦ghte. And he assembled a grete hoste and arry∣ued at Southampton. And whan kynge Ar∣thur it wyst he was gladde ynough & wente a¦yenste them / & them receyued wyth moche ho∣nour. Soo that those two host{is} mette & assem¦bled them / & tooke theyr waye euen vnto. Ny∣choll that Cheldryk had besyeged / But it was not taken. And they came vpon cheldrik & his people or they wyst where that they were / and them egerly assaylled. ¶The kynge Cheldrik and his men defended hym manly by theyr po¦wer. But kyng Arthur & hys men slewe so ma∣ny Saxons / hat neuer was seen suche slaugh¦ter / & Cheldrik & hys men that were left alyue fledde a waye. And kynge Arthur them purse∣wed and droue them out in to a wood tha they myghte no ferder passe. ¶Cheldrik & hys mē sawe well that they were brought in to mo¦che dysease / & them yelded to kynge Arthur in thys manner wys. That he sholde take theyr horses theyr armour / & all that they had / and they must only go on foot in to theyr shyppes. And so they wolde goo home in to theyr owne londe / and neuer come ayen in to this londe. ¶And vpon assuraunce of thys thynge they yaue hym good hostages. ¶And Arthur by counseyll of his men graunted this thynge: & receyued ye hostages: & therupon yt other wen∣te to theyr shyppes. And whan they were in ye hyghe see the wynnde chaunged as the deuyll it wolde: & they torned theyr nauy & cam ayen in to this londe & arryued at Totnesse: & wen¦te out of the shyppes and tooke the londe: and clene robbed it: and moche people slewe: and tooke all the armour that they myghte fynde. And soo they wente foorth tyll they came vnto Bathe. But the men of the towne shytte faste theyr yates / and wolde not suffre theym to co∣me wy thinthe towne· And they deffended thē well and orpedly ayenst them ANone as. Artur herde thys tydynges he lete hange ye hostages / & let Howell of Brytayne his neuewe / for to kepe the mar∣che to warde Scotlonde with halfe his people and hymself wente to helpe & rescowe the tow¦ne of. Bathe. whan he me thyther he yaue a strong batayll to Cheldrik and slewe almoost all the people that he had· For no man myght hym wythstonde ne endure vnder ye stroke of his swerde. And there bothe were slayne Cole¦gryn and Bladulf hys brother / and Cheldryk fledde thens & wold haue gone to hys shyppes ¶But whan Arthur it wyst / he toke .x. thou∣sande knyghtes to Cador yt was erle of Corne waylle for to lette & stoppe hys comynge. And Arthur hymself wente towarde the marche of Scotlonde. For messengers tolde hym that ye Scottes had besyeged Howell of. Brytoyne there that laye syke / & therfore he hasted hym thyther warde. ¶And Cador purse wed after Cheldryk / & toke hym er he myght come to his shyppes & slewe Cheldrik and his people. And whan Cador had done thys vyage / he hasted hym ayen to warde. Arthur as faste as he my∣ghte / & founde hym in Scotlonde there that he had rescowed Howel of Brytayn but ye Scot¦tes were ferre wythyn Nounref / & there they helde them a whyle. But Arthur them purse∣wed. And they fledde thens in to Limoigne / yt were in that countre .xl. Iles & grete plente of byrdes / and grete plente of Egles that were wonte to crye and fyght togyders / and make greate noyse whan folke came to robbe that londe / and warne as moche as they myght / & so they dyde. For the Scottes were to grete ra∣uenours / that they tooke all that they myghte fynde in the londe of Lymoygne wythout ony sparynge / and there with charged ayen the fol¦ke in to Scotlonde for to wende. Syr sayd Merlyn. In the yere of the In¦carnacyon Ihesu Cryste .M·CC.xv. shall come a lambe out of wynchestre / shall ha¦ue a whyte tonge and true lyppes / and he shal haue wryten in his herte holynes. This lam∣be shall make many goddes houses / & he shall haue peas the moost parte of his lyfe. And he shall make one of the fayrest places of ye wor∣de / that in his tyme shall not fully e made an ende of. ¶And in the ende of his lyf wulf of a straunge londe shall doo hym moche harme and sorowe thrugh warre. But at the ende the lambe shall be mayster thrugh helpe of a reede foxe / that shall come out of the North west / & hym shall ouercome / and the wulf shall dey in water. And after that tyme the lambe shall lyue noo whyle / but he shall deye. ¶His heed shall be in a straūge londe. And the londe shall be wythout a gouernour a lytell tyme ANd after this shall come a dragō med¦led with mercy & also with woodnesse And that shall haue aberde as a gote that shal gyue in Englonde a shade we / and shall kept the londe fro colde & hete / and hys owne foo shall be sette in wyke & that other in London. And he shall enbrace Inhabitaunces. And he shall open his mouth to warde walys. And the tremblynge of the hydour of his mouthe / hys eres shall stretche to warde many habytacy∣ons and countrees. And his breth shall be full swete in straūge londe. And in his tyme shall the ryuers renne blood and with brayne. And he shall make ī places of his londe walles that shall do moche harme vnto hys seed after hys tyme. ¶And thenne shall there come a people out of the North west durynge his regne that shall be ladde thrughout a wycked hare / that the dragon shall do crowne kynge / that after∣warde shall flee ouer the see wyth out comyn¦ge ayen for drede of the dragon. ¶And in that tyme the sonne shall be as reed as an blood that see thorughout all the worlde / that shall beto∣ken grete pestylence & dethe of folke / thorugh dynt of swerde. And that people shall be fader¦les / tyll the tyme that the dragon deye thrugh an hare: that shal meue ayenst hym warre vn¦to the ende of his lyf: that shall not fully be en¦ded in his tyme ¶This dragon shall be holde in his tyme the best body of the worlde. and he shall deye besyde the marches of a straūge lon∣de: and the londe shall dwel faderles wythout a good gouernour: and men shall wepe for his dethe: from the yle of. Shepey to the hauen of Marcyll. ¶wherfore Alas alas shall be theyr songe of faderles folke: that shall ouer lyue in his londe destroyed. ANd after this dragon shall come a go∣te out of. Kar that shall haue hornes & a berde of syluer / and there shall come out of his nosethryll a dompe that shall betoken hun¦gre and sorowe and grete dethe of the people. And moche of his londe in the begynnynge of hys regne shall be wasted. ¶Thys gote shall go ouer vnto Fraūce: and shall open the flou∣re of his lyf and deth. ¶In his tyme there shal aryse an Ee in Corne waye that shall haue fethers of goe / that of pryde ha be without pere of the londe. And he shall despye lordes of blood. And aer he shall flee shamefully by a beer at Guereh / and after shall be made brydges of men vpon the costes of the ee and stones shall falle from castelles / & many other townes shall be made playne. ¶In his tyme shall seme that the beer shall brenne / and a ba∣tayll shall be done vpon the armes of the see in a felde ordeyned as a sheld And at that batayl shall deye many whyte heedes / wherfore thys batayll shall be called the whyte batayll. And the forsayd beer shall do thys gote moche har∣me / & it shall come out of the South west & of his blood. Thenne shall the goe lese moche / & of hys londe / tyll that the tyme that frenshyp shall hym ouercome. And thenne shall he close hym in a lyons skynne / & thenne shall he wyn¦ne that he had before lost & more therto. For a people shall come out of the North west yt shall make the gote so sore aferde thet he shall be in grete perplexite. And he shal aduenge hym on his enmyes thrugh coūseyll of two owles that fyrste shall be in peryll for to be vndone. But the olde owle shall wende away a certayne ty∣me / & after he shal come ayen in to this londe. These two owles shall do grete harme to ma¦ny one / and soo they shall counseyll the gote to arere warre ayenst the forsayd beer. And at ye last the goe and the owles shall come at Bur∣ton vppon Trent / and shall go ouer / and for drede the beer shall ee & a swanne wyth hym fro his company to Burton warde the north and there they shall be with an harde shoure. And thenne shall the swanne be take & slayne wih sorowe and the beer taken heeded al ther next his est / that shall stande vpon broken brydge / on whom the sonne shall cast hys bee∣mes. And many shall hym seke for vertue that from hym shall come. ¶In ye same shall deye for sorowe are apple of his londe / soo that londes shall be vpon hym ye more boder after warde. And those two owles shall doo moche sorowe to the foresayd floure of lyf / & her shall lede in to dystrestre / so that shall passe ouer the see into Fraunce / for to make peas bytwene the gote and ye flouredelyse / and there she shall dwelle tyll a tyme that her sede shall come and sete her: they shall be styll tyll a tyme: that they shalle them clothe wyth grache. And they shall fethe the owles and shall put them to dy∣spytous deth. And after shall this gote be brou¦ghte to dysease and great Anguysshe: and in sorowe he shall lyue all his lyf AFter thys gote shall come out of wyn∣desore a boore: that shall haue an heed o a whyte lynons herte: and pyteous lokynge ¶His vysage shalle be reste to lyke men. Hys breeste shall be staunchynge of thyrste to tho that be thrysty: His worde shall be gospell. hys herynge shall be meke as a lambe· In the fyr∣ste yere of his regne he shall haue grete payne to Iustefye thē that ben vntrue. ¶And in his tyme shall hys londe be multeplyed wyth aly∣auntes. And this boore thorugh fyresnesse of hys herte that he shal haue: shal make wulues to become lambes. & he shall be called thorugh out of ye worlde Boore of holynesse / fyersesse of noblynesse and of mekenesse. And he shall mesurably al that he shall do vnto the brough of Ierusalem. ¶And he shall whette his teeth vpon the yates of Pards: and vpon foure lon¦des. Spayne shall tremble for drede. Gascoy∣ne shall swete. In Fraūce he shal put his wyn¦ge. His grete tayle shall reste in Englonde soft¦ly. Almayne shalle quake for drede of hym. ¶This boore shal yeue bantelles to two tow¦nes of Englonde: and shall make the Ryuer renne wyth blood & brayne. And he shall ma∣ke many medowes reede: and he shall gette as moche as his auncetours dyd. And er that he dyed / he shall bere thre crownes / and he shall put a londe in greate subiecyon / And after it shall be releued / but not in his tyme. ¶This boore after he is deed for hys doughtynesse / shall be entyred at Coleyne. And his lōde shall be fulfylled of all good. AFter this boore shall come a lambe: yt shalle haue fet of leed: and an heed of brasse: and herte of loppe a swynes skynne. And an harde. And in hys tyme hys londe shal be in peas: the fyrste yere of his regne he shall do make a cytee that all the worlde shall speke there of. ¶This lambe shall lese in his tyme a grete parte of his londe thrugh an hydeous wulfe: but he shall recouer it: and yeue a lord∣shyp to an Egle of his londe and this egle shal welle gouerne it tyll the tyme that pryde shall hym ouercome. Alas the sorwe: For he shalle deye of hys brothers swerde. And after shall the londe falle to the forsayd lambe: that shall gouerne the londe in peas all hys lyues tyme. And after he shall deye / and the londe be ful∣fylled of all maner of good. AFter this lambe shal come a mold war¦pe / cursyd of goddes mouth / a caytyf / a cowarde / an haare / He shall haue an elderly skynne as a gote / & vengeaunce shall falle vp¦on hym for syn̄e. ¶In the fyrst yere of his reg¦ne he shall haue of all good gret plente in hys londe and to warde hym also / And in hys lon¦de he shall haue grete praysyge / tyll the tyme that he shal surffre his people lyue in to moche pryde without chastysynge / wherfor god wyl be wrothe· ¶Thenne shall aryse vp a dragon of the North / that shall be full fyerse / and shal meue warre ayenst the forsayd mold warpe / & shal yeue hym batayle vpon a stone. This dra¦gon shall gadre ayen in to his company a wul¦fe / that shall rome out of the west to meue war¦re ayenst the forsayd mold warpe in hys syde / so shall the dragon / and bynde theyr tayles to gyders ¶Then̄e shall come a lyon out of Ir∣londe / that shall falle in company wyth them. And thenne shall tremble the londe that shall becalled Englonde as an aspen leyf / And in that tyme shal castelles be felled downe vpon Tamyse. And ye shall seme that Seuerne shal be drye / for the bodyes that shall falle deed the¦re in / The foure chyef floodes in Englonde shall renne in blood. And grete drede shall he / & anguysshe that shall aryse. ¶After the mold warpe shall flee and ye dragon. The lyon and the wulf shall them dryue a waye / and the lon shall be wythout them. And the mold warpe shall haue no maner of power sauf only a shyp¦pe wherto he maye wynder ¶And after that he shall goo to londe where the see is wythdra∣we. And after that he shall yeue the thyrde par¦te of hys londe / for to haue the fourth parte in peas and in reste. And after he shall lyue in so¦rowe all his lyftyme· ¶And in his tyme the hr bathes shal become colde. And after that shall the mold warpe deye auenturously and sodenly. Alas for sorowe / for he shall be drow∣ned in a flood of the see His seed shall be come faderles in straunge loude for euer more. And then shall the londe be departed in to thre par∣tes / that is to saye / to the wulf / to the dragan / and to the lyon. And soo shall it be for euermo∣re· And thenne shalle thys londe be called the de of Conquest. And so shall the ryghe hey¦res of Englonde ende THen̄e whan Guillomer that was kyn∣ge of Irlonde herde tydyges ye kynge Arthur was entred at Glastenbury: he ordey¦ned agrete pewer of Irysshmen and came to the see wyth his Irysshe people; & soo came in to Scotlonde ouer the see & arryued fast there by that kynge. Arthur was with his hoste: & a none as he wyst therof: he went to warde hym and yaue hym bataylle & ouercame hym ano∣ne ryght. And Guillomer fledde wyth hys mē agayne in to Irlond. And whan thys was do¦ne and dyscomfyted hym Arthur torned hym ayen there that he was: in to the place there that he had lefte the Scottes and wolde haue them all slayne. But the bysshopes: abbottes and other folke of ye countree and ladyes open heeded came before kynge. Arthur and cryed hym mercy and sayde. Syre gentyll kynge & myghty: haue mercy and pyte vpon vs. And as yourself be of the ryght lawe to holde and mayntene Crystendome. For full grete dysho¦udur yt shold be to slee hym that byleueth in al¦myghty god as ye do. And for goddes loue ha∣ue mercy and pyte on vs & suffre vs. For we haue hadde moche sorowe and payne. For the Saxons haue many tymes passed thrugh our londe. But that is not ynough to you: for of∣ten tymes they haue done vs sorowe & dysease For our castelles they haue taken and our bee¦stes slayne & eten: and moche harme they haue vs done And yf ye wolde vs now slee: it were none honour to a kynge to slee them that crye hym mercy. For ynough ye haue done to vs & haue vs ouercome. And for ye loue of god yt ye wyll suffre vs for to lyue: & haue mercy on cry∣sten people yt byleue in Cryst as ye do. ¶whā kynge. Arthur herde this sorowe: he had pyte of them & yaue them lyf & lymme without ony more harme. And they fell downe to his feet & thanked hym and became his lyege men: and he toke of them homage. ¶And after ye kynge Arthur torned ayen wyth hys hoste the came vnto yorke: and made there hys bydynge du∣rynge that vyage. And tho gaue he al Logrys to Aloth that had spowsed his syster and other gyftes grete plente· And tho was Gawen his cosyn but of youge ege. And to all hys other men that hym had serued in hys warre / he ga∣ue ryche gyftes / and thanked them moche of all theyr good seruyce ANd whan Arthur hadde broughth ys lond in peas and rest and in good sta∣te / and all was well in euery countre. Tho to¦ke and wedded a wyf that was called Gūnor and made her quene / a fayre lady and a gen∣tyll that Cador the Erle of Corne wayle hadde nourysshed ī his chambre that was his cosyn. But neuer they had childern togyder. And ne¦uertheles kyng Arthur loued her wonder well & deyrly And anone as wynter was passed / he lete assemble a grete host / and all his Barons and sayd that he wolde goo in to. Irlonde for to conquere the londe. And he trayed not lon∣ge that he passed ouer in to Irlone. ¶And Guillomer the kynge lete assemble a grete ho∣ste & yaue bataylle to kynge Arthur / but Guyl¦lomer was dyscomfyted and yelded hym ot ye kynge and became his man / and to hym dyde fewte and homage and of hym helde alle that lond fro that tyme for warde. And after peas∣kynge. Arthur ferthermore & conquered But londe and Islonde / and toke homage of the fol¦ke and of the londe / and there dwelled .xii. ye∣re in peas & regned wyth Ioye & myrthe. And there warred no man ne woman vpon hym. And he became so curtys and large & honora¦ble / that the Emperours courte of Rome / ne none other thrugh out all the worlde was not accoūted to kyng Arthurs / that ony mā wyst of / ne none soo well praysed· And therfore the beste knyght{is} of all maner a londes came vnto hym there for to dwelle. And he theym recey∣ued with good wyll and reuerence. ¶And all the knygehtes were so good that noo man kne¦we the werste. And therfore kyng Arthur ma¦de a rounde table that whan they sholde sytte at ther meete / all sholde be ylyke hyghe and e∣uenly serued at the table that nōe of them shol¦de make auaūt that one of them were hygher thanne an other. And kynge Arthur hadde at that table Brytons & Frenshmen. Normans and Flemynges. Burgoyns Mausers & Lo∣therins / and of all the londes a thys halfe the mount Goryt: and of hys londe of Brytayne and of the grete Corne wayle: of walys and of Irlonde: and of Scotlonde And shortly to tell of all the londes that woldes worshyp chyual¦ry: suche came to kynge Arthurs courte. Syth it befell that thrugh counsell of hys barons and lordes: kynge Arthur wol¦de conquere alle Fraunce that tho was called Galle thrugh Romaynes that tho helde ye lon∣de in theyr power & in theyr gouernnūce. And the Romayns had taken that londe to a noble knyʒt and a worthy of body: that was called Froll. And whan he wyst that Arthur came: he ordeoned an host of a grete power & fought with the kynge. And he & his folke were dys∣comfyted and fledde vnto Parys & entred the cyte: and closed the yates & there helde them. ¶whan Arthur wyst that Froll was gone to Parys he pursued after & came thyder: & hym besyeged. But the cyte was so stronge & well arayed / & tho that were therin deffended the∣ym well and manly. ¶Kynge Arthur dwelled there more than amonethe. And there was so moche people in the cyte that they dyspended all theyr vytayle that they had wythin. and so grete hungre became amonge them / that they deyed wenderly thycke within the cyte for hō¦gre. And came vnto Froll & prayed hym to be accorded with kynge. Arthur for to haue peas & they wolde yelde theym vnto hym & the cyte also. ¶Froll sawe yt he myght no lenger holde the towne ayenst theyr wyll \ & trusted gretely vppon his owe strenth / and sent to ye kynge Ar¦thur that he shold come fyght with hym body for body / & so sholde they departe Fraunce by∣twene them two. ¶Kynge Arthur anōe graū¦ted yt. And wolde not that none of hys people vndertoke the batayle for hym. ¶And vpon the morne both came wel arayed without Pa¦rys there that they sholde fyght. & anone they smote togyders so fyersly & so wel they fough on both sydes that no man demed the better of them / and soo it befell ye Froll yaue Arthur suche a stroke yt he kneled to the grounde wol∣de he nolde he / And as Froll wounded kynge Arthur in the forhede yt the blode felle downe by his eyen & his face. Arthur anone sterre vp hertely whan he felte hym hurte as a man yt se¦med almoost wood. And he toke taburne hys good swerde / & drewe it vpon hyghe and yaaf Froll suche astroke that thyr with he claue his hede downe to the sholders so that his helme myght not be his warraunt / & so he fel downe deed in the place. And thenne tho of the cytye made grete sorowe for Froll. And euerychone yelded them to kynge. Arthur and the towne also & became hys men / & dyd to hym homage and feaute. And he receyued them & tooke of them goodly hostages. And kynge Arthur af∣ter that wente forthe with his hoste & conque∣red Augien & Angyers. Gascoyne. Pehito. Na¦uerne and Burgoyne. Berry. Lotherne Tu∣ryn and Peythers / and all the other londes of Fraunce he conquered all hooly. whan he had conquered & taken by homages and feautes / he torned ayen to Parys and there he dwelled longe tyme / & ordeyned peas longe tyme ouer all ye coūtree / & thrugh al Fraūce. ¶And whā peas was made ouer all thrugh hys noble kny¦ghthode that he hadde / and also for hys owne worthynes. And no man were he neuer so gre¦te a lorde durste not meue warre ayenst hym nother to aryse for to make the londe of Fraū∣ce inquyete. And in peas he dwelled there .ix. yere / and dyde many greate wonders / and re¦preued many proude men and euyll tyraūtes theym chastysed after theyr demerytes ANd after warde yt befel thus at Ester there that he helde a feest at. Paras / & rychely he gan auaūce his knyghtes for ye ser∣uyce that they had hym holpen in hys cōquest. He yaue to hys stewarde that was called. Kay Augien & Angoers. And he yaue to Bed were his. Butler. Normandye / that tho was called Neustrye And to Holdē in hys chambrelayn he yaue Flaunders & Mance And to Dorell hys cosyn he yaue Bolayne. And to Rycharde hys enewe he yaue Pountyf / and to all other he yaue large londes and fees after they were of estate / And whan Arthur had thus his knygh¦tes feoffed / at Aperyll next after suynge he ca∣me ayen in to Brytayne hys owne londe. And after at wytsontyde sewynge by counseyll of his Barons / he wolde be crowned kynge of Glomergon / and helde a solempne feest. And lete somone barons erls and knyghtes / yt they shold come thyder euery chone. and there was Scater kynge of Scotlande. Cad were kynge of South waylys. Guiliomer kyng of North walys. Maded kyng of Irlonde. Malgamus kynge of Gutlonde. Achelles kynge of Islon∣de. Aloth kyng of Denmarke. Gone was kyn¦ge of Norwaye / and Hell hys cosyn kynge of Dorkeney. Cador kynge of lytell Brytayne. Mor with Erle of Cornewaylle. Mauran er∣le of Gloucetre. Guerdon erle of wynchestre. Boell erle of Hartforde. Vrtegi erle of Oxfor¦de. Cuisall erle of Bathe. Ionas Erle of Che∣stre. Enerall erle of Dorchestre. Kymare Erle of Salysbury. waloth erle of Caunterbury. Iugerne erle of Chechestre. Arall erle of Ley∣ceter / and the erle of wer wyke / & many other moo ryche lordes. Brytons there came moo / that is to saye. Dippon Donande. Gennes / & many other that be not named here were atte the feest. And many a fayre feest kynge arthur hadde holde before / but neuer none suche / ne soo solempne / and that lasted .xv. dayes wyth moche honoure and myrthe. ¶Of the letter yt was sēt fro Rome to pryde to kynge Arthur THe thyrde daye as kynge Arthur satte at his meet amonge his knyghtes and amonge them that satte at the feste / before thē cam in ·xii. men of age rychely arayed / and cur¦teusly they salewed the kynge / and sayde they came fro Rome sente as massengers fro the Emperoure. And toke hym a letter that thus moche was to vnderstād· ¶Gretely vs mar∣uaylleth arthur / that thou art ones so hardy with thyn eyen in thy heed to make open war∣re or contake ayenst vs of rome / that owne all the worlde to redeme / For thou haste neuer yet before thys tyme proued ne assayed the streng∣the of the Romās / and therfore though it shall in a lytell tyme. For Iulyus Cezar conquered all the londe of Brytayne / ayd toke therof tru¦age / and our folke haue it longe I had / & nowe throughe thy pryde thou with holde it. where¦fore we of Rome commaunde the that thou yt yelde ayen / and yet haste thou more foly done that thou haste slayne Froll that was our ba∣ron of Fraunce with wrōge. And therfore all the comens of Rome warneth the & cōmaūde the vpon lyfe & lymme that thou in haste be at Rome amendes for to make of thy mysdedes that thou haste done. And it so be that thou co∣me not we shall passe the hyll of Ioye with strē¦gthe / and we shall the seke where euer thowe may be founde / & thou shalt not haue a foot of londe of thyn owne / yt we ne shall dystroye it / & afterwarde with thy body we shall do al our wyll. whan this letter was redde & all men it herde they were anoyed all yt were at ye solemp¦ne feste. And the Brytons wolde haue slayne ye messengers / but the kynge wolde not suffre them & sayde / that ye messengers sholde haue no harme / & may by reason none deserue But commaūded them to be worshypfully serued And after meet he toke coūseyll of kynges / er∣les & barons / what answere he myght geue a¦yen to the messengers and they coūseylled him atones / that he shulde assemble a grete power of al ye lōdes of whiche he had lordeshyp & mā¦ly auenge hym vpon the Emperour of the de∣spyte that he had sēde hym suche a letter & they swore by god & by all his holy name that they sholde hym pursewe & bren̄e as moche as they myght And sayde that they wolde neuer fayle kynge Arthur / & rather to be deed. And they le∣te wryte a letter to sende to the Emperour by the same messengers in this manere of wyse· Of the bolde answere that kynge Arthur sēte to the Emperour of Rome & to the Romans VNderstondeth amonge you of Rome that I am kynge Arthur of Brytayne and freely it holde and shall holde. And at Ro∣me hastely I wyll be / not to geue you truage / but for to axe truage. For Constantyne that was Eleyns sone that was Emperour of Ro∣me & of all the honour that ther to belongeth. And Maximian kynge conquered all Fraun∣ce and Almayne / and mount Ioye passed and conquered all Lombardy. And these two we∣re myn auncetours / and that they helde and had. I shall haue thorught goddes wyll. ANd whan this letter was made & ense∣aled / kynge Arthur to these messēgers & gaue grette yeftes / and after that the messen¦gers toke theyr leue and wente thens / and ca∣me to the courte of Rome agayne. And tolde the Emperour how worthely they were recey∣ued And also of suche a ryall company that he hadde hym for to serue / and howe he was mo¦re ryally serued than the Emperour of Rome or ony other kynge lyuynge in all the worlde. ¶And whan the Emperour had ouersene the letter / and hadde harde what was therin and sawe yt Arthur wolde not be ruled after hym. He lete assemble and ordeyne a grete hoste for to destroye kynge Arthur yf that he myghte. ¶And kyng Arthur as touchynge hys pow∣er and partye / ordeyned hys power or knygh∣tes of the table rounde. Kynge Arthur hadde not dwelled in that coūtree but a lytel tyme / yt men hym tol¦de that there was come a greate gyaunt in to Spayne / & had rauysshed fayre. Eleyne that was cosyn vnto. Howell of lytell Brytayne. And hadde brought her vpon an hylle that ys called the mount of saynt Bernarde. And the¦re was no man in that countree soo bolde ne so hardy that durste fyght with hym / ne come nye the place there yt the gyaunt dwelled tha was called Dinabus. And moche sorowe he dyde in the countree. ¶whan kynge Arthur heede this tydynges / he called to him Kay and Bedwere & cōmaunded them to go pryuely & espye where the gyaunt myght be foūde. And they came to the ryuage there that men sholde go to the mount / that was all enclosed a boute with water & yet is / & euer shall be. And they sawe a brennyge fyre vpon the hylle. And the∣re was also an other hylle nye that / and there was vpon that an other fyre brynnyge. Kay & Bed were came to the next hylle / & foūde a wy¦dowe open heeded syttynge besydes a tombe sore wepynge / & grete sorowe made. & ofte she sayd Eleyne eleyne. And Kay & Bed were axed what she was / & wherfore she made so moche sorowe and who laye in that tombe. ¶O syy∣de she what sorowe & mysauenture fayre lor∣seke ye here. For yf the. Gyaunt may you here fynde he wyl you slee anone. ¶Bestylle good wyf sayd they therof dysmaye you not but tell vs the south why that thou makest so moche sorowe & wepynge. ¶Syrs sayd she For a da¦mosel that I nourysshed with my breest yt was called Eleyne / yt was nece to. Howell of Bry∣tayne. And here lyeth the body in thys tombe that to me was taken to nourysshe. And soo there came a deuyll a Gyaunt & rauysshed her and me also / & ladde vs both with hym a way he wolde haue for layne that mayde that was yonge and tendre of aege but she myght it not suffre soo grete & so huge as the. Gyaunt was. And for certayne yf he come now as he is wō∣te to doo / he wyll you both now slee & therfore go ye hens. Thenne bespake these two messen¦gers & sayd to her / wherfore goo ye not frome hens. ¶Certes sayde she whan that Eleyne deed the. Gyaunt made me to abyde and haūt his wyll / & I must nedes it suffre. And god it wote I do it not with my wyll / for I had leuer to be deed than with hym to deale / soo moche payne & sorowe I haue whan he me oclyeth. ¶whan Kay and. Bed were had all that thys woman thē tolde / they torned ayen & came to kynge Arthur and tolde hym all that they had seen and herde. ¶Arthur anone toke them bo¦the wit hym and wente pryuely by nyght that none of his hoste wyste and came on the moro¦we erly to the. Gyaunt and faught wyth hym strongely / and at the laste hym slewe And Ar∣thur badde. Bed were smyte of hys heed / and brynge it to the host to shewe it for a wonder / for it was soo grete and huge. ¶whan they ca¦me ayen to the hoste / they tolde wherfore they hadde ben out / and shewed to them the heed / and euery man was gladde and. Ioyefull of the worthy dede that kynge. Arthur had done that was theyr lorde. And Howell was full so¦rowfull for his nece yt was so loste. And after warde whan he had space / he lete make a fay∣re chapell of our lady ouer Eleyns tomebe. ARthur and his people herde tydynges that the. Emperour had assembled a greate power / as well of sarasyns as of pay∣nyms and crysten men. wherof the nombre was .lxxx. thousande hors men with foot mē. ¶Arthur and his people ordeyned faste forth theyr waye towarde the. Emperour and pas∣sed. Normandy and. Fraunce vnto. Burgoy∣ne / and wolde haue gone vnto the hoste. For men tolde hym that the. Emperours host wol∣de come to Lucie. ¶The Emperour and hys hoste in the begynnynge of. August remeued from Rome / and came forthe ryght the waye o warde the hoste ¶Tho came kyng Arthur spyes and sayde / yf that. Arthur wolde he shol¦de fynde the Emperour there faste by put they sayd. yt the Em{per}our had so grete power wyth hym of kinges of ye lōde of Paynems & also cri¦sten peple yt it were but folyt to kyng Arthur to mete with thē For ye spyes tolde / yt the em{per}our had fyue or six men ayenst one of his. ¶Kyng Arthur was blody & hardy / and for noo thyn∣ge hym nysmayed and sayede. Goo we boldely in goddes name ayenste the. Romayns / that wyth them lede. Sarrasyns and. Paynems / that noo maner truste they haue in god / But only vpon theyr strengh. Go we now and se∣ke them sharply in the name of almyghty god & slee we the▪ Paynems and crysten men that ben ayenst vs with thē for to destroye. Crystē men. And god shall vs helpe thē to ouercome For we haue the ryght penyon / and therfore haue we truste in god. And we so that the en∣myes that be to crystendome and to god may be destroyed and ouercome / & that men maye recorde ye worthynesse of knyght hode. whan kynge Arthur hadde thus sayd / they cryed all wyth an hyghe voys. ¶God that is fader al∣myghty worshypped be thy name without en∣de. Amen. And graunt vs grace well for to do and to destroye oure enmyes that ben ayenst crystendome. In the name of the fader / the so∣ne / and holy ghost. Amen. And god yeue hym neuer grace ne worshyp in the worlde / ne mer¦cy of hym to haue / that thys daye shall faynte well for to smyte and egerly. And so they rode softly / & ordeyned his wynges well & wysely. ¶The Emperour herde telle that kynge. Ar∣thur & his folke were redy appaerylled for to fyght with hym and how they were comynge He lete ordeyne h{is} wynges ī the best wyse that he cowde And more trusted vpon his strenght than in god almyghty / & that was seen after∣warde· For whan the two hostes mette / the. Emperour lost four of hys folke ayenst one of Arthur. And so many were slayne \ what on ye one party & on that other / that it was grete py¦te to wyte & to be beholde. ¶In thys batayll were slayne thrugh kynge. Arthurs fyue kyn∣ges of the Paynems and of other wonder mo∣che people / and kyng. Arthurs men fought so well / that the Romayns and paynems hadde nomore strengthe to wythstonde them / than .xx. shepe ayenst fyue wulues. ¶And so it befel¦le that in thys batayll in the shoure / that was wonder harde & longe durynge in that one sy∣de and in that other / the. Emperour amonge them there was slayne / but ther was no man that wyste for very so the who hym slewe. SO whan the. Romayns wyst that the Emperour was deed / they forsoke the felde & the paynens also. And kynge. Arthur after them chaced tyll it was nyght / & soo ma∣ny of them slewe yt it was wonder to tell. And the torned kynge Arthur ayen whan it was nyght & thanked god of hys victorye. And on the morowe he lete loke and serche all the felde for his knyghtes that he there lost. That is to saye. Borell Erle of Maunt. Bed were / and Kay / and. Lyegiers Erle of. Boleyne. Vorti∣ger Erle of Baac. Aloth Erle of wynchestre. Cuisall Erle of Chestre / and after Holden Er∣le of. Flaandres. These were the grete lordes that kynge. Arthur loste in that batayll / wyth other worthy knyghtes them amonge. And so¦me he lete entere in abbayes by the countree / some he lete to be borne in to theyr owne coū∣tree. ¶And the Emperours body he lete take & put vpon a beyr & sente it to Rome. And say∣de to ye Romayns / that for Brytayne & Fraū∣ce whiche he helde: other truage wolde hen o∣ne paye. ¶And yf they axe hym ony other truages: ryght suche truage he wolde theym payne. ¶The kynge lete bere Kay to Kenen his owne castel & there hym entered. And Ley¦gier was borne to. Boleyne there he was lor∣de. And Holden was borne to Flaunders: the¦re he was entered: And all the other he lete en∣tere wyth moche honour in abbayes & in hou¦ses of relyon in the coūtre that they were slay∣ne. ¶And Arthur hymself soiourned that sa∣me yere in. Bourgoyne with his hoste & thou∣ghte the same yere folowynge to passe the mo∣unt. Ioye: & haue gone to. Rome also to haue taken the Cyte and haue put the Romoyns in subiecyon: but the wycked tyraunt. Mordred hym lette: as afterye shall here AS Arthur had taken to. Mordred hys reame to kepe: & gone ayenst ye Empe∣rour of rome: & was passed ye see. Mordred a∣nōe toke homages & feates of all theym yt we∣re ī this londe: & wolde haue had this londe to his owne vse: & toke castelles about: & lete thē be arayed. & after thys falsenesse he dyde an o∣ther grete wronge: for ayenst ye lawe of crystē te he tooke hys owne emys wyf as a traytour shold: ordeyned him a grete host ayēst arthurs comyng: to hold ye londe ayenst hym with strē¦gthe for euer more: & to slee kyng Arthur yf he myght & sent by ye see & by londe: & lete assēble paynems & crysten peple. And he sent to Sax∣ons & to Danys for to helpe hym. & also. Mor∣dred sent to Cheldrik to sende men to hy mour of. Saxon yt was a worthy duke / & promysed hym yf that he brought wyth hym moche peo∣ple he wylde graunte hym. Inherytaunce for euer / all the londe fro Humbre to Scotlonde / and all the londe that Engist hadde of. Vorti∣gers yere / whan that he spowsed hys dough∣ter. ¶And cheldrik came with a grete streng∣the and power of people / and. Mordred had∣de assembled also on his half / that they hadde .xl. thousande of stronge knyghtes whan that they hadde nede. AS thys tydynges came to kynge. Ar∣thur there that he was in Bourgoyne he was full sore anoyed / and toke all Fraunce to Howell for to kepe with the half deale of his men. And prayed hym that he wold it kepe tyll he came ayen. For hymselfe wolde passe in to Brytayne / and auenge hym vpon. Mordred that was his traytour. And forth with Arthur wente his waye & came to wytsande / and ma∣de his men to go in to shyppe and wolde haue arryued at Sandwyche / & brought with hym a grace host of Frēshemen also with his owne londe men / But or that he myght come to lon¦de wyth his people that were come out of hys shyppes. Mordred was come wyth all his po∣wer / and yaue a stronge batayll / soo that kyn∣ge Arthur lost many a man are that he myght come to londe. For there was. Gawayne hys neuewe slayne / & Anguysshell that helde Scot¦londe / and many other wherof kynge. Arthur was ful sory. But after they were come to lon¦de. Mordred myghte not ayenst them endure. But anone was dyscomfyted & flydde thens the same nyght with his men / & vpon the mor¦ne came to· London. But tho of the cyte wol∣de not suffre hym to come in. And from thens he fledde to wynchestre / and there he hym hel∣de with his people yt came with him. ¶Kynge Arthur lete take the body of. Gawyne his co∣fyn / & the body of. Anguysshell / and lete ye one be borne in to Scotlonde / and the other to Do¦uer & buryed Anone after kynge. Arthur toke his waye for to destroye mordred / & he fledde thens in to Cornewayle. ¶And ye quen Gun∣or yt was kyng Arthurs wyf yt thosoiourned yorke / herde ye Mordred was fledde thens & that he might not endure ayenst kyng Arthur she was fore aferde & had grete doubte / & wyst not what was beste of all for to done. For she vnderstode well that her lorde kynge. Arthur wolde neuer of her for to haue marcy for ye gre¦te shame that she had done vnto hym / And to¦ke her a waye pryuely with four men without moo / and came to. Karlyon / & there she dwel∣led all there lyue / and neuer after was seen a∣monges the folke her lyf duryng. ¶Kynge Ar¦thur wyst that Mordred was fledde in to Cor∣newayle / & lete sende after his men in to. Scot¦londe and Northomberlonde vnto Humbre / and lete assemble folke without nombre / and came fro thens in to. Cornewayle to seke and pursewe after Mordred. ¶And Mordred had assembled to hym all the folke of. Cornewayle and had people without nombre wyst that Arthur was comynge / and had leuer to deye and take his chaūce / than longer flee & abode and yaue an harde batayll to kynge. Arthur & to his people so that moche people was slayne what of one syde & what of that other / that no∣man wyst who had the better party. But so it befell at the last that Mordred was slayne & al his folke / & the good chyualry that kynge. Ar∣thur had gadred & nourysshed of dyuer londes and also the noble knyghtes of the rounde ta∣ble / that so moche were praysed thorugh oute all the worlde were there slayne / & kynge Ar∣thur hymself was wounded vnto dethe. But he lete hym to be borne to Auioun to be heeled of his woundes. And yet the. Brytons suppo∣sed that he lyued in an other lond / and that he shall come yet and conquere alle Brytayne. ¶But certes this is ye prophecye of Merlyn. He sayde that his deth shall be doubtous / and sayde sothe. For therof yet men haue doubte / and shall haue for euer more as men saye. For mē wote not wyther that he is on lyue or deed. ¶Arthur was borne at Auioun the .xxii. yere of his regne after the. Incarnacyon of our lor¦de Ihesu Cryste .v.C.xlvi. yere. AS kynge Arthur wyste that he myght noo lenger regne / he lette come before hym Constantyne yt was Cadors sone Erle of Cornewayle his cosyn & to hym betoke all his reame & toke him sayd / & bad hym therof to be kynge tyll that he came ayen / for as moche as he had none heeyre of hys body begoten. And grete damage was it / that soo noble a kynge and soo doughty as he was / hadde noo chylde of his body begoten. But all thynge that god woll haue done must be done / whose name be blessyd wythout ende THis Constantyne was a noble knyght and a worthy of body. And tho two so∣nes that. Mordred had begoten had grete en∣uy of Constātyne that tho was crowned kyn∣ge. And so it befell yt they meued warre ayenst hym. And assembled a grete host of them that were before with Mordred / & had ben dryuen a waye / & that dyd moche sarowe & anguysshe thrughout all that londe. That one brother or∣deyned / & purposed hym towarde the auncy∣ent Cyte of London for to take ye cyte And that other went to wynchestre. But Constantyne came to Lōdon & slewe hym yt was there. And after he went to wȳchestre & slewe hym yt was there also. So yt bothe his enmyes were deed. ¶And whan Constantyne had regned well & worthely four yere / he deyed & lyeth at Lōdon. AFter kynge Constantynes dethe there were two kynges in Brytayne / ye one was called. Adelbryght yt was a danoys. And he helde the coūtree of. Norfolke &. Southfol∣ke. That other hyght Edell & was a. Bryton \ and helde Nicholl. Lendeser / and all the londe vnto. Humbre. These two kynges faste war∣red togyder / but after accorded they were and loued togyder / as they had ben borne of oo bo¦dy. ¶The kynge Edell had a suster that was called Orewenne. And he gaf her thrught gre∣te freodshyp to kyng. Adelbryght to wyf. And he begate vpon her a doughter that was cal∣led. Argentyll. And in the thyrde yere after ca∣me vpon hym a strange sykenesse that nedes he must deye. And he sente to kynge. Edell hys broder in lawe that he sholde come and speke wyth hym / and he came to hym wyth a good wyll. ¶Tho prayed he the kynge and coniu∣red hym also in the name of god / That after whan he were deed / he sholde take hys dough∣ter Argentyll and the londe / and that he kepte her welle / and nourysshe her in hys chambre. And whan she were of aege / she sholde be ma∣ryed to the strongest and worthyest man that he myghte fynde / and thenne he sholde yelde vp her londe ayen. ¶Edell it graunted and by othe confermed hys prayer. ¶And whan Adelbryght was deed and enteryd / Edell too∣ke the damoysell. Argentyll / and nourrsshed her in hys chambre: and she became as fayre as ony myghte be. THis kyng Edell that was vncle to Ar∣gentyll: be thought how that he myght falsely haue the londe fro his nyce for euer mo¦re: and falsely aynst hys othe thought to dys∣ceyue ye damoysell: and to marye her to a kna∣ue of his kechyne that was called Curan: and he became ye worthyest and strongest man of body that ony man wyst in ony londe that tho lyued: and to hym he thought her shamfully haue maryed for to haue had her londe after∣warde / but he was clene dysceyued. For thys Curan was Hauelockis sone that was kynge of. Kyrkelane in. Denmarke: and this. Curan conquered hys wyues londe after warde and slewe kyng Edel that was h wyues vncle and had al her londe / as in an other place it telleth more openly: & he regned but .iii. yere for Sax∣ons &. Danes hī slewe & that was grete harme to all Brytayn & Srytons bare hym to. Sto¦henge and entyred hym honourably. AFter this Curan regned his cosyn Co∣nan that was a wonder proude kny∣ghte. And regned and coude haue noo maner of loue / but euer he was medlynge wyth hys people. And tooke his vncle with warre and slewe his two chyldern. ¶The Saxons war∣red ayenst hym oftentymes: but he them ouer came: and soo he was in peas all his lyf tyme· And he regned .xiiii. yere: And after he deyed and lyeth at London. AFter this Conan regned his cosyn cor¦tyf that was behated of all his peple & no thynge beloued. & this. Cortyf lost all Bry∣tayne thrugh warre. And ī his tyme fell ye gre∣te myscheyf in Brytayn ye crystendom was de¦stroyed & all ye Brytons were dryuē out of the londe and the londe lost with out ony recouer. But after warde left the londe to the Saxons as ye afterwarde shall here. For in that tyme there was a paynem that was called Gormō∣de / that was the kynges sone Daufrices of the panems folke that hadde the reame after hys fader / & was kynge / sauf he bequaue & yaue it to his broder. And sayd that he wolde neuer be kynge / but yf that he myght gete and conque∣re a reame in a straunge countree. For he was bolde & stronge of body. And of hym prophecy¦ed Merlyn & sayde / that hesholde be a wulf of the see. And he lette assemble paynems wyth∣out nombre / & lete appareylle shyppes / & wen∣te by many londes / & toke homages & feautees of many. And so he wente by the see & conque∣red many dyuerse londes. So that he came in to Irlonde / & conquered that lond / that often tymes warred vpon. Brytons / and Brytons vpon them & oft wonne & oft lost & yaue hosta∣ges to Brytons. And so they sent to Gurmon∣de there that he was in Irlonde / that he shold come in to Brytayne and helpe them ayenst ye Brytons / to helpe them to delyuer that londe of them / & they wolde hym holde gladly for the¦yr lord. For he was a paynem / and they were paynems & the Brytons were crystened. well ought he them for to helpe / so as they were all of one lawe. whā Gurmonde herde this pray∣er he hasted him as moche as he myght & arry∣ued in Scotlonde / & came in to Northomber∣londe there that the Saxons were dwellynge and they confermed the couenaūtes bytwene them that were made by othes & by hostages / for to bere hym true fay / & holde hym for lorde and paye to hym truage by the yere ¶Tho be¦gan the. Saxons and ye. Affricans to destroye robbe and brenne townes / & destroye all then∣g in asmoche as they myght & spared neyther man woman ne chylde lerned ne lewde / But all they slewe / & caste downe townes castels & chirches / & so put they all the londe in grete de¦struccyon. And as soone as they myghte flee / they fledde thens as well poore as ryche / bys∣shops / abbottes / chanons / & all other grete & smal / some in to lytell Brytayne / & some in to Cornewayle / all tho ye shyppes myghht haue. COrtyf the kyng fledde thens in to Che∣chestre that tho was stronge / and there helde hym .xx. dayes / & this Gurmonde came and it besyeged. But the cytee was so stronge that he myght not gete it by no maner of wy∣se with engyne that they myght doo. Tho be∣thought they vpon a subtylte for to brenne the towne. They made engynes wyth glewe of nettes / & toke pecys of thunder & of fyre & bon∣de it to sparowes feet & than lete them flee and they anōe flewe & lodged thē in ye towne ther yt theyr nestis were / & in stackes & euesynges of houses / & ye fyre began to kyndle & brente all ye towne / And whan the. Brytons sawe that in euery syde they hyed them out & fought / but a¦none they were slayne and dyscomfyted / And whyle batayll dured the kynge pryuely hydde hym and stale awaye in to walys / & men wyst neuer where he became / and soo was the tow∣ne of Chechestre taken and destroyed. And af∣ter. Gurmonde wente and destroyed townes and cytees that neuer were after made ayen / as it is seen yet in many places of thys londe. SO whan. Gurmonde had destroyed al the londe thrugh out: he yaue the londe to the Saxons: & anone they toke it with good wyll / for the Saxons longe tyme had desyred it. For asmoche as they wereof. Engist{is} kyn∣red that fyrst had all the londe of. Brytayne & lete them be called. Englyssmen: for by cause of Engistes name: & the lond they lete call En¦glonde in theyr langage: & the folke ben called Englyshmen: for asmoche as in thys tyme it was called Engist{is} londe whan he had cōque∣red it of. Vortiger: that spoused hys doughter But fro the tyme yt Brute came fyrst in to En¦glonde: thys londe was called. Brytane: and the folke Brytons. But syth the tyme yt thys Gurmonde conquered it eftsones and yaue it vnto the. Saxons: they anone ryght chaūged the name as before is sayde. And whan thys was done. Gurmonde passed ouer in to Fraū∣ce: & there conquered many londes: & destroy∣ed all cristen peple there that he came. And the Saxons dwelled in this londe and began fast to enhabyte it at ther owne wyll. And they wol¦de haue made newe kyngis & lordes: but they myght neuer assent to haue only oo kynge for to be to them attendaunt / & therfore they ma∣de many kynges in dyuerse shyres: as it was in Engistes tyme. The fyrste kyngdome was Kente: & that othe. Southsexe: and the thyrde westsex / the fourth Eestsex / & the fyfth Nothū¦berlonde / and ye sixth Estangle that is to saye Northfolke / and Southfolke and the seuenth Mercheryche / and that is the Erldoste of Ny∣choll. Hūtyngdon. Herforde. Gloucetre. wynl¦chestre. wer wyke & Derby / and so departed all Englond in to .vii. partyes. ¶And after that it befell that tho kyng{is} warred oft tymes togy¦der. And euer he that was strongest toke hym that was feblest / and soo it was longe tyme yt they had noo kynge crowned amonge theym / ne no crysten man was tho amonge them / ne crystendome nather. But were paynems tyll that saynt Gregory was pope of: Rome / that had seen childern of the nacyon of Englonde in the cyte of Rome / that were wonder fayre creatures / & had grete wyll and desyre theym to beholde. And axed of ye marchaūtes whens they were / and of what nacyon. And men tol∣de hym that they were of Englonde / and In∣glysshe they were called / but they & all the peo¦ple of Englonde were paynems: and byleued not vpon god. ¶Alas sayde saynt Gregory: well maye they be called Englysshe: for they haue the vysages of angels and therfore well ought they to be crystened. And for this cause saynt Gregory theresente saynt. Austyn in to Englōde & .xl. good mē with hym that were of good lyf & holy men to preche & teche & to com∣uetre the Englysshe people & them to torne to god: & that was in the .vi. yere that saynt Gre∣gory had be pope of Rome / that is to saye / of∣ter thyn carnacyon of our lorde Ihesu Cryste .v.C.lxxxv. yeres as the Cronycle telleth. AS saynt Austyn came fyrste in to. En∣glonde / he arryuen in the yle of Tenet and so passed forth & came vnto Caunterbury and there soyourned. And kynge Adelbryght of Kent that was the lygnage of Engist good∣ly receyued saynt Austyn & hys felowes wyth moche honour / and them foūde all that them neded. And more ouer he yaue theym a fayre place / that now is called the abbay of. Shynt Austyn / in whiche place he lyth hym self shry∣ned. ¶This kynge Adelbryght was a good man & wyth good wylle herde saynt Austyns predycacyons / and yaue hym leue to preche thrughout all hys londe before sayd of Kente / to torne and conuerte to hym all ye people that he myght. ¶It befelle soo after thorugh god∣des grace / that in lytell tyme the kynge hym∣self was conuerted to god / and all hys peop of his londe were baptysed. And in the meane whyle the peple torned them to god. ¶Saynt Austyn came to. Rochestre / & there he preched the worde of god. And the paynems therfore hym scorned / and caste vpon hym reygh tayl∣les / so that all his mantell was hanged full of these reygh tayles / and for more dyspyte / they caste vpon hym the guttes of reyghes & other fysshe. wherfore the good man Saynt Austyn was sore anoyed and greued. And prayed to god that all tho chyldern of that cyte that shol¦de be borne after warde / that is for to saye in the of Rochestre / myght haue taylles and soo they hadde And whan the kynger herde of this vengeaunce that was falle thrugh saynt Au∣styns prayer. He lete make an house in the ho∣nour of almyghty god / wherin wymmen shol¦de be delyuered of theyr childern at the bryges ende / In the whiche hous yet wymmen of the cyte ben delyuerde of chylde. ¶whan that sa∣ynt Gregory hadde hrede tell how the Englys¦she people were torned to god & comuerted he sente vnto saynt. Austyn his pallyon by a bs∣shop / that was called Paulin and made hym Prymate & Archebysshop of Englonde And sente worde that he sholde ordeyne & make dys¦posynge the londe. And anone Austyn had the pallyon of the dygnyte of the Archebysshyp. He made two bysshops of his felowes that ca∣me with hym fro Rome & one was called Mel∣lite & he dwelled at London & that other was called Iustin that helde the dygnyte at. Roche¦stre. And this bysshop Mellite tho went to pre¦che in to Estsex and erystened the kynge of the countree that was called Sicwith that was kynge Adlebrytes cosyn hys systers sone. ¶Thys Iustyn wente to preche in Southse and torned moche of the people to god. And Saynt Austyn hymselfe preched thorugh out Englonde. SO whan all Englonde was crystened and torned to god / saynt Astuyn went in to that londe there that the Brytons were for to kepe them frome Englysshmen / that is▪ to saye in to ways. And there he founde mon∣kes & abbayes and .vii. bysshops. For ye Bry∣tons alwaye destroyed the crysten people that saynt Austyn had conuerted. And he sayde to the bysshops that he was a Legate of Rome & Prymate of all. Englonde / & that they sholde by all reason to hym be obedyenc & they sayde they nolde / but to the. Archebysshop of Carly∣on they wolde. They wolde neuer for noo ma¦ner thynge be obedyent to the Englysshe men For the Englysshemen they sayde ben our ad∣uersaryes & our enmyes & haue dryuen vs out of our countree / & weben crysten men & euer haue be. And the Englysshemen haue euer be paynems / but now of late that they ben con∣uerted. ¶Saynt Austyn of them myght haue none answere otherwyse / but sayd pertly that they wolde neuer them meke to hym / ne to the pope of Rome. And saynt Austyn torned ayen tho to kynge Adelbryght yt was kynge of Kent and tolde hym that hys folke wolde not be to no man obedyent / but to the. Archebysshop of Carlyon. And whan the kynge herde thys / he was sore anoyed & sayd that he wolde them de¦stroye / and sent to Elfryde kynge of Northun∣berlonde that was hys frende / that he sholde come to hym with al the power that he myght and that he wolde mete hym at Leycetre / and fro thens they wolde go in to walys / and the∣re destroye the Archebysshop of Carlyon / and all tho that had refused saynt Austyn IT be tell soo that there was a kynge of Brytons that helde the countree of Ley¦cetre and alle the countree aboute / hys name was Brecinall. And this Bryton herde telle that tho two Englysshe kynges wolde mete there at Leycetre for to goo in to walys. He le∣te ordeyne all the power that he had for to goo fyght with these two kynges / but lytel it auay¦led hym / for his folke that he had were slayne and hymself fledde / & loste his londes for euer more. ¶And these two kynges Adelbryght & Elfryde dwelled a whyle at Leycetre / and de∣parted the londe amonge them / and tooke ho∣mag{is} and feautees of the folke of the countree And after they wente to warde walys and thot of walys herd telle of thes comfyture that Bre¦icall had at Leycetre / and were wonder for adrad of tho two kynge{is}. And tooke and those amonge them good men and hooly of hemytes monkes and preestes / & of other people grete plentye that wente bare foote and wulwarde for ta haue mercy of thes two kynges / but tho kynges were so sterne & so wyked yt they wold neuer speke to thē but them slewe euerychone Alas for sorowe / for they ne spared them noo∣more than the wulfe dothe the shepe / but smot of theyr heedes euerychone / & so they were all martrd that to them came / that is to vnder∣stande .v.C. & .xl. After they wente fro thens to Bangor for to slee all those that ther myghte there fynde of the Brytons. And whan ye Bry¦touns herde that / they assembled and ordened all ther power for to fyght with thyem. Two was there a baron in walys that was called. Bledrik of Cornewayle that some tyme was lorde of Deuenshyre but the kynge. ¶Adel∣bright had dreuen hym out in to walys and af¦ter there he yaue them batayll. And at that ba¦tayll was kynge Adelbright slayne and Efry∣desore woūded & forsoke the felde / & the moost partye of his people slayne. And Elfryde flede in to Northumberlonde that was his owne lō¦de· ¶And after that the people of Leycetre shy¦re made with strenght Cadewan yt was Bry∣cinals sone kynge of Leceytre / And he after∣regned nobly and with grete honour. ANd after that thys bataylle was done yt Brytons assembled them and wente thens and came to Leycetre / and made there Caudewan that was Brecinals sone kynge of Leycetre and of all the countree. Aed he toke homages & feautes of all the folke of the coun∣tree. And after that he assembled a grete hoste and sayde he wolde goo in to Northumberlon∣de / to destroy kynge Elfryde and sle hym yf he myght. And whan he was come thether / fren∣des wente so bytwene them that they accorde them in this manere / that Elfryde sholde hol∣de all the londe fro Northumberlonde to Scot¦londe. And Cadewan sholde haue all the lon∣de a thys syde Humbre to the Southe / and af∣ter they were good frendes all theyr lyf / and lo¦ued as they had ben brethern. ¶And thys El¦ryde had a sone called Edwyn that helde all the londe of Northūberlonde after his fathers dethe as his fader hadde holde all his lyf tyme ¶And Cadewā had another sone called Cad¦walyn that helde his faders londe as he it hel∣de whyle he was alyue / and these loued as bre∣theren. And ye loue lasted betwyxt them but on¦ly two yere / & after began debat betwyxt them throughe a synple enuyous cosyn of Cadwa∣lins. called Bryens / so yt they assembled a gre∣te hoste in bothe partyes. And at the laste it be fell ye Cadwalin was dyscūforted / & Edwen hym pursued & droue hym fro place to place so at the last he fledde in to Irelonde. And ye other destroyd & pylled his londe / and cast downe ca¦stels & brente his maners / & departed all Cad∣walins londe amonge his frendes. And longe tyme after came Cadwalen ayen fro Irlonde with a stronge pour / and in playne batayll sle∣we Edwyn & all his frendes / & namely tho yt with helde his londes by Edwyns yefte. AS Edwyn was slayne. Offris his so∣ne vndertoke that warre ayenste Cad∣walin his came / so yt this Offris deyed duryn∣ge ye warre. And after ye dethe of this Offris tho regned a gentyl crysten man that moche loued god almyghty yt had all the londe of Northum¦brelonde by herytage / yt was called Oswalde & he was kynge of all the londe. But for as mo¦che as he was frende to Edwyn / and helde a grete parte of the londe of Cadwalin. This sa¦me cadwalyn warred vpon hym & droue hym to warde Scotlond. And whan Cadwalin sa¦we that he wolde not abyde. Cadwalin wolde no lenger hym pursue / but toke some of his fol¦ke to Peanda his broder in lawe & prayed hym to pursue after Oswalde / tyl that he were takē & slayne / and Cadwalin toruned home ayen. ¶whan Oswalde herde these tydynges that Cadwalin tourned home ayen / he wolde no lē¦ger flee / but abode Peanda & yaue hym bata∣yll / and Peanda was dyscomforte & fledde & came ayen to Cadwalyn & sayde that he wolde neuer holde one fote of londe of hym / but yf so were that he wolde auenge hym of Oswalde. ¶Cadwalin lete assemble a grete hoste for to fyght with Oswalde soo that he and Peanda came to Northumberlonde & yaue batayll vn∣to Oswalde And in the same batayll was Os∣walde slayne & his heed smyten of / & after he was entered at the abbay of Berdenay in whi¦che place god hadde wrought for hym many a fayre myracle / bothe there and elles where. ¶And anone Oswy his brother seased all the londe in to his honde that was this Oswaldis And the folke of Northumberlonde loued him wonderly well / and helde hym for theyr lorde. But he had men of his kynne worthy ynough that wolde haue departed the londe / and they warred togyed well. And for asmoche as they were not stronge ynoughe / they came to Pean¦da and prayed hym of helpe & socour. And be∣hyght hym of ye lōde largely vpō this couenāt that he wold them gouerne & helpe / & counseyl ¶Peanda herde theyr prayer & so spake with Cadwalyn / that he sholde ordayne a grete host and faste ordeyned hym in to Northumberlon¦de for teyght with Oswy. And Oswy was a meke man / & moche loued peas & charyte and prayed Peanda of loue & peas and profeede hym of golde and syluer grete plentye. ¶And this Peanda was so proude yt he nolde graunt hym peas fo no maner thynge but for all thyn¦ge he wolde with hym fyght. So at the laste there was sette a daye of batayll. And Oswy e¦uer trusted vpon god and Peanda trusted to∣moche vpon pryde and vpon his hoste that he had. And to gyder they smote egerly but Pean¦da was anone dyscomforted and slayne. And this was After the Incarnacyon of oure lorde Ihesu Cryste .v.C.lv. yere And this Oswy reg¦ned .xxviii. yere And a kynge that was called Oswyne / that was Peandaes cosyn warred vpon hym and togyder fought / But Oswy hadde the victory of Oswyne. And Oswyn was dyscomforted and slalyne / and lyeth at Tynnemouth. AFter the deth of Cadwelin regned hys sone Cudwaldre well and nobly. And his moder was ye syster of Peanda. And whan he had regned .xii. yere / he felle in to a grete sy∣kenesse / & thenne was there a greate dyscorde bytwene the lordes of the londe / that euery of them warred vpon other. And yet in that ty∣me there fell so grete derth & scarsyte of corn & other viteylles in this londe / that a man my∣ghte go .iii. or iiii. dayes fro towne to towne yt he sholde not fynde to bye for golde ne syluer brede / wyne ne none other vitayle where wich a man myght lyue. But onely the people lyued by rotis of herbes / for other lyuynge had they none / so moche was it faylled all aboute / Fys∣shes / wylde bestes / & all other thynge soo that yet to this mysauenture / there felle soo greate mortalyte and pestelens amonge the people by the corrupcyon of the ayre that ye lyuynge peo¦ple suffysed not to burye the deed bodyes. For they deyed soo sodenly / bothe grete and smalle lorde & seruaunt / in etynge goynge & spekynge they fell downe and deyed / so that neuer was herde of more sodeyne deth amonge the people For he that wente for to burye the deed body / with the same deed body was buryed. And soo they that myght flee fledde & forsoke theyr lon∣des and houhes / as welle for the grete hungre derth & scarsyte of corne & other vitayll / as for the grete mortalyte & pestylence in the londe / & wente into other londes for to saue theyr lyues and lefte the londe all deserte & wast / so yt there was noman for to trauayle & tylthe the londe So that the londe was barayne of corne & all other fruytes for defawte of tyllyers / and this mysauenture dured .xi. yere and more that no∣man myght ere ne sowe CAdwaldre sawe grete hungre mortaly∣te & pestylence / and the londe all poore / & faylynge cornes ād other vytaylles / and his folke perysshed / & sawe also the mooste partye of his londe all wasted & voyde of people. He apparelled hym and his folke that were lefte alyue / and passede ouer in to lytell Brytayne with a lytell nauy vnto kynge Alayne that he moche loued / that was his cosyn and that his fader hadde moche loued in his tyme. And as they sayled in the see / he made moche lamen∣tacyon / and so dyde alle tho that were with hym and sayde. (Dedisti nos domine tanquan oues escarū. et in gentibus dispersisti nos) ANd thenne began Cadwaldre to com¦playne hym to his folke pyteously and sayd· Alas sayd he / to vs wretches & caytyues is sorowe for our grete synnys / the whiche we wolde not amende vs whyle we had space / & now repentaunce is comen vpon vs throughe my sauenture / whiche chaced vs out of oure reame and propre soyle. And out of the whiche somtyme Romayns. Becottes. Saxons / ney∣ther Danys myght not exyle vs. ¶But what auaylleth it now to vs that before tyme / oft ty¦mes haue goten many other londes / syth it ys not the wyll of god that we abyde and dwelle in our owne londe. God that is very Iuge yat all thynges knoweth before they ben done or made / he seeth that we wolde not cesse of oure synnes / and that our enmyes myghte not vs ne our lygnage exyle fro / and out of our reame He wolde that we amende vs of oure folyes and that we see our propre defautes. And therfore hath shewed to vs wrathe / and woll chastyse vs of our mysdedes. Syche that he doth vs with out batayll / or strength of our enmyes / by grace companyes / wretcchedly to leue our reame & propre londe. ¶Torne ayen ne ye Romanys / torne agayne ye Scottes tor∣ne agayne ye Saxxons / torne agayne ye Fraū¦soys. Now seweth to you Brytayne all deserte the whiche your power myght neuer make de∣serte / ne yet oure power hathe not put vs now in exyle But onely the power of the kynge all∣myghty whom we haue often offended by our folyes / the whiche we wolde not leue vntyll he chastyced vs by dyuyne power ¶Amonge the worldes & lamentacyon that the kynge Cad∣whldre made to his folke / they arryued ī lytell Brytayne / and came to kynge Alayne before sayd ¶And the kynge receyued hym with gre¦te Ioye / and made hym to be seruede wonder nobly. And there abode they longe tyme after ¶The Englesshe people that were left a lyue and were escaped the grete hungre and morta¦lyte / lyued in the best wyse that they myght. And moche people sprange and came of them ¶And they sente in to Saxonye where that they were borne to ther frendes for men / wye∣men / and chyldren / to restore the cytees with people and the townes that were all voyde of people / and for to laboure / traueyll and tylthe the erthe. ¶whan the Saxons herde these ty∣dynges / they came in to ye londe wonder thye∣ke in grete companyes / and herborowed ther∣selfe in the countree all aboute where that they wolde / for they founde no man them for to let∣e ne withstonde. And so they waxed & multe∣plyed gretely. And vsed the maners and custo¦mes of the countree wherof they were come. And they vsed also the lawes and the langa∣ges and speche of theyr owne londe that they came fro. And also they chaunged all the na∣mes of Cytyes / twones / castelles / & brought / & yaue them names and called as they nowe ben called And they helde the Counrees. Barona∣ges & lordeshyps in manere as the Brytons be¦fore tyme had compassed them / And amonge other grete companyes that came frome Ger∣mayne in to this londe / came the noble quene that was called Seburga with men & wym∣men without nombre· And arrayed in the coū¦tree of Northumberlonde / and tooke the londe frome Ilbion vnto Cornewaylle for her & for her folke. For there was none that myght thē lette / for alle was desolace & voyde of people / but it were a fewe poore Brytons that were lefte on mountayns & woddes vntyll that ty∣me. ¶And fro that tyme forthe loste the Bry¦tons this reame for all theyr dayes. And the Englysshe people begane to regne / and depar∣ted the lōde bytwene them. And they made ma¦ny kynges aboute by dyuerse partyes of the londe as here ben dyuyded. The fyrst of weste¦sexe / The second Merchenriche / The thyrde Estangle / the fourthe Kente / the fyfth South∣sex. All those regned in this londe after ye Cad∣waldre was passed out of this londe / & dwelled in lytell Bryten with kynge Alayne his cosyn and true frende. And whan he had longe dwel¦lede there / and had knowynge that the morta∣lyte and pestelence was ouerpassed / & that the londe was replenysshed / ayen wyth people / he thought to torne ayen in to his londe And pray¦ed kynge Alayne his cosyn of socour & helpe yt he myghte be restored ayen to his owoe propre reame and fyrste dygnyte / And kynge Aleyne graunted hym his askynge. ¶Thenne dyde he appareylle hym to take his wayt and vya∣ge in to this londe. And prayed god allmyghty deuoutly that he wolde make to hym demon∣stracyon / yf his prayer to this londe were too hyme plesaunt or none / for ayenste the wyll of god allmyghty he wolde no thynge do. ¶whā he had thus deuoutly made his prayer / avoys fro heuen to hym sayd. And hadde hym leue ye Iurney a waye in to Englonde / and that he sholde goo to the pope of Rome for it was not the wyll of almyghty god yt the Brytons shol∣de regne more in Brytane / ne neuer recouered it vnto the tyme of the prophecye that Marlyn sayd before he fufylled. And that sholde neuer be vnto ye tyme were come / that the relyques of his body shall be broughte fro Rome & trans¦lated in to Brytayne / And whan the ralykes of other sayntes that haue ben hedde for ye per∣secucyon of the paynem folke shall be founde & openly shewed / thenn shalle they recouer theyr londe agayne / the whyche they haue soo longe tyme loste throughe theyr desertes. ¶whane Cadwaldre hadde herde this answere / he mar¦uayled gretely and tolde it to the kynge Aleyne ¶Thene kynge Aleyne dyde sende for the cler¦gye of his londe / and made them to brynge the storyes and prophecyes that Merlyn and Sy¦byll had sayd in theyr prophcyes. And whan he knewe that the prophycye that Festom had prophecyed of the Egle. And other prophecyes accorded to the dyuyne aunswere that Cadde∣walldre had herde. He counselled hym & ryght faythfully desyred hym to leue his people and his nauy / & submytte hym to the dyspocysyon of god / and do all that the aungell had cōmaū¦ded hym. ¶Thenye Cadwaldre called yor his sone and ymori his cosyn that was his sys∣ters sone / & sayd to them. Taketh sayde he my folke & my nauy that is here all redy / & passe into walys and be ye lordees of Brytons that no dyshonoure come to them by interrupcyon of the Paynem folke for defaute of lordes. ¶And thene hymselfe lefte his reame of Bry¦tayne and his folke for euer more / and tooke his waye vnto the pope of Rome Sergius the whyche worshypede hym moche / and so he w¦as confessed / and toke penaunce for hys syn∣nes. And he had not longe dwelled there that he ne deyed / the .xii. Kalendis in Maye the yere of grace .v.C.lxxii. IT befell so that all the kynges in that ty∣me that were in yu londe. as they of west¦sex. Marchenryche. Estangle / of kente / and of Southsex and of other costes eche warred vpon other And he that moste myght toke the londe of hym that was mooste feblest. ¶But there was a kynge amonge them that was cal¦led Offa / that was saynte Oswaldes brother. This Offa conquered all the kynges of ye lon∣de / and regned all aboue them all. ¶And s gret was the yt warre in euery there bytwene grekes / that no mā myght wyte how the lond wente. But abbottos pryours / & men of Rely¦gyon wrote yt lyues & dedes of kynges / & how longe euery of theym regned & in what coūtre & in what manere euery kynge deyed / & of bys¦shops also. And therof made grete bokys and lete calle them Cronycles. And the good kyng Alured had that booke in his warde. And lette brynge it vnto wynchestre / and lete it be faste tacked to a pylar that men sholde it not reme∣ue / ne bere it thens / so that euery man sholde it see & therupon loke For therin ben the lyues of all the kynges that euer were in Englonde. ANd thus it befell in ye same tyme / that there was a kyng in Northumberlond e that was called Osbryght / and soyourned atte yorke. ¶And this kynge wente hym vp∣pon a daye in to a wood hym for to / dysporte. And as he came ayen / he wente pryuely in to a good mannes house / that was called Buer∣ne / and the good man of that place was gone that tyme to the see. ¶For oftentymes there he was wonte to spye theues and robbers that oftentymes were wonte to come in to the lon¦de / to robbe / brenne / and slee. The lady that was Buernes wyfe was a wonder fayre wo∣man. ¶And the kynge came vnto her whan that herhusbode was absente / and she trusted none harme vnto the kynge / and welcomed hym with moche honour / and worthely hym serued in all thynge. ¶whan the kynge hadde eten / he tooke the lady by the honde and adde her in to a chambre and sayde. He wolde speke with her a counseyll. And all the folke he made voyde fro the chambre / saue only the lady and he. But the lady wyst not wherfore he it dyde / tyll that he had done alle hys wyll. And whan he hadde done this dede / He torned agayne to yorke. And the lady he lefte there sore wepyn∣ge for the dede that the kynge to her had done. ¶And whan he lorde was came home and sawe her wepe and suche sorowe and mornyn¦ge make / he axed of her what she hadde done / and why she made suche sorowe. ¶Syre she sayde / subtylly and falsely the kynge Osbry∣ght hathe doo me shame and vylanye ayeast my wyll. And tolde hym all the truthe how the kynge had orlayne her with strengthe / wher∣fore she sayde she hadde leuer to be deed than tolyue. ¶Fayre loue be stylle sayde he / for a∣yenst strengthe feblenesse is yltell worthe / and therfore of me shalte thou neuerthelesse belo∣ued and namely for thou hast tolde me the treu¦the. And yf almyghty god graūt to me my lyf I shall the aueng. ¶This Buerne was a gre¦te man and a myghty lorde / and was well be∣loued and grete frendes hadde. And lete sende for the grettest lordes of the londe / and to them made hes complaynte of the despyte / that the kynge to hym hadde done and sayde / he wolde be auenged how euer yt were. And all hys fren¦des counseylled hym that he sholde goo vnto yorke there that the kynge was hym to defye. And Buerne toke his mayne and came to the kynge. whan the kynge hym sawe / he called hym curtously Buerne by name. And Buer∣ne hym answerred to hym sayde. Syre I you defye / and yelde vp feautes homages and lon¦des / and as moche as I haue holden of you / & fro this tyme for warde I wyll neuer of the no¦thynge holde. And soo he departed fro the kyn¦ge without more speche or ony abydynge and tooke leue of his frendes and went in to Den∣marke / and playned to the kynge Godern / & tolde hym of the despyte of that the kynge Os∣bryght to hym hadde donne of his wyfe. And prayed hym of socour / and helpe hym for to a∣uenge. ¶whan kynge Godern of Denmarke and the danys hadde herde the complaynt of thys Buerne / and the prayer that he badde / they were ryght wonder glasde in theyr her∣tes / for as moche as they myght fynde a cause for to goo in to Englonde for to warree vpon Englesshe men / and for to aenge Buerne of the despyte that the kyng Osbryght hadde do¦ne vnto hys wyf. And for as moche as Buer∣ne was sybbe vto the kynge of Denmarke / anone they lette ordeyne a greate hoste of men and lete ordeyne theym shyppes / and as mo∣che as theym nede for to haue to that vyage. And whan all the host was redy / the kyng ma¦de his two brethern chyef capytayns / that we¦re noble knyghtes of body & also bolde. That one was called Hunga / & that other Hubba. Sall was redy yt two bre¦thern toke leue ofthe kyn¦ge Godren. and wente to∣warde the see for to passe o¦uer in to Inglonde as fast as they myght spede Now is Buerne so welle comfor∣ted and faste hyed hym wyth the Danys that they ben arryued in the North coūtre & comen thrugh out Holdernes / and destroyed all the countree and brenned townes / & robbed folke / and sle∣we all that they myght take tyll that they came vnto yorke. And whan kyng Osbryght sawe them come / He tooke alle hys people that he had with hym & came out of the cytee & faught with them / but noo foyson he ne hadde ayenst them / and moche of the people that there was were slayne on bothe partyas. And kynge Os¦bryght hym self there was slayne / and the cyte anene was take and the Danys wente in. ¶And there was also an other kynge in Nor∣thumberlonde / that Buernes frendes hadde those & helde hym for kynge / a man that was called Elle / for as moche as they wolde not to kynge Osbryght be attendan̄t / for the despyte that he had done vnto Buerne theyr cosyn. ¶It befell thus that the kyng Elle was gone in to the wood hym for to dyosporte & of the ve¦nyson some he had taken. And as he sate in the wood at meete / to a knyght he sayde. we ha wel spedde and moche venyson taken. ¶And with that worde came in a man & to hym sayd yf yeso moche of venyson haue wonne / an ho¦dred tymes so moche more ther ayenst haue ye loste. For all thys coūtree the Danys haue go∣ten / and taken the Cytee of yorke / and ayenst you shall it holde / that neuer ye shalcome ther¦in / and for soo moche they haue slayne kynge Osbryght. whan kynge Elle herde these wor¦des / he lete assemble all the folke of he coūtree and ordeyned all the power that he myght ha∣ue and wolde haue goten the towne of yorke with strength. But the Danys came out ano∣ne & yaue hym a strōge batayll. And selwe the kyng Elle & the moost parte of ye peple yt he had brought with hym. ¶And the same place the∣re they were slayne / shalle euer more be called Elle crofte / and that place is a lytell from yor¦ke. ¶And the rested the Danys neuer tyl that they hadde conquered all Northumberlonde. And in that countree they made wardeynes / and wente further in to the londe / and tooke Notyngham. And there they abode all ye wyn¦ter / and dyed all the sorowe that they myght ¶And after whan Somer tyme came they re¦meued frome Notyngham and came in to Ni¦choll and Lyndesey / and to Holonde. For noo man myght them wythstande / soo moche po∣wer and strengthe they had ANd soo ferre hadde the Danys passed frome / countree to countree. and euer more brynnynge and robbyn∣ge and destroyenge al that they myght tylle they came vnto / Tetstforede. ¶nd in that coū¦tree they founde a Crysten kyn¦ge / that moche loued god and hys werkes that was called Edmonde. And he was a kynge of Norfolke and Southfolke ¶Thys saynt Edmonde kynge ordeyned as moche folke as he myghte / and foughte wyth the Danys / but he and his folke were dyscom¦fyted / And the kynge hymselfe dryuen vnto the castell of Famelynham. And the Danys hym purshewed / & came vnto ye same castell / ¶And whan kynge Edmonde sawe that the castell myghte not them withstande he came ayenste theym / wyth whome the Danys fyr∣ste dyde speke. And anone they aed of hym where kynge Edmonde was. ¶How forsothe sayde he whan I was in the castell / there was the hyng / and whan I wen¦te out of the castell he went out also / and whe∣ther he shalle escape or deye / atte goddes wyll muste it all be. ¶whan saynt Edmonde had∣de named god / by that worde wyste they well that it was hym self· And anone Hubba & Hū∣gar toke hym & sayd / that he sholde god forsa∣ke & all crysten lawes / as many other had do∣ne hym before· ¶And saynt Edmonde sayde that he wolde neuer / but rather he wolde suf∣fre dethe for goddes loue and his lawes to. ¶Tho toke they kynge Edmonde and bonde hym vnto a tree / & made theyr archers to sho∣te at hym with arowes / tyll that his body sty¦ked as fulle of arowes as an orchen is fulle of pryckes. But for all the payne that they hym dyde he wolde neuer god for sake. And in the same payne / and torment he deydd / and beto∣ke his soule vnto almyghty god. ¶And whan they sawe that he was dede / they smote of his heed. ¶And of this manere as ye haue herde was saynt Edmonde martred. SO whan Saynt Edmonde was mar¦tred. Hungar and Hubba yede thens wyth all the Danys vnto Redynge. & as they wente thyderwarde they brente townes and tyees / & slewe all crysten pele yt woldē opnote forsake hod / & caste downe chyrche & came to Redynge & toke the towne & there helde them tyll that the kynge Edelf of westsex came thy∣ther with all his power for to take the townes Tho came out the Danys for to yeue batayll to Edelf / & at that batayll was slayne an erle of the Danys that was called Sidrak. Vpon the morowe came kynge Eldred and hys bro∣ther Alured wyth a stronge power and a grete hoste. And the kynge Edelf came agayne that had foughten the daye before to that bataylle And the Danys tho cam out for to fyght wyth theym / and the bataylle was wonder stronge For many a man was there slayne & the Da∣nys that daye had the vyctorye / & the kyng El¦dred & hys brother Alared that daye were dys∣comfyted. ¶But the fourth daye after warde the Danys & the Englysshe fought tohyder an other tyme vpon Elkedene / & there was slayne a kynge of Denmarke that was called Rafin and foure erles of grete power. And that daye had the Danys shame / for they were dryuen vnto Engilfelde. ¶And the .xv. day after the Danys & the Englysshe men fought an ather tyme at Rafynge & there were the Englysshe∣men dyscomfyted / & from thens a dane yt was called Roynt wente to redynge with his hoste and destroyed all that he myght take. And kin¦ge Eldred faught wyth hym / but he was woū¦ded sore wherfore he deyed / and he regned but .v. yere / and lyeth at womborn. LEo the fyrst was Emperour after Marcianus .xvii. yere. In hys tyme were the Raga∣cyon dayes ordeyned afore ye Ascensyon of saynt Marmer bysshop of Vyenne. ¶The pope of Rome at that tyme hyght Leo a noble clerke / & with hym had many clerkes. ¶Hel∣lar us was pope after Leo .vii. yere This mā ordeyned yt no bysshop sholde ordeyne hys suc¦cessary) vt pʐ .viii.ix.i. ¶Simplici{us} was po∣pe after hym / whyche ordeyned that noo cler∣ke sholde take noo garment to be clothed in af¦ter the seculer maner of a laye man / by the re∣ason of his offyce or of his benefyce. ¶zeno was Emperour after. Leo .xv. yere / and thys man was an heretyke and cruell ayenst cristē men. And in this mānes dayes the bodyes of saynt Mathewe the Euangelyst & saynt Bar¦naby were foūde / & with them the gospell that saynt Mathewe wrote. ¶Aboute this tyme there was a certayne comyn womā bare .vii: chyldern at on byrth / of the whyche one was made after kynge of Lombardye. ¶Felix the thyrde was pope after Symplicius thre yere and .viii. monethes. This man ordeyned that respyte sholde be yeuen to a man that was ac∣cused that he myght auyse hym how heshlode answere And that the Iuges and the accusers sholde be suche / and that they sholde take alle suspeccyon and spytte. ¶Gelasius a Romay¦ne was pope after Felix .v. yere Thys man or¦deyned the Canon of the masse. with the Pre∣face / ympnes / tractes / orysons / as saynt Am¦brose made them / and that ordres sholde be ye¦uen foure tymes in the yere. ¶Anastasi{us} was Emperour after zeno .xxvii. yere / & he was a cursed man & an heretyke / and hateful to god and man. And he was slayne with lyghtuyn∣ge And in hys tyme deyed saynt Patryke the fyrste bysshop of· Irlonde / in the .C.xxii. yere of his aege. And his felowe was ye abbot of Co¦lumba and saynt Brygyda whom saynt Pa∣tryk made a Nonne And they were buryed in one tombe / and att dyuers tymes and thys ys the Epitaphi (Hii tres ī gelido: cumulo tumu∣lantur in vno. Brigida patricius: at{que} colum¦ba pius) ¶Anastasius a Romayne was pope after Gelasyus two yere and thre monethes. The whyche ordeyned that no prest for wrath ne hate sholde leue of to saye his dyuyne seruy¦ce in the chyrche / excepte the masse. ¶And he cursyd themperour Anastasius for he was an heretyke / and yt ys wryten of hym / that after∣warde he torned for drede to the opynyon of the emperour. And he is called ye seconde euyll famed pope yt is in (Catholico pontificū) And afore hym was Liberius famed in heresye. SIinachus was pope after hym .xv. ye∣re / and with hym was ordeyned an o∣ther pope that was called Laurencius / and be¦twext them was a grete dyscencyon. And they bothe put them to the Iugemente of Theodo∣ria the kynge and he Iuged that he that was fyrste ordened and that moost men of the chyr¦che helde with sholde be pope. And Symach{us} preualid the whiche loned the chyrche and po∣re men and for Paschalius the deaken Cardy∣nal helde ayenst Symachus with the parte of Laurence to his dethe Therfore he was put to the paynes of purgatori / to kepe the batthes af¦ter his dethe / as Gregory sayth in his boke of Dyalogis. This man ordeyned that) Gloria in excelsis) sholde be sayd euery Sondaye and feestes of martyrs. CLodianus the fyrste Crysten kynge of Fraunce / was thys same thyme bapty¦sed of saynt Remigio / & he hadde a crystyn wo¦man to his wyf / and she meued hym many ty∣mes to the fayth & sayd. He sholde be fortuna∣ble & victoryous yf he wold torne / & so he was and neuer afore. ¶Hornusda was pope after Synachus .ix. yere. This man was of grete mercy and almesse to poore men / & ornamen∣tis he gaue many to chyrches. And here consy∣led ye Grekes / yt whiche were cursed for theyr heresye. ¶Iustinus was emperour after A∣nastasasius· And he regned ix. yere & was a ve¦ry crysten man / & all that euer themperour A¦nastasius had done ayeust the chyrche / he reuo¦ked / and obeyed the pope Hornusda / & called ayen the bysshops that were exyled be his pre∣de cessours. ¶Priscan{us} gramatic{us} was this tyme. And this yere the whiche is the .lxxi. fro the comynge of the Saxons / began the kyng∣dom of west Saxon / and Cerdico was kyng ¶Iohānes was pope after Hornusda thre ye¦re & .ix. montches. & Theodocius the kyng of ytaly an heretyke toke the pope with other Se¦natours & sente them to the Emperour Iusti∣nus / determynynge yt & he wolde not lette the heretykes be in peas he sholde slete all crysten folke in ytaly. And after he toke pope Iohn̄ & Simachū patriciū & Boyclū the Senatours & slewe them in pryson. But Boys defended hym by ye reason of thauctoryte of the Sena∣tours / & he sent hym to ye cyte of Papy for per∣petuell exyle / where he made the boke De con∣solatiōe philosophie And at the last the coūtrie of Mediolanen̄ he caused Boys throte to be cutte / and so he deyed. ¶Felix pope succedded Iohn̄ foure yere. This man cōmaunde yt syke men sholde be aneled for the deth / but cryst or¦deyned ye fyrst. ¶Iustinian{us} was Emperour xxxviii. yere / this man drewe the lawe of the Romayns out of almoost .ii.M. bookes. & .iii.C. verses ouer longe & accordynge in to oo vo¦lumen of .xii. bookes & called it Iustinian. He made also the Digestes & deuyded thē in to .iii. bokys. ¶Bonifaci{us} the seconde was pope af¦ter Felix two yere / and lytel of hym is wryten. ¶Iohānes the seconde was pope after Boni∣faci{us} / & this man had a grete stryf with Iusti∣nian{us} themperour / whether ye cryst was of .ii. natures or one. The pope sayd he had two na∣tures. One of god & an other of man. Te em¦perour sayd / other cōsente to vs / or thou hat go in to perpetuell exyle. The pope answered I desyre to come to Iustilianus the moost ci∣sten Emperour / but as me semeth I haue foū¦de Dyoclesyan the persecutour of crysten man But certaynly I drede not thy malyce / Ne I fere not thy threthynges. Thenne the Empe∣rour meked hymslef & felle downe to the groū¦de / and asked mercy and absolucyon. AGapitus a confessour was pope after Iohn̄ two yere / this Agapitus torned Iustimanus fro the errour fully of the herety¦kes. This man ordeyned that processyōs shol¦de be done the Sondayes and thenne he dyed arte Constantynoble. & Siluerius a martyr was pope after this man thre yere. He was ex¦yled fro crysten fayth / and slayne by the proc∣tour of Theodory. For he wolde not restore ye bysshop of Athenes an heretyke to his benefy¦te ayē. ¶Virgili{us} was pope after hym .xviii. yere. And he entred euyll to his benefyte / but he gouerned hym well. And he suffred his per∣secucyon pacyently. ¶And he was exyled fro Rome. And at the laste after grete passyōs of Theodory in Constantynople deyed. ¶Synodus quatra constantinopolitana cō¦tra theodorū & os hereticos alios fuic isto tē∣pore. Ista synod{us} dampnauit heresim theodo∣ri Qui dixit alium esse deū verū. & aliū cristū. Et qd beata virgo non sit dei genitrix. sed ho∣minis tantū ¶Pelagius was pope after Vi∣gilius foure yere and .x. monethes: This man ordeyned that heretykes Scismatykes & Ren∣negates / sholde be punysshed by the seculer po¦wer. ¶Iohannes the thyrde was pope after this man .xiii. yere. Of thys man lytell is wry¦ten / but that he restored the chyrcheyerde of ye appostles Philyp and Iacob. ¶Iustinus the seconde after Iustinian was Emperour .xi. yere. This man dyspysed poore men He rob∣bed ye Senatours. He was yeuen to all couey¦tousnesse / so that he made chestes of yron / for to kepe his moyneye in. Thenne anone he fel∣le in heresye / & wexed out of his mynde. ¶And thenne was chose Tyberyus a good man for to gouerne the comyn people. ¶Tyberius ye seconde was Emperour aftest Iustinus .vii. yere. Thys man was a vertuous man. He ya∣ue Innumerable good to poore men In so mo¦che many tymes yt hys wyf chydde wyth hym and sayd that he cast awaye the goodes of the Empyre as stones. And he answered ayen & sayde. I truste in god that our chestes shall ne¦uer lacke of moneye / and we put tresour in to heuen. ¶And vpon a certayne daye whan he went by his palys at Constantynople / he saw in the maryll pament a crosse grauen / And thought ye sholde not be troden vppon & com∣maūded that stone to be left vp. For the crosse ought to be put in the hertes of faythfull men and there he founde Inestymable tresoure of golde. This man subdued Herses / and deyed blyssydly. ¶Benedictus was pope after Io∣hanes foure yere: This man suffred grete per¦secucyon of hungre pestelence and enmyes. Thys man brought many a thousande quar∣ter whete from Egypte / whan Rome was be¦syeged by kynge Albanack / and almoost loste for vytayll. wherfore they wrote on his graue this Epitaphi. ¶Magna tuis monimenta pater benedycte re iquis: virtutum tītulus et decus at{que} dolor ¶Pelagius was Emperour after Benedictus .v. yere. In his tyme Rome was besyged by the Lombardes / and lytell he dyde in his dayes. ¶Mauricius was Empe∣rour after Tybery{us} .xxi. yere. Thys man was a very crysten man and subdued Persas and Armenyas / and in the later ende of hys dayes he dyscorded with saynt Gregory and enten∣ded to haue slayne hym. And then̄e appered a man in Rome clothed a in relygyous habyte / holdynge a naked swerde in hys honde / and cryed aboute the Cyte in this wyse. The Em¦perour shall be destroyed. The whiche the em¦perour herde / and he corrected hym self of hys trespaas and prayed to god to withdrawe hys sentence. To whom our lorde apperyd in hys slepe & sayde. wyll thou that I spare the now or ī tyme to come. And he was a louer of wret¦ches / and sayde / yeue me here my rewarde. Then̄e was he Emperour after many a deye And whan he sholde haue corrected hys knyʒ∣tes for the extorcyon that they dyd / they asked hym why yt he wolde not paye them theyr wa¦ges. And so they fell at varyaunce / and chose Foka for to be Emperour and slewe him and his thre sones. ¶This tyme saynt Austyn ca¦me in to Englonde and ordeyned two Arche∣bysshops that is to saye of London / & of yorke by the commaundement of saynt Gregory. ¶And remembre that many tymes is made mēcyon of dyuers regyons & coūtrees / that of tyme they haue be torned to ye fayth For alway the fayth abode not in them for dyuers causes Soo it is of Englonde. Fraunce. Persia. Ie∣wery. And in this thynge Rome was pryuele¦ged / for the fayth of Peter neuer fayled. ¶Fo¦cas was Emperoor after Maurici hys may∣ster / whome he and other slewe. And by cause he began euyl he ended nought. For in his day¦es the Romayns faught strongely ayenst the Persees / and the Romayns were dyscōfyted and loste many a prouynce. And at the last he was ouercome & slayne of Heraclius. For as he dyde vnto other men / so he was done vnto. GRegory the fyrste a Romayne & amon∣ke was pope after Pelagyus .xiii. yere. Thys man was called Gregory{us} magnus for many thyng{is} yt he exceded in: He passed other men in power / in ryches / in vertue / in nobly¦nesse / in wysdome / in holynesse / in fame / & in experyence. & vnder this man the euyl thyng{is} of cursydnesse passyd were sessed. & many a no¦bled boke he worte to the Incomparaple profy¦te of all holy chyrche / He was one of the pryn¦cypall doctours of all the foure doctours of ye chirche / This man forsoth alone with saynt Fabyan after saynt Peter / was chosen of god in all the ordres of the popes of Rome / Many thynges he ordeyned in the chirche / as is she∣wed in hys regystre (Deus in adyutoryū) for to be afore the begynnygge of ye houres he cō∣maunded to be sayd. He renewed & made all ye offycers of the churche in a fayre & a more com¦pendyous manere / the whiche abydeth yet vn∣to this daye / & is called Gregorianū. & shortly for to conclude on this holy man / mānes ton∣ge cannot expresse lyghtly ye louynges of this man what in wrytynges / & also in example of vertuous dedes. & Saninianus was pope af¦ter Gregory one yere & .v monethes This mā ordeyned tyngynge of belles at the houres of the daye / but this man bachyted saynt Grego¦ry for hys lyberalyte that he had to poore men & thought he spe saynt Gregory rebuked hym thryes for it. And the four the tyme he laye in his bedde / and thought saynt Gregory smote hym on the heed / & he waked and deyed anoe This was the thyrde pope amonge the popes the whyche is noted to deye a dredefull dethe ¶Bfacyus the thyrde was pope after Sa∣niniam{us} .viii. monethes. He ordeyned yt none but whyte clothes sholde be put vpon the aw∣ter· ¶Bonifacius the fourth was pope foure yere and ·viii. monethes / this man purchased of the Emperour Focas the chyrche of saynte Peter of Rome sholde be the heed of al the chir¦che in the worlde. For afore Constantynople was the heed chirche. Also he gate lycēce yt the chyrche called Panton the whyche was dedy∣ate to the honoure of Neptun{us} and other fals goddes / where crysten men many tymes were slayne of deuylles / myght be dedicate to ye wor¦shyp of all sayntes in heuen. This man ordey¦ned that monkes myghte vse the offyce of pre∣thynge / crystenynge / and confessynge. ¶Heracli{us} was Emperour after Focas .xiii. yere. And in the thyrde yere of his regne. Cos∣dras the kynge of Perse brente Iherusalem & other worshypfull places. zachary the patry∣arke with other moche people he toke in capty∣uyte The parte of the hooly crosse / the whiche Eleyne lefte there he toke with hym in to his countree. But the .xii. yere of Heraclius. Cos∣dras was slayne of Heraclyus and the crosse was brought ayen / the people were delyuered. And whan Heraclius wold haue entred the cy¦tee proudely / the yates of the cyte by power of god shytte therself / and the Emperour meked hym to god aboue & the yates opened. And thē∣ne was the feste of the exaltacyon of the crosse made. ¶Deus dedit was pope after Bonifa∣cius thre yere / this was an hooly man. For on a certayne daye whan he kyssed a lyppre / ano∣ne the leppre was hole. ¶This tyme a Cytey∣zin of London thrugh ye mocyon of Ethelbry∣ghte buylded a chyrche of saynte Peter in the west parte of London / in a place that was cal¦led Thorneye. BOnyfacyus the fyfthe was pope after Deus dedit fyue yere. The whiche orde¦ned that noman sholde be taken out of the chic¦cheyarde. And lytell elles of hym is wryteu. ¶Machomite the duke of Sarrasyns and Turkes was this tyme. And he was ye dyssey∣uer of all the worlde / a faulse profete / ye messen¦ger of the deuyll. The forgooer of antecryst ye fulfyller of herecye / & of all fals men the mer∣uayllest· Of whome the dominacyon thus be∣gan· ¶There was a certayne famous clerke at Rome and / coude not spede in his maters yt desyred to haue spede in. Thene he recedde frō Rome ouer the see and procured many a man to haue gone with hym. Amonge whome was this Machomyte a grete man of wytte. And this clerke promysed hym to make hym duke of the coūtree yf he wolde be gyded after hym ¶There he nouryssed a douue / and put alle the corne that ye douue ete in Machom eee and so this douue had neuer noo meete but in his eere The foresayd clerke on a daye called the people & meued thē to these suche a pnce as the holy gost wold shewe to them in lykenes¦se of a douue. And anone this clerke secretely lete flee this douue / the whiche after his olde custome that he wonte to / fell anone to ye shol∣dyr of Machomyte & put his bylle in his eere. And the people sawe this / anone he was chosē duke of that people of Corosame / he sayd that he was the very prophete of god ¶Thenne he made a boke of his lawe that was called Alka¦ron. But he dyde it by Informacyon of thre of his maysters. To whome the deuyl minystred the autoryte and the connynge. ¶The fyrste mayster was a Iewe a grete Astronomyer & a Nygramancer. The seconde was Iohn̄ de An¦thiochia. The thurde was Sergius an heryty¦ke. And these thre made an vngracyous lawe and an vnhappy. ¶And what someuer was harde of beleue and noyous to doo / they lefte that out of the lawe / and they put that thynge in the lawe / the whiche the worldly men were proue and redy to do. That ys to saye. Gloto∣ny / Lethery / repyne / and suche other. And al¦so thys Machomyte ordeyned that a man shol¦de haue as many wyues as he myght occupye and fynde / and refuse them twyes or thryes / or foure tymes / and take them agayye / & ma∣ny meruayllous & fals thinges ht made in hys lawe / the whiche were to longe to reherce here But they be playne in his booke of. Alkaron· And euer he wrote in hys boke / that our lorde spake to. Machomyte hys prophete / sayenge on this wyse / or on this. ¶Thus by hys false meanes he dysceyued the people. And whan his maysters & he had made this that was soo delectable. He wrote it in a boke with letters of golde· And also he nourysshed a myghty ca∣mell secretly in a pryue place / & alonly wyth ye hondes of. Machomyte was alwaye fedde / & there pryuely he tyed this boke of the law that he had made about the camels necke \ and put this camel forth on a tyme in to the felde afore daye. And thys camell Ioyed in hys lyberte for he was neuer lose afore. And he wolde suf∣fre noo man to come and touche hym. And so there was a grete fame of suche a camell / and the people ranne to see hym. Amonge whome was this Machomyte. But whan the camell sawe hym that had fedde hym al waye. Anone he ranne vnto hym. And he had taught this ca¦mell afore tyme to falle downe on his knees & lycke his hondes. And so he dyd afore all that people. The people thenne cryed & sayde / that there was a very ensample yt he was the true prophete of god. ¶Thenne they prayed Ma∣chomyte to open that holy boke with hys holy hondes / the whiche was sent from heuen euer more to be kepte. In ye whiche boke is shewed how the peple shail worshyp god. ¶And Ma¦chomyte sayd / this boke was wryten wyth aū¦gels honde / Soo by these fals meanes / he tor∣ned to his lawe all the londe of. Perse / and all the Eest Imperyall agaynste. Heraclium the Emperour· And he occupyed vnto the ende of Aledndre and Egypt. Libya. Arabya and Si¦ria. Thenne after he enfected alle Affrycam. And but the grace of god wythstode hym / He had enfected all Spayne and Fraunce. And many other thynges he dyde whyche were to moche to wryte in this boke. COnstantyne the thyrde / the sone of He¦raclii was Empour .xxvii. yere. Thys Constantyne was a grete tyraunt & a cursyd man / and an heretyke. Fals / subtyll / and ody¦ous to crysten men. Ne he gaaf no place to po∣pe. Mertyne / & he reysed a grete hoste agaynst the Lombardes. And there he loste the felde / & fledde vnto Rome. And honourably was re∣ceyued of the pope Viteliianus / & other of the the cyte. And he rewarded not them lyke after theyr merytes as a prynce sholde haue done. But vsed forth tyrannye and heresye. wherfo¦re at the last he was slayne of his owne knygh¦tes in a bath / the whyche wolde no lenger suf∣fre his tyraunye. And so he wretchedly lyued / and deyed vnhappely. ¶Martinus the fyrst was pope after Theodorum .vi. yere. Thys Martynus was a very holy man / & rongely stroue for the fayth of god And whn e ge masse oon a certayne daye a the / there pursewed hym to slee▪ him a man yt was called Spataryus of Olymphe. And whan he wolde haue smyten hym / he was blynde sodaynly. This same man called a Synody in the Cyte of Rome: and dampned Syrum. Alexandrun Sergium. Pyrum: and Paulum heretykes. wherfore. Constantyne the Emperour exyled hym: and he deyed a saynt. ¶Eugem{us} a Ro∣mayne was pope after Martyne almoost thre yere: and was an holy man: but of hym lytell actes is wryten. ¶Vitellianus was pope af∣ter hym .xiiii. yere. Thys man made the songe that the. Romayns vse: And accorded it also with the orgayns. And he also had the grace of the emperour: the whiche was worth wyth his predecessours. Neuerthelesse after warde he stode not ī his concorde. Ne hetherto I cou∣de not fynde that euer the chyrche of Rome. hadde fully after the dethe of. Constantyne the myghty lordshyp of the cyte and of other the whiche he yaue to the chyrche. ADeodatus a. Romayne was pope af∣ter Vitellianus foure yere / and in his dayes was translated the body of saynt Bene¦dictus / with the body of saynt Scolastica his syster fro the hylle of Cassyn vnto ye monuste∣rye of Floriecens nyghe Aurelian. ¶Constā∣tyne the fourthe was Emperour after hys fa∣der Constantyne the cursyd man. Thys Con∣stantyne was a good mā and hated heretyk ouer all thynge. The chirche he repeyred / and grace he recounsyled agayne to the chyrche come & he with ye pope gadred togyder the .vi. generall Synodus in ye whiche was graūted to prestes of Grece / for to vse theyr leyfull wy¦ues / & to the preestes of ye Eest for cause of gre∣te hee / but not to those of the west party by no meanes For they ytted chastyte in ye tyme of saynt Gregory. And euery man may auer∣tyse and prondre how moche the goodnes of a prynce is wrothe / to the quyete state of ye chyr∣che / & to the promocyon of the fayth / and also the contrary / how moche the malyce of a prin¦ce hurteth that thynge. These two Constan∣yns the fader and the sone shewed openly. For in the faders dayes the chirche neuer had rest and in ye sones tyme it was quyete. yet neuer∣theles our lord suffred the Sarrasyns and the Bulgars to entre in thys londe / that he them myght not wyth stande / but that he made hys peas with them / & payed to them yerely a tru∣age / so nyghtely preuaylled that cursyd secte of Machomyte / and after he deyed blessydly. ¶Nota. ¶That there were .vi. generall Synodus / & moost pryncypall of the whyche the auctoryte is equall to ye gospell for ye truth of the gospell is declared by them ayenst the .vi. pryncypall heresyes the whyche strongely trowbled the chirche for the subtyltee of these heretykes to dysceyue symple men. ¶Thys tyme deyed Saynt Cedde of Lytchefelde / the thyrde yere of his bysshopryche. ¶Demus a Romayne was pope after Adeodatus thre ye¦re. Of this man lytell is wryten. ¶Bonyfacy¦us was pope after hym / & lytell of hym is wry¦ten / but that he lyued lye a preest. ¶Agatho was pope after hym / and he was a very holy man. For on a daye whan he kyssed a lepre / the lepre anone was made hoole. ¶Iste et de con∣sensu princypys iussit celebrari sextū sinodum apud {con}stantinopolin .CC.lxxx. ep̄o{rum}. in qua as¦seret duas naturas et duas voluntates esse in xp̄o. ¶Leo the seconde was pope after Aga∣tho thre yere / this Leo was an holy man & suf∣fycyently taught in latyn & greke / this man or¦deyned that the pax sholde be yeuen after ag∣nus dei / and dyed a blessyd man. ¶Benedic¦tus the seconde pope after Leo almoste thre ye¦re. This man aboue all thyng was vertous and his name accorded with his dedys. And in his tyme was a grete pestylence. ¶Iustini∣anus the seconde was Emperour this tyme / & he was a very good man / a prudent & a lar∣ge / & he encreaced ye Empyre of Rome mygh∣tely / But he charged the offyce of the chyrche ouer moche. Many lawes he made / and after was not good he intended to haue lette the dy∣crees of the .vi. Synodus / wherfore the .x. yere of hys. Empyre he was taken of Leo the prynce of patrici and Tyberio / & they cutte of hys nose & hys tonge & exyled hym to Cryso∣nā. There was then turbacyon in the chirche for stryue & heretykes. ¶And knowe all men whan varyaunce falleth betwixt grete lordes Thenne errours ben multeplyed / for there is no man corrected them / therfore that ys often tyme preued in the cyirche. Thenne after felle a varyaunce betwixt Leo and Tyberio. And Tybereo preuaylled / and he exyled Leo / & cut¦te of his nose the thyrde yere of his regne / and regned for hym· Iustinian{us} fledde to the Sar¦rasyns and the Bulgars / the whyche restored hym ayen to his Empre / and slewe Leo and Tyberio / ye whiche fauoured heretykes. Then¦ne this same Iustinianus reformed hymselfe to the chyrche of god / and had grete repentaū∣ce But he venged hym to cruelly on his aduer¦saryes / so that he wolde haue slayne the r In¦nocent childern Therfore he was slayne wyth his sone / of Phylyp whom he exyled. IOhannes the fyfth was pope after Be¦nedyctus too yere / he was a good man / but he decessyd aone. ¶zeno was pope after hym. And he was a very holy man / for he wol¦de not medle with seculer maters. And ī beau∣te he was an angell / quyete in vertues / & me∣ke in soule and very demure in langage of hys relygyous lyf / this man was chosen at the last wyth one accorde of the chirche and laye men. But there was a grete distruccyon / for ye cler∣gy entended to haue chose Perys ye Archebys∣shop. And the host of laye men wolde haue had Theodorum a preest. But at the laste the holy gooste tourned the wyll of all this people in to this holy man. ¶Sergius was pope .ix. yere. This man was vertuous & comendable ī hys lyf. And in his eleccyon a grete dyscorde was / for one partye of the clergye chose Theodorū / and an other partye Paschalem. But as oure lorde wolde at the last they tourned all to thys man. Thys man translated the body of saynt Leo. He also founde a grete parte of the holy crosse by myracle. And he crystened Cad wal∣dre the last kynge of Brytayne. He cōmaūded (Agnus dei) to be sayd or songe thryes at mas∣se. And decessyd blessydly. ¶Nota. ¶Saynt Beda the worshypfull preeste was thys tyme a grete man of fame in Englonde / the whyche was take the .vii. yere of hys aege to Benedycte the abbot Gyrwyen̄ monastery to be taught. And thenne after to Colfrido the abbot after the deth of benedict. And atte the .xix. yere of his aege he was made Deaken of ye bysshop of yorke. And at .xxx. yere he was ma∣de preest / in the whiche yere he began to wryte So he contynued al the tyme of his lyf in that monastry / in gyuynge his labours to wrytyn∣ge and scrypture to be expowned. He made .lxxviii· bokes / the whiche he nombreth in the ende of his Edglysshe booke. Thys man was euer in labour other in prayer or in syngynge dayly in the chyrche / or to lerne teche or wry∣te. For whiche thynge men maye Iuge by rea∣son that he was neuer at Rome / all though so¦me saye he wente to Rome that he myght see yt his bokes accordeth with the doctryne of ye ho∣ly chyrche. But it was certayne that he was blynde / and wente to preche / & had a seruaun∣te that was not good / and made him to preche to a myghty multytude of stones and sayde / that they were men. ¶And whan all hys ser∣mon was done / the stones answered and sayd Amē. But that he wente to Rome thryes / and founde wryten thre arres / thre effes / and ex∣powned them / it was neuer founde in no bo∣ke of auctoryte. There was after the talkyng of the people suche a wrytynge on the yates of Rome (RRR. FFF) And suche an exposycy¦on (Regna Rome Ruent. Ferro Flama Fa∣me) But it is certayne that Beda was desy∣red to come to Rome by the wrytynge of ser∣gius the pope to Colfrido his abbot. And thys Beda translated the gospell of saynt Iohan in to Englysshe tonge / and dyssessyd blessydly. The fame sayth that now he lyeth at Deuelyn with Saynt Curberte / & there is buryed with hym the knowlege of the dedes of Englonde almoost to ye conquest. ¶Leo the seconde was Emperour / and lytell of hym is wryten. ¶Liberi{us} was Emperour after hym .vii. ye∣re / he rose ayenst Leo & entred his kyngdom / and kept hym in pryson as longe as he regned In this tyme Iustinianus the seconde whiche in olde tyme was exyled to Crysonam openly sayd / he wolde recouer his Empyre agayne. wherfore the people of that countree / for the loue of Liberius / were aboute to slee that Iu∣stinianus. wherfore he fledde to the prynce of Thurcorum and wedded hys syster. And tho∣rugh helpe of his brother and the Bulgars he recouered his Empyre and slewe Liberius & Leo the vsuper of his reame And as many ty¦mes almoost as he wyped ony drope from his nose / the whiche they kytte of / so many tymes he made one of his enmyes to be slayne ¶Leo the thyrde was pope after Sergius two yere. This mā was made pope by the power of the Romayns and was not put in the nombre of popes / for the euyll entred / but he dyde none e∣uyll. ¶Iohannes the .vi. was pope after hym a Greke. And he was a martyr / but of whome and wherfore the cause is not founde in hysto∣ryes. It is sayd / yt it was of the dukes of Lam∣bardy for they were enmyes to the chyrche my¦ghtely. ¶Iohannes the .vii. a Romayne was pope after hym thre yere / but no thyng of hym is wryten. ¶Iustinianas was Emperour a∣yen with his sone Tyberi{us} .vi. yeres. And this was he the whyche was reued the Empyre a∣fore by Leo / And whan this mā was restored ayen he toke hym to the ryght fayth / and wor∣shypped the pope Constantyne. And certayn¦ly he destroyed Creson the place where he was exyled unto / and all that dwelled in it / except the chyldern he slewe them / And he came ayen an other tyme to haue slayne the Innocentes. And the men of that countree made them a ca¦pytayne / a certayne man that was called Phi¦lyp an outlawe / yt whiche anone went to hym in batayll / and slewe hym for his outragyous cruelnesse ayenst those chyldern. ¶Sysinni∣us was pope twenty dayes / and thenne was grete stryfe / and he decessyd \ but lytell of hym is wryten. ¶Cōstantine was pope after hym vii. yere. This man was a very meke man & so blessyd / that of all men he was beloued. He wente ouer the see to Iustinianus the Empe∣rour / and was receyued with grete honour / & deyed a blessyd man. ¶Philyp ye seconde was Emperour one yere / the whyche fledde in to Scicilis for the hoste of the Romayns And he was an heretyke / and cōmaunded all pyctu∣res of sayntes for to be bestroyed. wherfore the Romayns cast a way his coyne / ne wolde not receyue noo moneye that hys name or ymage were wryten vpon ¶Anastasius thseconde after he had slayne Philyp was Emperoure thre yere. This man was a crysten man / and helyued well. But by cause he put out phylipis eyen / and slewe hym after warde. And therfo¦re Theodosius faustht ayenst hym and ouerca¦me hym / And thenne he was made a preest / & lyued soo quyetly. GRegoryus the seconde was pope after Constantyne .xvii. yere / this Gregory{us} was a chaste man & a noble man in scrypture And about this tyme the popes began to deale more temporally wyth the Emperours than they were wonte for theyr falsnesse & theyr he resye. And also for to remeue thempyre fro oo people to an other as the tyme requyred / thys man cursyd Leo ye Emprrour by cause he brē¦te the ymages of sayntes. This same Leo cō∣maunded / Gregorius the pope yt he shold bren¦ne chirches & destroye them. And he sette noo thynge of hys sayenge / but cōmaūded the coū¦trary manly. And so it ys openly shewed / yt the destruccyon of the Empyre of Rome / was the cause of heresy. For certaynely faythfull peo∣ple wyth the prelates wyth one wyll / drewe to the pope & constrayned the Emperours for to leue theyr tyrannye and theyr heresye. ¶And thys tyme in the eest parte of ye worlde strong∣ly faylled the very fayth / for that cursyd lawe of the fals Machomete· ¶Theodosius was Emperour & regned but one yere And he was a very crysten man / & euen as he dyde so was he done vnto. For Leo deposyd hym & made hym a preest. ¶Leo ye thyrde with Constanty¦ne his sone was Emperour .xxv. yere this Leo whan he was myghty he deposyd Theodosy{us} & regned for hym / & was desceyned by a certay¦ne Apostata / the whiche badde hym yt he shol∣de take and brenne all the ymages of sayntes. wherfore he was punysshed both in batayll & in pestylence / & with other Infortunes. And by cause he was accursyd of Gregoryus / & bo¦de ther in thre dayes / therfore the pope wyth ye comyn peple toke for hym the best parte of hys Empyre / cōmaūdynge yt no man shold obeye hym ne socour hym / by cause he lyued lyke an heretyke. ¶Holy men sayde ayenst hym. And many by hym were marted & exyled. And at ye last in his misbyleue he deyed wretchedly. and in this manes dayes / but that Karolus Mar¦cellus holpe the Crysten fayth / & faught man∣ly nyenst the Sarrasyns / & draue them backe∣warde in Spayne the whyche they had subdu¦ed els they had entred in to Fraunce. And Ka∣rolus slewe thre hondred thousāde Sarasyns & moo· And of his people were slayne but .xv. thousande. ¶Nota. ¶This man for the contynuall batayll toke to laye men the tresou¦re of the chirche. wherfore Saynt Eucharius the bysshop of Aurelian / as he was in his pray¦ers / sawe that same Karolus in soule and bo∣dy payned in helle. And the aungell that she∣wed the bysshop this man sayde. That yt was the Iugement of all those that toke a waye the goodes of the chirche / or of poore men. And to fortifye that / that the bysshop sayd and ∣ue it / the abbote of saynt Deuys wente to the sepulcre there that Karolus was burye opened the cheste that he laye in And there th see a grete dragon go out but he had no ¶Gregorius the thyrde a Romayne po∣pe after Gregoryus the seconde. The confermed the woorshyppes of the sayntes / with ye coūseyll almooste of a thou¦de bysshops. And he cursyd horrybly all the de∣spyers of these ymages. As the Emperour nd other that were of ye condycyon. ¶Constan∣nus the fyfth was Emperour ate: his Leo .xxxv. yere He was a cursed man & a pe heretyke / to yt he dyde sacrefyse to the deuylles He pursued the chyrche. And is good of hym is wryten. And so by ye ∣ce of god the chyrche was trowbled longe t∣me. About this tyme were many maruayles & there were merueyllous erth quakys. And cer¦tayne cytees that were sette on mountayns they were remeued & borne awaye with ye hyl∣les in to the feldes .vi. myle thens as they stode and the cytees were not broken ne hurte In the londe of Mesopotanian the erthe was broken by the space of two myle / And also there was a mule that spake in a mannes voys. Asshes fell fro heuen And in the see of Poncico there was yse for grete froste that was .xxx. cubytes of thykenesse. And the sterres fell fro heuen soo myghtely that men trowed that ye ende of the worlde had be comen. All these betokened mer¦uaylus thynges for to come. Acharias was pope after Gregorius. x. yere. This zacharis was a noble mā & arayed wyth all vertue / wyth all men he was loued for his mekeneste. And he depo∣syd the kynge of Fraunce Hydery / and put in hys place Puppynus / for he was more profy∣table. ¶Here may ye see what power the thyr¦che had yt tyme / the whiche translated that fa∣mous kyngdom fro ye very heyres / to ye kyng¦dome of Pippinus / for a leyfull cause (Vtha∣bt .xv. q. v. alius) ¶Stephanus the seconde a Romayne was pope after zacharyas .v. ye∣re. Thys man in all thyng was profytable vn¦to the chirche / as wel in worde as in doctryne And he gouerned the spyrytualtee & the tempo¦raltee noble. He was the louer & the defender of poore men. Thys man anoynted Pyppyn{us} the kynge of Fraunce / & sente hym ayenst the Lombardes / that he sholde compell them to re¦store the chirche of suche goodes as they had with holde from theym longe tyme vnryght∣wysy the whyche he dyde. He also translated the Empyre of the Grekes to ye Frensshemen. ¶Paal{us} a Romayne was pope after hym .x. yere. Thys was a very holy man / for he dyde grete almesse to fadlesse chyldern & prysoners wydowes / & other poore men / yt he myght be a folower of saynt Poule ¶Constantyne a Ro¦mayne the seconde was pope after Poul two yere. Thys Constantyne was a lay man & so∣deynly was made a preest / as a tyraunt / & toke on hym the dygnytee of the pope. And with a grete slaūdre to the chyrche was pope a lytell tyme. But the faythful men put hym out / and put out his eyen. And this was the fyfth Infa¦med pope / amonge so many herde tofore. So the holy ghost ye holy apostels sete kepyin al ho¦nour & holynesse ¶Infynyte martyrs were made this tyme by Constantyne ye emperour for he was suche an heretyke. And men trowe that there was neuer Emperour ne no pagon that slewe so many martyrs· And in his tyme the chirche was trowbled full sore / & very pre¦cyously bought the worshyppynge of the yma¦ges of the holy sayntes / for the grete shedynge of blood of martyrs. And certaynly ye cursyd Emperour was not vnpunysshed. For whan that he deyed he cryed with an horryble voys & sayd. I am taken to a fyre / yt is vnable for to be destroyed. And so he yelded vp the ghost to euerlastynge payne. ¶The Empyre of rome was deuyded about this tyme For Stephan{us} the pope translated ytaly & other vnto Karo∣lus a yonge man. And Constantyne helde the londe of Grece with other londes ouer the see with a grete labour and many rebellynge. ¶This tyme Karolus magnus was a noble yonge man. And he began for to regne vpon Fraunce / & was the sone of Pippinus / & hys moder was called Berta· ¶Stephanus the thyrde was pope after Paulus thre yere. And he amended all the errours of Constantyne. And he degarded all those the whiche Cōstan∣tyne ordeyned in a generall Synodus. ADrianus a Romayne was pope after Stephanus .xxiiii. yere. Thys man was myghtely worshypped of the people / noo man greter afore hym in honour / ryches / and buyldyng. This man sette two solempne Sy∣nois. The fyrste of the thre hondred and fyf∣ty faders The seconde in Rome with an hon∣dred and fyfty faders beynge present Charles the kynge of Fraunce / to whom it was graun∣ted the lyberte of eleccyon of the popes and to ordeyne the appostles sete. ¶Leo the fourthe regned Emperour with the Grekes fyue yere This Leo was a cursyd man / but not so mo∣che as his fader was. And he was a couetous man / and he toke a way a certayne crowne of a chyrche and put it vpon his heed. And ano∣n he was corrupted with an axes and sore de∣seased. And he had a cursed wyf / yt whiche reg∣ned after hym with her sone. ¶Constantyne was Emperoure after Leo / & he was a meke man / and put a waye his moder fro the kyng∣dom / that she myght take hede vnto her wym¦mens werke. But she with a fayned rancour put out his eyen after warde and his childern also / and regned agayne thre yere. And at ye last she was about for to haue be wedded And whan the Grekes perceyued that she wold be wedded to grete Karolus / they toke her & shyt∣te her vp in a monastery / and toke Nychofe{rum} to be theyr Emperour. ¶The .v. vnyuershall study the whiche in olde tyme was translated from Anthenes vnto Rome / aboute this tyme was translated to Parys / by Karolus kynge of Fraunce. ¶Nychoferus was Emperour after Constantyne. He was a very nygon / and was exalted to his Empyre by the Grekys But he profyted not / for ī his tyme all ye Est Imperyall was brought to noughte. For the Romayns put them vnder Karolus magnus ¶Ierusalem about this tyme was recouered by Karolus / with all the hooly londe. And the secte of the Sarrasyns was destroyed strong¦ly· For the struccyon of wretches came then̄e ¶Michael was Emperour two yere / and he was a very crysten man / and he was well be¦loued / and also he was connyge in alle scyen∣ces. And tho that Nychaferus had hurte and drestressyd of theyr goodes by hys coueytous∣nesse / this Mychaell restored them and made them ryche ayen. ¶Nota. ¶Karolus. magnus the fyrst saynt was Emperour after Michaell. And he was crowned Emperoure by Leo the pope / frome the whyche tyme the Empyre was translated frome the Grekes to Fraunce and Germane. And for the transla∣cyon of that Empyre / the Grekes alwaye we∣re defectyue vnto the Romayns And the Gre¦kes stroue euer more with them. But it was more wyth venomous wordes thanne wyth strenghthe / and more with crafte thanne with batayyll. ¶For they hadde soo grete enuye at the Romayns / that they wolde not obeye ye chyrche of Rome. For certaynly whan that the popes wold wryte vnto them / for to obeye the chyrche of Rome / they wrote agayne & say¦de. ye haue taken from oure kynrede the Em∣pyre / and therfore we wolde not obeye / And we vs take from you / And for this noble Em¦perour Rarolus it is to be vnderstande / thys man whan he was a yonge man / he was ano¦ynted kynge of Fraunce by Stephanus ye po∣pe. In the yere of our lorde Ihesu Cryste .vii. hondred .liiii. whan his fader Pippin{us} lyued. Vnder whome / and wyth whome he regned ·xv. yere vnto the dethe of his fader. ¶Then¦ne after hys fader vnder the yere our lord god vii. hondred .xlviii. This Karolus with hys brother Karolomannus regned two yere. And thenne his brother deseased in the seconde ye∣re. And this Karolus there helde alle the hoole kyngdome .xiiii. yere / to the yere of our lorde .vii. hondred .lxxxiiii. In ye whiche yere he wen¦te to Rome / that he myght be crowned Empe∣rour of the pope Adrianus. And he regned em¦perour .xvi. yere / to the yere of our lorde .viii.C. whan pope▪ Leo confermed hym ayen the Emperour. And after that he was Emperour xiiii. yere. And he dysseased in the yere of hys aege .lxxii. The whiche was the yere of oure lorde .viii.C. and .xiiii. ¶yf ye wyll see more of Karolus / goo to the boke of Turpinus and Libraminus his mayster / for they wrote hys noble actes. ¶Leo the fourth was pope after Adrianus .xx. yere / thys man whan he wente on a certayne daye with the Lentany to saynt Peters chyrche on Saynt Markes daye / he was taken with cursyd people / and bothe hys eyen put out & his tonge cutte of But our lor∣de merueylously restored hym ayen hys syght and his speche / soo that he spake without ton∣ge and sawe by myracle. Afterwarde he wen¦te with Karol{us} in Fraunce. And he came with hym vnto Rome / and venged the pope on his enmye. And thenne he crowned Karolus. And he late afore crowned / confermed hym agay∣ne. ¶Lodouicus the meke the fyrste begoten sone of Karolus was Emperour after his fa∣der .xxvi. yere / in whose tyme was put a waye that clerkes sholde vse no gyrdes wyth precy∣ous stones / ne straunge arayment. This Lu¦douicus of his fyrste wyf gate two childern & both had an euyll ende. In all thynge that wē∣te ayenst hym he was pacyent / & in the last en¦de he euer ouer cāe. For ayenst god he abode deuoute. And his childern folowed hym in cō¦dycyons / he dyssessyd a blessyd man. ¶Ste¦phanus the fourth was pope after Leo thre ye¦re. This Stephanus redemed many captyue men / & crowned Lodouic{us} ye Emperour. And then̄e he dyssessyd & was buryed at Rome. Pas¦chall was pope after Stephanus. This Pas¦chall was a grete dylygence to relyques of Sa¦yntes. And he tooke vp Innumerable bodyes of sayntes / & buryed them worshypfully as in the vysyon of saynt Cecile he was cōmaūded. ¶Eugenius the fourthe was pope after Pas¦chall / and he was a very hooly man. And alle those thynges that were for cryst he toke hede to. This man was crowned a martyr / and by the laye men of Rome he was buryed in saynt Peters chyrcheyerde. VAlentinus was pope after Eugenius xl. dayes / and lytell of hym is wryten. ¶Gregorius the fourth was pope after hym xii. yere / this Gregorius sawe many heuy ty∣mes / for the plages amonge the comyn people And at this mannes petycyon. Lodouicus the Emperour / & Marcio the prynce of Lombar∣dy exyled al ye Sarrasyns fro ytaly. And at the laste he dyssessed after Innumerable good de∣des & werkes yt he had done at saynt Peters. ¶Lotherius the first sone of Ludouicus was Emperour .xv. yere in ytaly & Rome & the par¦tyes of Germayne next to the hylles of. Alpy. This Lotherius rose ayenst his broder Ludo¦uicus &. Karolus for the kyngdom of Duche∣londe / the whyche some tyme Pyppynus theyr broder helde. And they fought at a place called Fomanecū / where Lotherius was dyscomfy∣ted. And there was suche slaughter made oon both the sydes / that they had no men for to re∣syste theyr aduersaryes. Thys vnderstode a fals crysten man / & sent vnto Soudan of the Sarrasyns yt he sholde come anone. And he to¦ke Rome / & saynt Peters chirche was made a stable for theyr horses. But Ludouycus wyth the Frenshemen & Lombardes all ye Infynyte nombred destroyed / & that with grete shedyn∣ge of cristen blode. ¶Sergius ye seconde was pope after Gregori{us} two yere. This man was called fyrste. (os porci) in Englysshe / hogges∣mouth. where fore yt mā & all the popes names are chaunged whan they are chosen And yt for thre causes. The fyrst for Cryste chaunged the names of those men yt whiche he made popes. The seconde / for as moche as they are chaun∣ged in the name / sholde they be chaūged in per¦fectyon of lyfe / The thyrde leest he whiche is chosen to an excedynge degree sholde he hurte in name. ¶Leo was pope after Sergius. viii yere. This Leo was an holy man / and also he was in prudence as sharpe as a serpente / & in his dedes as meke as a douue. ¶And he was brought forth vertuously in a monastery And whan that he was made pope / he laboured to repeyre his chirches agayne / the whiche false Sarrasyns one after an other had destroyed. This man was a myghty wryter & a grete pre¦cher / & myghtely laboured in watche & prayer and so deyed / & was buryed and lyeth at saynt Peters. ¶Benedictus a Romayne was pope after Leo two yere. This Benedictus had the name of ye thynge. For in all thyng he was bles¦syd. This man ordeyned ye clerkes shold go or∣dynatly and honesty. ¶Ludouicus the sone of Lotherius was Emperour thys tyme / & ano¦ynted of Sergius the pope / & a whyle regned with his fader / & after regned .xxi. yere alone. This man had a sone ye hyghe Karolus / in to whom the deuyll entred & vexed him a fore his fader. And then̄e he conspyred his faders deth And in his tyme many a meruaylle felle. ¶Nota. ¶Iohannes Anglicus of the na∣cyon of Maguncin about thys tyme was po∣pe / & she was a woman arayed in mānes gar∣mentes. But she profyted so in holy scrypture that there was foūde none lyke her Then̄e she was chosē pope / but after ward she was with childe. And whan she shold haue gone openly in processyon / she trauelled and decessyd. And this is the sixte pope / the whyche to this tyme had the name of holynesse / and were vycyous And this persone as other popes were was pu¦nyssed of god / ne she was not nombred in the boke of popes. ¶Nicholaus a Romayne was pope after this woman .ix. yere. This Nicho∣laus was of grete holynes / that there was no man comparable to hym after Gregory ye po∣pe. And whan he was made. Ludouicus the Emperour was presente. And after he deces∣syd a very good man & was buryed in saynte· Peters chyrcheyerde. ¶Adrianus a Romay was pope after Nicholaus. This Adrianus cursed Lotherius broder to themperour ye kyn¦ge of Lotharynge for his aduoutry. But whā he came to Rome to excuse hym of his aduou∣try / he sayde that he was cursyd wrongfully. And he brought with hym al the noble men of his regyon / and all were deed within one yere and the kynge deyed in the waye whan he ca∣me to the yte of Placenciam. AFter the deth of this Eldred regned hys broder A∣lured that Dolfynes was called. ¶Tho wente the Danys and assembled them / And wente for the to seke A∣lured yt tho was kyng newe made of South¦sex / and there they foū¦de hym atte wylton wyth a lytell people / And neuerthelesse he faught with them / but at the laste he fledde thens from the felde / and wente in to westsex and ordeyned so moche people of his owne reame / and also of other tyll that he had a stronge hoste soo that the Danys hadde no power ayenst hym to withstande. And he came to London with his hoste / and there we∣re the Danys soionrned. And there he wolde haue foughten with them. But ye Danys dur∣ste not with hym fyght / but prayed hym of pe¦as / and that they myghte goo ayen in to theyr owne countree / and neuer to come in to Eng∣londe ayen / that is to saye ony harme for to do And vppon thys couenaunt they sholde gyue hym to pledge good hostaes and suche as the Englysshmen wolde are. ANd the same daye that the Danys de¦parted frome London / soo faste they rode bothe nyghe and daye / and neuer tooke rest of goynge tyll that they came vnto Exces∣tre / and tooke tho the towne / and there helde them. ¶Whan kynge Alured herde these ry∣dynges / anone he lette take the hostages / and wente from thens vnto Excestre wyth all the power that he hadde / And whan the Danys herde telle of hys comynge / they wente frome thens unto westsix / and came vnto Chyppen¦ham / and there they dyde moche harme in the countree / they robbed folke / and brough the∣ym in pryson. The kynge Alured them purse¦wed & came vpon them ryght soone & fyersely theym assayled. And there were slayne bothe Hubba and Hūgar his broder / & Buerne Bo¦cader. And in this bataylle were moche folke slayne in that one & in that other. But the gre of that felde bode with the Danys / for as mo¦che as the kyng came with fewe folke. ¶The kynge hasted hym as moche as he myghte for to goo agayne. And whan the Danys founde Hubbaes body lyeng deed they buryed it / and layd vpon it a grete logge / and lete calle it Hu¦beslowe / and soo it is called vnto thys daye. And that place is in Deuenshyre. The Ba∣rons of Somerset· wyltshyre and dorset her¦de tell how that theyr kyng was dyscomfyted and ordeyned all the power that they myghte haue and came to the kyng there he was / and thanked god that they hym yet founde alyue / for they had wende that ye Danys hadde hym slayne. Tho toke they a counseyll the kynge & his barōs / that wolde go and seke the Danys with them for to fyght. And so they rode all & nyght theim for to seke and came on the moro¦we aboute Pryme to Abyndon there that the Danys were. The kyng Alured & his barons to assembled & there assaylled the Danys eger¦ly / & there yaue them a stonge batayll. And the Danys put them a longe tyme that noo man wyst whether parte more people were slayne. But thys it befell as god wolde that the kyng Alured had the victory with moche honoure. For the Danys were soo dryuen that ne wyst whyther for to torne. And .xv. dayes the yng them pursewed at his wyll / that gladly & ay∣ne they were for to speke of peas and accorde / and toke hym good hostage / & sayd they wolde neuer more vpon hym warre ne no debate a∣rere. ¶And more ouer they behyght vnto the kyng Alured / that they wolde go & bynhe the¦yr owne kynge vnto hym and that theyr kyn∣ge & they all shold be baptysed. And vpon this condycyon kynge Alured graunte them lyf & lymme. And sayd vnto theym / that they shol∣de gone theyr kyng for to seke / & at a certayne daye to come ayen yt to theym was sette. And so they wente forth fast & came ayen at a daye that to them was assygned· And all ye Danys brought theyr kynge with them. ¶The kyng Alured anone lette them e baptysed / & theyr names chaunged. And soo the kynge of Den∣mark was called Athelstone And .xxx. of his fe¦lowes names were chaunged also / and the o∣ther were baptysed to the ryght byleue. ¶And all this was done atte westmestre. And after that kynge Alured helde wyth hym kynge A∣thelstone and all hys Danys .xii dayes at so¦iourne with moche solempnyte / and yaue th̄ grete yeftes. And after that they were bapty∣sed and soo departed. Tho was kynge Alured all at ease / whan he hadde his enmyes ouer co∣men / and that they were torned to ye ryght by leue of god almyghty. ANd thus it befell after warde / that the Danys of Northumberlonde yt were paynems came with a grete strength & an hu∣ge hoste of Fraūce / that is to vnderstōde \ with them that went in to Fraūce with Gurmonde of Affyke / whan he had conquered Englonde & yaue it vnto ye Saxons. And tho yt came fro Fraūce arryued in Kent & sent in to Northum¦berlonde that they shold come to them / & whan those two host{is} were come & assembled / anone they yede to destroye alle the crysten people of Englonde from place to place / & dyde moche sorowe. It befelle thus as almyghty god wol∣de an harde chaunce in to Englonde. For the good kyng alured yt was wonte to abate ye Da∣nys deyed n the meane tyme. Thys kynge A∣lured regned .xxx. yere / & a good kyng had he & welle coude chastyse his enmyes. And also he was a good clerke / & lete make many bokes & a boke he made in Englysshe of aduentures of kynges / and of bataylles that had ben done in the londe / and many other bookes of Gestes he lete them wryte that were of greate wysdo∣me and of good lernynge / thrugh whyche boo∣kes many a man may hym amende / that woll them rede and vpon them loke / Vpon whose soule almyghty god haue marcy. ¶And thys kynge Alured lyeth at wynchestre. IOhānes the .viii. was pope after Adry∣an .viii. yere. This Iohannes anoynted Karolus the Emperour. And he suffred grete wronge of ye Romayns for he fauoured not ye sayd Emperour. And therfore he put the sayd pope in kepyng. Also he degarded the bysshop of Portuense / the whyche was ye occasyon of all his sorowe. Karol{us} ye seconde was Empour after Ludouicus. This Karolus had a brother the whyche was called Ludouicus / & he was the kyng of Germayne / & he ordeyned batayll agaynst his brother / but karolus or they fau∣ghte was poysened. And he made many a mo∣nasterye. ¶Martynus was pope after Iohā∣nes one yere. This Martynus lytell profyted for he lyued but lytell tyme. ¶Adrian{us} ye thyr∣de was pope after hym oo yere. And of hym is no thinge wrynten. ¶Stephan{us} the fyfth was pope after hym .vi. yere. And no thyng of him in wryten / but yt he translated the body of sa∣ynt Martyn. ¶Karolus the thyrde was Em∣perour after the seconde .xii. yere. This Karo∣lus had in possessyon peassyble all Fraunce & all Germayne / and was crowned Emperour of Iohānes the pope. And after this gloryous vyctory / he torned all Normandye to the fay∣the of god almyghty / and he myght nomore re¦cyste the Frenshemen but four yere he regned on them / He was vnprofytable to them / and therfore they put hym a waye. ¶Arnulphus was emperour after Karolus .xiii. yere. This Arnulphus vtterly constrayned the Normās the wyiche destroyed the Frenshemen .xl. yere Thenne he was syke and had noo comforte of no leche / for he was ī a meruayllous sykenes∣se / so that he was consumed with lyf and was deed. ¶Formosus was pope after Stephan{us} .v. yere / this man fyrst was bysshop of Port∣uensys. And pope Iohn̄ was depryued for hys Inobedyence / & was degrated to the laye fee. But by Martyn ye pope he was restored. And ayenst his othe / he came not aloonly to Rome but to offre hym the dygnyte of the pope / for yt whiche there was grete alteracion. ¶Bonfa¦cius the .vi. was pope .v. dayes. ¶Stephan{us} the .vi. one yere and thre monethes. ¶Iohan¦nes thre monethes and .xii. dayes. ¶Iona al¦so thre monethes and twelue dayes. ¶Theo¦dorus the seconde twenty dayes. ¶Iohannes the enleuēth was two yere & .xv. dayes. ¶Be∣nedictus the fourth a yere and two monethes. ¶Leo the fourthe was .xl. dayes. ¶Xpristo¦forus the fyrste .vii. monethes. All these .viii. popes were but lytell tyme / & therfore we can not tell of them none notable thynges / But yf we sholde wryte sclaūdre of them that myght be fon̄de / for ye vnharde stryfe & contencion in that holy appostles sete. For one stroue ayenst an other / and repreued the dedes of an other. And for to tell how they stroue / it were no gre∣te honour to shewe for ye hooly appostles sete. ¶Lodouicus the thyrde was emperour after Arnulphus .vi yere. This man had not ye po∣pes blessynge / for the vnstablenesse of them yt whiche regned in ytaly· And he was constrey∣ned to expulse Berynge. And this man was ye laste Emperour of alle the kynred of Karolus kynge of fraunce. ¶This tyme the Empyre was remeued and translated and dyuyded. For the Frenshemen halpe not the chyrche / the whiche theyr faders had edifyed and forte¦fyed / but destroyed / ne halpe not ye Romayns ayenst Lombardes / the whiche vexed the Ro∣mayns ryght sore. Therfore by the comyns as¦sente they were excluded fro the Empyre / and the ytalyens beganne to be Emperour in yta∣ly / and the Almayns in Almayne / vntyll Ot∣tanen the whiche regned in bothe the places. The Frenshemen were constrayned to abyde in theyr owne countree / and no more to be em¦perour for theyr mysheuous lyuynge. ¶Be¦ringarius the fyrst. ¶Conradus and Beryn¦garius the seconde / & Hugo were Emperours after Lodouicus But they are not nombred amonge the Emperours. For some were but in Almayne / and some were in yralye. ANd after this Alured regned hys sone Edwarde / and was a good mā & a wy∣se / that was called Edwarde / and was won∣der curteys. ¶The danys dyd moche sorowe in the londe / and theyr power encreaced and began for to were frome daye to daye. For the Danys came often wyth theyr companyes in to this londe. And whan the kynge sawe that he myght no better do / then he toke peas wyth them graūted them this trewes. And neuerthe¦lesse the trewes dured not longe that the Da∣nys ne began strongly for to warre vpon the Englysshmen and dyde them moche sorowe. wherfore kynge Edwarde dyd assemble a gre¦te hoste for to fyght with them· And then this kyng Edwarde deyed whan god wolde. This kynge Edwarde regned .xxiiii. yere / and lyeth at wynchestre besyde his fader. SErgius ye thyrde was pope after Xpis∣tofor{us} .vii. yere / This man was a Car¦dynall of Rome / and was expulsed by Formo¦sus the pope / and then he went to the Fernsshe¦men. And so thorugh the helpe & fauour of thē he came agayne to Rome and anone expulsed sed Xpristoforus the pope. ¶And thenne was pope hymselfe. And for to auenge and werke his exyle / he tooke out the body of pope For∣mosus where that he was buryed. And arry∣ed hym in the popes arraymente and caused hym to be heeded and to be caste in the water of Tybre by Rome / Thenne fysshers founde hym and broughte hym in to the chyrche. And the hooly ymages of sayntes bowed dow¦ne to hym / whan the body of hym was brou∣ghte in to the chyrche / that all men myght see / and honourably hym halsyd. yet Sergius de∣stroyed all that thinge the whiche ye holy man had ordeyned. ¶Anastasius was pope after hym two yere. ¶Laudo was pope .v. mone∣thes / and lytell they dyde. ¶Iohannes the .x. was pope then̄e. This Iohanes was the sone of Sergius pope / doth of nature & of maners And he was pope by myghty. And wretchedly slayne of Guidois knyght{is} for they put on his mouthe a pylowe and stopped his brethe. And after hym was a nother put in / but anone he was out / & therfore he is not named as pope. ¶Henricus the duke of Saxone was Empe∣rour of Almayne .xvii· yere / this Henric{us} was a noble man / but he is not nombred amonge themperours. for he regned but aloonly in Al∣mayne. And he had a very holy woman vnto his wyf / & her name was Matylda / on whom he gate two sones / yt is to saye. Otto & Harry And Otto succedded hym in the Empyre And Harry had moche londe in Almayne. And he gate an other sone yt hygh Brimen & he was a very holy man / & was bysshop of Coleyne. And he founded the monastery of Panthalō. NOw after this Edwarde regned Adel¦stone his sone· And whā he had regned foure yere he helde batayll ayenst the Danys. And droue kynge Gaufride that was kyng of the Danys and all his hoste vnto the see / & es∣ted by Scotlonde / & toke strongely al the coun¦tree an hoole yere. And after yt tho of Comber¦londe & of Settes of westmerlonde begāne to warre vpon kyng Adelstone. And he gaue thē so stronge batayll / yt he slewe so many of them that no man conde tell the nombre of them. And after yt he regned but thre yere / and he reg¦ned in all .xxv. yere / & lyeth at Malmesbury. THenne after this Adelstone regned ed∣mōde his brother. For kyng Adelstone had no sone / and this Edmōde was a worthy man and a doughty knyghte of body / and a noble also. And the thyrde yere after that he was kynge / he wente ouer Homber in to that countree in the whiche coūtree he fonude two kynges of Danys. That one was called Ene¦laf. And that other Renant· This kynge Ed¦monde droue them bothe fro the londe / and af¦ter wente / and toke a grete proye in Comber¦londe. This Edmonde regned but .vii. yere / and lyeth at Glastenbury. ANd after this Edmōde regned Eldred his broder that auenged Edwarde his fader of his enmyes that dyde hym slee. And after he seased all Northumberlonde in to his honde. And made the Scottes for to bowe and meke vnto his wyll. And in the seconde yere of his regne came Arnalaf Guyran that was kynge of Denmarke / and seased all Northum¦berlonde / and helde that londe two yere. And after that came kynge Eldred and draue hym out of this londe. And this kynge Eldred was a noble man and a good / Of whoos goodnes Saynt Dunstane preched. And this kynge El¦dred regned .xi. yere / & lyeth at whynchester. ANd after this Eldred regned Edwyn the sone of Edmonde. And he was a symple man to warde god and the people. For he hated folke of his owne londe / and loued & honoured straunge men. And sette lytell by ho¦ly chyrche. And he toke of hooly chirche all the tresour that he myght haue. That was greate shame & vylany to hymself / and peryll to hys soule. And therfore god wolde not that he shol¦ne regne no lenger than foure yere and deyed / and lyeth at wynchestre· LEo the syxt a Romayne was pope .vi. monethes. ¶Ste¦phanus the .vii. was after hym two yere. ¶Iohannes the .xi. a Romayne was pope thre yere. ¶Stephanus the .viii. a germayne was pope after hym .viii. ye∣re / ¶Martinus the thyrde was pope after hym thre yere / and of these .vi. popes is noo∣thynge hadde in scrypture. For what cause I can not telle. AGapitus a Romayne was pope after Martinus two yere and .viii. mone∣thes / & no thynge of hym is wryten / ¶Iohēs the .xii. a Romayne was pope after Agapitus viii. yere / & he had a fader yt hyght Albertyke & was a worthy man in ye chyte of Rome. He in¦duced ye noble men to swere yt after the deth of Agapytus they sholde these Ottauianus hys sone pope / and soo it was done & was named Iohn̄ / and he was a hunter & a lecherous man so that openly he kepte wymmen wherfore cer¦ten Cardynalles wrote vnto Otto the Empe∣rour of Saxon / that he sholde come to Rome for to helpe to destroye the sclaūdre of the chir∣che. This the pope perceyued / & ye honde that wrote ye pystle he made to be carte of And ma¦ny tymes he was warned by the Emperour and the clergy that he sholde correcte hymself but he nolde for noo thynge / Thenne he was deposyd / and Leo was put in to a place. wher¦fore the Emperour was anoyed / and came a∣yen and besyeged Rome so longe tyll they toke Benedycte to hym / and restored Leo. ANd after this Edwyne regned Edgar hys brother a man that moche loued god and peas / and the ryght of hooly chyrche also. And he was a worthy man / & a grete lord of blood and myghty / and maycened well this londe in peas. And this Edgar was lorde and kynge aboue all the kynge of Scotlonde & of walys / fro the tyme that Arthur was gone / & neuer was sythen kynge of his power. ¶And this Edgar was saynt Edwardes fader. And whan Edgars wyf was deed yt was saynt Ed¦wardes moder & entryd / he herde speke of the fayrnesse of Estrylde / that was Orgarus dou¦ghter a baron of Deuenshyre that was so fay∣re a woman / that all men dyde speke of her. He called one of hys knyhhtes that he moche loued & trusted vpon & tolde hym. Go sayde he to the noble baron Orgarus of Deuenshy∣re / & see yf that hys doughter be fayre as men speke of / & yf it be sothe I wyll haue her vnto my wyfe. ¶This knyght that was called E∣delwolde wente forthe his waye as the kynge hym had sayd / & came there that the lady was And whan he sawe her so fayre / he thought to haue her hymself to wyfe. And therof spake to Grgarus her fader. And her fader was an ol∣de man and no man chyldern but oonly her / & sawe yt Edelwode was a fayre yonge knyght with the kyng / & thought his doughter sholde well be maryed & be sette vpon hym / & graun∣ted hym his doughter yf the good lorde ye kyn∣ge wolde consente therto. ¶And thenne thys Edel wolde came ayen vnto the kynge & colde hym / that she was fayre ynough vpon to see / but she was wonder lothly. ¶Tho answerede the kynge and sayd that he toke but lytell char¦ge. Syr sayd Edelwolde / she is her faders hey¦re / and I am not ryche of londes / & yf ye wol¦de consente and graunte that I myght her ha∣ue / thenne sholde I be ryche ynough. In god∣des name sayde the kynge. I consente therto. Edel wolde tho thanked the kynge ryght mo∣the / & wente ayen in to Deuenshyre & spowsed the damoysell / and in that coūtree he dwelled. ¶And thus it befell vpon a tyme / that he tol∣de his coūseyll & all this thynge vnto his wyf / how & in what maner he had begyled his lord the kynge that wolde haue hadde her to wyfe. And anone as she it wyst / she loued him neuer more after warde as she dyde before. ¶Thys lady conceyued by hym a sone. And whan ty∣me wan that the chylde sholde be borne. Edel∣wolde came to the kynge and prayed hym to haue a sone of his at the fonte stone. The kyn∣ge hym graunted / And lete calle hym Edgar after his owne name. And whan this was do¦ne he thought that alle was syker ynough for the kynge / that he wolde not take hys wyf for as moche as hys lord was a Ioly man and an amerous. THus it befell that all men in kynge Ed¦gars courte then̄e spake & sayd / yt Edel wolde was rychely auaunced / thrugh the for∣sayd maryage of his wyf. And yet they sayd he was auaunced an hondred folde more· For he had spowsed the moost fayrest creature yt euer seen. And ye kyng herde speke so moche of her beaute / yt he thought he wolde haue hym dys∣ceyued / & begyled. And thought pryuely in his herte / that he wolde goo into Deuenshyre / as it were for to hunte for the harte & for ye hynde & other wylde beestes / & then̄e he sholde see the¦re the lady or he departed thens. And this lady was dwellynge at manere place besyde the fo¦rest / there that the kynge wolde hunte / And a that manere he was her borowed all nyghte. And whan tyme came that the kynge sholde suppe / and the sonne shone / the kyng asked af¦ter his gossyppe and after hys godsone· And Edelwolde made her to come before the kynge And neuerthelesse yf it other wyse myght ha∣ue be she sholde not haue come in hys syght by hys wyll. ¶The lady welcome the kynge & swetely hym kyssed. And he toke her by ye hon∣de / and to nexte by hym her sate / and so sou∣ped they togyder. ¶And there was a custome and an vsage in this londe that tyme. That so whan on drake to an other / the drynker shol¦de saye wassayll. And that other sholde answe¦re / and saye Drynke hayll. And thys dyde the kynge & the lady / and kyste many tymes. And after supper whan tyme was for to go to bed¦de / the kynge wente to bedde / then kynge her∣tely on the ayrnesse of that lady / & then̄e was ouer come for her loue / that hym thought that he sholde deye / but yf he hadde his wyll on her. ¶Vppon the morowe the kynge aroos and in the foreest wente hym for to dysporte wyth hartes & hyndes & all other wylde beestes. & of the hertes grete plente he sence to ye lady. And thryes he went for to solace and to speke wyth that lady the whyles he dwelled there in that countree. ¶And after that the kyng remeued thens / and thought hym how he myghte best delyuer Edelwod fro hys wyf / as he had hym fyrste desceyued. And the kynge anone after .viii. dayes ordeyned a parlyament at salysbu∣ry of all his baronage counseyll to haue. And for to ordeyne how the countree of Northum¦berlonde sholde best he kepte that the Danys came not there / the londe for to destroye. And thys Edelwode came vnto the kyng{is} parlya¦ment. And the kynge sent hym to yorke / for to be keper of that countree. ¶And thus it befel that knewe hym not slewe hym by the waye. ¶And anone as the kynge herde telle that he was deed / he lete sende after the lady Eylde that he sholde come vnto the cyte of London and ther he wedded to the kyng with grete so∣lempnyte and worshyp. And helde a solemp∣ne feest. And he ware a crowne yt was of golde & the quene an other. ¶And saynt Dunstane on the morowe came vnto the kynge in to the chambre / and founde the kynge in bedde an the quene togyders. And sayn Dunstane ax∣ed the kynge who she was / And the kynge an∣swered and sayd / yt she was the quene Eyll∣de. And the Archebyssop saynt Dunstance say¦de that he dyde grete wronge / and ayenst god¦des wyll to take a woman to wyf whose chyl∣de ye had take at fonte stone. And ye quene for that worde neuer loued saynt Dunstance af∣ter. And the good man warned of that foly to be lefte / but it auaylled but lytell / for the loue bytwene them was so moche. The kynge be∣gate vpon her a sone that was called Eldred· whan this childe was .vi. yere olde / the kynge his fader deyed. And aboute that tyme he had regned .xvii. yere / & lyeth at Glastenbury. BEryngarius ye thyrde was Emperour after Henrycus ·vii. yere / thys Beryn∣garius was Emperour in ytaly. In whoos ty¦me was grete dyuysyon. ¶And Henricus thē¦perour decessed / and. Otto began to regne in Almayne. ¶Lothari{us} regned after hym two yere / and decessed whan. Otto regned in Al∣mayne. And hadde a wyf that hyght Dalny∣ham. The whiche after wedded Otto. ¶Be∣ringarius the fourth was after hym / this man with grete tyrannye subduedytaly / wherfore the pope and other romayns called Otto that he myghte delyuer them whiche he dyde. And he toke Beryngaryus by strength / and twyes he outlawed hym. And he toke Lotharius wy¦fe the whiche the tyraūt had prysoned. ¶Leo the .viii. was pope after Benedictus one yere and foure monethes. This man was chosen with the comyn voys / and Iohannes was de¦posyd. This Leo ordeyned that no pope shol∣de be made without consente of ye Emperour For the malyce of ye Romayns the whiche op¦pressyd them. Thys man graunted all the yef∣tes to Otto and hys successours / the whyche were yeuen by Iustinianus and Karolus to ye chyrche / that he myghte defende ytaly frome the reberlyons. ¶Iohanes the .xii. was pope after hym almoost .viii. yere \ thys Iohēs suf∣fred grete wronge of ye Romayns For he was take and exyled but Otto bare this heuyly. For he slewe the noble men of Rome / and cer¦tayne of them exyled for euer more. Benedyc∣tus the .vi. was pope after hym .vi· yere / thys man was take / and in the castell Aungell was strangled. ¶Nota. ¶The Empyre in thys tyme was translated to the Almayns. And the same cause is here as was before / for the ycyous lyuynge. Ne these vnhappy men cowde not be Informed / that they shold esche¦we that o woyce / thrugh the whiche they sa∣e soo many noble men to perysshe. ¶Otto was Emperour after Beryngarius .xii. yere. This Otto was the fyrst Emperoure of Al∣mayne. And he was all vertuous as an other kynge karolus for he was the defender of the chyrche of god / and the syngular promoter for the whyche he was worthy to be Emperoure Many men of fals byleue he conuerted And he helde with hym pope Benedictus the vsur∣per of the popeherd in to Soxony. And there he decessyd in his exyle. And this Emperoure decessyd a ryche man in vertue and goodnes. ¶Otto the seconde was Emperour after his fader. And he was a noble man to the chyrche as his fader was. And many a batayll he had ayenst the fals men of byleue. And at the laste he almoost loste all his hoste in Kalabur / yet for sothe with all his mynde besought saynt Pe∣ter to helpe. And meruellously saynte Peter delyuered hym And his wyf was the doughter of ye Emperour of Constantynopolytan of the Romans bloode And this man was crowned of Benedictus the pope. ANd after this Edgar regned Edwar∣de his sone / that he begate vpon hys fyrste wyfe / that wyll and nobly gouerned the londe. For he was full of all maner of goodnes and ledde a full holy lyf. And aboue all thynge he loued god & holy chyrche. And the quene Es¦crylde that was his stepmoder lete slee hym by cause to make her owne sone Eldred kynge. And this on a daye he was slayne / as ye shalle here afterwarde. ¶It befell thus vpon a day that tha kynge Edwarde wente in to a woode for to playe / in the southe coūtree be syde a tow¦ne that is called warham. In yt whiche foreste was grete pleyntye of hartes and hyndes. And whan he had ben whyle there hym for to playe he thought vpon his broder Eldrede that was with hys moder the quene / for her place waste nygh the foreste / and thought for to goo thyder and vysyte and see hys brother. And toke with hym but a lytell meyne / & wente hym towarde hys stepmoders hous / that in that tyme soiour¦ned in the castell of Corfe. And as he rede in ye thyckensse of a wood is speye hys game / it be∣fell that he wente amysse and loste hys meyne that with hym came. And at the laste he came out of the wood. And as he lod hym about / he sawe there there fast besydes a e that hys stepmoder dwelled in / and thyder warde he wente alone And anone it was tolde the que¦ne / how that the kyng was comen alone wyth out ony company. And therfore she made Ioy ynough / and thought how that she myght do that he were slayne as pryuely as she myght / called to her one of her knyghtes. To whome she had tolde moche of her counseyll bytwene them. And bothe they came to the kynge and curteysly hym receyued. ¶And the kynge tol∣de that he was come to vysyte / and also for to speke with Eldred his broder The quene ma¦ny tymes hym thankyd. and hym prayed for for alyght / and her borugh with her al yt nyght ¶The kynge sayd / that he myght not. But a¦gayne he wold goo vnto hys folke / yf he my∣ghte theym fynde. ¶And whan the quene sa¦we that he wolde not abyde / she prayed hym that he wolde ones drynke / and he graunted her. And anone as the drynke was come / the quene dranke vnto the kynge. And the kynge tooke the cuppe and sette it to his mouth. And in the meane whyle that he dranke / the false knyght yt was with ye quene with a knyfe smo¦te the kyng vnto the herte. & there he fell dow∣ne deed vnto the erthe of his palfroy. The que¦ne for this dede gaue the knyght golde and syl∣uer greate plente and of other ryches ynough And the knyght anone as thys was done wen¦te hym ouer the see. And so escaped he oute of this londe. ¶Whan this kyng Edwarde was thus martred. It was in the yere of the Incar¦nacyon of our lorde Ihesu Cryste .ix.C.lxxx. And he had regned .xii. yere and an halfe / and lyeth at Glastenbury. SO after this Edwarde regned Eldred his brother. And saynt Dunstane crow¦ned hym· And this saynt Dunstane deyed soo¦ne after that he hadde foryeuen the quene her trespas / by cause that she was cause of kyn∣ge Edwardes deth. And saynt Dunstane had her assoylled / and penaunce hadde her oy∣ned. And she lyued after a chaste lyf and a cle¦ne. ¶This kynge Eldred wedded an Englys¦she woman / & on her begate Edmonde Iren¦syde and an other sone that was called Edwy∣ne. And after deyed the quene theyr moder. ¶And in that tyme came Swyne in to Eng∣londe that was kyng of Denmark / for to cha¦lenge and to conquere all that his auncetrees had before that tyme. And soo he conquered & had it all his axyng. ¶For the good erle Cuth¦berte of Lynd eseye and all the people of Nor¦thumberlonde / and almoost al the grece of En¦glonde helde wyth Swyne that was kyng of Denmark / for so moche as they loued no kyn¦ge Eldred / for by cause that hys good brother Edwarde was slayn for loue of hym. And ther¦fore no man sette but lytell by hym. wherfore kynge Swyne had all hys wyll / and toke alle the londe. And Eldred the kynge fledde th in to Normandye. And soo spake to the duke Ry∣charde / that the duke yaue hym his syster Em¦me to wyf Vpon the whiche he gate two sones that one was called Alured and that other Ed¦warde. And whan Swyne had conquered all the londe / he regned nobly and lyued .xv. yere and thenne he deyed and lyeth at yorke. THus after ye deth of Swyne that was a Dane. Knoght hys sone dwelled in Englonde / and wolde haue ben kynge. And tho came agayne Eldred out of Normandye with moche nombre of people / & with a stron∣ge meyne that Knoght durste not abyde / but fledde thens in to Denmarke. The kynge El∣dred had agayne his reame / and helde so grete worshyp / that he began for to destroye all tho that halpe Swyne that was a Dane ayenste hym. And afterwarde came agayne this Kno¦ghte from Denmark wyth a grete power / soo that kynge Eldred durste not with hym fyght but fledde from thens vnto London / and the¦re he helde hym. ¶Tho came Knoght & hym besyeged soo longe / tyll that kyng Eldred dey∣ed in the Cytee of London / and lyeth at saynt Poules. And he regned .ix. yere. BOnu was pope after Benedict{us} one yere. This man abode but a lytell tyme ¶Bonifacius was pope after hym fyue mo∣nethes. ¶Benedictus was pope after hym .x. yere / This man crowned Otto the seedde / & made many Romayns to be taken And he ga∣dred a counseyll agaynst the kynge of Fraun∣ce / where Gylbert the Nygramancer was de∣posed. ¶Iohannes the ·xiiii. was pope after hym .viii. monethes. And he was put in the castell Aungell / and was famyned to dethe. ¶Iohannes the .xv. was pope after hym fou∣re monethes. ¶Iohannes the .xvi. was pope after hym almoost .xi. yere. Thys man was taught in armes / & made many bokes / & elles lytell of hym is wryten. ¶Gregorius the .v. was pope after this man almoost thre yere. And this Gregorius was made pope atte the Instaunce of the Emperour Otto thyrde / for he was his consyn / And whan he hadde be a ly¦tell whyle pope / and the Emperoure receded from the cyte of Rome. Placentinus was put in by Crecensius a Counsul for moneye / And thenne was stryfe a fewe dayes. But the Em∣perour came soone after / and tooke Crecensi∣us the Consull / and stroke of his heed / & putte out the eyen of this man Placencius pope / ye whiche put out his cosyn of the dignyte of the pope▪ And maymed hym on other membres / his knyghtes ne his dukes halpe hym no thyn¦ge. For he dyde that thynge that he sholde not haue done. And he suffred that that he deser∣ued. ¶Nota. This Gregorius with the Em∣perour Otto ordeyned the chesers of the Em∣pyre / the whiche frome thens forth hathe a bo¦de vnto this daye. For the Frensshmen ne no¦ne other myghte not breke that ordynaunce. And those theers of the Empyre by the pope and Otto were not made for ony blame of the Saxons / but to eschewe the euylles to come. And theyr names ben wryten for lerned men in latyn in these verses. (Maguntinensis Treuerensis Coloniensis Quilibe imperu fit cancellarius horum. Et Palatinus daifer Dux Portitorensis. Marchio prepositus ca∣mere. Pincerna Bohemus Hustatuunt do∣minum cuntis persecula summum. Palatin{us} est comes ren. Marcio est Brandebur gen∣sis Dux saxorum et rex Bohemorum. verū vt quidam dicunt. ¶Thrugh this occasyon the Egle hathe loste many a feder. And in the en∣de he shall be made naked. ¶Otto the thyrde was Emperour .xviii. yere. Thys man was a worthy man alle the dayes of hys Empyre. And after the wysdome of his fader / he was a very holy faythfull man to the chirche. And in many bataylles he prosperyd by cause he was deuoute vnto almyghty god and hys sa∣yntes. And yaue myghty worshyppynge to ye relykes of sayntes. And oftentymes he vysy∣ted hooly places. ¶This man was crowned by Gregorius hys cosyn. And atte the laste he decessyd at Rome. SIluester the Seconde was pope after Gregorius foure yere· And he was ma∣de pope by the helpe o the deuyll / to whom he dyde homage / for he sholde yeue hym all thyn∣ge that he desyred. And he was called Hylbec¦te· And his enmye gate hym the grace of the kynge of Fraunce / and he made hym the bys¦shop of Remensis / but anone he was deposyd And after he gate the grace of the Emperour / and was made the bysshop of Rauennie / and after the pope / But he hadde an ende anone and soo haue all that put theyr hope in fals de¦uylles. ¶yet men truste in his saluacyon / for certayne demonstracyon of his sepulcre / and for the grete penaunce that he dyde in hys last ende. For he made his honde and in his legges to be curte of / and dysmembred in all his body and to be caste out at the doore to foules / and thenne his body to be drawen wyth wylde be∣est{is} and ther to be buryed where someuer they rested as an honde. And they stode styl at saynt Iohan lateranensis / and there he was bury∣ed And that was sygne of his saluacon. ¶Io¦hannes the .xviii. was pope fyue monethes. ¶Iohannes the .xix. was pope after hym fy∣ue yere. And these two dyde lytell thynges. ¶Henricus the fyrste was Emperour in Al∣mayne .xx. yere / This henricus was duke of Barry / and all accordynge he was chosen for his blessyd fame and good name the whiche he hadde. ¶And it is redde / that many of these dukes of Barry werre holy men / not all only in absteydynge of flesshely dysyres / but also in vertuous lyuynge. And this man had a syster that was as holy as he / the whome he yaue to wyf vnto the kyng of Hūgry And she brought all Hungry vnto the ryght byleue & the cristen fayth. And his wyues name was (sancta Kon¦nogundis) with whom he lyued a vyrgyne all his lyues dayes. And also he dyde many a ba∣tayle / as well in ytaly / as in Almayne ayenst the rebellyous / and prosperyd ryght wysly. Atte the laste wyth a blessyd ende he decessyd. And in the lyfe of saytn Laurēce he and hys wyf be put for ensamples. ¶Benedict{us} was pope after Iohānes .xi yere. This man hadde grete stryfe in hys dayes / for he was put out \ and a nother put in. And this Benedictus af¦ter that he was deed was seen of an holy mā bysshop in a wretchyd fygure / and he had gre∣te payne. And thys fygure sayd. He trusted no thynge in the mercy of god. And no thyng pro¦fyted hym yt was done for hym / for it was go∣ten with extorcyon & vniustely. Thenne this bysshop left his bysshopryche for dred of thys syght & went in to a monastery & lyued vertu¦ously all hys dayes. ¶Iohānes the .x. was po¦pe after hym ·xi. yere / and lytell profyted. ANd after the dethe of Eldred Knoght that was a Dane began to regne. but Edmonde Irensyde that was kyng Eldredes sone by his fyrste wyf / ordeyned a grete pow∣er of men / & began for to warre on kyng Kno∣ghte / And so he dyde many tymes and often / And the warre was so stronge & harde / ye won∣der it was to wyte· ¶And the quene Emme that dwelled tho in westmestre / had grete dre∣de of her two sones of the warre Alured & Ed¦warde / lest they sholde be defoyled & mysdone thorugh this warre. wherfore she sente theym ouer ye see in to Normandy to ye duke Rychar¦de theyr vncle. And there they dwelled in sauf¦te and peas longe tyme. ¶This Edmonde I¦rensyde and Knoght the Dane warred stronge¦ly to gyder. But at the last they were accorded in this manere / yt they sholde departe ye reame betwixt them both / and soo they dyde / & after they became good frendes. And so well loued to gyder as they had ben brethern goten of one fader and of one moder borne. ANd after tho regned kynge Irensyde and Knoght the Dane. But thus it be¦fel afterwarde / that in the same yere that they were accorded / and so moche loued to gyder. wherfore a fals traytour hadde enuytee to the loue that was betwixt theym and frendshyp / whoos name was Edrith of Stratton / yt was a grete lord / that was Edmonde Irensydes man / & of hym helde all the londe that he had. And neuertheles he thought his lord to betray & make Knoght kynge of the londe / to the en¦tente rychely to be auaūced / and with hym be well beloued / wherfore he prayed hys lord Ed∣monde Irensyde vppon a daye wyth hym for to ete. And the kynge hym curteysly graunted & to hym came at his prayer And at the mete ye kynge ryally was serued wyth dyuers meete{is} and drynkes. And whan the nyght came yt he sholde go vnto bedde. The kynge toke his ow¦ne meyne & went vnto the chambre there yt he sholde take his nyghtes reste. And as he loked hym about / he sawe a fayre ymyge & well ma∣de / and in semblaūt as it were an Archer with a boowe / & in the boowe a fyne arowe. ¶Kyn¦ge Edmonde wente tho nere for to beholde it better what it myght be. And anon the arowe smote hym thrughe the body & there slewe the kynge· For that engyne was made for to slee his owne lorde traytoursly. ¶And soo whan kynge Edmōde was thus deed and slayne he had regned but .x. yere. And his peple for hym made moche sorowe. And his body they bae vnto Glastenbury & there theym hym enyred ¶And this fals traytour Edrith anone went unto the quene / that was kynge Edmondes wyf / that wyst not of her lordes dethe. Anone he toke frome her tow sones that were fayre & yonge / that her lorde had vpon her goten that one was called Edward / & that other Edwyn And lawe theym with hym to Londen & toke them vnto kynge Knoght / yt he sholde do wyth them what his wyll were. And tolde hym how subtylly he had slayne kyng Edmonde / for by cause & loue of hym / so that kynge Knoght all Englonde in his power hooly myghte haue. ¶O thou fals traytoure / haste thou my true brother that was soo true thus slayne for me / mā I most loued in ye world. Now by my heed I shall for thy traueyll well rewarde as thou hast deserued / & anone lett hym be take & boun¦de honde & foot in maner of a traytour / & lete cast hym there in to Tamyse / & in thys maner the fals traytour ended his lyf. The kynge to¦ke the two childern and put them unto the ab∣bot of westmestre to warde & to kepe tyll that he wyst was best with them to do. SO it befell soone after that kynge Kno¦ghte had all the londe in his honde / and spowsed the quene Emme thorughe consente of his baronage. For she was a fayre woman the whiche was Eldredes wyf and the dukes syster of Normandye / and they lyued togyder with moche loue as reason wolde. The kynge axed vpon a daye counseyll of the quene what was best to do with the sonnes that were Ed∣monde Irensydes. Syre sayd she. they ben the ryght heyres of ye londe / and yf they lyue they wyll do moche sorowe with warre / and ther∣fore lete sende them in to a strange londe a fer¦re to some man that maye them defoyle and de¦stroy. The kynge anone lete calle a dane that was called walgar / and commaunded hym that he sholde lede tho two childern / in Den∣marke / and soo to doo and ordeyne for them / that he sholde neuer here more of theym. Syr sayde this walgar / gladly your commaunde∣ment shall be done & anone tho two chyldern he toke and ladde them in to Denmarke. And for as moche as he sawe that the chyldern we∣re wonder fayr and also meke / he had of them grete pyte & ruthe / & wolde them slee / but ladde them to the kynge of Hungry for to noursshe / for this walgar was well be knowen with the kynge & well beloued. Anone the kynge axed whens the childern were / & walgar tolde hym and sayde / that they were the ryght heyres of Englonde and therfore men wolde destroye them / And therfore syr vnto you they be come mercy & helpe for to seke. And for sothe yf they may lyue / your men they shal become / and of you they shall holde all theyr londe. The kyn∣ge of Hungry receyued them wyth moche ho∣nour / and lete them worthely be kepte. ¶And thus it befell after warde that Edwyne ye yon¦ger brother deyed / & Edwarde ye elder brother lyued / a fayre man & a stronge / & a large of bo¦dy & gentyll / and curteys of condycyons / so yt all men hym loued / And this Edwarde in the Cronycles is called amonge the Englysshmen Edwarde ye outlawe. ¶And whan as he was made knyght / the kynges doughter of Hūgry hym moche loued for hys goodnes & hys fayr∣nes / that she him called her derlyng. The kyn¦ge that was her fader perceyued well the loue that was betwixt them two / and had no hey∣re but only that doughter / and the kyng vow¦che sauf his doughter to no man so well / as he dyde to hym that she loued soo well & he her / & yaue her vnto hym with a good wyll / and Ed¦warde her spowsed with moche honour. The kynge of hungry sente after all hys baronage and made a solempne feest & a ryche weddyn∣ge. And made all mē to vnderstande / that this Edwarde sholde be kynge of that londe after the decesse of hym. And of that tydynges they were all full gladde. This Edward begate vp¦pon his lady a sone / that was called Edgar He¦lynge / & afterwarde a doughter that was cal∣led Margarete that afterwarde was quene of Scotlonde. And by the kynge of Scotlonde yt was called Mancolin she had a doughter that was called Maude yt was quene afterwarde of Englonde / thrugh kynge Henry that was the fyrste sone of the conquerour that her wed¦ded And he begate on her a doughter that was called Maude that afterwarde was Empres∣se of Almayn. And of this Maude came ye kyn¦ge of Englonde that vnto thys daye is called Henry the Empresse sone. And yet hadde thys Edwarde an other doughter by hys wyfe that was called Crysten and she was a Nonne. NOw haue we herde of Edmonde Iren∣sydes sones that kynge Knoght wende they had ben slayne as he had commaunded walgar before· And this kynge Knoght hadde in his honde all the reame of Englonde & den¦marke. And after that they wente vnto Nor∣waye that londe for to conquere. But the kyn¦ge of the lond that was called Elat came with his people / & wende his londe to haue well kep¦te & defended / & soo there he faught wyth hym tyll at the laste he was slayne in that batayll. And tho this Knoght toke all the londe in hys honde. And whan he had conquered Norway and taken feaute & homages there / he came a∣yen into Englonde / and helde hym self so gre∣te a lord / that hym thought in all the world hys pere noo man was. And he came soo proude & hauteyne that it was grete wonder. ¶And so it befell vpon a daye as he had herde masse at westmestre / and wolde haue gone in to hys pa¦lays / the wayes of the Tamyse so swyftely a∣yenst hym came that almoost they touched his feet. Tho sayd the kynge with a proude herte I cōmaunde the water to torne ayen / or elles I shall make the \ The wawes for his cōmaun¦demente wolde not spare / but flowed euer in heyght more and more. ¶The kynge was so proude of herte that he wolde not flee the wa∣ter and bete it with a rodde that he had in hys honde / and cōmaunded the water that it shol∣de go no ferder. But for all his cōmaundemēt the water wolde not cesse / but euer wexed mo∣re and more on hygh / so that the kyng was all wete & stode depe in the water. And whan he sawe that he had abyden there to longe / & the water wolde no thynge do his cōmaundemēt tho soone he with drewe hym / and tho stode he vpon a stone and helde his hondes on hyghe & sayde these wordes herynge alle the people. ¶This god that maketh the see thus aryse / is kynge of all kyng{is} / and of all myghtes moost. And I am a catyf and a man deedly / and he maye neuer deye / & all thynge dothe hys com∣maundement / & to hym obedyent. ¶To that god I praye / that he be my warraunt. For I knowlege me a caytyf feble / and of no power And therfore I wyll goo vnto Rome without ony longe lettynge / and my wyckednesse for to punysshe and me to amende. For of god I clayme my londe for to holde / and of none o∣ther. And anon made redy his heyre and hym selfe wente to Rome withoute ony lettynge. And by the waye dyde many almesse dedes / and whan he came to Rome also. And whan he hadde be there / for his synnes doo penaun∣ce / he came ayen in to Englonde / and beca∣me a good man and a holy. And lyued and lef∣te alle manere pryde and stoutenes / lyued an hooly lyfe after / and made two abbayes af sa∣ynt Benet / one in Englonde and an other in Normandye / for as moche as he loued saynte Benet more specyally thanne other sayntes. And moche he loued saynt Edmonde the kyn∣ge. And ofte he yaue greate yeftes to the how se / wherfore it was made ryche. ¶And whan he hadde regned .xx. yere he deyed / and lyeth at wynchestre. BEnedictus the .ix. was pope after Io∣hannes / and he was a grete lechour / & therfore he was dampned / and he apperyd to a certayne man vnder a meruaylous fygure & an horryble. His heed & his tayle was lyke an asse / that other parte of his body lyke a bere. And he sayd to this man to whom he apperyd. Be not aferde / for I was a man as ye now be but I apeyre now / for I lyued vnhappely in olde tyme lyke a beest whan I was pope. In this mannes tyme there was grete dyuysyon & sclaūder to ye chirche for he was put out & in two tymes. ¶And here Tholomeus noteth / that the pryde of bysshops hadde euer an euyll ende. And it was euer the occasyon of moche vnrest and batayll. ¶Conradu ye fyrst was Emperour after Henricus .xx. yere. This man made many lawes / and commaunded peas to be kepte moost straytly of ony man. But the erle of Ludolf was accused / & he fledde frome his londe / & desyred more to lyue lyke a churle than lyke a gentyll man / & yet meruayllously his sone was made Emperour by the cōmaun¦demente of god ayenst the wyll of Conradus. And at the laste they were accorded. And he to¦ke Corodis doughter to his wyf. THis Knoght of whom we haue spoken of before / hadde two sones by his wyf Emme / & that one was called Hardyknoght / and that other Harold. And he was so lyght of foot that men called hym moost comynly Ha∣rolde Hare foot. And this Harold had no thyn¦ge the condycyons & the maners of kyng no∣ghte that was his fader. For he sette but lytell pryce of chyualrye / ne noo curteyse nother worshyp / but only by hys owne wyll And he became soo wycked that he exyled hys moder Emme. And she went out of ye lōde in to Flaū∣dres / & there dwelled with the erle / wherfore af¦ter there was neuer good loue betwixt hym & his broder For his broder hated hym deedly and whan he had regned two yere and lytell more / he deyed and lyeth at westmestre. AFter this Harold Hare foot / Regned his brother Hardiknoght a noble kny∣ghte and a worthy man / and moche loued chy¦ualry / and all maner of goodnes / And whan thys Hardiknoght had regned a lytell whyle / he lette vncouere hys brother Harold & smote of his heed / that was his brother att westme∣stre / & lete cast the heed in to a gonge / & the bo∣dy in to Tamyse. And after came fysshers & to¦ke the body with theyr nettes by nyght / and ba¦re hym to saynt Clementes chyrche and there hym caryed. And in this maner auenged hym Hardiknoght of hys broder for in none other maner he myght be auengeb· This kyng Har¦diknoght was so large a yeuer of meete & dryn¦ke / that his tables were sete euery daye thre ty¦mes full ryall meetes & drynkes for his owne meyne / and for all that came vnto / hys courte to be rychely serued of ryall meetes. And thys kynge Hardiknoght sent after Emme his mo¦der / & made her come ayen ī to Englonde / for she was dryuen out of Englonde whyle that Harold Hare fot regned / thrugh counseyll of the erle Godewin / yt tho was the grettest lorde of Englonde next the kyng / & moost myght do thrugh oute all Englonde what he wolde hys cōmaūdement / for as moche as he had hys spo¦used doughter of ye good kyng Knoght / that was a Dane / whiche doughter he had by hys fyrste wyfe. ¶And whan this quene was dry¦uen out of Englonde / and come to the Erle of Flaundres / that was called Balde wyne her cosyn / he founde her there all thynge that her neded / vnto the tyme that she went ayen in to Englonde / that the kynge Hardiknoght had sente for her that was her sone and made her come ayen with moche honour. This kynge Hardyknoght whan he had regned fyue yere he deyed and lyeth at westmestre. ANd after the deth of this kynge Hardy¦knoght / for as moche as he hadde noo thynge of hys body begoten / The erles & ba∣rons assembled / & made a coūsell / that neuer more after noo man ye was a Dane / though he were neuer so grete a man amonges them / he sholde neuer be kynge of Englonde for the de¦spyte that the Danes hadde done to Englyssh∣men. For euermoore before & yf it were so that the Englysshmen and the Danys hapened for to mete vpon a brydge / the Englysshmen shol¦de not be so hardy to meue ne styre a foot / but stande styll tyll the Dane were passed for the. And more ouer yf ye Englysshmen had not bo∣wed downe theyr heedes to doo reuerence vn¦to the Danys / they sholde haue ben beten & de¦foylled. And suche maner despytes & vylany dyde the Danys to our Englysshmen. wherfo¦re they were dryuen out of ye londe after tyme that kynge Hardyknoght was deed / for they had no lord ye theym myght mayntene. ¶And in this maner auoyded the Danys Englonde that neuer they came ayen. ¶The erles & ba¦rons by theyr comyn assent & by theyr counsel∣les sent unto Normandy for to seke those two brethern Alured & Edwarde yt were dwellyng with the duke Richharde that was theyr came in entente for to crowne Alured the elder bro∣ther / & hym make kynge of Englonde. And of this kynge to make an ende / the erles & barons made theyr othe. But the Erle Godewin of westsex falsely & traytoursly thought to slee the se two brethern anone as they sholde come in to Englonde / in entent / to make hys sone Ha¦rolde kynge the whyche sone he had begote vp on his wyf / the whiche was kynge Knoghtes doughter that was a Dane. And so this Gode¦win pryuely hym wente to South hampton for to mete there the two brethern whan that they sholde come vnto london. ¶And thus it befell the messengers that went in to Norman¦dy / foūde but oonly Alured that was the elder brother For Edwarde hys brother was gone in to hūgry for to speke with his cosyn Edwar¦de the outlawe / yt was Edmonde sone with the Irensyde. The messengers tolde & sayde Alu¦red / how that erles & barons of Englonde sen∣te after hym / & that he boldely sholde come in to Englonde and receyue the reame. For kyn¦ge Hardiknoght was deed and all the Danes dryuen out of the londe. AS Alured herde these tydynges he thā∣ked god. And in shyppe went with all the hast yt he myght & passed the see / & arryued at Southhampton there Godewin the fals traytour was. And whan this traytour sawe that he was come / he welcomed hym and recey¦ued hym with moche Ioye & sayd / that he wol¦de lede hym to London there ye all the barons of Englonde hym abode to make hym kynge. And so they went on theyr waye to warde Lon¦don / And whan they came on Gyldesdowne tho sayd the traytour Godewin vnto Alured Take kepe aboute you both on the left syde & ryght syde / & of all ye shall be kynge / and of su∣che and hondred more Now forsothe sayd Alu¦red. I behyght you & yf I be kynge. I shall or¦deyne & make suche lawes / wherfore god and man shal ell pleased. Now had the tray¦tour cōm al his men yt were with hym That whre come vpon Gyldesdow¦ne that thelee all that were Aluredes cōpany / that re with hym fro Normandy / and after that take Alured & lede hym in to the yle of ely & after put out hys eyen of his heed & afterwarde brynge hym to ye deth / & so they dy¦de. For they slewe al ye cōpany that there were / ye nōbre of xii. gentylmen that were come with hym fro Normādy / & after toke they Alured & in ye yle of Ely they put out his eyen & rent hys wombe & toke the chyef of his bowels / & put a steke in the groūde / & an ende of ye bowels ther to fastened / & with nedles eylesse of yren they prycked the good chylde / & so made hym to go about ye stake tyll yt al his bowels were drawē out of his body / & so dyed Alured there thrugh treason of the erle Godewin. ¶Whan the lor¦des of Englond had herde & wyst how Alured that shold haue be theyr kyng was put to deth thrugh the fals traytour Godewin they were wonder wroth. And swore bytwene god & thē that he sholde deye a more wors deth / than dy¦de Edrith of Strattō / yt had betrayed his lord Edmonde Irensyde / & they wolde haue pute hym to deth / but ye theyf traytour fledde thens in to Denmark / & there helde hym foure yere and more / and lost all his londe in Englonde. SIluester the thyrde was pope after Be∣nedictus. ¶Thys Siluester was cho¦se / and Benedictus was expulsyd. And after warde was he expulsyd / and Benedictus was put vp ayen. And after he was put out / and Gregorius was made pope. ¶And he was but a symple lettred man / and therfore he cho¦se an other man for to be consecrate with hym And whan many men were dyspleased wyth thys godynge of two popes / the thyrde was brought in the whyche sholde occupye the pla∣ce of bothe the tow. And so they stroue amon¦ge themself. But Henry the Emperour came thenne to Rome & deposyd them all and made Clement the seconde pope / whom he made a∣none to crowne hym. And he sayde to the Ro∣mayns / they sholde neuer chese pope wythout his assente. And soo fyue beynge popes / sixte was put in. And many men saye / this Grego¦rius was an holy man. ¶Damasius the secō¦de was after Clemente .xx. dayes. This man was an vsurper of the popeheed / and so he dey¦ed sodenly. And anone the Romayns asked to haue a pope / & that the Almayns sholde haue none. For they were so harde herted / that they myhht not enclyne to the entence of the Empe¦rour / the whiche sayd. There sholde be no po∣pe chosen but yf he wolde be of counseyl of the eleccyon. But for all that the put in this holy man Leo / and after he had of that conscyence and refused. And anone he was chosyn by the comyn assent / this Leo put Cryste in the four¦me of a Laser in his owne bedde / and in ye mo∣rowe he founde no thynge there. ANd whan this was done / al the barons of Englonde sente an other tyme in to Normandy / for that Edwrde sholde come in to Englond with moche honour. And this Edwar¦de in hys chyldehode loued almyghty god & hym drad∣de. And in honeste and clennesse hadde his lyf and hated synne as dethe. And whan he was crowned and anoynted wyth a ryall power forgate not his good maners and condycyons that he fyrste vsed. And forgate not alle good customes for no maner of honour / ne for ry∣ches / ne no manere hyghnes. But euermore and more yaue hym to goodnesse and loued god and hooly chyrche passynge all other ma∣nere thynge. ¶And poore men also be loued / and theym helde as they hadde ben hys owne brethern. And to them ofte he yaue greate al∣messe with full good wyll. IT befell on a daye / as he went from the chyrche of westmestre. And hadde herde masse of saynt Iohan the Euangelyst / for as moche as he loued saynt Iohn̄ euangelyst mo¦re specially after god and hour lady than he dy¦de ony other saynt. And so there came to hym a pelgryme / & prayed hym for the loue of god and our lady and saynt Iohan the euangelyst some good hym for to yeue. And the kynge pry¦uely toke his rynge of his fynder / that no man perceyued it and yaue it to the pelgryme / and he it receyued and wente thens. ¶This kyn¦ge Edwarde made all the good lawas of En∣glonde / that yet ben moost vsed and holden. And was so mercyable and so ful of pyte / that noo man myght be more. AS the Erle Godewin that was dwel∣lynge in Denmarke had moche herde of the godnesse of kyng Edwarde / & yt he was so full of mercy & of pyte. He thought yt he wol∣de go ayen in to Englonde / for to seke & to ha∣ue grace of the good kynge Edwarde that soo mercy full was / that he myght haue ayen hys londe in peas. And arayed hym as moche as he myght & put hym to warde the see & came in to Englonde to London there the kynge was that tyme and all the lordes of Englonde / and helde a parlyament. Godewin sente to hym yt were his frendes / and were the moost grettest lordes of the londe / & prayed them to beseche the kynges graet for hym / & that he wolde hys peas & his londe graunte hym. The lordes led¦de hym before the kyng to seke his grade. And anone as the kynge hym sawe / he apeled hym of treason & of the deth of Alured his brother and these wordes vnto hym sayde. Traytour Godewin sayd the kynge I the appele / yt thou hast betrayed & slayn my brother Alured. Cer¦tes syr sayde Godewin. sauynge your grace & your peas and your lordshyp. I hym neuer be¦trayed / ne yet hym slewe· & therfore I put me in rewarde of ye courte. Now fayr lordes sayd the kynge. ye yt ben my lyeges / erles & barons of the londe that here be assembled / fulle welle ye herde my appele / And the answere also of Godewin / and therfore I woll that ye a war∣de and dooth ryght. The erles & Barones tho gadred them all togyder for to do this a warde by themself / and so they spake dyuersely amū∣ge them. For some sayd / there was neuer aly∣aunce by homage seriment seruyce ne by lord¦shyp bytwene Godewin and Alured / for why¦che thynge they myght hym drawe. And att the laste they deuysyd and demed / That he sholde put hym in ye kynges mercy all togyder. Tho spake ye erle Leuerik of Couentree a good mā to god and to all the worlde / and tolde hys rea¦son in this manere & sayd. The erle Godewin is the best fended man of Englonde after the Kynge / & well it myght not be agayne sayd / ye wythout counsell of Godwin Alured was ne¦uer put to dethe / wherfore I a warde as tow∣chynge my parte / that hymself & hys sone & e∣uery of vs .xii. erles that ben hys frendes goo before the kynge / charged with as moche gol∣de & syluer as we maye bere betwyxt our hon∣des / praynge ye kyng to forgyue his euyll wyll to the erle Godewin / & receyue hys homage / & his londe yelde ayen. And they accorded vnto that a warde / and came in thys maner as is a∣bouesayd euery of them with holde and syluer as moche as they myght bere bytwene her hon¦des before the kynge / & there sayd the fourme & the maner of they accorde & of theyr a warde The kyng wolde not theym agayne saye / But as moche as they ordeyned / he graunted & con¦fermed And so was ye erle Godewin accorded with the kynge / & so he had ayen all his londe. And afterwarde he bare hym so well & so wyse¦ly / that the kynge loued hym wonder moche / & with hym he was fulle preuy. And within a lytell tyme they loued so moche / that there the kynge spowsed Godewyns doughter / & made her quene. And neuerthelesse though the kyng∣ge had a wyf / yet he lyued euer in chastyce & clē¦nesse of body without ony flesshely dede doyn∣ge with his wyf. And the quene also in her hal∣fe ladde an holy lyf two yere / and deyed. And afterwarde the kyng lyued all hys lyf without ony wyf. ¶The kynge yaue the erledome of Oxenforde to Harolde that was Godewyns sone / and made hym erle. And so well they we∣re beloued / bothe the fader and he / and so pry¦ue with the kyng / both the fader and the sone that they myghte doo by ryght what thynge that they wolde For ayenst ryght wolde he no¦thynge doo for noo maner man / soo good and true he was of conscyence. And therfore oure lorde Ihesu Cryste greate specyall loue vnto hym shewed. IT befelle vppon wytsondaye as kynge Edwarde herde his masse in the greate chyrche of westmestre nyghe att the leuacyon of Ihesu Crystis body / and as alle men were gadred in to the chyrche. and came nyght the awter for to see the sacrynge. the kyng his hon¦des lyfe vp on hygher and a grete laughter to∣ke vp. Wherfore all that aboute hym stode gre∣tely ganne wonder. And after masse / they ax¦ed why the kynges laughter was fayre lorde sayd kyng Edwarde. I sawe Swyne the yon¦ger that was kynge of Denmarke come in to the see with hys power for to haue come in to Englonde vpon vs for to warre. And I sawe hym and hys folke drowned in the see / and all thys I sawe in the leuacyon of Crystis bo∣dy bytwene ye preestes hondes and I had ther¦fore so grete Ioye that I myght not my laugh¦ter withholde. ¶And the erle Leueryk besyde hym stode at the leuacyon / and openly sawe ye fourme of brede torne in the lykenesse of a yon¦ge chylde / and tooke vp hys ryght honde and blessyd the kynge and after the erle and the er∣le anone torned hym to ward ye kȳge for to ma¦ke hym see ye hooly syght. And to saide ye kynge ¶Syre Erle sayde he I see welle yt ye see / thā∣ked be god that I haue honoured my god my sauoyour vysybly Ihesu Cryst in fourme of man. whoos name he blessyd in all worldes. THys noble man Saynt Edwarde reg∣ned .xiii. yere. And thus it befelle vp∣on a tyme are he deyed / that two men of Eng¦londe were gone in to holy londe / and had do¦ne theyr pelgrymage / and were goynge ayen in to theyr owne countree where they came fro And as they went in ye waye / they mette a pyl∣gryme that curtely theym saluwed / and axed of them in what londe and in what countree they were borne. And they sayd in Englonde. Tho axed he who was kynge of Englonde. And they answered & sayd. the good kyng Ed¦warde. ¶Fayre frendes sayd tho the pelgry¦me / whan yt ye come in to your countres ayen. I praye you yt ye wyll go vnto kynge Edwar∣de / & oftentymes grete hym in myn name and oftentymes hym thanke of hys grete curteysy that he to me hath done & namely for the ryn∣ge that ye haue me whan he hadde herde masse at westmestre for saynt Iohans loue Euange∣lyst. And toke it to ye pelgremes & sayd. I pray you go and bere this rynge & take it vnto king Edwarde / and tel hym that I sende it hym and a full ryche yefte I wyll hym yeue. For vpon the .x. daye he shall come unto me / & euermore dwelle in blesse without ony ende. ¶Syr say¦de ye pelgremes / what mē be ye / & in what coun¦tree is your dwellynge. ¶Fayr frendes sayd he I am Iohn̄ the Euāgelyste / and I am dwel¦lynge with almyghty god / and your kynge Ed¦warde is my frende / & I loue hym ī specyal for by chause that he hath euermore lyued in clen∣nesse & is a clene mayde & I praye you my mes¦sage fulfyll as I haue you sayd. whan ye saynt Iohan the euangelyst had them thus charged sodenly he voyded out of theyr syghtes bothe / The pelgrymes tho thanked almyghty god & wene forth theyr waye. And whan they hadde gone two or thre myle. they begā to waxe wery & sette them a downe for to rest them / & so they felle one slepe / And whan they had slepte well one of them a woke & lyfe vp hys heed & loked about / & sayd to his felowe. Aryse vp & walke we in our way. what sayd that one felowe vn¦to that other / where be we now. Certes sayde that other / it semeth me yt this is not the same coūtree there we layde vs downe in for to rest & slepe. For we were from Ierusalem but thre myle. They toke vp theyr hondes and blessyd them / & went forth in theyr way And as they went in theyr waye / they sawe shep go∣ynge wyth theyr shepe ye spake none other lan∣gage but englysshe. ¶Good frendes sayd one of the pelgrymes / what countree is this & who is lorde therof. ¶And one of the sheperdes an¦swered & sayd. this is ye coūtree of kent in Eng¦londe / of the whiche the good kyng Edwarde is lorde of. The pelgrymes anked tho almy¦ghty god and saynt Iohn̄ Euangelyst & wen¦te forthe in theyr waye and came to Caunter∣bury / and fro thens vnto London / and there they founde the kyng And tolde hym all frome the begynnynge vnto ye endynge asmoche as saynt Iohn̄ had them charged & of al thynges how they hadsped by the waye. And tooke the rynge to the kynge Edwarde / & he tooke it & thanked almyghty god and saynt Iohn̄ Euan¦gelyst. And tho made hym redy euery daye fro daye to daye to departe out of thys lyf / whan god wolde for hym sende. ANd after it befell thus on Crystmasse euen / as the holy man Edwarde was at goodes seruyce Matyns for to hereof that hyghe solempne feest. He became full lyke and in the morowe endured with moche payne the masse for to here. And after masse he lette hym be ladde in to his chambre / There for to reste hym. But in hys halle amonge hys barons & his knyghtes myght he not come theym for to comforte and solace / as he was wonte for to do at ye worthy feest. wherfore all theyr myrth and comforte amonge all that were in the hal¦le was torned in to care and sorowe / by cause they dradde for to lese the good lorde ye kynge. ¶And vpon Saynt Iohn̄ daye Euangelyste that came nexte / the kynge receyued hys rygh¦tes of hooly chirche / as yt befaylleth to euery cristen man & abode the mercy and the wyll of god. And ye two pylgrymes he lete before hym come and yaue theym ryche yeftes and beto∣ke theym to god. Also the abbot of westemestre he lette before hym come and tooke hym that rynge in the honour of god and saynt Mary / and of Saynt Iohan the euangelyst. And the abbot toke it & put it amonge other rekyles / so that it is at westmestre / & euer shall be so laye the kyng syke tyll the twelfth eue. And tho dey¦ed the good kynge Edwarde att wehmestre / & there he lyeth. For whoos loue god hathe she∣wed many a fayre myracle. ¶And this was in the yere of the. Incarnacyon of oure lorde Ihesu Cryste .M.lxv. And after he was trans¦lated and put in the shryne by the noble mar∣tyr saynt Tomas of Caunterbury. VIctor the seconde was pope after Leo And of hym lytell is wryten. ¶Hen∣ry the seconde was Emperour after the fyrste Henry .xvii. yere / this man was cosyn to Con¦radus / & he was borne in wood / & twyes takē for to be slayne whan he was a chylde / but god defended hym euermore. whan he was made Emperour / many amonastery he made in the same place in the wood where he was borne. This mā was a victoryo{us} mā / & he entred ī to ytaly / & there he toke Padulphus the prynce of Campany. ¶Stephanus the .ix. was pope after Victor .ix. monethes. ¶Benedictus af¦ter hym / & he toke the dygnyte of the pope Ste¦phanus by strengthe & kepe it .ix. monethes / & thēne decessyd. ¶Henry the thyrde was Em¦perour after Henry the seconde / This Henry was an Inquyete man / and many times trou¦bled that hooly man Gregorius the .vii. And fyrst he axed foryeuenesse & was assoyled· But he perceyuered not longe but brought in to an other pope ayenst hym / & sayd he was an here¦tyke. And Gregori{us} cursyd hym. And the che∣sers of the Emperoure they those the duke of Baxon for to be Emperour / whom thys Hen∣ry in batayll ouercame. And then̄e he came to Rome with his pope & pursewed pope Grego¦rius & the Cardynalles also. ¶And then̄e ano¦ne Robert ye kyng of Naples droue hym thēs & delyuered the pope & his Cardynalles. Ne∣uerthelesse yet he was a man of grete almesse. & .iii. tymes he faught in batayll / & at ye last he deyed wrytchedly / for he was put there by his owne sone. For so as he dyde to other men / so was he done vnto. ¶Nichola{us} ye seconde was pope after Benedict{us} two yere / this Nicola{us} called a coūseyll ayenst yt Archedeken of Turo¦noseus / ye whiche was an heretyk / & taught a¦yenst ye fayth. For he erred in ye sacramēt / & af∣ter he was cōuerted & was an holy man but he coude neuer conuerte his dyscyples. ¶Nota ¶Alexander ye secōde was pope after hym xii. yere / this Alexander was an holy man. & he or¦deyned yt vnder payne of cursynge yt noo man sholde here a preest{is} masse whom men knewe had a lemman. (Vt pʐ .xxxii. p̄cer hoc) He had stryue with one Codulo / but he expulsyd hym as an vsurper / & put hym out as a symonyer. AS saynt Edwarde was gone oute of this worlde / & was passed to god and worthely enteryd as to suche a grete lorde ou∣ghte / the barons of the londe wolde haue had Edwarde Elygus. sone to Edwarde the out∣lawe that was Edmonde Irensydes sone to be kynge / For as moche as he was moost kyn∣dest kynges blood of the reame. ¶But Harol¦de sone thrugh the erle Godewyn / & ye streng¦the of his fader Godewyn / and thrugh other grete lordes of the reame / yt were of his kynne & vnto hym sybbe seased all Englōde in to hys honde / & anone lette crowne hym kynge after the enterement of Saynt Edware. This Ha¦rolde that was Godewynes sone the seconde yere afore that saynt Edwarde was deed / wol¦de haue gone in to Flaundres / but he was dry¦uen thrugh tempest in to the coūtree of Poun¦tyse / and there he was taken brought to duke wyllyam And this Harolde wende yt tho thys duke wyllyam wolde haue be auenged vpon hym for by cause yt the Erle Godewyn yt was roldes fader / had lete slee Alured that was sa¦ynt Edward{is} brother / and pryncipally for by cause that Alured was quene Emmes sone / ye was Rychardes moder duke of Normandy / that was aīenll to the duke wyllyam And ne∣uertheles whan the duke wyllyam had Harol¦de in pryson & vnder hys power / for asmoche as this Harolde was a noble wyse knyght & a worthy of body / & that hys fader & he was ac∣corded with good kynge Edwarde / & therfore wolde not mysdo hym. But all manere thyn¦ges that betwext them was spoken and ordey∣ned. Harolde by hys good wyll swore vpon a boke / & vpon oly sayntes that he sholde spou¦se & wedde duke wyllyams doughter after the deth of saynt Edwarde / & that he sholde besely doo his deuour for to kepe and saue the reame of Englonde vnto the profyte and auantage of duke wyllyam. ¶And whan Harolde had¦de thus made his othe vnto the duke wyllyam he lette hym goo / and yaue hym many a ryche yeftes. And he tho wente thens / and came in to Englonde / and anone dyde in this manere whan Saynte Edwarde was deed / and as a man falsly for sworne / He lette crowne hym kynge of Englonde / and falsely brake the coue name yt he hadde made before wyth duke wyl∣lyam / wherfore he was wonder wroth wyth hym and swore / that he wolde vppon hym be auenged what some euer hym befell. ¶And anone duke wyllyam lette assemble a grete hoste and came in to Englonde to auen¦g hym vppon Harolde / and to conquere the londe yf that he myght. ¶And in the same ye¦re that Harolde was crowned. Haralde Heres¦tynge kynge of Denmarke arryued in Scotlō¦de and thought to haue be kynge of Englonde and he came in Englonde and robbed / and de¦stroyed all that he myght / tyll that he came to yorke / and there he slewe many men of armes a thousande and a hondred preestes. whā this tydynges came to the kynge / He assembled a grete power / and wente for to fyght with Ha¦ralde of Denmarke / and wyth hys owne hon¦des de hym slewe / and the Danes were dyscom¦fyted / and tho that were lefte a lyue wyth mo∣che sorowe fledde to theyr shyppes. And thus kynge Harolde of Englonde slewe kynge Ha¦ralde of Denmarke. ANnd whā this bataylle was done. Harolde be ca∣me so proude / & wolde no thynge parte with his people of the thyn∣ge that he had goten / but helde it all to hym self. wherfore the mo∣ost parte of his people were wrothe and fro∣me hym departed / soo that oonly with hym a∣bode no moo but his soldyurs. And vpon a daye as he sate atte meete / a messager came to hym and sayde / that wyllyam bastarde the duke of Normandy was arryued in Englon∣de with a greate hoste / & had take all the londe about Hastynge / & also myned the castell. whā the kynge had herde this tydynges / he wente thyther with a lytell power in all the hast that he myght for there but fewe people wyth hym lefte. And whan he was come thyder / he ordey¦ned to yeue batayll to duke wyllyam. But the duke axed him of these thre thynges / yf that he wolde haue his doughter to wyf as he made & swore his othe & behyght / or that he wolde hol¦de the londe of hym in truage / or he wolde de∣termyne thys thynge in batayll. This Harol∣de was a proude man & a stronge and trusted wonder moche vpon his strength and faught with duke wyllyam and with his people. But Harolde & his men in this batayll were dyscō∣fyted / & hymselfe there was slayne / and thys batayll was ended at Tombryge in the secon¦de yere of his regne / vpon sanyt Calixt{us} daye / and so he was buryed at waltham. AS willim Bastarde duke of Normā¦dy had conquered all the londe / vpon Crystmasse daye then nexte lete crowne hym kynge at westmestre and as a worthy kyng ya¦ue vnto Englyshmen largely londes / & to hys knyghtes And after warde he wene hym ouer the see & came ī to Normandy / & there he dwel¦led a whyle. And in the seconde yere of his reg¦ne he came ayen in to Englonde / and brought with hym Maude his wyf & lette crowne her quene of Englonde oon wytsondaye. ¶And tho anone after the kynge of Scotlonde / thoe was called Malcolin began to stryue & warre with the kyng wylyam. And he ordeined hym towarde Scotlonde with his men both by lō∣de and by see / for to destroye kynge Malcolin But they were accorded / & the kynge of Scot¦londe became hys man / and helde all hys lon∣de of hym. And kynge wyllyam receyued of hym is homage and came ayen in to Englon¦de. And as kynge wyllyam hadde be kynge .xvii. yere. Maude the quene deyed / on whom kynge wyllyam hadde begote many fayr chyl∣dern / that is for to saye. Robert Curthos wyll¦lyam Rous Richarde also that deyed. Henry· Beauclerke / and Maude also that was the er¦les wyf of Bleynes / and other foure fayr dou¦ghters. ¶And after his wyues deth / grete de¦bate began betwixt hym & the kynge of Fraun¦ce Philyp but at the laste they were accorded And tho dwelled ye kynge of Englonde in Nor¦mandy / & no man hym warned / & he no man longe tyme. ¶And the kynge of Fraunce say¦de vppon a daye in scorne of kynge wyllyam had longe tyme lyen in chylde bedde / and lōge tyme had rested hym there. And this worde ca¦me to the kynge of Englonde there that he dy∣de lye in Normandye at Rome. And for thys worde was tho euylle apayed / & also wonder wrathe towarde the kynge of Fraunce. And swore by god / that whā he were arysyn of his sykenesse / he wolde lyghten a thousande con∣delles to the kynge of Fraūce / & anone lete as∣semble a grete host of Normandy & of Englys∣she men. And in the begynnynge of the Her∣uest he came in to Fraunce / and brente all the townes that they came by thrugh the coūtree and robbed & dyde all ye sorowe that he myght thrugh out all Fraunce. And at ye last he bren∣ned the cyte of Mandos / and cōmaunded his people to bere wood / & as moche as he myght brenne. And hym self halpe ther to all ye he my∣ghte with good wyll. And there was a greate hete / what of the fyre what was so grete / & of the sonne that it was wōdder hote / that it stuf¦fed hym so yt he became & fell in to a grete dyse¦ase & sykenesse And whan he sawe yt he was so stronge syke / he ordeyned & assgned alle Nor∣mandye to Robert Curthos his sone / & all en∣glonde to wyllyam the Rous / and bequone to Henry Beaclerke al his treasour. And whan he thus had done / he receyued all the sacramē¦t{is} of holy chyrche / and deyed ye .xx. yere of his regne \ and lyeth at Cane in Normandy. GRegorius the .vii. was pope after Alex∣ander .xii. yere / this man ordeyned in a generall Synodus / that no preest sholde ha∣ue a wyf ne sholde dwelle with wymmen / but tho that the holy Synodus of Micena and o∣ther decrees had suffred. And then̄e the preest{is} sette nought or lytell pondred hys ordynaun∣ce. This pope cōmaunded that no man shol∣de here masse of a preest that had a concubyne And he on acertayne tyme whan he was Car∣dynall and Legate in to Fraunce / proceded sharpely ayenst prelates and / that were symo∣mers. And amonge other was one bysshoppe there that was gretely famed with symonye. And those that accused hym / pryuely hyered them to saye the countraye. The whiche the Legate conceyued / and afor all the people he sayde. Lete the Iugement of this men cesse at this tyme / for it is dysceyuable / and lette god dyspose for it. And sayde / thus it is certayne. That the dygnyte of a bysshop is the yeuer of the holy ghost. And whosomeuer byeth a bys∣shopryche / doth ayenst the holy ghost. Then̄e yf thou bysshop dyde not ayenst the holy ghost saye openly afore all the people (Glori petri et filio et speritui sancto) And many tymes he beganne to saye it / but he coude neuer speke (spiritui sancto) Thenne he was deposyd of his bysshopryche / and after he coude speke it wyll ynoughe. ¶Victor the thyrde was pope after hym oo yere / & this man was poysoned with venym in the chaly. ¶Vrbanus was pope after hym two yere. This man cursyd ye kynge of Fraunce for his aduerys. And he called a counseyll at Claurum in the whyche he ordeyned / that matyns of our lady shold be sayd euery daye / and on Saterday her solem¦pne masse. And it is sayde / that this was she∣wed vnto ye freres of Cartusis. ¶Also he cal¦led an other counseyll att Turan for the holy londe to be wonne ayē / and pryuoked the peo¦ple to that matere / and within a lytell tyme af∣ter that matere / the holy londe was recouered and the sepulcre of our lorde / and Anthioche with many other cytees taken fro the Sarra∣syns. And it is sayd and byleued that .CC.M. crysten men wente to that Iourny For there wente of states olde men and yonge / and also ryche and poore / and noo man compelled the∣ym. And this passage was made by the vysy∣on of our lady. And the prynces of thys peaple were dyuerse One was Godfroy de Boloynt a full noble man of all the worlde / and a ver∣tuous man / and an other was Beemonde the Duke of Neaples. And ye thyrde was Hughe the kynges brother of Fraunce / and many o∣ther / the whyche / dyde full nobly for the fayth of god. ¶And it were to longe in this boke to reherce the gloryous actes that they dyde. ¶Of kynge wyllyam Rous that was kynge williams bastardes sone ye destroyed townes / & houses of Relygyon for to make ye newe forest. ¶And thys wyllyam was a wonder contra∣ryous man to god and holy chyrche / and lete amēde & make the towne of Cardies / that the Paynems had destroyed. Thys kynge wyll¦yam destroyed holy chirche & theyr possessions in what parte he myght them fynde. And theyr fore there was so moche debate bytwene hym and the Archebyssop of Caunterbury Ancel∣mus. For by cause that he repreuyd hym of hys wyckednesse / that he destroyed holy chyr∣che. And for that cause the kynge bare to hym grete wrath. And so he exyled hym out of thys londe / & the Archebysshop went to the courte of Rome / & there dwelled with the pope / And this kynge made the newe forest / & caste dow¦ne & destroyed .xxvi. townes. & .lxxx. houses of Relygyon / all for to make his forest lenger and broder· And became wonder gladde & proude of his wood & of his forest. And nourysshed ye wylde beestes yt were within / that it was mer∣uayle for to wyte / so that men called hym ke∣per of wodes & of pastures. And the more len¦ger that he lyued / the more wycked he became both to god & to all holy chyrche & to all his mē ¶And this kynge lete make the grete halle of westmestre. So vpon a daye in the wytsonty¦de he helde therin his fyrste feest / and he loked hym aboute & sayd / that the halle was to lytell by the half deale. And at the laste he became so contraryous / that al thynge yt pleased god dys¦pleased hym / & all thynge that god loued / he ha¦ted deedly. ¶And so it befell that he dremyd vpon a nyght a lytell or that he deyed / that he was lete blood / and bledde a grete quantyte of blood / & a streme of blood lepte on hygh to war¦de heuen more than a hondred fadom and the clerenesse of the daye was torned vnto nyghte and derkenesse of the fyrmamente also ¶And whan that he a woke he hadde grete drede soo that he not wyst what for to do. And tolde his dreme to men of his counseyll and sayde that he had grete drede / and supposyd that to hym was some myscaunce to come. ¶And the se∣conde nyght before a monke dremyd of ye hou∣sholde / that the kynge wente in to a chyrche wyth moche people / & he was so prowde that he dyspysed all the people that were with hym & that he toke ye ymage of the Crucefire & sha∣mefully bote it with his teeth. And the Cruce¦fixe mekely suffred all that he dyde. But yer y kyng and as a wood man rente of the armes of the Crucefixe / & caste it vnder his feet / and defoylled it / and threwe it alle a brode / And grete fyre came out of the Crucefixe mouthe. Of whiche dreme many a man had grete mer¦uaylle and wonder. ¶The good mā that had dremyd this straunge dreme / tolde it to a kny∣ghte that was moost pryue wyth the kynge of all men / & the knyght was called Hamondes ¶Soone the mōke and he tolde the dremes to the kyng & sayd. That it sholde betoken other thynge than good / And neuertheles the kyng laughed ther at twyes or thryes / and lytell se∣te therby / & thought that he wolde go & hunte / and playe in the forest. And men counseylled hym ye he shold not go ye day for no maner thin¦ge ne come in the wood / so that he abode at ho∣me before meete / But oonly as he had eten no man hym myght lette / but he wolde go vn¦to the wood for to haue his dysporce. ¶And so it befell that one of his knyghtes that hyght walter Tyrell / wold haue shot to a harre / and hys arowe glensyd vpon a braunche / & thoru∣ghe mysauenture smote the kynge to the herte And so he felle downe deed to the groūde with out ony worde spekynge / and so ended hys lyf dayes. And it was no meruaylle / for the day yt he deyde he had lete to ferme the Archebisshop ryche of Caūterbury / & xabbayes also / & euer more dyde grete destruccyon to holy chyrche / thrugh wrongfull takynge & axenges / for no man durste withstande that he wolde haue do¦ne. And of his lewdenes he wolde neuer with¦drawe / nother to amende hys lyf. And ther fo∣re god wolde suffer hym no lenger to regne in his wyckednes. And he had be kyng .xiii. yere and .vi. wekes / and lyeth at westmestre. PAschall was pope after Vrban{us} .xviii. yere and .v. monethes / the wiche ye .xiii. yee of his bysshopryche with his cardynalles was put in pryson / by Henry ye fourth Empe¦rour & they myght not be delyuered vntyll the pope had swore that he sholde kepe peas with hym / and that he sholde neuer curse hym / and on that promyse / the pope yaue the Emperour a preuylege / and the yere after the pope dam∣ned that preuylege / & sayd on this wyse. Lete vs comprehende all holy scrypture the olde te¦stament & the newe the lawes of the prophecy∣es the gospell & the canons of appostles / & all the decres of the popes of Rome / that all they helde I holde / and that that they dampned dampne / and moost specyale that preuy∣lege graunted to Henry the Emperour / the whiche rather is graūted to venge his malyce than to multeplye hes paceyence in vertue. For euermore I dampne ye same preuylege ANd whan wyllyam Rous was deed. Henry Beauclerk his broder was ma¦de kyng bycause wyllyam Rous had no chyl¦de begoten on his body. And this Henry Be∣auclerk was crowned kynge att London the fourth daye after that his brother was deces∣syd / that is to saye / the fyfthe daye of August. ¶And anone as ancelmus that was Arche∣bysshop of Caūterbury that was at the court of Rome herde telle that wyllyam Rous was deed / he came ayen in to Englonde & the kyn¦ge Beauclerk welcomed hym with moche o∣nour. And the fyrst yere that kyng Henry reg¦ned & was crowned. He spowsed maude ye was Margaretes doughter the quene of Scotlon∣de. And the Archebysshop Ancelmus of Caun∣terbury wedded theme And this kynge begate vpon his wyf two sones & a doughter / that is to saye. wyllyam and Richarde & Maude. And this Maude was after warde the Empresse of Almayne. ¶And in the seconde yere of hys regne / his broder Robert Curthos / that was duke of Normandy came with an huge hoste in to Englond for to chalenge the londe. But thrughe counseyle of wyse men of the londe / they were accorded in this manere. That the kynge sholde yeue his brother the duke a thou∣sande pounde euery yere. And whiche of them that lyued lengest sholde be that others heyre and so bytwene them sholde be noo debate ne stryfe. ¶And thenne whan they were thus ac∣corded / ye duke wente home agayne in to Nor¦mandye· ¶And whanne the kynge had reg¦ned foure yere. There a rose a grete debate by¦twene hym and the Archebysshop of Caunter¦bury Ancelmus. For by cause that the Arche¦bysshoh wolde not graunte to hym for calēges of chyrches at hys wyll. And the reforde per∣sonse the Archebysshoppe Ancelmus wente o¦uer the see vnto the courte of Rome and there he dwelled with the pope. And in the same ye¦re the duke of Normandy came in to Englon∣de to speke with hys brether. ¶And amonge all other thynges the duke of Normandye. for yaue vnto the kynge hys brother the forsayde thousande pounde by yere that sholde paye vn¦to the duke. ¶And with good loue the kynge and the duke departed / & there the duke went ayen in to Normundy. And whan tho two ye¦re were agone / Thrugh the entycement of the deuyl and of symple mē / a greate debate arose bytwene the kynge and ye duke / so that thrugh counseyll the kynge wente ouer the see in to Normandy / and whan the kynge of Englon¦de was come in to Normandy / all the grete lor¦des of Normandye torned vnto the kynge of Englonde and helde ayenst the duke theyr ow¦ne lorde / and hym forsoke / and to the kynge them helde / and all the good castelles and tow¦nes of Normandy. And soone after was the duke taken and ladde with the kynge in to En¦glonde. And the kynge lette put the duke in to pryson / and this was the vengeaune of god. ¶For whanne the duke was in the holy lon¦de god yaue hym suche myghte and grace that he was chosen for to haue be kynge of Iheru∣salem / and he forsoke it and wolde not take it vpon hym / And therfore god sente hym that shame and dyspyte for to put in hys brothers pryson / Tho seased kyng Hery all Norman∣dye in to hys honde / and helde it all hys lyfe ty¦me. ¶And in the same yere came the bysshop Ancelmus for the courte of Rome in to Eng∣londe ayen. And the kynge and he were accor¦ded. ¶And in the nexte yere comynge after / there began a grete debare bytwene the kynge Phylyppe of Fraunce and kynge Henry of Englende / wherfore kynge Henry wente in to Normandye / and there was stronge war¦re bytwene them two. And tho deye the kyn¦ge of Fraūce & lowys his sone was mad kyng anone after his deth. And tho went kyng Hen¦ry ayen into Englond / & maryed Maude his doughter vnto henry ye em{per}our of Almayne. AS kynge Henry had be kynge .xvii. ye∣re / a grete debate arose betwixt kynge Lowys of Fraunce and kynge Henry of Eng¦londe / for by cause that the kynge had sente in to Normandy to hys men / that they sholde be helpynge vnto therle of Bloys as moche as they myght in warre ayenst the kyng of Fraū¦ce / And that they sholde be as redy to hy as they were to theyr owne lord / for by cause that therle hadde spowsed hys syster dame maude. And for this cause the kynge of Fraunce dyde moche sorowe to Normandy. wherfore ye kyn¦ge of Englonde was wonder wroth / & in hast wene ouer the see with a grete power / & came in to Normādye for to defende that londe And the warre bytwene them lasted two yere / tyll at the laste they two faught to geder. And the kynge of Fraunce was dyscomfyted / & vnne∣thes escaped awaye wyth moche payne / & the moost partye of his men were taken. And the kynge dyde with theym what hym best lyked / And some of them he lette go freely / and some he lete be put vnto the deth. But afterwarde those two kynges were accorded. And whan kynge Henry had oonly all the londe of Nor∣mandy / & dyscōfyted his enmyes of Fraunce / he torned agayne in to Englonde with mochē honour. And his two sones wyllyam and Ri¦charde wolde haue come after the fader & wen¦te to the see with a grete company of people. But are that they myghte come to londe / the shippe came ayenst a roche and alle were drow¦ned that were there in / saue oo man that was in ye same shyppe that escaped. And this was vpon saynt Katheryns daye / and these were ye names of them that were drowned. Wyllyam and Richarde the kynges sones / the Erle of Chestre Ottonell / his brotger Geffroy Rydell Walter Emurci. Godefray Archedeken / the kynges doughter / the coūtesse of Perches the kynges nece the countesse of Chestre / & many other. ¶Whan kynge Henry and other lor∣des arryued in Englonde / and herde these ty¦dynges / they made sorowe ynough / And alle theyr myrthe and Ioye was torned in to mor∣nynge and sorowe. ANd whan that two yere were agone yt the Erle had dwelled wyth the kynge / the erle went from the kyng / and begā to war∣re vpon hym & dyd moche harme in the londe of Normandy / & toke there a stronge castell & there he dwelled all that yere. And tho came to hym tydynges yt Henry the Emperour of Al∣mayne yt had spowsed Maude hys doughter was deed / and that she dwelled no lenger in Al¦mayne / & yt she wold come ayen in to Norman¦dy to her fader And whā that she was come vn¦to hym / he toke her tho to hym & came ayen in to Englonde / & made the Englysshemen to do othe and feaute to the Empresse And the fyrste man that made the othe was wyllyam ye Arche¦bysshop of Caūterbury And that other Dauid kyng of Scotlōde / and after hym all ye barons and erles of Englonde. ¶Also after that ye no¦ble man therle of Angoy yt was a worthy kny¦ghte / sent vnto ye kynge of Englōde / yt he wol¦de graūt hym for to haue his doughter to spow¦se / that is to saye Maude the Empresse. And for by cause yt her fader wyst that he was a no∣ble man / the kynge hym graunted & consented ther to. And tho tooke he his doughter & ladde hir in to Normandy / & came to the noble kny∣ghte Geffroy / & there he spowsed the forsayde Maude wyth moche honour / & the Erle beg¦te vpon her a sone / yt was called Henry ye Em¦presse sone. ¶And after whan al this was do¦ne / kynge Henry dwelled all that yere in Nor¦mandy. & after ye lōge tyme a greuous sykenes¦se toke him where thorugh he deyed. And this kyng Henry regned .xxxv. yere & foure mone∣thes. And after deyed as is before sayd in Nor¦mandy. And his herte was enteryd in ye grete chirche of our lady in Rouen. & his body was brought with moche honour in to Englonde & enteryd at Redynge in the abboye / of ye why¦che abbaye he was begynner and founder. HEnrycus the fourth was Emperour in Almayne after Harry the thyrde .xv. ye¦re. This man put his owne fader in pryson / & there helde hym tyll he deyed. And tooke pope Paschall wyth hys Cardynalles / & presente them as it is sayd afore. For the whiche cau∣se as it is supposed he lacked yssue. For he wed¦ded the kynges doughter of Englonde Mau∣de. But after warde he came to grace / and all the lawes of ye chirche freely he resyned to Ca¦lixtus ye pope. And besought hym to yeue hym in penaūce that he sholde neuer come ayen to his Empyre / that he myghte haue remyssyon of his trespaas. And after ye oppynyon of ma¦ny a man / he was wylfully exyled and deyed and hys wyfe bothe at Chestre in Englonde. ¶Gelasius was pope after Paschall two ye∣re. And fledde frome Henry the Emperour in to Bourgoyne and there decessyd. Thys Em¦perour those Benedyctus a Spanyarde to be pope / the whiche stroue with Calixtus. ¶Ca¦lixtus was pope after hym two yere and fyue monethes. Thys Calixtus was the sone of the duke of Bourgoyne & was chosen in the place of Gelasius / And whan he sholde come to Ro¦me / he toke the for sayd Benedictus / and ma∣de hym to ryde afore hym shamefully. For he on a mule torned hys face to the tayle of ye mu∣le / & helde the tayle in hys honde as a brydell / tyll he came thrugh the cyte / and there he was put in pryson. And this pope made peas wyth the Emperour. ¶Honorius was pope after hym two yere / and lytell of hym is wryten. ¶Nota. ¶Hary the fourth Emperour of Almayne decessyd thys tyme and was buryed with his progenytours / after some men wyth suche an Epytaphe (Filius hic: pater hic Auus hic: proauus iacet istis) ¶But it is ly∣kely to be truer that ye Geralde sayd (in Itine¦rario walke) wherfore he sayth / that after he had prysoned his carnall fader / & hys sperytu¦ell fader the pope with his Cardynalles / after he was reconsyled & wylfully he was exyled. And he lefte Maude his wyf the kynges dou∣ghter of Englonde pryuely / and lyued an he∣remytes lyf at Chestre .x. yere where he myght lyue as noo man knewe hym. And he called hymselfe Godyscallus / the whyche Godysson is called. So the Emperour secretely went a∣waye / & Maude hys wyf the Empresse there / she went vnto her fader Henry in to Norman∣dy. where anone after she was wedded vnto Geffroy Plantaginet the duke of Andegame vpon whom he begate Henry the seconde af∣terwarde kynge of Englonde. Vnder whom saynt Thomas of Caunterbury regned & dey¦ed ¶Lotharius was Emperour aftey Henry the fourth .xii. yere / And lytell of hym is wry∣tem / but that he was manerely to the chyrche. And that he subdued Roger the vsurper of the kynge of Cycyle. ¶Hugo de sancto Victory was a noble man this tyme atte Parys / and a noble doctour / of the nacyon of Saxons. ¶The ordre of saynt Iohan Baptyst at Ihe∣rusalem began thys tyme / by the worshypfull man Reymonde myghtely dysposed vnto the weke of mercy. ¶All this ordre make theyr waye to serue poore men. INnocencius was pope after Honorius xiiii. yere. and .vii· monethes. This mā was a very deuoute mā / and wyth suche men he accompanyed hym and he had stryf ayenst▪ Perys of Lyon the whiche named hym Ano∣cletus. And by strenth he tooke the popehede. The whiche Innocēcius sawe / and with two Galeys he fledde in to Fraūce / & was worshyp fully receyued of saynt Bernarde the whiche that tyme had alle the kynges and prynces in his honde. And he prouoked them for to bryn¦ge this pope Innocencius in to dygnyte ayen. And at the last all thynge was sessyd / and hys enmyes were destroyed thrugh the Iugement of god. And he was pope ayen / & lyued prouf∣fytably / & was buryed at Latranence· AFter thys kynge Henry that was the fyrste / was made kynge his neuewes syster sone. Stephen erle of Bolonye. For a∣none as he herde the tydynges of hys vncles deth / thēne he passed the see and came in to En¦glonde thrught counseyll & strength of many grete lordes in Englonde / ayenst the othe that they had made to Maude the Empresse / toke the reame / & he lete crowne Stephen kyng of the londe. ¶And the Archebysshop wyllyam of Caunterbury / that fyrste made the othe of feaute to Maude the Empresse / sette the crow¦ne vpon Stephens heed and hym anoynetd. And bysshop roger of Salysbury mayntened the kynges parte in as moche as he myghte. ¶The fyrste yere ye kynge Stephen began to regne / he assembled a grete hoste and went to warre Scotlonde / for to haue warred vppon the kynge of Scotlonde. But he came ayenst hym in peas and in good manere and to hym trusted. But he made to hym none homage / for as moche as he had made vnto thempresse Maude. ¶And in the fourth yere of his regne Maude the Empresse came in to Englonde & tho began debate bytwene kynge Stephē & Maude thempresse. This Maude went vnto the cyte of Nicholl / & the kyng her besyged lon¦ge tyme and myght not spede / so well the cyte was kept & defended. And tho yt were within ye cyte / meruaylously scaped a way wythout ony maner of harme. And tho toke ye kyng the cyte / and dwelled therin tyl Candelmasse And tho came the barons that helde wyth the Em¦presse. That is for to saye / the erle Radulphe of Chestre the erle Robert of Glocestre. Hugh Bygot. Robert of Morley / and these brought wtth them a stronge power & faught wyth the kyng / and yaue hym a grete bataylle In ye whi¦che bataylle kyng Stephen was taken / & sette in pryson in the castell of Brytowe. NOw as the kynge was takē & brought in to warde in ye castel of Bristow / this Maude the Empresse was made lady of Eng¦londe / & all men helde her for lady of the londe But those of Kent helde with kyng Stephens wyfe / & also wyllyam of Prece & his retenewe halpe them & helde warre ayenst Maude them presse. And anone after the kynge of Scotlon¦de came to them wyth a huge nombre of peple And tho went theyr togyder to wynchestre / the¦re that the Empresse was / & wolde haue takē her But the Erle of Glocestre came wyth his power & fought with them. And the Empresse in the meane whyle that the batayll dured sca∣ped from them & wente vnto Oxenforde and there helde her. And in that bataylle was the erle of Glocetre dyscomfyted & taken & wyth hym many other lordes. And for hys delyue∣raunce / was kyng Stephen delyuered out of pryson. And whā he was delyuered out of pry¦son / he wente thens vnto Oxenforde & besye∣ged thempresse yt was tho at Oxenforde. And the seyge endured fro Myghelmasse vnto sa∣ynt Andrews tyde. ¶And the Empresse lette clothe her tho alle in whyte lynnen clothe by cause she wolde not be knowen. Fo same tyme there was moche sorow and e escaped by ye Tamyse from them a waye that were her enmyes. And from thens he wnte to walyngforde & there helde her. And the kyn∣ge wolde haue beseyged ther / but he had so mo¦che to doo with the erle Radulphe of Ch and with Hugh Bygot that strongely wad vpon hym in euery place that he wyste whe∣ther for to torne. And the erle of Glocester al¦pe hym with his power. ANd after thys the kynge wente vnto wylton / and wolde haue made a castel there. But tho came to hym the erle of Gloces∣tre wyth a stronge power & there almooste he had taken the kynge but yet the kyng escaped with moche payne. And wyllyam Marell the¦re was takē. And for whoos delyuerace they yaue vnto the erle of Glocestre ye good castell of Shyrborn that he had taken. ¶And whan this was done / the erle Robert & all ye kynges enmyes went vnto Faryngdon and begā the¦re for to make a stronge castell / but the kynge came thyder with a stronge power and droue hym thens / And in that same yere the erle Ra∣dulphe of Chestre was accorded with ye kyng and came to his courte at his cōmaundement And the erle demed sauely for to come. And the kyng anon lete take hym / & put hym in to pry¦son. And myght neuer for no thynge come out tyll that he had yelded vp to the kynge the cas∣tell of Nicholl / the whiche he had taken from the kynge with his strengthe in the .xv. yere of his regne. ¶And Gaufride the erle of Angoy yaue vp vnto Henry his sone all Normandy. And in the yere that nexte ensewed / deyed the erle Gaufryde. And Henry his sone tho anōe torned ayen to Angoy / & there was made erle wyh moche honour of all hys men of the lon∣de. And to hym dyde feaute & homage the mo¦ost party of the londe. And tho was thys Hen∣ry the Empresse sone erle of Angoy / & also du∣ke of Normandy. ¶In the same yere was ma¦de a dyuorce bytwnene the kynge of Fraunce / and the quene hys wyfe that was ryght heyre of Gascoyne. For bycause yt it was knowen and proued / that they were sybbe and nyghe of blood. And tho spowsed her Henry the Em¦presse sone erle of Angoy and the duke of Nor¦mandy / and duke of Gascoyne. ¶In ye .xviii yere of thys Stephen thys Henry came in to Englonde with a stronge power / & began for to warre vpon this kyng Setphen. & toke the castell of Malmesbury / & dyde moche harme. And the kynge Stephen had so moche warre that he wyst not whyther for to go. But at the laste they were accorded thrugh the Archebys¦shop Theobaldus / & thrugh other worthy lor¦des of Englonde / vpon this condycyon. that they sholde departe the Realme of Englonde but wene theym two / so yt Henry the Empresse sone sholde hooly haue the half of all the londe of Englonde. And thus they were accorded & peas was cryed thrughout al Englonde. And whan ye accorde was made bytwene tho two lordes / kynge Stephen became so sory / for by¦cause that he had lost half Englonde / & felle in to suche a malady / and deyed in the .xix. yere / and .viii. wekes and .v. dayes of his regne all in warre and in contake. And he yeth in the abbaye of Feuersham / the whyche he lets ma∣ke in the .xvi. yere of his regne. CElestynus the seconde was pope after Innocencius .v. monethes. And lytell he dyde. ¶Lucius was after hym & lytell prof¦fyted / for they deyed both ī a pestylence. ¶Eu¦genius the seconde was pope after hym .v. ye¦re & foure monethes. Thys man fryst was the dyscyple of saynt Bernarde / & after the abbot of saynt Anastasius by Rome. And came to ye chirche of saynt Cesary and was chosen pope by the Cardynalles / he no thynge knowynge therof / And for drede of ye Senatours he was consecrated without thys cyte / thys man was an holy man / & suffred trybulacyon. And atte the last he decessyd / and lyeth at saynt Peters And after anone decessyd Saynt Bernarde. ¶Petrus Lombardus the bysshop of Parys brother to Graciam / compyled the foure bo∣kes of the Sentence this tyme. ¶Petrus Cō¦mestor brother to Graciā and to Pyerrs Lom∣bardus / made Hystoriam Scolasticam / and other bokes. ¶Fredericus primus after Con¦radus was emperour in Almayne & in Rome ·xxxiii. yere. This man after the deth of Adry∣an the pope the whyche crowned hym / dyde cursydly wyth Alexander to hym grete preiu∣dyce For he dyd helpe foure that stroue ayenst the appostles sete. And he faught myghtely a∣yenste the kynge of Fraunce. through power of the Danys & other nacyons. But Rycharde ye kynge of Englonde halpe for to expoulse hym. And he destroyed medyolanū to the grounde / Of the whiche cytee / the walles were hygher than the walles of yny other cytee / This man at the laste after that he had done many vexa∣cyons to the pope / he was recounsyled / for he dradde leste the Lombardes wolde haue rebel∣led ayenste hym / he axed for yeuenes of the po∣pe. And toke the crosse vpon hym / and wente vnto the holy londe / and dyde many meruayl∣lous thynges there / almoost as moche as euer dyde Karolus magnus. And there he came by a towne that men calle Armeniam and in a ly¦tell water he was drowned / and at Tyrum he was buryed. ¶Anastasius was pope after Eugenius foure yere / and more. This man was abbot of Rufy / and thenne he was chose Cardynall / and after pope. ANd after thys kynge Ste∣phen regned Henry the Em¦presse sone / and was crow∣ned of the Archebysshoppe Theobaldus the .xvii. daye before Crystemas. And in the same yere Thomas Be∣ket of london Archebysshop of caunterbury was made the kynges Chaunceller of Englonde. ¶The seconde yere that he was crowned / he lete caste downe all the newe castels yt were lon¦gyngt to the Crowne / the whiche kynge Ste∣phen had yeue vnto dyuerse men / & them hade made erles & barons / for to holde with hym & to helpe hym ayenst Henry thempresse sone. ¶And the fourth yere of his regne he put vn∣der his owne lordshyp the kyng of walis. And in the same yere the kyng of Scotlond had in his owne honde / yt is to saye / ye cyte of Karleyll the castell of Bambrugh / and the newe castell vpon Tyne / and the erledom of Lancastre. ¶The same yere the kyng with a grete power wente in to walys / & lete caste downe woodes and made wayes & made stronge the castell of Rutlonde Basyngwark. And amonge ye cas¦tels he made an howse of the Temple. ¶And in the same yere was Rycharde his sone bor∣ne / that afterwarde was erle of Oxforde And the fourth yere of his regne / he made Gaufry¦de erle of Brytayne. And in that yere he chaun¦ged his moneye. And the .vi. yere of hys regne he ladde a grete hoste to Tolouse & conquered it. And the .vii. yere of his regne deyed Theo∣baldus the Archebisshop of Caunterbury / and tho almoost al the cyte of Caūterbury through myschyef was brēte. The .ix. yere of his regne Thomas beket that was his Chaūceller was chosen Archebysshop of Caunterbury· And vpon saynt Bernardes daye he was sacred. And in that yere was borne the kyng{is} dough∣ter Eelenore. ¶And in the .x. yere of his regne saynt Edwarde ye kyng was translated wyth moche honour. ¶And the .xi. yere of hys rgne he helde his parlamēte at Northampton / and fro thens sledde saynt Thomas Archebysshop of Counterbury for the grete debate that was betwixt the kynge & hym. For yf he had be foū∣de on the morowe he had be slayne / & therfore he fledde thens wyth thre felowes on foot oon¦ly / that no man wyste where he was \ & wente ouer the see to the pope of Rome And this was the pryncypall cause. For asmoche as the kyn¦ge wolde haue put clerkes to deth that were a¦taynt of felonye / without ony preuelegye of ho¦ly chyrche. ¶And ye .xii. yere of his regne was Iohan his sone borne. ¶And the .xiii. yere of his regne deyed Maude ye Empresse that was moder. ¶The .xiiii. yere of his regne the duke of Saxon spowsed Maude his doughter. And he begate vpon her thre sones / that were called Henry. Othus. and. Wyllyam ¶And in the xv. yere of hys regne deyed the good Erle Ro∣bert of Glocestre / that founded the abbaye of Nonne of Eton. And in the same yere Mar¦ke kynge of Ierusalem conquered Babylon ¶And the .xvi. yere of his regne / he lete crow¦ne his sone Henry at westmestre· & hym crow¦ned Roger Archebysshop of yorke / ī harmyng of Thōas archebysshop of Caūterbury. wher¦fore this same Roger was accusyd of ye pope. AFter the cornacyon of kynge Henry the sone of kyng Henry the Empresse lone. That same Henry thempresse sone wen¦te ouer to Normandy & there he lete mary Ele¦nore his doughter of the Dolphyn yt was kyn¦ge of Almayne. And in the .vii. yepe that the Archebysshop saynt▪ Thomas had bē our law¦ed / the kyng of Fraūce made the kyng & saynt Thomas accorded. And then̄e cam Thomas the Archebysshop to Chaunterbury ayē to his owne chyrche. & this accorde was made in the begynnyng of Aduente & afterwarde he was slayne & martred the fyfth daye of Crystmasse thenne folowynge. For kynge Henry though vpon saynt Thomas the Archebysshop vpon Crystmasse daye as he sate at hys mete & the∣se wordes sayd That yf he had ony good kny¦ghtes wyth hym / he had be many a day passe auenged vpon the Archebysshop Thomas· ¶And anone syr Wyllyam Bretō syr Hugh Moruile / syr wyllyam Tracy & syr Reygnl¦de Fitz vrse / beers sone in Englysshe pryuely wente vnto the see / & came in to Englonde vn∣to the chyrche of Caūterbury & there they hy martred at saynt Benets awter in the mode chyrche. And that was in ye yere of the Incar∣nacyon of Ihesu Cryst .M.C.lxxii. yere. And anone after Henry the newe kyng began for to make warre vpon Henry his fader & vpon his brothern wyllyam & Othus. ¶And so v∣pon a daye the kyng of Fraunce & al ye kynges sones / and the kynge of Scotlonde and all the gretest lordes of Englonde were rysen ayenst kyng Henry the fader. And at the last as god wolde / he conquered all his enmyes. And the kynge of Fraunce & he were accorded· ¶And tho sente kyng Henry specyally vnto the kyn∣ge of Fraunce / & prayed hym hertely for his lo¦ue that he wolde sende to hym the names bi let¦ters of them yt where ye begynners of ye warre a¦yenst hym. And ye kyng of fraunce sent ayen to hym by letters ye names of thē that began that warre ayenst hym. The fyrste was Iohn̄ hys sone / & Rycharde his brother / & Hēry ye newe kyng his sone. Tho was Henry ye king wōder wroth / & cursyd ye tyme ye euer he hym begate / & whyle ye warre dured. Hēry his sone ye newe kyng deyed sore repētyng his mysdedes & mo∣ost sorow made of ony mā for bycause of saint Thomas deth of Caūterbury. and prayed hys fader wyth moche sorowe of herte mercy for his trespaas. And his fader forgaaf hym / and had of hym grete pyte. And after he deyed the .xxxvi. yere of his regne / & lyeth at Redynge. ANd whyle thys kynge regned / the gre¦te bataylle was in the holy londe by∣twene the crysten men and the sarrasyns but Crysten men were there slayne thrugh greate treason of ye erle Tyrpe / that wolde haue had to wyf the quene of Iherusalem / that somty∣me was Baldewynes wyfe / but she forsoke hym and toke to her lorde a knyght a worthy man / that was called syr Gnyperches / wher¦fore the erle Tyrpe was wroth / & wente ano∣ne ryght to the Soudan that was Soudan of Babylon / & became his man and forsoke hys crystendome / and alle crysten lawe. And the cerysten men wyst not of his dedes / but wende for to haue had grete helpe of hym as they we¦re wonte to haue before. ¶And whan they ca¦me to the bataylle / thys fals Cresten man tor∣ned vnto the Sarrasyns / & forsoke his owne nacyon. And soo were the crysten men there slayne with the Sarrasyns. ¶And thus we∣re the crysten men slayne & put to horryble de∣the / and the cyte of Ierusalem destroyed / and the holy crosse borne a waye. ¶The kynge of Fraunce & all the grete lordes of the londe lete them be crossyd for to go in to the holy londe· And amonges them wente Rycharde kynge Henryes sone / fyrst after the kynge of Fraun¦ce / that tooke the crosse of the. Archebysshop of Toures / But he toke not the vyage at that tyme for cause that he was lette by other ma∣ner wayes / & nedes to be done. ¶And whan kynge Henry his fader had regned .xxxvi. ye∣re and .v. monethes and four dayes / he deyed and lyeth at Fonntenerad. ADrianus the fourth was pope after A¦nastasius ·v. yere. This pope was an Englysshe man & the voys of ye comyn people sayth he was a boūde man & to the abbote of sa∣ynt Albon in Englonde. And whan he desy∣red to be made a monke there he was expulsyd and he wente ouer see and gaue hym to studye and to vertue. And after was made bysshop of Albanacens / thenne he was made Legate in to the londe of wormacian / and he conuer∣ted it to the fayth. Thenne he was made pope and for the woundynge of a Cardynall he en∣terdyted all the cytee of Rome / And he cursyd wyllyam the kyng of Cecyle / and caused hym to submytte hym. This man the fyrst of all ye popes with his Cardynalles dwelled in the ol¦de cyte. ¶Alexander the thyrde was pope af∣ter hym .xii. yere. This Alexander had stryfe ·xvii. yere / and the foure stryuers that the Em¦perour sette ayenst hym / he ouercame them & cursyd them / and all deyed an euyll deth This man also accorded Frederyke the Emperour and▪ Emanuell of Constantinoble / & the kyn∣ge of seculorū And this man nourysshed saynt Thomas of Caunterbury in his exyle. ¶Nota. ¶Saynt Bernarde was ca¦nonysed by this Alexander / and his abbot for bode hym he sholde do no myracles / for there was so myghty concours of people. And he obeyed to hym whan he was deed and dyde no moo. ¶Lutius the thyrde was pope after Alexander .iiii. yere and two monethes. Of hym lytell is wryten. In hys dayes decessyd Henry the fyrste sone to Henry the seconde / & this is his Epytaphy. Omnis honoris honor decor et decus vrbis et orbis. Milicie splendor gloria lumen aper. Iulius ingenio virtutibus hector. Achellis viribus. Augustus moribus ore paris. ¶Vrbanus the thyrde was pope after Lucius two yere / this man decessyd for sorowe whā he herde tell that Ierusalem was taken with the sarrasyns· ¶Gregorius the viii. was pope after hym foure monethes And he practysed myghtely howe Ierusalem myght be wonne ayen / but anone he decessyd. ¶Clemens the thyrde was pope after hym thre yere / and lytyell he dyde. ANd after this kyng Henry regned Ry¦charde his sone a stowte man & a stron¦ge & a worthy / & also bolde. And he was crow¦ned at westmestre of the Archebysshop Balde¦wyn the thyrde daye of Septembre. ¶And in the seconde yere of his regne / kyng Rycharde hymself and Baldewyn the Archebysshop of Caunterbury / and Hubert bysshop of Salys¦bury / and Radulf erle of Glocetre / and other many lordes of Englonde / went in to the holy londe / And in that vyage deyed the Archebys∣shop of Caunterbury. And kynge Rycharde wente before in to the hooly londe & rested not tyll that he came forthe in his waye vnto Cy∣pres / and tooke it with grete force. And after that kynge Rycharde went forth to warde the hooly londe / & gate there as moche as the crys∣ten men had there before lost. And conquered the londe ayen thoruhh grete myght / saufe on¦ly the holy crosse. And whan kynge Rycharde came to the cyte of Acres for to gete the cytee / ther arose a gret debate bytwene hym & ye kyn∣ge of Fraunce / so yt the kyng of Fraūce went a¦yen in to Fraunce & was wroth towarde kyng Rychard but yet for all yt / are kyng Rycharde wente ayen / he toke the cyte of Acres. & whan he had take it / he dwelled in the cyte a whyle. But to hym came tydynges / that ye erle Iohn̄ of Oxenforde hys brother wolde haue seased all Englonde in to his honde / and Norman∣dy also / and wolde lette crowne hym kynge of all the londe. ¶And whan kynge Rycharde herde telle of these tydynge / he wente ayen to∣warde Englond with all the spede that he my∣ghte. But ye duke of Ostryche mette with hym and toke hym and brought hym vnto the Em¦perour of Almayne / And the Emperour hym brought vnto pryson. And afterward he was delyuered for an Huge raunson / that is for to saye / an hundred thousande pounde. And for the whiche raunson to be paied / eche other cha¦lyce of Englonde was molten and made in to moneye. And all the monkes of the ordre of Cy¦steaux yaue alle theyr bookes thrugh oute all Englonde / for to doo them to selle / and the ra∣unson for to paye. SO as this kyng Rycharde was in pry∣son / the kynge of Fraunce warred vp¦on hym strongly in Normādye / and Iohn̄ his broder warred vpon hym in Englonde. But the bysshops and the barōs of Englonde with stode hym with all theyr power that they my∣ghte gete / & tooke the castell of wyndesore and other castelles. And the forsayde Iohn̄ sawe yt he had no myght ne power ayenst the barons of Englōde for to fyght But anone went hym ouer the see vnto the kynge of Fraūce. ¶And whan Rycharde came out of pryson / & was de¦lyuered and came in to Englonde / anone af∣ter Candelmasse in grete haste / he went vnto Notyngham / & the castell of Notyngham to hym was yolden / and tho dyscomfyted he hys brother Iohan and tho that with hym helde. And after he wente vnto the cyte of wynche∣stre / & there he lete hym crowne kynge of En¦glonde. And after he wente vnto Normandy for to warre vpon the kyng of Fraūce And the kynge of Fraunce came with .vi. hondred kny¦ghtis to warde Gisors. And kynge Rycharde mette hym / and tho wolde haue yeuen hym ba¦taylle. But the kynge of Fraunce fledde tho / and hondred knyghtes of his were taken and two hondred stedes that were trapped wyth yren. ¶And anone after wente kyng Rychar¦de for to besyege the castell Gaillarde And as he rode vpon a daye by the castell for to take a uysemente of the castell an arbarlaster somte hym with a quarell that was enuynymmed. And the kyng drewe out the shafte of the qua∣rell / but the quarels heed abode styll in hys he∣ed. And it began for to rancle / that he ne my∣ghte not helpe hymselfe / ne meue his armes. And tho he wyst that he had dethes wonde v∣pon hym / that he myght not be hoole for noo manere of thynge. ¶He cōmaūded anōe shar¦pely all his men for to assoyle the castell. Soo that the castell was taken or he deyed. And soo manly his men dyde yt al ye people that were in the castell were taken / & the kynge dyde wyth them what he wolde. And commaūded his mē that they sholde brynge before▪ hym the man yt hym so hurt & so wounded. And whan he came before ye kyng / the kyng axed hym what was his name. And he sayd my name is Bertham Gurdon wherfore sayd the kynge haste thou me slayne / syth I dyd the neuer none harme. Syr sayd he. Though ye dyde me neuer none harme / ye your self with your owne honde sle∣we my fader & my broder. And therfor I haue quyte now your trauaylle. Tho sayd kyng Ry¦charde. He yt dyed vpon ye crosse / to bryng mā¦nes soule fro payne of helle / foryeue yt my deth and I also foryeue it the. Tho cōmaunded he that no man sholde hym mysdo. But for all ye kyng{is} defendynge some of ye kyng{is} men hym folowed and pryuely hym slewe. And the .vi. daye after the kyng dyde shryue hym / & sore re¦pentaunce hauynge of hys mysdedes / & was houseled and enoynted. ¶Rud this kyng reg∣ned but .ix. yere and .xxx. wekes / and deyed & lyeth besyde his fader at Fontenerad. HEnyicus ye fyfth was Emperour .viii. yere This Henricus was sone to frede∣ryk / & he wedded Constaunce the kyng{is} dou∣ghter / of Cecyle / & though the occasyon of her he subdued alle the kyngdome of Apulye / & he droue all the people out ye enhabyte that londe. ¶Celestinus the thyrde was pope after Cle∣mens almost thre yere. This man was crow∣ned vpon Eester daye / & the daye folowynge he crowned Henry the emperour. And he ma∣de a palays at saynt Peters / & decessyd. ¶In¦nocencius ye thyrde was pope after hym .viii. yere & .v. monethes. this man was wel lettred & he made a boke of the wretchydneste of mā∣nes cōdicōn. & he made speculū misse & he mad many cōstytucyons. This man dāpned ye bo¦ke of Iohn̄ Ioachim / yt whiche he made ayēst mayster Peyrs Lombarde / the maker of the Sentence. This tyme decessyd ye Emperour Henry. And the prynces of almayne discorded for some chose Otto / & some chose Phylyppe brocher to Henry. Thenne Phylyppe was fal¦sely slayne / & Gtto was crowned of Innocen¦cius in Fraūce / yt whiche anone afught with the Romayns / for they yaue hym no dewe ho∣nour. And for that cause / ayenst ye popes wyll he toke the kyngdom of Apulye frome Frede∣ryk / wherfore the pope cursyd hym. Thenne after the fourth yere of his regne / the prynces of Almayne made Frederyk Emperour / and victoryously he subdued Otto. ¶wyllyam of Parys this tyme began the ordre of the freres Austyn / the whiche ben called (fratres mendi¦cantes) Franciscus an ytalyon a man of gre∣te perfeccyon & an ensample to many a man / dyde many a myracle this tyme. And he ordey¦ned the frere Minors. ¶And the .vi. yere of pope Innocencius the thyrde / the ordre of the frere prechers beganne vnder Domynyke / but it myght not be confermed tylle the fyrste yere Honorius. AS kyng Rycharde was deed / by cause that he had none heyre / nother sone / ne doughter / then̄e his brother Iohn̄ was ma¦de kynge / and crowned at westmestre of Hu∣bert that tho was Archebysshop of Caunter¦bury. And whan he began for to regne / he be∣came so meruaylous a man / and wente ouer in to Normandye / and warred vpō the kynge of Fraunce. And soo longe they warred togy∣der / tyll at the laste kynge Iohan loste all Nor∣mandy & Angoy / wherfore he was sore anoy∣ed / & it was no meruaylle. ¶Tho lete he assē¦ble before hym at London Archebysshops / bys¦shops / abbots / & pryours / Erles & Barons & helde there a grete parlyament & axed there of the Clergye / the tenthe of euery chyrche of En¦glonde / for to conquere and gete ayen Normā¦dy & Angoy yt had lost. They wolde not graunt that thynge / wherfore he was wonder wroth. ¶And in that same tyme deyed Hubert. The pryour & ye couent of Caūterbury chose ayenst the kynges wyll to be Archebysshop Stephen of Langton a good clerke / that dwelled at the courte of Rome / & sent to the pope theyr clery∣on / & the pope confermed it / and sacred him at Viterbi· ¶Whan the kynge wyst these tydyn∣ges / he was wonder wroth / & droue ye pryour and the couente fro Counterbury / and exyled out of Englonde / & commaūded that no letter that come fro Rome / ne commaūdement / shol¦de be receyued ne pleryd in Englonde. Whan these tydynges came to the pope / he sente kyn∣ge Iohan his letter / & prayed hym with good wyll and good hert / that he wolde receyue Ste¦phen ye Archebysshop of Caunterbury to hys chyrche / & suffre ye pryour and hys monkes to come ayen to theyr owne dwellynge. But the kynge wolde not graunte it for no thynge. ANd at the last the pope sent by his auc∣toryte / and enioyned to the bysshops of Englonde / that yf the kyng wolde not recey¦ue the pryour of Caunterbury & his monkes / that they shold do general enterditinge thrugh out all Englonde. And graunted full power to foure bysshops to pronounce the enterdytyn∣ge / yf he it warned· The fyrst was bysshoppe wyllyam of London / & that other bysshop Eu¦stace of Ely / & the thyrde was bysshop Walter of wynchestre / & the fourth was bysshop Gy∣les of Hertforde. ¶And these foure bysshops prayed the kynge / knelynge on theyr knees / & sore werynge / that he wolde do ye popes com∣maundement. And shewed hym ye popes Bul¦les of the entertydynge / but for no prayer that they myght praye he wolde not consente ther∣to. And whan ye bysshops sawe this / they wen∣te fro the kyng. And in the morne after the An¦nunciacion of our lady / they pronounced ye ge¦nerall enterdytynge thrughout all Englonde so that the chyrche doores were shytte with ke∣ys & with other fastynges & with walles. And whan the enterdytynge was pronoūced / then¦ne the kynge began for to wexe all out of mesu¦re / & anone toke in to his honde al ye possessiōs of ye foure bysshops / & of all the clergye thrugh out of all Englond / the lōde he toke / and ordey¦ned men for to kepe it / that the clerk{is} myghte not haue theyr lyuynge. wherfore ye bysshops cursyd all them / that put / or shold medle with holy chyrche goodes / ayenst the wyll of theym that ought theym. ¶And whan the kyng wol¦de not of hys malyce cesse for no maner thyn∣ge. These foure bysshops afore sayd wente o∣uer the see / and came to the bysshop of Caun∣terbury / & tolde hym all thynge. And ye Arche∣bysshop to them sayd / that they shold go ayen to Caunterbury / and he sholde come thyder to theym / or elles he wolde sende vnto theym cer¦tayne persones in hys stede / that sholde do as moche as of he hymself were there. And whan the bysshops herde thys they torned agayne in to Englonde / and came vnto Caunterbury. The tydynges came to the kynge / that the bys∣shops were come againe to Caunterbury / and hymself myght not come thyder that tyme he sente thyder bysshops Erles / & abbotes / for to create with them / that the kynge sholde recey∣ue tharchebysshop Stephen / & the pryour and all the monkes of Caunterbury / that he shold neuer after that tyme no thynge take of hooly chyrche ayenst the wyll of them that oweth ye goodes. And that the kynge sholde make full a¦mendes to them / of whom he had ony goodes taken. And that hooly chyrche sholde haue alle fraunchyse / as ferforth as they hadde in saynt Edward{is} tyme the holy Confessour. SO whan the fourme of accordemente thus was ordeyned. It was in a payer of endentures / & theyr seales to that one pare and they yt came in the kynges name put theyr seales to that other parte of ye endentures. And four bysshops aboue sayd toke that one parte of the endentures to them. And that other par¦te of the endentures \ they bare with theym to shewe to the kynge. ¶Whan the kynge sawe the fourme and vnderstode / he helde hym full well apayed of all maner thynges as they had ordened / sauynge as touchynge / restytucyon of the goodes for to make ayen. To that thyn¦ge wolde not accorde / & so he sente worde ayen to the foure bysshops / that they sholde do out and put awaye that one poynt of restyucyon. But they answered / that they wolde not doo one worde out. ¶Tho sente the kynge to the Archebysshop by the four bysshops yt he sholde come to Caunterbury for to speke wyth hym there / and sente vnto hym saufcondyte vnder pledges. that is to saye / his Iustyces Gylbert Peyteum. Wyllyam de la Brener and Iohan fitz Hugh / that in theyr conduyte / sauely he sholde come & go ayen at his owne wyll And thus in this maner tharchebysshop Stephen came to Caunterbury. whan the Archebys∣shop was come / the kyng came to Chill For he wolde no nyghe Caynterbury at that tyme. But he sente by his Tresorer bysshop of wyn∣cester yt he sholde do out of the endentures the clause of restytucyon / for to make of ye goodes ¶And tharchebysshop made hys othe that he wolde neuer doo out oo worde therof ne yet chaunge of yt the bysshops had spoken & ordey∣ned. And tho the Archebyssop yede ayen to Rome without ony more doyng. ¶Kynge Io¦han was wrother thā euer he was before and lete make a comyn crye thrugh out all Englon¦de / that all tho yt had holy chyrche rentes / and wente ouer the see / yt they sholde come ayen in to Englonde at a certayne daye / or elles they shold lese theyr rentes for euer more. And yt he commaunded to euery Shyref thrugh out all Englonde / that they shold enquyre yf ony bys∣shop abbot or pryour / or ony other Prelate of holy chyrche / fro ye daye afterwarde / receyue ony commaundement that cometh fro the po∣pe. That they sholde take the body / & bryng it before hym / and that they sholde take in to the kynges hondes all theyr londes of holy chyr∣che / that were yeue to ony man / by the Arche¦bychop or by the pryour of Caūterbury / from the tyme of eleccion of the Archebysshop. And commaunded that alle the woodes that were the Archebysshops sholde be caste downe vn∣to the grounde / and all solde. ANd in the same yere / the Irysshe men began to warre vpon kynge Iohn / & the kynge ordeyned hym for to go in to Irlon¦de / & lete arere an huge taxe thrughout al Eng¦londe / that is for to saye .xxx. thousande mar∣ke. And thus he sent thrugh out all Englonde vnto mōkes of the ordre of Cisteaux that they shold helpe hym of ·vi. thousande marke of syl¦uer. ¶And they answered and sayd / that they durst no thynge do without theyr chyef abbot yf Cisteaux. wherfore kynge Iohan whan he came ayen from Irlonde / dyde them so moche sorowe & care / that they wyst not wheder to a byde / for he tooke so moche raunson of euery hous / & the somme amoūted to .ix. thousande & .iiii. hondred marke / so that they were clene lost & destroyed / & voyded cheyr houses & theyr londes thrughout all Englonde. And the ab∣bot of wauersaye draded so moche hys mena∣ce / that he forsoke all the abbaye & went thens & pryuely ordeyned hym ouer the see to ye hous of Cisteaux. whan the tydynges came to the pope / that the kynge hath done so moche maly¦ce / then he was to warde the kynge full wroth And sente to Legates vnto the kyng / that one was called Pandulf / & ye other Duraunt / that they sholde warne the kynge in the popes na∣me / that he sholde cesse of his persecucion yt he dyde vnto holy chirche / & amende the wronge & the trespasse / yt he had done to the Archebys∣shop of Caunterbury / & to the pryour & vnto the monkes of Caunterbury / & to all the cler∣gye of Englonde. And that he sholde rest ore al the goodes ayen yt he had taken of them ayenst theyr wyll & elles they sholde curse hym by na¦me / And to do this thynge / and to conferme the pope toke them his letters in bulles paten¦tes. ¶These two Legates came in to englon∣de / & came to the kynge to Northamton / the∣re yt he helde his parlyamente / & full curteysly they hym salewed & sayd. Syr we come fro ye pope of Rome / the peas of the holy chyrche & the londe to amende. And we admonest you fyrst in the popes half / that ye make full resty∣tucyon of the goodes yt ye haue rauysshed & ta∣ken of holy chyrche & of the londe. And that y receyue Stephen Archebysshop of Caunterbu¦ry in to his dygnytee / & the pryour of Caunter¦bury / & his mōkes. And that ye yelde ayen vn¦to the Archebysshop alle his londes & rentes / without ony withholdynge. ¶And syr yet mo¦re ouer / yt ye shall make restytucyon / vnto all holy chyrche / wherof they shall holde them wel apayed. Tho answered the kynge as touchyn∣ge the pryour & his monkes of Caunterbury. All that ye haue sayde I wyll do gladly / and all thynge yt ye wyll ordeyne. But as touchynge the Archebysshop. I shall tell you in my herte as it lyeth. That the Archebysshop leue his ar¦chebysshoppryche / & that ye pope then̄e for hym wolde praye / & then̄e vpon auenture / me shol¦de lyke some other bysshopryche to yeue hym in Englond And vppon this condicyon I wyl hym accepte & receyue And neuertheles as Ar¦chebysshop in Englonde yf he abyde / he shall neuer haue so good{is} saufconduyte / but that he shall be take. ¶Tho sayde Pandulf vnto the kynge / Syre holy chyrche was wonte neuer to dyscharge an Archebysshop wythout cause resonable. But euer it hath be wonte to chas¦tyse prynces / yt to god & holy chyrche were In obedyence. ¶What how now sayde the kyng menace ye me. Naye sayde Pandulf / But ye now openly haue tolde / as it standeth in your herte. And to you we wyll tell what is the po∣pes wyll. And thus it standeth / yt he hathe you hooly enterdyted & accursyd / for the wronges that ye haue done to holy chyrche & to the cler∣gye. And for as moche as ye dwelle / & beth in wyll to abyde in malyce & in wretchednesse / & wyll not come out therof / ne to amēde ye shall vnderstande / yt this tyme after warde the sen∣tence is vpon you yeuen and holdeth stede and strength / and vpon all tho that with you hath comuned before this tyme / whether they ben erles / barons / or knyght{is} / or ony other what so euer yt they be we them assoylle / saufly vnto this day· & fro this tyme after warde of what condycyon someuer yt they ben we them accur¦se / yt with you comyne ony worde / & do wene sē¦tence vpon them openly and specially And we assoyle clene / erles / barrns / knyghtes / and all other mē of theyr homages / seruyces and feau¦tres / that they sholde vnto you do / And this ty¦dynge to conferme / we yeue playne power / to the bysshop of wynchestre / and the bysshop of Norwhiche. And the same power we yeue in to Scotlōde to the bisshop of Rochestre and of Salysbury. And in walys we yeue the same power to the bysshop of saynt Dauyd and of Landaf & of saynt Asse. And more ouer we sen¦te thrugh out all Crystendom / that all the bys¦shops beyonde the see / that they do accurse all tho that helpe you / or ony counseyl yeueth you in ony maner nede that ye haue to doo in ony parte of the worlde. And we assoyle them also all / by auctoryte of ye pope / & commaūde them also with you for to fyght / as with hym that is enmye to all holy chyrche. ¶Tho answered ye kynge. what may ye do more to me ¶Tho an¦swered Pandulf. we saye to you in the worde of god / that ye ne no heyr that ye haue / neuer after this daye may be crowned. Tho sayd ye kyne. By hym that is almyghty god / & I had wyst this are that ye came in to my londe / that ye had brought me suche tydynges. I shold ha¦ue made you redy all one yere. ¶Tho answe∣red Pandulf / Full well wende we at our fyrst comynge / that ye wolde haue be obedyent to god & holy chyrche / & haue fulfylled the popes commaūdement / & now we haue shewed vnto you / & pronounced the popes wyll / as we we∣re charged therwith / And as now ye haue say∣de / that yf ye had wyst the cause of our comyn∣ge / that ye wolde haue do vs to ryde all an hole yere. And as well ye myght haue sayd / that ye wolde haue taken an hoole yere of respyte / by the popes leue. ¶But for to suffre what deth ye coude ordeyne / we shall not spare for to tell you hooly all the popes message and his wyll / that we were charged with. ANd anone tho commaunded the kyn∣ge the Syrefs & Baylyfs of Northam¦pton / that were in the kynges presence / yt they sholde brynge forth all ye prysoners / that they myght be done to deth before Pandulf / for by cause the kynge wened that they wolde haue gaynsayd theyr dedes / for cause of the deth all thynge that they hadde spoken afore ¶Whan the prysoners were come before the kynge the kynge commaunded some to be hanged / and some to be drawen and some to drawe out the¦yr eyen out of theyr heed. And amonge alle o∣ther / there was a clerke that had falsyd ye kyn¦ges moneye. And the kynge cōmaunded that he shoyde be hanged and drawed· And whan Pandulf herde this commaundemente of the kynge / he sterte hym vp ryght quyckly / & ano∣ne axed a boke and a candell / and wolde haue cursyd the kynge / & all theym that wolde sette vpon ye clerke ony honde. And Pandulf hym self wente for to seke a crosse. And the kynge fo¦lowed hym / & delyuered hym the clerke by the hōde that he sholde doo with hym what he wol¦de. And thus was the clerke delyuered & went thens. ¶And Pandulf and Duraunt his fe¦lowe went fro the kyng / & came agayne to the pope of Rome. And tolde hym that kynge Io¦han wolde not amended be. But euer abode so acrcusyd ¶And neuertheles the pope graū¦ted that yere thorughout alle Englonde that preestes myght synge masse in couenable chyr¦ches / and consecrate our lordes body & gyue it to syke men whiche were lykely to passe out of this worlde. And also that men myght crys∣ten chyldern ouer all the londe. ¶And whan the pope wyst and sawe that the kynge wolde not be vnder the rule of hooly chyrche for noo maner thynge. The pope then̄e sent to the kyn¦ge of Fraūce in remysseon of his synnes / that he sholde take with hym alle the power that he myght / & go in to Englond for to destroye the kynge Iohan ¶Whan these tydyges came to kynge Iohan / thenne was he sore anoyed & sore dradde lest he sholde lese his reame & hym self be done to the deth. ¶Thenne sente he to the pope messengers & sayd. He wolde be Iusti¦fyed / & come to amendemente in all thynges / and wolde make satysfaccyon to all maner of men after the popes ordynaunce. ¶Then̄e sente the pope ayen in to Englonde Pandulf and other messenger / and came to Caunter∣bury to the kynge & there abode· And the .viii. daye of May / the kynge made anothe for to stande to the popes ordynaunce / before Pan∣dulf ye Legate in all maner of thynges in why¦che he was accursyd. And that he sholde make full restytucyon to all mē of holy chyrche & of relygyon / and of the goodes that he had taken of them ayenst theyr wyll And all the grete lor¦des of Englonde swore vpon the boke and by theyr holydom / that yf ye kynge wolde not hol¦de his othe / they sayd ye they wolde by strength make hym holde it. ¶Thenne put the kymge hym to the courte of Rome / and thenne gaaf he vp the reame of Englonde and of Irlonde for hym and for his heyers for euer more that sholde come after hym / soo that kynge Iohan and his heyers sholde take the two reames of the popes hondes And sholde euery yere paye ferme vnto the courte of Rome a thousande marke of syluer. And tho toke ye kyng ye crow¦ne of hys heed & sete it vpon his knees And the¦se wordes sayd he in herynge of all ye grete lor¦des of Englonde. Here Iresygne vp the crow¦ne & the reame of Englonde in to the pope In¦nocencius hondes the thyrde / & put me hooly in his mercy and in his ordynaunce. ¶Tho receyued Pandulf the crowne of kynge Iohn̄ and kept it yue dayes as fore seasynge / takyn¦ge of two realmes / of Englonde & of Irlonde. And cōfermed all maner thyng{is} by his Char∣tre that foloweth afer. TO all crysten people throghout all the worlde dwellynge. Iohan by the grace of god kynge of Englonde gretynge to your vnyuersyte. And be it knowen that for as mo¦che as we haue greued and offended god and our moder holy chyrche of Rome. And for as∣moche as we haue nede vnto the mercy of our lorde Ihesu cryst. And also we may no thynge so worthy ofre / as competent satysfaccyon to make to god and to holy chirch / but yf that yt were owr owne body / as wyth our reames of Englonde and of Irlonde. Then̄e by the gra∣ce of god we desyre to meke vs / for the loue of hym that meked hym to the dethe of the crosse Thorugh coūseyll of these noble erles and ba∣rons / we offre all freely / graunt to god and to the appostle saynt Peter and saynt poule / and to our moder chirche of Rome / and to our ho∣ly fader pope Innocencius the thyrde / and to all the pooes that cometh after hym all the re∣ame and patronages of chirches of Englonde and of Irlonde / with theyr appertenaunces / for remyssyon of oure synnes / and for helpe & helthe of our kynne soules / and of all crysten soul is So that from this daye after warde we wyll receyue / & holde of our moder chyrche of Rome / as fee ferme / doynge feaute to our ho¦ly fader pope Innocencius the thyrde / and so to all the popes that cometh after hym / in the same manere aboue sayd. And in presence of the wyse man Pandulf ye popes Subdeaken / we make lyeges homage / as it were in the po∣pes presence / and before gym were. And shall do all manere thyng{is} aboue sayd / And therto we bynde vs / and all that cometh after vs / & our heyres for euer more / without ony agayn sayenge to the pope / and eke the warde of chyr¦che vacauntz. And in token for this thyng for euer to laste / we wyll conferme and ordeyne / that our specyall rentes of the forsayd rame / sauynge saynt Peters pens in al thynge to the moder chyrche of Rome payēge bi yere a thou¦sande marke of syluer and two termes of ye ye∣re for all manere customes that we sholde doo for the forsayd reames / that is to say to Myg∣helmas / and atte Eester. That is to saye .vii. hondred marke for Englonde / & thre hondred marke for Irlond Sauynge to vs and to our heyres our Iustyces / and other fraunchyse / & other ryaltees / that perteyne vnto the crowne And these thynges & before ben sayd we wyll / that it be ferme & stable without ende. And to that oblygacyon / we & our successours & oure heyres in this manere be bounde / that yf we / or ony of oyr heyres / thorugh ony presumpcy¦on falle / in ony poynt ayenst ony of these thyn∣ges aboue sayde / and he be warned / and wyll not ryght amende / he shall thenne lese the for∣sayd reame for euermore. And that is char∣tre of oblygacyon and our warraunt for euer more / be ferme and stable without ony gayn∣sayenge. we shall fronte this daye afterwarde be true vnto god and to the moder of holy chyr¦che of Rome \ and to the pope Innocencius the thyrde / and to all that cometh after hym· And the realme of Englonde and of Irlonde / we shall maynten truely in alle manere poyntes ayenst alle manere men by our power thrugh goodes helpe. SO whan thys chartre was made and ensealed / the kynge receyued agayne his crowne of Pandulfus honde And sete ano¦ne vnto the Archebysshop Stephen / and to all his other clerkes and lewede men / that he had exyled out of thys londe / that they sholde come ayen in to Englonde / and haue agayne theyr londes and allo theyr rentes. And that he wol¦de make restytucyon of the goodes that he had taken of theyrs ayenst theyr wyll. ¶The kyn¦ge hymself tho and Pandulf and erles and ba∣rons went unto wynchestre ayenst the Arche¦bysshop Stephen. ¶And whan he was come the kynge wente ayenst hym and fell adowne to his feet / and thus to hym sayde. Fayre syre ye be welcome. And I crye you mercy by cau∣se that I haue trespassed ayenst you. ¶The Archebysshop toke hym vp tho in hys armes / and kyssyd hym curteysly oftentymes / and af∣ter ledde hym to ye doore of saynt Swythunes chyrche by the honde / and assoylled hym of the sentence / and hym reconsyled to god & to holy thyrche. And that was on saynt Margaretes daye. And the Archepysshop anone wente for to synge masse. And the kyng offred at the mas∣se a marke of golde. ¶And whan the masse was done / all they wente for to receyue theyr londes / without ony manere gaynsayenge. ¶And that daye they made all myrth & Ioye ynough. But yet was not the enterdytynge re¦leaced / by cause the pope had sette that the en∣terdytynge sholde not be done / tyll the kynge had made full restytucyon of the goodes that he had taken of the holy chyrche. And that hym self sholde do homage to the pope by a certayn Legate / that he sholde sende in to Englonde. ¶And thenne tooke Pandulf his leue of the kynge and the Archebysshop / and went agay¦ne vnto Rome. ¶And the Archebysshop ano¦ne lete come before hym prelates of holy chyr∣che at Redynge / for to treate & counseyll how moche / and what they sholde axe of the kyng / for to make restytucyon of the goodes that he had taken of theym. And they ordeyned & sayd that the kyng sholde yeue to the Archebysshop thre thousande marke for the wronge that the kynge had done vnto hym. And also by procy∣ons to other clerkes .xv. thousande marke. ¶And the same tyme Nycolaus bysshop of Tuscam Cardynall Penytenciarius of Ro∣me came in to Englonde thrugh the popes con¦maundement / the fyfth kalendas of Octobre and came to London / the fyfth Nonas of Oc¦tobre / for by cause that kynge Iohan and alle the kynges that came after hym / sholde euer more holde the reame of Englonde and of Ir∣londe / of god and of the pope / payenge to the pope by yere as it is aboue sayd. AS kynge Iohan had done his homage to the Legate that shewed hym the po∣pes letter / that he sholde paye to Iulyan & yel∣ne ayen that was kynge Rychardes wyfe the thyrde parte of the londe of Englonde and of Irlonde that he had withholde syth that kyng Rycharde deyed. ¶Whan kynge Iohn̄ herde this / he was wonder wroth. For vtterly yt en¦terdytynge myght not be vndone tyll yt he had made gre and restytycyon to the forsayd Iu∣lyan / of that she asked. The Legate went then¦ne agayne to the pope after Crystmasse. And ye kynge sente ouer see to Iulyan that was kyn¦ge Rychardes wyf for to haue a relate of that she axed of hym. ¶And so it befell that Iuly¦an deyed anone after Eester. And in so moche the kynge was quyte of that thynge that the ax¦ed. ¶But thenne at the feest of saynt Iohan that came nexte after / thorugh the popes com∣maundemente / the enterdytynge was fyrst re¦leasyd thrughout alle Englonde daye of Iulii. And .vii. yere was the londe ¦terdyted. And on the mornynge mn rough & sayd masse thorugh out all London and so ¦ter thorugh out all Englonde· ¶And the ne yere after there began a grete debate bytwene kynge Iohan and the lordes of Englonde or by cause that he wolde not graunte the law and holde / the whiche saynt Edwarde had or¦deynd / and had ben vsed & holden vnto that tyme that he had them broken. For he wolde holde noo lawe / but dyde all thynge that hym lyked / and dysheryted many men without con¦sente of lordes and perys of ye londe. And wo dysheryte the good erle Radulf of Chestre for by cause that he vndertoke hym of hys wyc∣kednesse / & for by cause that he dyde so moche shame and vylany to god and to holy chyrche▪ And also for he helde and haunted hys owne brothers wyfe / and laye also by many wym∣men greate lordes doughters. For he spared no woman that hym lyked for to haue. wher∣fore all the lordes of the londe were wrothe / & toke the cyte of London. To cesse this debate the Archebysshop and lordes of the londe assen¦bled before the feest of saynt Iohn̄ Bapyst in a medowe besyde the towne of Stanys / that is called Romney mede. And the kynge made them there a chartre of fraunchyse / suche as they wolde axe / and in suche manere they we∣e accorded / and that accordement lasted not full longe. For the kynge hymself soone after dyed ayenst the poyntes of the same chartre that he had made. wherfore the moost parte of the lordes of the londe assembled and began to warre vppon hym ayen / and brenned his tow¦nes / & robbed his folke / and dyde all the soro∣we that they myght / & made them as stronge as they myght with all the power they hadde / and thought to dryue hym oute of Englonde / and make Lowys the kyng{is} sone of Fraunce kynge of Englonde. ¶And kyng Iohn̄ sente tho ouer see and ordeyned so moche people of Normans / & of Pycardes / & of Flemynges / soo that the londe myghte not susteyne them / but with moche sorowe. ¶And amonge alle this people there was a man of Normandye that was called Fawkis of Brent / and thys Normā and his company spared nother chir∣ches ne houses of relygyon / but they brente & obbed it / and bare a way al that they myght take so that the londe was all destroyed / what one syde and other. ¶The barons & lordes of Englonge ordeyned amonge theym the beste spekers and wysest men / and sente them ouer the see to kynge Phylyp of Fraūce / and pray∣ed hym / that he wolde sende Lowys hys sone in to Englonde to be kynge of Englonde / and to receyue the crowne. ANone as kynge Phylyp of Fraunce herde these tydynges / he made certay¦ne alyaunce bytwene theym by theyr comune eleccyon / that Lowys kynge Phylyps sone of Fraunce sholde go with theym in to Englon∣de / and dryue out kynge Iohan of the londe. And all that were in presence of Lowes / made vnto hym homage / & became his men. ¶And the Barons of Englonde helde them styll att London / and abode Lowys the kynges sone of Fraunce. And thys was the nexte Sater∣daye before the Ascensyon of our lorde / that Lowys came into Englonde wyth a stronge power. And that tyme kynge Iohn̄ had taken alle the castels of Englonde in to Alyens hon∣des / ¶And tho came Lowwys / and besyeged Rochestre castell / and tooke yt wyth strength. And the thursdaye in wytson weke lete hange all the Alyens that were therin / And ye Thurs¦daye nexte se wynge / he came to London / and there he was receyued with moche honur of the lordes that abode hym there / & all to hym made homage. ¶And after warde on the Te∣wysdaye nexte after the. Trynyte sondaye he toke the castel of Reigate. And on the morowe after the castell of Gilforde / and the Frydaye nexte after the castell of Farneham. And the Mondaye nexte after the cyte of wynchestre to hym was yolde / and the morowe after Saynt Iohans daye the maner of wuueseye to hym yelden▪ And the Tewysdaye after the Vtas of saynt Peter and Poule they toke the castell of Odyham. And the mondaye after saynt / Mar¦garetes day / he ordeyned hym to warde Baw¦more / for to syege the castell / and there he dwel¦led .xv. dayes and myghte not gete the castell / and thenne wente he thens and came to Lon∣don and the Toure to hym was yolden. ANd in the same tyme the pope sente in to Englond a Legate / that was called Swalo / and he was preest Cardynall of Ro∣me / for to mayntene kynge Iohans cause / a∣yenst the barons of Englond. But the barons had so huge parte & helpe / thorugh lowys the kynges sone of Fraūce / that kyng Iohn̄ wyst not to orne ne go. And so it befell that he wol¦de haue gone to Nycholl· And as he went thy¦der warde / he came by the abbaye of Swynes hede / & there he abode two dayes And as he sa∣te at mete / he axed a monke of ye hous how mo∣che that a loof was wroth that was sette befo∣re hym vpō the table / And the monke sayd hat the loof was wroth but an half peny. O sayd the kynge tho. Here is greate chepe of brede. Now sayde he tho / and I may leue ony whyle suche a loof shall be wrothe .xx. shelynges or half a yere be gone. And so whan he sayd this worde / moche he thought / & often he syghed / & toke and ete of the brede / and sayd by god / ye worde that I haue spoken / it shall be sothe· ¶The mōke that stode before the kyng was for this worde full sory in hys herte / & thought rather he wolde hym self suffre deth / & thought yf he myght ordeyne therfore some maner re∣medy. And anone the monke wente vnto hys abbot and was shryuen of hym / and tolde the abbot all that the kynge had sayd. And prayed hys abbot for to assoyle hym / for he wolde ye¦ue the kynge suche a drynke that all Englond sholde be glad therof and Ioyfull Tho yede the monke in to a gardeine / and foūde a grete tode therin / and toke her vp and put her in a cuppe & prycked the tode thorugh with a broche ma∣ny tymes tyll that the venym came out of eue∣ry syde in the cuppe And tho tooke the cuppe & fyllyed it with good ale / and brought it before the kyng knelynge sayenge. Syr sayd he was∣sayll / for euer the dayes of all your lyf dronke ye of so good a cuppe. ¶Begyne monke sayd the kynge. ¶And the monke dranke a greate draught / and toke the kynge the cuppe / and ye kynge dranke also a greate draught / and sette downe the cuppe. The monke anon ryght wen¦te in to farmere & there deyed anone / on who∣os soule god haue mercy Amen. And fyue mon¦kes synge for his soule specyally / & shall whyle that the abbaye standeth. The kynge rose vp anone full euyll at ease and commaūded to re∣meue the table / and axed after the monke. And men tolde hym that he was deed / for his wom∣be was broken in sondre. ¶Whan ye kyng her¦de this / he cōmaunded for to trusse / but it was for nought / for is bely began to swelle for the drynke yt he had drōke / & within two dayes he deyed on ye morowe after saynt Lukys daye / & had many fayr chyldern of his body begaten / that is to say. Hēry his sone yt was kyng after Iohan his fader / & Rycharde that was Erle of Cornewaylle / and ysabell that was Empresse of Rome / & Elenore that was quene of Scot∣londe. And this kyng Iohan whan he had reg∣ned .xiiii. yere & fyue monethes & fyue dayes / he deyed in the castell of ne werke. And his bo¦dy was buryed at wynchestre. FRedericus the seconde was Emperour xxx. yere / This man was crowned of Honorius the pope ayenst Otto for by cause that he sholde fyght wyth hym / the whyche he dyde / and expulsyd hym. And fyrste he nourys∣shed the chyrche / and afterwarde he dyspoyled it / as a stepmoder· wherfore Honorius cursyd hym / and all tho that were contrary to hys o∣pynyon the pope assoyled. And the same sen¦tence Gregorius the .ix. renewed And this sa∣me man put Henry hys owne sone in to pry¦son / and there murdred hym. wherfore whan thys Emprerour an other season was lyke / by an other sone of his owne he was murdred / in the tyme of Innocentius the fourth. ¶Hono¦rius the thyrde was pope after Innocenci{us} .x. yere / & confermed the ordre of frere Prechers & Mynors· And made certayne Decretalles. ANd after this kynge Iohan regned his sone Henry / & was crowned at Glou∣cette whan he was .ix. yere olde / on saynt Sy¦mondes daye & Iyde of Swalo the Legate of Rome thrugh counseyll of all the grete lordes that helde with kynge Iohan hys fader that is to saye / the erle Radulf of Chestre. wyllyam erle Marshall erle of Penbroke. Wyllyam ye Brener erle of Feries. Serle ye manly baron. And all other grete lordes of Englonde helde with Lowys the kynges sone of Fraūce. And anone after whan kynge Henry was crowned Swalo the Legate helde his counseyll at Bry∣stowe at saynt Martyns feest. And there were xi. byssops of Englonde & of walys / and of o∣ther prelates of holy chyrche a grete nombre / and erles & barons / & many knyghtes of Eng¦londe. And all tho that were at that counseyll swore feawte vnto Henry the kyng that was kynge Iohn̄s sone. ¶And anone after the Le¦gate enterdyted walys / for cause that they hel∣de with the barons of Englonde. Also all tho that holpe / or yaue ony counseyll to meue war¦re ayenst the newe kynge Henry he accursyd them. And at the begynnynge he put in the sen¦tence the kyng{is} sone of Fraunce Lowys. And neuertheles the same Lowys wolde not spare for all that. But wente and toke the caastell of Barchamstede / & aleso ye castell of Hirtfo And from that daye afterwarde / the Barons dyde there so moche harme thrughout all En∣glonde. And pryncypally ye frensshemen that were with kynge Lowys. wherfore the grete lordes / and all the comyn people of Englonde lete them dresse / for to dryue Lowys & his com¦pany out of Englond / but some of the barons and Frensshemen were gone to the cyte of Ny¦choll / & toke the towne & helde it to kynge Lo∣wys profyte. But thyther came kyng Henry¦es men with a grete power / that is to saye the erle Radulf of Chestre / & Wyllyam erle Mar∣shall / & Wyllyam the Brenererle of Feryers & many other lordes with them / & yaue batayll vnto Lowys men. And there was slayne the erle of perchees & Lowys men were fowle dys¦comfyted. And there was taken Serle erle of wynchestre / and Humfroyde. Boune erle of Hertforde / & Robert the sone of walter / & ma∣ny other that began warre ayenst the kynge / there they were taken & ladde vnto kyng Hen∣ry / that was kynge Iohn̄s sone. ¶And whan the tydynges cam to Lowys of the dyscomfy¦ture / yt was the kynges sone of Fraūce. He re∣meued fro thens & wente vnto London / and lete shytte the yates faste of the cyte. And ano∣ne after the kynge sente to the Burgeys of Lō¦don / that they sholde yelde them vnto hym / & the cyte also. And he wolde theym graunte all theyr fraunchyses that euer they were wonte to haue before. And wolde conferme them by his grete newe chartre vnder hys brode scale. ¶And in the same tyme a grete lorde that was called Eustace the monke came oute of Fraunce wyth a grete company of Lordes / & wolde haue come in to Englonde / for to haue holpen Lowys the kynges sone of Fraunce. But Hubert of Brugh / & ye fyue pores wyth .viii. shyppes tho mette with them in ye hyghe see & assaylled them egerly / & ouer came them with strength / & smote of Eustace the monkes heed. And toke also .x. grete lordes of Fraunce & put theym in to pryson. And slewe almoost all the men that came with theym / and anone drowned the shyppes in the see. SO whan Lowys herde these rydynges he dradde sore to be deed & lost. And lete oryne / & speke bytwene the kynge & Lowys by the Legate Swalo And throughe the Arche¦bysshop of Caunterbury / & thrugh other grete lordes that all the prysoners on that one halfe and that other sholde be delyuerd & go quyte. Ad Lowys hym self sholde haue for his costes a thousande poūde of syluer. and shold go out of Englonde / and come neure more ther in a∣gayne. And in this maner was ye accorde ma∣de bytwene kynge Henry & Lowys. And tho was Lowys assoylled of the popes Legate / ye was called Swalo of the sentēce that he was in / & the Barons of Englonde also. And after thys kynge Henry & Swalo the Legate & Lo∣wys went to Merton & there was the peas cō¦fermed / & bytwene them ordeyned. And after Lowys wente from thens vnto London & to∣ke his leue & was brought with moche honour vnto the see with the Archebysshop of Caun∣terbury and with other bysshops / & also wyth erles and barons / and so went in to Fraunce. ¶And after warde the kynge & the Archebys∣shop / and also erles & barons assembled them and came to the cyte of London att Myghel∣mas that nexte came tho sewynge and helde there a grete parlament at London / And the∣re were tho reuewed all the fraūchyse ye kyng Iohn̄ had graunted / at Romney mede \ & kyn∣ge Henry tho confermed by hys chartre / the whiche yet ben holden thrugh out all Englon¦de. ¶And in that tyme the kyng toke of euery plough lōde .ii. shleynges / & Hubert of Brugh was made tho cheyf Iustyce of Englond And this was in the fourth yere of kynge Henryes regne ¶And in the same yere was saynt Tho¦mas of Caunterbury translated the .l. yere af∣ter his martyrdome. And after it was ordey∣ned by all the lordes of Englonde / that all Aly¦ens solde go out of Englonde / and come nomo¦re therin. And kynge Henry toke tho all the ca∣stelles in to his honde / ye kynge Iohan his fa∣der had yeue & take to Alyens for to kepe yt hel¦de with hym. ¶But the proude Fawkys of Brytayn rychely lete araye his castell of Bed¦forde / whiche he had of kynge Iohn̄s yefte / & helde that castell ayenst kynge Henryes wyll with myght and strength. And the kynge ca∣me thyder with a strong power / and besyeged the castell. And the Archebysshop mayster Ste¦phen of Langton / wyth a fayre company of knyghtes came to the kynge hym for to helpe. And from the Ascensyon of our lord vnto the Assumpcyon of our lady lasted the syege. And tho was the castell wonne & take. And the kyn∣he lete hange all tho that went in to the castell with theyr good wyll. for to holde the castell. That is for to saye .lxxx. men. ¶And tho after warde fawkys hymselfe was founde and had in a chyrche at Couentre / & there he forswore all Englonde with moche shame / and wente agayne in to his owne countree. ¶And why¦les that kynge Henry regned. Edmonde of A¦byndon / that was relorer of Salysbury was consecrated Archebysshop of Caunterbury. And this kynge Henry sente ouer the see vnto the erle of prouynce / that he sholde lende hym his doughter in Englond / that was called El¦lenore / and he wolde spowse her. And tho she came in to Englond after Crystmas. And on the morowe after saynt Hylaryes daye / ye Ar¦chebysshop Edmonde spowsed them togyder at westmestre with grete solempnyte. And the¦re was a swete syght bytwene them. That is to saye Edwarde that was nexte kynge after hys fader / floure of curteysy and of largenesse and Margarete that was after quen of Scot¦londe / and Beautrice that was after countesse of Brytayne / Katheryne that deyed mayde in relygyon. ANd thus it befell that ye lordes of Eng¦londe wold haue some addycyous moo in the chartre of Fraunchyse that they had of the kynge / & spake thus bytwene them. And ye kynge graunted them all theyr axenge. And made to them two chartres / that one is called the grete chartre of fraunchises / & that other is callad the chartre of forest. And for the graunt of these two chartres / prelates / Erles and Ba¦rons / and alle the comyns of Englonde / yaue to the kynge a thousande marke of syluer. ¶Whan kyng Henry had be kynge .xliii. yere the same yere he and his lordes / Erles and Ba¦rons of the reame wente to Oxforde / and or∣deyned a lawe in amendemente of the reame. And fyrst swore the kyng hymself / & afterwar∣de alle the lordes of the londe / that they wolde holde that statute for euermore / and who that them brake sholde be deed. But the seconde ye∣re after that ye ordynaunce / the kynge thrugh counseyll of Edward his sone / and of Rychar¦de his brother / that was erle of Cornwaylle / & also of other repented hym of that othe that he made for to holde that lawe and ordynaūce· And sente to ye courtre of Rome to be assoylled of that othe. And in the yere next comynge af∣ter / was the grete darth of corne in Englonde For a quarter of whete was worth .xxiiii. she∣lynges. And the poore people ete netles and o¦ther wedes for hūgre. And deyed many a thou¦sande for defawte of mete. ¶And in ye .xlviii. yere of kynge Henryes regne began warre & debate bytwene hym & his lordes / for by cause he had broken the couenauntes that were ma∣de bytwene them at Oxforde. ¶And ye same yere was the towne of Northamton taken / & folke slayne that were wythin / For by cause that they had ordeyned wylde fyre for to bren∣ne the cyte of London. ¶And in the monethe of Maye that the next after / vpon saynt Pan∣cras daye / was the Batayll of lewes / that is to saye / the wenesday before Saynt Dūstans daye. And there was taken kynge Henry hym self / and syr Edwarde his sone / and Rychar∣de his broder erle of Cornewaylle / and many other lordes. And in the same yere nextse wyn∣ge syr Edwarde the kynges sone brake out of the warde of syre Symonde of Mountforth / erle of Leycetre at Hertforde / and wente vn∣to the barons of the Marche / and they rceey∣ued hym with moche honour. ¶And the same tyme Gylbert of Claraunce erle of Glocetre that was in the warde also of the forsayd Sy¦mon de thorugh the commaūdement of kynge Henry / that wente fro hym wyth grete herte / for cause that he sayd / that ye forsayd Gylbert was a foole / and helde hym with kynge Henry ¶And on the Saterdaye nexte after the myd¦des of August / syre Edwarde the kynges sone dyscomfyted syr Symonde de Mountforth ac Kelyngworth / but the greate lordes that were there with hym were takē / that is to saye. Bal¦dewyne wake. And Wyllyam de Mouchentye and many other grete lordes. And the Tewys¦daye next after was ye batayll done at Eusbā. And there was slayne syr Symonde de Moūt¦forth. Hugh the Spenser / & Mountforth that was Raufe Bassectes fader of Drayton and other many greate lordes / And whanne thys batayll was done / all the gentylmen that had ben with the erle Symonde were dysheryed / and ordeyned togyder and dyde moche harme to all the londe. For they destroyed theyr enmy¦es in all that they myght. ANd the nexte yere comynge in May / the fourth day before the feest of saynt Dunstane / was the bataylle & scomfyture are Chestrefelde / of them that were dysheryted / & there was many of theym slayne· ¶And Ro¦bert Erle of Feriers there was take / and also Baldewyne wake / & Iohan delahay / with mo¦che sorowe escaped thens. And oon saynt Io¦han the Baptyst tho sewynge / began the syege of the castell Kenylworth / & the syege la¦sted to saynt Thomas eue the appostle. in why¦che daye syr Hugh Hastynge had the castel for to kepe / yt yelded vp the castell vnto the kynge in this manere / that hymself & the other yt we∣re within the castell / sholde haue theyr lyues & lymme / & as moche thynge as they had therin both hors & harneys / & foure dayes of repyte / for to delyuer clenly the castel / of them self & of all other maner thynge / as they had within ye castell / & soo they wente fro the castell. And syr Symonde Noūtforth the yonger / & the coun¦tesse his mo were gone ouer ye see in to Fraū¦ce / & there helde them as people yt were exyled out of Englonde for euer. ¶And soone after it was ordeyned by the Legate Octobone / & by other grete lordes / the wysest of Englonde that all tho that had be ayenste the kynge and were dysheryted / sholde haue ayen theyr lon∣des by greuous raūsons / after that it was or∣deyned. And thus they were accorded with the kynge & peas cryed thorughout all Englonde and thus the warre was ended. And whan yt was done the Legate toke hys leue of the kyn∣ge & of the quene / of ye grete lordes of Englon∣de & wente tho to Rome the .lv. yere of kynge Henryes regne & Edwarde kynge Iohn̄s so∣ne of Brytayne Iohan Vessi. Thomas of Cla¦re. Rogere of Clyfforde. Othes of Graūstone Robert le Brus. Iohn̄ of Verdon / and many other lordes of Englonde / and of beyonde the see toke theyr waye to warde the hooly londe. And the kynge Henry deyed in the same tyme at westmestre / whan he had regned .lv. yere & .xix. wekes / on saynt Edmonds daye the Ar∣chebysshop of Caumterbury. And he was en∣teryd on saynt Edmondes daye the kynge / in the yere of the Incarnacyon of our lorde Ihe∣su Cryste .M.CC.lxxii. ANd of this Hēry prophecyed Merlyn & sayd / that a lambe sholde come out of wynchestre / in the yere of ye Incarnacyon of our lord Ihesu criste .M.CC. & .xvi. with true lyppes & holynesse wryten in his hert / And he sayd sothe / for the good Henry the kynge was borne in wynchestre / in the yere abouesayd / & he spake good wordes & swete / & was an holy man & of good consyence. And Merlyn sayd / that this Henry shold make the fayrest place of the worde / that in his tyme shold not be ful¦ly ended / & he sayd soth. For he made the newe werke of the abbaye of saynt Peters chirche at westmestre / yt is fayrer of syght than ony o∣ther place yt ony man knoweth thorugh out al crystendom. But kyng Henry deyed are that werke were fully at an ende / & that was grete herme. ¶And yet sayd Merlyn / yt this lambe sholde haue peas the moost parte of hys regne And he sayd full soth / for he was neuer noyed thorugh warre / neyther dyseased in no maner wyse / a lytell afore his deth / & Merlyn sayd in his prophecye more / & in ye regne & ende of the forsayd lambe / a wulf of a straunge londe shal do hym moche harme thorugh his warre / and that he sholde at ye last be mayster thorugh hel∣pe of a reed foxe / that sholde come forthe of the North west & sholde hym ouercome. And that he sholde dryue hym out of the water / & ye pro∣phecye full well was knowen. For within a ly¦tell tyme or ye kyng deyed Symonde of Moūt∣forde Erle of Leycerre / yt was borne in Fraun¦ce / beganne ayenste hym stronge warre / tho∣rugh whyche doynge / many a good bacheler destroyed was and deyed / and dysheryted. ¶And whan kyng Henry had the vyctory at Eusham / & Symonde the erle was slayne tho¦rugh helpe & myght of Gylbert of clare erle of Glocetre / that was in kepynge & warde of the forsayde Symonde / thrugh ordynaunce of kynge Henry that wente ayen vnto the kynge wyth moche power. wherfore the forsayd Sy¦monde was destroyed and that was grete har∣me to the comyns of Englonde / that so good a man was slayne for the trouth / and deyed in tharye / & for the comyn profyte of the same folke / & therfore almyghty god for hym hathe syns shewed many a fayre myracle to dyuers men & wymmen of ye sykenesse & dyscease that they haue had for the loue of hym ¶And Mer¦lyon also sayd in his prophecye / that afer that tyme / the lame sholde lyue no whyle / & thenne his seed sholde be in straunge londe wythout o¦ny pasture / and he sayd sothe / for kyng Henry lyued no whyle after that Symonde Moun∣forde was slayne / that kynge Henry ne deyed anone after hym. And in the meane tyme syre Edwarde hys sone / that was the beste kyng of the worlde ef honour / was tho in the holy lond and gate there. Acres. And in that countree he begate there vpon dame Elenore his wyf Io∣han of Acres hys doughter / that afterwarde was countesse of Glocetre / & made suche a vy¦age in the holy londe / that all the worlde spake of his knyghthode / & euery man dradde hym hye & lowe thorughout all crystendome / as the storye of hym telleth / as afterwarde ye shall he¦re more openly. ¶And from the tyme yt kynge Henry deyed / tyll that syr Edward was crow¦ned kynge / al the grete lordes of Englonde we¦re as faderles childern wythout ony socoure / that theym myght mayntene & gouerne / and defende ayenst theyr deedly enmyes. GRegorius the .ix. was pope after Hono¦rius / thys man canonysed many sayn∣tes / & defended myghtely ye chyrche ayenst Fre¦deryk / therfore the tooke many prelates & two Cardynalles / the whiche wente to counseyll a¦yenst hym This pope was segyd in the cyte of Rome by the Emperour / & he sawe the Roma¦yne were corrupte by the moneye of the Em∣perour. Thenne he toke in hys honde the hee∣des of the appostles Peter & Poule / and went with processyon fro the chyrche of saynt Iohn̄ Latranente / to saynt Peters chyrche. ¶And so he gate the hert{is} of the Romayns / & the Em¦perour went fayr a waye fro the cyte. This po¦pe made frere Ianond to compyle the fyue bo¦kes of Decretales / of many pystles and decre¦es. And after with many trybulacōns of chyp¦tyraūt and other / he decessyd and wente to he∣uen. ¶Celestinus the fourth was pope after Gregorius almoost a moneth / and he was in his lyf and in hys conynge laudable. And he was an olde man & a feble & decessyd / & there was no pope after hym almoost a .xii. month. ¶Innocenci{us} the fourth was pope after hym almoost .xi. yere & .vi. monethes / thys man ca∣nonysed many sayntes / & Frederyke the Em∣perour he deposyd as enmye vnto god in the thyrde yere that he was made pope / & he was holpe by the Ianuenc{is}. ¶Thenne was Hen∣ry the sixt chosen & wyllyam / by the popes com¦maundement ayenst Frederyk that one after an other / but they preuayled not to ouercome hys tyranny / for he was ouermyghty / ne the∣se were not crowned / for they decessyd anone. ¶Thomas de Alquine an holy doctour Alber¦tus magnus the bysshop of Ratysponens. Eu¦stacius. Bonouenture a deuoute doctour we¦re thys tyme / the whiche destroyed moche here¦sye enfected by the Emperour. ¶Alexander was pope after Innocencius .viii. yere / & lytell of hym is wryten ¶Vrbanus was after hym thre yere & thre monethes / This man droue a¦waye the host of the Sarrasyns by men mar∣ked with the crosse / the whiche Maufred had sent ayenst the chyrche / And the pope toke the kyngdome of Cecyle to the kynges brother of Fraunce / yt he sholde fyght with Maufrede / & thenne he decessyd. And Maufrede after loste his lyf and his kyngdom bi Karolus· ¶Alphō¦sus the kynge of Castell Rychardes brother to the kynge of Englonde erle of Corne waylle / were chosen Emperours after the longe vaca¦cyon of the Empyre / for the chesers of the Em∣perour were diuyded in sondre and there was grete stryfe many yere. At the last decessyd Ry¦charde / & Alphonsus came agaye afore Grego¦rius the .ix. by the sygne of peas and vtterly re¦noūced all this tytle of the Empyre & he hadde ony / for he was a very wytty mā / and a noble astronemer / and hys tables ben very famous the whiche he made / for they be compendyons ¶Clemens the fourth was pope after Vrba∣nus .iii. yere & .ix· monethes this Clemēs was an holy man / & sayd thrugh the spyryte of pro∣phecy / yt the enmyes of the chyrche shold perys¦she as the smoke. And it is to byleued that god cessyd the trybulacyons of the chyrche tho¦rugh his merytes. Thys man afore had a wyf and chyldern / and whan he was preest and af¦ter bysshop he was sente in to Englonde Le∣gate / and he no thynge knowyng was chosen pope / and after decessyd blessydly for hys ver∣tuous lyuynge. ¶Gregorias the .x. was pope after hym foure yere / after he was made pope for the desyre that he had to the holy londe. the whyche he entended to vysyte personally / ae Londō in Fraunce he made a solempne coun¦seyll / in the wihche the counseyll of the Grekes and the Tartars were & there the Grek{is} pro¦mysed to be refourmed by the vnyte of the chir¦che. And the Tartars were but a lytell afore baytysed / & promysed the same. And there we∣re gadred .vi.C. bysshops & .M. prelates / and therfore a certayne man sayde Gregorius ga¦dred togyder all kynde of people / & there was decreed / that all persones & vycaryes shold be called preest{is} / & no prelates / & yt no man sholde assygne his tythes to what chyrche he wolde / and they dyed afore. But they sholde be payed to his moder chirche. And he dampned ye plu∣ralyte of benefyces / and deyed a blessyd man. ¶Innocencius the .v. was after hym .v. mo∣nethes / & lytell he dyd. ¶Adrianus was after hym o monethe / & dyde lesser ¶Iohānis the .xi. was after hym .viii. monethes / & he was in dyuers scyences a famous man / but in ma¦ners a fole & decessyd anone. ¶Nicholaus the thyrd was pope after Iohn̄ oo yere. Thys mā was in his dayes in buldynge a noble man. & well gouerned the cyte all his dayes. & the secō¦de yere he decessyd. ¶Radulphus was Empe¦rour .xviii yere / this man was Erle of Hane∣brough a wyse mā in armes / noble and vycto¦ryous & was chosen at Basyle· And he toke ye crosse on hym for the holy londe. Thimperyall blessynge he had not / but the pope alowed the eleccyon for fauour of the holy londe: MArinus ye .iiii. was pope after Nycho¦laus .iiii. yere. thys man was a grete lo¦uer of relygyous men / & great attendynge to vertuous werkes. Thys man cursyd the Em¦perour of Constantynople / in so moche as he promysed for to torme to the fayth in the gene∣rall counseyl▪ and dyde not / for the whyche he suffred many passyons & all holy chyrche. Also he cursyd the kyng of Aragon / for he expulsyd the kyng of Cecyle fro his kyngdome. And af∣ter he had done many bataylles ayenst men of mysbyleue & many trybulacōns suffred / he de¦cessyd & dyd many miracles. ¶Nychola{us} deli¦ra a noble douctour of dyuyte was thys tyme at Parys this man was a Iewe of nacyon / & he was cōuerted & myghtely profyted in the or¦dre of frere Mynours. & he wrote ouer all the Byble. Grelles he was in the yere of our lord .M·CCC.xxx. & some man say he was a Bra¦ban & yt his fader & his moder were crystne but for pouerte he vysyted ye scole of ye Iewes / & so he lerned the Iewes langage or elles thys Ny¦chola{us} was informed of the Iewes in hys yon¦ge aege. ¶Honorius ye fourth was pope after Martyn{us} two yere / & lytell of hym ys wryten / but that he was a temperat man & a dyscerte. ¶Nicholaus the fourth was pope after hym foure yere / this man was a frere Mynor / & al¦though he was a good man in himself / yet ma¦ny vnhappy / thynges fell in his tyme to ye chir¦che. For many a batayll was in ye cyte thrugh his occasyon / for he drewe to moche to the one parte. And after hym thre was no pope two ye¦re and .vi. monethes. ANd after this kyng Henry regned Ed¦warde hys sone the worthyes knyght of the worlde in honour / for goddes grace was in hym / for he had the vyctorye of hys enmyes & as soone as hys fader was deed / he came to London with a noble company of prelates / er¦les and barons / and all mē dyd hym moche ho¦nour. For in euery place ye syr Edwarde rode in London / the stretes were couered ouer hys heed with sylke of tapiscery / and other riche co¦uerynges. And for Ioye of his comynge / the burgeys of the Cyte caste out at theyr wyndo∣wes golde and syluer hondes full / in tokenyn∣ge of loue and worshyp / seruyce and reueren¦ce. And out of condyte of Chepe ranne whyte wyne and reed / as stremes both of the water / and euery man dranke therof ye wolde at theyr owne wyll. & this kyng Edwarde was crow∣ned and enoynted as ryght heyer of Englonde with moche honour. And after masse ye kynge wente in to his place to holde a ryall feest amō¦ge them that dyde hym honour. And whan he was sette to meete / The kynge Alexander of Scotlonde came to do hym honour and reue∣rence / with a qeyntesye & an hondred knygh∣tes with hym well horsyd & arayde. And whan they were alyght of theyr stedes / they lete the∣ym go whether they wolde / & who that myght take them tooke at theyr owne wyll / wythout ony chalenge·r And after came syre Edmonde kynge Edwardes brother a curteys knyght & a gentyll of renowne / & the erle of Corne wayll¦le / and the erle of Glocestre. And after thenne came the erle of Penbroke / & the erle of Garen¦ne. And eche of them by themself ladde in the¦yr honde an hondred knyghtes gayly dysgysed in theyr armes. And whan they were alygh∣ted of theyr horses / they lete them go whether that they welde / & who yt myght them catche / them to haue styll without ony chalenge. And whan all this was done / kyng Edwarde dyde his dylygence & his myghte for to amende and dresse the wronges in the beste manere that he myght to the honour of god & holy chyrche / & to mayntene his honoure / and to amende the noyannce of the comyn people. THe fyrste afterwarde ye kynge Edwar¦de was crowned Lewelyn prynce of wales sent in to Faraunce to the erle Moūfor∣de / that thorough coūseyl of his frendes / ye erle sholde wedde his doughter. And the erle tho a¦uysed hym vpō this thynge / and sent vnto Le∣welyn and sayd. that he wolde sende after hys doughter. & so he sent Aymer his broder after the damoysell. & Lewelyn arayed shyphes for his doughter and for Syre Aymer. and for her faare company that sholde goo with her. And this Lewelyn dyd grete wronge. for it was co¦uenaūted that he sholde yeue hys doughter to no manere man / without counsell & consente of kyng Edwarde. And so it befell that a Bur¦geys of Brystow came in the see with wyne la¦den. and mette them & toke them with myght and power. And anone the Burgeys sent the¦ym to the kyng. And whan Lewely herde this tydynges he was very wroth / and also sorow¦full· and gan to warre vpon kynge Edwarde and dyde moche harme vnto Englysshmen / and bete downe ye kynges castels / and began for to destroye kynge Edwardes londe. And whā tydynges cam vnto ye kyng of this thyng he wente in to walys and so moche he dyde tho¦rough goddes grace and his grete power that he drofe Lewelyn vnto grete myschyef / that he fledde all maner of strength & came & yelded hym vnto kyng Edwarde. & yaue hym .l. mar¦ke of syluer to haue peas. And toke the damoy¦sell & all his herytage. & made an oblygacōn to kynge Edwarde to come to his parlyamente two tymes of the yere And in the seconde yere after that kynge Edwarde was crowned / he helde a generall parleamente att westmestre / & there he made the statutes for defaute of lawe by the comune assent of all his baronage / and at Ester nexte sewenge / the kynge sente by his letter vnto Lewelyn prynce of wales that he sholde come to his parlemēt for his londe / and for hys holdynge in wales / as the strenthe of his letter oblygatory wytnessyd. Tho Lewe¦lyn had scorne and dyspyte of the kynges com∣maundement / And for pure wrache ayen be∣gan warre vpon kyng Edwarde. and destroy∣ed his londe. And tho whan kynge Edwarde herd of these tydynges / he wexed wonder wro¦the vnto Lewelyn & in hast assembled his peo¦ple / & went hym to warde wales. And warred so vpon Lewelyn the prynce / tyll that he brou∣ghte hym in moche sorowe & dysease. And Le¦welyn sawe that is defence myghte hym not auaylle / and came ayen / and yelded hym to ye kynges grace / & cryed hym mercye. and longe tyme kneled before the kynges fote. The kyn∣ge had of hym pyte / & cōmaunded hym for to aryse. And for his mekenes foryaue hym hys wrathe / and to hym sayd / that yf he trespassed to hym a nother tyme that he wolde dystroye hym for euermore. ¶Dauid that was Lewe¦lyns brother that same tyme dwelled with kyn¦ge Edwarde / and was a felle man and a sub∣tyll and enuyous and also ferre castynge / and moche treason thoughte· and euermore made good semblame / and semyd soo true that noo man myght perceyue his falsnes. IT was not longe after that tyme ye kyn∣ge Edwarde yaaf to Dauyd Lewelyns broder the lordshyppe of Frodesham. & made hym a knyght and so moche honour dyde he ne¦uer after to mā of walys by cause of hym kyn∣ge Edwarde helde his parlemente at London whan he hadde do in walys that he wolde and chaunged his moneye / that was full yll kytte / wherfore the people playned sore. So that the kynge enquered of the trespassours. And thre houndred were atteynted of suche maner fals∣nes / wherfore some where hanged and somme drawen and after hangyd. ¶And after¦warde the kynge ordeyned / that the sterlynge halfpeny sholde go thorugh out all hys londe / And commaūded that no man fro that daye af¦terwarde yaue ne feoffed hous of religyō with londe / tenemente without specyall leue of the kynge. And he yt dyde sholde be punysshed att the kynges wyll / & the yeft shall be for nought. And it was not longe after ye Lewelyn prynce of walys thrugh the tycemente of Dauyd hys brother / & bothe theyr consente / they thought to dysheryte kynge Edwarde / in asmoche as they myght / so that thorugh them both ye kyn∣ges peas was broken. And whan kynge Ed¦warde herde of this / anon he sent his barons in to Northumberlonde & the Surreys also / yt they sholde go & take theyr vyage vpon ye tray∣tours Lewelyn & Dauyd. And wonder herde it was for to warre tho / For it is wynter ī wa¦lys / whan in other coūtres is Somer. And Le¦welyn lete ordeyne & well arayed & vytayll hys good castell of Swandon. and was ther in an huge nombre of people / & plente of vytaylles so that kynge Edwarde wyst not wher for to entre And whan the kynges men it perceyuer and also the strenth of walys they lete come in the see bargees & botes. and grete plankys as many as they myght ordeyne & haue: for to go to the sayd castell of Swandon. wyth men on foot & also on hors. But the walsshmen had so moche people / & were so stronge. that they dra¦ue the Englysshmen ayen / so yt ther was so mo¦che presse of people at ye tornynge ayen that ye charge & the burden of men made ye bargees & the botes to synke & there was drowned many a good kynght / yt is to say. syr Robert Clyfford syr wyllyam of Lyndeseye yt was· syre Iohn̄s sone Fitz Robert. & syr Rychard Tanny and ā huge nombre of other / & all was thrugh there owne foly. For yf they had had good espyes / they had not be harmyd. whan kynge Edwar¦de herde tell that hys people were so drowned▪ He made sorowe ynough. but tho came syr Io¦han of Vessy frome the kynge▪ Aragon. And brought wyth hym moche people of bachelers and of Gascoynes / and were souldyurs. And dwelled with the sayde Iohn of Vessy & recey∣ued of hym wages and with hym were withol¦de. and noble men they were for to fyght and brente many townes / & slewe moche people of walsshmen. All that they myght take. And all tho wyth strenth & myght made assawte vnto the castell of Swandon and gate the castell / And whan Dauyd the prence brother herde of this tydynges he ordeyned hym to flyght and Lewelyn the prynce sawe that his broder was fledde / then he was sore abasshed for he had no power to his warre for to mayntene. And soo Lewelyn gan for to flee / and wynde well for to haue scapedde. But in a morowe syre Roger mortymer mette wyth hym oonly wyth .x. kny¦ghtes. And sette hym rounde aboute. And to hym went / & smote of hys heed / & presented ye same heed vnto kynge Edwarde. And in thys manere Lewelyn the prynce of walys was ta¦ken / and hys heed smyten of / and also alle hys heyres dysheryted for euermore thrugh ryght full dome of all the lordes of the reame. DAuid that was the prynces broder of walys / thrugh pryde wende to haue be prynce of walys / after his brothers dethe / and vpon this he sent after walsshemen to hys par∣leament at Dynbygh and folysshely made wa¦lys to aryse ayenst the kynge and began to me¦ue warre ayenst kynge Edwarde and dyde all the sorowe and dysease that he myghte by hys power. whan kynge Edwarde herde of thys thynge / he ordeyned men to pursewe vppon hym. And Dauyd fyersly hym defended / tyll ye he came to the towned of saynt Morice / and there was Dauyd take as he fledde. and ladde to the kynge. And the kynge cōmaunded that he sholde be hangyd & drawen / & smyte of hys heed / & quarter hym / & sende his hede to Lon∣don and the foure quarters sende to the foure chyef townes of walys. For they sholde take ensample therof and beware. And afterwarde kynge Edwarde lete crye his peas thrugh out all walles & seased all the londe in to his honde & all the grete lordes that were left alyue came to do feaute & homage to the kynge Edwarde as to theyr kynde lorde / And tho lete kyng Ed¦warde amende the lawes of walys that were defectyue And he sent to all ye lordes of walys by letter patentes / that they sholde come all to parlament And whan they were come yu kyng sayd to them full curteysly lordynges ye be wel¦come / & me behoueth your counseyll & your hel¦pe for to go vnto Gascoyne for to amende the trespasse yt to me was done whan I was there And for to entreate of peas bytwene the kynge of Aragon & the prynce of Morrey / & all ye kyn¦ges lyege men erles & barons cōsented & graū∣ted therto. And tho made hym kynge Edwar¦de redy & went in to Gascoyne. & lete amende all the trespasses yt hym was done in Gascoy¦ne. And of the debate yt bytwene the kynge of Aragon & the prynce of Morrey he sessyd and made theym accorded. And whyle good kyng Edwarde and Elynore his wyf were in Gas∣coyne. The good erle of Cornewayll was ma¦de wardeyn of Englonde tyll that kynge Ed¦warde came ayen. And tho enquered he of hys traytours yt coniected falsenesse agaynst hym. And eche of them all receyued ther dome after that they had deserue. But in the meane tyme that the good kynge Edwarde was beyonde the see to doo / them for to make amendes that ayenst hym had trespassyd ther was a false the yf / a traytoure that was called Rysap Mery¦dok / began for to make werre ayenst kyng Ed¦warde. and yt was for cause of syr payne Typ¦tot. wrongfully greued & dysceased the forsayde Rysap meradok. And whan kyng Edwarde herde all this matere & it well vnderstode ano∣ne he sente by hys letter pryue seale to the for∣sayd Rebellyō Rysap Merydok that he sholde begynne in no maner wyse for to make & reyse werre but yt he sholde be in peas for his loue / & whan he came ayen in to Englonde he wolde vnder take the quarell & amende al yt was mys¦don. This forsayd Rysap Merydok dyspysed the kynges commaundement and spared not to doo all the sorowe that he myght to the kyn∣ges men of Englond But anon after he was take and ladde to yorke / and there he was dra∣wen and hangyd for his felonye. AS kynge Edwarde had dwelled thre yere in Gascoyne a desyre came to him for to goo in to Englonde ayen. And whan he was come ayen he foūde so many playntes ma¦de to hym of his Iustyces & of his clerkes that had done so many wronges & falsnesse yt won∣der it was to here and for whiche falsnesse syre Thomas waylond ye kynges Iustyce / for swo¦re Englonde at the toure of London / for fals∣nesse that mē put vpon hym / wherfore he was atteynt / & proued fals· And anone after whan the kyng had done his wyll of the Iustices tho lete he enquere & espye how the Iewes dyscey∣ued and begyled his people / thorugh the synne of falsnesse and of vsury. And lete ordeyne a preuy parlement amonge his lordes. And they ordeyned amonge theym / that all the Iewes sholde voyde out of Englonde for theyr mys∣byleue / and also for theyr fals vsury that they dyde vnto crysten men. And for to spedde and make an ende of this thynge / all the comyn al¦te of Englonde yaue vnto the kynge the .xv. peny of all theyr goodes meuable / and soo we∣re the Iewes dryuen oute of Englonde. And tho went the Iewes in to Fraunce. And there they dwellyd / thorugh leue of kynge Phylyp that tho. was kynge of Fraunce. IT was not longe after that Alexandre kynge of Scotlonde was dede / and Da∣uyd the erle of Huntyngdon that was the kyn¦ges brother of Scotlonde axed & claymed the kyngdom of Scotlond after his brother was deed for cause yt he was ryghtfull heyre / But many grete lordes sayd nay. Wherfore greate debate arose bytwene theym & there frēdes for asmoche as they wolde not consente to hys co∣ronacyon / and the meane tyme the forsayd Da¦uyd deyed / & so it befell that ye sayd Dauyd had thre doughters yt worthyly were maryed / the fyrst doughter was maryed to Bayloll / the se¦conde to Brus / and the thyrde to Hastynges. The forsayd Bayloll & Brus chalenged ye lon∣de of Scotlonde / & greate debate & stryf arose bytwene them by cause eche of them wolde ha∣ue be kynge· And whan the lordes of Scotlon¦de saw the debate bytwene them / came to kyn¦ge Edwarde of Englonde. & seased hym in all the londe of Scotlond as chyef lord. & whā the kyng was seased of ye forsayd lordes ye forsayd Baylol Brus & Hastinges came to the kynges courte axyd of the kyng whyche of them shold be kynge of Scotlonde And kyng Edwarde ye full gentyll & true / lete enquyre by the Crony∣cles of Scotlonde / and of the gretest lordes of Scotlonde / whiche of them was of the eldest blood. And it was foūde that Baylol / was the eldest. And that ye kyng of Scotlond sholde hol¦de of the kynge of Englonde / & do hym frauce and homage. And after this was done Baylol went in to Scotlōde / and there was crowyed kynge of Scotlonde. ¶And ye same tyme was vpon the see grete warre bytwene the Englys¦shemen and the Normans But vpō a tyme the Normans arryued all at Douer. and ther they martred an holy mā that was called Thomas of Douer / And afterwarde were the Normās slayne. that there escaped not one of thē ¶And so afterwarde kynge Edwarde sholde lete the duchye of Gascoyne thrugh kynge phylyp of Fraūce thrugh his fals castynge of the Douse¦pers of the londe / wherfore syr Edmond that was kynge Edwardes brother yaue vp his do¦mage vnto the kynge of Fraūce. ¶And in the tyme the clerkes of Englond graunted to kyn¦ge Edwarde half eale of holy chirche goodes in helpynge to recouer his londe agayne in gas¦coyne. And the kyng sent thether a noble com¦pany of hys bachelers. And hymself wolde ha∣ue gone to Portelmouth / but he was let thru∣ghe one maddok of walys yt had seased the cas∣tell of Swandon in to his honde & for that cau¦se the kynge torned to walys at Cristmasse / & by cause that the noble lord{is} of Englond yt we¦re sent in to Gascoyne had no comforth of the¦re lorde the kynge they were take of syr Char∣lys of Fraūce / yt is to say / syr Iohn̄ of brytay∣ne / syr Robert Tiptot / syr Raufe Tanny / syr Hugh Bardolfe / and syr Adam of Cretynge / And yet att the assensyon was Maddok take in walys & a nother that was called Morgan And they were sent to the tour of London and there they were byheded. ANd whan syre Iohn̄ Baylol kynge of Scotlonde vnderstande ye kynge Ed∣warde was werred in Gascoyne / to whom ye reame of Scotlond was delyuerd / Falsly tho ayenst his othe with sayd his homage thrugh procurynge of his folke & sent vnto ye court of Rome thrugh a fals suggestyon to be assoylled of that othe yt he swore vnto the kyng of Eng∣londe & soo he was by letter enbulled. ¶Tho chose they of Scotlonde dousepers / for to br∣nyge Edward of his ryght. ¶And in ye tyme came two Cardynalles from ye cource of Ro∣me fro the pope Celestme / to trete of acorde by¦twene ye kyng of Englōd. & as tho cardinalles spake of accorde. Thā as turbeluyll was takē at Lyons & made homage to the warde of Pa∣rys & put his sones in hostage / & thought to go in to Englonde aspye the countre / & tell them whan he came to Englond that he had broken the kynges pryson of Fraunce by ryght & said that he wolde do yt all Englysshmen & walshe∣men sholde aboute the kynge for to brynge to the ende he swore / & vpon thys couenaunt de∣des were made bytwene them / & that he sholde haue by yere a thousand poūdes worth of lon¦de. to byrnge this thynge to an ende. This fals traytour toke his leue / & wente thens & came in to Englonde vnto the kynge & seyd. that he was broke oute of pryson & yt he had put hym in suche peryll for his loue wherfore the kyng cowde hym moche thanke & full gladde was of his comynge. ¶And the fals traytoure fro that daye / aspyed all the doynge of the kynge & also his counselle / for the kyng loued hym full welle and with hym full preuy But clerke of Englonde / that was in the kynges hows of Fraunce: herde of this treason / and of the fals¦nesse / and wrote to another clerke / that tho was dwellynge with Edwarde kynge of Eng¦londe. all how Thomas Turbeluyll hadde do¦ne his fals cniectynge / and all the counselle of Englonde was wryte for to haue sende vn∣to the kynge of Fraunce. ¶And thoruhhe the forsayde letter that the clerke hadde sente fro Fraunce it was founde vppon. wherfore he was ledde to London and hangyd and dra¦we there for his treason. And hys two sones that he hadde put in Fraunce for hostage. were thenne beheeded. SO whan the twoo Cardynalles were gone agayne in to Fraunce for to trete of the peas of cambroy the kynge sent thether of his erles and barons. This is to saye syr Ed¦monde his broder erle of Lancastre and of Le¦cetre / syr Henry Lacy erle of Nychol / & Wylly¦am Vessy Baron / and of other baronettes. a∣boute .xiii. of the best and wysest of Englonde ¶And in the same tyme the kynge Edwarde toke his vyage to Scotlonde / for to werre vp¦on Iohn̄ Baylol kynge of Scotlonde. ¶And syr Robert Roos of Berwyk sledde fro ye En¦glysshmen / & wente to the Scottes. And kyng Edwarde wente hym towarde Berwyk / and besegyd the towne. And tho that were within manly them defended & sette a fyre and brente two of Kynge Edwardes shyppes / and sayde in dyspyte and reprey of hym (wenyth kyn¦ge Edwarde with his longe shankys / to haue gete Berewyk all our vnthankes gas pykes hym / and whan he was doon gas dykes hym) whan kyng Edwarde thys scorne / anone tho¦rugh hys myghtenesse / he passed ouer the dy∣ches and assaylled the towne / and came to the yates / and gate and conquered the towne / and thrughe hys gracyous power slewe .xxv. thou∣sande and .vii. hondred scottes. and Kynge Ed¦warde loste no man of renoune saufe syr Ry∣charde of Cornewayle. and hym kylled a Fle¦mynge out of the redde halle with a quarell as the forsayd Rycharde dyde of hys helme. And comaunded theym for to yelde them / and put them in the kynges grace. And ye Scottes wol¦de not wherfore that halle was brent and cast downe. And all tho that were therin were bren¦te and kynge Edwarde loste noo moo men at that vyage of symple estate but .xxvii. Englys∣shemen. And the wardeyn of the castell yaue vp the keyes of ye castell wythout ony assawte And there was taken syre Wyllyam Douglas Symonde Frysell and the erle patryk yelded them to the peas. But Ingham of Humbres∣mylle & Robert the Brus that were with kyn¦ge Edwarde forsoke kynge Edwarde and hel¦de with the Scottes. And afterward they we¦re taken and put in to pryson And tho lete kyn¦he Edwarde close in Berwyk wyth walles & with dyches / and after Robert Rous went to Tyndale / and sette wuyerbrydge a fyre and Exham / and Lamerstok and slewe and rob∣byd the folke of the countree. And after that he wente fro thens to Dunbarre. And the fyrste wenesdaye of Marche the kynge sent the erle of Garenne. syr Hugh Percy and syre Hugh Spenser wyth a fayre company for to besege the castell. But one that was called syre Ry∣charde Sywarde a traytoure and a fals man ymagyned for to begyle the Englysshmē / and sente to the Englysshmen theym for to deseey∣ue / and sayd / That he wolde yelde to theym ye castell. yf they wolde graunt them .viii. dayes of respyce / that he myhht sende and telle to syr Iohan Bayloll that was kynge of Scotlonde how is men fared that were within the castell. ¶And hym worde but yf he wolde remeue the sege of the Englysse men / that they wolde yel∣de that castell vnto the Englysshe men. ¶The messenger tho came to syr Iohan Baylol that tho was kynge of Scotlōde where that he was wyth his hooste / and the messenger tolde hym all the caas / And syr Iohan toke his hoste and came on the morowe erly towarde the castell. and syr Rycharde sywarde sawe hym come yt was mayster of the counseyll and keper of the castell and sayd vnto the Englyssgmen O say¦de he. now I see a fayre company and well ap¦parelled I wyll goo ayenste theym / and wyth them to mete / and theym assaylle. And syr Hu∣ghe Spenser sawe the falsnesse of hym· and ye treson· And sayd to hym O traytour take and proue your falsnesse shalle not auaylle you. And Hughe Spenser commaunded anone to bynde hym. And all in hast wente ayenst ther enmyes / and slewe of Scottes .xxii. thousand. For the Scottes had that tyme no man wyth them of honour saufe Patryke Graham that manly foughte / and longe at the laste he was slayne. And tho sayde the Englysshmen in re¦preyf of the Scottes (Thyse scaterande Scot¦tes holde I for sottes of wrenches vn ware. Erly in a mornynge in an euyll tymynge wen∣te ye fro Dūbare. ¶As tho that ware within the castell sawe the scomfyture they yelded vp the castell vnto the Englysshmen. And boun¦de theyr bodyes godes & castels to kynge Ed∣warde. And soo there were take in that castell thre erles .vii. barons / and .xxxviii. knyghtes & xi. clerkes / and .vii. Pycardys and all were presentyd to kynge Edwarde And he sente thē to the towre of London to be kepte. AS kynge Edwarde had made tho an ende of ye werre. and taken the cheye∣yns of Scotlonde. tho came syr Iohan Baylol and yelded hym vnto kynge Edwarde & put hym in his grace and he was ledde to London and whan kyng Edwarde was come thether they were brough before hym / And the kynge axed howe they wolde make amendes of the trespaas and losse that they had doon to hym and they put theym in his mercy. Lordynges sayde the kynge I wyll not of your londes ne your goodes / but I wyll that ye make to me an othe vpō goddys body to be true to me and neuer after this tyme ayenst me bere armys▪ And all they consentyd to the kynges wyl and swore vpon goddys body. That is to saye syr Iohn̄ of Comyn. the erle of Scrahron / the er¦le of Carryk / and also foure bysshops vnder∣toke for all the clergye and so the kynge dely∣uered thē / and yaue them sauf conduyce to go in to ther owne londe. And it was not longe af¦terwarde that they ne aryse ayenst kynge Ed∣warde / for cause that they wyst well that kyn¦ge Edwardes folke was take / in Gascoyne / as before is sayd But syr Iohn̄ Bayloll kynge of Scotlonde wyste well. that his londe sholde haue sorowe and shame / for theyr falsnesse· And in hast wēte hym ouer the see to his owne londes and there he helde hym and came neuer ayen wherfore the Scottes chose vnto theyr kynge wyllyam waleys / a rybaude & an har∣lot comen vp of nought / and moche harme dy¦de to Englysshmen and kyng Edwarde thou¦ghte how he myght haue delyueraunce of his peple that were take in Gascoyne. And ī hast wente hym ouer the see in to Flaunders for to werre vpon the kyng of Fraūce. And the erle of Flaunders receyued hym wyth moche ho∣nour and grayntyd hym all his londys at hys owne wyll. And whan the kynge of Fraunce herde telle the kyng of Englonde was aryued in Flaundres and came wyth a greate power hym for to dystroye. He prayed hym of trewes for two yere / so that the Englysshe marchaun∣tes & also Frenche myght saufly go and come in bothe sydes. The kynge Edwarde graūted . so that he muste haue his men out of pryson that were in Gascoyne & the kynge of Fraun¦ce anone graunted and so they were delyuerd. ¶And in ye same tyme the Scottes sente by ye bysshop of saynt andrewes in to Fraūce to the kynge & to syr Charles his brother. ye syr Char¦les sholde come wyth hys power and they of Scotlōde wolde come with theyr power / and so they sholde go in to Englonde / that loude to dystroye from Scotlonde vnto they came to ente. & the Scottes trustyd moche vpon the Frēsshmen but of ye thyng they had no maner graūt & neuertheles ye Scottes beg to robbe & kylle in Northūberlond / & dyd moche harme. AS tydynges was come to kynge Ed∣warde that wyllyam walys had ordey¦ned suche a stronge power. And also that alle Scotlonde to hym was attendaunt & redy for to slee Englysshmen and to dystroye the londe he was sore anoyed / and sente anone by letter to therle of Garrenne / to syr Henry Percy / & to wyllyam Latomer / & to syr Hughe of Cres∣synham his tresoroer. that they sholde take po¦wer / and go in to Northumberlonde. and soo forth in to Scotlōde. For to kepe the countres and whan wyllyam waleys herde of theyr cō¦mynge. He began to flee and the Englysshmen hym folowed & drue hym tyll he cam to Stry¦uelyn & there he helde hym in the castell. And the walsshmen euery daye them escryed & me∣nacyed / and dyde all the dyspyte that they my∣ghte soo that Englysshmen vpon a tyme in a mornynge went out fro the castell / the moūte¦naunce of .x. myles / and passed ouer a brydge & william waleys came with a strōg power / & droue them abak / for the Englysshmen had a¦yenst hym noo power tho but fledde. and they that myght take the brydge scaped. but syr hu¦ghe the kyngs tresorer there was slayne / and many other also / wherfore was made moche sorowe. ¶Tho had kynge Edwarde sped all hys maters in Flaūdres / and was come ayen in to Englonde / and in haste toke his waye in to Scotlonde / and came theder at the Ascen¦cyon tyde. And all that he founde he sette a fy¦re and brente / But the poore people of Scot¦londe came to hym wonder thyck and prayed hym for goddys loue / that he wold on them ha¦ue Mercy & pyte tho the kynge cōmaunded yt no man sholde doo them harme yt were yolden to hym / ne to no man of ordre ne to no hous of relygyon / ne no manere chyrche. but lete espye all that he myght where yt he myght fynde ony of his enmyes tho came a spye vnto the kynge & tolde where that ye Scottes were assembled to abyde bataylle. And on saynt Mary Maw¦delyns daye / ye kynge came to Fonkyrk and ya¦ue bataylle to the Scottes and at that bataylle were slayne .xxx. thousande Scottes / and of Englysshemen .xviii. and no mo. Of the why¦che was a worthy knyght slayne yt was a kny∣ghte hospytelere that was callyd Frery bryan Iay. For whan Wyllyam waleys fledde from the batayll that same Frery bryan hym purse¦wed fyersly / & as his hors ranne it stert in a mi¦re of a marys vp to the bely And Wyllyam wa¦leys torned tho agayne and there slewe the for¦sayde bryan. & that was moche harme. ¶And that whyle kynge Edwarde wente thorugh Scotlonde / for to enquere yf he myght fynde ony of hys enmyes. And in that londe he dwel¦led / as longe as hym lyked / And there was no enmye that durst hym abyde. ¶And soone af¦ter Kynge Edwarde wente to Southampton for he wolde not abyde / in Scotlonde in wyn¦ter season / for esement of his people And whan he came to London / he lete amende many mys¦dedys that were done ayenst his peas and law¦es he beynge in Flaundres. ANd after it was ordeyned thrughe the courte of Rome / that kynge Edwarde sholde wedde dame Margarete / that was kyn¦ge Phylyp syster of Fraunce. And the Arche∣bysshop Robert of wynchelse spowsed them to gyders / thrugh the whiche Maryage there was made peas· bytwene kynge Edwarde of Englonde and kynge Phylyp of Fraunce. ¶Kynge Edwarde went tho the thyrde tyme in to Scotlonde & tho within the fyrste yere he had enfamyned the londe / so that he lefte not one that he ne came to hys mercye. sauf suche as were in the castell of Estreuelyn that welle were vytaylled and stored for .vii. yere. Kynge Edward came to ye castell of Estre¦uelyn with a huge power & beseged the castell / but it lytell auaylled. for he myhht doo the Scoctes no harme / for the castell was soo stronge & well kept. & kyng Edwarde sayde ye & bethought hym vpon a queyntesy· and let ma∣ke anon two payr of hygh galowes before the tour of the castell. & made his othe that as ma∣ny as were within the castell. Notwithoutstan¦dynge were he Erle of Baron / & he were take wyth strength but yf he wolde the rather hym yelde / he sholde be hangyd vpon the same ga∣lowes. And whan tho that were within the cas¦tell herde this. they came & yelde them all to the kynges grace & mercy / & the kynge for yaf thē all his male talent & there were all the grete lor¦des of Sfotlonde swore to kynge Edwarde / that they sholde come to London to euery par¦lement & shode stonde to his ordynance. THe kynge Edwarde went thens to lon∣don & wende to haue had rest & peas of hys warre in whiche werre he was occupyed .xx. yere. that is to saye in Gascoyne in walys & in Scotlonde / and thought how he myght re∣couer hys tresour yt he had spended aboute hys werre / & lette enquere thrugh the reame of alle the tyme that he had be oute of hys reame that men called Troylebaston and ordeyned therto Iustyces / and in thys manere he recouered tre¦soure without nombre: And hys purpose was for to haue goon in to the hooly londe / to haue werred vpon goddes enmyes by cause he was crossyd lōge tȳe before And neuertheles ye law that he had ordeyned dyd moche good thrugh out all Englonde to them that were mysbode For tho ye trespassed were well chastysed. and after more meke & better & ye pore comyns were in reste and peas And the same tyme kynge Ed¦warde prysoned his owne sone Edwarde / by cause that Walter of Lanton bysshop of Ches¦tre / that was the kynges tresorer had complay¦ned on hym & sayd the forsayd Edwarde thru¦ghe coūsell & entysynge of one Ganastō asquy¦re of Gascoyne had broke the park{is} of the for¦sayd bysshop. And thys Peers counselyd and ladde the same Edwarde and for that cause the kynge eyled his sone out of Englonde. ANd whan thys kynge Edwarde had hys enemyes ouercome in walys Gas¦coyne and Scotlonde and dystroyed hys tray¦tours / all but only that rybaude Wyllyam ¦les / that neuer the kynge wolde hym yelde and at the towne of saynt Dominyk. in the yere of kynge Edwarde regne .xxxiii. ye fals traytour was take and presentyd to the kynge. But the kyng wolde not see hym / but sent hym to Lon¦don to receyue his Iugement: and vpon saynt Barthylmewes eue was he hangyd and dra∣we / & his hede smyte of & his bowelles take out of his body and brente & hys body quartered and sent vnto four of the best townes of Scot¦londe / and hys heed put vpon a spere▪ and lete vpon London brydge. In ensample the Scottes sholde haue in mynde for to do a mys¦se ayenst theyr lyege lorde eftsones. ANd at Myghelmas tho nexe comyng kynge Edwarde helde hys parlament at westmestre / & thyder came ye Scottes that is to saye the bysshop of saynt Andreas: Ro∣berte the Brus erle of caryk. Symonde Fry∣sell / Iohan the erle of Athell & they were accor¦ded with the kynge and bounde by othe swore that they afterwarde yf ony of them mysbare them ayenst kynge Edwarde that they sholde be dysheryted for euermore. And whan theyr peas was thus made they toke theyr leue pry∣uely / and wente home in to Scotlonde. SO after thys Robert the Brus erle of Caryk sent by hys letters to the erles & barons of Sotlonde that they sholde come to hym to Scone in the morowe after the Con∣cepcion of our lady for grete nedys of the lon∣de. And the lordes came at the daye assygned. And the same daye syr Robert the Brus sayd Fayre lordes fulle well ye knowe / yt in my per¦sone dwellyd the ryght of the reame of Scot∣londe / & as ye wote well I am ryghtfull heyer Syth that syre Iohn̄ baylol yt was our kynge vs hath forsake / & left his londe. And though it so be ye kynge Edwarde of Englonde wyth wrongfull power hath made me to hym assent ayenst my wyll / yf that he wyll graunte that I may be kynge of Scotlonde I shal kepe you ayenst kynge Edwarde of englonde / & ayenst all manere men / & wyth ye worde the abbot of Scon / arose vp / & before them all sayd / that yt was reason for to helpe hym & the londe to ke∣pe & defēde. And tho sayd in presēce of thē all yt he wolde gyue hym a .M. poūde for to maynte¦ne ye londe. & all the other graūted the londe to hym & wyth ther powre hym for to helpe / & de¦fyed kyng Edward of Englonde. & sayd ye Ro∣bert Brus / sholde be kynge of Englonde. LOrdynges sayd syr Iohan of Comyn. thynke on the truthe & othe ye made to kynge Edwarde of Englond & touchynge my self I wyll not breke myn oth for no man / & so he went from ye company at ye tyme. wherfore Robert ye brus & all tho ye to hym consēted we∣re wroth / & menaced syr Iohn̄ of comyn Tho ordened they another coūseyll at Dumfrys to whyche came ye for sayd syr Iohn̄ of Comyn / for he dwelled but two myle fro Dumfris. the¦re he was wont to soiorne and abyde. SO whan Roberte the Brus wyst that all the grete lordes were come of Scot¦lond to Scon / sauf syr Iohn̄ Comyn ye soour¦ned nyghe scon he sent specyally after the sayd syr Iohn̄ to come & speke with him. And vpon that he came & spake with hym at the grayfre∣res in Dumfris & yt was the thursday after Cā¦delmasseddy. & syr Iohn̄ graunted to go wyth hym. And whan he had herde masse / he toke a soope & dranke & after warde he bestrode hys palfroy & rode to Dumfris / whan Roberte the brus sawe hym come at a wyndow as he was in his chambre made Ioye ynoygh / & came a∣yenst hym / & collyd hym about ye necke / & ma∣de with hym gode semblaūt. And whan all the erles & barons of Scotlonde were present Ro¦bert ye Brus sayd syrs ye wote well ye / cause of this comynge & wherfore it is. yf ye wyl graūt that Ibe kyng of scotlonde as ryght heyre of ye londe. And all the lordes that were there sayd with one voys that h sholde be crownede kyn¦ge of Scotlond▪ and yt they wolde hym helpe & mayntene ayenst all maner men on lyue / & for hym yf it were nede to deye / the gītyll knyght tho Iohn̄ of Comyn answerd certes neuer for¦me. ne for to haue of me asmoche helpe as the value of a baton. For that oth that I haue ma∣de vnto kynge Edwarde of Englonde I shall holde whyle my lyfe woll laste. And with that worde he wente from the cōpany and wolde a lyght vpon his palfroy. and Roberte the Brus pursewed hym with a drawenswerde / & bare hym thrugh the body & syr Iohn̄ Comyn felle downe vnto the erth. But whan Roger yt was syr Iohn̄ Comyns brother sawe the falsnesse. He stert to syr Robert the Brus & smote hym wyth a knyfe But ye fals traytour was armyd vnder. so that ye stroke myght do hym no har∣me. and so moche helpe came aboute syre Ro∣bert the Brus so ye Robert Comyn was there slayne & all to hewen in to peces. & Robert the Brus torned ayen there yt syr Iohn̄ Comyn ye noble barō lay wounded. and pyned to warde his deth / besyde the hygh awter in the chyrche of the graey freres / & sayde vnto syr Iohan co∣myn. O traytoure thou shalt be dede / & neuer after lete myn auauncement / & shoke his swer¦de at the hygh awter. and smote hym on his he¦de / that ye brayne felle downe vpon the groūde. and the blood storte on hygh vpon the walles / and yet vnto thys daye is that blood seen there that no water maye wasshe it a waye. And so deyed that noble knyght in holy chyrche. ANd whan thys traytoure Roberte the Brus sawe. that no man wold sete hys coronacyon / he cūmaūded all thē that were of power sholde come vnto hys crownynge to sa¦ynt Iohans towne in Scotlonde· And so it be fell vpon our lady daye the Annūcyacyon the bysshop of Glaston & the bysshop of saynt An¦drewes crowned for ther kynge thys Roberte the Brus in saynt Iohans towne / & made him kynge And anone after he droue all thenglys∣sshemen out of Scotlonde. And they fledde. & came & compleyned them vnto kyng Edwar¦de / how that Robert ye Brus had dryue them out of the londe / and dysheryted theym. ANd whan kyng Edwarde herd of this myschyef / he swore that he sholde be o¦uenged therof / and sayde / That alle the tray∣tours of Scotlonde sholde be hangyd and dra¦wen / and that they sholde neuer be raunson∣ned. ¶And kynge Edwarde thought vppon this falsnesse that the Scottes had to hym do¦ne And sente after all the bachelers of Englon¦de / that they sholde come vnto London at wyt¦sōtyde / & he dubbyd at westmestre .xxiiii. score knyghtes. ¶Them ordened the noble kynge Edwarde for to go in to Scotlonde / to werre vpon Robert the Brus / And sent before hym in to Scotlonde syr Aymer the valaunce erle of Penbroge. And syre Henry Perey baron with a fayre company / that pursewed ye Scot¦tes and brente townes and castels. And after¦warde came the kynge hymself with erles and barons a fayre companye. THe Frydaye next before the Assumecy¦on of our lady kynge Edwarde mette Robert Brus besyde saynt Iohans towne in Scotlōde and with his companye / of the why∣che company kyng Edwarde slewe .vii. thou¦sande / whan Robert Brus sawe thys mysche¦yf he began to flee / and hydde hym that no mā myght hym fynde / But syr Symonde fryseld pursewed hym sore / so that he torned ayen & a¦bode batayll / for he was a worthy knyght and a bolde of dody. And thenglysshmen pursewed euer sore in euery syde and slewe the stede that syr Symonde rode vpon / and they toke hym and ladde hym vnto the host. And syr Symon¦de began for to flatre and speke fayre / and say∣de lordes I shall yeue you four thousand mar¦ke of syluer / myn hors / harneys and all myn armour / and become a begger. Tho answered Theobaude of Peuens that was the kynges archers. Now so god me helpe it is for nought that thou spekeste. For all the golde in Englon¦de I wolde. not lete the go with out commaun∣dement of kynge Edwarde / & tho was he had vnto kyng Edwarde & the kyng wolde not se hym but cōmaunded to lede hym a waye / to ha¦ue his dome at London. and on our ladyes eue Natiuite he was hangyd and drewe & his heed smyte of. & hangyd ayen wyth cheynes of yern vpon the galowes. And his heed was sete vpō London brydge vpod a spere / and ayenst Cry∣stemasse the bodye was brente by cause that the men / that kepte the body by nyght they sa∣we so many deuyls rampyng wyth grete yren hokes renynge vpō the galowes and horryble tormented ye body. & many yt them saw anone after they deyed for drede / & some wexed mad / fore syknes they had. & in that batayll was ta∣ke ye bysshop of Baston & the bysshop of saynt Andrewes / and the abbot of Scōne all armyd with yren as men of armes. as fals traytours and fals prelates ayenst theyr othe. And they were brought to the kynge and the kynge sente them vnto the pope of Rome. that he shold do with theym what his wyll were. ANd at that bataylle fledde syre Iohan erle of Alethes / and wente to a chyrche and there hydde hym for drede / but he myghte haue there noo refute for cause that the chyr∣che was enterdyted thrugh generall senten∣ce / and in the same chyrche he was taken. And this syr Iohan went well to haue scaped fro ye deth / for cause yt he claymed kynred of Kynge Edwarde. & the kynge wolde not lenger be by¦trayed of his traytours but sent hym to Lon¦don in hast. And there was hangyd & hys head smyten of & his body brent all to asshes. But at the prayer of the quene Margerete / for cau¦se that he claymed of kynge Edward kynred his drawynge was for yeuen hym. AS the grettest mayster of Scotlonde were thus doon to euyll deth & destroy¦ed for theyr falsnesse. Iohan that was Wylly¦am waleys brother was take & doon vnto de∣the. as syr Iohan erle of Alethes was. ANd at ye same tyme was robert ye / brus moche hated amonge the peple of scot∣londe / so yt he wyste not what he was best to do & for to hyde hym he wente to Norway to the kynge that had spowsyd his syster. & there hel∣de hym socour for to haue. & Robert the Brus myght not be foūde in Scotlonde. Sokynge Edward tho lete crye hys peas thrught out all the londe / and his lawas were vsyd / & hys my∣nystrys serued thrugh out all the londe. SO as kynge Edwarde had abatyd hys enemys turned south warde. and syke∣ned atte Burgh vpon sande in the marche of Scotlonde. and callyd to hym Henry Lacy er¦le of Nichell. syr guy erle of warwyk. syr Ayl∣mer erle of Penbroke / and syr Robert of Clyf¦forde baron and prayed theim vpon the fayth that they hym oughte / that they sholde make Edwarde of Carnaruan kynge of Englonde assone as they myght. And that they shold not suffre Peers of Ganaston come agayne in to Englonde / for to make hys sone to ryot / and they graunted hym with good wyll. And the kynge toke hys sacramente of hooly chyrche as a good Crysten man sholde. and deyed in re¦pentaunce And whan he hadde ben kynge .xxxv. yere he deyed / and was buryed at west∣mestre with moche solempnyte / Vpon whose soule god haue mercy. OF this kyng Edward prophecyce Mer¦lyn / and called hym a dragon the secon¦de of the .vi. kynges that sholde regne in Eng¦londe and sayd / that he sholde be medled with mercy / and also with strenthe and fyernesse. That sholde kepe Englonde frome colde and hete. And that he sholde opene hys mouthe to∣warde walys and that he sholde sette his foot in wyk and that he sholde close with walwes / that sholde doo moche harme to his sede. And he sayde sothe. For the good kynge Edwarde was medled with mercye and with fyernesse / with mercy ayenst his enmyes of walys / and after of Scotlonde with fyernesse / whan he put them to dethe for ther falsnesse / and tray∣tourily as they hadde deserued. And welle ke∣ped he Englond frome colde and heet / sythe he kepte it frome alle manere of enmyes that ranne vppon hym to doo hym ony wronge. ¶And welle he opened his mouthe to warde walys / and made it quake thrughe hydour of hys mouthe / whan he conqueryd it thruoghe dynte of swerde. For the prynce Lewelyn and Dauyd hys brother. Ris and Morgan. were put to dethe thrughe theyr falsnesse and theyr foly / And he sette hys foot in to wyk / and con∣quered Berwyk at the whiche conquest were slayne .xxv. thousande and .vii. hondred / out take suche as were brente in the redde halle. ¶And the walles yt he lete make shall be noy∣ous / vnto his sede. As men shall here after in∣the lyf of syre Edwarde of Carnaruan hys so¦ne. And yet sayd Merlyn that he sholde make ryuers ren in blood & wyth brayne. & ye semyd well in hys warres there as he had ye maystry And yet Merlyn sayd yt ther sholde come a peo¦ple out of ye nortwest durynge the regne of the forsayd dragon yt shold be ladde by an yll grey¦hoūde / yt shold the dragon crowne kynge. that afterward sholde fle ouer ye see for drede of the dragon without comynge ayen. & that was pro¦ued by syr Iohn̄ Baylol ye kynge Edwarde ma¦de to be kynge of Scotlonde. ye falsly aroyse a∣yenst hym▪ & after he fled to his owne londes of Fraūce / & neuer he came ayen in to Scotlond for drede of kyng Edward: And yet sayd Mer¦ly: that peple yt shold lede ye sayd greyhoūd shol¦de be faderles vnto a certayne tyme soth he sa∣yd. For the peple of Scotlonde gretly were dy¦sesyd after syr Iohan baylol was fled. And mer¦lyn sayd the sone shold become in hys tyme as redde as ony blood in tokenynge of grete mor∣talyte of people And that was knowe wel whā the Scottes were slayne. And syth sayd Mer∣lyn / ye same dragon shold nouryshe a Fox. that sholde meue grete werre ayenst hym / yt sholde not in hys tyme be ended / and that semed well by Robert the Brus. that kynge Edwarde nou¦rysshed in hys chambre that sythen stale a way & meued grett werre ayenst hym / whiche wer∣re was not ended in his tyme And yet sayd mer¦lyn that the dragon sholde deye in ye marche of an other londe / & that hys londe sholde be long without a good keper. And that men shold we¦re for his dethe from the yle of Shephey vnto the yle of Mercyll / wherfore alas shall be ther songe amonge the comyn people faderles in the londe wastyd And that prophecie was kno¦we ouer all full well. For the good Kynge Ed∣warde deyed at Burgh vp sandys / that is vp¦on the Marche of Scotlonde the englyssmen were dyscmferced and sorowed in Northum¦berlonde / For cause that kynge Edwardes so¦ne sete by the Scottes no force. for the ryot of Peers of Ganaston / wherfore alas was the songe thrugh out all Englond / for defawte of theyr good wardeyne from ye yle of Shephey vnto the yle of Mercyll / the people made mo¦che sorowe for good kynge Edwardes / dethe. ¶For they wende that good kynge Edwarde sholde haue gone in to the holy londe / For that was holy his purpoos. ¶Vpon whoos soule god for his hygh & Inginyte grace haue mercy CElestinus was pope after Nicolas fiue monethes / and nothynge noble of hym is wryten / but that he was a vertuous man. Bonefacyus the eyght was pope after hym .viii. yere. This bonifacius was a man in tho¦se thynges the whiche perteyneth to courte for he was very experte in suche maters / And by∣cause he had no pere / he put no mesure to hys prudence. And toke so grete pryde vpon hym that he sayd / he was lord of all the worlde. and many thynges he dyde with his myght & pow∣er· the whyche fayled wretchedly in the ende / He yaue an ensample to all prelatis yt they shol¦de not be haue ne proude. But vnder the four¦me of a very shepeherde of god they shod mo∣re study for to belouyd of other subgectes: thā dradde / This man is he / of whom it is sayd yt he entred as a fox. He lyued as a lyon / & deyed as a dogge. ¶This tyme ye yere of grace was ordeyned from an hoūdred yere to an hondred yere. And the fyrste Iubyle was in the yere of our lord Ihesu Cryst a thousande thre hoūdred ¶Benedictus the enleuenth was after Bone¦facius .xi. monethes. This man was an holy man / of the ordre of the frere prechers / and ly∣tyll whyle lyued but dyssessyd anone. ADulphus was Emperour .vi yere / This man was erle of Anoxone / And this Adulphus was not crowned by the pope / for he was slayne in batayll. ¶Albertus was Emperour after hym ·x. yere. This man was the duke of Astryr & fyrste was repreued of the pope / & after was confermed by the same pope for the malyces of the kyng of Fraunce / ye whi¦che was an enmye vnto ye chyrche· & to ye alber¦te the same pope yaue the kyngdom of Fraūce as he dyde other kyngdoms. But it proffyted not / for at ye last he was slayne of his neuewe. ¶Clemens was pope after Benedictus almo¦ste .ix. yere / and he was a greate buylder of cas∣tels and other thynges. And he dampnyd the ordre of Templaryes / and he ordeyned the seuen booke of the Decretales / the whiche be callyd the questyons of Clementyns. ¶And anone after in a counseyle the whyche he hel∣de atte Vyenna he reuokyd the same boke the whiche is successary Iohan called ayen in cor∣poryd it and publysshyd it. This Clement fyr¦ste of all popes teanslatyd the popes sette fro Rome to Auinion / and whether it was done bi the mocyon of god. or by the boldenes of man dyuers men meruaylle. ¶Iohn̄ the ·xxii. was pope after bym .viii. yrre. This man was all gloryous / as for those thynges that were to be vsed thrugh the actyf lyf. And he publysshed ye Constytucyons of the clementynes & sent thē to all the vnyuersytees. And many sayntes he canonysed & these fatte bysshopryches he deuy¦dyd and he ordeyned many thynges ayēste the pluralytae of benefyces / & many herytykes he dampned / but whether he was saued or not our lord wolde not shewe to those be louyd ve∣ry well. ¶Henry the .vii. was Emperour af¦ter Albert .v· yere / this Henry was a noble mā in warre. and he coueyted to haue peas by lon∣de and water. He was a gloryous man in ba∣tayll. And neuer ouercome with enmyes and atte the laste he was poysened of a frere whan that he howselyd hym by receyuynge of the sa∣cramente. ANd after this kyng Edwarde regned Edwarde his sone / that was borne att Carnriuan / and thys Edwarde wente hym in tho Fraunce. and there he spowsyd Isabell the kynges doughter of fraunce. the .xxv. daye. of Ianuari at the chyrche of our Lady at Bo¦loyne in the yere of our lorde Ihū Cryste .M. CCC vii. And the .xx. day of Feuerer the nexte yere that came after / he was crownyd solemp¦ly att westmestre of the Archebysshop of Caun¦terbury. And there was soo grete presse of peo∣ple. that syre Iohan Bakwell was slayne and murdred. And anone as the good kynge Ed¦warde was deed. syr Edwarde hys sone kyng of englonde. sent after Pers Ganaston in to Gascoyne / & so moche louyd hym / yt he callyd hym brother. & anone after he yaue vnto hym the lordshyp of walyngforde. And it was not longe after yt he yaue hym therldom of Corne∣waylle ayenst the lordes wyll of englonde. ¶And tho brought syr walter of langton bys¦shop of Chestre in to pryson & duraūce. in the toure of London. wyth two knaues alonely hym to serue. For the kynge was wrothe wyth hym / fore by cause that syre water made com∣playnt on hym to hys fader / wherfore he was put in pryson in the tyme of Troylebaston. & the for sayde Pers of Ganaston made so grete maystreys. that he wente in to the kynges tre∣sory in ye abbay of westmestre / & toke the table of golde with ye trestls of ye same & many other ryche Iewels / yt somtyme were the noble and good kyng Arthurs / & toke thē to a marchaūt that was called ameri of Friscōbande / for he sholde bere them ouer ye see in to Gascoyne. & so he went thens & they came neuer ayen after wherfore it was a grete losse to this londe And whan this Pers was rychely auaūsyd / he be∣came so proude & so stowte. wherfore all ye gre¦te lordes of the reame had hym īdyspyte for his grete berynge / wherfore syr Henry Lacy erle of Nicholl. & syr Guy erle of warwyk ye why∣che grete lordes / the good kynge Edwarde syr Edwardes fader kyng of Englonde / chargyd that Pers of Ganaston sholde not come in to Englonde for to brynge his sone Edwarde in to ryot. And all the lordes of Englonde assem¦bled them a certayn day att the frere prechers at London: And there they spake / of the dysho¦nour ye kynge Edwarde. dyde to hys reame & to his crowne and so they assentyd alle / bothe erles and barons / and all the comyns that the for sayd Peers of Ganaston sholde be exyled out of Englonde for euer more / and so it was done / For he for swore Englonde and went in to Irlonde / and there the kyng made hym che¦yfteyne / & gouernour of the londe by hys com¦myscyon. And there this Pers was cheyftey∣ne of all the londe / And dyd there all that hym lykyd▪ and hadde power what he wolde / and that tyme wer the templers exyled thrugh all cristiantee. for by cause that myn put vppon theym / that they sholde do thynges ayenst the fayth and good byleue. Kyng Edwarde louyd Peers of Ganaston so moche / that he myght not for bere his cōpany. And so moche the kyn¦ge yaue & behyght to the people of Englonde / that the exylyge of the forsayd Peers shold be reuokyd atte Stamforde / thrugh them yt hym had exyled / wherfore Pers of Ganaston cam ayen into Englond / And whan he was come ayen in to his londe he dyspysed ye grettest lor∣des of this londe / And called syr Robert Cla∣re Erle of Gloucetre horesone. And the Erle of Nycholl syr Henry Lacy brustenbely / and syr Guy Erle of warwyk the blacke hound of Arderne: And also he callyd ye noble erle Tho∣mas of Lancastre churle. / & many other scor∣nes and shamys them sayde / and many other grete lordes of Inglonde / wherfore they we∣re to warde hym full angry and wroth & ryght sore anoyed. And in the same tyme deyed the Erle of Nycholl. But he chargyed or yt he was deed / Thomas of Lancastre Erle that was his sone in lawe that he sholde mayntene hys quarell ayenst this same Peers of Ganaston vpon his blessynge. ¶And so it befell thorugh helpe of the erle Thomas of Lancastre and all so of the Erle of warwyk that the forsayd syr Peers was heeded att gauersich besyde war∣wyk in the .xx. day of Iune. in the yere of gra∣ce .M.CCC. and .xii. wherfore the kyng was sore anoyed / and prayed god that he myght se that daye to be auenged / vpon the deth of the forsayde Peers. ¶And so it befell afterwar¦de as ye shall here Alas ye tyme. For the forsayd Erle of Lancastre & many other grete barons were put to a pyteous dethe. and martred for by cause of the forsayde quarell. The kynge was to att London. And helde a parleament and ordeyned the lawes of Symonde Mount¦forde / wherfore the erle of Lancastre / and the Erles and alle clergye of Englonde. made an othe thrugh counseyll of Robert of wynchelse for to mayntene the ordynauntes for euer. ANd whan syre Robert the Brus that made hym kynge of Scotlonde / that before was fledde in to Norway for drede of deth of the good kynge Edwarde. And also he herde of the debate that tho was in englond by¦twene the kynhe & his lordys. he ordeyned an hoste & came in to Inglonde in to Northum∣berlonde / and clene dystroyed the countree. ¶And whan kynge Edwarde herde this ty∣ynges he lete assemble hys hoste and mette the Scottes at Edstreyelyn in the daye of the Na¦tiuite of saynt Iohan Baptyst in the thyrde ye¦re of his regne / & in the yere of oure lorde .M.CCC. & .xiiii. Alas the sorowe & losse that ther was done. For there was slayne the noble Er¦le Gylbert of clare syr Robert Clefford baron and the kynge Edwarde was scomfyted and Edmonde of maule ye kynges Stewarde for drede wente & drowned hymself in a fresshe ry¦uer that is called Bannokysborne wherfore they sayd in repreyf of kynge Edwarde for as¦moche as he louyd to go by water & also for he was dyscomfyted at Bānosborne / therfore ye maydens made a songe therof in ye countree of kynge Edwarde▪ and in this manere they sōge Maydēs of Englonde sore may ye morne / for tyʒt haue lost your lēmans at bānokysborne / with heuelogh. what wenyth the kyng of Eng¦londe to haue gote Scotlond with rombylogh. AS kynge Edmonde was dyscomfyted wōder sore and faste he fledde with his folke that were left aliue & wēt vnto Berwyk / & there helde hym. & after he toke hostages .ii. chyldern of the rychesse of the towne. And the kynge went to London. & toke coūseyl of thyn¦ges that were nedefull to ye reame of Englōde ¶And in ye same tyme it befel / that tho was in Englonde a rybaude. that was called Iohan Tāner. And he yede & sayd that he was ye good kynge Edwardes sone and lete hem calle Ed∣warde of Carnariuā. And therfore he was ta¦ke at Oxforde / And there he chalēged frere car¦mes / chyrche that kyng Edwarde hadde yeue them whiche was the kynges halle. And after¦warde was thys Iohan ladde to Northamp¦ton / & drawen & hangyd for his falsnesse & or yt he was deed he confessyd & sayd before all tho that were there. that the deuyll beyhyght hym that he sholde be kynge of Englonde & that he had serued the deuyll thre yere. ANd on mydlente Sondaye. in the yere of our lorde .M.CCC.xvi. Berwyke was loste thorugh false treson of oon Pers of Spaldynge. the whyche Pers the kynge had put there. For to helpe that same towne with many burgeyses of the same towne / wherfore the chyldren that were put in hostage thrughe the burgeyses of Berwyk folowed the kynges marchse many dayes fettred in strōge yrens And after ye tyme two Cardynalles in to Eng¦londe / as the pope had theym sence for to ma∣kepe as bytwene Englonde and Scotlonde. And as they wente to warde Durham / for to haue sacred mayster Lowys of Beamont bys∣shop of Durham they were take & robbed vp∣on the moore of wynglesdom / Of whiche rob¦bery syr Gylbert of mytton was atteynt & ta∣ke and hangyd & drawen at Lōdon & his heed smytte of. & put vpon a spere / & set vpon newe gate / & the foure quarters sent / to foure cytees of Englonde. and that same tyme befell many myscheues in Englonde / for the poore people deyed in Englonde for hungre / and so moche and so faste deyed. that vnethe mē myght bury them For a quarter of whete was at .xl. shelyn¦ges▪ and two yeres & an half a quarter of whe∣re was worth .x. marck· and of tyme the poore people stole chyldern and ete them / & ete also ye hoūdes that they myghte take: & also hors and cattes And after there fell a grete myrreyne a¦monge bestes in dyuers countrees of englōde durynge kynge Edwarde lyues tyme. ANd in the same tyme came the Scottes ayen in to Englonde and dystroyed Northumberlonde / and brēt and that londe / and robbyd it / and slewe mē wymmen & chyl∣dren that laye in there cradyls / & brent also ho∣ly chyrche / and destroyed crystendome / & toke & bare Englysshe mennys godes as they had ben sarasyns / or paynems. And of the wyckyd¦nesse that they dyde / all the worlde spake of it. SO pope Iohan the .xxii. after saynt Pe∣tir herde of the grete sorowe and mche y that the Scottes wrought he was wonder sorye / that crystendome was so dystroyed thru¦ghe the Scottes / & namely they destroyed so holy chyrches wherfore the pope sente a gene∣rall sentence vnder his bulles of led vnto the Archebysshop of Caunterbury. And to thar∣chebysshoppe of yorke that yf Robert ye Brus of Scotlonde wolde not be Iustyfyed & make amendes vnto the kynge of Englonde Edwar¦de theyr lorde / & make amendes of hys losse / & of his harmes that they / had doon in Englon¦de. And also restore the goodes that they had taked of holy chyrche / that the sentence shold be pronouncyd thorughe out alle Englonde. And whan the Scottes herde this / they wolde not leue theyr malyce / for the popes commaun¦demente wherfore Roberte the Brus. Iamys Douglas and Thomas Radulf erle of Moref and all tho that with theym comyned or them helpe in worde or dede were accursyd in euery chirche thrugh out all Englonde euery day at masse .iii. tymes And no masse shold be songe in holy chyrche thrugh out all Soctlonde but yf the Scottes wolde make restitucyon of the harmes that they hadde made vnto holy chyr¦che wherfore many a good prest and holy men therfore were slayne thrugh ye reame of Scot∣londe / bycause they wolde not synge masse a∣yenst ye popys cōmaundemet & ayenst his wyll and to do & fulfyll the tyrauntes wyll. ANd it was not longe after warde / that the kynge ordeyned a parlemente atte yorke / And there was syr / Spensers sone ma¦de Chambrelayne. And the meane tyme why∣le the werre lasted / the kynge wente ayen in to Scotlonde / that it was wonder for to wytte & beseged the towne of Berwyk / but the scottes wente ouer the water at Sole wath. that was thre myle frome the kynges hoste and pryuely they stole a way by nyght / & came in to Englō∣de / & robbyd & dystroyed all that they myght / and sparde no manere thynge tyll that they ca¦me vnto yorke / & whan the englysshmen that were left at home / herde thyse tydīges / all tho that myghte traueyll / as well monk{is} / prestes freres / chanons / & seculers came & mette wyth the Scotes at Myton vp swale the .xii. day of Octobre. Alas for sorowe / for the Englysshe husbonde men that coude no thynge of yt wer¦re kyllyd & drowned in an arme of the see And the cheyftyenes syre wyllyam of Melton Ar∣che bysshop of yorke & the abbot of selby wyth there stedes fledde / & came to yorke / and that was theyr owne foly / that they had that mys∣chaunce. For they passed the water of Swale. And the Scottes sette a fyre the stakes of hey and the smote ther of was so huge / that ye En∣glysshmen myght not se ye Scottes. And whā the englisshmen were gone ouer the water tho came ye Scottes wyth theyr wynge in maner of a shelde / and came to warde the Englyssmē in araye. And the Englysshemen fledde. For neth they hadde ony men of armys. For the kynge hadde them almoost lost at the syege of Berwyk / and the Scottes hobylers went by¦twene the brydge and the Englysshmen / And whan the grete host them mett / the englysshe¦men fled bytwene the hobylers & the gret ho∣ste. And the Englysshmen almoost were there slayne / & he that myght go ouer the water we∣re saued / But many were drowned. Alas for there were slayne / many men of relygyon / se∣culers preestes & clerkes / with moche sorowe tharchebysshop escaped. & therfore the Scot∣tes callyd that batayll the whyte batayll. NOw as kynge Edwarde herde this ty¦dynges he remeued his sege from Ber¦wyk & came agayn into Englond. But Syr Hugh Spenser that was the kynges Cham∣berlayne. kept so the kynges chambre. that no mā myghte speke with the kynge. But he had made with hym a fret for to do alle his nede. & that ouer mesure. And this Hugh bare hym so stowte that all men had of hym scorne and dys¦pyte. and the kynge hymself wolde not be go∣uerned / ne rulyd by no manere of man but on¦ly by his fader & by hym. And yf ony knyghte of englonde hadde wodes maneyrs or londes that they wolde coueyte anone the Kyng must yeue it them or elles the man that ought it. shol¦de be falsly endyted of forfeyt or felony. And thrugh suche doynge they dysheryted many a bachelere / and so moche londe he gate that it was grete wonder and whan the lordes of en¦londe sawe the grete couetyse & falsnesse of syr Hugh Spenser the fader & of syr Hugh the so¦ne / they come to the gentyll erle of lancastre / & axyd hym of counseyll of the dysese. that was in the reame / though syr Hugh Spenser & his sone. & in hast by one assente they made pryue assēble. at shirburne Elmede & they made the¦re an othe for to breke & dystouble ye doinge by¦twene the kynge and syr Hugh Spenser and his sone vpon theyr power. And they went in to the marche of walys. and dystroyed the lon∣de of the forsayd syr hughes. SO whan kyng Edwarde sawe ye grete harme and dystruccyō that tho Barōs of Englonde dyde vnto syre hugh Spensers londe. and to his sone in euery place that they came vpon the kynge tho thrugh hys counseyl yll exyled syr Monbraye. syr Roger Clyfforde & syr Gosselyn Dauyll. & many other lordes yt were to theym consente / wherfore the barons dyde tho more harme than they dyde before / & whā the kynge sawe that ye barons wolde not sesse of theyr cruelte / the kyng was sore adrad¦de lest they wolde dystroy hym & his reame for his mayntenaūce / but yf he assented to them. And so he sente for thē by hys letters that they sholde come to London to hys parlement at a certaine daye as in his letters were conteyned & they came with thre bataylles / well Armyd at al poyntes. & euery batayl had cotarmours of grete clothe. And therof the ryght quarter was yelowe. wyth whyte bendes / wherfore ye parlemente was callyd the parlement of the whyte bende. And in ye company was syr Hun¦frey de bohoune erle of Herford & syre Roger Clyfforde. syr Iohan Monbray. syr Glosselyn Dauyll. syr Roger Mortymer vncle of syr Ro¦ger mortymer of wygmore. syr Henry of Tra∣ys syr Iohn̄ Gyffarde & syre Barthylmewe of Badelessemore that was ye kynges stewarde. yt the kynge had sente to Shyrborne in Elmede to ye erle of Lācastre / and to all yt with hym we¦re for to trete of accorde / ye hym alyed to the ba¦rons / & came with that company. & sur Roger Dammory & syr Hugh dandale yt had spousyd the kynges neces syster. & syr Gylbert of clare erle of Gloucetre yt was slayne in Scotlonde as before is sayd. And tho two lordes had tho two partyes of the erldom of Gloucerte. & sur Hugh Spenser had thyrde party in his wyues half / the thyrde syster and tho two lordes wen∣te to the barons wyth all theyr power ayenst syr Hugh theyr brother in lawe. And so there came wyth them syr Robert Clyfforde syr Io¦han Mōbray. syr Goselyn Dauyll. syr Roger Mortymer of werk. syr Roger Mortymer of wykmore his neuewe. syr Henry Trays syre Iohā Gyffarde. syr Barthylmewe of Bardes¦more. with all theyr cōpany. and many other / that to them were consent. all the grete lordes came vnto westmestre to ye kynges parlemen∣te. And so they spake & dyde. that bothe syr Hu¦ghe Spēser the fader & also the sone / were out lauwed of englonde for euermore And soo syre Hugh the fader wente vnto Douer and made moche sorowe / & fell downe vpon the grounde by the see banke. a crosse wyth his armes / and sore wepynge sayd Now fayr Englonde and good Englonde to almyghty god I the betake And thryes kyssed the grounde and wenyd ne¦uer to haue come ayen· And wepynge cursyd ye tyme that euer he begate syr Hugh his sone. & sayd for hym he had lost all Englond. And tho in presence of thē all that were aboute hym ya¦ue hym his cursee & went ouer see to his londes But Hugh the sone wolde not go out of Eng∣londe / but helde hym in the see. and his compa∣ny robbyd .ii. dromedores besyde Sandwyth and toke and bare a waye alle the godoes that was in them to the value of .lx.M.li. IT was not longe after that the kynge made syr Hugh Spenser the fader / & syr Hugh the sone / come ayen in to Englond ayen¦ste the lordes wyll of the reame. And soone af∣ter the kynge with a strōge power came and be¦seged the castel of Ledys. and in the castel was ye laby of Bladelesmore for cause that she wold not graunt that castell to the quene Isabel kin¦ge Edwardes wyfe but the pryncypall cause was / for syr Berthylmewe was ayenst ye kyn¦ge / and helde with the lordes of Englōde. & ne¦uertheles the kynge by helpe & socoure of men of London / & also of helpe of Southeren men gate the castel maugre of them all yt were with in / and toke with them al that they myght fyn¦de. And whan the barons of Englonde herde these tidynges / syr Roger Mortymer & many other lordes toke the towne of Brugge wroth wyth strenth. wherfore the kyng was wonder wrothe / and lete outlawe Thomas of Lancas∣tre / and Vmfroy de Bohoune erle of Herfor∣de and alle tho that were assentynge to the sa∣me quarel. And the kyng assēbled an huge host and came ayenst the lordes of Englond wher¦fore the Mortymers put them in the kynges grace. And anone they were sente to the toure of London and there kept in pryson. And whā the barons herd thys thyng they came to pout¦fert there that ye erle Thomas soiourned and tolde hym how that Mortymers both had yel¦de them to the kynge. & put them in hys grace. SO whan Thomas Erle of Lancastre herde thys he was wonder wrothe & all that were of there company & greatly they we¦re dyscomfyted / & ordeyned there power togy∣der. and besyeged the castell of Tykhyll / But tho that were wyth in manly defended them / that the barnos myght not gete the castel. and whan the kyng herde yt his castell was beseged he swore by god & by his names. that the lege sholde be remeued. & assembled an huge power of people / & wente theder ward to rescowe the castell. & his power encresyd fro daye to daye. whan the erle of Lancastre & the erle of Herfor¦de & the barons of there cōpany herde of thys thynge they assembled all theyr power & wente them to Burton vpon trent & kept the brydge that the kyng shold not passe ouer▪ but it befell so on the tenthe daye of Marche in the yere of grace .M.CCC.xxi. the kyng & the Spensers syr Aymer Valaunce erle of Penbroke / & Io∣han erle of Araundell & theyr power wente o∣uer the water & dyscomfyted therle Thomas and his company· And they fled to the castell of Tetbury & from thens they went to Pount¦fret. And in that yage deyed syr Roger Dau∣more in thabbay of Thebury. And in that sa∣me tyme the erle thomas had a traytour wyth hyme yt was callyd Robert Holonde knyght. that the erle had brought vp of nought / & had nourysshed hym ī hys butrye. & had yeue hym a thousāde marke of londe by yere. And so mo¦che the erle louyd hym that he myght do in the erles court all that hym lyked bothe amonge them hyghe & lowe / and so craftly the theyf ba¦re hym ayenste his lorde / that he trustyd more vpon hym than ony man on lyue. and the erle had ordeyned by his letters for to goo in to the erledome of Lancastre / to make men aryse to kepe hym in that vyage / That is to saye .v. hū¦dred men of armys. But the fals traytour ca∣me not there: no manere men for to warne ne for to make arayse to helpe his lord. And whan that the fals traytour herde tell yt hys lord was dycomfyted at Burton vpon Trent. as a fals traytour theyf. stele a way & robbyd in Rauēs∣dele his lordes men that came fro the scomfy∣ture. And toke of them hors & harneys / and al that they had & slewe of them all that they my∣ghte take / & came & yeldyd hym to the kynge. ¶whan the good erle Thomas wyste that he was so bytrayed. He was so abasshed / & sayde to hymself / O almyghty good how myght Ro¦bert Holonde fynde in hys herteme to betray / sythe that I louyd hym so moche O god well maye nowe a man se by hym yt no man maye dysceyue a nother rathar than he yt he trustyth moost vpon. He hath full euyll yelded me my goodnes & the worshyp yt I haue to hym done and thrugh my kyndnesse haue hym auaūcyd & made hym hyghe where yt he was lowe. And he makyth me go from hyghe vnto lowe / but yet shall he deye an euyll dethe. THe good Erle Thomas of Lancaste. Humfroy de Bohoune ele of Herford and the barons yt with theym were toke coun¦sell bytwene them at ye frre prechers in Poūt¦fret. tho thought Thomas vpon the traytour Roberte Holonde. And sayde in repreyf / Alas Robert Holonde hath me betrayed / and is the red of some euyll shred. And by the comyn as∣sent they sholde goo to the castell of Dunstan∣brughe / the whiche perteyned to therldome of Lancastre / & yt they sholde abyde ther tyll that the kynge had for yeue them his male talente. ¶But whan the good erle Thomas this her∣de / he answered in this manere & sayd. Lordes sayd he / yf we go to wade the North / the Nor¦then men woll saye that we go to warde ye scot∣tes / so we shall be holden traytours / for cause of dystaūce that is bytwene kynge Edwarde & Robert ye Brus that made hym kynge of Scot¦londe. And therfore I say as touchyng my self that I wyll not go no ferder into the Northe / than to myn owne castell at Poūtfret. ¶And whan syre Roger Clyfford herde this he arose vp anone in wrathe. and drawe his swerde on hye / & swore by god almyghty & by his holy na¦mes / but yf yt he wolde go with them / he sholde hym slee there. the noble and gentyll erle Tho¦mas of Lancastre was sore a ferde & sayd. Fa¦yr▪ syres I wyll go with you whether some euer ye me bydde. Tho went they togyder in to the North / & wyth them they hadde .vii.C. men of armys came to Burbryg. And whan syr An¦drew of Herkela that was in the north countre thrugh ordynaūce of the kynge. For to kepe ye countree of Scotlonde / herde tell. how yt Tho¦mas of Lancastre was scomfyted & hys com∣pany at Burton vpon trent / he ordened hym a stronge power / and syr symonde warde also that was the shyref of yorke / and mette the ba∣rons at burburgge. and anone they brake the brydge that was made of tree ¶And whan syr Thomas of Lancastre. herde ye syr Andre¦we of Herkela had broughte wyth hym suche a power he was sore adradde. & sente for syr An∣drewe of herkela / wyth hym spake. & sayde to hym in thys manere syr Andrewe sayde he. ye may wel vnderstōde that our lorde ye kyng. is ladde and mysgouerned by moche fals counsel thrugh syr Hugh Spenser the fader & syr Hu∣ghe is sone: syr Iohan erle of Arūdel / & thrugh mayster Robert Baldok a fals pylled clerke. yt now is in the kynges courte dwellynge wher∣fore I praye you that ye wyll come wyth vs with alle youre power that ye haue ordeyned / & helpe to dystroie the venym of Englond. and ye traytours that ben therin. & we wyll yeue vn¦to you all the best parte of fyue Erldoms / that we haue & holde. & we wyll make vnto you an othe. that we wyll neuer doo thynge wythout your counsell / & soo ye shalbe left as well with as euer was Robert Holande Tho answered syr Andrew of Herkela & sayd syr Thomas yt wolde not I do ne consent therto for no mane¦re thynge wythout the wyll & cōmaundement of lorde the kynge / for them shold I be holden a traytour for euermore. And whan that ye no¦ble erle Thomas of Lācastre sawe that he wol¦de not consent to hym for no maner thyng syr Andrew he sayd wyll ye not consent to dystroy the venym of the reame as we be consente at one worde syr Andrewe I tel the that are this yere begoō / that ye shall▪ be take and holde for a traytour. and more than ony of you hold vs now / & in worse dethe ye shall deye than euer dyde ony knyght of Englonde. And vnderston¦de wel / that ye dyd neuer thynge That sorer ye shall you repente. And now go and doo what you good lykyth / & I wyll put me in to the mer¦cy of god. And so went the fals traytour tyraū¦ce a fals forsworne man For thrugh the noble erle Thomas of Lancastre he receyued the ar∣mys of Chyualrye / and thrughe hym he was made a knyght. Tho myghte men se archers drawe them in that one syde and in that other and knyghtes also. And foughte tho togyder wonder sore. And also amonge all other Hum¦froy de Boughon Erle of Herforde a worthy knyght of renoune thrugh out all crystendom stode a fought with his enmyes vppon ye bryd¦ge. and as the noble lord stode & foughte vpon the brydge a theyf rybaude sculkyd vnder the brydge / & fyersly with a spere. smote the noble knyght in to ye fūdement / so yt his bowellys ca¦me out aboute his fete ther. Alas for sorowe & pyte. For there was slayne the floure of solace & of comforth / & also of curteysye. ¶And Syr Roger Clyfforde a noble & a worthy knyghte stode euer & fought / and well & worthyly hym defended as a noble baron. But at the last he was sore woundyd in his heed / And syr Wylly¦am of Sullaynde. & syr Roger of Benfeelde were slayne at that batayll. whan syr Andre∣we of Herkela sawe that syr thomas mē of Lā¦castre / lassed & slakyd. anone he and hys com∣pany came vnto the gentyll knyght syr Tho∣mas & layd vnto hym in an hyghe voyce yelde the traytour yelde the. The gentyll erle Tho∣mas of Lancastre answered thenne and sayde Nay lordes traitours we ben none and to you we wyll neuer vs yelde whyle that oure lyues last But leuer we had to be slayne in our thruth than yelde vs vnto you. And syre Andrewe ¦en gardyd vppon syr Thomas and hys com∣pany / yellynge and cryenge lyke a wode wulf yelde you traytours taken yelde you / and say∣de wyth an hyghe voys Beware syres yt none of you be so hardy vpon lyf and lymme to mys do Thomas body of Lācastre / And wyth that worde the good erle Thomas yede into the cas¦tell / & sayd knelynge vpon hys knees and tor∣ned hys vysage to warde the crosse and sayd al¦myghty god to the I yelde / & holy I put me vn¦to thy mercy. and wyth that the vylaynes and rybaudes lept aboute hym on euery syde as ty¦raūtes & wood tormentours & dyspoyled hym of his armoure & clothed hym in a obe of ray that was of his squyres lyuetay and forth lad¦de hym unto yorke by water. Tho myght men see moche sorowe & care For the gentyl knygh¦tes sledde on euery syde & ye rybaudes and the vyllayns egerly. them dyscryed / and cryed on hyghe yelde traytours yelde you. And whan they were yelden they were robbyd & bounden as theuys. Alas the shame and dyspyte that the gentyll orde of knyghthode had there at that batayll. And the londe was tho without lawe For holy chyrche had tho nomore creuereence than it had be a burdell hous / And in that ba∣tyall was the fader ayenst the sone and the vn¦cle ayenst the neuewe. For so moche vnkynde¦nesse / was neuer seen before in Englonde / as that tyme amonge folkes of one nacyon. For one kynred had noo more pyte of that other. than an hungry wulf hathe of a shepe / And it was no wonder. For the grete lordes of Eng∣londe were not alle of one nacyon / But were medlyd with other nacōns / That is for to say some / Brytons / some Saxons / some Danys / some Pehypes / some Frenssemen / some Nor∣mans / some Spanyerdes / some Romayns / some Henaude some Flemynges and other dy¦uers nacyons the whyche nacyons accordyd not to the kynde blood of Englonde. And yf soo grete lordes had be oonly weddyd to En∣glysshe people. Thenne sholde peas haue ben and reste amonge theym without ony enuye. And at that batayll was Roger Clyfforde ta∣ke. syr Iohn̄ Mombray syr wyllyam Tuchy Syr wyllyam fitz wyllyam / and many other worthy knyghtes there take at that batayll & Syr Hugh Dandell nette daye after was ta∣ken and put in to pryson / and sholde haue be doon to dethe yf he hadde not spousyd the kyn¦ges nece / that was Erle Gylbertes syster of Gloucestre and anon after was syr Berthyl¦mewe of Badelesmore taken at Stow parke a maneyr of the bysshop of Lyncoln that was his neuewe & many other barons and baro∣netters. wherfore was made moche sorowe. ANd now I shall tell you of the noble er¦le Thomas of Lancastre. wha he was take & brought to yorke / many of the cyte we∣re full glade and vpon hym cryed with an hy¦ght voys O syr traytour ye be welcome. bles∣syd be god for now ye shall haue the rewarde / that longe ye haue deserued. And caste vppon hym many snowe balles / & many other repre∣ues they dyd hym. But the gentyll erle all suf∣fred / & sayd nother o worde nor other. ¶And at the same tyme ye kyng herde of thys scōfytu¦re / & was ful glad & Ioyous / & in grete hast ca¦me to Poūtfret. And syr Hugh Spenser. and syr Hugh his sone / & syr Iohn̄ erle of Arundell and syr Edmonde of wodestoke ye kynges bro¦ther erle of Kent. & syr Aymer of valaunce erle of Penbroke and mayster Robert Baldoke. a fals pyllyd clerke / that was pryue / and dwel∣led in the kynges court / & all came theder wyth the kynge. And the kyng entryd in to the castel and Syr Andrewe of Herkela a fals tyraunte thrugh the kynges cōmaundement. toke wyth hym the gentyll Erle. Thomas to Pountfret and there he was prysoned in his owne castell that he had newe made that stode ayenste the abbaye of kynge Edwarde. ¶And syr Hugh Spenser the fader & the sone cast and thought how & in what maner the good erle Thomas of Lancastre sholde be deed / wythoute Iuge∣ment of hys perys. wherfore it was ordeyned thrugh the kynges Iusticus that the kyng shol¦de put vpon hym poyntes of treason. And so it befell that he was ledde to barre before the kynges Iustices bare heed as a theyf / in a fay¦re halle in his owne castell yt he had made ther in many a fayre feste. both to ryche & to poore. ¶And these where is Iustices syr Hugh Spē¦ser the fader. & Aymer of Balaunce erle of Pē¦broke / syr Edmonde of wodstok erle of Kent / syr Iohan of Brytayne erle of Rychemonde / & syr Robert Malemethrop Iustyce and syre Ro¦berte hym a couplyd in this manere. ¶Tho∣mas court excludeth you of all maner answer Thomas our lorde the kynge / puttyth vppon you▪ that ye haue in hys londe ryden wyth ba∣ner dysplayed ayenst his peas. as a traytour. ¶And with ye worde the gentyll erle Thomas with an hygh voyce sayd / Nay lordes forsoth and by saynt Thomas I was neuer traytoure ¶The Iustyce sayd ayen tho. Thomas oure lorde the kyng putteth vpon you that ye haue robbyd his folke / and murdred his people as a theyf. Thomas also the kynge puttythe vpon you that he dyscōfyted you & our people wyth his folke / in his owne reame / wherfore. ye wē∣te & fledde to the woode as an outlaw▪ and tho∣mas as a traytoure ye shall be hangyd by rea∣sō. but ye kynge hathe foryeuen you that Iuge¦ment / for loue of quene Isabell. And Thomas reson wolde yt ye sholde be hangyd / but ye kyn∣ge hath foryue you that Iugemēt for by cause & loue of your lygnage. But for asmoche. Tho¦mas as ye were taken fleenge / and as an out∣lawe. the kynge: woll that your heed shalle be smyten of / Anone haue hym oute of prees and brynge hym to his Iugement. ¶Whan the gē¦tyll knyght Thomas had herde all these wor∣des / wyth an hygh voyce he cryed sore wepyn∣ge and sayd alas saynt Thomas fayr fader. A∣las shall I be deed thus Graunt me now bles∣sydful▪ god answere. But all auayled hym no thynge For the cursyd Gascoyns put hym hy¦ther & thyder / & on hym cryed wyth an hyghe voys. O kynge Arthur moost terryble & drede¦full / well knowen & shewed now is thyn open traytour. And an euyll deth shalt thou ryght a¦none deye. Haste thou not ryght well deserued it. ¶And thenne thyse cruell folke sette vpon the gode knyhht Thomas for very scorne an olde chaplet that was alle to rente / yt was not worth an halfe peny. And after that they sette hym vpon a whyte palfroy full vnsemely / & al¦so all bare / wyth an olde brydell. And wyth an horryble noyse they draue hym out of the cas∣tell to warde hys deth / and they cast vpon hym many balles of snowe in dyspyte. And as the traytours lad hym out of the castell tho sayde he these pyteous wordes. And his hondes hel¦de vp on hygh to warde heuen Now the kyng of heuen yeue us mercy for the erthly kyng ha∣the vs forsaken and a frere precher wente with hym out of the castell tyll he came to the place that he endeth his lyfe. vnto whome he shroue hym all hys lyfe. And the gentyll erle helde the frere wonder fast by the clothes & sayd to hym Fayr fader abyde with vs tyll yt I be deed. for my flesshe quakyth for drede of dethe. ¶And the sothe for to say / The gentyll erle sette hym vpon hys knees / and torned hym to warde the eest: but a rybaude that was called Hygone of moson sette honde vpon the gentyll Erle and sayd in dyspyte of hym Syr traytour torne the towarde the Scottes / thy fowle deth to recey¦ue / & torned to warde the Nosth. The noble er¦le Thomas answered tho wyth a mylde voys and sayd now fayr lordes I shall do your wyll And with that worde ye frere went from hym sore wepynge. And anone a rybaude wente to hym / & smote of hys heed / the .xi. Kalendas of Auerell. In the yere of grace .M.CCC. & .xxi. ¶Alas that euer suche a gentyll blood sholde be don to deth withouten cause & reason. And traytoursly the kynge was counseylled / whan he thrugh the fals counseyll of the Spenser suf¦fred syr Thomas his vncles sone to be put to suche a deth / & so he beheeded ayenst all maner of reasō / And grete pyte it was also / that suche a noble kynge sholde be dysceyued and mysgo∣uerned thrugh counsell of the fals Spensers / the whyche tho he mayntened thrughe loselry ayenst his honour & also his proffyte. For after warde there fell grete vengaunce in Englon∣de. for by cause of the forsayd· Thomas dethe. whan the gentyll erle of his lyf was passyd. ye pryour & the monkys of Pounfret gate the bo¦dy of syr Thomas of the kynge & buryed it befo¦re the hyghe awter on the ryght syde. ¶That same daye that thys gentyll knyght was dede / were hangyd and drawen / for the same quarel at Poūtfret syr Wyllyam Tuchet. Syr Wylly¦am. Fitz Wyllyam. syr werreyn of Isell. Syr Henry Bradborn / & syr Wyllyam Cheyne ba∣rons al / and Iohn̄ page esquyrer. and soone af¦ter at yorke were drawen & hangyd syr Roger Clyfforde / syre Iohan of Mambray barons. & syr Goselyne Deuyll knyght. ¶And at Brys¦towe were drawē and hangyd / Syr Henry of wemyngton / & syr Henry Mountorde barōs ¶And at Gloucerre were drawē and hangyd syr Iohn̄ Gaffarde and syr Wyllyam of Elme¦brughe barons / & at Londō were hangyd and drawen Syr henry Tyes baron. ¶And atte wynchelse syr thomas Clepepyr knyght. And ferthermore to telle of thys cruell occyon atte wyndsore was drawe & hangyd syr Frauncs waldēham baron / & at Caunterbury was dra∣wē and handyg syr Berthylmew Badelesmo∣re and syr Berthylmew of Asshe bourucham barons and at Cardyf in walys syr Wylyam Flemmynge baron. SO whan kynge Edwarde of Englon¦de had brought the floure of cheua▪ vnto theyr deth. thrugh counsell & conente of syr Hugh Spenser the fader / & syr Hughe the sone he became as woode as ony lyon▪ & what so euer the Spensers wolde haue it was done So well the kynge louyd theym yt they myght do with hym all thynge that them lyked wher¦fore the kynge gaaf vnto syr Hughe Spenser the fader ye erldom of wynchestre and vnto syr Andrewe of Herkela the erldome of Cardoyll in preiudyce and in harmynge of hys crowne. And kyng Edwarde tho thrugh counsel of the Spensers dysheryted alle them that had be a∣yenst hym in ony quarel with Thomas of L∣castre. And many other were dysheryted also / by cause that the Spensers coueyted for to ha∣ue theyr londes. And so they had all that they wold desyre wyth wronge / & ayenst all reason. Tho made the kynge Robert Baldok a fale pylled clerke Chaunceler of Englond. thrugh counsell of the forsayde Spensers. ¶And he was a false rybaude / And a coueytouse. And so they counseylled the kynge moche / that the kyng lete take to hys owne warde all the good¦des of the lordes that were put wrongfully to the deth in to hys owne honde. And aswell they toke the goodes yt were within hooly chyrche / es the goodes yt were wythout / & lete theym be put in to hys tresoury in London / & lette them calle hys for feytes. And by there coūsell ye kyn¦ge wrought for euer more he dysheryted them that the godes ought / & thrugh ther coūsell lete arer a talegge of all the goodes of Englonde / wherfore he was the rychest kyng yt euer was in Englonde. after wyllyam Bastarde yt com∣quered Englonde. / And yet thrughe coūsell of them hym semyd yt he hadde not ynough. But made yet euery towne of Englonde for to fyn¦de a man of armys vpon theyr owne costes / for to go & werre vpon the Scottes yt were his enmyes / wherfore the kynge went in to Scot¦londe with an houndred thousande men of ar∣mys at wytsontyde in the yere of our lord Ihe¦su Crist .M.CCC.xxii. But the Scottes wen¦te / & hyd them in moūteyns & in wodes and ca¦ryed the Englysshmen fro day to day / that the kynge myght for no manere thynge fynde thē in playne felde / wherfor many Englysshmen that had lytyl vytaylles deyed ther for hungre wonder fast an sodenly in goynge and comyn¦ge and namely tho that had bene ayenst Tho∣mas of Lancastre & robbyd his men vpon hys londes. whan kynge Edwarde sawe that vy∣taylles fayled hym / he was wonder sore dys∣comfyted. bycause also yt hys men deyed. & for he myght not spede of his enmyes. So att the last he came ayen in to Englonde / & anone af∣ter came Iames Douglas and also Thomas Radulph with an huge hooste into Englonde in to Northumberlonde / and wyth them the Englysshmen that were dryuen out of Eng∣londe / and came and robbed the countree / and slewe ye people / & also brente the twone yt was callyd Northallerton & many other twones to yorke. And whan the kynge herde thys tydyn∣ges he lete so mane all maner men that myght trauyllee. And so the Englysshmen mette the Scottes at ye abbay of Beyghelande the .xv. day after Mygelmas. en the same yere aboue sayd / and the Englysshmen were there dyscon¦fyted. And at that dyscomfyture was take syr Iohan of Brytayne Erle of Rychmonde that helde the countree & the erldome of Lancastre and after he payed an huge raunsonne & was lete goo. And after that he wente in to Fraun∣ce and came neuer after agayne. THen at that tyme was syr Andrew of Herkela / ye new was made erle of Car¦doil / for cause that he had taken the good erle Thomas of Lancastre. ¶He hadde ordeyned thrugh the kynges cōmaundement of Englon¦de. for to bringe hym all the power yt he myght for to helpe ayenste the Scottes as the abbaye of Beglonde. And whan ye fals traytour had gadred all the people that he myght & shold ha¦ue come to the kynge vnto the abbaye of Bey¦ghelande / ye fals traytour ladde them by a no∣ther coūtre thrughe Copelonde. And thrughe therldome of Lancastre / & went thrugh ye coū¦tree & robbed & slewe the folke all yt he myght. And ferthermore the fals traytour had take a grete somme of golde and syluer of syr Iames Douglas for to be ayenst the kyng of Englon¦de. & to be helpynge & holdynge with the Scot¦tes / thrugh whose treason the kynge of Eng∣londe was scomfyted at Beyghelande or yt he came thyder. wherfore the kyng was to ward hym wonder wrothe. and lete pryuely enquere by the coūtre aboute how yt it was. And some men enquered and aspeyed / so at the laste the trough was foūde & sought. And he atteynte & take as fals traytour / as ye gode erle Thomas of Lancastre hym tolde of yt he was pute vnto deth at hys taynge att Burbrugge. & to hym sayd. Or ye that were doon he sholde be take & holde a traytour And so it was as the holy mā sayd. ¶wherfore the kyng sent pryuely to syr Anthony of Lucy / a knyght of the countre of Cardoil that he sholde take syr Andrew of Her¦kela & put hym vnto the dethe. And to brynge this thynge vnto the ende. the kynge sente hys Commyssion so that thys same Andrewe was take at Cardoill and ladde vnto the barre in the maner of an erle worthyly arayed / & wyth aswerde gyrde aboute hym / and hosyd and spo∣ryd. ¶Tho spake syr Anthoyn in this maner syr Andrewe sayd he the kynge puttyth vpon the for asmoche as thou hast be orpyd ī thy de∣dys / he dyde to the moche honour / & made the erle of Cardoil. & than as a traytour to thy lor¦de laddest the people of hys countere that shold haue holpe hym at the batayll of Beyghel and and thou laddest them awaye by the countree of Copelande / and thrugh the erldom of Lan¦castre wherfore our lorde the kynge was dys∣comfyted there of the Scottes thrugh thy tre∣ason & falsnesse and yf thou haddest come by ty¦mes he had had the bataylle and treason thou dydest for ye grete somme of golde & syluer that thou receyued of Iames Douglas a Scot the kynges enmye And our lorde the kynge wyl / yt the ordre of knyghthode. by the whiche thou re¦ceyued al thyne honour and worshyppe vppon thy body be all brought to nought & thyn esta∣te vndoyne. that other knyghtes of lower de∣gree mowe after beware / whyche lorde hathe the auaunted hugely in dyuerse countrees of Englonde and that al may take ensample by there lorde after warde. truly for to serue. ¶Tho commaunded he anone a knaue / To hew of hys spores of his helys / and after he le∣te breke the serde ouer hys heed. the whiche the kynge yaue hym for to kepe and defende hys londe ther wyth whan he / made hym Erle of Cardoyll. And after he lette hym be vnclothed of hys furred taberde and of hys hode / and of his furryd cotes / and of his gyrdell. ¶And whanne this was done / Syr Anthony sayde thenne vnto hym. Andrewe sayde he Nowe arte thou noo knyghte But a knaue / and for thy treason the kynge wylle that thou shalte be hangyd and drawen and thy heed smyten of / and thy bowels take oute of thy body and bren¦te before the / and thy body quartryd and thy heed sente to London / and there it shall stonde vpon London brydge / and the foure quarters shall be sente to foure townes of Englonde / yt all other maye beware and chastysed by yt And as Anthony sayde / so it was done all manere of thynge in the laste daye of Octobre. in the ye¦re of grace .M.iii.C.xxii. yere. And the sonne torned in to blood as the peple it saw / and that dured from the morne tyll .xi. of the cloke. ANd sone after that the good erle Tho∣mas of Lancastre was martryd there was a preest that lōge tyme had be blynde / dre∣med in his slepe / that he sholde go to ye hylle the¦re the good Erle Thomas of Lancastre was doon vnto deth / and he sholde haue his syghte ayen & so he dremed thre nyghtes sewynge. and the preest lede hym to the same hyll and whā he came to ye place yt he was martryd on deuowt∣ly he made there his prayers / And prayed god and saynt Thomas / that he myghte haue hys syght ayen / And he was in hys prayers he lay¦ed hys ryght hōde vpon the same that the gode man was martryd on / & a drope of drye blood and smale sonde cleuyd on hys honde / & there with stryketh his eyen. And anone thrugh the myght of god & saynt Thomas of Lancastre / he had his syght ayen. And thankyd tho almy¦ghty god and saynt Thomas. And whan this myracle was knowen amonge men / the people came thither on euery syde. and knelyd and ma¦de theyr prayers at his tombe that is in the pry¦ory of Pountfret and prayed that holy martyr of socour and of helpe / & god herde there pray∣er. ¶Also there was a yonge chylde drowned in a welle in the towne of Pountfret and was deed thre daye and thre nyghtes. And men ca∣me and layed ye deed chylde the sayd Thomas tombe the holy martyr / and the chylde arose from dethe to lyfe. as many a man it sawe. ¶And also moche peple were out of ther myn¦de / and god sent them theyr mynde ayen. tho∣rough vertue of that holy man. And god hathe yeue there also to cryppyls theyr goynge / & the crokyd theyr hōdes & there feet / and two blynd also theyr syght. & to many syke folke there el∣the of dyuers maladyes for the loue of this go∣de martyr. ¶Also there was a ryche man in Coūdom in Gascoyne and suche a malady he had that al his ryght syde rotyd & fel a way frō hym / that men myght see his lyuer & hys herte and so he stanke / that vnneth they myght co∣me nyghe hym. wherfore hys frendes were for hym wonder sory. But at the last as god wol¦de. they prayed to saynt Thomas of Lancas∣tre / that he wolde pray almyghty god for that prysoner & behyght for to go to Pountfret for to doo theyr pylgrymage / he thought that the Martyr saynt Thomas came to hym. and ano¦ynted alle his sike body / and therwith the good man a woke & was all hole / & his flesshe was re¦stored ayē that before was royd & fallē a way. For whiche myracle the good man and his frē¦des louyd god and saynt Thomas euermore af¦ter. And this good man came into Englonde And toke with him foure felowes: and came to Poūtfret to ye holy martyr. & dyd theyr pylgry¦mage. & the good man that was syke came thy¦ther all nakyd / saufe his preuye clothes. And whan they had done. they torned home ayen in to theyr owne coūtre. and tolde of the myra¦cle wher soo euer that they came. ¶And also two men haue ben heelyd there of the morma¦le thrugh helpe of ye holy martyr / thoughe that euyll be holde in curable. And whan ye Spen¦sers herde yt god dyde suche myracles for thys holy man they nolde byleue yt in noo manere wyse / but sayde openly that it was grete here¦sye / suche vertue of hym to byleue. and whan syr Hugh Spenser the sone sawe all this doyn¦ge / anone he sente his massager from Pount∣fret there that he dwelled to kyng Edwarde yt tho was at Grauen at scypton / for cause yt the kynge sholde vndo ye pylgrymage / And as the rybaude ye messager went to warde the kynge for to do his message / he came by the hylle the∣e the good martyr was doon to dethe. And in the same place he made his ordure / and whan he hadde done. he rode to warde the kynge and a stronge flyre came vpon hym or that he ca∣me to yorke / and tho he shed alle hys bowelles at his fūdment. And whā syr Hugh Spenser herde this tygynges / somdele he was adradde and thoughte for to vndo thys pylgrymage yf he myghte by ony manere a waye / and ano∣ne he wente to the kynge / and sayde that they sholde be in greate sklaundre thrughe out alle crystendome / for the deth of Thomas of Lan¦castre yf yt he suffred ye peple to do there pylgry¦mage at Poūtfret & so he counseled the kynge that he cōmaūded to shyt the chyrche dores of Pountfret / in the wyche chyrche ye holy mar∣tyr was enteryd. and thus they dyd ayenst all fraūchyses of holy chirche so ye foure yere after myght no pylgryme come to the holy bodye. & bycause the monkes suffred men to come & ho¦nour that holy body of saynt Thomas ye mar¦tyr. thrugh coūsell of syr Hughe Spenser the sone / and thrugh coūsell of mayster Roberte Baldok the fals pylled clerke. that was ye kyn¦ges chaūceles. the kyng consented yt they shol∣de be lette to theyr wages / & lete make warde∣yns ouer there owne good longe tyme / & thr∣oughe cōmaūdement of the forsayd syr Hugh Spenser .xiiii. Gascoynes well armyd kepte the hylle there that the good man saynt Tho∣mas was don vnto his deth so that no pylgry¦me myght come by that way / Full well wente he to haue take crystis myght & hys power & ye grete boos of miracles / that he shewed for hys martyr saynt thomas thrugh all crystendom And that same tyme the kynge made Roberte of Baldok the fals pylled clerke. thrugh pray¦er of syr Hugh Spēser sone. was made Chaū∣seler of Englonde. And in ye same tyme was ye castell of walyngforde holden ayenst the kyn∣ge thrughe prysoners that weren wythin the castell for saynt Thomas loue of Lancastre / wherfore the people of the coūtre came & toke the castell of the prysoners wherfore syr Iohn̄ of Goldyngton knyght and syr Edmonde of Becche prysoners were taken & sent vnto the kyng to Pountfrete & there they were done in pryson. and the forsayd Roger was sent vnto yorke / and there he was drawē & hangyd. And anone after syr Roger Mortymer of wygmo∣re brake out of the tour of London in thys ma¦nere. The forsayd Roger herde that he sholde be drawe & hangyd at London in the morow after say Laurence day and on the day before he helde a fayre feest in the toure of Lōdon and there was syre Stephen Segraue constable of the tour and many grete men with them and whan they sholde soupe / the forsayd Stephen sente for all ye offycers of the tour. & they came & sowped with hym / and whā they sholde take there leue of hym. & squyre yt was callyd Ste¦phen▪ that was full preuy with the forsayd Ro¦ger thrugh hys counsell. yaue them all suche a drynke that the leest of them all slept two day∣es & two nyghtes. & in the meane tyme he esca∣ped a waye by water / by the thamys and went ouer the see and helde hym in Fraunce. wher∣fore the kynge was sore anoyed / and put the sa¦me Stephen out of his Constabellary. THe kyng went tho vnto London and there thrugh coūsell of syr Hugh Spen∣ser the fader. & of his sone & of mayster Robert Baldok a fals pylled clerke his Chaūcheler. let sease to all the quenes londes into hys hondes. and also all ye londes that were syre Edwardes his sone. and were so put to theyr wagys / ayēst all maner of reason. & that was thrugh the fals¦nesse of the Spensers. ¶And whan the kyng of fraunce yt was quene Isabelles brother her¦de of this falsnesse he was sore anoyed ayenst the kynge of Englonde & his fals counsellers. wherfore he sent a letter to kyng Edward vn¦der his seale· yt he shold come at a certayne day to do hys homage / & therto he somoned hym. & els he sholde lese all Gascoyne. And so it was ordeyned in Englonde thrugh the kyng & hys coūsel / that quene Isabel sholde go into Fraun¦ce / for to treate of peas bytwene her lorde and her broder. & that Olyuer of yngham shold go into Gascoyne / & haue with hym .vii.M. men armys & moo / to be Seneschall & wardeyne of Gascoyne. & so it was ordeyned that quene I¦sabell / came into Fraunce and with her wente syr aymer of Valaunce erle of Penbroke that was there murdred sodenly in apreuysege / but that was thrugh goddes vengaūce for he was one of the Iustycys that cōsented to saynt tho¦mas deth of Lancastre and wolde neuer after repent hym of that wyckyd dede. And all that tyme syr Olyuer of yngham wente ouer into Gascoyne / & dyde moche harme to ye kynge of Fraunce & tho he gate ayen that kynge Edwar¦de had loste. and moche more therto. THe quene Isabell had but a quater of a yere dwelled in Fraunce whan syr Ed¦warde her eldest sone axed leue tho for to go in to Fraūce / for to speke with his moder / Isabel the quene / & his fader the kynge grauntyd him with a good wyll / & sayd to hym go my fayr so¦ne in goddys blyssynge and myn / and thynke for to come ayen as hastely as thou may / And he wēte ouer the see in to Fraunce & the kynge of Fraunce hys vncle receyued hym with mo∣che honour / & sayd vnto hym / Fayr son ye be welcome / and for by cause that your father come not to his homage. for ye duchye of Guy¦on / as his auncetours were wont for to do. I yeue you that lordshyp holde it of me in hery∣tage as all manerauncetours dyd before you wherfore he was callyd duke of Guyon. AS kynge Edwarde of Englonde herde tell how the kyng of Fraunce had yeue the ducye of Guyon vnto syr Edward his so∣ne / without consent and wyll of hym & that is sone had receyued the duchye he became won¦der wrothe. & sente to hys sone by letter / yt they sholde come ayen in to Englond in all ye haste that they myght / And the quene Isabel and syr Edwarde her sone were wonder sore a dradde of the kynges menaced. & of hys wrath / pryn∣cypally for the falsnesse of the Spensers / both of the fader / & also the sone. & at his cōmaunde¦ment they wolde not come wherfore kyng Ed¦ward was full sore anoyed / & lete make a crye at London / that yf quene Isabell & Edwarde his eldest sone / came not in Englōde that they sholde be holde as our enmyes / both to the rea¦me & also to the crowne of Englonde & for that they nolde come into englonde / but both were exyled the moder & her sone. ¶Whan the quen herd thyse tydynges. She was sore adradde to be dystroyed / thrughe the fals conyectynge of the Spensers / & wente wyth ye knyghtes that were exyled out of Englonde / for saynt Tho¦mas cause of Lācastre that is to say syr Roger of wigmore. syr wyllyam Trusell syr Iohan Cromwell & many other good knyghtes wher¦fore they toke theyr counsell & ordeyned among them / for to make a maryage bytwene ye duke of Guyhenne ye kynges sone of Englond & ye erles doughter of Henaude / that was a noble knyght of name. and doughty in hys tyme. & yf that thynge myght be brought a bowte then̄e stode they trowynge wyth the helpe of god and with his helpe to recouer theyr herytage in En¦glond / wherfore they were put out thrugh the fals cocnectynge of the Spensers. AS kynge Edwarde and the Spensers herde how that quene Isabell & syr Ed∣warde her sone▪ had alyed them to the Erle of Henaude / & to them that were exyled out of en¦glonde for cause of thomas of Lancastre they were so sory that they wyst not what for to do / wherfore syr Hugh Spenser the sone sayde to syr Hugh the fader in this maner wyse. Fader cursyd by the tyme & the counsel that euer ye cō¦sented that the quene Isabell sholde goo in to Fraunce / for to treate of accorde betwene the kynge of Englonde & her broder the kynge of fraunce for that was your counsell. for at that tyme for soch your wytt fayled / for I drede me sore / leest thrugh her & her sone we shall be dys∣troyed. But yf we take the better counseylle. ¶Now fayre syres vnderstonde / howe mer∣ueylous felony & falshede the Spensers yma∣gyned & cast. For pryuely they lete fyll fyue ba¦relles ferrours with syluer / the sōme amoūtyd .v.M. pounde. & they sent those barelles ouer ee pryuely by an alyaunt / that was callyd Ar¦nold of Spayne / that was a broker of Lōdon That he sholde go to the Douzepers of Fraū∣ce / that they sholde procure / and speke to the kyng of Fraunce / that quene Isabell & her so¦ne Edwarde wer dryuen & exyled out of Fraū¦ce. And amonge all other thynges. That ther were braught to ye deth as pryuely as they my¦ghte but almyghty god wold not so / for whan this Arnold was in the hygh see / he was take wih Selanders that mette hym in the hyghe see and toke hym and ladde hym to the erle of Henaude theyr lorde & moche Ioye was made for that takynge. And at the laste this Arnold pryuely stele a waye from thens. And came to London And of thys takynge & of other thyn∣s the erle of Henaude sayd to the quene Isa∣bell. Dame make you mery & be of good there for ye be rycher than ye wened for to be / & take thyse fyue barelles full of syluer. that were s¦te to the Dourpers of France for to slee you & youre sone Edwarde. and thynke you hastely for to goo in to Englonde / and take with you Syre Iohan of Henaude my brother / and .v. hoūdred men of armys. For many of them of Fraunce in whom ye haue had grete truste do¦ne you for to scorne. and almyghty god graun¦te you that grace your enmyes to ouercome. ¶The quene Isabell sent tho thrugh Henau¦de and Flaundres / for her souldyours / & orde∣ned her euery daye for to go in to Englonde a∣yen / & so she had in her company syr Edmon∣de of wodstok. that was erle of Kent. that was syr Edwardes broder of Englde. AS kynge Edwarde herde telle ye quen Isabell & Edwarde her sone. wolde co¦me in to englonde / wyth a grete power of aly∣aūtes. & with them yt were outlawed out of en∣glonde for there rebellyousnesse. he was sore a dradde to be put downe / & for to lese his kyng∣dom wherfore he ordeyned to kepe hys castels in walys as well as in Englond / with vytayl¦lers & theyr appaylles / and lette kepe hys ry∣uers & also ye. & at ye feest of Decolaciō of saynt Iohn̄ Baptyst ye Cytezyns of London sent to the kyng to Prochestre an .C. men of armys. & also he cōmaūded by hys letters ordeyend / yt e∣uery hundred & wepētake otrye as wel men of armys as men on foot. and yt they sholde be put in .xx. sōme. and in an hundred sōme / And commaunded ye alle tho men were redy whan ony shoute or crye were made / for to purpose & take the alyauntis yt came in to Englond for to ben bme hym the londe for to put him out of his kyngdon / And more ouer he lete crye tho∣rugh his patent in euery fayre & in euery mar¦ket of Englonde / yt the quene Isabell & syr Ed∣warde his eldest sone. & the erle of Kent. yt they were take. and saufly kepte without ony ma∣nere harme vnto them doynge / & all other ma¦nere people yt come with them. anone smyte of ther hedys. without ony manere raunsom ta∣kynge of them. And what man myght brynge syr Rogeres mortymer heed of wygmore. shol¦de haue an hūdred poūde of money for his tra¦uall. ¶And ferthermore he ordened by his pa¦trent & cōmaunded to make. a fyre vpon euery hyll / besyde the ryuers and in lowe countrees. for to make hyghe bekenesse of rymbre. That yf it so were that the alyuntes came vnto lon∣de by nyght tyme that then̄e the Inhabycaun¦tys there aboute sholde endeuoyr them selfe in goodly hast to lyght & fyre ye bekenes that the countree maye be warned & come & mete there enmyes. And in ye tyme deyed syr Roger Mor¦tymyer his vcle in the toure of London. AS quene Isabell and syr Edwarde her sone duke yf Guyhenne syr Edwarde of wodstok erle of Kente / & syr Iohn̄ the erles brother of Henaude & there company. dradde not the menace of ye kyng ne of hys traytours for they trusted all in goddys grace / & came to Her with in South floke ye .xxiii. daye of Sep¦tembre / in the yere of grace .M.CCC.xxvi. And the quene & syre Edwarde her sone sent letters to the Mayre & comynalte of London requyrynge them / that they sholde be helpyn∣ge in the quarell and cause that they had / that is to saye to dystroye the traytours of the rea∣me. But none answeres were sent ayen: whe¦fore the quene and syr Edwarde her sone sent a nother patent letter vnder the seases the te∣nour of whiche letter here folowyth in this ma¦ner. ¶Isabell by the grace of god quene of en∣glonde / lady of Irlonde / and coūtesse of Poun¦tyf / and we Edwarde the eldest sone of the kyn¦ge of Englond. duke of guyon / erle of Chestre of Pauntyf / & of moustroyl. to the Mayre & to all the comynaltee of the cytee of London sen¦dyth gretynge for asmoche as we haue before the tyme / sent to you by your letters / how we be come into thys londe in good arraye and in good manere / for the maner / for the honour & profyte of holy chyrche and of our dere lorde ye kyng and all the reame with al the reame with all our myght and power / to kepe / and mayn¦tene / as we / and al the good folke of the forsayd reame are holden to doo. And vppon that we praye you that ye wolde be helpynge to vs in as moche as ye maye in this quarell that is for the comune profyte of the forsayd reame / and we haue had to this tyme none answere of the forsayde letters ne knowe not your mynde in that party. wherfore we sende to you ayen and praye & charge you chat ye bere you so ayenste vs / that we haue no cause to greue you / but ye ye ben vnto vs helpynge by all the wayes that ye maye or may knowe / For wytte ye well in certē that we and all that be come with vs into thys reame / thynke not to do ony thynge. but that thynge that shall be for the comyn profyte of all the reame / but oonly to destroye Hugh Spēser our enmye and enmye to all the reame as ye it wel knowe. wherfore I praye you / and charge you in ye fayth that ye owe vnto our lye¦ge lord ye kynge & to vs / & vpon al that ye shall mowe for fayre ayen vs. that yf the sayd spen∣ser our enmye come within your power / that ye do hym hastely to be take / & saufly kepe vn∣tyll ye haue ordeyned of hym our wyll & ye ye le¦ue it not in no maner wyse as ye desyre honour & profyte of vs all & of all ye reame. Vnderston¦dynge ye ryght well that yf ye do this our pray¦er and streyghte cōmaundemēt / we thynke vs so moche the more beholdynge vnto you. And also ye shall gete you worshyp & also profyte. yf ye sende as hastely answere of all your wyll a∣yen at Baldok the syxte daye of Octobre. whi¦che letter in the dawnynge of the day of saynt Denys / was tackyd vppon the newe crosse in Chepe / and many topyes of the same letter we¦re tackyd vpon wyndowes and dores & vpon other places in the cyte of london / that all men passynge by the way myght them rede and se / And in the same tyme kyng Edwarde was at London in the toure at his mete / And a messa∣ger came in to the halle & sayde / that the quene Isabell was come to londe at Herewhiche. and hath brought in her company syr Iohan of He∣nande & with hym mē of armes without nom∣bre. And with that worde syr Hugh Spenser ye fader spake / & thus vnto the kynge sayd. My moost worshypfull lorde & kynge of Englond now make good chere for certenly they ben all oures. The kynge sawe this worde comforta¦ble. yet he was fulle sorowfull & pensyf in hys herte And the kynge had not fully eten but the¦re came in to the halle a nother messager / & say¦de that the quene Isabell was arryued at Her whiche besyde ypswytche in Soutfolke Syr Hugh Spenser the fader spake to the messager & sayd / Tell sothe in gode fayth my fayre fren∣des: is she come with a grete strenth. Now c¦tes the sothe for to saye syr sayd the messager. She ne hath in her companye but v. hoūderd men of armys. And with that worde syr Hu∣ghe Spenser the fader cryed with an hygh voi¦ce & sayd / Alas alas we ben alle betrayes. For¦tes with so lytell power she had neuer come to londe / but yf folke of thys lōde were vnto her concente. And therfore after there mete they toke counsell. and went to warde walys for to arere the walsshmen ayenst the quene Isabell and Edwarde her sone / all for to ryght and so they were in purpose euery chone. ANd in the same tyme kynge Edwarde was sore adradde. leest that men of lon¦don wolde yelde theym vnto the quene Isabell And to her sone Edwarde / wherfore he sette mayster walter Stapylton his tresorer for to be wardeyne / and keper of the cyte of Londō / with the Mayre / And soo came to the Gylde¦hae of London: and axed the keyes of the ya∣tes of the Cyte / thrughe vertu & strength of hys commyssyon & wolde haue had the kepynge of the cite And ye comuners answered: & sayd that they wolde kepe the cyte to the honour of kyn¦ge Edwarde & of Isabell the quene / & of ye du∣ke the kynges sone without ony more. the bys¦shop tho was sore onoyed / & swore othes / they all sholde abye it anone as the kynge Edward were come out of walyes. ¶And ye comuners all anone of the cyte toke ye bysshop & lad hym anone amyddes of the Chepe / & ther they smo¦te of his heed / & set his heed in his ryght honde And forth with the same comyns of the cyte of London by heedyd two of his squyres yt helde with the bysshop / and one of them was callyd wylliam of wayle / yt was the bysshops neuew And that other was callyd Iohn̄ of Padyntō. And also they toke a burgeys of Lōdon yt was callyd Iohn̄ Mershall. that was syr Hugh spē¦ser espye the fader & smote of his heed also: & in that same tyme ye bysshop had in London a fa¦yr toure in makynge in his close / vpon the ry¦uer Temse yt was withou temple barre / & he fayled stone to make therof an ende & he com∣maūded his men to go the frere Carmes / and there they toke stone to make ther with the tou¦re / & moche sonde & morter & olde robous that was left. And for the dyspyte the bysshop had done vnto holy chyrche / he & hys two squyres were buryed in that sonde. As thoughe they had ben houndes / and there they laye .xi. we∣kes tyll that the quene Isabell sent her letters to the comuners / & prayed them that they wol¦de suffre and graunte. that the bysshop myght be take out of that place / & be buryed at Exce∣tre at his owne chyrche And soo he was / & hys two squyres were buryed at saynt Clementes chyrche without temple barre. And it was no wonder thoughe that bysshop deyed an euyll deth. For he was a coueytous man & had wyth hym no mercy / & euyll counseylled the kynge. And soone after was Arnold of Spayne take. that assētye to lede the .v.M.li. of syluer in fy∣ue barelles feryers vnto ye douzepers of Fraū¦ce / for to helpe & haste the quene Isabell to her deth. And Edwarde her sone also. and this Ar¦nold was put to deth without the cyte· AS kynge Edwarde had sente mayster walter Stapylton / hys tresorer in to London / for to kepe the cyte vnto hym ayenst the quene Isabell hys wyf / & ayenst Edwarde his sone anone hymself toke with hym syr Hu¦ghe Spenser the sone. & syr Iohn̄ of Arundell and mayster Robert Baldok hys Chaunceler a fals pylled clerke & toke theyr waye to warde Brystowe / And there the kynge abode a lytyll tyme / and made syr Hugh Spenser the fader as Conestable and keper of the castel. Ane the kynge & that other Spenser went to shyppe / and saylled to warde walys / & toke noo leue of the kynges Stewarde / ne of none of the kyn∣gys housholde / & went ouer in to walys for to arere the walsshmen ayenst dame Isabell the quene & the duke her sone / And the erle of Ken¦te / and syr Iohn̄ Henaude / And he wente and pursued after them / And theyr power encrea¦cyd euery daye / So at the laste the kynge was taken vpon an hyll in walys / and Syr Hugh Spenser the sone in that othersyde of ye same hylle / & the false pylled clerke mayster Robert Baldok there faste besyde theym. And were broughte ayen in to Englonde / as almyghty god wolde / And the kyng hymself was put in sauf kepynge in the castel of Kenylworth / and hym kept syr Henry yt was saynt Thomas bro¦ther of Lancastre / and syr Hugh the fader ca¦me & put hym in the quenes grace & Edwarde her sone duke of Guyon / but syr Hugh Spen∣ser after ye tyme that he was take. wolde neuer eete no more meete ne drynke no maner dryn∣ke / for he wyste to haue no mercy / sauf only to be deed. ¶And the quene & her counsell had or¦deyned / that he sholde haue be doon to deth at London. But he was soo feble for hys moche fastynge yt he was nygh deed & therfore it was ordeyned. yt he shold haue his Iugement at her forde. & at a place of the toure hys heed was ta∣ke from his body & also fro Robert Baldok yt was a fals pylled clerke & the kynges chaunce∣ler. And men sette vpon theyr heedys chaplet∣tys of sharpe netles / and two squyres blewe in ther eerys / with two grete bugle hornes / vpon the twoo prysoners. that men myght here ther blowen oute wyth hornes more than a myle. & one Symond of Rydynge ye kynges Marshall bare before them vpon a spere ther armys re∣uersyd / in token / that he sholde be vndon for euermore. And vpon the morowe was syr Hu∣ghe Spenser the sone dampned to dethe & was drawen hangyd & heedyd. & hys bowels taken out of hys body. & brent. & after yt he was quar∣tred / & hys four quarters were sent to the four townes of Englonde / & his heed sente to Lon¦don brydge / And this Symond for cause yt he dyspysyd quene Isabell / he was drawen & han¦ged in a stage made a myddes the forsayd syr Hughes galowes. And the same daye a lytell from thens was syr Iohan of Arundell be hed¦dyd by cause he was one of syr Hugh spensers counselers. And anone after was syr Hughe Spenser fader hangyd and drawē / & heedyd at Brystow / and after hangyd ayē by the armys with two stronge ropes. & the fourth day after he was hewen all to pecys / & houndes ete hym. And bycause that ye kyng had yeuen hym ye erl¦dom of wynchestre hys heed was sent thether and put vpō a spere / And the fals Baldok was sent to London & ther he deyed in pryson amō∣ge theues / for men dyd hym nomore reueren∣ce / than they wolde do vnto an hounde. And so deyed the traytours of Englond blessyd be al∣myghty god. And it was no wonder. for thru¦ghe there coūsel the good erle Thomas of Lan¦castre was doō vnto dethe & all that helde with Thomas of Lancastre thrugh ye traytours we¦re vndone & all theyr heyres dysheryted. ANd anone after as all this was doone. the quene Isabell and Edward her so¦ne and all the grete lordes of Englonde at one assente / sente to kynge Edwarde to the castell of Kenylworth / there as he was in kepyng vn¦der the warde of syr Iohan Hachin. that was the bysshop of Ely. and of syr Iohan of Pereye a baron / for bycause that he shold ordeyne hys parlement at a certayne place in Englond for to redresse & amende the state of ye reame. And kynge Edwarde them answerde & sayde Lor¦des sayd he ye se ful well how it is. Lo here my seale / & I gyue to you all my power for to calle and ordeyne a parlement where that ye wyll. ¶And thenne they toke theyr leue of hym & ca¦me ayen to the barons of Englōde / And whan they hadde the kynges Patent of this thynge / they shewed it to the lordes. And tho was ordey¦ned / that parlemente sholde be at westmestre. at the Vtas of saynt Hylary / And all the grete lordes of Englonde lete ordeyned theym there ayenst that tyme that the parlement sholde be And at whiche daye ye parlement was the kyn¦ge wolde not come there for no maner of thyn∣ge / as he had sete hȳ self & assygned. And neuer¦theles the barons sent vnto hym oo tyme and other. And he swore by goddys souie. that he wolde not come there oo fote wherfore it was ordeyned by all the grete lordes of Englonde / that he sholde no lenger be kynge / but be depe∣sed And sayd / that they wolde crowne Edwar¦de his sone / the elder / that was ye duke of Guy∣henne. And sent tydynges vnto the kynge the¦re that he was in warde vnder syr Iohan Erle of Garen. & syr Iohn̄ of Bothun. that was bys¦shop of Ely / & syr Henry Percy a baron / & syr wyllyā Trusell a knyght / that was with ye Er¦le syre Thomas of Lancastre for to yelde vp there homages vnto hym for all them of Eng¦londe. ¶And syr wyllyam trussell sayd thyse wordes. ¶Syr Edwarde for cause that he ha¦ue trayed your people of Englonde & haue vn¦done many grete lordes of Englonde without ony cause / ye shal be deposyd / & now ye be with stand thankyd be god / And also for cause that ye wolde not come to the parlemēt as ye ordey¦ned att westmestre / as in your letter patent is conteyned / for to treate wyth your owne lyege men as a kynge sholde. And therfore thrughe al ye comyns assente / & all the lordes of Englon¦de / I tell vnto you these wordes ▪ ye shale vn∣derstōde syr / that ye barons of Englond at one assente / wyll that ye be no more kynge of En∣glonde but vtterly haue put you out of youre ryalte for euer more / And the bysshop of Ely sayd tho to the kynge syr Edwarde I yelde vp feaute & homage for alle the Archebisshops and bysshops of Englonde & for all the clergy Tho sayd syr Iohan erle of Garenne syr Edwarde I yelde vp here vnto you feaute & homage for me and for alle the erles of Englonde. ¶And syr Henry Percy yaue vp also his homage for hym & for al the barons of Englonde. And tho sayde syr wyllyam Cruscell / I yelde vp nowe vnto you myn homage for me & also for all the knyghtes of Englonde & for all them that hol∣de by seryaūtre. or by ony other thynge of you so that from thys daye after ye shall not be cla∣myd kynge / nother for kyng be holde for a syn¦guler man of all the people. ¶And so they wē¦te thens to London that the lordes of En¦glonde them abode / and syre Edwarde abode in pryson in good kepynge / And thys was on the daye of the Conuersyon of saynt Poule in the .xx. yere of his regne. OF this kyng Edwarde prophecyed mer¦lyn & sayd that there sholde come a gote t of Carre that sholde haue hornes of syluer & aberde as white as snowe. And a drope shol¦de come out of his nosethrylles / yt sholde beto∣ken moche harme Hungre / & dethe of people & grete losse of his londe / And that in the begyn∣nynge of his reyge sholde be haūted moche le∣chery. And he sayd sothe. alas ye tyme For kyn¦ge Edwarde yt was kyng Edwarde sone was borne att Carnaryuane in walys for sothe he hornes of syluer: & a berde as whyte as snowe whan he was made prynce of walys to moche he yaue hym to ryot. and to foly And so moche Merlyn in hys prohhecye yt there sholde come out of his nose a drope. For in hys tyme was grete hungre amonge the poore people / & strō¦ge deth amonge the ryche / yt deyed in straunge londe wyth moche sorowe / & in were in Soct∣londe. And after he loste Scotlonde & Gascoy¦ne / and whyle that hymselfe was kynge there was moche lechery haūtyd. ¶And also Mer∣lyn tolde and sayd that this gote shold seke the floure of lyf and of deth and he sayd sothe. For he spowsyd Isabell the kyng{is} syster of Fraūce And in his tyme Merlyn sayd / that there shol∣de be made brydges of folke vpon dyches of ye see / and that was well seen at Bannockysbor¦ne in Scotlonde whan he was dyscōfyted the¦re of the Scottes / And Merlyn tolde also that stones sholde fall from castels. and many tow¦nes sholde be made playne. And he sayd sothe / For whan that kynge Edwarde was dyscō¦fyted in Scotlonde & came tho south warde / ye Scottes besegyd the castels / & dyde them mo∣che harme & brent townes in to the herde erth ¶And after ward Merlyn tolde that an Egle sholde come of Corne wayle / that sholde haue feders of golde / yt of pryde shold haue no pere & he shelde dyspyse lordes of blod & after he shol¦de dey throgh a beer at Gauersych & that pro∣phecye was full well knowe & funde sothe For by the egle vnderstonde syr Pers of ganaston that tho was erle of Corne wayle yt was a won¦der proude man that dyspysed ye baronage of Englonde. but after warde he was heeded act Gauersich thrughe the erle of Lancastre and thrugh therle of warwyk. ¶And merlyn tol∣de / that in his tyme it sholde seme that the beer sholde brenne & that batayll sholde be vpon an arme of the see in an felde / arayed lyke a shelde where sholde deye many whyte hedes. And he sayd sothe. For by the brynnynge of the beer yt betokenyd grete drede thrugh kyttyng of swer¦des at that bataylle of Myton / for there came the Scottes in manere of a selde / in maner of a wynge and slewe men of relegyon prestes & seculers / wherfore the Scottes callyd that ba¦tayll in dyspyce of the Englyssmen / the whych batayll. And after Merlyn sayde the forsayde beer sholde do the gote moche harme. and that sholde be vpon the south west. & also vpon hys blode / And sayde also / that the gote sholde lese moche deale of his londe. tyll the tyme ye shame sholde hym ouer come / & them he sholde clothe hm in a lyons skyn̄e sholde wynne ayen that he had lost and more thrugh people that sholde come out of the Northwest / that sholde make hym to be a ferde. And hym auenge vppon his enmyes thrugh counsell of two owles / ye fyrst sholde be in payll to be vndone. And that tho two owles shold go ouer see in to straūge lond. And there they sholde dwelle vnto a certayne tyme. and thenne they sholde come in to Eng∣londe ayen / And tho owles sholde doo moche harme vnto many one. And that they sholde counsell the gote to meue warre ayenst the for¦sayd beer. And the gote and the owles. sholde to an arme of the see at Burton trente / & shol∣de go ouer / & that for drede the beer sholde flee with a swanne in companye to Bury towar∣de the. North. thrugh an vnkynde outpulter / and that the swanne then̄e shall be slayne wyth sorowe / and the beer sholde be slayne ful nyghe his owne nest. that sholde stonde vppon poun∣fret / vpon whom the sonne shall shede his bee∣mes. And many folke hym shalle seke for ver∣tue. And he sayd sothe. For the good erle Tho¦mas of Lancastre was borne in ye Northwest And cosyn to the kynge. & his vncles sone. and by lawe he made the kynge lese moche londe / the whiche he had purchacyd wylfully. tyll at the last the kyng toke therof shame / & hym self slewe with cruelte And after he gate ayen that he had lost / and moche more thrugh folke that he ette assēble out of ye Northwest / tha made hym to be adradde. And auengyd hym on his barons / thrugh counsell of syr Hugh Spenser the fader / and of syr Hugh the sone that before were outlawed for theyr wyckydnesse· But af¦terwarde they came ayen in to Englonde / syr e wer vpon Thomas of Lancast. Soo yt the kynge and the Spensers & the erle of Arun¦dell and theyr power mette wyth Thomas of Lancastre Burton vpon trente / and hym there dyscomfyted and syr Vmfroy erle of her forde was in his company. And after fledde ye forsayd Thomas and Humfroy with theyr cō∣pany to burbrugge metinge with syr Andrew of Herkela / that is callyd the vnkynde outpul∣ter / and also syr▪ Symonde warde erle of yor∣ke came and mette with Thomas of Lancas¦tre with an huge power / and thē dyscomfyted & in that scomfyture the erle of Herforde was slayne vpō the brydge cowardly wyth spere in the foundement. and the erle Thomas was ta¦ke & ladde vnto Poūfret. and tho was heedyd besyde his owne castell. But afterwarde ma∣ny hym sought for myracles that god dyde for hym. ¶And in that tyme Merlyn sayd. for so¦rowe and harme shold deye a people of his lon¦de / wherfore many londes shold be vpon hym the more bolder / and he sayd sothe for bycause of his barons that were doone to dethe for saȳt Thomas quarell of Lancastre. peple of many londes became the bolder / for to meue werre v¦pō the kyng / for theyr blood was torned to ma¦ny nacyons. And afterwarde Merlyn tolde & sayd that the forsayd owles sholde doo moche harme vnto the flour of lyf and deth / and they shold brynge her to moche / dysese. So that she sholde go ouer see into Fraunce. for to make pe¦as to the floure delyte. & there sholde abyde tyll a time her sede sholde come and fetche her / and tho they sholde abyde bothe tyll the tyme that they sholde clothe them wyth grace / & tho two owles she sholde seke. And put thē to pyteuous deth. And that prophecy was full well knowe. and was full sothe / for syr Hugh Spenser the fader. and syr Hugh the sone / dyde moche soro¦we & persecucyon vnto ye quene Isabel thrugh theyr procurement to her lorde the kynge / So they ordeyned amonge them. that she was wa¦gys. That is to saye .xx. shelynges in the daye wherfore ye kynge of Fraūce her brother was sore anoyed. and sente into Englonde by his let¦ters vnto kynge Edwarde to come vnto hys parlement to Parys in Fraunce. But kynge Edwarde was sore adradde to come there / for he wende to haue be arestyd tyll yt he had made amendes for the trespase ye syr Hugh Spenser the fader and the sone had done and for ye har∣me that they had done vnto quene Isabell h syster / wherfore thrughe hys ordynaunce and consente of the. Spensers. the quene Isabell went ouer see in to Fraunce for to make accor¦de betwene kynge Edwarde and the kynge of Fraunce her brother. And ther dwellyd she in Fraunce tyll Edwarde her Eldest sone came her for to seke / and so they dwellyd there both tyll that alyaunce was made bytwene thē and the gentyll erle of Henaude / that yf they wyth ther vertue myght dystroye and ouercome the venym and the falsnesse of the Spenser / that syr Edwarde sholde spowse dome Phylyp the worshypfull lady / & the erles doughter of He∣naude / wherfore the quene Isabel and Edwar¦de her sone / and syr Edwarde of wodstok the kynges brother of Englonde / and syr Iohn̄ of Henaude / and syr Roger Mortymer of wyg∣more / and syr Thomas Rocelyn and syr Io∣han of Cromwell and syr wyllyam Trussell / and many other of the alyaunce of the gentyll erle Thomas of Lancastre / that were exyled out of Englonde for his quarel / and were dys¦heryted of theyr londes / ordeyned / them a gre∣te power / and arryued at Here with in South folke / And soone after they pursewed ye Spen¦ses tyll that they were takē & put pyteuous de∣the as before is sayd. and theyr cōpany also for the grete falsnes yt they dyde to kynge Edwar¦de to his peple. ¶And Merlyn sayd also more that the gote sholde be put in grete distresse and in grete angusshe and in grte sorow he sholde be lede his lyf / and he sayd sothe For after the time that kyng Edwarde was take he was put into warde tyll that the Spensers were put to deth / and also bycause that he wolde not come vnto his parlement at. London as he had or∣deyned and assygned hymselfe vnto hys baro∣nage / and also wolde not gouerne. and rule his people / ne his reame as a kynge sholde doo. Wherfore some of the barons of Englonde ca¦me and yelde vp ther homages vnto hym / for theym & al the other of the reame. in the daye of the cōuersyon of saynt Poule in the yere of his regne .xx. And they put hym out of hys ryaltee for euermore / And euer lyued afterwarde in moche sorowe and anguysshe. LOdowicus was Emperour after Hen¦ry four yere. this Lodowicus was du¦ke of Banare and he dyspysed the coronaciō of ye pope wherfor ye pope hȳ / & moche labour & de¦posyd many perylles he had aft. & he trowbled gretly the vnyte of holy chyrche. And thē was chosyn ayenst hym Frederyk ye duke of Ostry¦che. and he ouer came the duke & abode a rebe∣lyon to hys ende. and in grete peryll to hys sou¦le / And at the last Karolus was chosyn ayenst hym / the whiche preuaylled / and sodenly Lo∣dowic fell downe of his hors and dyscessyd. ¶Iohn̄ Mandeuyll a douctour of physyk & a knyght borne was in Englonde abowte thys tyme. And he made a merueyllous pylgryma∣ge. For he went almoost abowte all the worlde And he wrote his dedys in thre langages. and decessyd· and was buryed at Saynt Albons. ¶Benedictus the .xxii. was pope after Iohn̄ .vii. yeres and more / thys man was a monke / and in all his ynogthe he was of good conuer¦sacyon / and a doctour of dyuinite. And whan he was made pope he refourmed thorder of sa¦ynt Benet in that thynge yt was nescessary / & he was a harde man to graunt benefyces / lest he had graūtyd it to an vncunnynge man / he made a decretall / the whiche began (Benedic¦tus deus in donis suis) And he was very cruel in fayth / & for that of sommen lytyll louyd / he was so stoute a man that almoost he wold not knowe his owne cosyns. ANd after this kyng Edwarde Carna∣riuan regned syr Edwarde of wyndso∣re his sone / the whyche was crowned kyng / & anoynted at westmestre / thrugh coūsell & con¦sent of all the grete lordes of ye reame. the Son¦daye in Candelmasse eue. in the yere of grace. M.CCC.xxvi. that was of aege at that tyme but .xv. yere. And for cause yt hys fader was in warde in the castell of Kenilworth & also was put downe of his ryaltee / the reame of Englō¦de was without kyng from ye feest of saynt Ka¦theryn from the yere aboue sayd to the feest of Candelmasse. And tho were all manere plees of the kynges bynche astente. And tho was cō¦maūded to all the Shyrefs of Englonde thru¦ghe wrytte to warne the partyes to defendaū∣tys / thrugh somnynge ayen. And also ferther¦more / that all prysoners yt were in the kynges gayolles / that were attachid thrugh Shyrefs sholde be lete go quyte. ¶The kynge Edwar∣de after hys coronacyon / at the prayer / & bese∣chynge of his lyege of ye reame graūtyd them a chartre of stedfast peas to all them that wol∣de it axe / And syr Iohnn of Henaude. and hys company toke his leue of the kynge & of the lor¦des of the reame. & tornyd home to theyr owne coūtre ayen. And eche of them hade full ryche yeftes. euery men as he was of value & estate. ¶And tho was Englond in rest & peas / & gre¦te loue bytwene the kyng & hys lordes. And co¦mynly englysshmen sayd amonges them that the deuyll was dede but the innumerable / tre¦sour of the kyng his fader / & the tresour of the Spensers / both of the fader & of the sone / and of the erle of Arundell / and of mayster Robert Baldok that was the kyng{is} chaūceler was de¦partyd after the quene Isabelles ordynaunce & syr Roger Mortymers of wygmore / so that the kynge hadde noo thynge therof. but at her wyll & her delyuerraūce / ne of theyr lōdes as af¦terwarde ye shall here. ¶How kynge Ed∣warde wēte vnto stāthop for to mete ye scottes. ANd yet in the same tyme was the Kyn∣ge in the castell of kenilworth vnder the kepynge of syr Henry / yt was erle Thomas of Lancastres broder. that tho was erle of Leyce¦tre. And the kynge graūtyd hym ye erldome of Lancastre / that ye kyng his fader had seasyd in to his honde & put out Thomas of Lancasters broder. & so was he erle of Lancastre & of Ley∣cetre / and also Stywarde of Englonde as hys broder was in his tyme But syr Edwarde that was kyng Edwardes fader made sorowe wy¦thout ende / by cause he myght not speke wyth hys wyf. ne with his sone / wherfore he was in moche myscheyf / For though it was so that he was ledde & rulyd by fals counseyll / yet he was kyng Edward sone callyd Edwarde with the longe shankys / and came out of the worthyest blood of the worlde. and they to whom he was wonte to yeue grete yeftes & large. were most pryue with the kyng hys owne sone / & they we∣re his enmyes bothe nyght & daye / & procured to make debate & contake bytwene hym & hys sone / & Isabell his wyf But the frere prechers were to hym gode frēdes euer more & cast both by nyghte & by daye. how they myghte brynge hym out of pryson. And amonge theyr compa∣ny that ye freres had priuely brought / ther was a frere yt was callyd / Dunhened and he had or¦deyned & gadryd a grete cōpany of folke to ke∣pe att that nede / but ye frere was taken & put in of Pountfret / & there he deyed in pry¦son / & syr Henry erle of Lancastre / that hadde ye kynges fader in kepynge / thrugh cōmaūde∣mēte of the kynge. delyuered Edwarde ye kyn∣ges fader by endēture of syr Thomas of Ber¦kelay. And so syr Iohn̄ Matreuas & they ladde hym from ye castell of kenylworth to the castell of Berkelay / & kepte hym there saufly. ¶And att Ester next after his coronacyon: the kynge ordeyned a grete huge host / for to fyght ayenst the Scottes And syr Iohn̄ the erles brother of Henaue came from beyonde the see / for to hel∣pe kynge Edwarde / & brought wyth hym .vii.C. men of armys & arryued att Douer / & they had leue for to go forth tyll they came to yorke There the kynge them abode / and the Scottes came thether to ye kynge / for to make peas & ac¦corde / but the accordement lasted not bytwene them bat a lytyll tyme And at that tyme ye En¦glysshmen were clothed al in cotes & hodes pa∣ynted with letters and with floures ful semely with longe berdes & therfore the Scottes ma∣de a byl that was fastenyd vpon ye chyrche doo¦res of Saynt Petyr towarde stangate. & thus sayd ye scrypture in dyspyte of Englysshemen Longe berdes hertles / prynted hodes wytles gay cotes graceles / makyth Englōde thryftles SO in the Trinyte daye next after began the contak in the cyte of yorke bytwene the Englysshmen & ye Henaudes: & in ye debate were slayne of ye erldom of Nicholl & murdred lxxx. men. & after they were buried in saynt cle¦mentis chyrche in Folgate. & for cause that the Henaudes came to helpe the kyng. there peas was ryed vpon payne of lyf & lymme. in that other halfe it was founde by an enquest of the cytye that the Englysshmen began the debate. THys tyme the Scottes had assembled all theyr power & came into Englonde & slewe & robbyd all yt they myght take & brent & dystroyed all the North coūtree thrugh out / tyll that they came vnto the parke of Sāhope in weridale / & there ye Scottes helde theym in a bussment / but whā ye kyng had harde thorou spyes where ye Scottes were anone ryght hoste desegyd them within the forsayd parke so that ye scottes wyst not where to go out but only vn¦to ther harmes. And they abode in the parke .xv. dayes / & vytaylles faylled them in euery sy¦de. so that they were gretly peyred of bodyes & syth that Bruce came fyrst into Brytayne vn¦to thys tyme / there was neuer seen so fayre an hoste / what of Englysshmen / & of alyāces & of men of fote / the whyche ordeyned theym for to fyght wyth ye Scottes / thrugh eggynge of syr Henry of Lancastre & of syr Iohan Henaude. yt wolde haue gone ouer the water of wyth for to haue fought with the Scottes. But syr Roger Mortymer cōsentyd not therto / for he had pry¦uely taken mede of the Scottes them to helpe that they myght go away into theyr owne coū¦tre. ¶And this same Mortymer counseylled somoche Thomas of brotherton ye erle Mar¦shall that was kynge Edwardes vncle. that ye forsayd Thomas shold not assemble at ye tyme vnto the Scottes. And he assentyd. but wyste not the doynge bytwene the Scottes & the for¦sayd Mortymer / And by cause yt he was Mar¦shall of Englonde / as to hym perteyned euer after warde. he sent hastely to the erle of Lan∣castre / & to syr Iohn̄ of Henaude / yt they sholde not fyght with the Scottes / in preiudyce and harmynge of hym & his fee / & yf they dyde that they sholde stonde to theyr owne paryll. And the forsayd erle Marshall was all arayed with his batayll. att the reredoos of the erle of Lan¦castre / for to haue fought with hym & with his folke yf he had go to fyght wyth the Scottes / & in thys manere he was deceyued & wyste no thynge of the treason And thus was the kyng pryncypally dysceyued. And whan it was ny¦ghte Mortymer / yt had the watche for to kepe of ye host / that nyght distrobled ye watche yt noo thynge myght be done. And in the meane why∣le the Scottes stele by nyght to ward theyr ow¦ne coūtre as fast as they myght. ¶And so was the kyng fasly betrayed that wenyd that alle ye traytours of londe had ben brought to an ende as it was sayd before. ¶Now here you lor∣des how tratoursly kyng Edwarde was dys∣ceyued. & how meruayllously. & boldly the scot∣tes dyde of werre / For Iames douglas wyth two hūdred men of armys rode thrught out all the host of kyng Edwarde / the same nyght the Scottes escaped towarde theyr owne coūtree as is aboue sayd / tyl that they came to ye kyng{is} pauylyon / & slew there many men in theyr bed¦des / & cryed Naward naward / and nother ty∣me a Douglas a Douglas wherfore the kyng that was in hys pauylyon & moche other lke were wonder sore a frayed / But blyssyd be al∣myghty god ye kynge was not taken / & in gre∣to peryll was tho the reame of Englonde. and that nyghte the mone shone full clere / and bry¦ghte. And for all the kynges men the Scottes scapyd harmeles. ¶And oon the morowe whan the kynge wyste that the Scottes were escapyd in to theyr owne coūtree he was won¦der sory / and fulle hertely wepte wyth hys yon¦ge eyne / and yet wyste he not who hadde hym doone that treason· ¶But that fals treasone was fulle welle I knowen a good whyle after as the storye makyth mencyon. ¶Tho kynge Edward came ayen vnto yorke full sorowfull And hys host departyd / and euery man wente in to his owne countree wyth full heuy chere & mornynge semblaunt / And the Henaudes to∣ke theyr leue and went in to theyr owne coun¦tree. And the kynge for theyr trauayll / hugely rewarde them. ¶And for bycause of that vya¦ge / the kynge had dyspended moche of his tre∣soure and wastyd. And in that tyme were seen two moones in the fyrmament / ye one was cle¦re / & that other was derke▪ / as men myghte see thrugh the worlde. ¶And a grete debate was that same tyme agaynst pope Iohan the .xxii. after saynt Petyr. & the emperour of Almayn tho made hym emperour ayenst ye popys wyll that tho helde hys see at Auinyon. werfore the emperour made hys crye at Rome & ordeyned a nother pope / ye hyght Nycholas / yt was a fre¦re Mynor / & that was ayeng the ryght of holy chyrche. wherfore he was cursyd. & the power of that other pope soone layed. And for cause that suche merueylles were seen / men sayde that the worlde was nygh at an ende. ANd now go we ayen / to syr Edwarde of Carnaryuan yt was kynge Edwar∣des fader somtyme kynge of Englonde. & put downe of hys dygnyte. Alas for his trybulacy¦on & sorowe that hym befell thrugh fals coun∣sell. yt he louyd & trustyd vpon to moche. yt after warde were dystroyed thrughe theyr falsnesse as god wolde. ¶And this Edward of Carna∣riuan / was in the castel of Berkelay vnder ye warde & kepynge of syr Moryce of Herkelay / & also of syr Iohn̄ Matreues & to them he ma∣de his complaynte of hys sorowe & of his dyse¦see. & ofte tymes axyed of his wardeyns. what he had trespassyd ayenst dame Isabell hys wyf and syr Edwarde his sone. yt was made newe kyng / that they wolde not vysyte hym. ¶And tho answerde one of hys wardeyns and sayd. My worthy lord dyspleyse you not yt I shal tel¦le you the cause is for it is doon them to vnder¦stonde / that yf my lady youre wyfe came ony thynge nyghe you· that ye wolde her strangle and slee / and also that ye walde doo to my lor∣de your sone in the same wyse. ¶Tho answer¦de he wyth symple there Alas alas am not I in pryson / and all at youre owne wyll / now god yt wote I thought yt neuer / and now I wolde that I were dede / soo wolde god that I were. For thenne were alle my sorowe passyd. ¶It was not longe after that ye kynge thrugh coun¦sell of Roger Mortymer / graūtyd the warde & kepynge of syr Edward his fader vnto syr tho¦mas Toioursy & to the forsayd syr Iohan Ma¦treuers thrugh the kynges letter / & put out ho∣ly the forsayd syr Moryce of the warde of the kynge. And they toke and ladde the kynge vn∣to the castell of Corf. the whiche castell the kyn¦ge hatyd as ony dethe. And they kept hym the¦re tylle it came vnto saynt / Mathewes daye in Septembre in the yere of grace .M.CCC.xxvii. that the forsayde syr Roger Mortymer sent the maner of the deth / how & in what wyse sholde be done to deth. And anone as the for∣sayd Thomas & Iohan had see the letter / & cō∣maundement / they made kynge edwarde Car∣nariuan good there: and good solace / as they myght at that soupere / & nothynge the kynge wyst of the traytory. And whan tyme was for to go to bed the kynge went to his bedde & laye and slepte faste. And as the kynge laye and sle∣pte the trautours fals forsworne ayenst theyr homage and feaute came pryuely into the kyn∣ges chambre / and theyr company wyth them / and layd an huge take vppon his wombe / and wyth men pressyd / and helde faste downe the foure corners of the table on hys body / wher∣wyth the good mane a woke / and was wonder sore adradde to be deed and there slayne / and torned hys body vp tho so downe. Tho tooke the fals traytours / and tynauntes an horne. And put it in to hys foundemente as depe as they myghte / and a spyt of copre brennynge / and putte it thrughe the horne in to hys bodye and soo they slewe theyr lorde / that noo thynge was perceyued / And after he was enteryd atte Gloucetree. ANd after Crystmasse tho next sewyn∣ge syr Iohan of henaude brought with hym Phylyp his brothers doughter / yt was er¦le of Henaude hys nece in to Englonde / and the kynge spowsyd her atte yorke. with moche honour. And syr Iohan of Bothum bysshop of Ely / & syr wyllyam of Melton Archebysshop of yorke / sange the masse the Sondaye on the euen of the Conuersyon of saynt Poule / In the yere of grace .M.CCC.xxvii. But bycau∣se that the kyng was but yonge & tender of ae∣ge whan he was crowned full many wornges were doon whyle that his fader lyued / bycause that he trowed / the counserllers that were fals aboute hȳ / that coūsyelled hym to doo other wi¦se thā reason wold wherfore grete harme was do to ye reame & to ye kynge / & all mē dyrected it the kynges dede / & it was not so almyghty god it wote / wherfore it was ordeyned att the kyn∣ges crownynge. that ye kynge for his tender ae¦ge / sholde be gouerned by .xii. of the grettest lor∣des of Englonde / wythout whome no thynge sholde be doon. That is to say tharchebysshop of Caunterbury / tarchebysshop of yorke / the bysshop of wynchestre / and the bysshop of Her¦forde / the erle of Lancastre / therle Marchall / & the erle of kent / that were ye kynges vncles. & the erle of Garenne / syr Thomas wake. Syr Henry Percy. syr Olyuer yngham and Iohan Rous barons / all thyse were sworne truly for to counseyll the kynge. And they shold answer euery yere in parlement / of that that shold be done in the tyme of theyr gouernall / but that ordynaunce was sone vndoon / & that was mo¦che harme to all Englonde / For the kyng & all ye lordes that sholde gouerne hym were gouer∣ned and rulyd after the quene his moder dame Isabell. and by syr Roger Mortymer: and as they wolde all thynge was done / bothe amon∣ge hygh and lowe. And they toke vnto theym castels townes londes / and rent{is} in grete har∣me. And losse to the crowne. and of the estate out of all mesure. Kynge Edwarde at wytsontyde in the se∣conde yere of this regne thrughe the coū¦seyll of his moder / & syr Roger Mortymer / or∣deyned a parlemēt at Northampton. & at that parlement ye kyng thrughe hys coūsell / & none other of ye londe / within aege grauntyd to be ac¦cordyd with ye scottes in this manere. that all ye fautees & homages. that ye scottes sholde do to the crowne of Englonde / foryaue theym for e¦uermore / by hys chartre ensealed. And ferder more an endenture was made of the Scottes vnto kynge Edwarde / that was kynge Hēries sone / whiche endenture they calle it regman. In ye whyche were conteyned all the homages & feautees / Fyrst of the kyng of Scotlond & of the prelates / erles barons of ye reame of Scot¦londe wyth theyr seales set theron & other char¦tres & remēbraūcis that kynge Edwarde & his barons had of theyr ryght in ye forsayd reame of Scotlonde / it was foryeue ayen holy chyr∣che / & also with the blake crosse of Scotlond ye whiche the good kynge Edwarde cōquered in Scotlōde & brought it out of ye abbay of scone that is a full precyous relyque / & also ferthermo¦re / he relacyd and fully forgaue the londe that the noble barons had before that tȳe in ye ream of Scotlond / by olde conquest. And ferthermo¦re yt thys peas for to be holden & cōtynuelly last the Scottes were bounde vnto ye kynge in xxx. thousande poūde of syluer to be payed wythin thre yere / that is euery yere .x.M. poūde by euē procyons. ¶And ferthermore aboue all this they spake bytwene the partyes aboue sayd. ye Dauyd Drytonautyer that was kynge Rober∣te Brus sone / ye fals tyraunt▪ & fals forsworne ayenst his othe yt arose ayenst hys leyge lord ye noble & good kynge Edward. and falsly made hym kynge of Scotlonde / yt was of aege .v. ye¦re. And so thys cursyd coūseyll Dauid spoused at Berewyk dame Iohn̄ of ye Toure / that was kynge Edwardes syster / as the gestes tellyth vpon Mary Mawdeleyns day. in the yere of grace. M.CCC.xxviii. to greate harme & em∣payrynge of all the kynges blode wherof that gentyll lady came. alas the tyme / For wonder moche ye fayer dāoysell dysperagyd / syth that she was maryed ayenst al the comyns wyl and assent of Englonde. And frome the tyme that Brute had conquered Albyon· & named the lon¦de after his owne name. Brytayne: that now is callyd Englonde after the name of Engyst And so the reame of Scotlonde was holde of the reame of Englond / & of ye crowne by feau¦te & homgae. For Brute conquered that londe & yaue it to Albanak / yt was his seconde sone / And he callyd ye londe Albayn after hys owne name / soo that hys heyres yt came after hym. shold holde of Brute & of his heyres / yt is to say of the kynges of Brytayn / by feaute & homa∣ge: And frome that tyme vnto thys tyme of kynge Edwarde / the tame of Scotlond was holde of the reame of Englonde by feaute and seruyce / as aboue ys sayd in the Cronycles of Englonde & of Scotlonde & berythe wytnesse more playnely. And accursyd be ye tyme that this parlement was holden at Northampton For there by fals councyll. the kyng was there falsly dysheryted and yet he was with in aege. ¶And yet whan that kyng Edward was put out of hys ryalte of Englonde yet men put not out of the feautes & seruyse Scotlonde. Ne of the fraunchyses dysheryted hym for euer mo∣re. ¶And neuertheles the grete lordes of eng∣londe were ayenst to conferme the peas & the rwes abouesayd / saf only quene Isabell / yt tho was the kynges moder Edwarde / and the bysshop of Ely / and the lorde Mortimer. But reason and lawe wolde not that a fynalle peas sholde be made bytwene them without the co∣myn assente of Englonde. THen as the for sayde Dauyd had spow∣syd dame Iohan̄e of the toure in ye tow¦ne of Berwyk as before is sayde / The Scot∣tes in dyspyte of ye Englysshmen called dame Iohanne the countesse make peas / for the co∣wardly peas yt tho was ordeyned. But ye kyn∣ges persone bare all the wyte and blame wyth wronge of makynge of the accorde / And alle was done thrugh the quene / & Roger Morty∣mer. And it was not longe after that the quene Isabell ne toke in to her hond{is} all the lordshyp of Pountfret almoste all the londes that were of ony value that apperteyned to the crowne of Englonde / Soo the kynge had not to dys∣pendede / but of hys vses and of hys escheker / For the quene Isabell & the Mortymer hadde grete mayne of the retenewe yt folowed ye kyn∣ges courte euer more & went and toke the kyn∣ges pryces for her peny worthes at good ch∣pe / wherfore the countre that they came in we¦re / fullsore addrade / and almoost dystroyed of theym. ¶Tho began the comynate of Eng∣londe for to haue enuye to Isabell the quene. yt somoche louyd her before whan she came ayen for to pursue ye fals traytours ye Spensers fro Fraunce. And in that same tyme the fals tray¦tour Roberte of Holonde / that bytrayed hys lorde syr Thomas of Lancastre. was tho de∣lyuerde and out of pryson / & was wonder pre∣uy witth the quene Isabell / & also with Roger Mortymer. But that auaylld hym but lytyll For he was taken at Myghelmasse yt tho cam nexte after / as he rode to warde quene Isabell to London / and syr Thomas whyther smote of his heed besydes the towne of saynt Albons And thys syr Thomas dwelled with syr Hen∣ry erle of Lancastre / and he put hym asyde for drede of the quene / For the quene loued hym wonder moche. And prayed vnto the kyng for hym that ye same Thomas might be exyled out of Englonde. And the noble erle syr Henry of Lancastre had often tymes herde the comyn claymore of ye Enghysshmen / of ye dysease that were doon in Englond / & also for dyuers wrō∣ges that were done to the comyn people. of the whyche the kyng bare the blame with wronge For he was but fulle yonge & tender of aege. & thought as a good man / for to do awaye / & sla∣ke the sklaūder of ye kynges persone / yf that he myght in ony manere a wyse / so as the kynge was therof nothynge gylty / wherfore he was inperyll of lyf & lymme· ¶And so he assēbled all his retenuwe & wente & spake with them of the kynges honoure / and also for to amende his estate. And syr Thomas Brotherton erle of Marchall / and syr Edmond wodstok / that were the kynges vncles / and also men of Lon∣don made theyr othe hym fo. to mayntene in ye same quarell. And theyr cause was this / that the kynge sholde holde his house and hys mey∣ne / as a kyng ought for to do / and haue all his ryalte· And that the quene Isabell sholde de¦lyuer out of her hondes in to the kynges honde alle manere of lordshyps rentys / townes and castels that apperteyneth vnto the crowne of Englonde as other quenes haue done here be∣fore / and medle with none other thynge. ¶And also that syr Roger Mortymer sholde abyde and dwelle vpon his own londes / For moche people / In so moche that the comyn people were dystroyed and gretely domaged / thoroughe suche wrongfulle takynge. ¶And also the enquere howe and by whome that the kynge was betrayed and falsly dysceyued att Stanhope / and thrughe whose counseyll that the Scottes went awaye by nyght from the kynge / And also how and thrugh whoos coun∣seyll the ordynaūce that were made at the kyn∣ges coronacyon / was put downe. That is to saye / that the kynge for amendement and hel∣pynge of his reame / & in honour of hym sholde be gouerned and rulyd by .xii. of the grettest & wysest lordes of the reame / and wythout them Sholde no thynge be grauntyd ne done / as be¦fore is sayd / whiche couenauntes were malicy¦ously put downe fro the kynge / where many harmes. shamys and repreues haue falle to the kyng & hys reame / and that is to vnderstonde for asmoche as Edwarde kynge of Englonde some tyme / was ordeyned by assent in playne parlement for to be vnder warde & gouernaun¦ce of Henry erle of Lancastre his cosyn / for sal¦uacyon of hys dody he was take out of the cas∣tell of Kenilworth / there that he was in warde. & thrugh colour of quene Isabell / & of the Mor¦tymer without consent of ony parlement they tooke & ladde hym there that neuer after none of his kynred / myght wyth hym speke ne see. & after tratorursly toke & morored hym for who∣se deth arose a sklaūdre thrugh all crystendom whan it was done. And also the tresore ye syre Edwarde of Kernaruian left in many places in Englonde and in walys was wastyd & bor∣ne awaye / wythout the wyll of kynge Edwar¦de his sone / in dystruccyō of hym & of al his fol¦ke. ¶Also thrughe whose counseyll / that ye kyn¦ge yaue vp the kyngdom of Scotlond / for the whiche reame / the kynges aūcetours had full sore traueiled / and so dyd many a noble mā for theyr ryght / & was delyuered vnto dauyd that was Robert brus sone all ye ryght / yt no ryght had to the reame. as all the world it wyst. And also by whom the chartres & remēbraunces yt they had of the ryght Scotlond were take out of the tresory / taken to the Scottes the kynges enmyes / to dysheritynge of hym and of his suc¦cessours / & to grete harme of hys lyeges / & gre¦te repreef to all Englysshemen for euer more. ¶Also wherfore dame Iohan of the toure the kynges syster Edward / was dysperagyd and maryed vnto Dauyd that was Robertbrus so¦ne. that was a traytour & enmye vnto Englon¦de. & thrugh whoos counseyl she was take into our enmyes hondes out of Englonde. ¶And in this meane whyle. ye good erle Henry of Lā¦castre & hys companie toke counseyl how those poyntes aboue sayd myght be amended to the worshyp of the kynge & to hys profyte & to the profyte of his leyg{is} / and the quene Isabel thru¦ghe coniectynge & also of the Mortymers lete ordeyne a parlement at Salysburye. And at ye same parlement / the Mortymer was made er¦le of Marche ayenst all the barons wyll of En¦glonde in preiudyce of ye kyng & of hys crowne And syr Iohan of Eltham the kynges brother was gyrde with a swerde of Corne waylle. and tho was callyd erle of Corne waylle. & euer mo¦re quene Isabell procuryd so moche ayenst her sone ye kyng / that she had the warde of ye forsay¦de syr Edward & of his lōdes. And at that par∣lemente the erle of Lancastre wolde not come / But ordeyned all his power ayenst quene Isa¦bel and the Mortymer / And men of London or¦deyned them with fyue hūdred men of armys. ¶Whan quene Isabel wist of the doynge swore by god and by hys names full angerly / that in an euell tyme he thought vppon tho po∣yntes / Tho sente the quene Isabell & the Mor¦tymer after theyr retenwe & after the kyngys retenewe / soo that they had ordeyned amonge them an huge hoste. And they counseylled the kynge / so that vppon a nyght they rode .xxiii. myles to Bedford / there the erle of Lancastre was with his company / and thought to haue hym dystroyed / and that nyght she rode besyde the kynge her sone as a knyght for drede of de∣the. And it was done the kyng to vnderstond / that the erle Henry of Lancastre and hys com¦pany wolde haue dystroyed the kyng and hys counseylle for euer more / wherfore the kynge was somdele to wardes hym heuy and anoye ¶Whan the erle Marshall and therle of Ken∣te the kynges brother herde of thys tydynges / they rode soo in message bytwene theym / that the kynge grauntyd hym hys peas to therle Henry of Lancastre / for a certayne raunsom∣me of an leuen thousande pounde / But that was neuer payed afterwarde. And thyse were the lordes that helde with Syr Henry of Lan¦castre. Syr Beaumont / syr Fouk fytz waren syr Thomas Rocelyn / Syr wyllyam Trus∣dr ynghtes moo that were to hym consen¦ted / and alle those were exyled thrughe coun∣seylle of the quene Isabell and of Mortymer. For ye Mortymer wayted to haue theyr lōdes yf that he myght thrugh ony maner coniectyn¦ge / For he was to coueytous & hadde to moche his wyll and that was grete pyte. IT was not longe after that the kyng of Fraunce / thrugh counseyll of hys Don∣zepers / sente to kynge Edwarde of Englode that he sholde come to Parys & do his homage as reason it wolde / for the duchye of Guyon / & so thrughe coūsell of the lordes of Englonde kynge Edwarde went ouer see. And at the As∣cyon tyde / he came vnto Parys / the thyrde ye¦re of his regne / for to do his homage vnto the kyng of fraūce. & the kyng receyued hys homa¦ge / & made of hym moche Ioy & worshyp / but whan kynge Edwarde had done hys homage hastyly he was sent for in to Englonde thrugh the quen Isabell his moder & anone hastyly he came ayen in to Englonde / vpon wytsonday without ony takynge leue of ye kynge of Fraū¦ce. wherfore he was wonder wrothe. ANd now shall ye here of syr roger mor¦tymer of wygmore that desyred and co¦ueted to be at an hygh astate / so that the kyng grauntyd hym to be callyd erle of Marche tho¦rughe out all hys lordshyp. And he became soo proude & hauteyn / yt he wolde lese & forsake the name yt his elders had euer be fore / & for ye cau∣se he let hym calle erle of marche. And none of the comnyns of Englonde durste calle hym by other name / for he was callyd so by ye kyngys crye. that men shold calle hym erle of Marche And mortymer bare hym so hauteyn & so prou¦de that wonder it was for to wyte. & also dys∣guysed hym with wōnder ryche clothes out of al manere of reason / both of shapynge and of werynge. wher of the Englysshmen had grete wonder / how / and in what manere he myght contryue or fynde suche manere pryde. & they syd amonge them comynly / yt his pryde shol∣de not longe endure. ¶And the same tyme syr Gyffray Mortymer the yonge / that was mor¦tymers sone. lete calle hym kynge of foly / and so it befell after warde in dede / for he was soo full of pryde and of wretchydnesse / that he hel¦de a rounde table in walys / to all men that the der came / and coūterfeted the doynge and the manere of kyng Arthurs table / but openly he fayled / for the noble kynge Arthur was ye mo¦ost noble lord of renomme / that was in all the worlde in hys tyme & yet came neuer none su∣che after / For all ye noble knyghtes ī all crystē¦dom of dedys of armys assayed / dwellyd wyth kynge Arthur / & helde hym for there lorde and souerayne / And that was well seen / for he con¦quered in a bataylle a Romayne yt was callyd Froll. And gate of hym the reame of Fraunce and slewe hym wyth hys owne hondes / & also he faught with a gyaunt that was callyd Dy∣nabus / & slewe hym that had rauysshed fayre Elayne that was kyng Howels nee / kynge of lytyll Brytayn & after he slewe in bataylle the Emperour of rome / yt was callyd Lucye / that hadde assembled ayenst Arthur / for to fyghte wyth hym so moche people of Romayns and Pebytes & sarasyns / that no man cowde nom∣bre them / and he dyscomfyted them alle as the story tellyth ¶And in that same thyme comyn voyce spronge in Englond thrugh coniectyn∣ge and ordynaunce of the frere prechers / that syr Edwarde of Carnariuan / that was kyng Edwardes fader of whome the geste tellyth / sayde that he was alyue in the castell of Corf / wherof all the comyns of Englonde almoost were ī sorowe and drede / whether that it were soo or not / For they wist not how traytoursly Mortymer had hym done murthred. ANd vppon a tyme it befell soo / that syr Edmonde of wodstok erle of Kent spa∣ke vnto pope Iohan the .xxii. at Auinion / & say¦de that almyghty god had ofte tymes done for Thomas loue of Lancastre many grete myra¦cles to many men and wymmen / yt were thru∣ghe dyuers maladyes vndoone. ¶As vnto the worlde / and thrughe his prayer they were brou¦ghte vnto there helthe. and soo syr Edmonde prayed the pope hertely that he wolde graunt hym grace / the forsayde Thomas myghte be traunslatyd. But the pope sayde naye that he sholde not be traunslatyd / vnto the tyme that he were better certyfyed of the clergye of Eng¦lond and seen by theyr obedyence what thyn¦ge god had done for the loue of saynt Thomas of Lācastre after the suggestiō that the forsayd erle of Kent hadde vnto hym made And whan this Edmonde saw that he myght not spede of his purpos: as touchynge the traunslacion He prayed hȳ of coūsell. as touchynge syr Edwar¦de of Carnariuan hys brother / & sayd. that not longe agon he was kynge of Englonde / what thynge myghte beste be done as touchynge his delyueraūce / sythe yt a comune fame was thr∣ugh Englonde yt he is alyue. hole & sauf whā ye pope herde hȳ tell yt syr Edwarde was alyue. He cōmaūded ye erle vpō his blyssynge. that he sholde helpe with all the power that he myght / that he were deliuered out of pryson / & saue his body in all manere that he myght. And to bryn¦ge this thynge to an ende he assoyled hym & his cōpany a pena et culpa) & all that to his delyue¦raūce. Tho toke Edmond of wodstok his leue of ye pope & came ayen into Englōde / & whā syr Edmonde was come / some of ye frere prechers came & sayd that syr Edwarde his brother yet was alyue in ye castell of Corf / vnder ye kepyn∣ge of syr Thomas Gurnay. tho sped hȳ the for¦sayd Edmonde as fast as he myght / tyll he ca∣me to ye castel of Corf / & acquaynted hym & spa¦ke so fayre to Iohn̄ Dauerel / that was conesta¦ble of the same castell / & yaue hym ryche yeftes for to haue acquayntaunce of hym & to knowe of his coūsell. And thus it befel that the forsayd Edmonde prayed specyally to tel hym pryuely of his lorde his brother syr Edward / yf that he lyued or were deed / & yf he were alyue he pray∣ed hym ones to haue a syght of hym. And this syr Iohn̄ Daueryl was a hygh herted mā & ful of courage / & answerde shortly to syr Edmond & sayd / that syr Edwarde hys brother was in helth. & vnder hys kepynge. & durst not shewe hym vnto no man syth it was defended him in the kyngys halfe Edwarde / yt was Edwardes sone of Carnuariuan & also by the cōmaunde∣ment of quene Isabel ye kynges moder / & of syr Roger Mortymer / that he sholde shewe hys bo¦dy to noo mā of the world sauf only to thē vpō lyf & lym̄e & disherytynge of his heyres for euer more. But the fals traytour falsly lyed. For he was not in his warde / but was take thēs and lad to the castell of Berkeley by syr Thomas of gurney by the cōmaūdemente of Mortymer tyll he was dede as before is sayd / But syr Ed¦monde of wodstok wyst no thynge that syr ed∣warde his brother was deed / wherupon he to∣ke a letter vnto kyng Edward his brother as to his worthy lorde & receyued ye letter of hym and behyght hym ryght faythful to do his mes¦sage without fayll. And with that syr Edmon¦de toke leue of the forsayd Iohn̄ / and yede into his owne coūtre & lordshyp in kent that he had there. Anone as this same Iohan wist. that syr Edmonde was gone into Kent his owne lord¦shyp. anone he went in all ye hast that he myght fro the Castell of Corf & came vnto syr Roger Mortymer and toke hym the letter that syr Ed∣mond of wodstok erle of Kent had taken hym closyd and ensealed with his owne seale / And whan syr Roger Mortymer had receyued the letter / he vnclosed it / and sawe that was con∣teyned therin / & began it to rede. wherof the be∣gynnynge was this. ¶Worshyppes and reue¦rence wyth brother alyegaunce & subieccyon / syr knyʒt worshypfull & dere brother yf it you please I praye you hertely that ye be in gode cō¦forthe / for I shall soo ordeyn for you yt ye shall come out of prysō & be delyuered of that dysese that ye ben in / and vnderstondyth of your gre∣te lordshyp / that I haue to myn assentynge all moost all the grete lordes of Englonde wyth all theyr apperyll / that is to say wyth armour with tresour wythout nombre / for to maynte∣ne your quarell so ferforth / that ye shall be kyn¦ge agayn as ye were before / and that they ha∣ue sworne to me vpon a boke / and aswell prela¦tes as erles and barons. ¶Whan syr Roger Mortymer saw & vnderstode / the myght and the strenth of the letter anone his hert for wra∣the began to boll and euyll herte bare to ward syr Edmōde of wodstok that was erle of kent. and wyth all the hast that he myght / he wente vnto dame Isabell the quene / that was ye was the kynges moder / & shewed her syr Edmonds letter / his wyll and his purpose and how that he had coniected & ordeyned to put downe kyn∣ge Edwarde of wyndsore her sone. of his ryal¦te and of his kyngdome / Nowe certes syr Ro∣ger sayd she hathe syr Edmonde done so now by my faders soule sayde she / I wyll be therof auenged / yf that god graunte me lyf / and that in a shorte tyme. And with that quene Isabell wente vnto kynge Edwarde her sone / there he was att the parlemente at wynchestre. to haue amende the wrongys and the trespasses that were done amonge the people of hys reame / & tho she toke and shewed hym the letter that syr Edmond of wodstok had made / and ensealed with hys owne seale and badde hym vpon her blessynge. that he sholde be auengyd vpon syr edmond as vpon his dedely enmye. Tho was the quene sore wrothe to warde syr Edmonde erle of Kente. And sessyd neuer to praye vntyll her sone / tyll that he had sente in all the hast af¦ter hym. And vpon that the kynge sent by hys letters after syr Edmoode of wodstok / that he sholde come & speke wyth hym att wynchestre all manere thinge left. And whan syr edmond sawe that the kynge sente after hym wyth hys letters ensealed / ye hastyd hym in alle yt he my∣ghte tylle that he came to wynchestre. ¶But whan the quene wyst that syr Edmonde was come to wynchestre tho anone she prayed and so faste wende vnto kynge edwarde her sone / that the good erle was arested anone / and lad¦de vnto the barre before Robert of Hamonde that was Coroner of the kynges housholde. And he assocyed vnto hym syr Roger Morty∣mer. And tho spake the for sayd Roger and say¦de syr edmonde erle of Kent / ye shall vnderstō¦de that it is done vs to wyte / and pryncypally vnto our lyege lorde the kynge edwarde of en¦glonde almyghty god hym saue and kepe / that ye be his deedly enmye / and a traytoure / and also a comune enmye to the reame and that ye haue ben aboute many a day. For to make pry¦ue delyueraunce of syr edwarde somtyme kyn∣ge of englonde your broder / the whiche somty¦me was put downe of hys ryaltee by ye comyn assent of the lordes of englond / in peasynge of our lorde the kynges estate / and also of his rea¦me. ¶Tho answerd the good man and sayd / For soth syr vnderstonde well that I was ne∣uer traytoure to my kynge / ne to the reame / & that I doo me on god / and on all the worlde / & therfore by my kynges leue. I shalle it preue & defende as a man ought for to do. ¶Tho say∣de Mortymer. syr Edmonde. it is so ferfor the knowe that it may not be well gaynsayd / and that in presence of all that here been. it shalle be well prouyd. Now had this fals mortymer the same letter that syr edmonde hadde take to Syr Iohan Daueryll in the castell of Corf for to take to kynge edwarde hys brother that syr Edmonde wyst not of ne supposed no thynge that syr Iohn̄ Daueryll had be so fals to dely∣uer his letter in suche wyse vnto Mortymer. And thought no manere of thynge of that let∣ter. Thenne Mortymer sayd to syr edmonde / and shewed a letter sealed. & axed hym yf that he knewe ye letter and ye seale. This syr edmon¦de lokyd theron / & auysed hym longe tyme on the prynte of the seale / for he myght not see the letter with in. and wyst well that it was his se∣ale / & thought that it had be somme letter that had bore no grete charge / & thought no thinge of that other letter. And sayd openly in heryn∣ge of them all / ye for soth thys is my seale. and I wyll it not for sake. ¶Lo sayde the Morty∣mer / syres ye here al what he hath sayd / & that he knowlegyth hym that this is his letter & hys seale. And now ye shall here what is conteyned therin / & thenne Mortymer openyd the letter that he had folde tofore togyder. & redde it open¦ly worde by worde in herynge of theym all / & whan the letter was redde / he sayd / Loo syres ye haue herde alle ye herin is wrytē / and that he hath knowlegyth that this is his letter & his se¦ale. & he may not go therfro / And thenne they cryed & yaue dome / that he sholde be hangyd & drawen / & hys heed smyten of in a manere of a traytour & he & hys heyres dysheryted for euer more / & so he was ladde forth and put in to pry¦son. and whan this was done. & the quene wist that he was dampned by way of lawe / both of lyf and of lym̄e / & hys heyres dysheryted for e∣uermore. thrugh open knowlegynge in playn∣court / where them thought that it were good / that the forsayd syr Edmond were hastyly slay¦ne / wythout wyttynge of the kyng / or elles the kynge wolde lyghtly foryeue hym hys dethe / & thenne it shode torne theym so moche sorowe / so as he was empechyd / And anone the quene thrugh counseyll of the Mortymer / and wyth out ony other counsell sent in hast to the Bay¦lyfe of wynchestre that they sholde smyte of Syr Edmondes heed Erle of Kente wythout ony manere abydynge or respyte vpon payne of lyf and lymme. And that he sholde haue no¦ne other execusyon / By cause of caryenge not withstandynge the Iugement. Tho toke the Baylyes syr edmonde out of pryson / and lad∣de hym besyde the castell of wynchestre / & the∣re they made a gonfermer smyte of hys heed / for none other durste it doo / and soo he deyed there / alas the whyle. That is to say the tenth daye of Octobre / the thyrde yere of kynge Ed¦warde regne. ¶And whan the kyng wist ther¦of / he was wonder sory / and lete entyere hym at the frere Mynors at wynchestre. ANd so it befell at that tyme that syr Ro¦ger Mortymer erle of ye Marche / was so proude and so hauteyne that he helde no lor∣de of the reame his pere. And tho became he so coueytous / that he folowed dame Isabell the quenes courte that was kynge Edwards mo∣der and beset hys peny worth with the offycers of the quenes house holde in the same manere that the kynges offycers dyde. And so he made his takynge / as touchynge of vytayle and also of caryages / and all he dyde for bycause of ex∣pencys / and to gadre tresoure / And so he dyde without nombre in all that he myght. ¶Tho had he made hym wonder preuy wyth the que∣ne Isabell / And so moche lordshyppe and rete we had / that all the grete lordes of Englonde of hym were adrad wherfore the kyng and his counseylle / to warde hym were agreued / And ordeyned amonge them to vndo hym thorou∣ghe pure reason and lawe for cause that kynge Edwarde that was ye kȳges fader traytoursly thrugh hym was murdred in the castel of Corf as before is sayde more playnly in some parte of his boke / of his deth. ¶And some that were of the kynges counseyll louyd Mortymer / & tol¦de hym in preuyte / how that ye kynge & counsel were aboute from daye to daye / hym for to dy∣stroye and vndo wherfore Mortymer was so¦re anoyed & angry as the deuyll ayenst them of the kynges counseyll / & say he wolde of them be auenged / how so euer he toke on. ¶It was not longe afterwarde / that kynge Edward & dame Phylyp his wyf / & dame Isabell the kyn¦ges moder. and syr Roger Mortymer / ne wen∣te vnto Notyngham there for to soiurne / And so it befell that quene Isabel thrugh coūseyll of Mortymer / toke to her the keyes of the yates of the castell of Notyngham. So that no man myght come nother in ne out but thrugh com∣maundement of Mortymer / ne the kynge / ne none his coūseylle. ¶And that tyme it fel. that the Mortymer as a deuyll for wrath bolled / & also for wrathe that he had ayenst the kynges men Edward / and pryncypally ayenst theym that had hym accusyd to the kynge / of the deth of syr Edwarde his fader. ¶And pryuely a coū¦seyll was take bytwene quene Isabell and the Mortymer and the bysshop of Lyncoln & syre Symōde of Bedford / and syr Hugh of Trom∣pyngton / & other preuy of theyr counseyll / for to vndo theym all that the Mortymer had ac∣cusyd vnto the kynge of his faders deth / of tre¦ason & of felonye. ¶Wherfore all tho that we∣re of the kynges coūseyll / whan they wist of the Mortymers castynge: pryuely came to kynge Edwarde and sayd / that Mortymer wold the¦ym dystroye / bycause that they had hym accu∣syd of kynge Edwardes dethe. his fader \ And prayed hym that he wolde mayntene them in theyr ryght. ¶And thyse were the lordes that pursued this quarell / Syr wyllyam of Moun¦tagu / syr wyllyam de Bohum / Syr wyllyam his broder / syr Rauf Stafforde / syr Robert of Herforde / syr wyllyam of Clynton / syr Iohan Neuell of Hornby and many other of theyr cō∣sent. And all thyse swore vpon a boke to mayn¦tene the quarell / in as moche as they myghte. And it befell so after· that syr wyllyam Moun∣tagu ne none of the kynges frendes muste not be herberowed in the castell for the Mortyme but went and toke theyr herberowe in dyuerse place of the twone of Nothyngham. And tho were they sore a ferde / leest that mortymer shol¦de theym dystroye. And in haste they came vn¦to kyng Edward syr wyllyam of Mauntagu and other that were in the castell. And pryuely hym tolde / that he ne none of hys cōpany. shol¦de not take the Mortymer. without counseyll & helpe of wyllyam of Elande. constable of the same castell. ¶Now truelye sayd the kynge I loue you well· & therfore I counseyl you that ye go to the forsayd conestable / & commaūde hym in my name / that he be your frende and youre helpe / for to take the mortymer / al thynge yleft vpon peryll of lyf & lym̄e. ¶Tho sayd Moun¦tagu Syr my lorde graunt mercy ¶Tho wen¦te forthe the forsayd Mountagu / and came to the Conestable of the castell / and tolde hym the kynges wyll. ¶And he answerde and sayde· The kynges wyll sholde be doone in as moche as he myghte. and that he wolde not spare for no manere of dethe / And that he swore and ma¦de his othe. ¶Tho sayde syr wyllyam of Moū∣tagu to the constable / in herynge of them alle. that were helpynge to the same quarell. Now certes dere frende / vs behouyth to werke & do by your aduys for to take the Mortymer / syth that ye be keper of the castell. and hath the key¦es in your warde. ¶Syr sayd the Constable / wyll ye vnderstonde / that the castell yates ben lockyd with the keyes that dame Isabell sent hyther. and by nyght she hath the keyes ther of and layeth them vnder the lursell of the bedde vnto the morowe. and so ye maye not come in to the castell by the yates / by no manere of wy¦se / But I knowe an aleye that stretchythoute of the warde vnder the erthe in to the for sayde castell / that gothe in to the weste. whiche aleye dame Isabel the quene / ne none of her men ne the Mortymer / ne none of his company kno∣with it not. And so I shall lede you thrugh ye a∣ley / & so ye shall come in to the castell withoute aspyenge of ony man yt are your enmyes. And the same nyghe syr wyllyam Mountagu / & all the lordes of his quarell / & the same Constable also went theym to hors / & made semblaūt as it were for to go out of Mortymers syght But anone as Mortymer harde thys tydynges / he wende yt they wolde haue gone ouer see for fere of hym. ¶And anone ryght he & his cōpanye toke a coūseyll amonge theym for to lete theyr passage / & snetelletters anone to the porters so that none of the grete lordes sholde go home to theyr owned coūtrees / but yf they were arested & take. And amonge other thynges wyllyam Elande Conestable of the for sayd castell. pry∣uely ladde syre wyllyam of Mountagu & hys company by the for sayd waye vnder the erth / tyll they came in to the castell & went vp in to the toure that Mortymer was in. But syr Hu¦ghe of Trompynton theym ascryed hydously and sayd a traytours it is all for nought. that ye ben comyn in to this castell ye shall deye yet an euell dethe euerychone. And anone one of theim that was in Mountages company vp wyth a mace / and smote the same Hugh vpon the heed / that the brayne braste out and fell on the grounde / and soo was he deed of an euyll deth. ¶Tho toke they mortymer as he armyd hym at the toures dore / whan he herde the noy¦se of theym for drede. ¶And whan the quene Isablell sawe that the Mortymer was taken she made moche sorowe in herte / & thyse wor∣des vnto theym she sayd / Now fayre syres / I praye you that ye doo noo harme to his body a thy knyght our welbeloued frende and our de¦re cosyn. ¶Tho wente they thens / and came and brought Mortymer / and presentyd hym vnto kynge Edwarde / & he commaunded to brynge hym in saue warde. ¶But anone as they that were consentynge vnto mortymers doynge / herde tell that he was taken they wen¦te & hydde them / and pryuely by nyght wente out of the towne eche one his waye / with heuy herte and mornynge chere & lyued vpon theyr londes as well as they myghte. ¶And that sa∣me yere that Mortymer was take. He hadde .ix. score knyghtes without quyres and sergaū¦tes of armys / & fote men / And then̄e was mor¦tymer ladde to London / and syr Edmonde of Bedforde was ladde wyth hym / and was ta∣ken to ye constable of the toure to kepe. ¶But after warde was the Mortymers lyfe examy∣ned at westmestre before the kynge / and befo∣re all the geate lordes of Englonde / for peryll that myght falle to the reame / And to enquer also whiche were consentynge to syr Edwar∣des dethe the kynges fader / & also thrugh who¦me the Scottes escaped fro Stanhope in scot¦londe / without leue of kynge Edwarde. And also how ye chartre of ragman was delyuered vnto the Scottes them the homages and feau¦tees of the lordes of Scotlōde were conteyned that the Scottes sholde doo euer more to the Englysshe kynge for the reame of Scotlond / wherfore he was Iugyd to be drawen and han¦gyd for his treason / And this myscheyf came vnto hym on saynt Andrewes euen. In the ye¦re of the Incarnacyon of our lorde Ihesu cry∣ste .M.CCC.xxx. NOw haue ye herde how Iohan Bayl∣lol in the tyme of peas was chosen to be kynge of Scotlonde for cause that he came of the eldest doughter of the Erle Dauyd of Hun¦tyngton / that was kynge Alysanders broder of Scotlond / that deyed without heyre of hys body begoten / And how this Iohan made his feaute and homage to kynge Edwarde / Hen∣ryes sone the thyrde. for his londes of Scotlon¦de / And how he afterwarde with sayd hys ho¦mage / thrugh counseyll of the Scottes / in the yere of our lorde ·M.CC.lxxiiii. and sente vn¦to the pope thrugh. a fals suggestyō that he ma¦de hys othe vnto the forsayd kynge Edwarde ouer hys estate and his wil / of the whyche othe the pope hym assoyled thrughe hys bullys to hym ysent. ¶And anone as kynge Edwarde wyst therof / he ordeyne anone hys barons and came vnto Berwyk / and cōquered the towne. at the whyche conquest there were slayne .xxv. thousande & .vii. hundred. & Bayllol that was kyng of Scotlond came & yeldyd hym to gode kynge Edwarde / & ye kyng delyuered hym out of the toure of London. and all the grete lordes with hym yt tho were taken at Berwyk & yaue theym saufconduyte / to goo into Scotlonde. And the Scottes sythe thrugh theyr falsnesse / warred vpon the good kynge Edwarde. And whan syr Iohan Bayloll kynge of Scotlonde sawe all this / he wente ouer see vnto Dunpier and lyued there vpon hys londes as well as he myght. tyll that ye Scottes wolde amende the∣ym of theyr mysdedys and trespaas / and ladde with hym syr Edwarde his sone. wherfore the Scottes in dyspyte of hym callyd hym syr Io¦han Turnlabard / for bycause that he wolde not ne offend ne trespaas ayenst the good kyn∣ge Edwarde of Englonde. And soo he for soke hys reame of Scotlonde / and sette therof but lytyll pryce. And this syr Iohan dwellyd longe tyme in Fraunce / tyll that he deyed there & syr Edward his sone receyued hys herytage / and dyde homage to the kynge of Fraunce / for his londes of Dunpier / And so it befell afterwar∣de / that Edward that was Iohan Bayllols so¦ne / had with hym a squyre of Englond yt was in yorke shyre / that was callyd Iohan of Bar¦naby / and this Edwarde Bayllol louyd hym moche / and was nyghe hym / & full preuy. And so this Iohn̄ of Barnaby was in debate with a Frenche man in the towne of Dunpier / & so he slewe hym and wente hys way in all the ha∣ste that he myghte in to the castell. For to haue socoure and helpe of hys lorde. And anone ca∣me offycers of the towne. to take Iohn̄ of Bar¦naby as a felon. and syr Edward his lorde hol¦pe hym / and rescowed hym / and by nyght ma¦de hym go out of the castell / and so he went hys waye and came in to Englonde withoute ony harme. ¶And whan the kyng of fraunce saw that syr Edwarde had rescowed his felon. He became wonder wrothe ayenst syr Edward. & anone lete hym arestyd and toke into hys hon∣des all his londes. Tho dwellyd syr Edward in pryson / vnto the tyme that syr Henry of Be¦aumount came into fraunce / the whiche Hen¦ry somtyme was erle of Anguysshe in Scot∣londe and was put out therof whan chacorde¦ment was bytwene Englonde and Scotlond thrugh the quene Isabell and syr Roger Mor¦tymer and theyr company for ye moryage that she made bytwene Dauyd / that was Roberte Brus sone and dame Iohanne of Tour kyn¦ge Edwards syster of Englond / & well vnder¦stonde thys / that att the ende he sholde come to his ryght / but yf it were syre Edwarde Bayl¦loll / that was ryght heyre of the reame of Scot¦londe. ¶And the kyng of fraunce Lowys lo∣uyd moche this syr Henry. And he was wyth hym full preuy / and thought for to make a de∣lyueraunce of syr Edward Baylloll / yf he my¦ghte in ony maner of wyse. ¶Tho prayed he the kynge that he wolde of his grace gaūt hym syre Edwarde Bayllols body / vnto the nexte parlement. that he myght lyue with hys owne rentes in the meane tyme / and that he myghte stonde to be Iugyd with his perys att the par∣lement. And the kynge grauntyd hym his pray¦er / and made the forsayde Edwarde to be dely¦uered out of pryson / in the manere aboue sayd And anone as he was out of pryson syr Henry toke hym forth with hym & ladde hym in to en∣glonde / and made hym dwelle pryuely att the manere of Sandhall vpon Ouse in yorke shy¦re with the lady Vescy. And soo he ordeyned hym there an huge retenewe of Englysshmen and also of alyuntes / for to conquere ayen his herytage / and so he yaue moche syluer vnto ye souldyours and alyauntes for to helpe hym And they behyght for to helpe hym in that they myght / but they faylled hym att hys moost ne∣de. ¶And at that tyme Dauyd erle of Moryf herde tell how that syr Edward Bayloll was pryuely come into englond. And came to hym and made wyth hym gerte Ioye of his comyn¦ge and sayd vnto hym and behyght hym that all the greate lordes of Englonde / sholde be to hym entendaunte / & sholde hym holde for kyn∣ge as ryght heyre of Scotlōde / and dyd to hym feaute· ¶Tho came syr Henry of Beaumon¦te to kynge edwarde of Englonde. And pray¦ed hym in the waye of charyte / that he wolde graunt of his greate vnto syr Edwarde Bayl¦loll that he myghte sauly goo by londe frome Sandhall / vnto Scotlonde / to conquere hys ryght & herytaunce in Scotlond. ¶The kyn¦ge answerde & sayde / yf that I suffre Bayllol. go thrugh my londe in to Scotlonde. thenne the people wolde saye / yt I shold be assentynge vnto the company. ¶Now syr I praye you yt ye wolde yeue hym leue to take with hym soul∣dyours of Englysshmen that they myght sauf¦ly lede hym thrugh your londe to Scotlonde / And syr vpno thys couenaunte that yf it so be∣fall / as god it for bydde that he dyscomfyted in bytayll thrugh the Scottes / that I and also al the lordes that holde with Bayllol / ben for e∣uer more out of our rentes that we haue in en∣glonde. And there the kynge vppon this coue∣naunte / grauntyd theyr bone / as towchynge hym / and tho that were of the same quarell the whiche claymed for to haue londes and rentes in the reame of Englonde And thyse were the names of tho lordes that pursued this for sayd matere and quarell. ¶That is to saye / syr Ed¦warde Bayllol / the whiche chalengyd the rea¦me of Scotlonde. syr Henry Beaumonte erle of Angusshe / syr Dauyd of Stroboly erle of a theles / syr Geffray of Mombraye / walter Co¦myn and many other that were put out of the¦yr herytage in Sctlonde whan the peas was made bytwene Englonde and Scotlonde as before is sayde / And ye shall vnderstonde that thyse lordes tooke with theym fyue houndred men of armes. and two thousande Archers & of fote men. and tho wente in to shyppe at Ra∣uen. pore / & sayled by the see / tylle that they ca∣me vnto Scotlond. and came to londe at Kyn¦kehorne .xii. myle fro saynt Iohannes towne / And anone sent out there shyppes agayne / for that they shold not be hurte / ne empeyred / ney¦ther taht no man sholde go in to the shyppes a∣gayne thoughe that they had nede / but abybe all perylles and not flee but stonde / and rather suffre deth than flee for to mayntene their true quarell. whan the erle of Fyffe. a fyers man & a sterne / harde that Bayllol was come / for to taste the londe of Scotlond / he came in hast to Kynke horne / with ·iii. thousand Scottes / for to dystroye hym / that he shold not come to lon¦de / But syr Edwarde Bayllol and his compa¦ny there hym dyscomfyted / at the whiche dys∣comfyture syr Alysāder Seton was there slay¦ne / & many other. The Erle of Fyffe / was th sore and full euyll ashamyd / that so lytyll a cō∣pany had hym dyscomfyted / and shamefully put hym and all his company that were alyue for to flee. ¶Tho came syr Edwarde Bayllol and toke the coō tree all aboute hym. tyll he ca∣me vnto the abbay of Dūfermlin. and ther he founde vytaylles for hym and for his folke / & amonge all other thynge he founde in a cham¦bre aboute fyue houndred of grete staues of fy¦ne oke with longe prykes of yren. and of stele And he toke them & delyuerd them to the moste strōgest men of his companye. And anone af¦ter he yede fro thens. And lodged hym in a fel∣de .ii. myles from saynt Iohānes towne. And whan the burgeys of the towne herde how the erle of Fyffe was dyscomfyted thrughe Bayl∣loll. brake ye brydges that they had made ouer the water of Erne. so that Bayllol myght not go ouer / wherfore he lodged hym there all that nyght / but lytyll hede he toke of reste. and say∣de vnto his people / Now dere lordes ye know full well. that ben now lodged bytwene our en¦myes / and they maye vs hampre / there is noo bote but dethe. wherfore yf we abyde stylle all this nyght· I wene it shall torne vs to moche harme. For the power of Scotlonde may eue∣ry wexe and encrece and we maye not so doo. And we ben but lytylle people ayenste theym wherfore I praye you for the loue of almyghty god make we vs bolde and hardy and that we may myghtely take the Scottes this nyght / & boldly werre vpon theym. and lete vs pursue theym thys nyghte. And yf they be trauaylled thorugh vs. & see our hardynesse. other Scot∣tes that see them so traueylled and wery· the so¦rer woll they be adradde with vs to fyght and fyersly thenne shall we fyght with them. And on them pursue. Soo that thrughe the grace of god / all the worlde shall speke of the doughty∣nes of our chyualry. ¶And syres vnderston¦deth wel that all the companye that came with syr Robert Baylloll / graunted well vnto that counseyll / and were therof ryght gladde. and anone pursued vppon the Scottes. that they became wonder wery. And Baylloll & his com¦pany sore folowed them / and dyde them mo∣che harme and sorowe / thrugh ther assente. so that thy myght not for feblynesse theym helpe and for lytyl people. ¶But tho sayd the Scot¦tes amonge them / what is nowe befall that so lytyll a people as Baylloll hath in wynge doth vs so moche traueyll and sorowe Now certes it semyth vs that he werketh by grace / for he is wonder gracyous in hys quarell and we cer¦tes shall be dede or that we maye come to hym vs for to yelde Sith that his fader sete of vs no pryce. ¶And amonge alle hys other thynges Baylloll and his people passed the water of Er¦ne so that Robert Swynerton the sone was fy¦ers and angrye / and wente forthe and they sa∣we people of armys full well arayed. and forth they wente vnto them and wyth them faught And slewe and toke as many as wolde abyde: And neuertheles at that assewte they wende it had be the grete hoste of Scotlond. And whan it came to the morowe. they gadred theym to∣gyder / and restyd theym a whyle· ¶And why¦le the Englysshemen rested them / the noble ba¦ron Thomas Vescy / and the noble barō / Staf¦forde / pryckyd theyr hors vp and downe by the hylles / for to kepe the estrees of the countree / & as they pryckyd vp and downe. they saw a gre¦te host of gode araye ordeyned in theyr wynge with helmes and sheldes shynynge comynge v¦pon them. and then̄e came tho two barōs ayen vnto Bayllols folke / & sayd. Now for the loue of god almyghty be of good cōforth for ye shall haue batayll an one ryght. ¶And tho spake syr fouk the sone of Garenne· a baran of greate renowne and of dedys of armys / Syres vnder¦stonde what I wyll saye / I haue seen many dy¦uers wynges / as well amonge sarasyns and Iewes / as amonge the Scottes / and yet sawe I neuer the fourthe parte of the wynge fyght. & therfore yf ye wyl abyde our enmyes / we ben ynough for them. but yf we be not of gode her¦te and of good courage we been but loste. And therfore for the loue of god. take to vs gode her¦te / and lette vs be bolde / ad thynke we neuer of our wyues ne of oure chyldren / but only to cō¦quere our enmyes in batayll. ¶And thrugh the helpe of our lorde we shall them ouercome And wyth that came the hoste of the Scottes to warde theym full serely / and ayenst syr Ed¦warde Baylloll in thre bataylles well arayed in armoure. ¶And wonder fyersly they came to warde the Bayllols company / But whan syr Donald erle of Marcell that was with the Scottes / sawe all this / he sayd vnto Roberte Brus the sone of Robert the Brus thyse wor¦des / Syr Robert sayd he full fore me for thyn¦kyth att my herte / that thyse people that Bayl¦loll hathe brought wyth hym sholde deye wyth dyte of Scottes swerdes / sythe that they ben crysten men as we ben. And therfore me thyn¦kyth that it were grete charyte for to sende vn∣to theym / for to yelde theym / vnto our mercy / and raunsomme theym vnto greuous raun∣somme / for as moche as they haue taken oure londes and done yll. Now certes sayd syr Ro¦berte the Brus / I haue well rerceyued / that thou arte an enmye and a traytour vnto Scot¦londe / sythe that thou wylte consente to saue our dedely enmyes / that haue done vs moche sorowe and shame & now it semyth wel that ye be of theyr assente Now certes Robert sayde syr donald / falsly ye lye. I am not of theyr com¦pany ne of theyr consent / & yt hastyly ye shall se for I wyll fyze wyth them rather than ony of thys company / & certes syr Robert sayd he I shall in mauger of thy hede assayll they or thou And wyth yt they pryckyd theyr stedys fyesly vpon Gaskemore. and theyr wynge theym fo¦lowed on a reng. & tho came they & mette wyth Baylloll & hys cōpany at an hangynge bough of the more ī a strayte passage & so fast they has¦tyd thē vnto ye Englysshmen ye thousand / felle vnto the grounde echone ouer vpon other into an hepe hors and man bayllol & his men mygh¦tyly stode ayenst theym / & fast slewe the Scot∣tes to the grounde / and many they wounded / soo longe / tyll that they stode vpon theym and foyned theym wyth theyr swerdes and speres thrughe theyr bodyes / and fulle sore they were trauaylled vppon theym / tylle that they beca∣me wonder wery / and wyste not what for too doo. And the Scottes that were lete alyue fledde awaye / for to saue them selfe in the beste manere that they myght. And tho pursued the¦ym syre Edwarde baylloll and hys men / and slewe of theym tyll it was nyght. And fro thēs they wente to Saynt Iohannes towne / and toke it. & helde them there and vytaylled them self at there owne wyll / for they foūde ynough wherwith to make mery. Tho made Baylloll his men yt were wonded goo to shyp / to sayll in to Englonde / to hele ther woundes. & in ye tyme there was a flēmynge in the see. a stonge theyf And a robber that was callyd crab & this flēmī¦ge was dryuen out of Flaundres for hys wyc∣kydnesse & therfore he came into Scotlond to holde with the scottes / & dyde as moche harme to the Englysshmen as he myght do. And thys Crabbe mette Bayllols men in ye see that were woūded before in batayll yt were sent ayen in∣to Englonde. for to hele theyr woundes. and this crabbe yaaf to theym a gete assawte. and wold haue slayne theym euery chone. But the Englysshmen defended them well & manly & dyscomfyte Crabbe & his company & tho gan he fle into Scotlond. ¶And as he cam towar¦de saynt Iohānes towne / he foūde a grete con∣pany of scottes / yt were come ayen togyder af∣ter the dyscomfyture at Gaskemore. the why∣che byseyged Bayllol and hys men ī the same towne of saynt Iohan· And anone tolde tolde the Scottes how that he was dyscomfyted of the Englysshmen / yt were woundyd at Gaske¦more / that went towarde Englonde / forts he¦le theyr woundes / And sayd to the Scottes / yt they sholde haue nother power ne myghte ne grace ayenst Edwarde Bayllol / by cause that he scomfyted / & empeyred alle the chyualry of Scotlond with a handfall of men as to ōpte ayenst the Scottes that were slayne. wherfore he coūseylled to remeue the sege from saynt Io¦hannes towne / & kepe theym in the best mane¦re that they myght. ¶The Scottes vndersto¦de that crabbe sayd sothe / for soke the sege and wente thens by nyghte. ¶whan thys thynge was knowe thrughe Scotlonde how that the lordes & knyghtes were dyscomfyted at Gas∣kemore of Scotlonde thrughe syre Edwarde Bayllol / ye shall vnderstonde yt the lordes & la¦dyes / & the gentyls of Scotlond came wonder faste to saynt Iohannes towne / & yeldyd the∣ym vnto Bayllol. & to hym dyd homage & feau¦te for theyr sondes & yelde theym to his peas & he theym receyued frely / And fro thens he wē¦te to the abbay of Scone. & there he was crow¦ned kyng of Scotlond / & after he lete crye hys peas thrughe out all the londe. ¶And at that same tyme it befell that kynge Edwarde helde his parlement amonge hys leyges at the newe castell vpon Tyne for to amende the trespaces and the wronges that had ben done in his lon∣de. And syr Edwarde Bayllol kynge of Scot¦londe came to hym thyther / and dyde to hym homage & feautee / for the reame of Scotlond And in thys maner kynge Edwarde of Eng∣londe gadred ayen hys homages & feautees of Scotlonde / wher of he was put out / thrughe counseyll and assent of dame Isabell hys mo∣der / and of syr Roger Mortymer erle of Mar¦che / Tho toke Bayllol kyng of Scotlond hys leue of kynge Edwarde of Englonde / & went thens in to his owne londe of Scotlonde & set but lytyll by suche as had counseylled hym / & holpen hym in hys quarel / wherfore they wen¦te from hym & went & lyued by theyr owne lon¦des and renttes in Scotlond. ¶And so it befel after warde not longe / that that the kynge of Scotlonde ne remeued & came to the toure of Anande & there tooke hys dwellynge / and thy∣der came to hym a company of knyghtes stron¦ge men & worthy / & yelded them vnto the kyn∣ge. And bare theym so fayr in dede and in coū∣tenaūce / so that he trustyd moche vpon theym And anone as the traytours sawe that he tru∣styd moche vpon theym / they ordened amon¦ge theym fyfty in a company / and wolde haue slayne theyr lorde the kynge / But thrugh the grace of almyghty god / he brake thrugh a wal¦le an hole in his chambre / & as god wolde sca∣pyd theyr trechery / & all hys men were slayne / and he escaped with moche dred vnto the tow¦ne of Cardoyll / And there he helde hym sore a∣noyed. And this befell vpon our ladyes euen ye cōcepcyon. ¶Tho sent kynge Edward Bayl¦loll to kynge Edwarde of. Englonde / how fals¦ly and tratoursly he was in lytyll tyme / put to shame & sorowe thrughe his lyege men / vppon whom he trustyd wonder moche. And prayed hym for ye loue of god that he wolde mayntene hym & helpe hym ayenst hys enmyes. the kyn∣ge of englond had of hym grete pyte / & behight to helpe hym & socour hym. and sēt hym worde that he shold hold hym in peas styll in ye forsay¦de cyte of Cardoyll / tyll yt he had gadred his po¦wer. ¶Tho ordeyned kyng Edwarde of En¦glonde a counseyll at London / & lete gadre his men in diuers shyres of Englond. and whan he was alle redy / he wente towarde the towne of Berwyk vpon Twede / and theder came to hym kyng Edward Baylloll of scotlond with his powere / and beseged the towne / And made without the towne a fayr towne of pauylyons and dyched theym all abowte / so that they had no drede of the▪ Scottes / & made manye assaw¦te with onnes and wyth other engynnes to ye towne. wherwyth they dystroyed many fayre houses / & chyrches also were beten downe to ye erthe with grete stones / the spitously came out of gonnes & other engynes. And neuertheles ye Scottes kept ryght well the towne / yt tho two kynges myghte not come therin longe tyme. & ntheles the kynges abode there so longe / tyll tho that were within ye towne fayled vytaylles & also they were so wery of wakynge. that they wyst not what for to do. ¶And ye shall vnder¦stende that tho scottes yt were wythin ye towne of Berwyk / thrugh comyn counseyl & theyr as¦sent. lete crye vpon ye wallys of the twone. that they myght haue peas of the Englysshmē and therof they prayed the kyng of his grace & mer¦cy & prayed gym of trwes for .viii. dayes vpon this couenaunte / yt yf they were not rescowed in that syde of the towne towarde Scotlond of ye Scottes within .viii. dayes yt they wolde yel∣de theym vnto ye kyng & the towne also / And to holde this couenaunt / they prouffred to the kin¦ge .xii. hostages out of the towne of Berwyk. ¶Whan the hostages were delyuerde / vnto ye kynge / anone tho of the towne sent vnto ye scot¦tes / & tolde theym of theyr sorowe & myscheyf / And the Scottes tho came pryuely ouer the wa¦ter of Twede to ye bought of the abbaye. & syr wyllyā Dyket that was tho Stewarde of scot∣londe. & many other that came wyth hym / put theym theyr in grete peryll of themself att that tyme & of ther lyf / For they came ouer a bryd∣ge yt was to broke & ye stones away / & many of theyr company were there drowned / But the forsayd wyllyam went ouer / & other of compa¦ny / & came by the shyppes of Englond / & slew in a barge of Hull .xvi· mē and after they went into the towne of Berwyk by the water syde / wherfore the Scottes helde tho the towne res∣cowed / & askyd theyr hostages ayen of the kyn∣ge of Englonde / & the kynge sente theym wor¦de ayē that they axyd theyr hostages with wrō¦ge syth thath they came into the towne of En∣londe syde / for couenaunt was bytwene theim that the towne sholde be rescowed by the halfe of Scotlonde and anone tho commaūded kyn¦ge Edwarde to yelde the towne / or he wolde ha¦ue the hostages and the Scottes sayd the tow¦ne was rescowed welle ynoughe & therto they wolde theym holde / whan kyng Edwarde sa∣we the Scottes breke theyr couenauntes that they made / he was wonder wrothe. and anone lete syr Thomas. Fytz wyllyam and syr Alysā¦der of Feton warden of Berewyk the whyche Thomas was person of Dunbarre. and lete thē be take fyrste afore that other hostages for cause that Syr Alysanders fader was keper of the towne. ¶And tho commaunded euerye daye two hostages of the towne / tyll that they were all do to deth. But yf they yelded the tow¦ne / & so he sholde teche them for to breke theyr couenauntes. And whan they of the towne her¦de thyse tydyng{is} they became wonder sory and sente to the kyng that he wolde graunt them o∣ther .viii. dayes of respyte. So that bytwene two hundre men of armys and .xx. men of ar∣mes myght by strenthe go bytwene them to ye towne of Berwyk theym for to vytaylle / that the towne must be holde for rescowed. And yf soo were that .xxi. or .xxii. or more were slayne of tho two hundred before sayde. that the tow∣sholde not be holde for rescowed. And thys co¦uenaunte to be holde. they sente to hym other .xii. of the forsayd towne in hostage / the kynge of Englonde grauntyd theym theyr prayer & toke the hostages. on saynt Margaret{is} eue. in the yere of grace .M·CCC.xxxiii. the Scottes came fyersly well arayed in foure wynges for to mete kynge Edwarde of Englonde. and Ed¦warde the kynge of Scotlonde / with theyr po¦wer / and came faste and sharply ayenst euen∣songe tyme / And the same tyme was flood atte Berwyk in the water of Twede / that no man myghte goo ouer on hys hors / nor on fote and the water was bytwene tho two kynges and ye reame of Englonde. And that tyme abode the Scottes in that other syde for cause that the en¦glyssgmen sholde haue be drowned. THerle of Moryf / Iamys Frysell Sy∣mond Frysell / Walter stewarde Rey¦nolde Cheyn. Patryke of Greham. Iohan le graunt Iamys of Cordoyl Patryk Parkeys. Roberte Caldecottes Phylyp of Melledrum Thom̄s Gylbert Rauf wyseman. Adam gur∣don / Iamys Gramat. Roberte Boyd. Huhhe Park. with .xl knyght{is} newe dubbyd & .vi.C. men of armes & .iii.M. of comyns / In the fyr∣ste parte of thalfe batayll were thyse lordes / the Stewarde of Scotlonde / the erle of Mory Ia¦mys his vncle / wyllyā douglas dauyd of Lyn¦desey. Marcolyn Flemynge / Wyllyam of keth Dn̄sen Cankok with .xxx. bachelers new dub¦byd. ¶In the seconde parte of the batayll we¦re thyse lordes. Iamys Stewarde of Corden. Alein Stewarde / wyllyam Abbrehin / wyllyā Morys: Iamys Fytz wyllyam. Adam lemost. walter Fytz. Gylbert. Iohn̄ of Cerleton. Ro∣bert wallam with .vii.C. men of armys / and .xvii.M. comyns. ¶In the thyrd parte of the batayll of Scotlonde were thyse lordes. The erle of Moref. the erle of Ruf / therle of Stra∣hern. ye erle of Soth erlonde. william of Kyrk¦kelay. Iohn̄ Cābron / Gylbert of Hey / wylly∣am ramsey / wylliam Prēdegest. Kyrston Har¦de / wyllyam Gurde / Arnold Garde Thomas Dolphyn / wyth .xl. knyghtes newe dubbyd .ix.C. men of armys & .xv.M. of comyns. ¶In the fourth warde of the batayll of Scotlonde were thyse lordes Archbalde Douglas / ye erle of Lencuax Alysander le Brus. ye erle of Fyff. Iohn̄ Canbell erle of Atheles. Roberte Lawe¦ther / wyllyam of Vypouynt / wyllyam of Lon¦ston. Iohnn de Labels Groos de Sherenlawe Iohan de Lyndesey Alysander de Gray. In∣gram de Vmfreuille. Patryk de Polesworthe Dauyd de wymes. Mychell Scot. wyllyam Landy Thomas de Boys. Roger Mortymer with xx. bachelers new dubbyd .ix.C. men of armys .xviii.M. & .iiii.C. of comyns. The er¦le of Dunbar keper of the castelle of Berewyk halpe the Scottes with .l. men of armys. And syr Alysander of Ceton keper of ye for sayd tow¦ne of Berwyk with an .C. men ef armys. And also the comyns of ye towne wyth ·iiii.C. men of armys / & with .viii.C. of fote men. ¶The somme of therles & lordes aboue sayd / amoun¦teth .lxvi. ¶The some of bachelers newe dub¦byd amoūteth to an .C.lx. ¶The sōme of men of armys amounteth .iii.M.C. ¶The sūme of the comnyns amounteth .liii.M. and .iii.C. ¶The sōme totalle of the people abouesayd a¦mounteth .lxv.M.vii.C.xlv. And thyse .lx. & .vi. gretate lordes / ladde all the other greeste lor¦des abouesayde. Infonre bataylles / as it is tolde beforen allon fote. and kynge Edwarde of Englonde / and Edwarde Bayllol kyng of Scotlonde / hadde well apparelled theyr folke in foure bataylles / for to fyghte on fote ayenst the Scottes theyr enmyes. ¶And the Englys the mynstrels blewe theyr trumpetes and the. yr claryons / and hydously ascryed the Scot∣tes. And tho had euery Englysshe batayll two wynges of pryce archers. The whiche at that batayll shot arowes so faste and soo sore: that the Scottes myghte not helpe themsefle. And they smote the Scottes thousandes vnto the grounde. And they began for to flee fro the en¦glysshmen for to saue theyr lyues: And whan the Scottes knaues saw the scomfyture and the Scottes fall fast to the grounde / they prec¦kyd faste theyr maysters horse with the sporis for to kept theym from peryl / & sete theyr may¦sters at on force And whan thenglyssmen saw that they lept on theyr horses / & faste pursued the Scottes / & all that abode they slewe dow∣ne ryght. ¶There men myght see the doughti¦nesse of the noble kynge Edward & of hys men how manly they pursewed the Scottes / that flowe for drede. And there men myght see ma∣ny a Scottysshman caste downe vnto ye groū¦de / & the baners dysplayde hackyd in to peces & many a gode haberyoyne of stele in the blo∣de bathe / And many a tyme the Scottes were gadred in to cōpanyes / but euer more they we¦re discomfyted. ¶And so it befell as god almy¦ghty wolde. that the Scottes had that day no∣more fayson ne myghte ayenst the Englysshe¦men than .xx. shepe among .v. wulues. And so were the Scottes dyscomfyted / & yet the scot∣tees was well .v. men ayenst one englysshmen And ye batayll was done on Halydoune hyll be¦syde the towne of Berwyk. At the whiche ba∣tayll were slayne of the Scottes .xxxv· thousan¦de & .vii. houndred and .xii. And of the Englys¦shemen but only .xiii. And this victory befel to the Englysshmen on saynt Margyretes euen the holy virgyn & martyr in the yere of our lor∣de Ihesu cryste .M.CCC.xxxii. ¶And whyle thys doynge lastyd the Englysshe pages toke the pylfre of the Scottes that were slayne / eue¦ry man that he myght take. wythout ony cha∣lengynge of ony man. And so after thys gracy¦ous victory. the kynge torned hym agayne vn∣to the same syege of Berewyk. ¶And whan they be syeged sawe and herde how kynge Ed∣warde had spede / they yelded to hym the tow∣ne wyth the castell / on the morowe after saynt Margaretes daye. ¶And thenne the kynge dyde ordeyne syr Edwarde Baylloll / with o∣ther noble and worshypfull men / to be kepers and gouernours of all Scotlonde in hys absen¦ce. And hymselfe torned ayē and came into En¦lōde after this vyctorye / with moche Ioye and also worshyp and in the nexte yere folowynge after / that is for to say in the yere of the Incar¦nacyon of oure lorde Ihesu eryste .M.CCC.xxxiii. And of kynge Edwarde .vii· he wente a¦yen in to Scotlonde / in wynter tyme Atte the whiche vyage the castell of kylbrygge in Scot¦londe / for hym and for his men that were with hym he recouered and had ayenst the Scottes All at his owne luste. ¶And in that same yere syr Edwarde Bayloll kyng of Scotlonde / hel¦de his parlement in Scotlonde with many no¦ble lordes of Englonde that were at that same parlemente / bycause of theyr londes and also lordshyps that they had in the reame of Scot∣londe. And helde all of the same Baylloll. And in the .viii. yere of hys regne / abowte the feest of saynt Iohan Baptist syr Edward Bayllol they vere and true kynge of Scotlonde / as by heretage & right lyne / made his homage and fe¦aute vnto kynge Edwarde of Englonde for the reame of Scotlonde att new castell vppon Tyne. In the presente of many a worthy man and also of comyns bothe of the reame of En¦glonde / and also of Scotlonde· ¶And anone after in the same yere kynge Edwarde of En∣glonde / receyued of the duke of Brytayne hys homage / for the erldom and lordshyp of Rych¦monde. And so folowynge in the .ix. yere of hys regne after Myghelmas rode into Scotlond And there was faste by saynt Iohānes towne almoost all the wynter tyme / And soo he helde his Crystemas at the castell of Rokersbourgh ¶And in the same yere trughout all Englon∣de / abowte saynt Clementys tyde in wynter. ¶Chere arose suche a sprengynge and wellyn∣ge vp of waters / and also flodes / bothe of the see and also of the fresshe ryuers and sprenges that the see bankes / walles and costes / brake vp / that mennys bestes and housys in many places & namely in lowe countrees / vyolently and sodaynly were drowned / and fruyte dry∣uen awaye of the erthe / thrugh contynaunce and abundaunce of waters of the see / ouer mo¦re afterwarde were torned into more saltnesse and sourenesse or sauoure. ¶The .x. yere of kynge Edwardes regne. kynge Edwarde en∣tred the Scottes see after Mydsomer. And to many of the Scottes he haue bataylle / and o∣uercame theym and many he treatyd and bo∣wed vnto hys peas / thrughe hys doughtynesse and hardynesse. ¶And after the feest of saynt Myghell thenne nexte folowynge was the er∣le of Moryf hadde and taken at Edenbrugh & brought into Englonde and put into pryson. ¶And in the monethes of Iune and Iulii thā next folowynge in the xi. yere of his regne was seen and apperyed in the fyrmament a beme sterre the whiche clarkes calle stella Cometa & that sterre was seen in dyuers partes of ye fyr∣mament. ¶Where after anone there folowed in Englonde goode chepe and wonder greate plente of chaffare vytaylles & marchandyse / & there ayenst honger scarsyte myscheyf and ne∣de of monye. ¶In so moche that a quartre of whete at London was solde for two shellynge and a good fatte oxe att a noble / and fyue good douues byrdes for a peny. In whiche yere dep∣ed syr Iohn̄ of lam erle of Cornewaylle that was kynge Edwardes brother and lyeth atte westmestre. IN the yere of our lorde a .M.CCC.xxx.vii. and of kynge edwarde .xii. in the mo¦neth of marche durynge the parlement at west¦mestre in lente tyme kynge Edwarde made of the erldome of Cornewayle a duchye and lete it calle the duchye of Cornewayle / the whiche ducye he gaaf vnto Edwarde hys fyrste sone with the erldom of Chestre. And also kyng Ed¦warde made att that same tyme syxe other er∣les / That is for to saye Syr Henry the erle of Lancastres sone erle of Leycetre / Wyllyam of Bughū erle of Northamptō / wyllyam of Mo¦untagu / erle of Salysbury / Hughe of Awdell erle of Gloucestre / Roberte of Vorde erle of Southfolke / And wyllyam of Clyton Erle of Huntyngeton. ¶And in that same yere it was ordeyned in the same parlemente that no man sholde were noo clothe that was wrought out of Englond. as clothe of golde ne of sylke or veluet or damaske or satyne baud∣kyn ne none suche other ne none wylde ware ne furres of bynde yt see. But suche as myght spende an hundred poūde of rente by yere. but this ordynaūce & statute was but of lytyl effect For yt was no thynge holden. ¶In the .xiii. ye¦re of his regne kynge Edwarde went ouer see into Braban with quene Phylyp his wyf the¦re beryng a chylde at And warpe there he dwel¦lyd more than a yere for to treate wyth the du∣ke of Braban and other alyed vnto hym of the chalengynge of the kyngdome of Fraunce. to kynge Edwarde of Englond by ryght and by herytage after the deth of Karoll the grete kyn¦ge of Fraunce brother Gerymayne of que∣ne Isabell kynge Edwardes moder / the why∣che was holden and occupyed vnryghtfull by Phylyp of Valoys the ēmys of kynge Karoll / the wheche duke and all his in ye forsayd thyn∣ges & all other longynge there to with alle hys men and goodes kynge Edwarde founde redy vnto hym and made & behyght hym suerte by good fayth & truste / and after that ye kyng hath hym ayen into Englonde & lelft there the que∣ne styll be hynde hym in Braban. Than in ye .xiiii. yere of his regne whan all ye lordes of his reame & other that oughten to be at his parle∣ment were called & assembled togyder in ye sa∣me parlemēt holden at London after the feest of saynt Hylarye / The kynges nedes were put forth & promothed as touchinge the kyngdom of Fraunce. For whiche nedes to be spedde the kynge axed the fyfte parte of alle the meuable goodes of Englonde & the wulles & the .ix. she∣ep of euery corne / And alle the lordes of euery towne where suche thynges sholde be taxed & gadryd sholde answere to the kynge therof / & had it and helde it at his owne lust & wyl wher¦fore yf I shold knowleche the very trouth / the ynner loue of the people was torned in to hate And the comyn prayers in to cursinge / for cau¦se that the comune people were soo strongely greued. ¶Also the for sayd Phylyp Valoys of Fraunce had gadred vnto hym a grete hoste & destroyed in hys partyes & kyngdome / many of the kynges frendes of Englonde wyth tow∣nes & castels many other of theyr lordhypoes and many harmes shamys & dystytes dyd vn¦to the quene / wher fore kyng Edwarde whan he herde thys tydynges strongely meued ther∣wythe and red. and sente dyuers letters ouer see to ye quene & to other that were his frendes Glagynge them certefyenge them yt he wolde be there hymself in all the haste that he mygh. ¶And anone after Ester whan he had sped of all thinges yt hym neded to haue / he went ouer see ayen. Of whose cominge ye quene & all hys frendes were wonder glad & made moche Ioy And all that were his enmyes and held ayenst hym made as moche sorow. ¶In the same ty∣me the kynge thrughe counseyll of hys trewe lyeges and counsell of hys lordes that there we represent wyth hym wryte the kynhe of Fraū¦ces name / and toke and medled the kynges ar¦mes of Fraunce quartred with tharmes of En¦glond and commaunded forth with hys coyen of golde vnder dyserypcyon and wrytynge of the name of englonde and of Fraunce be ma∣de beste that myght bee / and that is to saye the floreyne that was callyd the noble pryce of .vi shellynge .viii pens sterlynge / and the half no∣bell the value .iii· shellynge and .iiii. pens / and the far thynges the value of .xx. pens. ANd in the next yere after / that is to say the .xv. yere of his regne he cōmaūded and lete wryte in his chartres wryttes & other letters the date of the regne of fraunce the fyrst And whyle that he was thus doynge and tra∣uayllynge in fraunce thrughe his counseyll he wrote to al the prelates dukes erles and barōs and the noble lordes of the countre / and also to dyuerse of the comune people dyuers letters & maundementes berynge date att Gandaue the viii. daye of February. ¶And anone after wy¦thin a lytyll tyme he came ayen in to englonde with the quene and her chyldren. ¶And in the same yere on mydsomer euen he began to sayl∣le to warde Fraunce ayen / and manly and fy∣ersly he felle vpon Phylyp of Valoys the why¦che longe tyme laye and had gadryd to hym a full longe & boystous meny of dyuers nacions in the hauen of Sceuys / & there they foughten togyder the kynge of fraūce and he wyth theyr hostes fro myddaye to thre of the clocke in the morne / in the whyche batayll were slayne .xxx. thousande men of the kynges cōpany of fraun¦ce / and many shyppes and cogges were taken And soo thrugh goddes helpe he had there the vyctorye. and bere thens a gloryous chyualry ¶And in the same yere abowte saynt Iames tyde without the yates of Saynt Omers Ro¦bert of Arthoys with men of Englōde & Flaun faught ayenst ye duke of Burgon & the Frens∣shemen / att whiche batayll were slayne & take of the frensshmen .xv. barons & .lxxx. knyghtes & shyppes & barges were take vnto the nombre of CC. and .xxx. ¶The same yere the kynge ma¦kynge & abydynge vpon the sege of ornay the erle of Henaude with Englysshe archers ma¦de assaul vnto the towne of Saynt Aande where they slewe .l. knightes & many other and also destroyed the towne. ¶And in the .xvi. ye∣re of hys regne folowynge in the wynter tyme the kynge stylle vpon the forsayd seyge & sente of tyme into englond vnto hys tresorer & other purueyours for golde & moneye that sholde be sēte vnto hȳ there ī his nede but his proctours and messyngers cursedly and ful slouly serued hym at hys nede & deceyued hym / on whoos de¦faute & latches the kyng toke trewes bytwene hym and the kynge of fraūce / And thenne kyn∣ge Edwarde full of shame and sorowe in hys herte wyth drewe hym fro the sege & come into Brytayne and there was soo grete stryue of ba¦tayll that he loste many of his peple. And whan he had doone there that he come for he dressyd hym ouer see in to Englond warde. ¶And as he saylled to warde Englonde in the hyghe see the moost myshappes stormes and tempestes thondre & lyghtnynge felle to hym in ye see / the whyche was sayde that it was done & yraysyd thrugh euyll spirytes made by sore ery & nygro mancye of them of fraunce / wherfore the kyn∣ges herte was ful of sorowe / and āguysshe well¦lynge & syghynge & sayd vnto our lady in thys wyse· ¶O blessyd lady Saynt Mary what is the cause that euer more goynge into fraunce al thynges & wethers fallen to me Ioyfull and lykynge and as I wold haue them / but alway tornynge into Englonde warde all thyng{is} fal¦len vnprofytable and very harmfull neuerthe¦les he scapyd all perelles of the see as god wol∣de / and came to the tour of London by nyght. ¶And the same yere the kyng helde his Cryst¦mas at Meneres & sent worde to the Scottes by his messagers that he was redy & wolde doo fyght with theym. but the Scottes wolde not abyde that but fledde ouer ye Scottes see & hyd them a well as they myght. ¶And in the .xvii. yere of his regne aboute the feest of the Cōuer¦syon of saynt poull kynge Edwarde whan he had ben in Scotlond & sawe that ye scottes we∣re fledde tho he come ayen into Englond. And a lytell before lent was the turnement at Dun¦stable / tho the whyche tourmente come alle the yonge bachelary & chyualry of Englond with many other erles and lordes. At the whiche tur¦nemente kyng Edward hymself was there pre¦sent ¶And ye next yere folowyng in the .xviii. yere of his regne att hys parlemente holden at westmynster the auyzeme of paske kynge Ed¦warde the thyrde made Edwarde his fyrst so∣ne prynce of walys. ¶And in the .xix. yere of his regne anone after in Ianyuer before lente the same kynge Edwarde lete make full noble Iustes & grete feestes in the place of hys byrth at wyndsore that there was neuer none suche seen there afore. At whiche feest & ryalte were two kynges & two quenes the prynce of walys the duke of Cornewayle .x. Erles .ix. Countes¦ses barons and many burgeys the whiche my¦ghte not lyghtly be nōbred / & of dyuerse londes beyonde the see weren many straungers. And at the same tyme whan the Iustes were done. kynge Edward made a grete souper in ye whi∣che he ordened & began hys rounde table & orde¦ned & stedfasted the daye of the rounde table to be holden there att wyndesore in the wytsone weke neuer more yerely. & this tyme Englyssh men so moche haunted and cleuyd to the wood¦nes & foly of the straungers / that from tyme of comynge of Henaudes .xviii. yere passed they ordeyned and chaunged theym euery yere dy∣uerse shappes and dysguysynge of clothynge of longe large and wyde clothes dystytute & dy¦serte frem all olde honest and gode vsage. And an other tyme shorte clothes and strayte was∣tyd gagged and kyt and on euery syde slatered and botoned with sleues and tapytis of surco∣tes and hodes ouer longe and ouermoche han∣gynge / that yf I the sothe shall saye they were more lyke to tormentours & deuyls in theyr clo¦thynge & shokynge & other araye than to men & the wymen more nycely yet passed the men in araye & euouslyer / for they were so strayte clo∣thed that they lefe hange fore tayles sewyd by∣neth wythin there clothes for to fele and hyde theyr arsers / the whiche dysguysynges & pryde parauenture / afterwarde broughte fourthe & caused many myshappes & myschyef in ye rea∣me of Englonde. ¶The .x. yere of kynge Ed¦warde he wente ouer in to Brytayne and Gas¦coyne In whoos cōpany wente the erle of war¦wyk / the erle of Souffolke. the erle of Huntyng¦ton and the erle of Arundell / and many other lordes and comune people in a greate multytu∣de wyth a greate Nauye of .CC. and .xl. ship¦pes / anone after mydsomer for to auenge hym of many wronges and harmes to hym doone by Phylyp of Valoys kynge of Fraunce ayen¦e the trewes before honde grauntyd / the whych the trewes he falsly and vntrewely by cauela¦cyons and dysquatter IN the .xxi. yere of hys regne kynge Ed∣warde thrugh counseyll of alle the grete lordes of Englond callyd & gadred togyder in his parlemente at westmestre before Ester or∣deyned hym for to passe ouer the see agayn for to disease & dystrobled the rebelles of Fraūce. And whan his Nauye was come togyder and made redy he wente with a grete hoste the .xii. daye of Iulii. and saylled in to Normandye & arryued at hogges. ¶And whan he had rested hym ther .vi. dayes for by cause of trauaylyng of the see and for to haue out all his men with all theyr necessaryes out of theyr shyppes / he wente towarde Cadomun brenuynge wastin¦ge & destroyenge all the townes that he founde in his waye. ¶And the .xxvi. dayes of Iuly at the brydge of Cadony manly and nobly strēg∣thed and defended with Normans he had the∣re a stronge batayll & a longe durynge / thrugh whiche a grete multytude of people were slay∣ne / And there were taken of prysoners the erle of Ewe / the lorde of Thonkeruyll / and an hū∣dred of other knyghtes & men of armes / and .vi. hondred of foot men nombred & the towne and the subbarbes / vnto the bare walle / and of all thynges that they myghte bere & caryen out was robbyd & dyspoyled. After the kynge passed forth by ye coūtre about the brede of .xx. myle he wastyd all manere thynge yt he founde whan Phylyp of Valoys perceyued thys / alle thought he were faste by hym wyth a stronge hoste yet he wolde not come nygh hym but bre¦ke all the brydg{is} beyonde ye water of Seyn fro Royn to Parys / & hymself fled vnto the same cyte of Parys with all the hast that he myght. ¶For sothe noble kyng Edwarde whan he ca¦me to Parys brydge & founde it broken / with∣in two dayes he let make it agayne / And in the morowe after the Assumpcōn of our lady kyn¦ge Edwarde passed ouer ye water of Seyn go¦yege to warde Crescy & dystroyed by the way townes with the peple dwellynge ther in / & in the feest of saynt Bartholomewe he passed o∣uer the water of sōme vnhurt with all his host there as neuer before fonde ony manere way ne passage. where .ii.M. were slayne of them that letted theyr passage. ouer. ¶Therfore the .xxvi. daye of Auguste / kynge Edwarde in fel¦de fast by Frescy hauynge thre batayls of En∣glysshmen en coūtred & mette with Phylyp of Valoys hauīge with hym .iiii. batayls of why¦che the leest passed gretly the nombre of englys¦she people. And whan these two hostes mette togyder / there fell vpon hym the kyngh of Be¦me / the duke of Loreyn. & erles also of Flaun∣ders / Dalaūson / bloys harecourt / Aumarle & Neuors / & many other Erles barons lordes & knyght{is} and men of armes ye nombre of a .M.v.C.xlii. without foot men & other men armed that were no thynge rekened. And for all thys the vngloryous Philyp with drewe hym with the resydue of his people. wherfore it was say∣de in cōmune amonge his owne people. Nerē be all soy retreyt. that is to saye our fayre wyth draweth hym. ¶Than kynge Edward & our Englysshmē thankyd almyghty god for suche a vyctory after there gret labour take to theim all thynge nedefull to theyr sustynaunce / & sa∣uynge of theyr lyues & for drede of theyr enmy¦es rested them there. And full erly in the mor¦nynge after ye Frensshmen with a grete passyn¦ge hoste come ayen for to gyue batayll & fyght with the Englysshmen / with whom mette & en¦countred the erle of warwyke Northampton and Norfolke with theyr cōpany and slewe .ii. M. & tooke many prysoners of the gentyls of them. And the remenaunt of ye same host fledde thre myle thens. And the thyrde day after ye ba¦tayll ye kyng went to Calays warde destroyen¦ge all ye townes as he rode thyder / whā that he comē that is to say ye thyrde daye of Septēbre he began to besege ye towne with ye castell & con¦tynued hys sege fro the forsayd thyrde daye of Septembre to ye thyrde day of August ye nexte yere after. And in the same yere durynge ye sye∣ge of Calays the kyng of Scotlōde with a gre¦te multytude of scottes came in to Englōde to Neuyles crosse / aboute saynt Lucas daye the Euāgelyst hopynge and trustynge for to haue foūde all ye londe voyde of people for as moche as the kyng of Englond was beyonde the see / sauf oonly prestes & men of holy chyrche & wo¦men & chyldren / & plowmen and suche other la¦bourers / & there they come & robbyd & dyd mo¦che preuy sorowe. But yet founde they ynou∣ghe that theym withstode bi ye grace of almygh¦ty god / & so a day of batayll was as sygned by¦twene theym and certayne lordes & mē of holy chyrche yt were of ye countree wyth other comu¦ne people fast by the cyte of Duresme. at why∣che daye through the grace & helpe of god almy∣ghty the Scottes were ouercomen and yet we¦re there thre tymes so many of thē as of englys¦shemen· And there was slayne all the chyualry & knyghthode of the reame of Scotlond. And there was taken as they wolde haue fled thens Dauyd of kynge of Scotlonde hymselfe and the erle of mentyf Syr wyllyam Douglas and many other greate men of Scotlande. ¶And after that our Englysshemen whan they had rested theym a fewe dayes and had ordeyned theyr kepers of the North countre. they came to London and broughte with them syre Da∣uyd the kynge of Scotlonde and all the other lordes that were taken prysoners vnto the tou¦re of London with alle the haste that they my¦ghte. and left them there in sauf kepynge vnto the kynges comynge and wente home ayen in to theyr owne countre. And after warde was the kynge raunson of Scotlond taxed to an hondred thousande marke of syluer to be pay∣ed within .x. yere / that is to saye euery yere .x. thousande marke. IN the .xxii· yere of kyng Edwardes reg¦ne wente ouer see in the wynter tyme / & laye al ye wynter at the sege of Calays / the whi¦che yere whyle the syege lasted & endured Phy¦lyp the kynge of fraunce caste & purposed tray¦toursly & with fraude to put awaye the syege & came the ·xxvii. daye of Iuyll in the same yere with a grete host & stronge power and neyghed to the sege of Calays. The whiche Phylyp the last daye of Iulii. sente to the kynge Edwarde worde that he wolde gyue hym playne batayll ye thyrde daye after ye about Euēsonge tyme yf he durst come fro the sege and abyde. And whā kynge Edward herde that ony without longe taryenge or longe auysentente accept gladly ye daye & houre of batayll yt Philyp had assygned And whan the kynge of Fraunce herde that / ye next nyght after he set hys tentys a fyre & reme¦ued & went his waye thens cowardly. Thenne they that were in ye towne & in the castell besye¦ged saw all this that they had none other helpe ne socour of ye kynge of Fraunce ne of his men And also that theyr vytayls within them were spended and wastyd & for faute of vytayls & of refresshynge they eten horses houndes cattes & myse for to kepe theyr trouth as long as they myght And whā they sawe & was foūde amon¦ge them at the last that they had no thyng amō¦ge them for to ete ne lyue by ne no socour ne res¦cowe of the frensshemē / of that other syde they wist well that they muste nedes deye for defau∣te or els yelde the towne / & anone they went & toke downe ye baners and the armes of fraūce on euery syde that were hangē out & wente on ye walles of ye forsayd towne on dyuerse places as naked as euer they were borne sauf only the¦yr shertes and theyr pryue clothes. & helde their swerdes naked & the poynt donward in theyr hondes / and puttē ropes & halters about theyr neckes & yelded vp the keys of the towne & of the castell to kynge Edward of Englond with grete fere & drede of theyr liues and goodes and drede of herte / And kynge Edwarde sawe alle thys as / a mercyable kynge and lord receyyed them to grace / & fewe of the grettest prysoners of estate and gouernaunce of the towne he sent into Englonde there for to abyde theyr raun∣son and the kynges grace. And al the comynall¦te of the towne the kynge lette goo weder they wolde in peas and wyth out ony harme / & lete them bere with thē all theyr thynges yt they my¦ghte bere & carye away kepynge ye twone & the castell to hymself· Thenne thrugh meditacyon of Cardynales that were sente from the pope / trewes was take there by twene Fraunce & en¦glond for .ix. monethes than next folowynge. And aboute Myghelmas kynge Edwarde co∣me ayen into Enlond with a gloryous vycto∣ry. ¶And in the .xxiii. yere of his regne. in the Eest partyes of the worlde there arose and be∣gan a pestylence & deth of Sarasyns and Pay¦nyms that so grete a deth was neuer herde of a fore / that wasted away the people so that vn∣neth the tenth person was left alyue. ¶And the same yere aboute the suche countrees and also in the west countrees there fell so moche rayne & so grete waters that from Crystmas to myd somer there was vnnethes no daye ne nyght but that it rayned some what / thrugh whyche waters the pestylence was so enfected & so ha∣būdaunte in al countres. & namely aboute the courte of Rome. & other places and see costes that there were left lyuynge folke for too bury theȳ that were dede honestly But made greate dyches & pytt{is} that were wōder brode & depe & therin buryed them / & made a renge of dede bo¦dyes & caste a lytell erthe to fele them aboue / & than caste in a nother renge of dede bodyes / & an other renge aboue theym / and thus were they buryed & none other wyse / but yf it were so that they were men of greate estate so yt they were buryed as honestly as they myghte. And after all this in the .xxiiii. yere of kyng Edwar¦des regne it was done hym to wete & vnderstā¦de of a treason that was begon at Calays & or¦deyned for to sell that towne for a greate sōme of Florens vnto kynge Phylyp of Fraunce thrughe the falsnesse & or dynaūce of a knyght that was called syre Geffrey of Cherney was wonder preny wyth kynge Phylyp of Fraūce And whan kynge Edwarde herde this he toke with hym the noblest and gentyllest lord{is} and many other worythy men of armes that were there presente with hym for the solempnyte of that hygh feest. And well wysely in al the hast that he myghe / and as pryuely as he myght he wente ouer see to warde Calays. And that sa∣me yere the gode kyng edwarde helde his cryst¦mas at Hauerynge. And the morne after new yers daye the kynge was in the castell of Ca∣lays with his men of armes that none of the a¦lyens wyst ther of. And that fais conspiratour and traytour Geffrey of Cherney syth that he myght not openly haue his purpose of the cas∣tell / pryuely and stelyngly he come in & helde ye towne with a grete host. And whā he wyth hys men were comen in / he payed the for sayd som¦me of floreyns as couenaunte was to a Gene∣weye in the towne that was keper of the castel and consentinge to the same Geffrey in all his falsnesse and trechorye & bounden the Englys¦she mynstrels and seruaūtes that were in the castell yt they myght not helep themself ne lette them of theyr purpos. And than wenyng that they had ben sure ynough / then they spaken al their wickydnesse & falnesse openly on hygh yt all men myght here. & now shall ye here howe they were deceyued / for they came in by a pre∣uy posterne ouer a lytyll brydge of tree / & whā they were comen in subtyly & pryuely the bryd¦ge was drawen vp and kept that nōe of them that came in myght go out ne no moo myghte come to them / & anone our Englysshmen wen∣te out at preuy holes and wyndowes & ouer ye walles of the towne and of the castell & went & faught manly with the frensshmen that were withoute & had the better of them / the whyche whan they were occupyed by them self on the∣yr syde / the kynge that was within the towne hauynge scarsely but .xxx. men of armes drew out his swerde & with a loude voys he creyed on hygh. Osaynt Edwarde. Osaynt George. And whan the peple herde that / they come ren¦nynge to hym & gaaf there to theyr enmyes so greate assawte that there were moo than two hondred men of armes & many mo other slay∣ne and many fled a waye. And soo by grace of god almyghty the vyctory felle vnto the En∣glysshmen. Thenne the kynge toke with hym this Geffrey that was fynder of this trechory And also many other Frenssh prysoners / and thenne within a whyle after he come agayne in to Englonde. And in thys same yere and in the yere afore and also in ye yere next folowyn∣ge was soo greate a pestylence of men frome the eest in to ye west & namely through botches that tho that sykened / as on thys daye deyed on the thyrde daye after / to the whyche men that soo deyed in this pestylence had but lytell respyte of lyssynge. ¶The pope Clemente of his goodnesse and grace gaf theym full remys∣syon and forgyuenesse of all theyr synnes that they were shryuen of / and this pestylēce lasted in London fro Myghelmas vnto August. next folowynge almoost an hole yere. ¶And these dayes was deth wythout sorowe / weddynges wythout frendshyp / wylfull penaunce / & derth without scarsyte. And fleynge without refute or socour. for many fled from place to place by cause of pestylence. But they were enfected & myght not escape the dethe / after that the pro∣phete Isay syth who that fleeth fro the face of drede he shalle falle into the dyche. And he that wyndeth hym out of the dyche he shall be hold and eyed wyth a grenne / but whan thys pesty∣lēce was cessyd as god wold vnnethes ye tenth parte of the peple was left on lyue. And in ye sa∣me yere began a wonder thynge that all that e∣uer were borne after that pestylence had twoo cheketh in theyr heed lasse than they had afore. ANd in the .xxv. yere of hys regne about saynt Iohans daye in haruest in the see fast by wynchelse kynge Edwarde had a gre∣te batayll with men of Spayne where yt theyr shyppes and nauye laye chayned togyder / that other they muste fyght or be drenched. And so whan all other worthy mē and of the see costes fast by wynchelse & romeny were gadred togy∣der / and our nauye & shyppes al redy to the war¦re / the Englysshemen mette manly and strong¦ly wyth theyr enmyes comynge fyersly ayenst them. ¶And whan the Spayns vessels & na∣uye were closed all about / there men myght se stronge batayll on both sydes & longe duryng in ye whiche bataylle was but fewe that faught but they were rytously hurte. And after the ba¦tayll there were .xxiii. shyppes taken & soo the Englysshemen had the better. And in the nexte yere folowynge of hys regne. that is to say the xxvi. yere the kynge thrugh hys counseyll lete ordeyne and make hys newe money / that is to saye the peny the grote value of .iiii. pens and the halfe grete of .ii. pens. But it was of lesse weyght than ye olde sterlynge was be .v. shels. in the pounde. ¶And in the .xxvii. yere of his regne was the grete derth of vytayls yt whiche was called the dere somer. And the .xxviii. yere of his regne in the parlement holden atte west¦mestre after Ester. syr Henry erle of Lancastre was made duke of Lancastre and in this yere was soo greate a drought that frō the monethe of Marche to the Monethe of Iuyll there fell no rayne on therth / wherfore all fruytes sedes and herbes / for the moost parte were loste in de¦faute wherfore come so greate dysease of men and beestes and derth of vytayls in Englonde that thys londe that euer afore had ben plente∣uous hadde nede that tyme to seke vitayls and refresshynge at other out yles & countres. And the .xxix. yere of kynge Edwarde it was accor∣ded graūted and sworne bytwene the kynge of Fraunce & kynge Edwarde of Englonde that he shode haue ayen all his lond{is} & lordshyppes that lōged to ye duchye of guyhen of olde tyme the whiche had bē withdrawen and wrongful∣ly occupyed by dyuers kynges of Fraunce be¦fore honde to haue & to holde to kynge Edwar¦de & to hys heyres & successours for euermore. frely pesybly and in good quyete vpō this coue¦naunt that ye kynge of Englonde sholde leue of and releasen all his ryght & clayme that he had claymed of the kyngdome of fraūce and of the tytle that he toke therof / vpon whyche speche and couenauntes it was sente to the courte of Rome on both sydes of the kynges. that ye for∣sayd couenaunt sholde de enbulled. but god or¦deyned better for the kynges worshyp of Eng¦londe. for what thrugh fraude & dysceyte of the frensshmē and what thrugh lettynge of the po¦pe & of the court of Rome the forsayd couenaū∣tes were dysquate and left of. ¶And in the sa¦me yere the kyng reuoked by his wyse and dys∣crete coūseyll / the staple of wulles out of flaun¦dres into Englonde with all ye lybertees fraun¦ches and fre customes that longed therto and ordeyned it in Englōde in diuerse places / that is for to saye atte westmestre / Caunterbury. Chychestre. Brystowe. Lyncoln. And Hulle wyth all the forsayd thynges that longen ther∣to. And that this thynge that shold thus be do¦ne the kynge swore hymself therto / and pryn∣ce Edwarde hys sone wyth other many grete wytnesses that there where present. ¶And the xxx· yere of hys regne anone after wytsontyde in the parlemente ordeyned att westmenstre it was tolde and certefyed to the kyng that Phy¦lyp that helde the kyngdome of Fraunce was deed. And that Iohan his sone was crowned kynge. And that this Iohan had gyuen Karoll his sone the duchye of Guyhen. of the whiche thynge kynge Edwarde whan he wyst therof he had greate Indygnacyon vnto hym & was wonder wrothe & strongly meued. And therfo∣re afore alle the wrothy lordes that there were assembled at that parlement callyd Edwarde his sone vnto hym / to whom ye duchye of Guy¦hen by ryght herytage sholde longe to & gaue it hym there byddynge & strenthynge hym that he sholde ordeyne hym for to defende hym and auenge hym vpō his enmyes and saue & mayn¦tene his ryght. And afterwarde kyng Edwar¦de hymself / & his eldest sone Edwarde went to dyuers places and sayntes in Englonde on pyl¦grymage for to haue the more helpe & grace of god and of his sayntes. And ye .ii. kal of Iuyll. whan all thynge was redy to that vyage & ba∣tayll & all his retenue & power assembled & hys nauy also redy he toke with hym ye erle of war∣wyk the erle of Suffolk the erle of Salysbury and the erle of Oxforde & a thousande men of armes & as many archers / and in the Natyuy¦te of our lady / toke theyr shyppes at plūmouth & began to sayll. And whan he come & was ar∣ryued in Guyon / he was there worshypfully taken & recyued of the moost noblest men and lordes of that countree. ¶And anone after kynge Edwarde toke wyth hym his two so¦nes. that is to saye. syr Lyonell erle of Vlton & syr Iohn̄ hys brother erle of Rychemonde & syr Henry duke of Lancastre wyth many erles & lordes and men of armes & two thousande Ar¦chers & saylled towarde Fraunce & rested hym a whyle at Calays & after the kyng went with hys hoste aforsayd & with other souldyours of beyonde the see that there abode the kyng{is} co∣mynge the seconde daye of Nouembre and to¦ke hys Iourney towarde kynge Iohn̄ of Fraū¦ce there as he trowed to haue founde hym fast by Odoma{rum} as hys letters and couenaūt ma∣de mencyon yt he wolde abyde hym there with hys host. And whan kynge Iohan of Fraunce herde telle of the kynges comynge of Englon∣de / he wente awaye wyth his men and carya∣ge cowardly and shamfully fleynge and was∣tynge all vytayls that Englsshmē sholde not haue ther of. ¶And whan kynge Edwarde / herde telle that he fledde he pursued hym wyth all his host tyll Henede / and than he beholdyn¦ge the scarsyte and waytynge of vytayls and also the cowardyse of the kyng of Fraunce he torned ayen wastynge all the countre. ¶And whyle all thyse thynges were a doynge / ye scot¦tes pryuely & by nyght. toke the towne of Ber¦wyk sleynge theym that withstode theym and no man els. But blessyd be god the castell was saued & kept by Englysshmen that were ther∣in whan the kynge perceyued alle thys / he tor∣ned ayen in to Englonde as wrothe as he my∣ghte be / wherfore in the parlemēt at westmyn¦stre was grauntyd to the kynge of euery sacke of wulle .l. shellyng{is} durynge ye terme of .vi. ye¦re that he myght myghtlyer fyght and defende the reame ayenste the Scottes and other mys∣doers. And so whan all thynges were redy the kynge hasted hym to warde the syege. ANd in the .xxxi. yere of hys regne the .xiii. daye of Ianyuere the kynge beyn∣ge in the castell of Berwyk with a fewe men / but he hauynge· there faste by a greote hoost. The towne was yolden vnto hym without o∣ny maner defence or dyffyculte. Thā the kynge of Scotlond that is for to saye syr Iohn̄ Bay∣loll consyderynge howe that god dyde many meruaylles and gracyous thynges for kynge Edwarde att his owne wyll fro daye to daye / he toke & gaaf vp the reame of Scotlonde and the crowne of Scotlond at Rokesburgh in ye kynges hondes of Englonde vnder hys patent letter there made. And anone after kynge Ed¦warde in presence of all the prelates and other worthy men & lordes that were there lette hym crowne kyng of Scotlond. And whan all thin¦ges were done and erdeyned in that countres at his wyll / he torned ayen into englonde with a greate worshyppe. ¶And whyle this vyage was in doynge in Scotlonde / syre Edwarde prynce of wales as a man enspyred ī god was in Guyhen in the cytee of Burdeux treatynge and spekyge of the chalenge and of the kyn∣ges ryght of Englonde that he hadde to the re∣ame of Fraūce / & that he wold be auēged wyth stronge honde / and to the prelateg peres and myght men of that countree consented welle to hym. Than syr Edwarde the prynce wyth a greate hooste gadred to hym the .vi. daye of Iuyll wente frome Burdeux goynge and tra∣ueylynge by many dyuerse countrees / and he tooke many prysoners moo than ·vi. thousan∣de mem of armes by the countree as he wente and tooke the towne of Remorantyne in Sa∣loygne and besyeged the castell .vi. dayes· And att the .vi. dayes ende they yolde the castell vn∣to hym / and there was taken the lorde of crow¦ne and syr Bursygaude and many other kny∣ghtes and men of armes moo than .lxxx. And fro thens by Toren and Peten fast by Chyne¦ney hys noble men that were with hym hadde a stonge batayll with Frensshmen / and an hun¦dred of theyr men of armes were slayne. And the erle of Daunce and the stewarde of / fraun¦ce were taken wyth an hondred men of armes In the whyche yere the .xix. daye of Septem∣bre faste by Pyeters the same prynce wyth a thousande and .ix. hondred men of armes and archers ordeyned a batayll to kynge Iohan of fraunce comynge tho the prynce warde wyth .vii. thousande chosen men of armes and mo∣che other people a greate nombre / of the why∣che were slayne the duke of Burbon and the duke of Athenes and many other noble men & ef the prynces men of armes a thousande and of other the trewe accompte and rekenynge .viii.C. And there the kynge of France was taken and syr Phylyp his yonger sone and ma¦ny dukes and noble men and worthy knygh¦tes and men of armes aboute two .M. and so the vyctory fell there the prynce / and to the pe¦ple of Englonde by the grace of god. And ma∣ny that were taken prysoners were sette at the¦yr raunson and vpon theyr trouthe and kny∣ghthode were charged and hadde leue to goo. But the prynce tooke wyth hym the kynge of Fraunce and Philyp his sone with alle the re∣uerence that he myghte & wente ayen to Bur∣deux wyth a gloryous vyctory / the somme of the men that there were taken prysoners and of theym that were slayne the daye of batayll .iiii.M.iiii.C.xl. and in the .xxxii. yere of kyn∣ge Edwarde the .v. daye of Maye prynce Ed∣warde with kynge Iohn̄ of Fraunce and Phi¦lyp hys sone & many other worthy prysoners arryued gracyously in the hauen of plūmouth And the .xxiiii. daye of the same moneth abou∣te thre after none they came to London by Lō¦don brydge and so wente forthe to the kynges palays atte westmynstre / and there came soo grete a multytude & presse of peple abowte the¦ym to beholde and se that wonder and ryall sy∣ghte that vnnethes fro maddaye tylle nyghte myghte they not come to westmyster. And the kynges raunson of Fraunce was taxed and sette to thre myllyons of scutes / of whom two sholde be worthe a nobell. And ye shall vnder¦stande that a myllyon is a thousande thousan∣de / and after some mennys raunson was set∣te att thre thousande thousaynde floreyns and all is one effecte· And this same yere were ma¦de Iust{is} solempne in Smytfende beynge pre∣sent the kynge of Englonde / the kyng of Fra∣unce / and the kynge of Scotlonde / and many other worthy and noble lordes. ¶The .xxxiii. yere of his regne the same kynge Edwarde at wynsore as well for loue of knyght hode as for his ownne worshyppe and att reuerence of the kynge of fraunce and other lordes that were there att that tyme / he held a wonder ryal and costly feest of saynt George passynge ony that euer was holden afore. wherfore the kynge of fraunce in scornynge sayd that he saw neuer ne herde suche a solempne festes ne ryaltes hol¦den ne done wyth taylles wythoute payenge of golde or syluer. ¶And in the .xxxiii. yere of hys regne the .xiiii. kalendas of Iulii. Syre Io¦han erle of Rychmonde kynge Edwardes so¦ne wedded dame blaunche duke Henryes dou¦ghter of Lancastre cosyn to the same Iohan by dyspencyon of the pope. And in the meane tyme were ordeyned Iustes atte London thre dayes of rogayons / that is for too saye. The Mayer of London wyth his .xxiiii. aldermen ayenst alle that wolde come / in whoos name and stede the kynge pryuely wyth his foure so¦nes Edwarde / Lyonell / Iohan and Edmon∣de and other .xix. greate lordes helden the felde. with worshyppe. ¶And this same yere as it was tolde and sayd of theym that sawe it the¦re come blood out of ye combe of Thomas som¦tyme erle of Lancastre as fresshe as that daye that he was done to dethe. ¶And in the same yere kynge Edwade chose this sepulture and hys lyggynge att westmestre faste by the shry∣ne of saȳt Edwarde. and anone after the xxvi. daye of Octobere. he wente ouer see to Calays makynge protestacōn that he wolde neuer ¦me ayen into Englonde tyll he had in endes the warre bytwene fraūce and hym ¶And soo in the .xxvi. yere of hys regne in the wynter co∣me kyng Edward was & trauaylled in the Ry¦ne costes. And aboute saynt Hyllarye tyde he departes his host and went to Burgon war∣de / wyth whom than met peasybly the duke of Bourgon. behyghtynge him .lxx. thousande flo¦reyns that he sholde spare hys men and hs pe¦ple / & the kynge grauntyd att his requeste. And dwelled vnto the .xvii. daye of Marche yt whi¦che tyme come to kynge Edwardes eere that strōge theues were on the see vnder the erle of saynt Poule the .xv. daye of Marche yggyn∣ge a wayte vpon the townes of Rastynge Rye and other places & vyllages on the see cost had¦den entred as enmyes in to the towne of wyn∣chelle / and slewe all that euer withstode them and with sayd theyr comynge. wherfore y kyn¦ge was gretly meued and wratthed and he tor∣ned ayen so warde Parys. and cōmaūded his hoste to dystroye and sle all with strench of swer¦de that he had before honde spared. And ye .iii. daye of Apryl the kyng come to Parys & there departed his host in dyuers batayls with .iiii.C. knyghtes newe dubbyd on that one syde of hym. And syr Henry duke of Lancastre vnder peas & trewes went vnto the yates of the cyte proferynge to them yt wolde abyde a batayll in the felde vnder suche condicyon yt yf the kynge of Englonde were ouer comen there / as god forbyd it sholde / yt than he sholde neued chalen¦ge the kyngdom of fraunce. And there he had of theym but short & scornfull answere & came & tolde it to the kynge & his lordes what he had herde & what they sayd / And then̄e went forth the newe kynghtes with many other makyng assawte to the cyte & they dystroyed the subbar¦bes of the cyty. And whyle al these thynges we¦re doynge the Englysshmen made them redy for to be auenged vpon the shame and dyspyte that was done ye yere at wynshelse and ordey∣ned a nauye of .lxxx· shyppes of men of Lon∣don and of other marchauntes & .xiii. thousan¦de men of armes and archers and went & ser∣ched and skūmed the see and manly token and helde the yle of Caux. wherfore the Frensshmen that is for to say the abbot of Cluyn the erle of Tankeruyll & bursygaude yt tho was stewar∣de of Fraunce wyth many other men of the sa¦me coūtre by ye comune assent of ye lorde Char¦les yt th was regned of Fraunce they hastyd them & went to the kyng of Englond askynge & besechynge hym stedfaste peas & euerlastyn¦ge vpon certayne condycōnes yt there were she¦wed wryten / The whiche whan ye kyng & hys coūseyll had seen it / it pleased hym neuer a dea¦le. but syth it wolde be none other wyse ye tyme of better accorde & delyberacyon / ye Frensshe∣men besely & with grete in staūce asked trewes for the see costes. and the kyng graūtyd them. ¶And in the morow after the vtas of Pasche the kynge torned hym wyth his host to warde Orlyaūce destroyenge & wastynge all ye coūtre by the way. And as they went theder ward the¦re felle vpon theym seche a storme & tempest yt none of our nacyon neuer herde ne sawe none suche. thrugh the whyche thousandes of ouer men & thryr horses in theyr Iourney as it we∣re thrugh vengeaunce sodeynly were slayne & perysshed. the whiche tempest{is} were full grete yet fered not ye kyng ne moche of his peple but they wente forth in theyr vyage yt they had be¦gōne / wherfore about ye feest of Phylyp & Ia∣cob in May fast by in Carnocū the for sayd lor¦des of Fraūce metynge there with the kyng of Engelonde apsyble accorde & a fynall vpon certayne condyons & graūts artycularly ga∣dred wryten togyder euermore for to laste dys∣certly made & to both the kynges proffytable & to both theyr reames of one assente of Charles the regner & gouernour of Fraūce & of Parys of the same reame wryten & made vnder dare of carnocū the .xv. daye of May. they offred & {pro}ffred to ye kyng of Englōd requyring his gra¦ce in all thynges wryten yt he wolde benyngl admyt them & holde thē erme & stable to thē & to theyr heyres for euermore thens for the / the whiche thyng{is} & artycles whan kyng Edwar∣de had seen thē he graūtyd them so yt both par∣tyes sholde be sworne on goddes body / & on the Euangelyst yt the for sayd couenaunt sholde be stablysshe & so they accorded graciously Ther¦fore were ordeyned and dressed on euery syde two barons two baronettes and two kyngh∣tes to admitte and receyue that othes of ye lord Charles regēt of Fraūce & of syr Eeward the fyrste sone and heryre of kynges Edwarde of Englonde. And the .x· daye of May there was songen a solempne masse at Parys. and after the Agnus dei sayd with dona nobys pace in presence of ye for sayd men yt were ordeyned to Admitte & receyue the othes & of all other yt there myght be. Soo Charles layd hys ryght. honde on the patent with goddes bodye & hys left honde on the myssall & sayd we. N. sweren on goddes body & the holy gospels yt we shall trewly & stedfastly hold toward vs ye peas & ye accorde made bytwene the two kynges / and all hys lordes for more loue and strenth of wyt¦nesse he deased and departed the relyques of ye crowne of Cryst to the knyghtes of Englond & they token curtously theyr leue / & the fryday nexte the same othe in presence of the forsayde knyghtes & of other worthy mē prynce edwar∣de made att Louers. Afterwarde both kynges & theyr sones & the moost noble men of both re∣ames. within the same yere made ye same othe & for to strength all these thyng{is} afore sayd the kynge of Englond axyd ye gretest men of fraun¦ce. & had his askynge that is to saye .vi. dukes .viii. erles & .xii. lordes all noble barons & good knyghtes And whan ye place & tyme was assyg¦ned in whiche both kynges with theyr counsell sholde come to gyders. al ye forsayd thynges by¦twene theym spoken for to retefye & make fer∣me and stable / the kyng of Englond anone wē¦te toward the see & at Hountflet began to saylle leuynge to hys hostes that were lefte behynde hym by cause of his absence made moche heuy¦nes and after the .xix. day of Maye he came in to Englond & went to his palays att westmyn¦stre of saynt Dunstons daye & the thyrde daye after he vysyted Iohan Kynge of / fraunce that was in the tour of London and delyuerd hym frely from all maner of pryson / sauf fyrst they were accorded of thre myllyons of floreyns for his raunsōme / and the kynge comfortyd hym & cheryd hym in all places wyth all solace and myrthes that longen to a kynge in his goynge home warde. ¶And the .ix. daye of Iulii in the same yere this same Iohan kynge of / fraunce that afore laye here in hostage wente home ay∣en / in too his owne londe to treate of tho thyn∣ges and other that londe and fallen to the go∣uernaunce of his reame. ¶And afterwarde mette and came togyder att Calays bothe two kynges with bothe theyr counseyll aboute all Halowen tyde. And there were shewed the con¦dicyons and the poyntes of the peas and of the accorde of bothe sydes wrytten / and there with out ony with sayenge of bothe sydes gracyous∣ly they were accorded And there was done and songen a solempne masse and after the thyrde Agnus dei / vpon goddes body and also vppon the masse boke bothe the kynges & theyr sones and the grettest lordes of bothe reames and of theyr counseyll that there were presente & had not sworne before the forsayde othe that they had made and tytled bytwene theym they be∣hyghten to kepe / and alle other couenauntes that there bytwene them ordeyned· ¶And in thys same yere men beestes trees and houses wyth sodayne tempeste and stronge lyghtnyn∣ge were perysshed / and the deuyll apperyd bo∣dely mannes lyknes to moche people as they wente in dyuers places in the countrees / and spake to theym in that lyknes. Kynge Edwarde in the .xxxvi. yere of his regne anone after Crystenmasse in the feest of the conuersyon of Saynt Poule helde parlemente at westmestre / in the whyche par∣lemente was put forthe and shewed the accor∣de and the treates that was stablisshed and ma¦de bytwene the twoo kynges whyche accorde pleased to moche people. And therfore by the kynges commaundement / there were gadred and come togyder in westmynster chyrche the fyrste sondaye of lente. That is to saye the .ii. kal / february. the forsayd Englysshemen and frensshmen where was songe a solempne mas∣se of the Trynyte of the Archebysshop of Caun¦terbury mayster Symonde Issepe. And whan Agnus dei was done the kynge beynge there with his sones / And also the kynges sones of fraunce. and other noble and greate lordes / wyth candell lyght and crosses brought forth / and that were callyd therto / that were notte sworne afore swore ye same othe that was wry∣ten vppon goddes bodye & on the masse booke in thys wyse / we / .N. and .N: sweren vppon goddes body and on the holy gospels stedfastly for to holde and kepe towarde vs the peas. and the accorde made bytwene the two kȳges and neuer for to do the contrary / & whan they had thus sworne they toke theyr scrowes that theyr othes were comprehended into the notaryes. And in this same yere in the Ascencyons euen aboute myddaye / was seen the clypses of ye son¦ne / And there folowed suche a drought that for defaute of rayne there was grete brennynge of corne fruyte and hey. ¶And in the same mo∣neth the .vi. kal of Iune there fell a sanguyne rayne almoste lyke blode at Burgon. and a sāg¦uyne crosse from morne vnto pryme apered & was seen at Bolyn in the heyre the whiche ma¦ny men saw / and after it meued and felle in the myddes of the see. ¶And in the same tyme fraunce and Englond and many other londes as they that were in playne countres and d∣serte / baren withnesse sodeynly there apperyd two castels / of the whiche wēte out two hostes of armed mē. And that one hoste was closed in whyte and that other in blacke. and whan Ba¦tayll bytwene theym was begonne the whyte ouer came the blacke toke herte tho theym and ouer come the whyte and after that they wente ayen in to theyr castels: and thā the castels and all the hoost vanysshed away. ¶And in this same yere was a grete and an huge pestylence of people and namely of mē / whoos wyues as womē out of gouernaunce toke husbondes as well straungers as other lewde and symple pe∣ple. the whyche forgetynge theyr honoure and worshyp coupled and maryed theym with thē that were of lowe degre and lytyll repuracyon ¶In this same yere deyed Henry duke of Lā∣castre. ¶And also in this same yere Edwarde prynce of walys wedded the countesse of Ken∣te that was syr Thomas wyf of Holōde yt whi¦che was departed somtyme & deuorced fro the erle of Salysbury for cause of the same knyght ¶And aboute this tyme begā and rose a grete company of dyuerse nasoyns gadred togyder of whom theyr leders & gouernours were En¦glysshe people & they were called a peple wyth out ony hede the whyche dyd moche harme in the partye of fraunce· ¶And not longe after there arose an other company of dyuerse nacy∣ons that was called the whyte company / the whiche in the partyes and countrees of Lom¦bardy dyde moche sorowe. ¶This same yere syr Iohan of Gaunt the sone of kyng Edwar¦de the thyrde was made duke of Lancastre by reason & cause of his wyf yt was the doughter & the heyre of Henry somtyme duke of Lācaster. ANd in the .xxxvii. yere of kyng Edwar∣de the .xv. daye of Ianyuer / that is too saye on saynt Maryes daye about euynsonge tyme there arose & come suche a wynde out of the southe wyth suche a fyersnes and strenthe that it brasted and blewe downe to the groun∣de hyghe houses and stronge buyldynges tou¦res chirches & steples and other strōge places and all other stronge werkes that stoden stylle were shaken ther with that they ben yet & shall euermore be the febler and weyker whyle they stande. And this wynde lasted without ony ces¦synge .vii. dayes contynually· And anone af∣ter there folowed suche waters in the hey ty∣me and in the haruest tyme that all felde wer∣kes were strongely lette and lefte vndoyn. ¶And in the same yere prynce Edwarde toke the lordshyp of Guyhen & dyde to kynge Ed∣wyrde his fader homage and feaute therof / & wente ouer see in to Gascoyne with his wyf & chyldren. ¶And anone after kynge Edward made hys sone Lyonell duke of Clarence. and syr Edmonde his other sone / erle of Cambrid¦ge / & in the .xxxviii. yere of his regne it was or∣deyned in the parlement that men of lawe bo∣the of the chyrche and temporeslawe shold fro that tym for the plete in theyr moder tonge. ¶And in ye same yere in to Englond thre kyn∣ges that ys to saye the kynge of Fraunce the kynge of Cypres and the kynge of Scotlonde by cause to vysyte and for to speke with ye kyn¦ge of Englonde. And after that they had be he¦re longe tyme two of them went home in to the¦yr owne countres and kyngodms / but ye kyn∣ge of Fraunce throughte greate sekenesse and malady that he had abode stylle in Englonde. And in the .xxxix. yere of his regne. was a strō∣ge & a grete froste & that lasted longe that is to saye fro Saynt Andrewes tyde to the .xiii. kal of Apryls / that the tylthe and sowynge of the erthe and other suche feld werkes and honde werkes were moche lette and lefte vndoyne for colde & hardnes of the erth. And at orray in Brytayn was ordeyned a grete dedely batayl¦le bytwene syre Iohn̄ of Mountforde duke of Brytayne and syr charles of Bloys / but vyc∣tory fell to the forsayd syr Iohn̄ thrughe helpe and socour of thenglysshmen. And there were taken many knyghtes & squyres & other men that vnnōbred / in ye whiche batayll was slay¦ne Charles hymself with all yt stode about hym & of Englysshmen were slayne but seuen. and in this yere deyed at sauoy Iohan the kynge of fraunce whos seruyce & exequyes kyng edwar¦de lete ordeyne & dyd in dyuers places worhyp∣fully to be done / and at Douer of worshypful men ordeyned hym worthely tho be ledde with his owne costes and expēces / & fro thens was brought to fraunce & buryed at saynt Denys. ¶In the .xl. yere of kyng Edwarde the vii. kal of Februer was borne Edwarde prynce Ed¦wards sone ye whiche whan he was .vii. yere of-aege he deyed· And in the same yere it was or∣deyned yt saynt Peters pens fro ye tyme forthe sholde not be payed the whyche kyng yuo som∣tyme kynge of Englond of the countre of west saxen yt began to regne ye yere of our lord god .vi· hondred .lxxix. fyrst graunted to Rome for ye scole of Englond therto be contynued. ¶And in thys same yere there fell a grete rayne in hey tyme yt it wasted & dystroyed both corne & hey. And there was suche debate & fyghtinge of spa¦rowes by dyuerse places in these dayes yt men founde innumerable dede in the feldes as they wente. And there fell also suche a pestylence yt neuer seen suche in noo mannes dayes yt than lyued / for men yt wente to beded hole & in good poynt sodenly they dyed. ¶Also ye tyme a syke¦nes that men calle the pockes slewe bothe mē & women thrugh theyr enfectinge. ¶And in the xli. yere of kynge Edward was borne at Bur∣deux Rycharde the seconde sone of prynce Ed¦warde of Englond / the whiche Rychard kyn¦ge Rycharde of Amorycan heueden at the foū stone after whom he was called Rychard. and this same Rycharde whan his fader was deed & kyng Edwarde also / he was crowned kyng of Englonde the .xi. yere of his aege thrugh ry¦ghte lyne and herytage / & also by the comne assent and desyre of ye comynalte of the reame. ¶Aboute this tyme at kyng Edwardes com∣maundement of Englond whan all the castels & townes were yolden to hym that longe were holden in / fraunce by a grete company assem∣bled togyder syr Bartram Claykyn a noble knyght and a good warryour wente and pur∣posed hym to put out Pers kynge of Spayne out of his kyngdome with helpe of the mooste partye of the forsayd grete company trustynge also vpon helpe and fauour of the pope for as moche as it come to his eeres that ye same pers sholde lede & vse a synfull lyf / the whiche Pers smyten wyth drede of this tydynge fledde into Gascoyne to prynce Edwarde for to haue so∣coure of hym. And whan he was fledde out of Spayne Henry his broder that was bastarde by assent of the moost party of Spayne & thru∣ghe helpe of ye ferefull company that I spake of fyrst was crowned kyng of Spayne. & ye nom∣bre of that same cōpany was rekened & sette at the nombre of .xl.M. fytynge men. ¶This sa∣me yere in the moneth of Iune there come a gre¦te cōpany & a nauye of ye Danes gadred them togyder in the Northe see purposynge them to come into Englonde to reue and to robbe and also to sle with whom they countred & mette in the see. maryners and other gode fytynge men o the countre & dysperpled theym. And they a¦shamyd went home ayen into theyr owne coū∣tre / but amonge ye other there was a boystous vessell and a stronge of theyr nauye that was ouer saylled by the Englysshmen & was perys¦shed & drenched In the whiche the Stewarde & other worthy and greate men of Denmarke were taken prysoners / & the kynge of Englon∣de & his coūseyll prysoned them. the whiche lor¦des the Danes afterwarde sought them all a∣bout for to haue hadde them ayen wyth. theyr goodes yt they had lost / & they not well apayed ne pleased of ye answer that they had / & they tor¦ned homwardes ayen leuynge behynde thē in there Innes preuely writen in scrowes and on walles. yet shall Danes wast the wanes Then¦ne happed there an Englysshe wryter & wrote ayenst the Duke in this manere (here shall Da∣nes fette theyr banys) ¶And in this time pers the kynge of Spayne with other kynges that is to saye. the kynge of Nauerne and the kynge of Malogre beynge meanes wenten bytwene and prayed counseyll and helpe of syr Edwar¦de the prynce whos counseyll whan he had vn¦derstandynge theyr artycles and desyre that he was requyred of tho kynges / lothe he was and ashamed to saye nay and contrary to them. But netheles he was a gast lest it shold be ony preiudyce ayenst the pope and longe tyme tary¦ed them or that he wolde graunte or consente therto tyll he had better counseyl rauysemente with good delyberacyon of kyng Edward his fader. But whan they were with hym euery day & contynually besechynge of many noble men requyred & spoken to / & with many pray∣ers sente & made bytwene them. thā prynce ed∣ward sente to his fader both by cōplaynyng let¦ters & also by confortable conteynyng al theyr suggestyons & causes wyth all ye other kynges epystles & letters for to haue cōforte & helpe of the wronges not only done to the kyng Spay¦ne. but also for suche thynges as myght falle to other kynges. Also yf it were not ye soner holpē and amended thrugh the done & helpe of kny∣ghthode to thē that it asked & desyred. ¶The whiche letter whan the kynge & hys counseyll had seen suche a kynge spoylynge & robbynge with moche merueyll. And sente ayen comfor¦table letters to prynce Edwarde hys sone & to that other kynges & warned them for to arme them & ordeyne theym ayenst that misdoer and to withstande them by the helpe of god that we¦re suche enmies to kynges. whā this noble prȳ¦ce had receyued this letters / hym self with that other kynges before sayd all there counseyl cal¦led togider or that he wolde vndertake the qua¦rell he bounde & knytte sore ye kynge that was deposed with a grete oth / that is to saye that he sholde euer after mayntene the ryght byleue & faythe of holy chyrche / and also wyth all theyr mynysters ryghtes & libertees to defende from all theyr enmyes & all euylles. And al that were there ayenst bytterly to punysshe & destroble & al ye ryght{is} lybertes preuyleges of holy chirche encrease & mayntene / & amende alle thynges yt were wronfully taken withdrawen and borē a waye by hym or by ony other by cause of hym hastely to restore ayen & to dryue and put oute sarasyns & all other mysbyleued people out of his kyngdom wyth all his strenth & his power and suffre ne admitte none suche for no mane¦re thynge ne cause to dwelle therin / And that whan he had taken a crysten woman he sholde neuer come in to none other womans bedde / ne none other mannes wyfe to defoyle. ¶All thyse for sayd thynges trewly for to kepe con∣tynue and fulfyll as alle hys lyfe tyme he was douuden by othe afore notaryes in presence & wytnesse of tho kynges wyth other prynces. ¶And than that gracyous prynce Edwarde vndertoke the cause & the quarell of the kyng that was deposed and behyghte hym with the grace of almyghty god to restore hym ayen to his kyngdom / & lette ordeyne & gadre togyder forth with in alle haste his nauye with men of armes for to warre and fyght in his for sayde cause. ¶And in this same yere vpon the sande of the Scottes see yt many a man sawe it thre dayes togyder there were seen two Egles / of the whiche ye one come out of the southe & that other out of the north & cruelly & strongly they fought togyder & wrastled togyder / & the south elge fyrst ouercome ye north Egle & all to rente hym with his bylle & his clawes yt he shold not reste ne take no byrthe & the south Egle fleyth home to his owne costes· ¶And anone after there folowed & was seen in the morne after ye sonne rysynge & after in the last daye of Octo∣bre sauynge one many sterres gaddred togyder on an hepe felle downe to the erthe leuynge by¦hynde them fyre bemes in maner of lyghtnyn¦ge / was flammes brent & cōsumed mens clo¦thes & mens heer wallyng on ye erth as it was sene & knowē of many a man. ¶And yet yt nor¦thern wynde yt is redy & destymate to alle ylle fro saynt Katherynes eue tyll thre dayes after loste grete good without nobre. ¶And in this same dayes ther fell & also come such lyghtnyn¦ge thondre snowe & hayll that it wasted and de¦stoyed men bestetes howses and trees. IN the yere of our lord a .M.CCC.lxvii and of kynge Edwarde .xlii. the thyrde daye of Aprylle there was a stronge batayll & a grete in large felde called Pryazers faste by the water of Nazers in Spayne bytwene syre Edwarde the prynce & syr Henry the bastarde of Spayne / but the vyctory fyll to prynce Ed∣warde by the grace of god. ¶And this same prynce Edwarde had with hym syr Iohn̄ du∣ke of Lācastre his broder & other worthy men of armes about the nombre of .xxx. thousand. ¶And the kynge of Spayne had on hys syde men of dyuers nacyons to the nombre of an hondred thousande & moo / wherfore the shar∣penesse and fyersnesse of hys aduersary wyth his fyll boystous and grete strenthe made and dryue ye ryghtfull partye a backe a grete waye but thrugh the grace of almyghty god passyn∣ge ony mannes strenth that greate hoste was dysparpled myghtefully by the noble duke of Lancastre and his hoost / or ye prynce Edwar∣de came nyghe hym. And whan Henry bastar¦de sawe that / he torned with his men in so gre¦te haste and strenth for to flee / that a gret com¦pany of them in the for sayd flood & of ye brydge ther of fellen dowen & perysshed. And also the∣re were taken the erle of Dene & syr Bartram Cleykyn that was cheyfmaker and cause of ye warre & also cheyftayne of the vauntwarde of the bataylle wyth many other greace lordes and knyghtes to the nombre of two thousan∣de / of whome two hondred were of Fraun∣ce and many also of Scotlonde. ¶And there were felled in the felde on oure enmyes syde of lordes & knyghtes wyth other meyn people to the nombre of .vi. thousande and moo / and of Englysshmen but a fewe. And after this the noble prynce Edward restored ye same Peers to this kyngdome ayen / the whiche Peers af¦warde thrugh trechery and falsnes of the for∣sayd basterd of Spayne as he satte at his mete he was strangled & deyed. But after this vyc¦torye many noble men of Englond / & also har¦dy in Spayne thrug the flyx & dyuers other se∣kenes toke theyr dethe. ¶And also in the sa¦me yere in the Marche was seen stella Come ta bytwene the north costes & ye west whoos be∣mes stretched towarde fraunce. ¶And in the next yere folowynge of kyng Edwardes regne xliii. in Apryll syr Lyonell kynge Edwardes sone that was duke of Clarnece wente to war¦de Melayne with a chosen meyne of the gētyls of Englonde for to wedde Galoys doughter & haue hyr to hys wyfe / by whom he sholde haue half ye lordshyp of Melayne but after that they were solemply wedded and about ye Natyuyte of our lady the same duke of Melayne deyed. And in the same yere / frensshmen brake the pe∣as & the trewes rydynge on ye kyng{is} grounde & lordshyp of Englond in the shyre & countre of Puūtyfe / & token & helde castell & townes / & be¦re the Englysshmen on honde falsly & subtyll that they were cause of brekynge of trewes. & in thys same yere deyed the duches of Lācastre and is buryed worshypfully in saynte Poules chyrche. ¶The .xliiii. yere of kyng Edwardes regne was the gretest pestylence of men and of grete bestes & by the grete fallynge of waters yt felle at that tyme / there fell grete hyndrynge & destroyenge of corne in so moche that ye next ye¦re after a busshell of whete was solde for .xl.d. ¶And in thys same yere about the laste ende of Maye kynge Edwarde helde tho his parle∣ment at westmyster in whiche parlement was treated & spoken of the othe & trewes that was brokē bytwene hym and the kynge of / fraunce & how he myght be auenged vpon his wronge ¶In this same yere in the Assumpcyō of our lady deyed quene Phylyp of Englonde a fulle noble & gode lady & at westmyster full worshyp fully is buryed and entered And aboute mydso¦mer ye duke of Lancastre & the erle of Herforde with a grete company of knyghtes wente into fraunce where as they gate them but lytel wro¦shyp & name / for there was a grete hoste of the frensshenmen vppon Calkhull brydge / and an other hoste of Englyssemen faste by the same brydge that lōge tyme had lyued there And ma¦ny worthy & grete men of Englonde ordeyned & yaf counseyll for to fyght & yaf batayll to the frensshemen but the forsayd lordes wolde not consent therto for no maner thynge. ¶And a¦none after it happened that ye erle of warwyke come thyderwarde for to warre / and whan the frensshmen herde of his comynge of that he ca¦me fully to londe they left theyr tentes & pauy∣lyous wyth all theyr vytayls & fledde & went a waye pryuely. And whan the erle was comē to londe wyth his men he went in all hast towar∣de Normandy & destroyed the yle of Caux with strenthe of swerde and thrugh fyre But alas in his retornynge to Englond warde home ayen at Calys he was taken with sykenes of pesty∣lence & deyed not leuynge behynde hym after his dayes soo noble a knyght of armes. ¶In whyche tyme regned & warred ye noble knyght syr Iohn̄ Hawkewod yt was an Englysshman borne / hauynge with hym at his gouernaunce the white cōpany that is a forsayde. yt whiche o tyme ayenst holy chirche & an other tyme ayen¦ste lordes warred & ordeyned grete batayls and there ī that same coūtre he dyde many merueyl¦lous thynges. ¶And aboute the cōuercyon of saynt Poule the kyng whan he had ended & do¦ne the entrynge & exequyes wyth greate costes and ryaltes about ye sepulture of & buryeng of quene Phylyp his wyf he helde a parlement at westmyster in whyche parlement was axed or ye clergye a thre yeres dyme / that is for to saye a grete dyme to payed thre yere durynge / & the clargye put it of and wolde not graunte it vnto Ester next comynge / & than they graunted wel that in thre yere by certayne termes that dyme sholde be payed and also of the laye fee was a thre yere .xv. graunted to the kynge. ANd in the .xlv. yere of kynge Edward in the begynnynge kynge Edwarde with vnwyse counseyll & vndyscrete borowed a grete sōme of golde of the prelates marchaun¦tes & other ryche men of his reame saynge that it sholde despended in defendyn he of holy chyr∣che & of his reame netheles it profyted no thyn¦ge / wherfore aboute mydsomer after he made a grete host of the worthyest men of hys reame Amōges whom were some lordes yt is to say the lorde Fytzwater & the lord graunson and other worthy knyght{is} of whyche knyght{is} the kynge ordeyned syr Robert Knolles a proude knyt and a welle assayd in dedes of armes for too be gouerneur / & that thrugh his counseyl & gouer¦naunce all thynge shold be gouerned & dressed And whan they come into / fraunce as longe as they dwelled & helde them hole togyder yt fren∣shemen durste not fall vpon them. And att the laste about ye begynnynge of wynter for enuye & couetyse that was amōge them / and also dys∣corde they sondred & parted them into dyuerse cōpanyes vnwysely & folesly. But syr Robert Knolles & hys men wente & keped thym saufe within a castell in Brytayne. And whan the frensshmen sawe yt our men and felaushyp we¦re diuyded into dyuerse companyes and places not holdynge ne strengthynge thym togyders as they out for to do / they felle fyersly on oure men / & for the moost partye toke them or slewe thē. & tho that they might take ledde with them prysoners. ¶And in ye same yere pope Vrban came fro rome to Auynyon for this cause that he sholde accorde & made peas bytwene ye kyn∣ge of Fraūce & the kynge of Englond for euer more. But alas or he began his treates he dey¦ed wyth ye sekenesse the .xxi day of Decembre / and was buryed as for the tyme in the cathe∣drall chyrche of Auynyon fast by the hygh aw¦ter. and the nexte yere after whan he had lyen so his bones were taken out of the erth & bury¦ed new in the abbay of saynt vyctorye fast by Marcylle / of the whiche abbaye he was somty¦me abbot hymself. And in both places that he was baryed in there he many grete myrcales done & wrough thrugh the grace of almighty god to many mānes helpe & to the worshyp of god almghty. ¶And after whom folowed nex¦te and was made pope Gregorye Cardynalle Deken that before was called Pyers Roger. ¶In the same yere Lymoge rebelled & faught ayenst the prynce as other cytes dyde in Guy∣hem for grete taxes cossages & raunsons yt they were put and sete to by prynce Edwarde / why¦che charges were importable / wherfore they turned fro hym and fellen to the kynge of Fra∣unce. And whan prynce Edwarde this he was sore chafed & agreued / and in hys tornynge ho¦me warde ayen in to Englonde with sore scar musshes and fytynge and grete sautes fought with theym and toke the forsayd cytee and de∣stroyed it almoost to the grounde and slewe all that he founde in the cyte. And than for to say the sothe for dyuerse sekenes & maladyes that he had and also for defaute of money yt he my∣ghte not with stande ne tary on hys enmyes he hyed hym ayen in to Englonde with his wyfe and menye leuynge behynde in Gascoyne the duke of Lancastre & syr Edmond erle of Cam¦brydge wyth other worthy and noble men of armes. ¶In the .xlvi. yere of kynge Edward at the ordynaunce and sengynge of kynge Ed¦warde / the kynge of Nauerne come to hym to Claryngdon to treate wyth hym of certayne thynges touchynge his warre in Normandye where kynge / Edwarde had left certayne sye∣ges in his stede tyll he come ayen. But kynge Edwarde myghte not spede of that that he se∣ked hym. And so the kynge of Nauerne wyth grete worshyp & grete gyftes to his leue & wen¦te home ayen. ¶And abowte begynnynge of Marche whan the parlemente at westmyster was begon the kyng asked of the clergye a sub¦sydye of .l.M. poūde the whiche by a good auy¦sement and by a generall cōuocaōn of the cler¦gye it was graunted & ordeyned that it sholde be payed and reysed of the lay fee. And in thys parlement at the request askynge of the lordes in hatred of men of holy chirche. the Chaunce¦ler & the tresourer that were bysshops and the clerke of the pryue sale. were remeued and put out of offyce & in theyr stede were seculer men put in. And whyle thys parlement lasted there come somlepne embassatours fro the pope to treate with the kyng of peas and sayd that the pope desyred to fulfyll his predecessours wyll but for all theyr comynge they sped not. THe .ix. daye of Iune kynge Edward in the .xlvii. yere of his regne helde his parlemente at whynchestre & it lasted but .viii. dayes / to the whiche parlement were sompned by wryte of men of holy chyrche .iiii. bysshops & .v. abbottes without ony moo. This parle∣ment was holden for marchauntes of London of Norwhiche & of other dyuerse plac{is} in dyuer¦se thynges and poyntes of trason that they we∣re defamed of / that is to saye that they were re∣bell & wolde arise ayenst the kynge this same ye¦re the duke of Lancastre & the erle of Cambryd¦ge his brother come out of Gascoyne into En¦londe & tooke & wedded to theyr wyues peters doughter somtyme kynge of Spayne Of why¦che two doughters the duke had the elder & the erle ye yonger. & that same tyme there were sent two Cardynals fro the pope / that is to saye an Englysshe Cardynall & a Cardynal of Parys to treate of peas bytwene these two reames / yt whyche whan they had ben both longe eche in his prouynce & countreees fast by treatynge of the forsayd peas / att the last they toke with the¦ym the lettes of procuracye & went ayen to Ro¦me without ony effect of theyr purpose. ¶In this yere was there a stronge Batayll in the see bytwene Englysshmen and flemynges and ye Englysshmen had the victory & toke .xxv. shyp¦pes with salt and sleynge and drenchynge all ye mē that were therin vnwetynge they they we∣re of that countree. And moche harme shold ha¦ue fallen therof had not peas & accorde sone be made bytwene them. ¶And in this same yere the frensshmen besyeged the towne of Rochell wherfore the erle Penbroke was sent into gas¦coyne wyth a grete company of men of armes for to dystroye the syege / whyche passed the see and came sauf to the hauen of Rochell / & whan they were there at the hauē mouth or that they myght entre / sodaynly come vpon them a strō¦ge nauye of Spanyardes ye whiche ouercame the Englysshmen in moche blemysshynge hur¦tinge and sleynge of many people for as moche as the Englysshmen were than not redy for to fyght ne were ware of them. And as the Span¦yerdes came vpon them all the Englysshmen other they were takē or slayne / and .x. of theym were sore woūded to the deth and all theyr shyp¦pes brente / and there they toke the erle wyth a grete tresour of the reame of Englōde and ma∣ny other noble mē also on mydsomer euen the whiche is saȳt Edeldred{is} daye and ledde them with them into Spayne. And of this mysche∣yf was no grete wonder for this erle was a full ylle lyuer as an open lechoure And also in a cer¦tayne parlemente he stode and was ayenst the ryghtes & fraunchyse of holy chyrche And also he counseylled the kyng and counseyll that he shold axe mo of men of holy chyrche than other persones of the laye mē. And for the kynge and other men of hys counseyll accepted and tooke rather ylle opynyons and causes ayenste men of holy chyrche than he dyd for to defende and mayntene the ryght of holy chyrche / it was af¦ter seen many tymes for lacke of fortune & gra¦ce they had not ne bare awaye so grete vycto∣ry ne power ayenst theyr enmyes as they dyd before. ¶This same yere the kyng with a gre¦te host entred the see to remeue the syege of Ro∣chell / but the wynde was euer contrarye vn∣to hym and suffred hym not lōge tyme to go fer fro the londe / wherfore he abode a certayne ty¦me vpon the see costes abydynge after a good wynde for thē & yet come in not So at ye last he come thens with his mē to lond warde ayen. & anone as he was a londe yt wynde began to tor¦ne & was in an other cost than he was afore. SOone after in the .xlviii. yere of the reg¦ne of kynge Edwarde the duke of Lan¦castre with a grete power went into / flaundres & passed by Parys thrugh Burgon & thrughe all / fraunce tyll he came vnto Burdeux with∣out ony maner wythstandynge of the / frensshe¦men \ and he dyde them but lytell harme saufe he toke & raunsoned many places & townes & many men & lette theym go after frely. The sa¦me yere the kyng sent certayne embassatours to ye pope prayenge hym that he sholde leue of & medle not in his court of the kepīge and reser∣uacyōs of benefyc{is} in Englonde. And that tho that were chosē to bysshoppes sees & dignetees frely & wyth full myght Ioy & haue & be confer¦med to the same of theyr metropolytans & Ar∣chebysshops as they were wonte to be of olde tyme Of these poyntes and of other touchynge the kyng & his reame / whan they had theyr an¦swer of the pope / the pope enioyned them that they sholde certefy hym ayen by theyr letter of ye kynges wyll & of hys reame or they determy∣ned ought of the forsayd artycles In this same yere deyed Iohan the Archebysshop of yorke / Iohan bysshop of Ely / wyllyam byssop of wor¦cestre. In whoos stedes folowed & were made bysshops by auctoryte of pope. master. Alexan¦der Neuyll to the Archebysshop of yorke. Tho¦mas of Arūdell to the bysshopryche of Ely. and syr Henry wakfelde to the bysshopryche of wor¦cestre. In the whiche tyme it was ordened in ye parlement that all Cathedrall chyrches shold Ioy & haue theyr eleccōns hole & yt the kyng fro that tyme afterwarde shold not wrytte ayenst thē that were chosen / but rather helpe them by his letters to theyr confyrmacyon & this statu¦te dyd moche profyte. ¶And in this parlemēt was graūtyd to the kynge a dyme of the clergy & a .xv. of lay fee. ¶In the .xlix. of the regne of kyng Edward deyed Mayster wyllyam wyt∣lesey Archebysshop of Caunterbury & the mō¦kes of the same chirche asked and desyred a car¦dynall of Englonde to be Archebysshop. & ther¦fore the kyng was agreued & ment & purposed to haue exyled the mōkes of the same. and they spended moche good or they myght haue ye kyn¦ges grace ayen & his loue but yet wold the kyn¦ge not consent ne graunt to theyr eleccōn of ye Cardynall ne of the pope also ne his Cardynal¦les. ¶And at the begynnyge of August it was treated & spoken at Bruges of certayne poyn∣tes / and artycles hangynge bytwene the pope and the kynge of Englond / this treates lasted almoost too yere. And at the laste it was accor¦ded bytwene theym that the pope fro that ty∣me forth sholde not vse ne dele wyth the reser∣uacyons of benefytes in Englonde / and that the kynge sholde not graunt ne lette no benefy¦ces by hys wrytte yt is called (Quare impedyt) But as touchynge the eleccion abouesayd the¦re was noo thynge touched ne done. And that was wyted and put vpon certayne clerkes the whiche rather supposed and hoped to be auaū¦ced & promoted to bysshhpryches whiche they desyred and coueyted by the court of Rome ra¦ther than by ony other eleccyons / ¶This sa∣me yere about Candelmasse there mette togy∣der att Bruges many noble & worthy men of bothe sydes and reames to trete of peas bitwe¦ne tho two kynges. And this tretes lasted two yere with grete costes & large expensens of bo∣the partyes. And at the laste they went & depar¦ted thens without ony accorde or effecte. The next yere after the .l. yere of kynge Edward ye .iiii. Non̄ of May beynge yet voyde & vacaunt the Archebysshopryche of Caunterbury may∣ster Symonde sudbery bysshoppe of London was made Archebysshop & mayster wyllyam courteney that was bysshop of Herforde was than made bysshop of London / & the bysshop of Bangor was made bysshop of Herforde. ¶And this same tyme in a certayne treates & spekynge of peas trewes was taken bytwene them of Fraūce & Englonde fro mydsomer to mydsomer come ayen an hole yere & about the begynnyng of Aprell ye duke of brytayne wyth many erles barons and worthy lordes & men of Englond went ouer see in to Brytayn whe¦re he hathe had all his luste desyre & purpose ne had the for sayd trewes be soo soone taken the whiche letted them. ¶This same tyme the yle of Constantyne where that the castell of saynt Saueour is in. that longe tyme was foughten at & besyeged of the Frensshmen than yelde to the Frensshmen with al the apportenaūtes in to grete harme & hyndrynge of ye reame of En∣glonde And thys same yere there were so grete and so passynge hetes & ther with all a gret pes¦tylence in Englonde & in other dyuerse party∣es of he worlde yt it destroyed & slewe vyolent¦ly & strōgly both men & wymen without nom∣bre. Thys same yere deyed syr Edwarde ye lor¦de spencer a worthy knyghte & a bolde & in the mynster of Teukesbury worshipfully is bury¦ed. And lastynge this pestilence the pope at the instaunce and prayer of an Englysshe Cardy∣nale graunted to all people that deyed in Eng¦londe that were sory & repentaūt for theyr syn¦nes and also shryuē full remyssyon by two bul¦les vnder lede .vi. monethes than next to last. ¶In this same yere the erle of Penbroke was taken & raūsoned bi Bartram Clayken bytwe¦ne Parys & Calays as he come towarde Eng∣lond vpon saynt Atheldredes day yt whiche sa¦ynt as it was sayd the erle oftentymes had affē¦ded / and within a lytyll whyle after he deyed. ¶And in Nouembre next after there mette at Bruges the duke of Lancastre and the duke of Angoy with many other lordes and prelates of bothe reames for to treate of peas. NOt longe after the .li. yere of Kyng Ed¦wardes regne he lette ordeyne & holde at westmynster the grettest parlement yt was seen many a yere afore. In the whiche parlemente he asked of the comynaltee of the reame as hee had done afore a grete subsydye to be graunted to hym for defēdynge of hym and of his reame but ye comunes answerd that they were soo of¦te daye by daye greued & charged with so mani talags & subsydyes yt they myght no lēger suf∣fre noo suche burthōs and charges & that they knewe & wyst well ynough that the kynge had ynough for sauynge of hym and of hys reame yf the reame were well & truely gouerned / But that it had bee soo longe euyll gouerned by ylle offycers / that the reame myght nother be plen∣teuous of chaffre & marchaundyse ne also with rychesse. And in these thynges they profyred themself yf the Kyng wolde certaynly to preue it and stande by. and yf it were foundē and pro¦ued afterwarde that the Kynge had nede they wolde gladly euery man after hys power and state hym helpe and lene. And after this were publysshed & shewed in the parlemente many playntes and defautes of dyuers offycers of ye reame and namely of the Lorde Latymer the kynges chamberlayne bothe to the Kynge and eke to the reame. ¶And also att the laste there was spoken & treated of dame Alyce Pers for the grete wronges & euyll gouernaunce yt was done by hyr counseyl in the reame The whiche dame Alyce pers that ye kyng had holden longe tyme to hys lemman wherfore it was the laste wonder though thrugh the frealter of the wo∣mans excytynge & hyr steringe he consented to hyr lewdnesse & euyll coūseyl the whiche dame Alyce & also the lorde Latymer & other suche ye meued the kynge to euyll gouernaunce ayenst his profyte & the reame also / all the comynalte asked & desyred that they sholde be remeued & put awaye and in theyr stedes wyse mē & wor∣thy that were trewe & wel assaied & proued and of good gouernaunce. sholde be put in theyr ste¦des. So amonge al other there was one amon¦ge the comunes that a wyse knyght and a tre∣we / and an eloquent man whoos name was Pers delamare. And this same pers was cho¦sen to be speker for the comunes in the parlea∣ment And for this same Pers tolde and publys¦shed the trouthe and rehersed ye wronges ayen¦ste the forsayd dame Alyce & other certayne per¦sones of the kynges counseyll as he was bydde by the comyns. ¶And also trustynge moche to be supported & mayntened in thys mater by helpe & fauour of the. prynce anone as the pryn¦ce was dede att the instaunce & requeste of the forsayd dame Alyce / thys Pers de amare was Iugyd to perpetual pryson in the castell of No¦tyngham. ¶And in the .vi. kal. of Iule lastyn∣ge ye same parlemente deyed prynce Edwarde kynge Edwardes fyrst sone / that is to saye in trynyte sonday in worshyp of whyche feste he was wōte euery yere where that euer he were ī ye worlde to holde and made the moost solēpny¦te that he myght. whos name & fortune of kny∣ghthode but yf it had be of an other Ector alle men bothe crysten & hethen whyle that he liued & was in good poynt wōdred moche and drad¦de hym wonder soore / whoos body is worshyp¦fully buryed in Crychyrche at Caunterbury. And in this same yere the mē and the erles tena¦untes of warwyk arose malycyously ayenst ye abbot & couent of Euesham & theyr tenauntes. & destroyed thabbaye. & the towne & woūded & bete theyr men & slewe many of theym / & wen∣te to theyr maners & places & dyde moche har∣me / and brake downe ther parkes & closes & sle¦we theyr wylde bestes & chaced them brekynge theyr fysshe poundes & hedes & lete the water of theyr pondes stewes & ryuers renne out & toke the fysshe & bare it with them. and dyde theym all the sorowe that they myght. in so ferforthe that forsoth they had destroyed perpetuall that abbay with all theyr membres & apportenaun¦ces but yf the kynge the soner had not holpen it & taken hede therto. & therfore the kyng sent his letters to ye erle of warwyk chargyng hym & cōmaūdynge hym that he sholde stynt redres¦se & amende tho euyll doers & brekers of his pe¦as. and so by meanes of lordes & other frendes the peas was made bitwene them. and for this hurtynge as it is sayd ye kynge wolde not be go¦uerned as that tyme bi his lordes that there we¦re in ye parlement. but he toke & made his sone the duke of Lancastre his gouerneur of the rea¦me / the whiche stode soo styll as gouernour tyl ye tyme that he dyed. ¶The same yere after. cā¦delmasse or the parlement was done / the Kyn∣ge asked a subsidye of the clargy & of the lay fee & it was graūtyd hȳ / that is to say that he shol∣de haue of euery persone of ye lay fee both man and woman that passed fourtene yere of aege foure pēs out takē pore beggers that were kno¦wen openly for nede pore beggers. ¶And that he shold haue of euery man of the holy chyrche that was benefyced or promoted twelue pens and all other that were not promoted iiii. pens out taken the .iiii. ordres of the frere beggers This same yere after Myghelmasse Rychar∣de prynce Edwardes sone was made prynce of wales to whom the kyng gaf ye duchy of cor¦newayle with ye erldom of chestre. And about this tyme ye Cardynale of Englond ye .iiii. day before mary Mawdalenes day after dyner so¦daynly was smyte with the paslye and loste his speche / & on mary Mawdalens daye deyed. Ryght anone after in the .lii. yere of Kyn∣ge Edward in the begynnynge of Oc¦tobre pope Gregorye the .ix. broughte & reme∣ued his courte wyth hym from Auyyon to co¦me. ¶And the .xii. daye of Apryl. Iohan Mon¦sterwarthe. Knyght att London was drawen & hangyd & than quartred & sent to four cheyf townes of Englond & his heed smyten of & sete vpon londen brydge / for this same Iohn̄ was full vntrewe to the kynge and to ye reame & co¦ueytous & vnstable / for he tooke oftymes grete sōmes of money of the kynge & his coūseyll for men of armes wages that he sholde haue pa¦ed them & tooke it to his owne vse / & he dradde that att the laste he sholde be shent & accused for the same cause and fled pryuely to the kyng of Fraunce & was sworne to hym & become hys man and behyghte hym a greate nauye out of Spayne in to confucyon & destroynge of Eng¦londe / But the ryghtfull god to whom no pre∣uyte is vnknowen suffred hym fyrst to beshen¦te & spylt or that he so traytoursly and falsly be¦trayed hys lyege lorde the kynge of Englonde and his peple in hys reame in the whiche groū¦de this same Iohn̄ was borne & wyckydly thru¦ghe batayll destroyed or he brought about hys cursed purpose. In the feest of Saynt George tho next kynge Edwarde gaaf to Rychard of Burdeux his heyr yt was prynce Edwardes so¦ne at wyndsore thordre of knughthode & made hym knyght the whyche kyng Edward whan he had regned .li. yere the .xi. kal of Iune he dey¦de at Shene & is buryed worshypfully at west¦myster on whos soule god haue mercy. Thys kynge Edwarde was for soth of a passynge go¦denes & full gracyous amonge all the worthy men of the worlde for he passed & shone by ver¦tue of grace gauen to hym from god aboue all his predecessours yt were noble men & worthy and he was a well harted man & an hardy / for he drade neuer no myshappes ne harmes ne e∣uyll fortune yt myght fall a noble warryoure & a fortunate / for both on londe & see & in all ba∣tayls & assembles with a passinge glory & Ioy he had the vyctory he was meke & benygne ho¦mely sobre & soft to all mē as well to straūgers as to his owne subgettes & to other yt were vn¦der his gouenaūce. He was deuoute & holy bo∣the to god & hooly chyrche / for he worshypped holpe & mayntened holy chirche & theyr myny¦stres wyth all maner reuerence / he was treata¦ble & well auysed in temporall & worldly nedes wyse in counseylle & dyscrete & meke to speke with / in his dedes & maners gentyll and well taught / hauynge pyte of them that were in dy¦seace / plecteuous in geuynge of bene faytes & almoses besy & curyous in bayldynge / & lyght¦ly he bare & suffred wronges and harmes and whan he was gyuen to ony occupacyon he lef¦te all other thynge for the tyme & tended ther to semely of body and a meyne stature / hauynge al waye to hyghe & to lowe a good chere. And here spronge and shone so moche grace of hym that what man had beholde hys face or had dre¦med of hym he roged that daye that all thynge sholde hap to hym Ioyfull and lysynge. And he gouerned hys kyngdome gloryously vnto his aege / he was large in geuynge and wys in spentes / he was fulfylled wyth all his honeste of good maners and vertues / vnder whom to lyue it was as for to regne. wherfore hys fader and his loos spronge so ferre that it came in to hethenes & Barbary shewynge and tellynge his worthynes & manhode in alle londes / and that no londe vnder heuen had brought forthe so noble a kynge soo gentyll and soo blessyd or myght reyse suche an other whan he was dede Neuertheles lechery and meuynge of his fles∣she hauntyd hym in his aege / wherfore the ra¦ther as it is to suppose for vnmesurable fulfyl¦lynge of his luste his lyfe shorted the soner. ¶And hereof take good hedelyke as his dedys bereth wymesse for as in hys begynnynge alle thynges were Ioyfull & lykynge to hym / and to all people. And in hys myddel aege he passed all people in hyghe Ioye worshyp and blyssyd¦nes. Ryght soo whan he drewe in to aege dra∣wynge donwarde thrughe lechery and other synnes lytell and lytell alle tho Ioyfull & bles∣syd thynges and prosperite decreasyd and mys¦shcaped and vnfortunate thinges and vnpro¦fytable harmes with many euyls began for to sprynge and the more harme ys yt contynued longe tyme after. CLemens the .vi. was pope after Bene∣dict .x. yere / thys man in name and dede was vertuous / and many thynges that Bene¦dict was rygous in / he made easy / and certay∣ne that he depryued he restored / and the rygou∣senes of the fayth of Benedict was laudable But moche more laudable was the mekenesse of Clement. This man was a noble prechour and many sermons he gadred / and lete noo mā passe frome hym but he gaaf hym good coun∣seyll / and decessyd a blessyd man. ¶Karolus the .iiii. was Emperour after Lodewyk .xxxi. yere. Chis man was kynge of Beme a wyse man and a myghty. And this man was chosen Emperour by the cōmaundement of Clemens Lodewyk beynge a lyue in his contemacy / and bycause he asked mekely the poopes blessynge and too be crowned of hym as other good kyn∣ges dyde. therfore he was protected of god and preueyled ouer all his enmyes. And many fa∣uourable lawes he made spyrytuall men / the whiche yet are called Karolma / att the laste he decessed a ryche man in vertue and gooddes· ¶Innocentius the .vi. was pope after Clemē∣te .x. yere / and he was a grete louer of relygous men and he founded a monestery in Fraunce of the ordre of Cartusyens. and was a greate canonyst. ¶Vrbanus the .v. was pope after Innocent. this man was abbot of Myssolens of the ordre of Saynt Benet a doctour and is taken for a saynt. he made the crosse too be pre∣ched ayenst the Turkes / and he made a passa∣ge to the Turkes / And to hym saynt Brygt was sente frome Cryste for the confyrmacyon of theyr rule and thanne he was poysened and decessyd. ¶Gregory the .ix. was pope after hym .viii. yere This Gregory dyd lytell. And after hym folowed the trybulacyon the whiche our lorde shewed to saynt Brygyt for the syn∣ne of the clargye ¶Venselaus sone to Karo∣lus a forsayd was Emperoure .xiiii. yere. And he was a chylde and was chosen whan hys fa∣der was on lyue / but he tooke no kepe of them pyre / and whan he was warned many tymes for to take hede vnto it and wolde not. He was deposed / For he gaaf all his delyte and luste to lechery / and hys ende was without honour for he wente gretly from the maners and the ver∣tues of hys noble fader. And he was crowned with themperyall dyademe. and the wysdome of his fader passed into Sygysmonde his bro¦ther as after it shall appyre. ¶Trbanus was pope after Gregory .vi. yere / this Vrban was chosen in the cytee of Rome by the strenth of ye Romayns but the Cardynals dyde yt fo. drede & not wyllyngly / Wherfore they fled vnto the Cyte of Foundorū And they sayd yt he was not pope / & chose in his place syr. Robert of Geben¦nys the same yere the whiche was called Cle∣ment the .vii· ¶Nota. And here began ye .xii. stryfe in the chyrche. And it was more worse than euer was ony other before / for it was soo subtyll / that ye wysest mē that were & ye beste of conscyence coude not deserue wyth whome it was best to saye & to holde. And this stryfe du¦red xl. yere with a grete sclaunder vnto the cler¦gye and greate peryll vnto mennys soules for heresyes and other euyll thynges the whyche were brought in than. In so moche that there was no doctryne in the chirche for mysdoynge and therfore frome this daye Vrbane the .vi. vnto Martyne I knowe not who was pope. ¶The feest of the vysytacōn of our lady was ordeyned by Vrbane the .vi. after the fourme of the sacramente of the awter for a peas & an vnyte to be had amonge them thrugh the me∣rytees of our blessyn lady. ¶Bonefacias the ·ix. was pope after Vrbane .xv yere. ¶This Boneface was chosen at Rome in the stede of Vrbane / & the stryfe contynued For Benedic¦tys was chosen in Auynyon in the place of cle¦ment and was calld Petrus de luna & he du∣red to the counseyll of Constantinus / & thenne he wolde not obaye but euer abode obstynate. And at the laste he decessed in the Kyngdom of Aragon. And he commaunded his Cardynals to these an other pope the whyche they dyde a∣none. And they sete vpon an ydoll and named hym Clement / but they profyted not. ANd after the gode kynge Edward the thyrde that was borne at wyndesore re¦gned Rycharde the seconde that was the good syr Edwardes sone / prynce of wales. the why¦che kynge Rycharde was borne in the cyee of Burdeux in Gascoine / & was crowned at west¦mynster in the .xi. yere of hys aege. And in the secōde yere of his regne / for ye debate that was bytwene the lorde Latymer and syr Rauf Fe∣ryers knyght that was ayenst Hawell & Sa¦kell squyre for ye prysoner yt was take in Spay∣ne / by these two squyres / and the whiche pryso¦ner the lorde Latymer and syr Rouf Feryers wolde haue had / the whyche prysoner was the Erle of Dene that they tooke in the batayll of Spayne / wherfore these two lordes come into the chyrche att westmynster and they founde thys one squyre to herynge his masse besyde sa¦ynt Edwardes shryne & there they sawe hym yt whiche was called Hawell. ¶And Shakell was arested & put into the Toure of London And there he was longe tyme for he wolde not delyuer the erle of Dene his prysoner vnto the¦se two lordes / by syr Aleyn Burhyll constable of the Towre / and by Syr Raufe Feryes one of hys aduersaryes / tyll the kynge had graun∣ted hym grace. ¶In the thyrde yere of kynge Rycharde came the Galays of▪ fraunce into Englonde vnto dyuerse portes and brent and robbed and slewe moche people of Englonde that ys to saye / at wynchelsee / Rye / & Hastinge Portysmouth. and Hampon \ Stormore and Grauesende / and they dyd moche harme and wente home ayen. And in this same / yere was a parlement holden at westmynster. And atte that same parlement was ordened that euery man woman and chylde that were at the aege of .xiiii. yere and aboue thrugh out all the rea∣me pore folke and other sholde paye to the taa¦ge / foure pens / wherfore came and befel after warde greate myscheyf & moche dysease to all the comynalte of the reame. ¶And in the .iiii. yere of kynge Rychardes regne the comynes arose vp in dyuerse partyes of the reame and dyden moche harme / the whiche tyme they cal¦led the hurynge tyme. ¶And they of Kent & of Estsex made them two cheyftayns for to rule and for gouerne the company of Kente and of Estsex. That one was called Iacke strawe and that other watte Tyler / and they come & assembled theym vppon blacke hethe in Ken∣te. And on Corpus chirsti daye after they came downe South werke / and taken vp the pry∣son hous / that is to saye the kynges bynche & the Marchelsee and delyuerde oute all the pry¦soners. And soo the same daye they came in to London and there they robbed the people and slewe all the alyens that they myghte fynde in the cyte and aboute the cyte and dyspoyled all there gode and made auowe. And on the frye¦daye next folowinge after that was on the mo∣rowe and than they came to the toure of Lon∣don and ye kynge beynge ther in / they fette out of the Toure the Archebysshop of Caunterbu¦ry. syr Symonde Sudbery / and syr Robet ha¦lys hospyteler pryoure and mayster of Sayn Iohans hous / and a whyte frere that was cō∣fessoure vnto kyng Rycharde & brought them vnto the Towre hylle and there they smote of theyr heedes and came agayne in to London and slewe in othe people of the Cytye. ¶And thenne they wente vnto the. Dukes place of Lancastre beyonde saynt Mary of the stron∣de that was called the Sauoy / and there they deuoured and destoyed all the goodes that they therin myght fynde and bare them away and than they brente vp the place. And than after warde they wēte to saynt Iohn̄ without smyth felde & destroyed the godes there & brente vp ye hous to the harde grounde / and wente to west¦mynster and saynt Martyns the graūte & ma¦de them go out of sent wary all that were with in for ony maner of gylthe / And that come vn¦to ye Temple & to al other Innes of men of law and dyspoyle theym & robbe theym of theyr go¦des & also tooke theyr bokes of lawe / & thenne they came to London and brake vp the pryson of Newgate & drofe out all ye prysoners felons and other / & of bothe countrees and all the peo¦ple that were wyth in theym and destroyed all the bokes of the counters. And thus they con∣tynued both saterdaye & sonday vnto the mon¦daye next after in all their malyce and wyckyd¦nes. ¶And than on mondaye kynge Rychar∣de with his lorde that were wyth hym that ty∣me & with the mayer of London wyllyam wal¦worth that was that tyme come wythe the al¦dermen and the comunes of the cyte / & they co¦me in to South werke to here and to know the entoncyon of these rebelles & mysgouered pe¦fple. And this Iacke strawe made a crye in the elde that all tke people of accorde sholde come nerer and here his claymours & his crye & hys wyll. And the lordes and the mayer and the al¦dermen mith the comynaltee hauynge indyg∣nacōn of his rouetyse & falsnes & his foule pre¦sumpcōn / Anone wyllyam walworth that ty¦me beynge mayer drewe out his knyfe & slewe Iacke straw / & anone ryght smote of his hede & sete it vppon a spere & so it was borne thrugh London and sette vpō London brydge. Anone these rysers & mysgouerned peple were vanys∣shed as it had not be they / & thenne the kyng of his greate goodnesse & by prayer of hys lordes made there .vi. knyghtes of good & worthy mē of the cyte of London / yt is to say wyllyam wal¦worthe art ye tyme mayer & slewe Iacke strawe and the seconde was Nycholas brembre / and the thyrde Iohan Phylipot / & ye fourth Nycho∣las twyforde / and the fyfte Robert laundes / & the syxte Robert gayton. And than the kynge wyth hys lordes and knyghtes retorned ayen to the tour of London and there he rested hym tyll hys people were better cessed and sette in reste and peas. And than by processe of tyme as they myght take and gete these rebelles and rysers they honge theym vppon the nexte galo∣thrugh out euery lordshyp in the reame of En∣glōd by .xl. by .xxx. by .x. and by .xii. euer as they myght be gotē and taken in ony partyes. And in the .v. yere of kynge Rychardes regne was the grete erth quake and was generall thrugh out the world the wenesbaye after wytsonday in the yere of our lorde .M.CCC.lxxxxi. wher¦fore all maner people were sore agast and afer∣de longe tyme for drede of vengeaūge that our lorde shewed and dyd. ¶And in the .vi. yere of kyng Rychard / then syr Henry spēser bysshop of Norwiche wente with a grete cōpany ouer see into Flaundres and there they gete the tow¦ne of Grauynge and the towne of burbrugge Dunkerk and Newport and there they laded and fraughted .li. shippes with pelage for to ha¦ue comen into Englond with these shyppes & goodes. And the bysshop of Norwiche and his counseyll lete brenne these shyppes with al the plege in the same hauen all into harde asshes & att Dunkerk was done a grete batayll bytwe∣ne the Flemynges and the Englysshemen. And at that batayll were slayne a grete multy∣tude of the Flemynges and a grete nōbre. And thā went ye bysshop with hys retenue to sypers and besyeged it a longe tyme but it myght not be goten. And so left that syege and came ayen into Englonde / for oure Englysshmen were fouly destroyed and many deyed on the flyx. & in this yere come quene Anne into Englonde for to be spoused to kynge Richarde and hyr fa¦der was Emperour of almayne & kyng of Be¦me / & with hyr come the duke of Tassy hyr vn¦cle and many other worthy lordes & knyghtes of hyr countree of Beme and of other duche tonges to doo hyr reuerence and worshyp. And syr Symonde beuerle a worthy knyght of the garter and other knightes and squyres that we¦re the kynges embassatoures broughte hyr in to Englonde and soo forthe to London· And the people of the cyte / that is to saye the mayer and the aldermen and alle comynes roden a∣yenste hyr to welcome hyr. And euery man in goode araye and euery crafte wyth hys myn∣stralsye in the beste manere wyse and mette wyth hyr on the blacke hethe in Kente and soo brought hyr vnto London thrugh the cyte & so forthe vnto westmynster vnto the kynges pa∣lays. And there she was spoused vnto kynge Rycharde well and worthely in the abbaye of westmynster and there she was crowned que∣ne of Englonde. And all hyr trendes that came with hyr haddē grete gyftes and were well che¦rysshed & refresshed as longe tyme as they abo¦den there. ¶And in thys same yere there was a batayll done in the kynges palays at westme¦ster for certayne poyntes of treason bytwene syr Iohan Ansley knyght defendaūt / & Carton squyre the appellaunt. But thys syre Iohan of Ansley ouercame this Carton & made hym to yelde hym wythin the lystes. And anone was this Carton dyspoyled of his harneys & drawē out of the lystes and so forth vnto Tyburne & there he was hangyd for his falsnesse. ¶And in the .viii. yere / of the regne of kynge Rychar¦de the seconde / syr Edmonde of Langley the. Erle of Canbrydge kynge Rychardes vncle wente in to Portyngale with a fayr company of men of armes and archers in strengthynge and helpynge the kynge of Portyngale ayenst the kynge of Spayne & hys power / and there the kynge of Portyngale had the victory of his enemyes thrugh helpe & comforth of our En∣glysshmen. And whan that Iourney was do¦ne the erle of Cambridge come home ayē with his people in too Englonde in haste blessed be god his blessyd gyftes Amen· ¶And this same yere kynge Rycharde helde his Crystemas in the maner of Eltam. ¶And the same yere & ty¦me the kyng of armony fledde out of hys owne londe and came into Englond for to haue hel∣pe and socoure of our kynge ayenst hys enmy∣es that hadde dryuen hym out of hys owne re∣ame. And so he was brought vnto the kyng to Eltham there as the kynge helde his ryall feest of Crystmasse. ¶And there our kynge welco¦med hym and dyd moche reuerence & worshyp and commaunded all hys lordes to make hym all the chere that euer they coude. And than he besought the kynge of hys grace and of helpe & of his comforthe in hys nede & that he myghte be brought ayen to his kyngdome and londe. For the Turkes had deuoured and destroyed the moost parte of his londe and how he fled for drede / and come hyder for socoure and hel∣pe. And thenne the kynge hauynge on hym py¦te and compassyon of hys grete myscheyf and greuous dysease anone he tooke hys counseyll and asked what was beste to do. And they an¦swerde and sayde yf it lyked hym to gyue hym ony good it were weldone. And as touchynge hys peple for to trauell so ferre into our londes it were a grete Ieoperdye. And soo the kynge gaf hym golde and syluer and many ryche gyf¦tes and Iewels and betaught hym to god / and so he passed ayen out of Englonde. ¶And in thys same yere kynge Rycharde wyth a ryall power wente into Scotlonde for to warre vp¦pon the Scottes for the falsnes and destruccy¦on that the Scottes had done vnto Englysshe¦men in the Marches. And than the Scottes come downe to ye kynge for to treat wyth hym and with his lordes for trewes as for certayne yeres. And so ouer kynge & his coūseyll gaūted theym trewes for certayne yeres / and our kyn¦ge torned hym ayen in to Englōde. And whan he was comen vnto yorke there he abode and rested hym there syr Iohn Holonde the erle of Kentes broder slewe the erles sone of Staffor∣de and his heyre with a daggar in the cytee of yorke / wherfore the kynge was sore anoyed & greued and remeued thens & came to London And the mayer with the aldermen and the co∣myns with all the solempnyte that myghte be done ryden ayenst the kyng & brought hym ry¦ally thrught the cytye and so for the vnto west∣mynstre to his owne palays. ¶And in the .ix. yere of kynge Rychardes regne he helde a par¦lemēt at westmynster & there he made two du¦kes & a marqueys & fyue erles. The fyrste that mas made duke was the kynges vncle syr Ed¦monde of Langle erle of Cambridge & hym he made duke of yorke / & his other vncle syr Tho¦mas of wodstok that was erle of Bukyngham hym he made duke of Gloucestre. And syr Ly¦onuer yt was erle of Oxford hym he made mar¦queys of Deuelyne. & Henry of Balyngbrok the dukes sone of Lancastre hym he made erle of Derby. And syr Edwarde the dukes sone of yorke hym he made erle of Ruttelond / And syr Iohan Holonde that was the Erle of Kentes broder & hym he dyde make erle of Huntyng∣don· ¶And Syr Thomas Mombraye / hym he made erle of Notyngham and the erle Mar¦shalle of Englond. And syr Mychell de lapole knygh hym he made erle of Southfolke and Chaunceler of Englonde. And the Erle of the Marche at that same parlemēt holden at west¦mynster in playne parlement amonges all the lordes and comyns was proclamed erle of the Marche and heyre Parente to the trowne of Englonde after kynge Rycharde / the whiche erle of the Macche wente ouer see in to Irlon∣de / vnto hys lordshyppes and londes / for the erle of Marche is erle of Vlster in Irlond and by ryght lyne & herytage. And there at the cas∣tell of hys he laye that tyme / and ther came v∣pon hym a grete multytude in busshmentes of wylde Irysshmen for to take hym and destroy hym. & he come oute fyersly of his castell wyth his people and manly faughte with the mans there he was taken & he wen all to peces and so he deyed vpon whos soule god haue mercy. ¶And in the .x. yere of kyge Rychardes reg∣ne the erle of Arundell wente to the see with a greate nauye of shyppes and armed with men of armes and goode archers / And whan they come in the brode see they mette wyth the hole flete that come with wyne lade frome Rochell the whiche wyne were enemyes goodes. And there our nauye sete vpon theym & toke theym all and brught theim vnto dyuerse portes and hauens of Englonde & some to London / & the¦re ye myght haue had a tonne of Rochel wyne of the beste for .xx. shellynges sterlynge / and so we had grete chepe of wyne in Englonde that tyme thanked be god almyghty. ANd in the regne of kyng Richarde the .xi. yere thenne fyue lordes arosen atte Rattecote brydge in the destruccyon of the re∣belles that were ye tyme in all ye reame. ¶The fyrste of these fyue lordes was syr Thomas of wodstoke the kynges vncle & duke of Glouce∣stre / and the seconde was syr Rycharde erle of Arundell / & the thyrde was syr Rycharde erle of warwyk / the fourth was syr Henry Balyn¦brok erle of Derby / the fyft was syr Thomas Monbray erle of Notyngham. And these .v. lordes sawe the myschyef and mysgouernaun∣ce & the falsnes of the kynges counseyll / wher∣fore they that were that time cheyf of the kīges counseyl fled out of his londe ouer see that is to syr say Alysander Neuyll the Archebysshop of yorke / & syr Robert Lewe marqueys of Deue¦lyne & erle of Oxforde & syr Mychell de la pole Erle of Southfolke and Chaunceler of Eng¦londe. And these thre lordes went ouer see & ca∣me neuer ayen for there they deyed. ¶And thā these fyue lordes aboue sayd made a parlemen∣te at westmynster & there they toke syr Robert Tresilyam the Iustyce and syr Nycholl Brem¦bre knyght and cytezeyn of Lōdon & syr Iohn̄ Salysbury a knyght of ye kynges housholde & vske sergeaunt of armes & many moo of other peple were taken and Iuged vnto the deth by the counseyll of these .v. Lordes in that parle¦mēte at westmester for the treasō that they put vpon theym be drawen from ye tour of Lon∣dō thrugh out the cyte & so fourth vnto Tybur¦ne & there they sholde be hanged & theyr throtes to be cutte & thus they were serued and deyed. And after th in thys same parlement at west¦mynster was syr Symonde Beuerle that was a knyghte of the garter & syr Iohn̄ Beauchāp knyght that was stewarde of the kynges hous∣holde / & syr Iames Berners werefore Iuged vnto the deth and than they were ledde on fote to the toure hylle & there were there hedes smy∣ten of and many other moo by these .v. lordes. ¶In this same parlement and in the .xii. yere of kynge Rychardes regne he lette crye & ordey¦ne a generall Iustes that is called a turnement of lordes & knyghtes. And this Iustes & turne¦ment were holden at London in smythfelde of all manere of straūgers of what londe or coun¦tree that euer they were & thyder they were ry∣ghte welcome & to them & too all other was hol¦den opē housholde and grete festes & also grete gyftes were gyuen to all manere of stranges. And of the kynge syde were all of one sute theyr cotes ther armure sheldes hors trappure and all was whyte hertes with cownes abbout the¦yr neckes and chaynes of gold hangynge ther¦vpō and the crowne hangynge lowe before the hertes body / the whyche herte was the kynges leueraye that he gaafe too Lordes and ladyes knyghtes and squyres for to knowe hys hous∣holde frome other people. ¶And in this feest camen to the Iustes .xxiiii. ladyes and ladde. xxiiii. lordes of the garter with chaynes of gold and alle the same sutes of hertes as it is before sayde frome the Toure on horsbacke thrughe the Cytye of London into smytfelde there that the Iustes sholde be holden. ¶And this feeste / and Iustes was holden generalle for al tho that wolde come theder of what londe and nacyon that euer they were. And this was hol∣den durynge .xxiiii. dayes of the kynges costes and these .xxiiii. lordes too answere all manere people that wolde come thyd. And theder came the erle of saynt Poule of fraūce & many other worthy knyghtes wyth hym of dyuerse party∣es full worthely arayed. And out of Holande & Henaude came the lorde Ostruaūt that was ye dukes sone of Holande & many other worthy knyghtes with hym of Holand & full well aray¦ed. And whan this feest & Iustynge was ended the kynge thanked this straungers and gaf thē many ryche gyftes. And so they token theyr le¦ue of the kynge and of other lordes & ladyes & went home ayen into theyr owne coūtres with grete loue and moche thanke. ¶And in ye .xiii. yere of kyng Rychardes regne there was a ba¦tayll done in the kynges palays att westmyn∣ster bytwene a squyer of Nauerne yt was wyth kynge Rycharde / & an other squyre yt was cal∣led Iohn̄ walssh for poȳtes of treasō that thys Nauerne put vppon this walsshman. but this Nauerne was ouercomē & yelde hym recreaūt to his aduersary. And anone he was dyspoyled of his armure and drawē oute of the palays to Tyburne and there was hāged for his falsnes And the .xiiii. yere of kynge Rychardes regne syr Iohan of Gaunt duke of Lancastre wente ouer see into Spayne for to chaleng hys ryght that he had by his wyfes tytle vnto the crowne of Spayne with a grete host of people and mē of armes and archers. and he had with hym duchesse hys wyf and hys thre doughters ouer see into Spayne / & ther they were a grete why∣le / & att the last the kynge of Spayne began to treate with the duke of Lācastre and they were accorded togyder thrugh theyr bothe counseyll in this maner / that ye kynge of Spayne sholde wedde the dukes doughter of Lancastre that was the ryght heyre of Spayne and shold gy¦ue vnto ye duke of Lancastre golde & syluer that were caste into grete wegges and many other Iewels as moche as .viii. charyetes myght ca∣rye. And euery yere after duringe the dukes lyf of Lācastre and of the duches his wyf .x. thou∣sande marke of golde Of whyche golde the a∣uenture & charges sholde be to theym of Spay∣ne & yerely bryng vnto Bayon to the dukes as¦sygnes by suerte made. And also the duke ma∣ryed an other of hys doughters vnto the kyng of Portyngale the same tyme▪ and whā he had done so he come home ayen into Englonde and hys good lady hys wyf also / but many worthy men deyed vpon the flyx. ¶In the .xv. yere of kynge Rychard{is} regne he helde his crystmasse in the manere of wodstok and there the erle of Penbroke a yonge lord and tendre of aege wol¦de lerne to Iuste with a knyghte that was cal∣led syr Iohn̄ of saynt Iohn̄ & roden togyder in the parke of wodstoke. and there this worthy er¦le of Penbroke was slayne with that other kny¦ghtes spere as he caste it from hym whan that they had coupled / & thus the good erle made ye¦re his ende / and therfore the kynge & the quene made moche sorowe for his deth. ¶And in the xvi. yere of kynge Rychardes regne Iohan hē¦de beyng that tyme mayer of London & Iohn̄ wal worth & Henry vanner beynge shreues of London / that same tyme a bakers man bare a basket of hors brede in to Fletstrete to warde an hostre and there came a yonge man of the bysshop of Salysbury that was called Roma¦yn and he toke a bors lofe out of the basket of ye bakers / & he asked hym why he dyde soo / and this Romayn torned ayen & brake the bakers heed / And neyghbours came out and wold ha¦ue arested thes Romayn & he brake from them & fledde to his lordes place & ye Constable wol∣de haue hym out / but the bysshops men shette fast the yates & kept the place yt no man myght entre and than moche more people gadred thy¦der and sayd that they wolde haue hym out or els they wolde brenue vp ye place and alle that were wyth in / And than came the mayer and shreues wyth moche other people & cessyd the malyce of the comyns & made euery man to go home to there hoses and kepe peas. And thys Romayns lord the bysshop of Salysbury may¦ster Iohan waltham that at ye tyme was treso¦rer of Englonde when syr Thomas Arundell Archebysshop of yorke & Chaunceler of Eng∣londe / & there the bysshop made hys complayn¦te vnto the Chaunceler on the peple of the cyte of Lōdon. And than these two bysshops of gre¦te malyce & vengeaunce come vnto the kynge at wyndesore & made a greate cōplaynt vpon the mayer and shreues. And anone all the cyte after warde came before the kynge & his coun¦seyll / and they caste vnto the Cytye a greuous herte and a wonder grete malyce / And anone sodeynly ye kyng sent after ye mayer of Lōdon and for the two shreues / & they came to hym vnto the castell of wyndsore. And the kynge re¦buked the mayer and shreues full foule for the offence that they had done ayenst hym & his of¦fycers in hys chambre at London / wherfor he deposed and put out the mayer and bothe shre∣ues / and this was done the .xiiii. dayes afore ye feest of saynt Iohn̄ Baptyst. And than ye kyn∣ge called to hym a knyght that was called syre Edwarde dalyngrygge & made hym wardey∣ne & gouernour of the cyte and chambre of Lō¦don & ouer all hys people ther in. And so he kep¦te that offyce but foure wekes bycause that he was so gentyl & tendre to the Cytezens of Lon¦don / wherfore the kynge deposed hym & made syr Bunde wyne radyngton knyght that was Conrtrouller of the kynges houshold wardey¦ne & gouernour of his chambre of his people ther in / and chose to hym worthy men of the cy¦te to be shreues wyth hym to gouerne & kepe ye kynges lawes in the cyte / that one was called Gelbert Mawefelde & that other Thomas ne wenton shreues. And than ye mayer & the two shreues and all the aldermen wyth all the wor∣thy craftes of London wente on foot vnto the toure of London / & there came out the Cones∣table of the towre & gaaf the mayer and ye shre¦ues theyr othe & charge as they sholde haue ta¦ken in the Escheker of westmynster in ye kyn∣ges court of his Iustyces & Barons of the Es∣cheker & than went they home ayen. And than the kynge & hys counseyll for the grete malyce and despyte yt they had to the Cyte of London remeued all his courtes from westmynster vn¦to the Cyte of yorke / yt is to saye the Chaūceler the Escheker the kynges bynche & the comune place / & there they helde all these courtes of la∣we fro mydsomer / that is to saye the feest of sa¦ynt Iohn̄ Baptyst vnto the feest of Crystmas¦se next comynge. And than the kynge and hys counseyll sawe it not so proffytale there. as it was at London / than anone he remeued yt a∣yen to Lōdon and soo to westmynster for grete ease of his offycers & a vauntage to the kyng & all the comunes of the reame. ¶And whanne the people of London saw and knewe that the¦se courtes were comē ayen / and the kynge and hys people also / than the mayer and the alder∣men with the chyef Comunes of the Cyte ga∣ue a grete somme of golde of all the Comunes of the Cyte / and ordeyned & made grete ryalte¦es ayen hys comynge too London for to haue hys grace good lordshyp and / also theyr lyber∣tees and Fraunchyses geaūted vnto them ayē as they were wonte to haue afore tyme. And thrugh grete instaunce and prayer of the quene and of other lordes and ladyes the Kynge graū¦ted theym grace. And this was done at Shene in Sutherey. And than the Kynge within two dayes after came to London / & the mayer of ye Cyte with the shreues aldermē and all the wor∣thy men of the afterwarde rode ayenst hym in good araye vnto the hethe of hys syde of She∣ne the mayer submyttynge theym homely and mekely with all maner obeyssaunce vnto hym as they oughten too do. And thus he brought ye kynge and the quene to London. And whan ye kynge came to the yate of London brydge the¦re they presenttd hym wyth a mylke whyte ste∣de sadled and brydled and trapped wyth cloth of golde and reed partyed to gyder. and the que¦ne a palfrey alle whyte in the same ararye trap¦pyd with white andreed / and al the conduytes of London ranne wyth wyne both whyte and reed / for all maner people to drynke who wol∣de. And bytwene saynt Poules and the crosse in chepe there was made a stage a ryall stan∣dynge vpon hygh and theyn were many angel¦les with dyuers melodyes & songes. And than an angelle came downe frome the stage on hy∣ghe by a vyce and sete a crowne of golde pyght wyth ryche perles & precyous stones vpon the kynges heed and an other vpon the quenes he∣ed. And soo the cytezeyns / brought the kyng & the quene to westmynster into theyr palays. And than on the morne after the mayer and ye shreues and the aldermen of London camen vnto the kynge to hys palays att westmynster and presente hym with two basyns of syluer & ouergylted full of coyned golde the somme of .xx. hoūdred pounde prayenge hym of his hygh mercy & grace and lordshyp and specyally gra∣ce that they myght haue his good loue with the lybertees. And fraunchyses lyke wyse as they were wōte for to haue before tymes and by his letters patentes and his chartre confermed. And the quene and other worthy lorde and la¦dyes fell on ther knees and besoughte the kyn∣ge of grace to conferme this. Than the kynge toke vp the quene & graunted hyr all hyr asken¦ge. And than they thanked the kynge & the que¦ne & wente home ayen. ¶And in .xvi· yere of kyng Rychardes regne certayn lordes of scot¦londe came into Englond for to gete worshyp as by feet of armes / this were the persones. The erles Marre & he chalēged the erle Mar∣shall of Englond to Iuste with hym certayne poyntes on horsbak wyth sharpe speres & they rode togyder as two worthy knyghtes & lordes certayne courses / but not the full chalenge that the Scottes erle made / for he was calle bothe hors and man & two of hys rybbes brokē with that falle and so he was borne thēs out of smy∣thfelde home to his Inne. And within a lytyll tyme after he was caryed home in a hors lytter and att yorke he deyed. ¶And syr Waylly∣am Darell knyght and the kynges banerer of Scotlonde than made an other chalenge wyth syr Peres courtayne knyght and the kynges banerer of Englonde of certayne courses yet on horsbacke in the same felde / and whan he had ryden certayne cours & assayed he my∣ghte not haue the better he gaaf it ouer & wold nomore of his chalenge with syr pers courtay¦ne knyght & the kyng{is} banerer of Englonde & torned his hors and rode home vnto hys owne Inne. And one Cockeborne a squyre of Scot∣londe chalenged syr Nycholl Haberke a kny∣ght of certayn courses yet wyth sharpe speres and roden fyue courses togyder and at euery course the Scot was caste downe both hors & man / and thus ouer Englysshe Lordes than∣ked be god hadde the felde. ¶And in the .xvii yere of kyng Rychardes regne deyde the good gracyous quene Anne that was wyt to kyng Rycharde in the manere of Shene in the shy∣re of Surrey vpon wytsondaye / & than was she broughte to London and soo to westmyn∣ster and there was she buryed and worthely entered besyde Saynt Edwardes shryne on whoos sowle almyghty god haue pyte and in hys mercy. Amen. IN the .xx. yere of kynge Rychardes reg¦ne he wente hymselfe ouersee vnto Ca∣lays wih dukes erles lordes & barons and ma∣ny other worthy squyes wyth grete araye and comune people of the reame in good araye as longed to suche a kynge and prynce of hys no∣ble & of hys owne persone to do hym reuerence and obseruaūce as oughte to be done to theyr lyege lorde & so myghty a kynge & Emperoure in hys owne to abyde & receyue there that wor¦thy and gracyous Lady that shold be hys wyf a yonge creature of .xix. yere of aege dame Isa¦bell the kynges doughter of Fraūce and other worthy lordes of greate name bothe barons & knyghtes wyth moche other people yt camen to the towne of Grauenynge & tow dukes of Fraunce that one was the duke of Burgoyn and that other the duke of Barre that wolde no furtherlesse than they hadde pledges. And than kynge Rycharde delyuered two pledges for them for to go sauf and come saufe his two worthy vncles the duke of Gloucestre and the duke of yorke & these two wente ouer the wa¦ter of grauenynge & abode there as for pledge to the tyme yt the maryage was done / and that{is} these two dukes of Fraunce were come ayen vnto Grauenynge water. And than two wor¦thy dukes came ouer the water at Grauenyn¦ge & so to Calays with this worthypfull Lady Dame Isabell that was the kynges doughter of Fraunce & with hyr came many worthy lor¦de & eke lady & knyghtes & squyres in the beest araye that myght be & so brought hyr in to the twne of Calays· And there she was receyued with all the sole mpnyte & worshyp yt myght be done vnto suche a lady. And that they brought hyr vnto the kynge. And the kynge toke hyr & welcomed hyr and all hyr fayre company and made there all the solempnyte that myghte be done. ¶And than the kynge & his counseyll as¦ked of the Frensshe lordes whether all the co∣uenauntes & forwardes wyth the composycy∣on that wer ordeyned and made on bothe par∣tyes sholde be truely kepte and holde bytwene theym. And they saye ye / and there they swore and toke theyr charge vpon a boke & made the¦yr othe well & truly it to holde in alle maner of poyntes & couenauntes wythout contradyccy¦on or delay in ony maner wyse. And than was she brought to saynt Nycholas chyrche in Ca∣lays and there she was worthely wedded wyth the moost solempnyte that ony kyng or quene myght be wyth Archebysshops & bysshoppes & all the mynystres of hooly chyrche. And than they were brought too the castell & sette to mete And were serued with all delycasye of ryall me¦tes & drynkes plēteuously to al maner of straū¦gers & a other & no creature warned that feest. but all were welcome / for there were grete hal∣les & tentes set vpon the grene wythout the cas¦tell to receyue all manere of people. And euery offyce redy for to serue them all. And thus this worthy maryage was solēply done and ended with all ryalte. And than these two worthy du¦kes of Fraune with theyr people token theyr leue of the kynge and of the quene and wente ayen vnto Grauenynge water. And there the Frensshe lordes / that is to saye the twoo dukes and all theyr menye were comen ouer the wa¦ter to Grauenynge & they mette wyth our two dukes / & euery chone toke leue at other and soo they departed / and our lordes camen ayen vn¦to calays / and the Frensshe lordes went ouer the water and soo home in to Fraunce ayen. ¶And anone after the kynge made hym redy with the quene & all his lordes and ladyes and all theyr people with theim and came ouer the see in to Englonde & so vnto London. And the mayer and the shreues wyth alle the aldermen and worthy commens roden ayenst them vnto the blacke he the in to Kent / & there they mette with the kynge & the quene and welcomed the¦ym and that in good araye / and euery men in the clothynge of his craft and theyr mynstrels before them. And so they brought theym vnto saynt Georges barre in South warke & there they token theyr leue. And the kynge & the que¦ne rode to Kenyngton & than the peple of Lon∣don torned home ayen / And in tornynge ayen to London brydge there was soo greate presse of people bothe on hors and on foot that there were deed on the brydge .xi. persones of men & women and children on whos soules al mygh¦ty god haue mercy & pyte. Amen. ¶And than afterwarde the quene was brought to the tow¦re of London / & there she was alle nyght & on the morne she was brought thruge the cyte of London and so forthe vnto westmynster and there she was crowned quene of Englond / & than she was broughte ayen vnto the kynges palays and there was holden open / and ryall feest al hyr coronacyon of all maner peple that heder come / and thys was done the sondaye nexte after the feest of saynt Clemente. in. the .xx. yere of kynge Rychardes regne. And than the .xxv. daye of August / next after by veyll ex¦cytacyon and fals counseyll & for grete wrath and malyce that the kyng had of olde tyme vn¦to his vncle the good duke of Gloucestre and to the erle of Arundell to the erle of warwyk. Anone the kynge by his euuyll excytacyon and his euyll counseyll & malyce late in the euenyn¦ge on the same daye aboue sayd made hym re∣dy wyth his strenth & rode into Estsex vnto ye towne of Chemesforde & soo come to Plasshe sodenly there syr Thomas of wodstok ye good duke of Gloucestre laye / and the good duke ca¦me to welcome the kynge anone. And the kyn¦ge arested the good duke hymself wyth his ow∣ne body / & so he was ladde downe to the wa and anone put into a shype and anone had too Calays & brought in to the Capytayns warde o be kepte in holde by the kynges commaun∣dement of Englonde. And ye tyme therle Mar¦chall was Capytayne of Calays. And anone after by commaundement of the kyng and by his fals counseyl commaunded the capytayne to put hym to deth. ¶And anone certayne yemen that had the good duke in kepynge to∣ke theyr counseyl how that they shold put hym vnto deth. And this was theyr appoyntemen¦te that they sholde comen vppon hym whan he were in his bedde and a slepe on a fetheren bed¦de / and anone they bounde honde and foot and charged hym to lye styll. And whan that they hadde done thus they token twoo smale towel∣les and made on theym two rydynge knottes & caste the towelles about hys necke. And than they tooke the fetheren bedde that laye vnder hym & cast it aboute hym & than they drewe the¦yr to welles eche wayes and some laye vpon ye fetheren bed vpon hym vnto the tyme that he was dede bycause that he shold make no noys and thus they strangled thys worthy duke vn∣to the deth / vppon whos soule god for his hygh pyte haue mercy. Amen. ¶And whan the kyn∣ge hadde rested thus this worthy duke and his vncle & sente hym to Calays he came ayen to London in all the haste wyth a wonder greate people. And as soone as he was comen he sent for the erle of Aurundell / and for the good erle of warwyk and anone as they came he arested theym hymself. And syr Iohan Cobham and syr Iohn̄ Chyne knyghtes he arested theym in the same. maner tyll he made his parlement. & anone they were put into holde / but the erle of Arundell went att large vnto the parlement ty¦me / for he founde soffycyent suerte / to abyde ye lawe & to answere to all manere poyntes that the kynge & his counseyll wolde put vpon hym ¶And the .xxi yere of kynge Rychardes regne he ordeyned hym a parlement att westmynster the whiche was called the greate parlemente. And this parlement was made for Iuge thys thre worthy lordes and other moo as they lyst at that tyme / And for that Iugement / the kyn∣he lete make in all the hast a lōge hous and a lar¦ge of tȳbre the whiche was called an halle and couered with tyles ouer & it was open all abou¦te on both sydes that all maner of men myght se thrugh out / and there the dome was holden vpon these forsayd lordes and Iugement gyuē at this forsayde parlemente. And for to come vnto this parlement the kynge sent hys wryt¦tes to euery lorde baron knyght & euery squyre in euery shyre thrugh oute Englōde that euery lorde sholde gadre and bringe his retenue with hym in as shorte & in the beste araye that they myghte gete in maintenynge and in the streng¦thyng of the kyng ayenst theym that were hys enemyes / and that this were done in all haste & come to hym in payne of deth. And the kynge hymself sent into Chestreshyre to cheyftayns of that countre / & they gadred & brought a grete and an huge company of people bothe of kny∣ghtes and squyres and prencypally of yomē of Chestreshyre the whyche yemen and archers the kynge tooke to hys owne courte and gaate them bowge of court and good wages to be ke¦pers of his owne body bothe by nyght and by daye aboue all other persones and moste loued and beste truste / the whyche soone afterwarde torned the kynge to grete losse and shame hyn∣drynge and hys vtterly vndoynge and destruc¦cyon as ye shall here afterwarde. And that ty∣me came syr Henry of Derby with a grete me∣nye of armes and archers / and the erle of Rut¦londe came wyth stronge power of people bo∣the of men of mares and archers And the Erle of Kente brought a greate power of men of ar∣mes and archers. the Erle of Marshall came in the same manere. And the lorde Spenser in this same manere. The erle of Northumber∣londe and syr Henry Percy his sone and syre Thomas Percy the erles brother. And all the¦se worthy lordes broughte a fayre menye and a stronge power and eche man in hys beste a∣raye. And the duke of Lancastre and the duke of yorke came in the same maner wyth men of armes and archers folowynge the kynge. And syr Wyllyam strop tresourer of Englond came in the same manere. And thus in thys a∣raye came all the worthy men of this londe vn∣to our kynge and these peple came to London in one daye / in so moche that euery strete and lane in London and in the subarbes were full of them lodged and .x. or .xii. mylle about Lon∣don on euery waye. And these people brought the kynge too westmynster and wente home a∣yen to theyr lodgynge bothe hors and mā / and than on the mondaye the .xii. daye of Septem¦bre the parlemente began att westmynster the whiche was called the grete parlemēt. ¶And on the frydaye nexte after the erle of Arundell was broughte in to the parleamente amonge all the lordes / and that was on saynte Mathe∣was daye the appostle and euangelyst / there he was for Iuged vnto the dethe in thys halle that was made in the palays at westmynster / And this was his Iugemente / he sholde go on foot wyth hys hondes bounde behynde hym frome the place that he was Iuged in. And so forth thrugh the cyte of London vnto the tou¦re hylle and hys heed to be smyten of and so it was done in dede in the same place .vi. of the grettest lordes that sate on his Iugemente ro∣den wyth hym vnto ye place there he was done to dethe / and so to se that the excucyon were do¦ne after the dome. And by the kynges cōmaun¦demente / wyth them wente on foot men of ar¦mes and archers a grete multytude of Chestre¦shyre men in strenthynge of the lordes yt brou∣ghte thys erle to hys dethe / for they dredde leste terle sholde be rescowed and taken from them whan they come in to London. Thus he pas∣sed forthe the Cytye vnto his dethe. And there he tooke it full pacyenly / on whoos soule god haue mercy / Amen. ¶And than come the fre∣re. Austyns and tooke vp the body and the he∣de of this good Erle and bare it home to theyr place and buryed hym in theyr quyre. And in the morne after was syr Rycharde erle of war¦wyk brought in to the parlemente there as the erle of Arundell was for / Iuged / and they gaf the erle of warwyk the same Iugement that ye for sayd erle had / but the lordes had compassy∣on of hym by cause he was of more getoer age and released hym in to perpetuall pryson / and put hym in to the ylonde of Man. And thenne on the mondaye nexte after / the lord Iohanne Cobham of Kent / & syr Iohan Cheyn knygh∣tes were also brought in to the same parlemen¦te in the same halle / and there they were for Iu¦ged for to be hanged and drawen / but thrugh the prayers and grete Instaunce of all the lor∣des that Iugement was foryeuen to them and released in to perpetuall pryson. ¶And in this same yere was Rycharde wyttyngdon mayer of London / and Iohan wodecoke & wyllyam Askam shreues of London. ¶And they ordey¦ned at euery yate of London durynge thys sa∣me parlemēt stronge wache of men of armes and archers and thrughout euery warde also And the kynge made .v. dukes & one markeys and foure erles / and the fyrst of them was the erle of Derby & he was made duke of Herforde And the seconde also was the erle of Rutlonde and he was made duke of Awemarle. And the therde was the erle of Kent & he was made du∣ke of Surre. And the fourth was ye erle of Hū∣tyngdon and he was made duke of Excestre / And the fyft was the erle of Notyngham & he was made duke of Northfolke. And the erle of Somerset he was made markeys of Dorseet· And ye lorde Spenser was made Erle of Glou¦cestre / And the lorde Leuyll of Raby was ma∣de erle of westmer londe And syr Thomas per¦cy was made erle of worcestre. And syr wylly∣am scrope that was tresourer of Englōd was made erle of wylteshyre· And syr Iohn̄ Mon∣tagu erle of Salysbury. And whan the kynge had thus done he helde the parlemet and ryall feest vnto all his lordes and to all maner peo∣ple that thyder wolde come. ¶And this same yere deyed syr Iohn̄ of Gaūt the kynges vncle and duke of Lancastre in the bysshops Inne in Holborne. and was brought fro thens to sa¦ynt Poule & there the kynge made & helde hys enterement well and worthely with all his lor¦des in the chyche of saynt Poule in London / and there he was buryed besyde dame Bun¦ce his wyf yt was doughter & heyre vnto ye good Henry that was duke of Lancastre. In ye same yere there fell a dyscencyon bytwne the duke of Herforde & ye duke of Norfolk in so moshe that they waged batayl & castē downe theyr gloues & than they were take vp & ensealed & ye batayll Ioyned & ye daye set & ye place assygned where & whan & this sholde be at Couentre. ¶And thy∣der come ye kynge with all his lordes att yt daye & was sette in ye felde & than these two worthy lordes came into ye felde well and clene armed & well arayed with al theyr wepen & redy to do¦ne theyr batayll and were redy in ye place for to fyght at vtteraunce But ye kynge bad thē cesse & toke the quarel in to his hond And forth with ryght there present exyled the duke of Herford for terme of .x. yere and the duke of Northfolke for euermore. And syr Thomas of Arundell Archebysshop of Caunterbury was exyled the same tyme for euer & deposed out of hys see for malyce of the kyng / & anone these thre worthy lordes were cōmaunded & defended the kyng{is} reame. And anone they gate theym shyppes at dyuerse hauēs and wente ouer see into dyuerse londes eche his waye. And ye duke of Northfol¦ke wente to Venece & there he deyed on whos soule god hauē mercy. Amen. ¶And than kyn¦ge rychard made a clerke of his syr Roger wal¦den Archebysshop of Caunterbury. ¶And in the .xxii. yere of kyng Rycharbes regne by fals coūseyll ymagynacyon of coueytous men that were about hym were made & ordeyned blan∣ke chertres and made theym to be enseled of all maner ryche men thrughout the reame. In so moche that they cōpelled dyuerse people to set∣te theyr seases therto· ¶And thys was done for grete couetyse wherfore all good hertes of the reame were clene torned away fro the kyn∣ge for euer after. And that was vtterly his dys∣truccyon & ende to hym that was so hygh and so excellente prince and kynge & thrugh coueto¦us & fals counseyll falsly betrayed. Alas for py¦te that suche a kyng myght not se. ¶And than kynge Rycharde sette his kyngdome & hys ry∣all londe of Englonde to ferme vnto foure per¦sones / the whiche were these. Syre wyllyam strop erle of wyltshyre and tresourer of Eng∣londe / and syr Iohan Busshe / & Henry greue / and syr Iohan Bagot knyghtes that whiche / torned theym to myscheyf and dethe wythin a lytell tyme as ye shalle fynde here afterwarde wryten. ¶And than kynge Rycharde made grete ordynaunce & wente hymselfe ouer see in to Irlond & many grete lordes with hym wyth a grete hoste for to strenth theyr kyng wyth mē of armes archers & moche grete stuffe & ryght good ordynaunce as longed vnto warre. And or he passed ouer see he ordeyned & made syr Ed¦mōde of Langley his vncle the duke of yorke / hys lyueteaunte of Englonde in hys absence with the gouernaūce & counseyll of these foure knyghtes that had taken Englond to ferme of the kynge. And than he passed the see and ca∣me into Irlonde and there he was wel and wor¦thely receyued. And these rebelles that ben cal∣led wylde Irysshmen came downe to the kyn∣ge and yolde them to hym both body & goodes all at his owne wyll / and swore vnto hym to be his lyege men / and there dyde to hym homage and feaute and good seruyse & thus he conque∣red the moost parte of Irlonde in alytyll tyme ¶And whyle that kynge Rycharde was thus in Irlonde / syr Henry of Bolyngbroke erle of Derby that the kyng had made before duke of Herforde / the whyche duke the kynge had exy∣led out of this londe was comen ayen into En¦londe for to chalenge the dukedome of Lancas¦ter as for his ryght & trew herytage / & he came downe out of Fraunce by londe vnto Calays And thē met hym syr Thomas of Arūdell that was Archebysshop of Caunterbury that was exyled out of Englōde. and with hym came the erle of Arūdell his sone & heyre the whiche was in kepyng of syr Iohn̄ shelly knyght somtyme with the erle of Hūtindon and with the duke of Excestre the whyche was tho in the castell of Reygate in Soutsex / and there he stale hym a waye and came to Calays and there he was ke¦ped well & worthely tyll these other two lordes were comen / to Calays. ¶And than this wor∣thy duke & syr Thomas of Arundell Archebys¦shop of Caunterbury shypped in the hauen of Calais and drewe theyr cours norwarde and a¦ryued in yorke shyre at Rauensporne faste by wydlyngton / and there came and enred fyrste the londe and two lordes with hym and theyr nauye. And so than moche people of the reame that whan they herde of his comynge and kne¦wen where that he was and anone they dre∣wen vnto hym and welcomed these lordes and soo gaaf theym courage in all manere thynge and so passed forthe into the londe and gadred moche people to them. ¶And whan kyng Ry∣charde hede and wyste that these twoo lordes were comen ayen in to Englond & also were lō¦ded / Than the kynge lefte his ordynaunce in Irlonde and come into Englond warde in all the haste that he myght and come the castell of Flynte and there he abode to take his counseyl and what myghte he done. But to hym come none. And thanne syr Thomas Percy erle of worchestre that was the kynges stewarde wist and knewe all this / anone he came into the hal¦le amonges all the people / & he brake the yerde of the ryall kynges housholde / and anone eue∣ry man was dysparple and wente hys waye & forsoke theyr mayster and souerayne lord and lefte hym allone. And thus Kynge Rycharde broughte downe & destroyed and stode hymself allone wythout comforth or socoure or yf ony good counseyll of ony mā / alas for pyte of this ryall kynge. And anone came worde that syre Henry of Bolyngbroke was vp with a stron∣ge powre of people and that all the squyres of Englonde reyson vp the shyres in strenthyn∣ge of hym ayenst kyng Rycharde. ¶And thus sone he was come out of the North countre to Brystowe and there he met with syr wyllyam Srope erle of wyltshyre & tresourer of Eng∣londe & with syr Iohn̄ Busshe and syr Henry grene and Iohn̄ Bagot but he escaped frome theym and wente ouer see in to Irlonde / & the sethre knyghtes were taken & theyr hedes smy¦tē of & thus they dyed theyr for fals couetoyse. ¶And than was kynge Rycharde taken and brought vnto ye duke / and anone the duke put hym in fast warde and stronge holde vnto hys cominge to London. And than was there a ru¦more in London and a stronge noyse that kyn¦ge Rycharde came to westmynster / and the pe¦ple of London ranne thyder and wolde haue done moche harme and hurte in there wood∣nesse had not the myyer and the alder men and other worthy mē cessed them wt fayr wordes and torned theym home agayne vnto Lōdon And there was Syr Iohan Slacke dene of ye kynges chapell of westmynster taken & brou∣ghte to London / and put in pryson in Ludga∣te. And Iohan Bagot was taken in Irlonde and so brought to London and put in pryson in Newgate there to be kepte and abyde hys answere. ¶And soone after the duke brought kynge Rycharde pryuely vnto London and put hym in the toure vnder sure kepynge as a prysoner. And than came the lordes of the rea¦me with all theyr counseyll vnto the Toure to kynge Rycharde and sayd to hym of his mys∣gouernaune and extorcyon that he hadde do¦ne made and ordeyned to opresse all the comy∣ne peple and also to all the reame. wherfore all the comyne people of the reame wolde hym ha¦ue deposed of all his kyngdom· And so he was deposed at that tyme in the Toure of London by all his lordes counseyll and comune assent of alle the reame / And than he was put frome the Toure vnto the castell of Ledes in Kente & ther he was kepte a whyle And thanne he was had frome thens vnto the castell of Pounfret in the North countree to be kepte in pryson / & ryght soone after there made his ende. ¶And than whan kinge Rycharde was deposed and had resygned his crowne and his kyngdom & was kept fast in holde / than all the lordes of ye reame with ye comyns assent & by accorde cho¦sen this worthy lord syr Henry of Bolyngbro¦ke erle of Derby duk of Herforde & duke of Lā¦castre by ryght lyne herytage & for hys ryght¦full manhode that the people foūde in hym be∣fore alle other they chose hym and made hym kynge of Englande amōnges theym. INnocencyus the .vii. was chosen at ro¦me and lyued but two yere & than Gre∣gory .xii. was after hym .xii. and euer was de∣bate. Than was Alexander chosen in the coū¦seyll of Pysan and he was called fyrste Petr{us} de Candyda and so was put stryf to stryf eue∣rychone of those thre sayd he was pope. Than was there a counseyl at Pysan where they be¦gan to make a cūcorde and there they deposed the two and thyrde stode and so was worse de∣uysyon made than before. For that they ordey¦ned preuayled not. ¶Robert was Emperour after wenselaus .i. yere / thys man was duke of Bauary and Erle of Palatyn a Iuste man and a good / and was crowned of Bone face the .ix. This man entrde ytaly wyth a greate hoost of. Almayns ayenste Iohan the duke of Galyas / but with an heuy hoowe he torned a¦yen and was had de worthy to suffre for his ry∣ghtwysnes. ¶Iohan the .xxiii. succeded Alex∣ander .iiii. yere and fyrste he began well for an vnyte / and he was in the counseylle ate Con¦stantis and offred hym to resygne the popeho¦de. and after secretly and worthely he feldde a∣waye but it profyted hym notte for he was ta∣ken and constreyned to peas and was made a Cardynall and buryed atte Florens. ¶Sy¦gysmundus was Emperoure after Roberte .xxvii. yere / and he was sone too Karolus and kynge of Vngarye and moost crysten prynce. And was soo deuoute to god that he deserued to be canonysed. This man holpe the chyrche thrughe hys merueylous prudence and wytte / for he spared no laboure ne no thyynge that he hadde tyll he hadde made a ful peas amonge ye clergy. ¶And he hadde .ix. Batayls ayenst the Turke. And euer he had the vyctorye / and what more alle thynge that euer was wrytē in louynge to Constantyne Theodosio Karolo Otto maye truely be wryten of hym. And he was crowned in Vngarye and decessed a bles∣sed man. ANd after Kynge Rycharde the seconde was deposed and out of hys kyngdom the lordes and the comynes all wyth one assen¦te and all other worthy of the reame chosen Hē¦ry of Bolyngebroke Erle of Derby sone and heyre of Iohan the duke of Lancastre for his worthy manhode that ofte tyme had be founde in hym and in dedes preued. vppon Saynt Ed¦wardes daye the confessour he was crowned kynge of Englonde at westmynster by assente of alle the reame nexte after the deposynge of kange Rycharde. Than he made Henry his eldest sone prynce of wales and duke of Corne¦wayle & erle of Cheste. And he made syr Tho¦mas of Arūdell Archebysshop of Caunterbury ayen as he was before. And syr Roger walden that kynge Rychard had made Archebysshop of Caunterbury be made bysshop of London for that tyme it stode voyde. And he made the Erles sone of Arundell that came wyth hym ouer the see frome Calays in to Englonde. He made hym erle of Arundell as his fader had bē and put hym in possessyon of all his londes. and he made homage and feaute vnto his liege lorde the kynge as all other lordes hadde don. ¶And than anone deyed kynge Rycharde in the castell of Poūfret in North countre / for the¦re he was enfamed vnto deth by hys keper / for he was kept there .iiii. or .v. dayes frome meete or drynke / & so he made his ende in thys world yet moche people in Englonde and in other lon¦des sayde he was alyue many a yere after hys deth. But whether he was alyue or dede ye peo∣ple helde theyr fals opynyon & byleue that ma∣ny had & moch people came to grete myscheyf & foule deth as ye shall here aftewarde. ¶And whan kyng Henry wyst & knewe verely that he was dede he lete sere hym in the best manere & closed it in a fayre chest wyth dyuerse spyces & bawmes and closed hym in a lynny cloth al sa¦uf his vysage and that was left opē that al mē myghtse his persone from all other men. And so he was brought to london with torche lyght brēnynge to Saynt Poules chyrche & there he had his masse and dyryge with moche reuerēce & solempnyte of seruyce. And whā all this was done than he was brought from Saynt Poule into the abbay of westminster & ther he had his hole seruyce ayē. And fro westmynster he was brought to Langley and there he was buryed vpon whoos soule god haue mercy. Amen. ¶And in the fyrst yere of kynge Henryes reg¦ne he helde his Crystmasse in the castel of wyn¦desore. And oon the .xii. euen came the duke of Awemarle vnto ye kynge & tolde hym that he & the duke of Surri and the duke of Exestre and the erle of Salysbury and & erle of Gloucestre and other moo of theyr affynyte werre accorded to make a mommynge vnto the kynge on .xii. daye att nyght / & there they purposed ee th kynge in the reuelynge. And thus he the duke of Awemarle warned the kyng And whan the kynge came ye same nyght to Londō preuely ne all ye hast that he myght to gete hym helpe socou¦re and comforth and coūseyll / And anone these other that wolde haue put the kynge to dethe fledde in all the haste that they myght / for they knewe well that theyr counseyll was bewray∣ed. And than fled the duke of Surrey and the Erle of Salesbury with all theyr menye vnto the towne of Cycestre. And there the people o the towne wodle haue arested them And they wolde not stande to theyr arestynge but stode at defence & faught manly But at the last they were ouercomen & taken. And there they mo¦te of the dukes heed of Surrey and the Erles heed of Salybury & many other moo & these they put theyr quarters in to sackes & theyr he¦des on poles borne on hyghe and so they were brought thrugh he cyte of London to London brydge and there these hedes were sette vpō ¦ghe / and ther quarters were sent vnto other go¦de townes & Cytees of Englonde and sette vp there. ¶At Oxforde was taken Blone kny¦ghte and benet Cely knyght / & Thomas wy¦tersell squyre & ye there by heded and quartred and the knyghtes hedes were set vppon pooles and brought to London and sette vppon Lon∣don brydge. and the quartres sent forth to other good townes. ¶And in the same yere a Prye¦tell well in a mylle in Estser there syr Iohn̄ Ho∣londe the duke of Excestre was taken wyth the comynes of the coūtree / and they brought hym from the mylle to the Plasshe & to the same pla¦ce that kynge Rycharde hadde restyd syr Tho¦mas of wodstok ye duke of Gloucestre & ryght there in the same place they smote of the dukes heed of Excestre and brought it vnto London vppon a poole and it was sette vpon London brydge. ¶And in the same yere at Brystowe was taken the lorde Spenser ye kynge Rychar∣de had made erle of Gloucestre / & the comyns of the towne of Brystowe toke hym and brou∣ghte hym into the market place of the towne & there they smote of his heed & sente it vnto Lon¦don / and ther it was set vnto London bryd∣ge. ¶And in this same yere was syr Bernard brokeyns knyght taken and arested and put in the Tour of London & syr Iohn̄ shelly knyght and syr Iohn̄ Mawdelyn and Syr wyllyam Feryb ersones of kyng Rychardes and they were arested and put in to the Toure of Lon∣don / And thyder came the kynges Iustices & satte vpon theym in the Tour of London and there they were dampned all foure vnto the de¦the. and the dome was gyuen vnto Syr Ber∣narde Brokeys that he shold go on foot from the Toure thrugh the Cytee of London vnto Tyburne and there to be hāged and after hys heed smyten of / and syr Iohan Shelly knyght and syr Iohan Mawdelyn and syr wyllyam Ferye persones were drawē thrugh out ye cy∣te of Lōdon to Tyburne & there they were han¦ged and theyr hedes smyten of and set on Lon¦don brydge. And in this same yere kynge Hen¦ry sente quene Isabell home ayen in to Fraun¦ce the whiche was kynge Rycharder wyf and gaaf hyr golde & syluer & many other Ieweles and soo she was dyscharged of all hyr power sent out of Englond. And in the seconde yere of kynge Henry the fourth was syr Roger Cla¦ryngton knyghte and two of his men and the pryoure of Launde and ·viii. freres mynors & some maysters of dyuynyte and other for trea¦son that they wrought ayenst the kynge were drawen & hāged at Tyburne all .xii. persones And there began a greate dyscencyon and de∣bate in the countre of wales bytwene the lor∣de Grey rythen and Owen of Glendere squy¦re of wales & this Owen arered a greate nom¦bre of walsshmen & kepe all that coūcre about ryghte strongly & dyde moche harme and dys∣troyed ye kynges townes & lordshyppes thru∣ghe out all wales and robbed & slewe the kyn∣ges people both / Englysshe and walesshe and thus he endured a .xii. yere largely. And he to∣ke the lorde Grey rythen prysoner and kepte hym fast in holde tyll he was raunsoned of pry¦soners of the marche and kepte hym longe ty∣me in holde. And at the laste he made hym wed¦de one of his doughters & kepte hym styll with his wyf and soone after he deyed. ¶And than kyng Henry knowynge this mischeyf destruc¦cyon and treason ye this Owen had wrought And anone he ordeyned a strong power of mē of armes & archers & moche other stuffe ye lon¦ged to warre for to abate and dystroye the ma¦lyce of this fals walsshe man. And than ye kyn∣ge came in to wales with his power for to dys∣trye this Owen & other rebelles fals walsshe∣men. And anone they fled in to the Montayns and there myght the kynge do them no harme in no maner wyse for the montayns / & so the kynge came ayen in to Englond for lesynge of moche of his peple / & thus he spedde not there. ¶In this same yere was grete scarsyte of whe¦te in Englonde for a quarter of whete was at .xvi. shellynge. And there was marchaundyse of Englonde sent in to Prure for whete / & ano¦ne they hadde lade & fraughtshypoes Inough and came home in saufte thanked be god of all his gyftes. ¶And in the .iii. yere of kynge Hen¦ryes regne there was a sterre seen in ye fyrma∣ment that shewed hym self thrugh all the worl∣de for dyuerse tookens that sholde befall soone after / the whiche sterre was named by clergy Stella cometa / and on saynt Mary Mawdele¦nes daye next folowynge in ye same yere / was the bataylle of Shrowesbury. And thyder ca¦me syr Henry Percy the erles sone of Northū¦berlonde wyth a grete multytude of men of ar∣mes and archers and gaaf a batayll to Kynge Henry the fourth thrugh the fals and wycked counseyll of syr Thomas Percy his vncle er∣le of worchestre / and there was syr Henry Per¦cy slayne & the moost parte of hys people in the flede / and syr Thomas Percy taken and kept faste in holde twoo dayes tyll the kynge had set¦te in reste hys people on bothe sydes. And than syr Thomas Percy was Iuged to the deth to be drawen and hanged and hys heed smyten of for his fals treason atte Shrowesbury and his heed brought to london and sete on london brid¦ge. ¶And the other people that there was slaine oon bothe parties the kynge lette bu¦rye. ¶And there were slayne on the kynges syde in that batayll the Erle of Stafforde and syr walter Blunte in the kynges cote armur vnder the kynges baner and many moo wor∣thy men vpon whoos sowle god haue mercy. Amen. ¶And in the fourthe yere of kynge Henryes regne came the Emperouer of Con∣stantynople with many gretee solaes and kny∣ghtes and moche other people of his countree in to Englonde to kynge Henry wyth hym to speke and to dysporte and to se the good gouer¦naunce & condycions of our peple & to knowe the cōmydytees of Englonde. And our kyngē with al his lordes goodly and worshypfully re¦ceyued and welcomed hym and alle his menye that came with hym and dyde hym all the wor¦shyppe that they coude and myghte. And ano¦ne the kynge commaunded all maner offycers that he sholde be serued as worthely and ryally as it lōged to suche a worthy lorde. And Empe¦roure on his owne coste as longe as the Empe¦roure was in Englonde and all hys men that came with hym. ¶And in this same yere camen dame Iane the duches of Brytayne into Englonde and londed atte fal∣lemouthe in Cornewayle / And frome thens she was broughte to the Cytee of wynchestre and there she was wedded vnto kynge Henry the fourth in the abbaye of saynt Swythynes of wynchestre wyth all ye solempnyte yt myght be done & made. And sone afterwarde she was brought from thens to London. And the may¦er and the aldermē with the comunes of the cy¦te of London rode ayenst hyr & welcomed hyr and brought hyr thrugh the cyte of London to westminster & there she was crowned quene of Englōde & there the kynge made a ryall and so¦lempne feest for hyr and for al maner of men ye thyder wold come. And in this same yere dame Blaūche the eldest doughter of kyng Henry ye fourth was sent ouer see with ye erle of Somer¦set hyr vncle & with mayster Rychard Clyffor¦de than bysshop of worcestre and with many o¦ther lordes knyghtes ladyes & worthy squyres as longed to suche a kȳges doughter and came into Colayn. And thyder came the dukes sone of Barre with a fayre menye and receiued this worthy laby and the bysshop of worcestre wed¦ded & sacred theym togyder as holy chyrche it wold. And there was made a ryall feest & a gre∣te Iustynge in the reuerence of worshyp of thē & all people ye thyder came whan this maryage and feest was done the erle & the bysshop and al theyr menye toke theyr leue of the lorde & the la¦dy & came home ayen into Englond in saufte thanked god. ¶And in the .v. yere of kyng Hē∣ryes regne the lorde Thomas hys sone wente ouer see & the erle of Kent & many other lordes and knyghtes wyth mē of armes and archers a greate nōbre to chastyse ye rebelles that afore had done moche harme to oure Englysshmen & marchauntes / & to many townes & portes in Englonde on the see costes. And the lord Tho¦mas the kynges sone came into Flaundres be¦fore a towne that is called / Scluse amonge all ye shyppes of dyuers nacyons that were there / & after there they rodē with theyr shyppes amō¦ge them and wēt on londe & sported them there two dayes & came ayen to theyr shyppes & toke the brode see & there they mette wyth thre Ca∣rackes of Iene that were laden wyth dyuerse marchaūdyse & wel māned. & they fought togy¦der longe tyme but the Englysshmen had the vyctory & brought the Carackes into the Cam¦bre before wynchelse & there they cuned these goodes / & one of these Carackes was sodaynly brente there. And the lordes and theyr people torned theym home ayen and went no further at that tyme. ¶And the same tyme Serle yo¦man of kynge Rychardes robbes came in to Englonde out of Scotlonde & tolde to dyuerse people that kynge Rycharde was on lyue in Scotlōde & so moche people byleued in his wor¦des wherfore a grete parte of ye people of the re¦ame were in grete errour & grutchynge ayēste the kynge thrugh informacyō of lyes and fals lesynges that this· Serle had made. For moch people trusted & byleued in his sauynge. But at the laste he was taken in the Northe countree & ther by law Iuged to be drawen thrugh euery cyte & good brugh townes in Englond & so he was serued & at the last he was brought to lon∣don vnto the gylde halle before the Iustyce and there he was Iuged for to be brought to ye tou∣re of. london and there to be layd on an hurdell and than to be drawen thrugh the cyte of Lon¦don to Tyburne & there to be hanged & thanne quartred and his heed smytē of and set on Lon¦don brydge & hys quartres to be sent to four go¦de townes of Englonde & there sette vp & thus ended he for hys treason and decessed. ¶And in the .vi. yere of kyng Henryes regne ye fourth the erle of Marre of Scotlonde by cause con¦duyt come into Englonde to chalenge syr Ed∣monde erle of Kent to certayne courses of war¦re on horsbacke. And so this chalenge was ac¦cepted & graūted and the place taken in smyth¦felde at london. and this erle of Marre ye Scot came proudly into the felde as hys chalenge as¦ked. & anone came the erle of Kent & rode vnto the scot & manly rode togyder wyth sharpe sp¦res dyuerses courses / but the erle of Kent had ye felde & gate hym moche worshyp and thanke of all maner men of his manful dedes. ¶And in the .vii. yere of kyng Henryes regne ye four the syr Rycharde Scrop Archebysshop of yor¦ke and the Erle Marchall of Englonde gadre¦de vnto theym a stronge power ayenst kynge Henry. And the kynge herynge ther of in all ye hast yt he myghty came with his power North¦warde and mette with them at yorke / and the¦re were these two Lordes taken and broughte to the kynge. ¶And anone the Iuges were set¦te and these two lordes brought forth and the∣re they were dampned vnto deth and both the¦yr heedes smyten of and there they made an en∣de on whos soules god for his pyte haue mercy Amen. ¶And whan this was done the kynge came to London ayen and there rested hym· Anone god of his greate goodnesse wrought. & shewed many grete myracles for thes worthy clerke Archebysshop of yorke that thus was do¦ne to deth. ¶And in the .vii. yere of kyng Hen¦ryes regne dame Luce the dukes syster of Me∣layne came in to Englonde & soo to London & there was wedded to syr Edmonde erle of Ken¦te in ye pryory of saynt Marye oueres in south warke wyth moche solempnyte & greate wor∣shyp / The kynge was there▪ hymself & gafhyr at the chirche dore & whan that they were wed¦ded & masse was done the kynge his owne per¦son brought & ladde this worthy lady in to the bysshops place of wynchestre and there was a wonder grate feest hold on to all maner of pe∣ple that wolde come. And the same yere syr Ro¦bert Knolles knyʒt a worthy warryour deyed at his maner in Northfolk and from thens he was brought to London on a hors bere wyth moche torche lyght & so he was brought vnto the whyte freres in Fletstrete & there was do & made for hym a solempne feest & a ryall entere¦ment for tho that thyder wolde come / both ry∣che & poore & there lyeth buryed by dame Con∣stance his wyf in the mydde of the body of the chyrche on whoos soule god for his pyte haue mercy / Amen. ¶And thus in this same yere syr Thomas Rampston knyght & Constable of the Tour of London was drenched at Lon¦don brydge as he came fro westmyger In war¦des to the Tour in a barge & all thrugh lewde¦nesse. And in the same yere dame Phylyp the yonger doughter of kynge Henry was ladde ouer see with syr Rycharde the dukes brother of yolke and syr Edmond Courteney bysshop of Norwiche & many other lordes kynghtes & squyres ladyes & gentyl women that appartey¦ned to suche a kynges dougher and came in to Denmake / and the kynge receyued thys wor∣thy lady for his wyf / & welcomed these worthy lordes & dyd vnto theym moche worshyp / and they were brought vnto a towne that was cal¦led London in Denmarke / & there was this la¦dy wedded and sacred to the kyng of Denmar¦ke Norway and Swythen & there was crow∣ned quene of Denmarke wyth moche solemp∣nyte & there was made a ryall feest. And whan thys feest and maryage was done and ended these lordes and ladyes tooke theyr leue of the kynge and the quene and came ayen in to En∣londe in saufte thanked be god. ¶And in the .viii. yere of kynge Henrys regne there was a man that was calld the walsshe clerke / & he a¦pelyd a kynght that was called syr Percyuale Snowdone of treason / & there they were Ioy¦ned to fyght vnto ye vtteraūce wyth in / Lystes & the daye and place & tyme assygned & lymyt∣ted to be done & ended in smythfelde / at ye why¦che daye tho two persons came in to the felde and foughten sore & myghtely togoder / but at the laste the knyght ouer come the clerke & ma∣de hym yelde hym as recreaunt of his fals enpe¦chement that he had sayd on hym / & than was he dyspoyled of his armure & drawen oute of ye felde to Tybune & there he was hangyed and the knyght taken to grace & was a good man. / ¶And in the same yere the Erle of Northum∣berlonde and the lorde Bardolfe came out of Scotlonde in preiudyce and dystruccyō of kyn¦ge Henry / wherfore they of the Northe coun∣tree aroson vpō theym and foughte with them and scomfyted them and tooke theym & smote of theyr hedes and quartred theyr bodyes and sente the hede of the erle & a quarter of the lorde Bardolfe to London and there they were sets vpō London brydge for fals treason that they had purposed ayenst the kynge. ¶And in the ix. yere of kynge Henryes regne was syre Ed¦monde Holonde Erle of Kente made Amerall of Englonde for to kepe the see / and he wente to the see wyth many ryall shyppes that were full well arayed and enparelled and enarmed wyth many a good man of armes and arches and of good defence of warre in the kynges na¦me of Englonde / and soo he londed at the laste in the coste of Brytayne in the yle of Bryak with alle his folke / and he besyeged the castell and assaūted it & they withstode hym wyth gre¦te defence & strenth. And anone he layd his or∣dynaunce & in the lyenge of a gōne there come a quarell & smote the good erle Edmonde in ye heed & there he caught his deed woūde / but yet they lefte not tylle that they hadde goten the cas¦tell and alle that were therin. ¶And there this good Lorde deyed on whoos soule god ha¦ue mercy. Amen. ¶And than this menye ca¦me home ayen into Englonde with the Erles body and was buryed amonges hys aūcestres ryght worthely. ¶And in the same yere was a grete frost in Englond that dured .xv. wekes. longe. ¶And in the .x. yere of kynge Henryes regne the fourthe came the Soneschall of He¦naude with other menye in Englonde to seke auentures and to gete hym worshyp in dedes of armes bothe on horsback and on foot att all maner poyntes of ware. ¶And the seneschal chalenged the erle of Somerset and the erle de∣lyuered hym full manfully of all his chalenges and put his aduersary vnto the worst in all po¦yntes and wāne hym there grete worshyp and the degre of the felde. And on the next day after came into the felde an other man of armes of Seneschals partye. And ayenst hym came syr Rycharde of Arundell knyght / & the Henaude had the better of hym on foot in on poynte for he brought hym on his knees. And on the thyr¦de daye come in an other man of armer in to the felde / and ayenst hym trere came. syr Iohn̄ Corne waylle knyghte / and manly and kny∣ghtly he quyte hym in all manes poyntes ayen¦ste his aduersary and had the better in the felde And on the fourth daye came a nother man of armes of Henaude in to the felde / and ayenste hym came syr Iohn̄ Chaynes sone and manly quyte hym ayenste his aduersary. For he caste hors and man into the felde / and the kyng for his manhode at that tyme dubbed hym knyght And on the fyfte day there came an other man of armes of the Henaudes partye into the fel∣de / and to hym came in Syr Iohan stewarde knyght / and manfully he quyt hym in all ma∣ner poyntes & had the better. And on the syxte daye after came an other Henaunde / and to hym came Wyllyam porter squyre and man∣fully he quyte hym and had the better in ye fel∣de / and the kynge dubbed hym knyght that sa∣me tyme. And on the seuenthe day after came an other man of armes of Henaude in to the fel¦de & to hym came Iohan standisshe squyre and manfully he quyte hym on his aduersarye and had the better of hym in the felde and there the kynge dubbyd hym knyghte that same daye / And on the same daye came an other man of ar¦mes of Henaude / and to hym came a squyre of Gascoyne / and proudely and manly he quyte hym of hys aduersary & had the better of hym in the felde / and anone the kynge dubbed hym knyght. ¶And on the .viii. daye came into the felde two other men of armes of Henaude and wyth them mette two souldyours of Ca∣lays the whiche were two bretheren that were called Burghes / & they well and manly quyte them selfe vpon theyr aduersaryes and haddē the better of theym in the felde. and thus ended these chalenges wyth many grete lordshyppes And thenne the kynge att the reuerēce of these worthy straungers made a greate feest & gaafe vnto theym many grete and ryche gyftes and thenne they toke theyr leue and went home ayē into theyr owne countree. ¶And in the .xi. ye¦re of kynge Henryes regne the fourthe there was a grete batayl doo in smythfelde bytwene two squyres / that one was called Gloucestre that was the parlement. And Arthur was the defendaunte / and well & manly they foughten togyder longe tyme / & the kyng for theyr man∣fulnesse and of his grace toke theyr quarel into his honde and made theym to go out of the fel∣de at ones & so they were deuyded of the batayl and ye kynge gaf them grace. ¶And in the .xii. yere of kynge Henryes regne the fourth. Rys∣dye a squyre of wales that was arybelle a ryse & supporter to Omē of Glendre yt dyde moche dystruccyon to the people of wales was taken and brought to London & there he came afore the Iustices and was dampned for his treson / and than he was layd on an hurdell & soo dra∣wen to Tyburne thrugh the cyte and there he was hanged and lete downe ayē & his heed smi¦tē of and the body quartred & sente vnto foure townes and his hede sete on London brydge. ¶And in the .xiii. yere of kynge Henryes reg∣ne tho deyed syre Iohan Beauforde erle of So¦mersette. that was Capytayne of Calays and was buryed at the abbaye of the Tour hyll on whos soule god haue mercy Amen. And in the same yere the lorde Thomas kynge Henryes sone wedded the Countesse / of Somersette. ¶And in this same yere cam ye embassatours of Fraunce in to Englonde frome the duke of Burgoyne vnto the prynce of Englonde kyn∣ge Henryes sone & heyre for to haue helpe and socour of men of armes and archers ayenst ye duke of Orlyaunce. And tho went ouer see the erle of Arundell. syr Gylbert Vmfreuyll erle of Keme / and the lorde Cobham syr Iohn̄ Ol¦decastelle and many other god knyghtes and worthy squyres & men of armes and good ar∣chers in to Fraunce and came to Parys to the duke of Burgoyn And there he receyued & wele¦comed these Englysshmen ye lordes & all other meny. And than it was done hym to wete that the duke of Orlyan̄ce was comen to Semttlo¦we fast by Parys wyth a grete nōbre of armes and arbalasters / & thyder went our Englyssh¦men & foughte wyth them & gate the brydge of Semclowe & there they slewe moch people of Frensshmen & arbalasters & the remenaunte fledde & wolde not lenger abyde. And than our Englysshmē came ayen to Parys & there they toke theyr leue of the duke and came ayen in to Englonde in saufte and the duke gaafe them grete gyftes / & anone folowynge ye duke of Orlyaunce sent enbassatours in Englond to kynge Henry the fourth bese chynge hym of hys helpe & socure / ayenst hys dedely enmye ye duke of Burgoyn. And than the kynge made Thomas hys sone duke of Clarence. And hys other sone Iohn̄ duke of Bedforde / and hys o¦ther sone Humfrey duke of Gloucestre & Syr Thomas Beauferd erle of Dorset & the duke of Awe marle he made duke of yorke. And thā the kynge ordeyned his sone syr Thomas the duke of Clarence Thomas Beauforde erle of Dorset & syr Iohn̄ cornwyll with many other lordes knyghtes & squyres and men of armes archers for to go ouer see ī to Fraūce in helpyn¦ge and strengthynge of the duke of Orlyaū∣ce. And these whothy lordes with ther retenue shypped att Hampton & saylled ouer the see in to Normandye & londed at Hogges. And the∣re mette with theym the lorde Hambe at theyr londynge wyth .vii. thousande men of armes of Frensshmen & thre Serge auntes of armes with them and all were put to flyght & taken of theym ·vii. hondred men of armes and .iiii. hondred horses with out tho that were slayne in the felde. And so they rode forth thrugh out all Fraūce and token castels and townes and slewe moche peple of frensshmen that with sto¦de them & toke many prysoneere as they roden And so they passed forth tyll they came to Bur¦deux & there they rested theim a whyle & set the coūtre in peas & reste tyll the wynde was redy for to sayll. ¶And than the duke with his me∣nye come home in to Englonde in saufte than¦ked god / And in ye same yere was the kynges coyn chaunged thrugh oute Englonde by the kynge & his counseyll / yt is to saye ye noble half noble and ferthynge of golde. ¶And the .xiiii yere of kyng Henryes regne the fourth he lete make Galays of warre for he had hoped to ha¦ue passed the grete see & so forth to Iherusalem & there to haue ended hys lyf / but god vysyted hym so soone after with Infyrmytees & grete sekenesse yt he myght no well endure no whyle so feruently he was taken & brought in bedde at westmynster in a fayre thambre And as he laye in his hed he asked hys chāberlayll what they called that chambre that he laye in & he an¦swered & sayd Iherusalem. And than he sayde that the prophecye sayd yt he shold make an en¦de & deye in Iherusalē And than he made him dyd vnto god & dysposed all his wyll. And so on after he dyed & was caryed by water from westmynster in a barge vnto Feuersham and from thens he was caryed to Caunterbury by londe with moche torche lyght brennynge into the abbaye of Crechyrche and there he was en¦tered & buryed besyde saynt Thomas of Caun¦terburyes shryne & thus ended the worthy kyn¦ge Henry & about mydlente sondaye in the ye∣re of oure lorde a. M.CCCC. and .xxi. vppon whoos soule god haue mercy Amen. MArtyn the .v. was pope after Iohn̄ .xiii. yere / this man was chosen by the coun¦seyll of Constantynoble & the other was depo¦sed that strof. and so came peas in the chyrche the whiche longe tyme afore was desyred & ne∣cessarye for the defence of the fayth. This was the myghtyest pope yt euer was of rychesse / & a grete Iuge. He edefyed townes walles stretes & he destroyed heresyes / & he dyde moche good thrughe the noble prynce Sygysmonde. And he gadred moche moneye for to geten the holy londe ayen / but deth came vppon hym & letted hym & he made a counseyll afore his deth for ye mater & there he decessyd. ¶Eugenius was pope after Martyn .xvii. yere / this Eugenius was chosen peasyble after ye deth of Martyn / & no man doubted but he was pope / but soon after he was expulsed frome Rome / for it was so that he fledde naked also he was cyted to the counseyll of Basylyens & deposed / but he dys∣charged hym not / and for that begā the stryffe ayen the whiche stode to his deth. And those yt fauoured hym sayde he was worthe moche lo∣uynge / & the contrary sayde those that were a∣yenst hym but what someuer he was after he had taken the dygnyte vpon hym afore he was of grete obstynaunce & of gode fame .& what he dyde after that I leue to the Iugement of god· ANd after the deth of kynge Henry the fourth regned kȳge Hēry his sone that was borne at Monmouthe in wales that was a worthy kynge and a gracyous mā and a gre∣te conquerour. ¶And in the fyrste yere of hys regne for grete loue & goodnesse he sente to the ferres of Langley there as his fader had do bu¦rye kinge Rychard the secōde & lete take his bo¦dy out of the erthe ayen and dyde brynge it to westmynster in a ryal chare couered with blac¦ke veluet & baners of dyuerse armes aboute & all the hors drawynge the chare were trapped in blacke & beten with dyuerse armes / & many a torche brennynge by all the waye tyll he ca∣me to westmynster / and there he lete make for hym a ryall and solempne enteremente and bu¦ryed hym by quene Anne his wife as his owne desyre was on ferther syde of saynt Edwardes shryne in the abbaye of saynt Peters in west∣mynster on whos soule god haue mercy Amen ¶And in this same yere were a certayne of lol¦lers taken and fals herytykes that had purpo∣sed thrugh fals treason for to haue slayne oure kyng / and for to haue destroyed all the clargye of the reame and they myghte haue had theyr fals purpose. But our lorde god wolde not suf¦fre it / for in haste our kynge hadde warnynge therof and of alle theyr fals ordynaunce and werkinge and came sodenly with his power to Saynt Iohans withoute smythfelde and ano∣ne they toke a certanye of the Lollers and fals herytykes and broughte them to the kynges presence / and there they tolde all there fals pur¦pose & ordynaunce howe they wolde haue doo and wrought yf they myghte haue regned and hadde theyr wyll / and there they tolde whyche were theyr Capytayens and gouernours and than ye kynge commaunded theym to the Tow¦re of London / and thanne toke moo theym bo¦the within the Cytye and wythoute and sente them too Newgate and to bothe / counteers. And thanne they were broughte in examycyon before the clergye and the kynges Iustyces and there they were conuycted for theyr fals heresie and dampned before the Iustyce for theyr fals treason. ¶And this was theyr Iugement that they sholde be drawen frome the Towr of London to Saynt Gelys felde and there to be hanged and brente on the galowes. ¶And there was taken syr Roger Acton knyghte for heresye and eke for treason ayenste the kynge and the Reame / and he came afore the clergye and was conuy¦te for his heresye and dampned before the Ius∣tyce too be drawen frome the Towre of Lon¦don thrughe the Cyte to Saynt Gelys and to be hanged and brente. ¶And in the secon∣de yere of Kynge Henryes regne the fyfthe he helde a counseylle of alle the lordes of the rea∣me atte westmynster and there he putte hym this demaunde and prayed and besought them of theyr goodnesse and of theyr gode counseyll and wylle to shewe hym as touchynge the ty∣tle of the ryghte that he hadde to Normande Gascoyne and Guyhen the whiche the kynge of Fraunce wythelde wrongfully and vnty∣ghte fully / the whyche hys auncestrees before hym hadde by trewe tytle of conquest and ry∣ghte heretage / the whiche Normandye Gas∣coyn and Guyhen the good Kynge Edwarde of wyndesore and hys auncestres before hym hadde holden all theyr lyues tyme. And his lor¦des gaaf hym counseyl to sendde enbassatours vnto the kynge of Fraunce and hys counseyll that he sholde gyue vp vnto hym hys ryght he¦rytage / that is to saye Normandye Gascoyne Guyhen the whiche his predecessours hadde holden afore hym or els he wold it wyn̄e wyth strength of swerde in shorte tyme with the hel¦pe of almyghty god. ¶And thanne the Dol∣phyn of Fraunce answered to oure enbassa∣tours and sayde in thys manere that the Kyn¦ge was ouer yonge and to terder of aege for co¦mak ony warre as ayenste hym and not lyke yet to be a good warroure to doo and make suche aconqueste there vppon hym. And som¦what in scorne and dyspyte he sente to hym a tonne fulle of tenes balles bycause he wolde haue som what for to playe wyth alle for hym and for his lordes / for that wolde be come hym better thenne for to mayntene ony warre. ¶And thenne anone oure Lordes that werre enbassatours tooke theyr leue and came in to Englonde ayen & tolde the kynge & hys coun∣seyll of the vngoodly answere that they had of the Dolphyn / & of the present ye whyche he had sent to our kynge. ¶And whan the kynge had herde theyr wordes & the answere of the Dol∣phyn he was wōder sore agreued & ryght euyll apayed towarde the Frensshemen & towarde the kyng & the Dolphyn / & thought to auenge hym on them as soone as god wold sende him grace & myght / & anōe lette make tenes balles for the Dolphyn in all the hast that myght be / and they were grete gonstones for ye Dolphin to playe with all / And than anone ye kynge sen¦te for all hys lordes & helde a grete counseyll at westmynster & tolde vnto them the answere yt they had of the Dolphyn & of the worthy presē¦te that he sent to hym and to his lordes to playe with all. And there the kyng & his lordes were accorded yt they sholde be redy in armes wyth ther powr in the best araye that myght be do∣ne and gete men of armes & archers yt myght be goten & all other stuff that longed to warre & to be redy wyth all theyr retenue to mete atte Southampton by Lammasse next folowyng without ony delaye. wherfore the kyng ordey¦ned his nauye of shyppes was with all manre stuffe & vytayll ye longed to suche a warryoure of all maner of ordynaūce in the hauē of Sou∣thampton in to the nombere of .CCC. and .xx. saylles. And than felle there a greate dysease & a foule myschef for there were .iii. lordes why¦che that the kynge trusted moche on / & thrugh fals couetyse they had purposed & ymagyned the kynges deth & thought to haue slayne hym and all his bretherne or he had taken ye see the whiche thre lordes were named thus syre Ry∣charde erle of Chambrydge broder to the duke of yorke / the seconde was she lorde Scrop tre∣sourer of Englonde / the thyrde was syr Tho∣mas Gray knyght of the North countre. And these thre lordes afore sayd for lucre of money hadde made a promesse vnto the Frensshmen for to haue slayne kynge Henry the fyfte & alle his brethern by a fals trayne sodaynly or they had be ware. But god almyghty helde hys ho∣ly honde ouer them and saued them from these peryllous menye. And for to haue done thys they receyued of the Frensshemen a Myllyon of golde / and that was there openly knowen / and for theyr fals treason they were al thre Iu¦ged vnto the deth / and this was the Iugemēt that they sholde be laadde thrughe Hampton & withoute Northgate there to be heded / & thus they ended theyr lyues for thyr false couetyse and treason / And anone as this was done the kynge and all his men ye made them redy and wente to shyppes and saylled forthe wyth fyf¦ten hondred shyppes and aryued with in Se¦yn at Kydecause vpon our ladyes euen the As∣sumpcyon in Normādy wyth all hys ordynaū¦ce. And so went him forth to Harflet & he besye¦ged the towne alle aboute by londe and eke by water & sent to the Capytayne of the towne & charged hym to delyuer towne. And Capytay¦ne sayd yt he wolde delyuer hym none he wolde hym yelde / but bad hym do his best. And than our kynge layd hys ordynaunce vnto the two¦ne / that is to saye Gonnes Engynnes & tryp∣gettes & shotten and caste att the walles & eke vnto the towne / & caste downe both towres & towne and layd theym vnto the erthe / & there he played att the tenes wyth hys harde gon sto∣nes. ¶And they that were within the towne whan they shold playe theyr songes was well awaye and Alas that euer suche tenes balles were made / and cursyd all tho that warre be∣gan and the tyme that euer they were borne. ¶And on the morne the kyng dyd crye att eue¦ry gate of the towne that euery man sholde be redy on the morne erly to make assaute vnto ye towe. and wyllyam Boucher & Iohan Graun¦te wyth .xii. other burgeys worthy men came to the kynge & besought hym of hys ryall pryn∣cehode & power to wythdrawe his malyce and destruccyon that he dyd to them and besought hym of .viii. dayes of respyce & trewes yf ony rescowe myghte come to theym / & els to yelde vp the towne vnto hym wyth all theyr goodes And than the kyng sent forthe the Capytayne and kept the remenaunt styll with hym & ye lor∣de Gaucort that was Capytayn of the towne went forth to Royn in al the hast vnto the Dol¦phyn for helpe & socour but there was none ne no man of rescowe / for the Dolphyn wold not abyde. And thus this Capytayne come ayen vnto the kynge & yelded vp the towne and de∣lyuered hym the keys and bad hym go and put out all the Frensshmen both men women and chyldren and stuff hys towne of Haret wyth Englysshe people. And than the kynge sente in to Englonde and dyde crye in euery good tow¦ne of Englonde that what crafty man wolde come thydes & enhabyte hym there in that tow¦ne he sholde haue house and housholde to hym and to his heyres for euer more. ¶And soo tho wēte many dyuerse marchauntes and craf¦ty men and enhabyte theym there to strength the towne and were welcome. ¶And whan the kynge sawe that thys towne was well stuf∣fed both of vytayls and of mē this worthy prin¦ce toke his leue & went to Calays warde by lon¦de / and the Frensshmē herd of his comyng they thought for to haue stopped hym his way that he shold not passe that waye and in all the hast that they myght braken alle the brydges where that as ony passage was for hors and man in so moche that there myght no man passe ouer the Ryuer nother on horse ne on foot but yf he shold haue be drowned. And therfore our kyn¦ge with all his people wente and sought thys waye ferre vp to Parys warde and ther was all the ryall power of Fraunce assembled and redy to gyue hym batayll & for to dystroye alle his people. But almyghte god was hys guyde and saued hym & al his menye & defended hym of hys enmyes power and purpose thanked be god that saued so hys owne knyght & kynge in his ryghtfull tytle. ¶And than our kynge be holdynge and seyenge the grete multytude and nombre of his enmyes to wythstande his way and gyue hym batayll / than the kynge wyth a meke herte & a good spyryte lyft vp his hondes to almyghty god & be souhht hym of hys helpe and socoure and that daye to saue his trewe ser¦uauntes. And than oure kynge gadred all his lordes & other peple about & bad them all to be of gode there / for they sholde haue a fayre daye and a gracyous vyctorye & the better of all the¦yr enemyes / and prayed thē alle to make them redy vnto the batayll. For he wolde rather be deed that daye in the felde. than to be taken of his enmyes for he wold neuer put the reame of Englonde to raumsome for his persone. ¶An the duke of yorke fell on hys knees and besought ye kynge of aboue that he wolde graū∣te hym that daye the auauntwarde in hys ba∣tayll / and the Kynge grauntyd hym hys askyn¦ge and sayd / gramercy cosyn of yorke and prai¦ed hym to make hym redy. And than he hadde euery man to ordeyne hym a stake of tree and sharpe both endes that ye stake myght be pyght in the erthe a slope that theyr enemyes sholde not ouercome them on horsback for that was there fals purpose & arayed thē for to ouer ride our enmye sodaynly att the fyrste comynge on of them at the fyrste brunte. And all the nyght before the batayll the / frensshmen made many grete fyers and moche reuyll with howtynge showtynge and playd our kynge & hys lordes at the dyse. And archer alwaye for a blanke of theyr money / for they wēde yt all had bē theyrs the morne arose the daye ganne spynge. And the kynge by good auyse lete araye hys batayll and his wynges and charged euery mē to kepe thē hoole togyder and prayed them alle to be of good there. And whan they were redy he asked what tyme of the day it was & they sayd pryme Than sayd our kynge now it is good tyme for all Englond prayed for vs / and therfore be of good chere & lete vs goo to oure Iourney. And than he sayde wyth hyghe voys in the name of almyghty god & saynt George auaunce Baner and saynt George thys day thyn helpe. ¶And than this Frensshemen came pryckynge dow¦ne as they wold haue ouer ryden all our meny. but god and oure archers made thē ryght sone to stomble / for our archers shote neuer arowe amysse but it perysshed & brought vnto ye groū¦de both hors & man / for they shote that day for a wager. And our stakes made theym toppe o¦uer terue eche one ouer other that they laye on∣hepes two hepes lenth of hyghe. And our kyn¦ge with his menye and with his men of armes and archers that sthacked on them soo thycke with arowes and layd on with staues & our kȳ¦ge wyth his hōdes fought māly that daye. And thus god almyghty and saynt George brought oure enmyes to groūde & gaf vs that daye the vyctory. There werre slayne of Frensshmen ye daye in the felde of Agyngcourt moo than .xi. thousand wyth our prysoners that were taken & there were nombred that daye of Frensshmē in the felde moo than syr score thousande. But god that daye faughte for vs. And after came there tydynges to our Kynge that there was a new batayll of Frensshmen ordeyned redy for to stele on hym and came towardes hym. And anone oure Kynge lette crye that euery man sholde doo slee hys prysoners that he hadde ta∣ken / and anone to make theym ayen redy for to fyghte wyth the Frensshe men / And whan they saw that our men kylled downe theyr pry¦soners than they dyde wythdrawe / them and brake theyr batayll & all their araye. and thus our kynge was a worthy conquerour had that daye the vyctory in the felde of Agyngcourte in Pycardye / And than oure kynge retorne a∣yen there that the batayll was for to see what people were slayne of Englysshmen / & yf ony were hurt that they myght be holpen. And the¦re were deed in the felde the duke of Barrye ye duke of Alaūsome ye duke of Braban the Erle of Nauerne chyef Constable of Fraunce / and .viii. erles & the Archebysshop of Saūce and of gode barons an hondred and mo / & of worthy Knyghtes of greate alyaūce of cote armures a thousande & .v. hondred. And so of Enelysshe men was deed the duke of yorke and ye erle of Southfolke / & of all other Englysshmen there were not deed passynge .xxvi. bodyes thanked be god. And this batayll was on a fryday why¦che was saynt Cryspyne & Crispymanes daye in the moneth of Octobre / and anone the kyn¦ge commaūded to bury them and the duke of yorke to be caryed forth wyth hym and the erle of Southfolke. And there were prysoners the duke of Orlyaūce the duke of Burbon the er∣le of Vendome the erle of ewe the erle of Ryche¦monde & syr Bursygaunt Marchall of Fraū¦ce & many other worthy lordes were taken the¦re in this batayll of Agyngcourte & were brou¦ghte vnto the towne of Calays & so ouer the see wyth the kynge in to Englonde and landed at Douer in Kente with all prysoneres in saufte thanken bo god almyghty / & so came to Caun∣terbury and offred at saynt Thomas shryne & so he rode forthe thrught the countre of Kente the nexte waye vnto Eltham & there he rested tyll that he wolde come to London. And than the mayer of London and the aldermen shre∣ues / wyth all the worthy comuners and craf∣tes came to the blacke hethe well and worthe∣ly arayed / for to welcome our kynge with dy∣uer melodyes / and thanked almyghty god of hys gracyous vyctory that he shewed for hym And so the kynge and hys prysoners passed for¦the by theym tyll he came to saynt thomas wa¦terynge / and there mette with hym all relygy∣ous men with processyon and welcomed hym and soo the kynge came tydynge wyth hys pry¦soners thrugh the Cyte of London where that then was shewed many a fayr syght at all the conduytes and at the crosse in chepe as in he∣uenly araye of angells archaūgelles patryar∣kes prophetes and virgynes with dyuerse me¦lodyes sensynge and synginge to welcome the kynge and alle the conduytes rennynge wyth wyne & the kynge passed forthe to saynt Pou∣les and there mette wyth hym ·xiiii. bysshopes all reuessed & mytred with sensers to welcome the kynge / and there they songe for hys gracy∣ous vyctory. Tedeum laudamus. And there the kynge offred and toke his hors and rode to westmynster / & than the mayer tooke hys leue of the kynge and rode home ayen. ¶And in ye thyrde yere of kynge Henryes regne the fyfth come the Emperour of Almayne kynge of Ro¦me and of Hungrye in to Englonde and so to the cyte of London. And the mayer & the alder¦men wyth the shreues and worthy craftes of London by the kynges cōmaundement mette with hym on the blacke hethe in the best araye that they coude on horsbacke. And there they welcomed hym and broughte hym vnto Lon∣don with moche honour and greate reuerence And at saynt Thomas wateryng there mette with hym the Kyng wyth all his lordes in gode araye. And there was a worthy metynge by∣twene the Emperour and Kyng Henry the fyf¦te and there they kyssed togyder. And enbraced eche other / and than the Kynge tooke the Em∣perour by the honde and so they came rydynge thrugh the cyte of London vnto saynt Pou¦les and there they alyghted and offred and alle the bysshoppes stode reuesshed wyth sensers in theyr hōdes sengynge to theym. And than they tooke theyr horses and rode vnto westmynster And the Kynge lodged the Emperoure in hys owne palays and there he rested hym a greate whyle & alle at the Kynges coste. ¶And soone after came the duke of Hollande into Englon¦de to come and se there the Emperoure and to speke wyth hym and wyth our Kynge Hēry of Englōde. And he was worthely receyued and lodged in the bysshops Inne of Ely and all at the kynges coste. ¶And whan the Emperour had welle rested hym and seen the londe in dy∣uerse partyes and knewe the commodytes thā by the processe of tyme he tooke hys leue of the kynge / but or he yode he was made knyght of the garter and reteyned and wered ye lyueray. And than he thanked the kynge and all hys lor¦des. And than the kynge and he wente ouer the see vnto Calays and aboden there longe tyme to haue an answere of the Frensshe kynge. and at ye laste it came and plesed hym ryght nough∣te / and so the Emperour toke his leue of ye kyn¦ge and passed forth in goddes name / and oure kynge came ouer ayē into Englonde in all the hast that he myght & that was on saynt Lucas euen that he came to Lambythe / and the mon¦daye nexte he came in to ye parlemēte atte west∣mynster. ¶And in this same yere was a grete derth of corne in Englond. but thanked be god it lasted not longe. ANd in the fourth yere of Kynge Henry¦es regne the fyfthe he helde hys parlea∣mente atte westmynster in the begynnynge of Octobre and laste to the puryfycacyō of our la¦dy than nexte after. And there was graunted vnto hym to mayntene his warres both of spy¦rytualtee and of tēporalte an hoole are & a dye¦me. And than anone the kynge prayed all hys lordes to make them redy to strengthe hym in his ryght. And anone he lete make a newe re∣tenue and charged al his mē to be redy at Ham¦pton in wytson weke than next after wyth out ony delaye. And there the kynge made the du∣ke of Bedford protectour and defender of his reame of Englōde in hys absence and charged hym to kepe hys lawes & mayntene bothe spy∣rytuall and temporall. And whan the kynge had thus do and sette all thynge in his kynde. On saynt Markes daye he toke hys hors atte westmynster and came ridynge to Poules and there offred and tooke his leue / and so rode for∣the thrugh the cyte takenge hys leue of all ma∣ner of people as well poore as ryche prayenge theym all in generall to praye for hym. And so he rode forth to saynt Georges and there offre¦de & toke his leue of the mayer chargynge hym to kepe well his chambre. And so he rode forth to Hampton and there abode tylle his retenue were redy and comē for there was al his nauye and shyppes wyth hys ordynaunce gadred to∣gyder and well stuffed as longed to suche a ry∣all kynge wyth all manere of vytayls for suche a ryall people as welle for hors as for man as longed for suche a warryoure. That is to saye gonnes trypgytes engynes sowes bastyles / Brydges letge sclynynge ladders malles and spades shoueles pyckes pauys bowes and aro¦wes bowes strynges and tōnes chestes and py¦pes fulle of arowes as neded for suche a worthi warryoure that noo thynge was to seche whā∣ne tyme come / thyder came to hym shyppes la∣den with gonnes and gonpoudre. ¶And whan this was redy & hys retenue come ye kyn¦ge and all his lordes wyth alle hys ryall hooste wente to shyp and tooke the see and sayled into Normandye and londed at Touke vpon Lam¦masse daye than nexte after / And there he ma¦de .xlviii. knyghtes att his londynge. And than the kynge herynge of many enmyes vpon the see / that is for to saye .ix. greate Carackes hus∣kes Galays and shyppes that were comynge to dystroye his nauye. And anone he commaū∣ded the erle of Marche to be chyef chyeftayne and many other worthy lordes wyth hym and with men of armes and archers to goo to ye see that none enemyes defouled hys nauye ne en∣tred his vyage ne his Iourney. And anone the erle toke hys menye & went to shyp & scommed the see & kepte the see costes that noo manere of enmyes durste rowte vpon the see / and anone the kynge sente hys heraudes vnto the Capy∣tayne of Touke and charged hym for to dely∣uer hym hys castell and hys towne and els he wolde neyther leue man ne chylde alyue. And anone the Capytayne and foure other burge∣ses of the towne brought the keyes to the Kyn¦ge and besought hym of grace. And the Kynge delyuered the keyes to syr Iohan Kykeae and made hym Capytayne & cōmaunded hym for to put out all Frensshmen bothe of castell and of the towne. And there besyde was the castell of Louers and thyder the kynge sente the erle Marchall wyth a fayremenye and assauted ye towne / and anone it was yolden to the erle and brought hym the keyes / and he brought them to the Kynge and the Kynge tooke them to hym ayen and made hym Capytayne of the castell of Louers & of all that longed therto / and char¦ged hym to delyuer out alle the frensshmē / and than the kynge helde forth hys way to Cane yt was a stronge towne & a fayre & a ryall castell therin / and anone he sent his Heraudes to the Capytayne & charged hym to delyuer the tow∣ne & his castell or els he wolde gete theym with strenght of honde. And they answered & sayde. that he toke them none to kepe ne none the wol¦de delyuere vnto hym. And so anone he layde his syege vnto the towne and layde gonnes on euery syde and caste done bothe walles & tow∣res and slewe moche people in theyr houses / & also in stretes. And the good duke of Clarence layde downe the walles on his syde vnto ye ba∣re groande / And so wyth in a whyle the kynge by his counseylle assauted the towne all about And anone the Duke of Clarence was entred in to the towe and slewe downe ryght tyll he came to the kynge and spared nother man no chylde / and euer they cryed a Clarence a Cla∣rence and saint George / And there was deede on the walles on the kynges syde a worthy mā that was called Sprynges yt whiche ye kynge cōmaunded to be buryed in the abbaye of Ca∣nefast by wyllyam Conquerour. on whos sou¦le god huue mercy amen. And than the kynge came in to the towe wyth hys broder the Du∣ke of Clarence and many other worthy lordes wyth moche solemnyte & myrthe. And then ye kynge cōmaunded the Capytayne for to dely∣uer hym his Castell. And he besought ye kynge to gyue hym xiiii. dayes of respyte yf ony resco∣we wolde come / & yf none wolde come to dely∣uer hym the keyes & the castell at his cōmaun∣dement. And vnder this comeposycion was ye towne & the castell of Bayous with other tow¦nes fortresses and vylages in to the nobre off xiiii· vpon the hylle be fore the Castel of Cane our kynge pyght all his tentes that semed a tow¦ne as moche as the Cane & by that tyme came tydynges that none resowe wolde come there And so at the .xiiii. dayes ende the Capytayne of the castell came out and deliuered the keyes of the castell to our kynge / & bayous & the other xiiii. townes were delyuered vnto hym also / & anone the kynge delyuered the keyes to the du∣ke of Clarence & made hym Capytayne bothe of the towne and also of the castel / & made hym Capytayne of Bayorus & of all the other tow∣nys also / And so he entred the towne & the ca∣stell / & there he helde saint Georges feeste / and there he made xv. knyghtes of the bathe / there was syr Lowes Robert salyn Chaynye Mou∣gomerye & many other worthy men & the kyn∣ge cōmaunded them for to put out all the fren¦sshemen and women / & no man so hardy to de¦foule no woman ne take noo manere of good awaye frome theym but let them passe in peas on payne of dethe. And there passed oute of the towne in one daye moo than xv. hondred wo∣men / And than the kynge lete stuffe the towne and Castell with Englysshemen and ordeyned there twoo Capytayns that one for ye towne & an other for the castell. ¶And charged theym vppon theyr lyues to kepe well the towne and the castell. And or that oure kyng wente thens he gate Valeys Newelyn and layde asyege to Chyrburgh / and that seyge layde the Duke of Gloucestre wyth a stronge power and a mygh¦ty / and by processe of tyme and made ther a Ca¦pytayne of the same towne. ¶And this same tyme the good Eerle of warwyk layed a seyge vnto Donnfronte and gate it and put therin a Capteyne. And for to speke more of the Eerle of Marche that the kynge ordeyned tho for to scomme the see and to kepe the costes of Eng∣londe for all manere of enmyes. The wynde ro¦se vppon theym that they wende all to haue bē loste / but thorough the grace of almaghty god and good gouernaunce they rodden afore the yle of wyght all that storme. And ther was lo¦ste two Carackes and twoo Balyngers wyth marchaundyse and other grete goodes / & al the people that were within theym. And an other Caracke broke vp before Hampton and thre∣we his maste ouer the walles of the towne and this was on saynt Barthelomeus daye / And whan all this storme was cessed. Thys worthy Erle of marche toke his shyppes wyth hys me∣nye and wente to the see & londed in Norman∣dye at Hogges and so roden forth to wardes ye kynge / ¶And euer as he came the Frensshe∣men fledde / & there came to theym an Antho∣ny pygge and folowed the hooste alle the waye Tyll they came to a grete water and there they dradde to haue be drowned or drenched / For the water closed theym soo that they myghte noo where gete oute / ¶But at the laste god al¦myghty and thys Anthony Pygge broughte theym alle in saufte oute / And there they cau∣ghte theym a gyde that knewe the Countree a¦boute and he brought theym thorough a quyc¦ke Sande / And so forthe in to an Ile. and also they toke many prysoners by the waye to war¦de the kynge in theyr Iourneye / and so they to men vnto the castel Cane And there the kyn¦ge welcomed hym and toke hys Iourney atte Argentun and anone tho t was yolden to the kynge and they had theyr lyues and wente the¦yr waye. And than oure kynge remeued vnto a stronge towne that tho was called Cese / and there was a fayer mynster and they yelde it vp anone vnto the kynge. And thanne the kynge wente from thens to laūsome and wanne the towne & the brydge / and the kynge sent the Er¦le of warwyk to a towne that was called Be∣lesme wyth a grete & stronge power and anone they yelde it and put them al to the kynges gra¦ce & in hys mercy / & so dyde many stronge tow¦nes and castels that were in tho partyes. And from thens they wente to Vernyll in Perche. & anone it was yolden vnto the kynge bothe the towne and the castell and bodyes and godes to the kynges good grace / and so the Kynge gate and conquered all the townes & castelles pyles strengthes and abbays vnto the cyte of rone. ¶And in the fyfth yere of kynge Henryes reg¦ne the fyfth / syr Iohan Oldcastell that was ye lorde cobham was arested for heresie and brou¦ghte vnto the Towre of London / & anone af∣te he brake the Towre and wente into wales & there he kepte hym longe tyme. And att the last the lord Powys toke hym / but he stode att gre¦te defence longe tyme and was soore wounded or he wolde be taken and soo the lorde Powys men brought hym out of wales vnto London agayne in a whyrlcole and soo he was brought to westmynster and there was examined of cer¦tayne pointes that were put vppon hym. and he sayd not naye & so he was conuyte of ye clar∣gye for hys heresye / And dampned before the Iustyces vnto the dethe for treason. And then he was ladde to the Toure ayen / and there he was layde on an hurdell & drawen thrugh the cytye to saynt Gelys felde & there was made a newe payre of galowes and stronge & a coler of yren for hym and there he was hanged and brēte on the galowes and al for his leudenesse and his fals opynyons. ANd in the .vi. yere of kynge Henrye the fyfth. He sente hys vncle syr Thomas Beauforde duke of Excestre with a fayre me∣nye of mē of armes and archers before the cyte of Rone and there dyspleyed his Baner & sente herodes vnto the towne and badde theym yel∣de that cyte vnto our kynge theyr lyege lorde & they sayde he tooke them none to kepe ne none he sholde haue there but yf it were dere bought and meued with theyr hondes for other answe¦re wolde they none gyue but gonnes. ¶And there the duke toke gode any semēt of ye grounde all about. And anone there yssued out of the cytee a grette menye of men of armes bo¦the on horsbacke and on foote and and anone our menye mette wyth them and ouer trewe a greate hepe of them and there takē and slayne xxx. persones of full ryght good mennys body¦es and the remenaunt fledde aien in to the tow¦ne / and the duke wente vnto Pountlarge vn∣to the kynge. and tolde hym al how that he had spedde and howe that he lyked the grounde. ¶And anone as the duke was gone they caste downe all the subarbes aboute the Cyte vnto the harde grounde. For bycause the kyng shol¦de there noo refusynge. And vpon the frydaye before lammasdaye thanne nexte folowynge. onre kynge with his hoste came before Rone / and anone he sete hys syege rounde about that Cytye / and anone he lete laye hys ordynaunce vnto the towne. And the kynge wyth hys lor¦des were logded wythin the chartre house and grete strengthe aboute theym and that was in the Eest partye of the Cytee. And than the du∣ke of Clarence lodged hym with all his streng¦the and power att the weste ende in a waste ab∣baye before proce Chanx. And the duke of Ex¦chestre with his menye in the Northe syde befo¦re the porte Beauuesyn. And bytwene the du¦ke of Clarence and the duke of Excestre was the Erle Marchall lodged wyth moche people and a stronge power before the castell gate. ¶And thanne the Erle of Ormonde with the lorde Haryngton and also the Lorde Talbott wyth theyr Retenue and companye next hym ¶And thanne Syr Iohan Cornewayle with manye othere noble Knyghtes and Squyres of name wyth all theyr Retenue laye wyth the noble duke of Clarence. ¶And thanne frome the duke of Excestre towardes the kynge we∣re lodged the Lorde Roos / and the lorde wyl∣leby wyth the Lorde Phehewe and Syre wyl¦lyam porter knight with theyr retenue before the porte of Saynt Hyllary. And than̄e was the Erle of Mortaye with his retenne lodged in the abbaye of Saynte Katherynes. ¶And the Erle of Salesbury wyth hys retenue laye on that other syde of Saynt Katherynes / and Syr Iohan Graye knyght was lodged att the abbaye that is called mounte du saynt Mychel And syr Phylyp Leche. knyght the kynges tre¦sourer was lodged bytwene the water of Seyn and the abbaye and kept the warde vnder the hylle And the baron of Carowe was lodged vn¦der the water syde for to kepe the passage / and Ienyco the squyre laye nexte hym on the wa∣ter syde / and these two squyres kept manly the water of seyn & fought with theyr enmyes oft tymes. And on that other syde of Seyn laye ye erle of Hontyngdon & master Neuyll the erles sone of westmer london / and syr Gylbert Vm∣reuyll erle of Keme / and syr Rycharde erle of Arundell & the lorde Feryers wyth theyr rete∣nue before porte du poūte and eche of these lor∣des had stronge ordynaūce / & the kynge dyde make at Poūtlarge ouer the water of Seyn a stronge and amyghty chayne of Iron & put yt thrught grete pylis fast pyght in the grounde & that wente ouer the Ryuer of Seyn that no vessell myght passe yt in to kynde. And aboue that chayn the kynge lete make a brydge ouer the water of Seyn that man & hors & all other caryage myght go to and fro at all tymes whā nede were. And than came ye erle of warwyke and had goten Doūfronte vnto kynge Henry of Englonde. And anone the kynge sent the er¦le of warwyk to Cawdebeke for to be seyge yt / And whan he came before the towne he sente his Heraudes vnto the Capytayne and badde hym yelde vp the towne vpon payne of dethe and anone he layde his sege. And the Capytay¦ne besought the erle that he myght come vnto hys presence and it pleased hym & speke wyth hym / and soo the good erle graūted hym for to come. And than he came oute and foure other burgeys came wyth hym & entreated soo wyth this erle that this same towne was vnder com¦posycyon to be done as the Cyte of Rome dyde and the Erle graunted and consented thoto vpoon thys condycyon that the kynges nauye of Englonde wyth hys ordynaunce / myghte passe by theym in saufte with out ony manere of lette or dysturbaunce. And to his composy∣cyon they sete to theyr seales. And the shyppes passed vp by them in saufte and came before the Cytee of Rone in to an hondred shyppes & there they caste theyr ankers / and thanne thys Cyte was besyeged bothe by londe and by wa¦ter. And whan all this was done and the shyp¦pes comen vp than came the erle of warwyke ayen to the kyng and lodged hym bytwene the abbaye of saynt Katherynes and the kyng tyll that the abbaye enteraced and so was yolden vnto the kynge. And thanne he remeued hym thens and lodged hym before the porte Mar∣tenuylye / and tho was the erle of Salysbury commaunded by the Kynge for to make hym redy for to ryde but there came hasty tydynges and made hym to abyde. And soo he retorned ayen and lodged hym besyde the good Erle of Huntyngdon tylle that syege was ended. ¶And thenne came the good duke of Glouce¦stre the kynges brother from the syege of Chyr∣bourghe the whiche he hadde goten and stuffid it agayne vnto the kynges behoue and profyte vnto the crowne of Englond. And whan he was comen to the kynge before Rone he lod¦ged with greate ordynaunce before the porte Saynt Hyllary more nerer the towne and hys enmyes thenne ony other laye by .xl. roddes of lenthe within shote of quarell. And wyth hym laye the Erle of Southfolke and the Lorde of Bergeyeney wyth all hys retenue and stronge ordynaunce and manly and proudly faughte euery day wyth theyr enmyes euer whan they yssued out of the cyte. ¶And thanne came the pryoure of Kylmayne of Irlonde ouer the see to the kynge wyth a fayr meny of armes of the¦yr owne countree gyse the somme of .xvi. hon∣dred good mennys bodyes / and the kyng wel∣comed theym and made theym goode there. ¶And thanne came thydynges vnto the kyn∣ge that the kynge of Fraūce and the Dolphyn with the duke of Burgoyne wolde come dow∣ne and rescowe the Cyte of Rone with a stron¦ge power of all manere of nacyons and breke the syege And casteth hym to entre on the nor∣the syde of the hooste by cause that there was the beste entrynge and moost playne and there for the kynge assyned the pryoure of Kylmay∣ne wyth his power and lodged hym on the nor¦the syde of the hoste for to stoppe theyr passage and was by the foreste of Lyons and of this or¦dynaunce they were full gladde & so they went forthe in all haste & kepte the grounde and the place that the kyng & his counseyll had assyg¦ned / and they quyte them as good warryours vnto thyer kynge. ¶Now wyll I tell you why¦che were the chyef Capytayns & gouernoure of the Cytee of Rome. Monsyr uy Boteler was cheyf Capytayne bothe of the cyte and of the castell. And Mon syre Teymygan he was Capytayne of porte Canx. Mon syr de al Ro∣che he was Capytayne of the Dysners. Mon syr Anthony he was Lyuetenaūt to. Mon syr Guy Botyler / Henry Chantfyen he was the Capytayne of the porte dela Pounte· Iohan Materuas was Capytayne of the porte de la Castell / Mon syr de Preant he was Capytay∣ne of the porte of Saynt Hyllary / The bastar¦de of Tyne he was Capytayn of ye porte Mar∣tenuylle / And graunt Iakes a worthy warry∣oure he was Capytayne of al mē of warre and he wys gouernour outwarde both on horsbac∣ke and on foot of all men of armes whan they yssued out of the cytee of all the portes than he arayed them al they sholde encountre with our menye. And eche of the Capytayns ladde fyue thousande / men of armes and some moo. And of the fyrste comynge of our Kynge theyr were nombred by Heroudes in to thre hundred thou¦sande of mē and womē & chyldren what yonge and olde / & amonge all these was many a man full man of his hondes and so the preued them whan they yssued out of the cytee both on hors∣backe and on foot / for they came neuer att one gate allone / but at thre or foure gates and attē euery gate two or thre thousande of good men¦nys bodyes armed & manfully encoūtred with our Englyssmē and moche people slayne dyuer¦se tymes wyth gonnes quarelles and other or∣dynaunce. And this syege dured ·xx. wekes and euery they of the towne trusted to haue be resco¦wed but there cam none / so att the laste they ke¦pte towne soo lange that there deyed many a thousādes within the towne for defaute of me¦te of men and chyldren / for they had eten theyr horses dogges and cattes that were in the tow∣ne. And often tymes the men of armes drofe out the pore people out att the gates of the tow¦ne for spendynge of vytaylles / and anone our Englysshmen drofe theym into the towne ayen Soo at the laste the Capytayne of the towne sa¦we the myschyef and that they were not resco∣wed and also the scarsyte of vytaylle and that the people deyed soo for defaute of meete euery daye many thousandes / And also sawe yonge chyldren lye and souke theyr moders pappes & were deed. ¶Than anone they sente to the kynge besechynge hym of hys grace and mer∣cye and broughte the keyes of the towne vnto the kynge and delyuered the towne to hym & al the soudyours voyed the towne with theyr hor¦ses and harnes and the comunes of the towne for to abyde and dwelle styll in the towne yere¦ly / to paye to hym & to hys successours for alle manere customes and see fermes & katerenes. And than the kyng entred in to the towne and rested hym in the castell tyll of ye wne was set∣te in rule and in gouernaunce. ANd anone after that Rone was goten Depe and manye other townes in the basse Normandye gaf them ouer without stro¦ke or syege whan they vnderstode that the kyn∣ge had goten Rone Also this yere had be a peas made & sworne bytwene the duke of Bugoyne and the Dolphyn whiche were sworne on god¦des body that they sholde loue and assysse eche other ayenst theyr enemyes. And after this con¦trary to this othe duke Iohn̄ of burgoyne was slayne and pyteously murdred in the presence of the Dolphyn wherfore the Frensshmen we¦re gretly deuydeb & of very necessyte laboured to haue a treatye wyth the kynge of Englonde. for the kynge of Englonde wanne dayely of them townes castels▪ & fortresses. ¶Also thys same yere was quene Iane arested & brought vnto the castell of Ledes in Kent. And one re¦re Radulfe a doctour of dyuynyte confessour whyche afterwarde was slayne by the persoone of the Toure fallynge at wordes and debate. And after warde quene Iane was delyuered. ¶And in the .vii. yere both the kynge of fraū∣ce and of Englonde were accorded and kynge Henry was made heyre and regent of Fraun∣ce and wedded dame Katheryne the doughter of / fraunce at Troyes in Champayne▪ on try¦nyte sondaye. And this was made by the men¦ne of Phylyp newe made duke of Burgoyne whiche was sworne to kynge Henry to auen∣ge hys faders deth and was become Englyssh. ¶And thanne the kynge wyth hys newe wyfe wente to Parys where as he was ryall recey¦ued. And from thens he wente wyth his lordes And the duke of bourgoyn. and many other lor¦des of / fraunce and layd syege to dyuerse tow∣nes & castels that helde of the Dolphyns par∣tye and wanne them but the towne of Milon helde longe tyme for therin were good defen∣ders. In the .viii. yere the kyng and the quene came ouer see and londed on Landelmasse da¦ye on the morne att Douer. And the .xiiii. daye of / feuerer the kynge came to London. And ye xxi daye of the same monthe the quene came. And the .xxiiii. of the same she was crowned at westmynster. ¶Also that same yere anone after Ester the kyng helde a palement at west∣mynster / at whiche parlemente it was ordey∣ned that that golde in Englysshe coyn sholde be weyed & none receyued but by weyght. nd anone after wytsontyde the kynge saylled to Calays and passed forth so in to Fraūce. And in the .xxii. daye of Marche before the kyng ca¦me ouer the duke of Clarence was slayne in Fraunce and dyuerse other lordes taken pryso¦ners as the erle of Huntyngdon the erle of So¦merset with dyuerse other / and all was bycau¦se they wold not taken none archers with them but thoughte to haue ouercome the Frensshe∣men themself without archers. And yet whan he was slayne the archers came & rescowed ye body of the duke whiche they wolde haue cary¦ed with them / god haue mercye on his soule he was a valyaunte man. And the same yere by∣twene Crystmasse and cādelmasse the towne of Mylon was yolden vnto the kynge. ¶In the .ii. yere on saynt Nycholas daye in Decem¦bre was borne Henry the kynges fyrste bego∣ten sone at wyndesore / whos god faders at the font stone was syr Henry bysshop of wynches¦tre and Iohn̄ duke of Bedford and the duches¦se of Holonde was godmoder / and Henry chy¦chelay Archebysshop of Caūterbury was god fader at confermynge. ¶And in the .x. yere ye Cyte of Mews in Bry was goten whiche had ben longe besyeged And this same yere the que¦ne shypped at Hampon and sayled ouer to the kynge in Fraunce where she was worshypful¦ly receyued of the kynge / and also of the kyng of Fraynce hyr fader and of hyr moder. And thus kynge Henry wanne faste Fraunce and helde grete astate and sate at a greate feest in Parys crowned & ye quene also whiche hadde not been seen before / and alle people resorted vnto his courte / but as to the kynge of Fraun¦ce he helde none astate ne rule but was lefte al¦moost allone. ¶Also this yere the weder toke was sete vpon Poules steple at London. And this yere in the monethe of August the kynge waxed seke at Boys devyncynt / and whan he sawe he sholde deye he made hys testamēt & or∣deyned many noble thynges for hys soule and deuoutly receyued all the ryghtes of holy chyr¦che / in soo ferre for they that whanne he was a¦noynted he sayde the seruyse with the preest / & at ye verse of the spalme of Miserere mei deus that was Benigne fac dn̄e in bona voluntate tuasyon / vt edificentur mury Iherusalem / he badde tarye there and sayd thus O good lorde thou knowest that myn entente hathe ben and yet is yf I myght lyue to redyfye the walles of Iherusalem. And thanne the preest proceded forth and made anende. And anone after thys mooste noble prynce and dyctoryous kynge floure in hys tyme of crysten chyualrye. who∣me all the worlde doubted gaaf hys soule in to the handes of god and deyed and made an en / de of his naturall lyfe att the for sayde Boys / de vyncent besyde Parys ye .xxxvi. yere of hys aege / vppon whoos sowle god haue mercy. Amen. ¶Than was the body enbamed and cyred and layd in a ryall chare and an ymage lyke to hym was layde vpvon the corps open wyth dyuerse baners and horses couered ry∣chely with the armes of Englonde and Fraun¦ce / and also the olde armes of saynt Edwarde saynt Edmonde and other with grete multy∣tude of torches / with whome wente the kynge of Scotlonde and many other lordes whyche accompanyed the body tyll it came vnto west¦mynster by London in Englonde and euery towne by the waye he had solempnely his dyry¦ge on the euē and masse on the morne and mo∣che almes was gyuen to poore peple by ye waye And the .vii. daye of Nouembre after ye corps was brought / thrugh London wyth grete re∣uerēce & solempnyte to westmynster where as he nowe lyeth / it was worshypfully buryed / & after was layd on his tombe a ryal ymage lyke hȳself of syluer and gylde which was made att the cost of quene Katheryne. And thus ended and is entered and buryed the noble kyng Hē¦ry ye fyfth / vpon whoos soule and al crystē sou¦les god haue mercy Amē. HEre is to be noted that this kynge Hen∣ry the fyfth was a noble prynce after he was kynge and crowned how it before in hys yogth he had be wylde recheles & spared noo thynge of hys lust ne desyres but accōplesshed them after his lykyng / but as soone as he was crowned enoynted & sacred anone sodaynly he was chaunged into a newe man & set all his en¦tent to lyue vertuously in mayntenynge of ho∣ly chyrche / destroyenge of heretykes / kepynge Iustyce & defendynge of his reame & subgettes ¶And for as moche as hys fader had deposed by hys labour the good kyng Rycharde & pyte¦ously made hym to deye / & for the offence done to hym ayenst his legaunce he had sent to rome for to be assoyled therof For whiche offēce our holy fader ye pope enyoyned hym to make hym to be prayed for perpetually. and lyke as he had done to be takē from hym his naturall lyf ther¦fore he shold do fyside four tapers to brēne per∣petually about his body that for the extynccōn of his bodely lyf his soule may euer be remem∣bred and lyf in heuē in spyrytual lyfe. And also that he sholde euery weke on ye daye as come a∣aboute of hys deth haue a solempne masse of re¦quiē & on ye euē afore dyryge wyth .ix. lessons & a doole to poore peple alwaye on that daye of a xi. shellynges & .vii. pens to be deled peny mele / and ones in the yere at his annyuersary his ter¦mēte to be holden in ye most honest wyse / & be¦deled ye daye .xx. poūde in pens to poore people And to euery monke .xx. shellynge whyche alle these thynhes performed thys noble kynge for his fader for kyng Henry the fourth / his fader performed it not durynge hys lyf of whome as it is sayd that god dyd touche hym & was lepre¦or that he deyed. ¶And also thys noble prynce lette do calle all ye abbottes & pryours of saynte Benets order in Englond & had all them into the chapytre hous of westmynster for the refor¦macyon of theyr order wherin he had comuny¦cacyon / and also wyth bysshops and mē of the spyrytualte / in so ferre forth that they doubted sore as that he wold haue had the temporaltes out of theyr hondes / wherfore by the aduyse la∣bours and procurynge of the spyrytuallyte en∣couraged the kyng for to chalenge Norman∣dye and his ryght in Fraunce / to that entente to set hym a warke there that he shold not seke none occasyons for to entre into suche maters And than all his lyf tyme afterwarde he labou∣red & was besy in the warre & in conquerynge a grete parte of the reame of / fraunce. and so af¦terwarde yt by the grement of the Kynge Char¦les he had the gouernaunce & the rule of the rea¦me of / fraunce and he was proclamed regnet & heyre of / fraunce. ¶And so notwithstandynge for alle this grete warre that he had / neuerthe∣les yet he remēbred his soule & also thought that he was mortall & nedes must deye / for whyche cause he ordeyned by hys lyfe tyme the place of his sepulture where as he is buryed / and hath euery daye thre masses perpetually songen in a chapell our his sepultur of the whiche ye myd¦dyll masse & the fyrste and the laste masse shall be as it is assygned by hym as it apperyeth by these verses folowynge. ¶And yet the noble Kynge Henry the fyfte founded twoo houses of relygyon on is called Syon besyde Braynforde of ye ordre of Saynt Brygfte both of mē and women and on that other syde of the Ryuer Tamyse an hows of monkes of Chartrehous / in whyche twoo pla¦ces he is contynually prayed for nyght & daye / For euer whan they of Syon resten than they of the Chaptre hous do theyr seruyce & in lyke wyse whan they of the Chartre hous resten the other gooth to / & by ryngynge of the belles of eyther place eche knoweth whan they haue en∣ded theyr seruyte whyche be nobly endowed / & do dayly there grete almes dedes / as in Char∣ter hous certayne chyldren be founde to scole. & at Syon certayn almes geuen dayly. And yet besyde all thys he founde a recluse the whyche shall be alway a preest to praye for hym by the sayd Chartre hous whyche preest is suffycyent¦ly endowed for hym & a seruaunt Lo here may all prynces take ensample by thys noble pryn∣ce that regned so lytyll tyme not fully .x. yere & dyde so many noble actes as well for his soule to be perpetually remembred & prayed for / as in his conquestes & he beynge in his moste lus¦ty aege dysposyd to eschewe synne & was a gre¦te Iusticer in so moche yt all the prynces of cry¦stendome dradde hym & also of hethenes / & he had determyned in hymself yf god wolde haue spared hym to haue warred on the Sarasyns & for to knowe the ayde of other prynces & alle the passages in ye Iourneye he sente a knyght of Henaude named Hugh de lanoye vnto Ihe¦rusalem / but or he retorned he deyed at Boys de vencence in the .xxxvi. yere of hys aege. on whos soule god haue mercy Amen. FElyx the .v. was pope whā Eugenyus was deposed .ix. yere. This man Felyx was duke of Sauoyen deuonte prince an olde man. and he saw his ckyldes chylde This mā whan he lyued a holy lyf was chosen pope of the counsell of Basyle. and eugeny was depo¦sed. and there was stryfe longe tyme. And he had no grete obediēce for the deposycyō of eu∣genye: And at the laste Eugenye decessed. and than felyx esygned to Nycholas for fauoure of puas to be had & he was made legate of Fra¦unce & Cardynal of Sabyanus This was the xxiii. stryfe bytwyxt Eugeny and felyx & it du¦red .xvi· yere and thys was a new cause & ne∣uer seen before for the counseill of Basyle depo¦sed Eugeny they vere pope and there was noo mo for he obeyed not the decrees of the coūseyl of Constantinople as they sayd ne he charged not to obeye the counsyel of basyle: but he say¦de rather the countrary sholde be done than as they decreed. wherfore there arose a grete alte¦racyon in ye mater / for some sayde one waye & some an other & coude not accorde to thys daye for that one partye sayde that coūeyll was a∣boue the pope. & an other partye sayde the con¦trary ye the pope was about the coūseyll. But they lefte it vndetermyned. And therfore god muste dyspose for the best. ¶Albert was Em∣perour after Syghysmonde one yere. thys Al∣bert was the duke of Austre & neuewe to Sy∣gysmonde / and therfore he was kynge of Be∣me and of Vngray for hys doughter for other heyre he left none. This man was chosen Em¦perour of almayne but anon he was poysened and dyed / and he was in althynge a vertuous man yt all men sayd he was a presydent to alle kynges. ¶Fredericus the thyrde was Empe¦roure after hym. this Frederyk was the duke of Osteryk & chosen Emperoure of Almayne but it was longe or he was crowned of the po∣pe for deuysyon. And at the last there was ma∣de an vnyte / & he was crowned with a greate honour of the pope in ye cyte & was a peasyble man & a quyete & of a synguler pyte & he hated not the clergye (he wedded the kynges dough∣ter of Portyngale / & in hys tyme whyles that heregned he made a grete cūuocacion of pryn¦ces in Ratyspona for the Incours of the Tur¦kes / & shewed vnto them yt nowe within this ·xx. yere crystendom was made lasse by two hū¦dred myle. and he warned theym yt they sholde be redy to resyst hym. ¶And the Imperyal cy∣te of Constantynople was take at ye same tyme of the mysbyleuynge Turkes & betrayed by a Ianuēs whom for his labour the Turke ma¦de a kynge as he promysed hym. and the four∣the daye he called hym to hym and dyde hange hym for his dysceyte to his master. And there was greate sorowe and wepynge amonge the crysten people for losse of ye noble Cyte / forma¦ny a Crysten man was slayne & innumer able were solde: and the emperour was slayne & for enuye the Turke caused his heed to be smyten of whan he was deed· And almoost all the fay¦the in ye londe of Greke fayled. ¶Nycholaus the .v. a Ianueus was pohe after Felyx .viii. yere. This Nycholas was chosen at Rome in the place of Eugenye· and yet the stryfe hen ge¦styll / by a lytyll and a lytyll they obeyed hym & all men merueyled that a man of so poore a na¦cyon sholde obteyne ayenst the duke of Sa∣uoy the whyche was cosyn and alyed all moost to alle the prynces of crystendoome and euery∣chone lefte hym. Than in the yere after there was a peas made / felyx resygned for yt pleased our lorde hys name to be gloryfyed by an obiec¦te of the worlde as that Ianuens was in com∣paryson of the duke the pope. This Nycholas was a mayster indiuynyte and an actyue man & a ryche man in conseytes & many thynges yt were fallē he buyldyd ayen / and al ye walles of Rome he renewed for dred of the Turke And there was a verse made of this vnyte & publys∣shed in the cyte. ¶Lux fulsit mūdo: cessit felix Nychalao. And that in ye yere of our lord. M CCCC.xlix. The yere of grace with a grete de∣uocyon was confermed and Innumerable pe¦ple went to the appostels setes. AFter kynge Henry the fyfth regned Hē¦ry hys sone but a chylde & not fully one yere of aege. whos regnne began the fyrst daye of Septēbre in ye yere of our lord .M.CCCC.xxii. This kynge beynge in his cradell was mo¦che doubted / and drade bycause of the gret con¦quest of his fader & also the wysdom & guydyn¦ge of his vncles the duke of Bedford and ye du¦ke of Gloucestre. ¶This yere the .xxi. daye of Octobre deyed Charles the kynge of Fraunce & lyeth buryed att saynt Denys. And than the duke of Bedford was made regne of Fraunce & the duke of Gloucestre was made protectour & defēdour of Englōde. ¶And the fyrste daye of Marche after was syr wyllyam Tayloure preest degarded of hys preesthode & on the mor¦ne after he was brent in smythfeld for heresye. ¶This yere syr Iames Stewarde kynge of Scottes maryed dame Iane the duchesse dou¦ghter of clarence the whyche she had by hyr fyr¦ste husbonde ye erle of Somerset at saynt Ma¦ry ouerys ¶Also this yere the xxvii. day of Au¦gust was the bataylle in Perche bytwene the duke of Bedforde regne of fraunce and the du¦ke of Aloūsome whiche was a ful grete batayll The duke of bedforde had on hys syde the elre of salysbury moūtagu and the lorde talbot and all the power that they coude make in Normā∣dye and the garnysons kepe & also many Capy¦tayns wyth moche people of the duke of Bur∣goyns. And on that other syde was the duke of Ilaunsome. The duke of Turon that was the erle of Doughan and the erle Boughan with many lordes of fraūce and a grete company of Scottes and Armynaxys. And than the erle / Douglas called the duke of Bedforde in scor∣ne Iohan with the leden swerde. And he sente hym worde ayen yt he sholde fynde ye daye that his swerde was of stele. And the batayle Ioy¦ned on bothe sydes faught and lōge tyme that. there wyst no mā whoo sholde haue the better a grete whyle / but att the last as god wolde the vyctory felle vnto the Englysshe partye. For there where slayn the erle Douglas whiche aly¦tell before wasse made duke of Turon the erle. Boughan the erle Almemere the erle of Tonu at the erle of Vaūtedor & the vyscounte of Ner¦bon whyche was one of them yt slewe the duke Iohan of Burgoyne knelynge before the Dol¦phyn & many moo vnto the nombre of .x. thou¦sande & mo And there was takē presoners and duke of Alaūsome and many other lordes and gentylles of / fraunce. But Scottes that daye were slayne downe ryght the substaunce of thē all. ¶And the thyrde yere of kynge Henry the syxt the duke of Gloucestre maryed the duches¦se of Hollāde and wēt ouer see with hyr into he¦naude for to take possessyon of hys wyue enhe∣rytaūce where he was honerably receyued and taken for lorde of that londe but soone after he was fayne to retorne home ayen into Englon¦de. and lete hys wyf and all his tresoure that he had brought with hym in a towne yt is callyd Mounle in Henaude whyche promysed hym to be true to hym. Notwithstandynge they de¦lyuered the lady to the duke of Burgoyne whi¦che sent hyr to Gaunt. And from thens she es¦capyd in a mannys clothynge and came into zelande to a towne of hyr owne callyd Syryer And from thens she went to a towne in Hollon¦de called ye Gowde and there she was stronge ynoughe & withstode the forsayd duke of Bur¦goyne. ¶And soone after the duke of Glou¦cestree sente ouer see in too zelonde the Lorde Fytzwater wyth certayne men of armes and archers for to helpe and socoure the forsayde duchesse of Hollande whyche londed att a pla∣ce in zeelande called. Brewers hauen where the lordes of the coūtree came downe▪ and tau∣ghte wyth hym / in conclusyon he was feyne to wythdraw hym and hys menye to the see ayen But yet he slewe and kylde & hutte dyuerse lor∣des & moche peple of ye same coūtre / & retorned home ayen into Englōde wyth his meny & pre∣uayled noo thynge. ¶And also thys same yee the erle of Salysbury / the erle of Souffolk the lorde wylle by and the lord Scales with their re¦tenue layd syege to the cyte of Manus the whi¦che cyte was yolde to theym wyth many other strong townes & castels to ye nombre of .xxxvi. ¶This tyme all Normandye and a grete par¦te of / raunce vnto Orlyaunce was vnder the obeysaunce of the Kynge of Englonde / and all the remenaunte of / fraunce was in grete tribu¦lacyon and myschyef. IN the fourth yere the same nyghte that the mayer of London Iohan Couentre had taken his charge / was a greate watche in London for a fraye yt was bytwene ye bysshop of wynchestre. & the duke of Gloucestre protec¦tour &c̄. For the mayer wyth the peple of ye cy¦te wold abyde by ye duke of Gloucestre as pro¦tectour & defendour of the reame but by labou¦re of lordes that went bytwene / and in especy¦all by the labour of the prynce of Portyngale / there was a poyntement taken that there was no harme done. ¶And after ye batayll of Ver¦nayll in Perche the duke of Bedforde came o∣uer in to Englonde. And on wytsondaye thys same yere at Leycestre he dubbed kynge Hen∣ry knyght. And forth with the sayd kyng Hen∣ry dubbed all these / knyghtes whos names of lowen / that is to wyte syre Rycharde duke of yorke / also the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Nurthfolk / the erle of Oxforde / ye erle of west merlonde / the sone and heyre / of ye erle of Nor¦thumberlond / the sone and heyre of the erle of Vrmonde / the lorde Roos / syr Iamys bottelar the lorde Martrauas / syr Henry gray of Tan¦keruyle syr wyllyam Neuyll / lorde Fawcon∣brydge / syr George Neuyll lord Latymer the lorde wellys / the lorde Barkle / the sone. & hey∣re of the lorde Talbot / syr Raufe gray of wer∣ke / syr Robert veer syr Rychard gray / syr Ed∣monde hongerforde syre Iohan bottelar / syre Raynolde Cobham syr Iohan passheley / syre Thomas tūstall. Iohan Chydyok / syr Raufe langeforde / syr wyllyam drury / syre wyllyam thomas / Rycharde Carbonell / syr Rycharde wyde wyle / syr Iohn̄ shrydelow syr wyllyam Chayne / syr wyllyam Badyngton. syr Iohnn Iune / and syr Gylbert beauchampe. ¶Item in the fyfth yere the duke of Bedford wyth the duchesshe hys wyfe wente ouer see to Calayes & a lytell before wente ouer see Henry bysshop of wynchestre. And on our ladyes daye Annū¦cyacyon in our lady thirche at Calays the bys¦shop of wyncestre as he had sōgen masse was made Cardynall and he knelyge before the hy¦ghe awter the duke of Bedforde set the hat vp¦pon his heed / and there were hys bulles redde as well of hys charge as of ye reioysynge of his benefyces spyrytall and temporall. And thys same yere was grete habundaunce of rayne / that the substaūce of heye / & also of corne was dystroyed / for it rayned almooste euery other daye. ¶And this same yer ye good erle of Sa∣lesbury syr Thamas of Mountagu layd syege vnto Orlyaunce at the whyche syege he was slayne wyth a gonne that come out of the tow∣ne on whos soule god haue mercy. Amen. For sythe that he was slayne Englysshe men ne∣uer gate ne preuayled in Fraunce / but euer af¦ter began to lese lytyll tyll all was loste. ¶Also this same yere a Bryton murthred a good we¦dowe in hyr bedde without Algate whiche we∣dowe foūde hym for almes / and he bare away all that she and. And after this he toke the gyr¦the of holy chyrche at saynt George in South∣warke / & there he toke the crosse and for swore this londe. And as he wente it happened that he came by the place where he dyd this cursyd dede in the subarbes of London and the wo∣men of ye same parysshe came out with staues and canell dounges and slewe & made an ende of hym there. Notwithstandynge the conesta∣bles & many other men beynge presente for to kepe hym for there were so many women and had no pyte. ¶Also this same yere the duke of Northfolk with many gentylmen and yomen toke his barge / the .vii. daye of Nouembre att Saynt Mary oueres for to haue gone thrughe London brydge. And thrughe mysgydynge of the barge it ouerthrewe on the pyles and ma∣ny men drowned / but the duke hymselfe wyth two or thre leped vppon pyles and soo were sa∣ued wyth helpe of mē that were aboue the bryd¦ge with castynge downe ropes / by the whyche popes they saued them self. ¶This same yere on saynt Leonardes day kyng Henry beynge vii. yere of age was crowned at westmynster / at whoos coronacyon were made .xxxvii. kny∣ghtes. ¶This yere on saynt Georges daye he rassed ouer see to Calays to warde Fraunce. ¶About this tyme and a fore the reame beyn¦ge in grete mesery and trybulacyon. the Dol∣phyn with his partye begā to make warre and gate certayne places and made distresses vpon the Englysshmen by the meane of hys Capy∣tayns. yt is to saye la heer & poton de sayntrayl∣les / and espycyal. a mayde whiche they named la pucelle de dicu. This mayde rode lyke a mā and was a valyaunt Capytayne. amonge thē and toke vpon hyr many grete enterpryses in so moche that they had a byleue for to haue re∣coueryd all theyr losses by hyr. Notwithstan∣dynge at the laste after many grete fautes / by the helpe of prudence of syr Iohn̄ Lukembur∣ghe the whiche was a noble Capytayne of the duke of Burgon & many Englysshemen Py∣cardes and Burgonyons whiche were of oure partye before the towne of Company the .xxiii daye of Maye the for sayde pucelle was taken in ye feld armed lyke a man & many other Capy¦taynes with hyr & were all brought to Rone & there she was put in to pryson. And there she was Iuged by the lawe to be brent. And than she sayd that she was wyth chylde / wherby she was a whyle respyted Butte in conclusyon yt that founden that the was not wyth chylde / & than she was brent in Rone / and the other Ca¦pytayns were put to raunsome & entreted as men of warre ben acustomed. ¶And this sa∣me yere about Candemasse Rycharde hunder a wulle packer was damned for an heretyke & brent at Tourhylle. ¶And aboute mydlēten syr Thomas Baggely preest & vycarye of the Mauen in Estsex besyde walden was dysgra∣ded and dampned for an heretyke and brente in smythfelde / ¶And also in thys same yere whyles the kynge was in Fraunce there were many heretykes and lolardes that had purpo∣sed make a rysynge and caste hylles in dyuerse places but blessed be almyghty god the Capy∣tayae of theym was taken whoos name was wyllaym Manndeuyll a weuer of Abendon & balyf of the same towne· whiche named hym∣self Iacke Sharpe of wygmoreslonde in wa∣les. And after warde he was beheded at the for¦sayd Abendon in the wytson weke ī the tewes∣daye. ¶This same yere the .vi. day of Decem¦bre kynge Henry the syxth was crowned kyn∣ge of Fraunce at Parys in the chirche of oure lady with grete solempnyte / there beynge pre¦sente the Cardynall of Englonde the duke of Bed fordt and many other lordes of Fraunce and Englonde. And after thys coronacyon & grete feest holden at Parys the kyng retorned from thens to Rone and so to warde Calays / and the .ix. daye of Feuerer londed att Douer / whom all the comunes of Kent mette at Ber∣amdon bytwene Caunterbury and / Douer al in reed hodes. and so come forthe tyll he came to the blacke hethe where he was mette wyth the mayer Iohn̄ wellys with all the craftes of London clothed all in whyche / & so they brou∣ghte hym vnto London the .xxi. daye of the sa∣me moneth. And this same yere was a restra∣ynt of the wulles of Caleys made by the sou∣dyours bycause they were not payd of theyr wages. wherfore the duke of Bedford regned of Fraūce beynge than Capitayns came to Ca¦lays the tewsday in ye ester weke. And than on ye morne after many soudyours of ye towne we¦re arested & put in warde. And in the same we∣ke he rode to Terewyn / & by the meane of the bysshop of Terewyn he wedded the Erles dou¦ghter of Saynt Poule & came ayē to Calays / And than the .xi. daye of Iune on saynt Berna¦beys daye there were foure soudyours of calis that were the chyef causers of the restraynt of the wulles byheded / that is to wyte Iohn̄ Ma¦deley / Iohn̄ Launday / Thomas Palmer / and Talbot / & an hondred and .x bannysssed out of the towne that same tyme / and before were ba∣nysshed an hondred and .xx soudyours. And on mydsomer euē after came the lorde regēce and his wyfe to London. ANd than about thys tyme deyed pope Martyn. And after hym Eugenehe fourth was pope. This man was peasably cho¦sen in the courte of Rome by the Cardynals & was very and indubytate pope. But within a shorte tyme after he was put & expulced oute of Rome in suche amanere that he was fayne for to flee naked. ¶In this same tyme was the counseyll of Basyle to the whiche coūseyll Eu¦genye the pope was cyted to come. And bycau¦se that he came not they deposed hym / but he rought not ne set not therby but gate the cytee of Rome & abode stylle pope .xii. yere. ¶Thys tyme about wytsontyde the heretykes of Pra¦ghe were dystroyed. for at two Iourneys were dystroyed of theym moo than .xxii. thousande with theyr Capytaynes that is to wete Proca¦pius Saplico & Lupus prespyter. ¶Also the∣re was taken on lyue mayster Pers clerke an Englysshysshe man & an heretyke. ¶And also this same yere was stronge frost & a longe du∣ringe the whiche lasted .xi. wekes / for it began vpon saynt Katherynes euen & lasted vnto sa¦ynt Scolastycus day in Feuer yere / in the why¦che tyme the vyntage that came frome Bur∣deux come ouer shoters hyll. ¶This yere was the counseyll of ara & a grete treate bytwene the kynge of Englonde and the kynge of Fraū¦ce where were assembled many grete lordes of bothe partyes. at whyche coūseyll was ossred to the kynge of Englonde grete thinges by the meane of a Legate that came fro Rome ye why¦che was Cardynall of saynt Crosse / whiche of res were refused by the Cardynal of Englon¦de and other lordes there were for the kynge. wherfore the duke of Burgoyn yt whiche had ben onge Englysshe sworne forsoke our par∣tye & retorned Frensshe by the meane of the for¦sayd Legate. & made a peas with the Frensshe kynge reteyuynge of kynge for recompensyn∣ge of his faders deth the counte of Ponui / the lordshyp of Macon with moche other as is spe¦cyfyed in the sayd treaty. And so our embassa∣tours came home ayen in horse caas then they went out For they loste there the duke of Bur¦goyne whiche had ben with hys burgoynons and Pycardes a synguler helpe in all the con∣queste of Normandy & of Fraūce / This same yere was a grete batayl on the see bytwene the Ienewes & the kynge of Aragon of whiche ba∣tayll the Ienewes had the vyctory / for they to¦ke the kynge of Aragon the kyng of Nauerne & the grete mayster of saynt Iames in Galyce wyth thre hondred knyghtes & squyres & mo∣che other peple / & this was on saynt Domyny∣cus daye. And this same yere were seen thre so¦nes atones / & anone folowed the thre folde go¦uernaūce in the chirche / that is to wete of Eu¦genye of the coūseyll and of neutralyte. ¶Also this same yere a .M.CCCC.xxxiiii. was a pas¦synge grete wynde by whiche steples houses & trees were ouerthrowen About this tyme was an hooly mayde in Hollonde called Lyd wyth whiche lyned only by myracle not etynge ony mete. Thys yere the duke of Burgoyn began his ordre at Lyle of ye gollden Fleys and ordey¦ned certayne knyghtes of the same ordre & ma¦de statutes & ordynaunces moche accordynge vnto the ordre of the garter. ¶Also this same yere the Frensshmen had enter prysed to haue stolen Calays in the fyssynge tyme / for many botes of Fraūce had safecondyes to come to Calays for to take hetynge. And ye soudyours of the towne had a custome to come to the chyr¦che dore / whiche staues the Frensshmen that were arayed lyke fysshers had purposed for to haue stolen theyr staues and wepen for to haue wonne so ye towne. but one of them laye wyth a comune woman the nyght before / & he tolde to hyr theyr coūseyll / and she on the morne tol¦de it to the Lyuerenaunce whiche for the with alle commaunded that euery man sholde kepe hys wepen in his honde the sakerynge tyme & other. And whan the Frensshemen perceyued this yt they were myspoynted they saylled steey¦ghte to Dere & stale & toke ye towne. & on New yeres daye / af they toke Harslet· And thus the Englysshmē begā to lese a lytyll & lytyl in Nor¦mandye. THys yere was a greate noyse all Eng∣londe thrugh how the duke of Burgoy¦ne wolde come & besyege Calays / wherfore the erle of Mortayne with his armye that he had to haue go with hym into fraūce / was cōmaū∣ded & charged that he shold go to Calays / whi∣che was at that tyme well vytayled & manned for syr Iohn̄ Ratclyfe was Leuenetaunte of ye towne for the kyng. And the baron of Dudlay Lyuetenaunt of the castell. ¶And the .ix. daye of Iulii the duke of Burgoyne. with all the po¦wer of Flaundres and moche other people ca∣me before Calays & sete his syege about ye tow¦ne / and euery towne of Flaundres had theyr tentes by themselfe. And this syege endured ther were In the meane whyle ye duke of Glou¦cestre beynge protectour of Englonde toke the moost parte of all the lordes of Englonde and went ouer the see to Calays for to rescowe the towne or for to fyght with the duke & his hoost yf they wolde haue byden The tyme London and euery good towne of Englonde sent ouer the see to his rescowe certayne peple well aray¦ed of the beste and chosen men for the warre. ¶And the seconde daye of August the forsayd duke of gloucestre aryued at Calays wyth all his army & .v. hondred shyppes & moo. ¶And the duke of Burgoyne & all his hoost that laye in the syege / as soone as they aspyed the sayles in ye see before they approched Calays hauē so¦daynly in a mornynge departed frome the sye∣ge / leuynge behynde hym moche stuff and vy∣tayle & fledde in to Flaundres and Pycardye And in lykewyse dyde the syege that laye befor Guyes where as they of Gwenes toke gre∣gonne of brasse called Dygon & many other grete gonnes & serpentes. And than whan the duke of Gloucere was aryued wyth hys host He wente in to Flaunders & there he was .xii. dayes & dyde bute lytell harme excepte that he brente two fayre vyllages Poperynge & Bell & other houses whyche were of no stronge buyl¦dynge & so he retorned home ayen· ¶And thys same yere the kyng of Scotlonde besyeged Ro¦kesburgh with moche people. But syr Raufe graye departed frō the castell & ordeyned for a rescowe But as soone as ye kynge of Scotlōde vnderstode hys departynge sodaynly he brake his syege & wēte his waye & lefte moche ordina¦unce behynde hym / where he gate hym no wor¦shyp· This same yere the seconde daye of Iany¦uer quene Katheryne the whiche was ye kinges moder and wyf to kynge Hēry the fyfte deīed & departed out of this wolde & was brouht ryal¦ly thrugh Londō & soo to westm̄. & there she ly∣eth worshypfully buryed in oure ladyes chapel ¶And also this same yere the fourth day of Ia¦nyuer felle downe the gate wyth the tour on it on Londō brydge to warde South warde with two arches & al the stone theron ¶This same yere was a greate treate holdē bitwene Graue¦nynge Calays bytwene the kyng & the duke of Burgoyne / where was ī the kynges name the Cardynall of Englonde the duke of Norfolke and many other lordes / & for the duke of Bur¦goyne was the duchesse hauynge fulle power of hyr lorde as regnette and lady of hys londes where was taken by thaduyse of bothe party∣es an abstynence of warre for a certayn tyme in the name of the duchesse and not of the du∣ke by cause he had gone frome his othe and le∣gaunce that he had made to kynge Henry the fyfte therfore the kynge neuer wolde wryte ne appoynt ne haue to doo with hym after. but all in the duchesse name. ¶Also thys same yere quene Iane deyed the seconde day of Iule whi¦che had ben wyfe to Kynge Henry the fourthe and was caryed frome Bermondsey to Caun¦terbury where she lyeth buryed by kynge Hen¦ry her husbonde. This same yere deyed all the Lyons in the toure of London. the whiche had not ben seen many yeres before. IN the .xv. yere of kynge Henry the sixth deyed Sygysmondus Emperour of Al¦mayne and knyght of the garter / whos termē∣te the kynge kepte at saynt Poules in London tyally / where was made a ryall heerse / and the Kynge in his astate cladde in blewe was atte e∣uen at dyryge & on the morne at masse. &c. And after hym was electe and chosen Albert duke of Osteryk whiche had wedded Sygysmon∣dus doughter for to be Emperour. This man was takē & receyued to be Kynge of Beme and Vngary by cause of his wyf that was Sygys¦mondus doughter whiche left none other hey∣re after hym. This Alberte was Emperoure but one yere / for he was poysened & so deyed some saythe yt he deyed of flix but he was a ver∣tuous mā & pytefull moche that all the peple ye knew hym sayd that ye world was not worthy to hauy his presence. ¶This same yere one Owē a squyre of wales a mē of low byrth why¦che had many a day befor secretly wedded que∣ne Kateryn / & had by hyr .iii. sones one dough¦ter / & he was takē & cōmaūded to Newgate to prysō by my lord of Gloucestre protectour of ye reame. And this yere he brake the prysō by the meane of a preest yt was his chapelayn & after was takē ayē by my lorde Bomōde & brought ayē to Newgate / & afterwarde deliuered at lar¦ge. And one of his sones afterwarde was mae erle of Rychemōde & an othr erle of Pēbroke & the thyrde a mōke of westm̄ whiche mōke dy¦ed sone after. ¶This same yere also on Newe yeres daye at Bernardes Castell fell downe a stake of wode sodaynly at after none and slewe thre mē myschyfly & foule hurte other. ¶And at Bedforde on a shyresdai were xviii. mē mur¦dred without stroke by fallynge downe a stayr as they come out of the comune alle and mani¦foule hurte. ¶In the .xviii yere syr Rycharde Beauchāp ye good erle of warwyke deyed atte Rone he beynge ye tyme lyuetenate of the kīge in Normandye and frome thens his body was brought to warwyke where he lyeth worshyp∣fully in a newe chappel on the south syde of the quere. ¶And also this yere was a grete derth of corne thrughout all Englonde for a bussell of where was worth xl. pens in many places of Englonde. ¶And yet they myght not haue y¦noughe wherfore Steuen Browne that tyme Mayre of Londō sente into pruce and brough¦te to London certayn shyppes laden wyth rye whiche dyd moche good to the poore people. For corne was soo scarse in Englonde that in some places of Englonde poore people made them brede of fern rotes. ¶This yere ye gene∣rall coūseyll of Basylyde posed Eugeny & they chose Felix whiche was duke of sauoy. & than began the scysme whiche endured vnto the ye∣re of our lorde .M.CCCC.xlvii. ¶This felix was a deuoute prynce & sawe his sones sone / And after lyued an holy lyfe. and was chosen pope of the coūseyll of Bysyle & Eugeny depo¦sed. And so the scysme was longe tyme. & thys Felyx had but lyttll obedience by cause of the naturalyte. for the moost parte & wel nyghe al crystendome obeyed and reputed Eugeny for very pope of theym bothe. gor bothe occupyed duryng the lyf of Eugeny. This same yere syr Rychard whyche was vycarye of Hermettel∣worth was degrated of his preesthode at Pou¦les & brent at toure hylle as for an heretike on saynt Botulphus daye. how well att his deche he deyed a good Crysten man / wherfore after his dethe moche people come to the place whe¦re he was brēte and offred. and made an hepe of stones & set vp a crosse of tree & helde him for a saynt tyll the Mayre & shreues by the kyng{is} cōmaundement & of bysshappes dystroyed it & made there a doūge hylle. ¶And also this yere ye shreues of London set out of saint Martins the graunte of the sent wary fyue {per}sones why¦che after warde were restored ayen to the sent∣wary by the kynges Iustices. ¶And after Al¦berte the thyrd. Frederyk was chosen Empe∣roure▪ This frederyk duke of Osteryk was lō∣ge Emperour & dyfferred to be crowned at Ro¦me by cause of the scysme. but after that vny∣te was had he was crowned wyth the Impery¦all dyademe wyth grete glorye and tryumphe of pope Nycholas the iiii. This was a peasy∣ble man. quyete. and of synguler pacience not hatyngethe chryche he wedded ye kynges dou∣ghter of portyngale. ¶How ye duchesse of Gloucestre was arested for trason & cōmytted to perpetuall pryson in ye yle of Man. & of the dethe of mayster Roger Bolyngbrok. IN this same yere Elynoure Cobham du¦chesse of Gloucestre was arested for cer¦tayne poyntes of treason layde ayen hir / wher¦vpon she was examynde in Saynt Stephens Chapell att westm̄ afore the Arche bysshop of Caunterbury. And there she was enioyned to do open penaunce to go thrughe the Chepe be∣ryng a taper in hir hande & after to perpetuall pryson in the yle of Man vnder the kepyng of syr thomas stanley. Also that same tyme was arested mayster Thomas southwell a chanō of westm̄ mayster Iohn̄ haue a chapelayne off the sayd lady. mayster Robert bolyngbroke a clerke vsyng Nygromancye. and one Marge¦ry iouroemayn called the which of Eye belyde westm̄. there were arested as for beynge of con̄¦seyl with the sayde duchesse of Gloucestre. and for mayster Thomas suthwel deyed in ye tour ye nyght before he sholde haue be reyned on the morowe. for he hymself sayd yt he sholde deye in his bedde & not by Iustyces. ¶And in ye .xx. ye∣re mayster Iohn̄ hume & mayster Roger bolyn¦gbrok were brought to ye gylde halle in Londō. & there before ye Mayre ye lordes & chyef of Eng¦londe were reyned & dāpned bothe to be drawē & hanged & quartred but mayster Iohn̄ hume had his charter by ye kyng. but mayster Roger was drawen to tyburn where he cōfessed yt he deyed gyltles of this mater & neuer hadde trespa¦ced in that he deyed fore Notwithstondyng he was hāged heded & quartred whos soule god haue mercy Amē. ¶And margere iurdemayn was brent in smythfylde. & also this yere was a greate fraye in london ī flete strete by nyghte ty¦me bytwene mē of courte and men of london. And dyuerse mē slayne and some hurte. And o∣ne Herbotel was the chyef canser of the mysgo¦uernaūce & affraye. ¶Also this yere at the che∣synge of the mayre of / londō the comēs named Robert Clopton and Raulyn Holande talyor and the aldermē toke Robert clopton and brou¦ght hym att the ryght hande of the Mayre as custome is. And than certayn talyour and o∣ther hde craftes men cryed nay nay not thys man but Raulyn holande wherfore ye Mayre that was Padyslye sente theym that so cryed to Newgate where they abode a grete whyle & were punysshed· ¶In this yere were dyuerse enbassatours sente in to Guyon fro a marya∣ge for the kynge for the Erles doughter of Ar∣mynake that whiche was concluded. but by ye meane of the erle of Suffolke it was lette & put a parte· ¶And after this the sayd erle of Suf¦folke wente hem self ouersee in Fraunce and there he trated the marynge bytwene the kinge of Englonde and the kynges doughter of Cy¦cyle and of Iherusalem / And the nexte yere yt was concluded fully that maryage. by whiche maryage the kynge sholde delyuer to hir fader the duke of Angeo and the erldome of Maynē whiche was the keye of Normandye / Thēne departed the erle of Suffolke wyth his wyfē & dyuerse lordes and knyghtes in the moste ryal astate that myght be oute of Englonde wyth newe chares & palfreys whiche wente thrugh the chepe and so wente ouer the see and recey∣ued hir and than after in the lenten broughte hyr vnto Hamton where she lāded & there was ryally receyued. ¶And vpō Candelmas euen before by a grete tēpeste of thondre & lyghenyn¦ge at after none. Poules styple was set on fyre on the mydddes of ye shaft in ye tymbre. whyche was quenched by force of laboure And special¦ly by ye morowe masse preeste of ye Bowe in che¦pe whyche was thought impossyble sauf only the grace of god. ¶This yere was the erle of Stafforde made & create Duke of Bukynghm therle of werwykd of warwyk ye erle of Dorset markys of Dorset & the erle was made Mark{is} of Soffolk. THis yere kinge henry maryed at Suth¦wyk quene Margarete. & she came to lō¦don ye .xxviii. day of may. And by the waye al ye lordes of Englōde receyued hyr worshypfully in dyuerse places. And ī especiall duke of Glou¦cestre. & on the Blacke heth the Mayre with all the aldermē. & all the craftes in blewe gownes broudred wyth the deuyse of hys crafte. yt they myght be knowen met with hyr with redde ho∣des & brought her to londō. where were dyuer∣se pagēris & countenaūce of dyuerse hystoryes shewed in dyuers places of the Cytie costely. ¶And the xxx. daye of May. the forsayd quene was crowned at westm̄ & ther was Iustes thre dayes durynge wythin the Sayntwary before ye abbaye ¶This yere the pryour of Kylmain apeled therle of Vrmonde of treason. whyche had a daye to theym assygued for to fyght in Smythfelde. And the lystes were made & the felde dressed But whā it came to poynt. ye king cōmaunded that they sholde not fyghte. but to∣ke the quarell in to his honde. And this was do¦ne at ye Instāce & labours of certayne prechers & doctours of lōdon. as mayster Gylbert wor∣thyngton persone of saynt Andrewes in Hol∣bron. & other. ¶Also this yere came a grete em¦bassate in to Englonde out of fraūce. for to ha∣ue cōcluded a perpetual peas. but in cōclusyon it torned in to trewes for a yere ¶Aboute this time dyed saynt Bernardyne a gray frere whi¦che began the newe reformacyō of the ordre in many places in so moche. yt they. that were re∣formed. bē called Obseruaūtes▪ whyche obser∣uauntes been gretly encreaced in Italy & in al¦mayn. this Bernardyn was canonysed by po¦pe Nycholas the .v. in the yere of our lorde .MCCCC.l. ¶Iohānes de Capristrano was his dysciple whiche profyted moche to the reforma¦cion of that ordre for god hathe shewed many a fayre myracle. ¶Also here is to be noted. that frome this tyme forwarde. kynge Hēry neuer profyted ne wente forwarde. but fortune begā to torne frome hym on all sydes. as well in fra∣unce Normandye. Guyon. as in Englonde. sō men holden oppynyon that kynge Henry gaue commyssyon preuarly to Syr Edwarde Hull syr Robert Roos / Deane of Saynt Senerynes and other / to cōclude a maryage for hym. with the Erle of Armynakes syster. whiche was pro¦mysed as it was sayde and cōcluded / and after broken / and he wedded quene Margarete as afore is sayde / and a full dere maryage for the reame of Englonde / for it was knowe verely / that for to haue hyr delyuerde was ye duchy of Angeo & the erldom of Mayn whiche was the keye of Normandye for the frenssmē to entre / ¶And aboute this the sayde Markys of Suf¦folke axed in playne parlement· a fyftene and an half / for to fetche her out of fraūce. ¶Loo what a mariage was this as to the comparysō of that other maryage. For there sholde haue be delyuerde. so many castels and Townes in Guyon / and so moche golde sholde haue be ye∣uen with her / that alle Englonde sholde haue be therby enriched / but cōtrary wyse fell wher¦fore euery grete prynce ought to kepe hys pro∣myse / For bycause of brekynge of this promy¦se / & for maryage of quene Margarete. what losse hath the reame of Englond had / by lesyn¦ge of Normādye & Guyon / by dyuysyon in the reame / ye rebellynge of comyns ayēst ther prin¦ce and lordes / what dyuysyon amoge ye lordes what murdre and sleynge of theym / what fel∣des foughte & made / in conclusyon soo many yt many a man hathe loste his lyfe / & in conclusy¦on the kynge deposed. & the quene wyth her soo¦ne fayne to fle into Scotlōde / & from thens in to Fraūce. & so to Loreyne / the place that she ca¦me fyrst fro. many mē deme that the brekynge¦ge of the kynges promyse to the systyr of the er∣le of Armynack / was cause of his greate losse & aduersye. IN the .xxvi. yere of kynge Henry was a parlyament at Bury. called Saynt Ed¦mondes bury / abowte whiche was cōmaun∣ded all the comyns of the countre to be there / ī their moste beste defensyable araye. for to way¦te vpon the kynge / To whiche parlyament ca¦me the duke of Gloucestre. Vmfry the kynges vncle whiche hadde be protectoure of Englō∣de all the noneage of the kynge. And anone af∣ter as he was in hys lodgynge he was arested by the Vycoūte Beaumont the Conestable of Englonde / whome accompanyed the duke of Bukyngham / and many other lordes. ¶And for the wyth all his seruauntes were cōmaun¦ded to departe frome hym And xlii. of the chief of theym were arested. and sente to dyuerse pri¦sons. And anone after this sayd areste the say¦de duke was on ye morowe deed. on whos sou∣le god haue mercy. but how he dyed & in what maner the certente is not knowe. Some saye he deyed for sorowe some said he was murdred bytwene two federbedd{is}. some sayd yt a spytte was put in his fūdamente. But how he deyed god knoweth. to whome no thynge in hydde. & then whan he was deede he was layde open yt all men myght hym se· And soo bothe lordes & knyghtes of the shyre wyth Burgeys. came & sawe hym lye dede. but woūde ne token coude they not perceyue how he dyde Here may men marke what this worlde is ¶This duke was a noble man & a grete clerke. & ruled worshyp∣fully ye reame to the kinges behoue. and neuer cowde be foūde fawte to him. but enuye of thē yt were gouernours & had promysed the duchy of Angeo & the erldome of myan. caused ye dy∣struction of this noble man. For they dradde yt he wolde empeshed ye delyueraunce. And after they sente his boody to saint Albons wyth cer∣tayn lyghtes. for to be buryed. And so syr Ger¦auys of Clyfton had then ye charge for to con¦ueye ye corps. And so it was buryed at Saynt Albons in the abbaye. And fyue {per}sones of hys housholde were sente to london / & there were they reyned. & Iugyd to be drawen. & hanged. & also quarered. Of whome the names were / syr roger chamberlayne knyght. & one mydel¦ton a squyre. & Richard denham· whiche v. {per}∣sones were draw fro ye toure of london thrugh Chepe to tyborn· & there lete done quycke and them striped to haue be heded & quartred & then ye marqueys of Suffolke shewed there for thez ye kyng{is} {per}don vnder his grete seale. & soo they were {per}doned of the remenaūce of all ye other ex¦ecusyon & had theyr lyues. & so they were brou¦ght ayē to lōdon. & after freely delyuered Thus begā trowble in this reame of Englonde. for ye dethe of this noble duke of Gloucestre. & al the comyns of the reame begā for to murmure for it & were not cōtent· ¶And after ye pope Euge¦ny was deed Nycholas the fyfte was elect po∣pe. this Nycholas was chose for Eugenye yet hangyng these sysmo notwithstondyng he gate the Obediēce of all crystē reames. For after he was electe & sacred pope certayne lordes of fra¦unce & of Englōde / were sente in to Sauoy to pope. felix. for to entreate hym to seasse of ye pa¦pacye. And by the specyall laboure of saynt Io∣hānes. he sessed the seconde yere after the pope Nycholas was sacred. And the sayde. felix was made Legate of fraunce and Cardynal of Sa¦uoye· and he resygned the hole papacye to Ny¦cholas. And after lyued an holy lyf. & deyed an holy man. And as it is sayde almyghty god she¦wed myracles for hym. This was ye .xxiii. scys∣me bytwene Eugeny and Felyx. & dured .xvi. yere. ¶The cause was this. the generall coun¦seyll of Basyle deposed Eugeny / whyche was oonly pope and Indubytyte. for asmoche as he obserued not and kepte the decrees and statu∣tes of the counseyll of Constance as it is sayde before. Nether he rought not to yeue obedyen¦ce to the gener all counseyll in no maner wyse wherfore arose a grete alteracyon among wry¦ters of thes matere (pro et contra) whiche can not accorde vnto this daye / one partye sayth / that the counseyll is aboue the pope. And that other partye sayth nay. but the pope is aboue the counseyll. God blessed aboue all thynge ye¦ue and graunte his peas in holy chirche spou∣se of cryste amen. This nycholas was of Iene comen of lowe degree. a doctour of dyuynyte / An actyf man he Reedyfyed many places that were broken / & ruynous. and dyd make a wal¦le aboute the palays. and made the walle ne∣we abowte Rome for drede of the Turkis / & ye people wondred and gretely merueylled of the ceasyng and resynyng of pope Felix to ye pope Nycholas / cōsyderynge that Nicholas was a mā of so homely a byrth ye other was of affyny¦te to all moste party of cristen prīces wherfore ther was a uerse publysshed. as is a fore sayde. ¶How syr raunsoys Aragonys toke Fogy∣ers in Normandye / and of the losse of Constā∣tynople by the Turke. IN the yere of kynge Henry .xxvii. beyng trewes bytwene fraūce and Englond A knyght of ye Englisshe partye named Syr Fra¦unces aragony toke a towne in Normādye na¦med Fogyese / ayēste the trewes / of whyche ta∣kynge begā moche sorowe & losse for thys was the occasyō / by the whiche the frenssmmē gate all Normandye. ¶Aboute this tyme the Cyte of Cōstantynople / whiche was the emperial cy¦tye in all Grece / was takē by the turkes▪ Infy¦dels whiche was bytrayde as some holde oppy¦nyō / And thēperoure taken & slayne. & the ryall chyrche of saynt Sophya robbed & dyspoyled. and the relyques and ymages and the rode dra¦wynge aboute the stretes / whiche was done in spyte of Crysten fayth and sone after all crystē fayth in Grece perysshed and cessyd There we¦re many Crysten mē slayne. and innumerable solde and put in captyuyte. ¶By the takynge of this towne. the Turke gretly was enhaūced in pryde. and a grete losse to all crystendome. ¶In the .xxviii. yere was a parlyament holdē at westm̄) & from thens adyourned to the blac∣ke freres at Londō / and after cristmas to west¦mynster ayen. ¶And this same yere Robert of Cane a man of westcountre wyth a fewe shyp∣pes comynge out of the bay. lade with salt whi¦che shyppes were of Pruce flandres Hollande and zelande / and brought theym to Hampton wherfore the marchauntes of Englonde be∣ynge in Flaundres were arested. in Brydges / Ipre and other places. and myghte not be dely¦uered / ne theyr dettes dyscharged / tyll they had made apoyntment for to raye ye hurtes of shyp¦pes / whiche was payde by the Marchauntes of the staple euery peny. & in lyke wyse ye Mar¦chauntes and goodes beynge in Dansyke / we¦re also arested / and made grete amendes This same yere the frensshmē in a mornyng toke by a trayne the towne of Pounte al Arche. & there in the lorde Fawconbrydge was taken pryso∣ner. And after that in Decembre Rone was ta¦ken & loste beynge therin syr Edmonde Duke of Somerset / & the Erle of Shrewesbury the whiche by a poyntement left pledges and loste all Normandye / and came home into Englon∣de. And duryng the sayde parlyamente. the du∣ke of Suffolke was arested. and sente in to the toure & there he was a moneth. & after the kyn∣ge dyd do fetche hym oute. for whiche cause all the comunes were in a greate rumoure / what for the delyueraunce of Aungeo & Mayne & af¦ter lesynge of all Normādye & in especcyall for the dethe of the good duke of Gloucestre / in so moche in some places mē gadred & made theȳ Capytayns. as blewberde & other / whyche we∣re take & put to dethe / And then the sayde parly¦amente adyounyd was to Leycetre. And theder the kynge brought with hym the duke of Suf∣folk. And whā the comyns vnderstode that he was oute of the Towre & comē thyder / they de¦syred for to haue execucyō on theym yt were cau¦se of the delyueraūce of normādye / & hadde be¦cause of the deth of the duke of Gloucestre and hadde solde gascoyne and guyan / of the whiche they named too be gylty / The duke of Suffol∣ke as chyef. The lorde Saye the Bysshop of sa¦lysbury / dauyel & many mo. And for to please yu comyns the duke. of Suffolke was exyled oute of Englonde for .v. yere. ¶And so duryng the parlyamēte he wente into Norfolke & there he toke his shyppyng / for to goo out of the reame of Englonde into fraunce / And this yere as he saylled on ye see a shyppe of werre called Nycho¦las of the toure mette wyth his shyp and foun∣de hym therin whome they toke out. and brou∣ght hym in to theyr shyppe to the maystre & the capytayne / and there he was examyned and at the laste Iuged to deth And so they put hym in a caban and his chapylayne wyth hym for too shryue hym / And that done they brought hym into Douer rode / & set hym into the bote & smo∣te there of his heede / And broughte the body a londe vpō the sondes / and set the heede ther by And this was done the fyrst daye of May. Lo what auayled hym nowe all hys delyueraunce of Normandye / And here maye ye schow he was rewarded for the deth of the duke of Glou¦cestre / thus began sorowe vppon sorowe / and deth for dethe. THis yere of our lorde. M·cccc. & .l. was the grete grace of the Iubyle at Rome where was greete pardon. in so moche that frō all places in crystendome / grete multytude of people restorcyd thyder / And in this same yere was a grete assymble and gaderynge to gyder of the comyns of kente in to gret nombre. And made an Insurreccyon. and Rebelled ayenste the kynge and his lawes. And ordeyned them a Capytayne called Iohān Cade an Iryshmā whiche named hymself Mortymer / cosyn to the duke of yorke / And this Capytayne helde theym togyder / and made ordynaūces among theym. and brought theym to the blacke hethe where he made a byl of peycyons to the kyng and hys counseyll and shewed what Iniuryes oppressyons the poore comyns suffren & vnd coleur. for to come to hys aboue / and he hadde a grete maltytude of people. ¶And the .xxvii daye of Iune. ye kynge and many lordes Capi¦tayns· and men of werre wente to warde hym to the blacke hethe· And whan the Capytayne of kent vnderstode the comynge of the kynge wyth so grete puyssaunce. he wythdrewe hym and his people to smok / a lytyll vyllage. And the .xxviii. day of Iune he beynge withdrawē and gone the kynge came with hys armye sett in ordre and enbatayl led to the blacke heth / & by aduys of his coūseyll. syr Vmffrey Staffor¦de squyre two valyaunt capytayns / wyth cer¦tayn people for to fyght wyth the capytayne & to take and bringe hym and hys accessaries to the kynge / whiche wente to Senok. ¶And ye Capytayne wyth hys felshyp and mette wyth theym. & fought ayenst them. and in conclusy¦on slewe them bothe / and as many as abode & wolde not yelde thē were slayne. ¶Durīg this skyrmysshe. felle a grete variaū¦ce amonge the lordes men and comyn people beynge on blacke hathe ayenste theyr lordes & Capytayns / sayenge playnly / that they wolde go vnto the Capytayne of kente. to assyste and help hym / but yf they myght haue execucyon on the traytours beynge about ye kynge wher to the kynge sayd nay. & they sayd playnly yt ye lorde Saye tresourer of Englōde. & the bisshop of Salysbury. & the baron of Dubby. ye abbot of Gloucestre. Drnyel. & treuilō. & many mo were traytours. and worthy to bee dede wher¦fore for to plese the lordes meny & also some of the kynges hous: ye lorde Saye was arested & sente to the toure of london. & then the kyng he ryuge tydynges of the dethe & ouer throwenge of the Staffordes he wythdrew hym to londō & frome thens to kelyng worthe / For the kyng ne the lordes durst not truste the towne hous∣holdemen. ¶Then after yt the capytayne had hadde thys vyctorye vppon the Staffordes / anone he toke syr Vmfreys fallete &. hys bryn¦gantynes smyten ful of gylte nales & also his gylte spo And arayed hym lyke a lorde & a capytayne & resorted with al his meny. and also moo thā he had before. to ye blacke heth ayē To whome came the archebysshop of Caūterbury & the duke of Buckynghā to the blacke hethe & spake with hym. And as it was sayd they foun¦de hym wytty in his talkynge & his request. & so they departed. ¶And ye thyrde day of Iuly he came & entred into London wyth al his people & there dyd make cryes in the Kynges name & in his name / that no man sholde robbe. ne take no maner goddes but yf he payed for it And ca¦me rydyng thorough ye cyte ī grete pryde. & smo¦te his swerde vppō london stone in Canwycke strete. ¶And he beynge in the cyte / sēte to ye tou¦re for to haue the lorde Say. And so they fette hym & brought hym to ye yelde halle before. may¦re & chaldermen where that he was examyned And he sayd. he wolde & ought to be Iuged by his petys. And the comyns of Kent toke hym by force frō ye mayre / & office that kepte hym and toke hym to a prest to shrewe. hym. And or he myght be half shriuē / they broughte hym to the standerd in the chepe syde. and there smo∣te of his heed. on whos soule god haue mery. Amen. ¶And thus deyed the lorde Saye Tre¦sourer of Englonde. ¶And this they set his heed vpon a spere. & bare it all about the Cyte And the same daye about Myle ende: Cro∣mere was beheded. And the daye before at af∣ter none the Capytayne with certayne of hys men went to Philyp malpaus house & robbyd hym. and toke a waye moche good. And from thens he wen to saynt. Margaretes patens to one Gertis house. and robbyd hym. and toke away from hym moche good also Att whiche robbyng dyuerse men of London of thier ney¦ghbours were at· and toke part wyth theym / ¶For this robbyng the peples hertes felle fro¦me hym· And euery thryfty men was a ferde / for to be serued in lyke wyse. ¶For there was many a man in London. that a wayted & wol∣de fayn haue sene a comyn robbery whyche al¦myghty god forbyd. For it is to suppose yf he hadde not robbyd he myght haue goon ferre / or he had be wythstonde. for the kynge and all the lordes of the reame of Englonde were de∣parted except the lorde. Scalys that kept the toure of London And the fyfte daye of In he dyd do smyte of a mānys hede in south wer¦ke. And the nyght after the mayre of London with the Aldermen & the Comyns of the cyte concluded to dryue away the capytayne. & hys hooste And sent to the lorde Scales to ye toure & to Mathegough a capytayne of Normādye yt they wolde that nyght assayll the Capytayne with theym of kente. And so they dyd come to London brydge in such werke or the Capytay∣ne had ony knowlege therof & they fought with theym that kept the brydge And the kēysshmē wēt to harnes & came to the brydge & shote and foughte with thē & gate the bridge & made theȳ of Londō to flee & slewe many of theym. & thys endured all the nyght to & fro / tyll one of ye cloc¦ke of the morowe. And at the laste they brente the drawe brydge. where many of theym of lon¦don were drowned. In the whiche nyght sat∣ton and alderman of Lōdon was slayn Roger heysaunte. Mathegough. & many other. And after this the chaunseler of Englonde sent to the Capytayne a pardon generalle for hym & an other for his meny and then they departyd fro such werke euery man to his owne hous / ¶And whā they were al departed & gone ther was proclamacyons made in Kente South sex & other places. that what man coude take the Capytayn quycke or deed. sholde haue a thousā¦de poūde. ¶And after this one Alexander ydē a squyer of kent toke hym in a gardē in suthsex And in takē Iohn̄ Cade capytayne was slayne and beheded. And his heed sette vpon London brydge. And anone after the kynge came in to kente / and dyd his Iustices sytte at Caunterbu¦ry / and enquyred who was causers & chyef cau¦se of this Insurreccyon. And there were .viii. mē Iugyd to the deth in one daye & in other pla¦ces mo And from thens the kynge went in to Southsex and in the weste countree where a ly¦tell before was slayne the bysshop of Salysbu∣ry. And this same yere there were so many Iu¦gyd to deth that thre hedes stode vppon Londō brydge atte ones. IN the .xxx. yere of the kynge / the duke of yorke came out of the Marche of walys with therle of Deuenshyre & the lord Cobham and grete puyssaunce reformacyon of certayne Iniurys and wrōges / and also to haue Iustice vpon certayne lordes beynge about the kynge & toke a felde at Brentheth besyde Detford in Kente. whiche was a stronge felde for whyche cause the kinge wyth all his lordes went vnto blacke heth. wyth a grete and a stronge multy∣tude of peple armyd / and ordeyned for the war¦re in the beste wyse. And whan they hadde mu¦stre on the hethe / certayne lordes were tho sen∣te vnto hym. for to treate and make apointmēt with hym. whiche were the bysshop of Ely. the bysshop of wyncestre / therles of Salysbury & of warwyk / And they concluded that the duke of Somerset sholde be had to warde. and to an¦swere to suche artycles as ye duke of yorke shol∣de put on hym And then the duke of yorke shold breke his felde / & come to ye kyng. whiche was all promysed by the kynge. And soo the Kynge commaunded. that the duke of Somerset shol¦de he hadde in to warde. And then̄e the duke of yorke brake vp his felde and came to ye kynge And whan he was come contrarye to the pro∣myse afore made / the duke of Somerset was presēte in the felde / awaytynge and cheyf abou¦te the kynge / And made the duke of yorke ryde before as a prysoner thrughe london. ¶And after they wolde haue put hym in holde. But a noyse arose that therle of Marche hys sone. was comynge with .x. thousande men to Lon¦don warde wherfore the kynge and hys coun∣seyll feryd / And then̄e they concluded that the duke of york sholde departe att his owen wyll. ¶Abowte this tyme began grete dyuylyon ne Spruce bytwene the greate mayster and the Knyghtes of the duchye ordre whyche were lor¦des of that coūtree. For the comyns & townes rebelled ayenst the lordes and made soo greate werre / ye at ye last they called the kyng of Pole to be theyr lorde / the whiche kynge came and was worshypfully receyued / And besyeged the castell / of Marengburgh / whiche was the che¦yf castell of strength of all the londe. An wa¦ne it / & droue out the mayster of Daske and all other places of that londe & so they that had ben lordes many yeres. loste all theyr seygnou¦rye and possessyons in tho londes. ¶And in the yere of the Incarnacyon of oure lorde .M.CCCC.liii. on saynte Edwardes daye. quene. Margarete was delyuerde of a fayre prynce whyche named was Edward. That same day Iohan Norman was chosē for to be Mayer of London. And the daye that he sholde take hys othe att westmynster / he wente thyder by wa∣ter wyth alle the craftes / where afore tyme tho mayer / alderme and the craftes rode on hors¦backe the whiche was neuer vsyd after. For syn that tyme they haue euer goon by water in botes and barges. ¶ye haue well vnderston∣de before how that contrary to the promyse of the kyng & also the conclusyons take bytwene the kynge & ye duke of yorke att Brentheth the duke of Somerset went not to warde but abo¦de about the kynge / & had grete rule / And ano¦ne after he was made Capytayne of Calays. & ruled the kyng & his reame as he wolde / wher¦fore the grete lordes of the reame / & also ye co∣myns were not pleased: For whyche cause the duke of yorke / the erle of warwyke / the erle of Salysbury with many knyghtes and squyres and moche other people came to remeue ye say¦de duke of Somerset and other fro the kynge / And the kyng herynge of theyr comynge / thou¦ghte by hys coūseyll for to haue gone westwar∣de & not for to haue mette with them. And had with hym the duke of Somerset ye duke of Bo¦kyngham the erle of Stafforde the erle of Nor¦thumberlonde \ the lorde Clyfforde / & many o∣ther. ¶And what tyme that the duke of yorke and his felyshyppe vnderstonde / that the kyng was departed wyth the lordes from London / anone he chaunged hys way / & costed the coū∣tre and came to saynt Albons the .xxiii. daye of May. & there mette with the kyng to whom the kyng sent certayne lordes / & desyred them to kepe the peas / and departe: But in conclu∣syon whye they treated on that one syde / the erle of warwyk with the Marche men & other entred in to the twone on that other syde / and fought ayenst the kynge and his party / and so began the batayll and fyghtinge whiche endu¦red a greate whyle / But in conclusyon the du∣ke of yorke obteyned. and had the vyctory of ye Iourneye / In whyche was slayne the duke of Somerset / the erle of Northumberlonde. the lorde Clyfforde. and many kynghtes and squy¦res / and many moo hurte / And on the morne after they brought the kynge in grete astate to London / whyche was lodged in the bysshops palays of London. And anone after was a gre¦te parlemēt at London / in whiche parlement the duke of yerke. was made protectour of En¦glōde / & the erle of warwyk Capytayne of Ca¦lays / the erle of Salysbury Chaunceler of En¦glonde. And all suche persones as had the rule before aboute the kynge were set a parte / and myght not rule as they dyd before. ¶And this same yere deyed pope Nycholas ye fyfte. & after hym was Calixt the thyrde. This Calixt was a Catalane / & the actes of hym shal be shewed here after folowynge· ¶In this same yere fell a grete affraye in Lōdon ayēst the Lūbardes. the cause begā / bycause a yonge man toke a da¦ger frome a Lūbarde & brake it. wherfore the yōge mā on the morne was sēte fore to come be¦fore the Mayer & the aldermē & there for offēce He was cōmytted to warde. And thēne ye may¦er departed fro the yelde halle / for to goo home to his dyner But in Chepe the yonge mē Mer¦cerye for the moost partye prentyses. helde the Mayre & the Shyrefs styl in Chepe. And wolde not suffre theym to departe / vnto the tyme that theyr felowe / whyche was commytted to war∣de / were delyuered / and so by force they resco∣wed theyr felowe from pryson. And that done the Mayre departed and the Shrefes also. and the prysoner deliuered. whiche yf he had be put to pryson. He had be in Ieoperdye of his lyfe. And thene began a rumoure in the cyte ayenst the Lōbardes. And the same euenynge ye hond crafty men of the towne arose / and rāne to the Lumbardes houses and dyspoyled and robbed dyuers of them. wherfore the Mayre and the Aldermen came with the honest people of the cyte. And droue them thens / and sente some of theym that had stolen to Newgate. ¶And the yonge man was rescowed by his felowes / sa∣we this greate rumoure. affraye & robbed / en∣sewed / of hys fyrste meuynge to the Lumbar∣de / departyd and wente to westmynster to sa∣ynt wary. Or elles it hadde coste hym hys lyfe. For anone after came downe an Oyer deter∣myne. for to do Iustyce on all theym that so re¦belled in the Cytee ayenste the Lumbardes / On whyche satte wyth the Mayre that tyme wyllyam Marowe / the duke of Bokyngham And many other lordes / to se execucyon done / But the comynes of the Cytee secretely made them redy and dyde arme them in theyr how∣ses and were in purpoos to haue rongen the comyne belle / whiche is called bowe belle but they lete by syde men / whiche came to ye know¦lege of the duke of Bokyngham and other lor∣des. ¶And in contynente they arose / for they durste noo lenger abyde / for they dowted that the hole Cyte sholde haue rysen ayenst theym. But yet neuerthels two or thre of the cyte we¦re Iuged to dethe for this robbery / were han∣gyd at Tyborne ¶And anone after the kynge & the quene / & other lordes rode to Couētre and withdrewe theym fro London. for this cause. And a lytyll before the duke of yorke was sent for to grenewych. And there was dyschargyd of the protectourshyppe. And the erle of Salys¦bury of his Chaūchelershyppe. And after thys they were sente fore by preuy seale for to come to Couētre where they were almoost disceyued & the Erle of warwyke also and shold haue ben dystroyed yf they had not seen well to. ¶How the lorde Egremōde was take by ye Erle of Sa¦lysbury sōes / & of ye robbynge of Sandwytche THis yere were taken four grete fysshes bytwene Ereth & london that one was called Mors Maryne / the seconde was a swer¦de fysshe & the other two were whalys. In this same yere / for certayne affrayes done ī the nor∣the coūtre bytwene lord Egremōde & the erle of Salysbury sones. ye sayd lord Egremond whō they had cōdempned in a grete som̄e of money to ye sayd Erle of Salysbury. & therfore he was cōmytted into pryson in Newegate in London where whan he had be a certayne space he bra¦ke the pryson / & thre prysoners with hym / & es¦caped & wēt his waye. Also this yere the erle of warwyk & his wyf wēt to Calays with a fayre felisshyp & toke possessyon of his offyce. about this tyme was grete reformacōn of many mo∣nesteryes of relygyō in dyuerse partyes of the worlde wiche were refourmed after the fyrst Instytutycyon and cōtynued in many places ¶This same yere was a greate batayll in the Marches bytwene the londe of Hūgry & Tur∣key. at a place is called Septedrad where Innu¦merable Turkes were slayne / more bi myracle than̄e by mānes honde / for oonly the honde of god smote theym / saynt Iohan of Capystrane was there presēce. & prouokyd the cristē people beynge thēne aferde for to pursue after ye Tur¦kys where an Infynyte multytude were slayne & dystryed & the Turkys sayd / yt a grete nōbre of armyd mē folowed thē that they were aferde to turne ayen & they were holy angelles. This same yere the prysoners of Newgate in Londō brake theyr pryson / & went vpon the sedes and fought ayēst theym of the Cytee / & kepe the ga¦te a longe whyle / But att the laste the towne ga¦te the pryson be theym. And then̄e they were so¦re punysshed in ensample of other. ¶In this yere also there was a grete erthquake in Na∣ples / in so moche that there perysshed .xl. thou∣sande people that sanke there in to the erthe. ¶Also in the .xxxvi. yere saynt Osmonde sōty¦me bysshop of Salysbury was canonysed att Rome by pope Calyst. & the .x daye of Iuly he was translated at Salysbury by the bisshop of Caūterbury & many other bysshoppes. ¶And in August after syr Pers de brasay seneschal of normādye / with the Capytayne of Depe & ma¦ny other Capytayns / and mē of werre went to thee see with a greate Nauy. and into the dow¦nes by nyght. And on the more erly before day they londed at Sandwytche / bothe bi lōde and water / and toke the towne / and ryfled & dispoy¦led it / And toke many prysoners. and lefte the towne all bare / whyche was a ryche place and moche good therin / And ladde wyth them ma¦ny ryche prysoners / In this same yere in ma∣ny places of Fraunce Almayne / Flaunders Holonde and zeelonde / chyldren gadred theym togyder by greate companyes / For to goo on pylgrymage to saynt Myghels moūte in Nor¦mādye / whiche came fro ferre coūtrees wher¦of the people merueyled. And many supposed that some wyckyd spyryte meued them to doo so. but it dured not longe by cause of the longe waye and also for lac / of vytaylle as they wen¦te. ¶In this yere Reynolde Pecok bysshop of Chestre / was founde an herytyke / and the thyr¦de day of Decembre was endued at Lambeth in presence of the Archebysshop of Caunter∣bury and many other bysshoppes doctours & lordes temporall / and hs bokes brent att Pou¦les crosse. ¶And ye haue herde before how cer¦tayne lordes were slayne atte Saynt Albons / wherfore was alwaye a grutchynge / & wrath hadde by the heyres of them that soo were slay∣ne ayenst the duke of yorke / the Erles of wa∣wyk and of Salysbury / wherfore the kyng by the aduys of his counseyll sente for theym vn∣to London to whyche place the duke of yorke came the .xxvi. daye of Ianueri with four hon¦derd men and lodged hym atte Baynerdes ca¦stell in hys owne place. ¶And the .iv. daye of Ianuer came the erle of Salysbury with fyue hundred men and was lodged in therber of his owne place. ¶And then̄e came the duke of Ex¦cetre and of Somerset with .viii.C. men / and laye withoute temple barre. ¶And the erle of Northumberlonde / and the lorde Egremonde the lorde Clyfforde wyth .xv. hundred men / & lodged without the towne. ¶And the Mayer that tyme Geffraye Boloyne / kept grete wat∣che with the comyns of the cyte / & rode about the cytee by Holborne and Fletestrete / with a .v. thousand men well arayed and armyd. for to kepe the peas / ¶And the .xiiii. daye of Feue¦rer the erle of warwyke came to London / fro Calays well beseen and worshypfully with .v hundred men In red Iakettes broudred wyth a ragged staffe behynde & before. and was lod∣ged at the graye freres / ¶And the .xv. daye of Marche the kynge came to London and the quene. And ther was accorded and peas made amonge the lordes / and they were sette in pe∣as. And on our lady daye the xxv. daye of Mar¦che. in the yere of oure lorde .M.CCCC.lviii· the kynge & the quene & all the lordes went on processyon at Poules in London. & anone af∣ter the kyng & the lordes departed. & in this ye∣re was a grete fraye in Fletstrete bytwene mē of courte & men of the same strete. In whyche fayre the quenes Attourney was slayne ALso this same yere as the Erle of war∣wyk was at counseyll at westmynster alle the kynges housholde meny gadred them togyder / for to haue slayne the sayde erle. But by the helpe of god & his frendes he recouered his barge / and escapyd theyr euyll enterpryse / how well the cokes came rennynge oute wyth spytes and pestels ayneh hym. And the same daye he rode to wardes werwyk and soone af∣ter he gate hym a commyssyon / and went ouer the see to warde Calays. ¶Soone after thys therle of Salysbury comynge to Lōdon / was encoūtred at Bloreheth which the lord Audley. And moche other people ordeyned to dystroy hym But he hauynge knowlege that he shold be met wyth was accōpanyed with hys two so¦nes syr Thomas & syr Iohn̄ Neuell / & a grete felyshyp of goodmen. And so they faught togy¦der / where the erle of Salysbury wanne ye fel∣de / And the lorde Audley was slayne / & many gentylmen of Chesshyre. & moche people hurt And the erles two sones were hurte. & goynge homewarde afterwarde they were taken / and hadde to Chestre by the quenes menye. ¶After Calixt Pius was pope / & was chase this yere .M.CCCC.lvlii· & he was callyd be∣fore Eneas an eloquēte man / & a poete laurea∣te. He was embassatour of ye Emperours befo¦re tyme. And he wrote in ye coūseyl of Basyle a noble treatyse for thactoryte of ye same / Also he canonysed saynte Katheryne of Senys / Thys pope ordeyned grete Indulgēce & pardonne to theym that wolde go & werre ayēst the Turke / & wrote a pystle to the greate Turke / exhortyn∣ge hym to become Crysten. And in thend he or∣deyned a passage ayēst the Turke at Ankon. to whiche moche people drewe out all partyes of cristēdome / of the whiche people he sente many home ayen by cause they suffyced not / & anone after he dyed at the sayd Ankō / the yere of our lord .M.CCCC.lxiii. the .xiiii. daye of August. THe duke of yorke / the erles of warwyk and of Salysbury / sawe the gouernaū¦ce of the reame stode moost by the quene & hyr counseyll / & how the grete prynces of the londe were not callyd to counseyl but set a parte. and not only soo / but it was sayd thrugh the reame tho sayd lordes sholde be dystroyed as it open∣ly was shewed at Blorehethe by them yt wolde haue slayne the erle of Salysbury. Thenne for sauacyon of theyr lyues / & also for the comyn¦wele of the reame thought for to remedy thyse thynges assembled them togyder with moche people / and toke a felde in the west countre to whiche the erle of warwyk came fro Calays / with many of the olde Souldeyours as Andrē¦we Trollop and other / in whose wysdome / as for ye werre he trustyd moche vpon And whan they were thus assembled and made theyr fel∣de. the kynge sente out commyssyons & preuy seales vnto all the lordes of his reame to come and wayte on hym in theyr moost beste defen¦sable araye / And so euery man came in suche wyse. that the kynge was stronger / and hadde more▪ peple than the duke of yorke and therles of warwyk & of Salysbury. for it is here to be notyd that euery lorde in Englonde at this ty∣me / durst not dysobeye the quene / so she rulyd peasybly all that was done abowte the kynge whiche was a good and a well dysposed man. And thenne whan the kynge was come to the place where they were / the duke of yorke & hys felysshyp made theyr felde in the strongest wy¦se / & purposyd verely to abyde & haue fouʒte / But in the nyghte Andrewe Trollop & all the olde soudyours of Calays wyth a greate fely∣shyp / sodeynly departyd out of the dukes host. And wente strayte vnto the kynges felde / whe∣re they were receiued Ioyously. for they knewe thentent of thother lordes / & also the maner of theyr felde. And then the duke of yorke with the other lordes. seynge thē dysceued / toke a coun∣seylle shortly in that same nyght. & departed fro¦me the felde leuynge behynde thē the moost par¦tye of theyr people too kepe the felde tyl on the morowe / Then the duke of yorke with his secō¦de sone departyd thrugh wales towarde Irlon¦de / Leuynge his eldest sone the erle of Marche with the erles of werwyk & of Salysbury. whi¦che rode togyder wyth thre or foure persones strayght into Deuenshyre. & there by helpe & ay¦de of one Denham / gate a shyp whiche cost a .xi score nobles / & wyth the same shyp sayled fro thens in to Gernesey & there refresshed theym / & frome thens sayled to Calays. where they we¦re receyued in to the castel by ye postern̄ / or they of ye towne wyst of it / And the duke of yorke to¦ke shypynge in walys. & sayled ouer in to Irlon¦de where he was well receyued. THen kynge Henry wyth his host in the felde / not knowynge of this sodeyne de¦partynge / on the morowe foūde none in the fel¦de of the sayd lordes. sent out in all the hast mē for to folowe and pursue after to take thē / but they mette not with thē as god wolde. And thē the kynge wēt to Ludlowe & dyspoyled ye castel & the towne. And sēte the duchesse of yorke and hyr chyldrē to the duchesse of Bokyngham hyr syster / where she was kepte longe tyme after / And forth with the kynge ordeyned the duke of Somerset / to be Capytayne of Calays & thyse of other lordes so departed / as afore is sayd. we¦re preclamyd rebelles & grete traytours. Then the duke of Somerset tooke to hym al the sou∣dyours that departed fro the felde and made hȳ redy in all the haste / for to go to Calays. & take possessyon of his offyce / And whan he came he founde therle of warwyk therin as Capytayne & the erles of Marche & of Salysbury also / and then̄e he londed by Scalys & wēt to gyues and there he was receyued / And it fortuned that so∣me of tho shyppes that came ouer with hym. ca¦me in to Calays hauē by theyr fre wyll / for the shypmē ought more fauour to the erle of war∣wyk thā to the duke of Somerset / & in whyche shyppes were take dyuerse mē / as Ienyn Fyn∣kyll Iohan felowe Kaylles & Purser / whiche were beheded soone after in Calays. and after this came mē dayly ouer ye see to thyse lordes to calays / & began for to wexe strōger. & they boro¦wed moche gode of the Staple / & on that other syde the duke of Somerset beynge in Gynes ga¦te people to hym whiche came out and scarmy∣sshed with theym of Calays / & they of Calays with the whiche endured many daies ucyng moche people came ouer dayly vnto thise lordes ¶Thē on a tyme by thaduys and coūseylle of the lordes att Calays sente ouer mayster Den∣ham with a greate felyshyp to Sandwhyche / whiche tooke the towne & therin the lorde Ry∣uers & the lorde Salys his sone / & toke many shyppes in the hauen / and broughte them all to calays wyth whiche shyppes many maryners of ther fre wyl / came to calays / to serue the Er¦le of warwyk. And after the Erle of warwyke by the aduys of the lordes. tooke all his shyppes and manned theym well and saylled hymselfe in to Irlonde. for to speke wyth the duke of yor¦ke / and tooke his aduys how they sholde entre in to Englonde. And whan that he had be the∣re and done hys erandes / he retorned ayen to∣wardes Calays / and broughte with hym his moder the countesse of Salysbury. And comyn¦ge in the west countree on ye see the duke of Ex¦cetre Admyral of Englond beynge in the grace of du. accōpanyed with many shypp{is} of warre met with ye erle of warwyk & hys flete. but they faught not for the substaūce of ye peple beynge with the duke of Excetre. ought better wyll & fauour to ye erle of warwyk thā to hym / & they departed and came to calays in saufe. ¶Thē the kynges coūseyll seynge yt thyse lord{is} had go¦ten those shyppes fro Sandwytche. & taken the lorde Ryuers & his sone ordeyned a garyson at Sandwytche to abyde & kepe the towne. & ma∣de one moūtforde capitayne of ye towne / & that no man vytayll / ne marchaūt. yt shold go to fla¦unders / shold go to calays. Thē they of calays seyenge this made Denham / & many other to go to Sandwytche & assayled ye towne by lon¦de & by water & gate ix. And brought the Capy¦tayne ouer see and smote of hys heed / And yet daylymen came ouer to theim fro all partyes. ANd after thys the forsayd erles of mar¦che warwyke & Salysbury came ouer to Douer with moche people & there londed to whome all the coūtre drewe & came to Lōdon all armyd / and for to lete lordes of the kynges counsell knowe theyr truth & also theyr enten¦te / assembled theym. and tolde them / that they entended no harme to ye kynges persone / sauf that they wolde put from hym suche persones as were aboute hym. And soo departed frome London wyth a greate puyssaunce towarde Northampton / where the kynge was accom∣panyed with many lordes / and made a stron∣ge felde withoute the towne / And there bothe partyes met. and was fought a greate batayll In whyche batayll were slayne the duke of bo∣kyngham & therle of Shrewesbury / ye vycoūt Beamonde / the lorde Egremonde / and many other knyghtes and squyres / and othere also / and the kynge hymself was taken in the felde And after warde broughte to London / And a∣none after was a parlement at westm̄. duryng whyche parlyament ye duke of yorke came out of Irlonde. wyth the Erle of Rutlande. rydyn¦ge wyth a grete felyshyp in to the palays / & co∣me in to the parlyament chambre & there toke the kynges place / and claymed the crowne as his propre enherytaunce and ryght and Caste forth in wryttynge his tytele. and also how he was ryghtfull heyre / wherfore was moche to do / but in conclusyon yt was appoynted / and concluded. that kinge Henry sholde regne and be kynge / durynge his natural lyfe For as mo¦che as he hadde be kynge so longe / & was pos¦sessyd & aft his dethe the duke of yorke shold be kynge / and hys heyers kynges after hym \ and forth with sholde be {pro}clamed heyre apparaūt and shold also be protector and regence of eng¦londe duryng ye kynges lyfe wyth many other thyng{is} ordeyned in the same parliment and yf kynge Henry durynge hys lyfe / wence frome thys poyntement or ony artycle concludyd in the sayd paylyament he sholde be deposed / and the duke sholde take the crowne / and be kynge all whyche thynges were enacted by thaucto∣ryte of the same / at whiche parlyament the co¦myn of the reame beyng assembled in the co∣myn hons / cōmynyng and treatyng vpon the tytle of the forsayd duke of yorke / sodenly feldo¦ne the crowne. whiche henge thenne in the mid¦des of the sayde hous whiche is the frayter of ye abbaye of westm̄. whiche was takē for a prodi¦ce or tokē. that the regne of kynge Henry was endyd ¶And also the crowne whiche stode on the hyghest toure of the styple in the castel of do¦uer / fell downe this same yere. BIcause the quene wyth the Prynce her sone / was in the northe and absent her fro the kynge. and obeyed not suche thyng{is} con¦cluded in the parlement / was ordeyned that ye duke of yorke as {pro}tector / shold go north ward to brynge in the quene / & subdue suche as wol∣ne not obey / wyth whome wente the erle of sa∣lysbury. Syr Thomas Neuyll hys sone with moche people / And at wakefelde in Crystmas weke. they were ouerthrowe and slayne by lor∣des of the quenes party that is to wyte / the du¦ke of yorke was slayne. the erle of Rotlonde syr Thomas Neuyll. and many moo / & the Eerle of Salysbury was take and other· As Iohan horowe of london capytayne and Ruler of the fotmen and Haūson of hull whiche were brou¦ght to poūfret. and there be heeded / & there hee¦des sente to yorke / & sette vpon the yates / And thus was the noble prynce slayne / the duke off yorke / on whos soule god haue Mercy / & thys tyme therle of Marche beyng in Shorwesbu∣ry / herynge the deth of his fader / desyred ayde of the towne to auenge his faders dethe / & fro¦thens wente to walys. and at Candelmasse af¦ter he had a battayll at Martymers Crosse. a∣yenste therle of Penbroke & of wylshyre where the erle of marche had the vyctorye / Then the quene with those lordes of the north after that they had dystressyd and slayne the duke of yor∣ke and his felysshyp. came south warde with a grete multytude of people / for too come to the kynge and defecte suche conclusyons as had be take before by the parlyamēt / ayenst whos comyng the duke of Northfolke. ye erle of war¦wyeke. wyth moche people & ordynaunce / wen¦te to saynt albons. & ladde kynge Henry wyth theym / & there encoūtred to gyder in suche wy¦se, and faught so that the duke of Northfolke & Therle of werwyke / wyth many other of ther party edde & loste that Iourneye. where that kynge Hēry was takē with the quene & prynce Edwarde his sone. whiche two had got on that felde. The quene & hyr partye beynge at her a∣boue. sēte anone to Lōdon / whyche was on an Asshe wenesdaye the fyrst daye of lente for vy∣tayl. ¶For whiche the Mayre ordeyned bi tha¦duys of the aldermē ye certen cartes lade wyth vytayll sholde be sente to saynt Albons to thē. & whā tho cartes came to Crepell yate / ye comīs of the Cyte that kept ye gate. toke the vytayles fro the cartes and wolde not suffre it to passe. Thēne were there certayn Aldermē & comyns apoynted too goo vnto bernet / to speke wyth ye quenes cōseyll to entreate yu the northren men sholde bee sente home ayen / in to theyr contree. for the cyte of London drad to be dyspoyled yf they had come. And duryng this treatyse / ty∣dynges came. that the erle of warwyk had met with the Erle of Marche on Cotteswolde co∣myng oute of walys wyth a greate menye of welsshemē and that they bothe were comynge vnto Lōdon warde / Anone as these tytynges were knowe. the tratyse was broke for the kyn¦ge / Quene Prynce / & the other lordes that we∣re with theym departed fro saynt Albōs north ward with al ther people / yet or they departed thens they beheeded that lorde Bonuyll & Syr Thomas Kryell. whiche were takē in the Iour¦ney done on shrewe toursdaye. ¶Thenne the Duchesse of yorke beyng at london. herynge of the losse of the felde of saynt Albons. sente ouer¦see hyr twoo yonge sones George & Rycharde / whiche wente to Vtrech. and Phylyp malpas a ryche marchaūt of Londō Thomas vaghan Squyre. mayster wyllyam Haclyf and many other / ferynge of the comynge of the quene to London / toke a shyp at Anwerpe to haue gone in to zelande / & on that other coste / were taken of one Colompne a Fransshman / a shyppe of werre. And he toke theym prysoners & brough∣te them in to fraunce / where they payed grete good for theyr raunson / and there was greate goode & rychesse in that shyppe. THen whan the Erle of warwyke hadde wette to gader on Cotyswolde / in con¦tynent they concludyd to go to london. and sen¦te worde anone te ye Mayre & to the Cytie that they wolde come / & anone ye cytie was gladde of theyr comynge / hopynge to be releuyd bi thē & so they came too / london / & whā they were co¦me & had spoke with the lordes & estates beyn∣ge there. cōcluded for as moche as kynge Hēry was gone with thē north warde. that he hadde forfeyted his crowne & ought to be deposed ac∣cordyng vnto ye actes made passyd in the laste parlemēt And so by the aduys of ye lordes spyry¦tuall & tēporall / thenne beyng at london. the er of Marche Edwarde by the grace of god / eldest sone of the duke Rychard of yorke. As ryght∣full heyre. and nexte enherytour to his fader the fourth daye of Marche / the yere of our Lorde god .M.CCCC.lix. toke possessyon of the Rea¦me / at westm̄. in the chyrche of the abbaye and offred as a kynge wyth ye ceptre ryall. To who¦me all the lordes spyrytuall and temporall dyd homage. as to theyr souerayn lorde and Kyng And forth wyth it was proclaymed thrugh the Cyte kynge Edwarde the fourthe by name / & anone after the Kynge rode in his ryalle estate north warde wyth all hys lordes to subdue his subyectis that tyme beynge in the northe. & for to auenge his faders deth. And on Palme son¦daye after he had a grete bataylle in the northe coūtree at a place called Towcon not fer from yorke / where wyth the helpe of god he gate the felde and hadde the vyctorye wher were slayn of his aduersaryes .xxx. thousāde mē and moo as it was sayde by theym that were there In whiche batayll was slayne the Erle of North thumberlande. the lorde Clyorde syr Iohan Neuyll the Erle of westmerlondes brother an∣drewe Trollop. and many knyghtes & squers ¶Thenne Kynge Henry that had be kyng be¦ynge wyth the quene and the prynce att yorke herynge the losse of that felde. And so moche pe¦ple slayne and ouerthrowe / anone forthe with departed all thre wyth the duke of Somerset the lorde Roos. and other towarde Scotlande And the nexte daye after kynge Edward with all his armye entred in to yorke / and was ther proclaymyd kynge and obeyed as he ought too be. And the Mayre and comyns swore to be his lyegemen. and whan they had taryed a whyle in the northe & that all the north and that al the north countree had torned to hym he retorned south warde. leuynge behynde hym the erle of werwyk in tho partyes to gouerne & rule that countre And aboute Mydsomer after / the yere of our lorde .M.cccc.lx. & the fyrste yere of hys regne he was crowned att westm̄ / & anoynted kīge of englōde hauyng possessyō of al ye reame CAlyxtus ye thyrde was pope after Nycho¦las thre yere & v. monethes. this Calyxte was an olde mā whā he was chose pope. & was cōtynually seke / ne he myght not fulfyll his de∣syre. which he entēded to do ayēst ye turkys / for deth came vpō hym. & he was chose in ye yere of our lord .M.cccc.lv. & he deyed ye .vi. daye & he made ye fyguracyō. also he canonysed saynt vī¦cēt / a frere precher / & ther was a grete reforma¦cyō of many monasteryes of ye worlde / & those reformacyons were made many tymes. but all most none abode. but ye retorned ayen home. by successyō of tyme / after ye dethe of the worshyp¦full faders· ye feste of the Transfiguracyō was ordeyned of Calyxt for ye yefte of grace of ye me¦rueylous vyctory done ayēst the Turke in Hū¦gary on saynt Syxtus day .M.CCCC.lvii. For there was a merueylous vyctory yeue to ye Crystē mē in Hungary ayēst the greate Turke & there he loste many a mā & fledde shāfully for drede of enemyes. & noman folowed hym / but alone ye hōde of god feryd ye Turke & his hoost on saynt Calyxte daye saynt Iohn̄ de Caprys∣trano was there seen presēt. & he prouoked the people yt were aferde to folow the mysbeleuīge Turkes & there fell a grete vēgeaūce on theym for the Turkes sayd / yt there was so grete a nō¦bre of knyghtes that folowed thē. That vnne∣the they durste looke bacwarde. & therfore they fledde. & lefte al ther tresour behynde thē. & they were angelles that caused theym to flee. Nota PRynters of bookes were myghtely mul¦typlyed in Maguncie. & thrughoute the worlde & there began fyrste· & there helde theyr craftes. & thys tyme myny mē begā to be more subtyll in craftes & swyterf thā euer they were afore PIus the secōde was pope after Calyxt .vi. yere. Thys pius was chose ī ye yere of our lorde .M.CCCC.lviii. & he was called Eneas an eloquēt man a grete oratour a laureate poete. and in the coūseyll of Basyle he wrote a noble tretyse for thattoryte of ye same This mā desyred to haue a passage to the Tur¦ke & moche people of dyuerse countres came to Rome. & he yaue theym his blessynge and sente theym home ayē for they were not sufficiēt for the Turkes hoste & anone after he decessyd. POules a venetiā was pope after Pyus vii. yere. This poule was chose in the ye yere of our lorde .M.cccc.lxiiii. And anone he halowed ye feste of the presentacyō of our lady. as pius dyd This mā was a toughmā in ryght wysnes & he sayd it was bett to make fewe thin¦ges. and make them stedfastly than for to ma¦ke many. & sone reuoke thē. And he mad a grete pallays at saynt Markys and he decessed or he had ended it in ye yere of our lorde M.cccc.lxxi. ¶Leodin̄ ye londe of luke was oppressed with many trybulacyons. & after in the yere of our lorde .M.cccc.lxviii. vterly it was distroyed bi Carolū ye duke of Bourgoyn. that whiche wed¦ded dame Margarete syster to kynge Edwar∣de the forth of Englonde. Also the same karolū entred in the londe of Gelder. and conquyred it hooly. The yere of grace also was chaunged by pope Poule for fauoure of mānys soule fro¦me .xxv. yere to .xxv. yere. And by case ye cursyd¦nesse aboūded so sore. greae aboūded also sore. SIxtus the fourth a Iohannes. & a frere minor was pope after paule. This mā was geneall in ye ordre of ye frere mynors or he was Cardynal. And he was chosē in ye yere of our lorde .M.cccc.lxxi. And was called Frācis∣cus de Sanona. of good fame and vertuost He was chosē Cardynall wythout his Knowlege tyll he was made. & ye same yere yt he was chosē pope. The turke had takē fro me cristē mē two empyres. & four kyngdomes .xx. prouīces. and two hūdred cytyes· & had destroyed mē & wym∣mē without nōbre. And ye meuyd the pope yt he sholde dyspose hym to goo to wythstonde hym. And for an armye to be made ayenst the Turke ye pope gaue grete Indulgentes of par¦don of ye tresori of the cyrche vnto all crystē rea¦mes. yt he myght ordeyne some tresore. to with∣stande ye mysbeleued Turke. And in the lōde of Englonde / Iohn̄ abbot of Abyngdon was the popes legate. to dyspose this goodli tresoure. of ye chyrche to euery feythful mā. yt was disposed and that wolde able hym to receyue it. FIrste as Galfrydus saythe thys londe was called Albyne the oldeste doughter of Dyoclesyan and hadde .xxxii. systers. And they were fyrste enhabyted this londe. And by¦cause she was the oldest syster she named thys londe Albyon after hyr owne name as ye Cro∣nycle rether seth. Other saye that this Londe was named Albyon as it were the whyte lon∣de of whyte rockes about the clyues of the see that were sen fro ferre. After warde Brute cō∣quered this londe and called it Brytayn after his owne name. And thenne Saxons or En∣glysshmen conquerde this londe and caled yt Anglia that is Englōde Or it is called Anglia of a quene that owed this londe / that was na∣med Angla and was a noble dukes doughter of the Saxons. Or as ysad scyth Ethy .xv. an¦glia hathe that name as it were an angle and a corner of the worlde. Or els as Beda saythe lii.: Saynt Gregory sawe Englysshe childrē to sell atte Rome and he accorded to the name of the londe. And sayde they ben southely An∣gles / for her face chyned as angels / for the no∣blyte of the londe shone in the childrens faces. ¶Alfre. The Bryteysshe Anglia is called the other worlde / and for greate plente of all good the greate Charles called in hys owne Cham∣bre. ¶Solinus The edge of Frensshee clyfe sholde be the ende of the worlde / yf the ylonde of Brytayne ne were not / whyche is worthy to haue the name of an other worlde. ¶Alfry thys ylonde ys called insula for yt ys in salo / that is the see / And is beten of wyth dyuerse cours of waters wyth stremes and wyth wa∣wes of the see. THis Brytayne is accoūted a noble lon¦de both in our storyes & also in ye story∣es of Grekes. and is sette ayenste Germania. Gallia. Fraūce & Spayne bytwene the north and the west & the see bytwene. This londe is fyfty myle from the clyf of the men that be cal¦led morini gessiorico. ¶Bedali .i. And for this ylonde lyeth vnder the north hede of the worl∣de. And it hath lyght and bryght nyghts in ye somer tyme. So that of tentyme at mydnyght men haue quastyons & doubte whether it be e∣nyntyte or dawynge / yt is for the tyme of ye ye∣re that the sonne goeth not ferre vnder the erth by nyght but passeth by the north syde and co∣meth soone in to the eest agayne. And therfore in ye somer ben theyr dayes full longe of .xviii. houres & the nyghtes of .vi. houres. And after in the wynter ben longe nyghtes of .xviii. hou¦res and shorte dayes of .vi. houres· Also in Ar¦menia. Macedonia. Italya & in other londes of the same lyne the lengest day & lengest nygh¦te also is of .xv. houres. and the shortest day or nyght is of .x. houres. ¶Plinius in meroe. That ylonde is chyef of blacke men / ther is ye lengest day .xii. houres. In Alexandre ī Egypt of .xiii· oures in ytalya of .xv· houres. In bry¦tayne of .xviii· houres. In the ylonde named Tyle all the .vi somer monethes is daye & all the .vi. wynter monethes in nyght. ¶Isyd li.xiii. Brytayn is sette wythin Occian as yt we¦re without the worlde / & is sette ayenst Fraun¦ce & Spayne. ¶Giraldus. Brytayne in end∣longe and larger in the myddell than in the en∣des. ¶Orosius. Brytayne stretcheth in lenth out of the south in to the north and in the south est it hathe Fraunce / in the south Spayne the north / Nowaye. & in the west Hybernia / that Is yrlonde. whan shyppemen passen the nexte clyf of that londe they se a cyte that heet Rup∣ty mouth. ¶Beda .li.i· That cyte is nowe cal¦led shortly of Englyshmen Reptacestre / ¶So¦linus / Brytayne is .viii. hondreth myle of len∣the & it be moten fro ye clyf of Totenesse to the angle of Colydon. ¶Alfre That is from pen∣with strete .xv. myle be yonde Mychels stowe in Cornwayle vnto catenesse that is beyonde Scotlōde & brytayn is more thā ·ii.C. myle bro¦de frō Meneuia that is ye vtermest place in wa¦les vnto yarmoth in nothfolke. ¶Beda On¦ly out take the lengest out sherynge of dyuerse for londes with the whiche Brytayne is all a∣boute .xlviii. sythe .lxx. thousande paas. AS Fraunce passeth Brytayne so Bry¦tayne passeth Irlonde in fayre weder and noblyte but not in helthe. ¶Beda .li. For this ylonde is beste. to brynge fort threes and fruyte Rutherne & bestes And wyne groweth therin in some place. The londe hath plente of fowles & of beestes of dyuerse maner of kynde The londe is plēteuous & the see also. The lon∣de is noble copyous & ryche of noble welles & Ryuers with plente of fysthe. There is greate plēte of small fysshe of samon & of eeles. ¶wil¦hel. de. pon .li.iii. So yt the peple in some place fede theyr swyne with fysshe. ¶Beda li.i. the∣re ben of tentymes taken Dolphyns. See cal∣ues / and Balayne greate fysshes / as whales kynde. ¶And dyuerse maner shelfysshe amonge the whiche / shelfysshe been muskles That within them haue Margery peerles of all maner of colour & hewe of rody & redde pur¦pure & of blewe / & specyally & moost of whyte ther with fyne rede / the rednes ther of is won∣der fayre \ & stable / & stayneth neuer with code ne with heet▪ with wete ne with drye but euer the older the colour is the fayrer There ben al¦so salte welles & hote welles / ther of rennynge stremes of hote bathes departed in to dyuerse places accordynge. For man & woman of alle manere age olde or yonge. ¶Basilius sayth. That the water that renneth & passeth by vay¦nes of certayne metal taketh in his course gre¦te hete. This ylonde is plenteuous of vaynes of metalles· Bras of yron of leede of tyn / & of syluer also. ¶Plinius li.vi. ca. vi. In this ylō¦de vnder the curfe of the londe is founde good merle the thryfty of the fatnes dryeth hym selfe therin / So that euer the thycker ye felde in mer¦led the better corne it wyll bere / There is also a nother maner white merle / that the lōde is the better fourscore yere that therwith is merled. ¶Solin{us} In this ylonde groweth a stone that is called Gagates / yf ye wyll knowe his fayr∣nesse / it is blacke as gēmes ben / yf ye wyll kno¦we his kynde / It brenneth water & quencheth in oyle & as to hys myght / yf the stone befroted & chaffed It holdeth what hym negheth as suc¦cū a stone yt is soo named. ¶ysydorus .li.xv. There was shepe that beren gode wule There ben many hertes and wylde beestes and fewe wulues. therfore shepe ben the surer wythoute kekynge lefte in the felde. ¶R. In this ylonde also ben many cytees and townes fayre and no¦ble and ryche. many greate Ryuers & stremes wyth grete plente of fyshe / many fayre wodes and grete. wyth ryght many beestes tame and wylde. ¶The erth of that londe is copyous of metall oor / And of salte welles of quareyes of Marbyll of dyuerse manere stones / of reed of whyte of softe and of harde / chalke & of whyte lyme. There is also whyte claye and rede for to make pottes. crockes / stenes / & other vessel and brent tyle to couer the houses and chyrches as it were in the other samya yt is named samos al¦so. ¶Flanddres loueth well the wull of this londe. And hollande the skynnes and felles of all maner of beestes. Guyan the yron and the leed. Irlonde the oor and the salte. Al Europe lo¦ueth and desyreth the whete metall of this lon∣de / Alfredus Brytayn hath ynough of mater that there nedeth to bye and sell or is nedelull to mannes vse / there lacketh neyther salte ne yron / Therfore a versefyour in his metre pray¦seth this londe in to this manere / Englonde is a good londe fruytfull of wu. but it is a corner Englonde is full of playe free men wel worthy to playe / fre men / free tonges. free hertes / and free ben all theyr thynges. theyr honde is more free. and better than theyr tounge. Also Eng¦londe is beauteous of londe floure of londes all aboute / that londe is full payede wyth fruyte and good of his owne. that londe reueleth stra∣unge men that hathe nede therto / And whan honger greueth other loondes that londe fedeth theym. That londe bereth fruyte & corne grete plente ynough / That londe is welle at ease as longe as men lyue in peas eeste & west in eche londe ben knowen well the hauenes of Englon¦de / Her shyppes foundes and ofte helpeth ma¦ny londes Theyr mete and money men hather more comyn alway And for to lerne men glad¦ly yeue gyftos / In londe and stronge wyde spe¦ke men of Englonde. Londe hony mylke these this ylonde therof shall bere the pryce. ¶Thys ylonde hath no nede of other londes. all londos muste seke helpe at this alone / Of the lykynge of theyr woun / myght wonder kyng Salomō The ryches that there is an. wolde desyre octa¦uyan / IN Brytayne ben hote welles wel arayed and adressed to the vse of manhode / may¦sters of thylke welles is the grete spyrite miner¦ua In her hous the fyre endureth alwaye that neuer chaungeth into asshen / but there the fy∣re slaketh. it chaungeth into stone clothes· Al∣fre. In Brytayn ben many wondres Neuer¦theles four ben moste wonderfull / the fyrste is att Peton there bloweth so stronge wynde out of the chynes of the erthe yt it casteth vp agayn lothes that mē caste therin. The secōde is att Stonhenge besydes Salesbury there ben gre¦te stones & wonder huge. and ben teten on hy¦ghe as it were yates sette vpon other yates Ne¦uertheles it is not konwen clerely ne appercey¦ued how and wherfore they bē so arered and so wonderfull honged. The thyrde is at Cherdbo¦ke there is a grete holownes vnder the erthe often many mē haue seen· Ryuers and stremes But no where can they fynde none ende The fourth is that rayn is seen reysed vppon hylles and none yspronge aboute in the feldes. Also there is a grete pounde that conteyned .lx. ylon∣des couenable for men to dwelle in that ponde is beclypped aboute with syx score Roches & vpon euery roche an egles neste and the score Ryuers rennen into that ponde. And none of them all renne into the see but one / Ther is a ponde closed aboute with walle of tyle and of stone. ¶In that ponde men wasshe and bathe ryght ofte. and euery man feleth the water hoo¦te or colde ryght as he wyll hym selfe. There bē salte welles ferre frome the see and been salte al the weke longe vnto saterdaye atte none vnto monday The water of these welles whan it is soden torneth into smale salte fayre and whyte ¶Aso there is a ponde the water ther of hath wonder werkynge. For though all an hooste stode by the ponde and tourned theyr face thy¦der warde the water wolde drawe hym vyolēt¦ly towarde the ponde and wete alle theyre clo∣thes / Soo sholde hors bee drawen in the same wyse. And yf the facebe torned a waye fro the water the water noyeth not. There is a welle that noo streme renneth fro ne neyther therto and yet four maner of fysshe be taken ther in. ye welle is but xx. foote longe and xx. foote brode ¶And bereth noo grete depte but to the knee / And closeth with hyghe bankes on euery syde. In the countree about wynchestre is a denne or a caue / out of ye caue bloweth al waye a strō∣ge wynde / so that no man may endure to ston¦de to fore yt. denne or caue. There also is a pon¦de yt torneth tree in to yron yf it be ther in a ye∣re. And soo trees ben shapen in to whestones. Also there is in the toppe of an hylle buryels e∣uery man that cometh & meteth that buryell / he shall fynde it euen of his owne lenth & mesu¦re· And yf a pylgryme knele therto anonr he shall be all fresshe & fele noo gryef of werynes. ¶Git in· top. Fast be the mynstre of wynbur¦ney that is not ferre fro bathe is a woode that bereth moche fruyte / yf the trees of that wood fall in to water or grounde yt is nyghe & lye the∣re all a yere. the trees tornen ī to stones. ¶Gir¦itenere. Vnder the Cyte of Chestre renneth ye Ryuet Dee now departeth Englonde & wa∣les. That Ryuer chaunged euery moneth hys lordes as men of the countre tellen & leueth of∣ten the chanell / but whether the water drawe more to warde Englond or to warde wales to what syde yt it be. that yere men of yt syde haue the worst ende & ouer sette. And men of ye other syde shall haue better ende & be at theyr aboue whan the water so chaungeth hys course yt bo¦deth suche happes. This Ryuer Dee renneth & cometh out of a lake yt heet. Pymblemere. in this Ryuer is grete plente of samon / neuerthe¦les in the lake is neuer samon founden. ¶wyl helde re le ii. Take hede how grete lyghte and bryghtnesse hath ben shewed vpon Englyssh¦mē sythe they fyrst torned to ryght byleue. So that of no men in ony prouynce ben founden so many hole bodyes of men after her dethe in sykenes of euerlastyngnes yt shall be after the daye of dome / as it well semeth in these hooly Sayntes as Edeldrede / Edmonde / the kynge Elphege: Edgar Cutberde & saynt Edwarde & many other I trowe yt it bedoo by a specyall grace of god almyghty for ye nacyon that is set as it were without the world take hede to buryē¦ge of bodyes without corrupcyō and rotynge / and ben the more bolde & stedfaste for to trust on the fynall arysynge of dede dodyes for to la∣ste euermore after the daye of dome. AFter the fyrst Brutes tyme the ylonde of Brytayne beganne for to haue the pryncypall partyes / that ben Loegria Cam¦bria that is that wales. And Albania yt is now Scotlonde Loegria hath that name of Locri∣nus that was Brutes oldest sone / and heet / loe¦gria as it were. Locrinus londe / but now Loe¦grin is called Englōde. The boūdes and Mar¦kes were ther of somtyme the Frensshe see boo¦the by eest & by southe. ¶Beda .li.i. ca. ii. And by north two armes of the see that breketh fer¦re in to the londe eyther ayenst other But they reche not togyder / The eest arme of thylke tw∣eyne begynneth about a two lytell myle fro the mynstre of Ebburcurynge. In the weste syde of Penulton in that arme is a towne / that is called Guydy. the west arme of thylke tweyne hath in the ryght syde a stronge Cyte that heet Alclyued whiche in theyr lāgage is called Clint stone & stondeth vpon a ryuer yt is called Clynt also. ¶R. Some men wolde mene that Loe∣gria endeth at Humbre & stretcheth no ferther north warde. The seconde partye of Brytay∣ne is caleo Albinia that is Scotlonde & hathe that name of Albinactus Brutes sone & stret∣cheth fro the forsayd two armes of the see nor∣the warde vnto these of Norwaye. Neuerthe∣les the south partyes of Albania where as pye¦tes dwelled somtyme that lyeth frome the wa∣ter of twede vnto the Scottesshe see. All yt lon∣ged sometyme to the kyngedome of Northum¦berlonde Brenycorne the north sade of Nor∣thumberlonde fro the fyrst tyme of Englysshe kynge to that tyme whan Kynadius kynge of Scotlonde that was Alpinus sone dyd a way the Pyctes and so Ioyned that countre to the kyngdome of Scotlonde. Thē thyrde partye of Brytayne is wales walia that heet Cam¦bria also / & hath that name Cambria of Cam¦bre Brutes sone / for he was prynce of wales. In the eest syde Seurnee departed some tyme bytwene Englonde & wales. But in the north syde the Ryuer of Dee atchestre and in the sou¦the ye Ryuer that is named Vaga at ye castel of Srygelyn departeth Englonde and wales. All so kynge Offa for to haue a dystynccyon for e¦uermore bytwene the kynges of Englōde and of wales made a longe dyche that dretched for the out of the southe syde by Brystowe vnder the hylles of wales Seuerne and Dee almoste to the heedes and vnto the mouthe of the Ry∣uer of Dee beyonde Chestre faste by the castell it reenneth bytwene Colehyll and the mynstre of Basyngwercke into the see. This dytthe is yet in many places seen In saynt Edwardes tyme walsshmen sholde not passe that was att Erle Haroldes procurynge as it shall be sayde here after. but now in eyther sydes both ayon¦de half & a thys half the dyche and specyally in the shyres of Chestre of Shrowesbury and of Herforde in many places been Englysshemen and walsshmen medled togyders. BRytayne hathe thre ylondes that ben nyght and longynge therto all without the ylondes Orcades / as it were answerynge to the thre chyef partys of Brytayne. For the yle of wyghte longeth & lyeth to Leogrya that is Englonde. The ylonde Mon that is called Angleseya also longeth to wales / and the ylon∣de Enbonia that hathe two other names and is called Meneuia and Man also whiche lon∣geth to Scotlonde. And all these thre ylondes wyght Mon and Man ben almoost alyke mo¦che and the quantyte / of the whyche thre all a¦rowe foloweth our speche. ¶Beda .li.i. ca. iii· Claudius sent Vespasianus. and Vespasian{us} wāne wyght / And wyght stretcheth out of the eest in to ye west .xxx. myle long. And out of the south in to the north .xii. myle / and is in the eest syde .vi. myle fro the south clyfe of Brytayne. And thre myle fro the west syde. ¶Beda .li.iiii ca. v. The mesure of this ylonde as Englyssh∣men gesse is a thousande heusholders and two hondred. ¶Gir. in itinere. mon that is called. Angleseya also his departed from north wales by a shorte arme of the see as it were two myle brode. In Mon ben thre hondred townes .lx.iii. And ben accompted for Cādredes that ben .iii. hondredes. The ylonde is as it were .xxx. mye longe and .xii. myle brode Candredus is so moche londe as conteyneth an hondred tow¦nes / that name candredus is made out of two langages of Brytysshe and of Irysshe In pray¦synge of this ylonde walsshmen were wonte to saye a prouerbe and an olde sawe. Mon Man¦kembri / that is to saye in Englysshe that londe is so good that it semeth that it wolde fynde cor¦ne ynough for all the men of wales. Therfore Virglys verses maye be accordynge therto / as moche as guawes / bestes longe Inneth dawes So moche efte bryngeth colde dewe in a nygh∣te ¶In that arme of the see that departed this londe and north wales / is a swolowe that that draweth shyppes to it that sayleth by and swoloweth them in ryyght as dothe. Cylla and Carybdis that ben two peryllous places in the see of myddel erthe. Therfore men maye not sayll by this swalowe but slyly at ful see. ¶R. Of the merueylles and wondres of the ylonde of Mon thou shalt fynde in the chapytre of wa¦les. Gir. in itinere. The thyrde ylonde that is called both Eubonia & Meneuia that is Man¦stondeth in the myddell bytwene the Irysshe vlstere and the Scottesshe galle waye as it we¦re in the nauell of the see. ¶Beda .iiii. ca. ix. This ylondes. The fyrste is southe warde the more condtree. And the better corne londe and conteyneth .ix. hondred and .x. housholdes· The secone conteyneth the space of .CCC. & moo as Englysshmen gesse. Gir. in op: Som¦tyme was stryf whether this ylonde Man shol¦de longe to Brytayne or to Irlonde and for as moche as venemous wormes that were brou∣ghte thyder lyed there / It was Iuged that the ylonde of Man sholde longe to Brytayne. ¶R. In that ylonde is ortylege and whyche crafte vsed. Fer women there selle to shypmē wynde as it were closed vnder thre knottes of threde. So that more wynde he wyll haue the moo knottes he muste vndo. Chere often by daye tyme men of that londe seen men that bē deed to fore honde byheded or hoole and what dethe they deyed. Alyens sette theyr fete vpon feeet of the men of that londe for to see suche sy¦ghtes as the men of that londe done. ¶Be¦da .li.ii. Scottes dwelled fyrste in thys ylonde ¶Thanatos that is Tenet and is an ylonde besydes Kente o and hath that name Thana¦tos of dethe of serpētes for there bē none. And ye erthe therof sleeth serpētes yborn in other lō∣des. There is noble corne lōde & fruytu. It is supposed that this ylonde was halowed & bles¦syd of saynt Austen the fyrste doctoure of Eng¦lysshmen for there he arryued fryste. MOlyuncyus kynge of Brytons· was the / xiii. of them and the fyrste that ga theym lawe. He ordeyned that plowmen folo∣wes / goodes lawes and hyghe wayes that let den men to Cytees and townes shold haue the fredom of coloure soo yt euery man that wente to ony of theym for socour or for trespaas that he hathe sholde be saufe for poursute of all hys enemyes. But afterwarde for the wayes we∣re vncertayne & stryf was had· Therfor Be∣linus the kynge that was the forfayd Moliun¦cius sone for to put a way all stryfe and doute / made foure hyghe kynges wayes preuyleged with all preueylege and fredome And the way∣es stretche thrughe the ylonde. The fyrste and gretest of all the foure wayes is called Fosse & stretcheth out of the south in to the northe and begynneth frome the corner of Cornewayle & passeth forthe by Deuenshyre by Somersete & forth be sydes Tetbury vpon Cotteswolde be¦syde Couentre vnto Leycestre / & soo forthe by wylde playnes towarde Newarke and endeth at Lyncoln. The seconde chyfe kynges hyghe waye is named watlyngstrete and stretcheth thwarte ouer Fosse out of the southeest in to ye norwest and begynneth at Douer and passeth by the myddell of Kente ouer Temse besyde London by westmestre and so forthe by saynt Albon in the west syde by donstaple by Scrat¦forde by Towcetre by wedō by southe Lylle∣born by Atheryston vnto gylbertes hylle that nowe is called wrekene and forthe by Seuar¦ne and passeth besydes wrokcestre / and then̄e forthe to Stratton and soo forthe ay the myd¦dell of wales vnto Cardykā and endeth atte Irysshe see. The thyrde waye is called Eryn∣nugestrete and stretcheth oute of the west nor weste in to the eest southeest / and begynneth in Meneuia that is saynt Dauyds londe in west wales and stretcheth forthe vnto Southamp¦ton: The fourthe is called. Rykenylstrete and stretcheth forthe by worochestre by wycombe and by Brymyngeham by Lechefelde by Der¦by by Chestrefelde by yorke and forthe vnto Tynmouthe. THere ben thre famous Ryuers renayn¦e through Brytayne by ye whyche thre Ryuers marchaūtes of beyonde ye see coumen in shyppes into Brytayn wellnygh out of all manere of nacyons and lōdes. These thre Ry¦uers ben Temse. Seuarne and Humbre The see ebbeth and floweth at these thre Ryuers & departeth the prouynces of the ylonde as it we∣re the thre kyngdoms asondre. The thre party¦es ben Loegria. Cambria / and Northumbri That ben myddel Englond: wales. and Nor∣thumberlonde. ¶R. These name Temse se¦meth made one name of two names of two ry¦uers that ben Tame & yse for the Ryuer of T¦me renneth besydes Dorchestre and falleth in yse / therfore all the Ryuer fro the fyrst heed vn¦to the eest see is named Tamyse or Temse be¦gynneth besydes Tetbury that is thre myle by north Malmesbury. There the Temse spryn∣geth of a well that renneth eest warde & passeth the Fosse and departeth Glocestre shyre and wylshyre / and draweth with hym many other welles and stremes and wexeth grete att grece¦stre and passeth forth than towarde Hamptō & so forth by Oxenforde by wallynforde by Ry¦dynge and by Londō. ¶Wilhelm{us} de pon. ca. ii. Atte hauen of Sandwhyche it faseth in to ye eest see / and holdeth hys name .xl. myle beyon∣de London / and departeth in some place Ken¦te & Essex westsex and Mercia that is as it we¦re a grete dele of myddell Englonde. ¶R. Se¦uarne is A Ryuer of Brytayne & is called Ha∣bern in brytons / and hath that name Habern of Habern that was Estryldes doughter Gu∣endolon the quene drenched this Habern ther¦in / therfore the Brytons called the Ryuer Ha¦bern after the woman that was drowned the¦rin / by corrupte latyn it is called Sabria Se∣uarne in Englysshe. Seuarne begynneth in the myddell of wales and passeth fyrste to war¦de the eest vnto Shrowesbury / and then̄e tor∣ned south warde vnto Bryggenorthe wyrce∣stre & Gloucestre & falleth in to the west see be∣sydes Brystow & departeth ī some place Eng∣lond & wales. ¶wilhel de pon .li.iii. Sauerne is swyft of streme / fysshe carft is therin / wode¦nes of the swolowyng & of ye whyrlynge water casteth vp & gadre to hepe gret hepes of grauel Seuarne oft aryseth & ouerfloweth the bākes ¶R: Hūbre hath ye name of Hūbre kyng of. hu¦nes. for he was drownde ther in. & ren̄eth fyrst a croke out of ye southsyde of yorke / & thenne it departed ye prouynce of Lyndese ye ye longed somtyme to ye merces from ye other contre nor¦thūberlonde Trente & Ous rennen in to Hū∣bre and makē the Ryuer full grete· ¶Treuisa The merces were men as .ii. were of myddell Englonde as it shall be sayd here after. THe kyngdome of Brytayne was somty¦me made fayr wyth .xxviii. noble cytees wythout ryght many castels that were walled with toures with yates and with barres stron¦gely buylded. ¶After these were the names of the cyteis. Caerlud that is London Caerbrāk that is yorke / Caerkent that is Caunterbury Taergoraukon that is worchestre. Caerlyryon that is / leycestre. Caerclon that is Gloucestre Caercoldē that is Colcestre Carray that is / chi¦chestre. Saxons called it somtyme Cyssonce¦stre: carcery that is Cyrcerre / caergunt that is wynchestre. Caergraunt that is / cambrygge caerleyll that is / lugibalia and Karlylle. Caerporis that is Porchestre. caerdrom that is Dorchestre. Caerludcoyt that is / lyncoln and. Lyndecolyn. Caermarthyn that is Merlyns Cyte / cersegēt that is Sicestre & his vpon tēse not fer from redynge leon that is / caerlegeon also and hyghte fyrste Legecestre and now is named Chestre Caerbathon that is bathe. and hyght somtyme Athamanus Cyte Caerpala¦dour that is Septon that now hyght Shaftes¦bury. ¶R. Other cytees ben founde in Crony¦cles for vnderstondynge of storyes / of whom it shall folowe. ¶Wyll de pon. London is a ryal and a ryche Cyte vppon. Tamyse. of burgeys¦ses of ryches of marchaūtes of chaare and of marchaundyse. Therfore it is that some tyme whan derth of vytayls is in all Englonde co¦muly at London it is beste chepe bycause of the byers and selles that ben at London. ¶Gau¦fre Brute the fyrste kyynge of Brytons buyl¦de & edefyted this cyte of London the fyrste cy∣te of London the fyryste cyte in remembraun∣ce of the cyte of Troye that was distroyed & cal¦led it Troye newich & triuantum that is new Troye After warde kynge Lud called it Caer¦lud after his owne name. Therfore the Bry∣tons had indygnacyon as Gyldas / telleth Af¦terwarde Englysshemen called the cyte Lon¦don / & yet after ye Normans called it Londers nd is named in latyn lōdonia Rudhudybras kynge / leyles sone. was the .viii. kyng of Bry∣tons / & he buylded Caūterbury ye chyefeyte of Kent called it Caerkent. Afterwarde Englys¦shemen called it Dorobernia / but yt is not Do∣uer that stondeth vpon ye clyf of ye Frensshe see & from shis douer .xxii. Englysshe myle. After warde this Dorobernia was & is called Caun¦terbury. The same kynge. Rudhudibrys buyl¦ded wynchestre. and called it Caerguēt & after Englysshmē called it went and wynchestre af¦ter ye name of one an Englysshe man that was bysshop there All westsaxō was subget to hym ye same kyng buylded paladour that is Septō that now is called Shaftesbury Brytons tel¦lē that an Egle prophecyed there sōtyme. Bla¦dud. Leyles sone a Nygramancer was the .ix. kȳge of Brytōs / he buylded Bathe and called it Caerbathon. Englyssmen called it after A¦thamannus cyte. But at the laste men called it Bathonia that is Bath. ¶Wilhell. depon .li.ii. in this cyte welleth vp & spryngeth hote Ba¦thes & mē wene that Iulius Cezar made there suche bathes. ¶R. But Gaufre monutēsis ī his Brytons boke / saythe that Bladud made thylke bathes bycause wyllyam hath not seen that brytysshe boke wrote so by tellīge of other mē / or by his owne gessynge as he wrote other thynges not best auysedly. Therfore it semeth more sothely that Bladud made not ye hote ba¦thes Ne Iulius Cezar dyd suche a dede though bladud buylded & made the Cyte. but it accor∣deth better to kyndely reason that ye water rēne the in ye erth by vaynes of brymstone & sulphur & so it is kyndely made hoot in that course and spryngeth vp in dyuerse places of ye cyte. And so there bē hoote bathes that wassheth of ees soores skabbes / ¶Treuisa. Though men my¦ghte by crafte make hoote bathe for to endure longe ynough / thys accordeth well to reason & to phylosophy that treateth of hote welles and bathes that bē in diuerse lōdes though ye water of this bathe be more trobly & soruer of sauour & of smell thā other hote bathes been that I ha¦ue seen at Akon in Almayne. And eyges in Sa¦uoye / whiche ben fayr & clere as ony welle stre∣me I haue bē bathed therin and assayed them. ¶R. Claudius / cezar maryed hys doughter to Aruiragus kynge of Brytons. This Claudy¦us Cezar buylded Gloucestre in the weddynge of his doughter· Brytons called this cyte frist after Claudius name but afterwarde it was called Gloucestre after one gloria whiche was duke of ye countre & stondeth vpon Seuarne in the marche of Englond & wales. Shrowesbu¦ry a cyte vpon Sauarne in the marche of En¦glonde & wales set vpon the top of an hylle / & it is called / Shrowesburye of shrobbes & fruy¦te that grewe there somtyme on ye hylle / Bry∣tons called it somtyme Pengre wene yt is ye he¦de of a fayr tre Shrowesbury was somtyme the hede of powesye stretcheth forth thwarde ouer ye mydell of wales vnto ye Irysshe see No¦tyngam stondeth vpon Trence & sōtyme heet Notyngham yt is the won̄ynge of den̄es / for ye Danes dwelled there sōtyme & dygged dennes & caues vnder harde stones & rokes & dwelled there. ¶R. Lyncolyn is cheyf of the prouynce of Lyndeseye & was called somtyme Caerlud coit and after warde Lyndecoln. It is vncer∣tayne who buylded fyrst thys cyte but yf yt we¦re kyng Lud / & so it semeth by menynge of the name / for the Caer is brytysshe & is to say a cy¦te & a coit ys a woode & so it semeth ye Caerlud coit is to saye Luddes wode towne Kyng leyr was Bladuddes son & buylded Leybestre / as it were in ye myddell of Englond vpon the Ry¦uer Sos & vpon Fosse the kynges bye wyye. YOrke is a strete cyte in eyther sy¦de of the water of Ouse yt semed as fayr as Rome vnto ye tgme yt the kyng wyliam had with brē∣nynge & fyre defoulde it & ye coō∣tre about. So yt a pylgryme wol¦de now wepe & h sawe it / yf he had knowen it tofore. ¶Gaufre. Ebraneus ye .v. kyng of bry¦tons buylded yorke & called it after his owne name Caerbranck he baylded also two other cytees one in scotlond & is called Edenburgh & an other towarde Scotlond in thend of En¦glond & called Edenburgh / & an other toward Scotlond in thend of Englonde & is called Al∣cliud. ¶R. Edenburth is a cytee in ye londe of Pictes bytwene ye Ryuer of Twede & the scot¦tesshe see & hee sōtyme the castell of Maydens & was called afterward Edenburgh of Edan kyng of Pictes ye regned there in egrid{us} tyme kyng of Northūberond. Alcliud was sōtyme a noble cyte / & ys now well nygh vnknowe to all Englysshmen. for vnder ye Brytons & pyc¦tes & Englysshmen it was a noble cyte to ye co¦mynge of ye Danes. But after ward about the yere of oure lorde ·viii.c.lxx. it was destroyed whan ye danes destryed ye coūtrees of Northū¦berlōd. but ī what place of Brytayn ye cyte Al¦cliud was buylded. Ductours tellē dyuersely ¶Beda .li.i. sayth yt it was buylded by west ye arme of ye see yt departed bytwene the Brytōs & the Pyctes sōtyme there Souer{us} amo{us} wall endeth westward / & so it semeth by hym that it is not fer frō Caerleyl for ye cyte is set at ye ende of that wall. Other wryters of storyes wryten yt the cyte of Alcliud is ye cyte that now is caled Alōburgh / yt is to say an olde towne / & standeth vpō ye Ryuer Ous not fer fro barghbrydge / yt is .xv. myle westward out of yorke / & it semeth yt he preueth that by Gaufride in his boke of de¦des of Brytons / he wryteth yt Elidur{us} kyng of brytōs was lodged at ye cyte Alcliud bycause of solace & hūtynge / & founde his brode Argalon maskynge in a wode nygh ther besyde that hy∣ght Calatery / but that wood Calatery whyche is caltres ī englysshe recheth almost to yorke & stretcheth towarde ye north by Aldburgh in len¦gth by space of .xx. myle / ye moost dele of that wo¦de is now drawen downe & ye lōde ytylled other mē wolde suppose that Alcliud was ye cyte that now is called Burgham in the north coūtre of westmerlonde fast by Comberlond / & stadeth vpon the Ryuer Eden / the cyte is ther wonder¦ly seen. Deme ye nowe where it is buylded. ¶Treuysa. It is not harde to assoyle yf men take hede / ye many townes bere one name / as Cartage / in Affrica & Cartago in spayn. new porte in wales & Newporte in the parysshe of Barkeleye / wottonne vnder / egge and wotton passeth / wyk warwyk payne. & wyk in the pa∣rysshe of Barkelye. And two shyre towne ey∣there is called Hampton / as Southampton & Northehamptō so it semeth by ye storyes ye one Alcliud was in yorkshyre / an other ī westmer¦londe / & one fast by ye right syde of ye west arme of the see yt departeth Englonde & Scotlonde / but ye Alcliud was a right strōge cyte as Beda sayth. & ye cyte standeth fast by a Ryuer yt is cal¦led Cliud. & there is no suche Ryuer ī yorkshy∣re in westmer lond as of the coūtre tell me. So¦me men say yt the Ryuer Cliud is now named sulwach. Sulwache is but .v. myle fro Caer¦leyl whiche is a cyte in the coūtre of norh En¦londe toward ye north west & hath an other na¦me whiche is Luguball. Leyil ye .vii. kynge of brytōs buylded caerleyll. ¶R. In this cyte ys sōwhat of ye famous wall yt passeth northūber¦lōde. ¶wilhel. de pon. in this cyte is yet a the chambred hous made of vawt stones yt neuer myght bee destroyed wyth tempeste of weder ne with brennynge of fyre / also in the countree fast by westmerlōde in the fronte of a thre chan¦bre place is writtē in this manere / Marii. vic¦tory / what this writtinge is to say I doute som¦what but yf it were some of the Combres laye here some tyme whan the counseyll Mari{us} had put hym out of ytalye / But it semeth better yt it is wrytten in mynde of Marius kyng of bry¦tons that was Aruiragus sone / This marius ouercome in that place Roderyke kynge of pyc¦tes So sayth Gaufre in his brytysshe booke / Wyllyam malmesbury sawe neuer that booke Att Hagustaldes chyrche is a place .lxxx. myle / out of yorke Nor westewarde the place is as. were dystroyed / so sayth wylhel / li.iii. de pony. That place longed somtyme to the bysshopry∣che of yorke / there were somtyme houses wyth vyce arches and voutes in the manere of Ro∣me / Nowe that place is called Hestoldeshame and heglesham also / ¶Beda .li.iii. ca. i. sayth Than that place is faste by the longe walle of the werke of Rome in the north halfe / ¶R / There is dyfference bytwene the pryuynce of Lyndeffare and the chyrche Lyndefarne / For the prouynce of Lyndeffare & Lyndeseye is alle one / and lyethe by eest lyncolne and lyncolne is the hede therof / of the whiche saythe Beda .li.iiii. ca. xi. that Sex wulfus was fyrste bysshop there / but Beda .li.iiii. ca. xiii sayth / That lyn∣deffar chyrche is an ylonde that is called holy ylonde in the ryuer of Twede next Barwyke And so it is gadred of Bedaes sawes that twe∣de renneth in to the famous arme of the see yt nowe departed Englysshmē and Scottes in ye eest half and in that arme bē thre ylondes. that one is Maylros that nowe is called menros / Then̄e about towarde the west is Lyndeffarn chyrche that is called holy ylonde / Thenne the chyrche is aboue vpwarde & his the Ilondefarn and is called also ferny ylonde. Thenne vp warde aboute that two myle is a ryall Cyte vp¦pon the brynke of twede / that somtyme hyght Bebanburgh that is Bobbes cyte and nowe is called Bamburgh and hath a ryght stronge castell. ¶Gir. initenere / twoo cytees ther ben eyther is called Charlegyon and caerleon also one ys Demycia in south wales that is named caeruske / also there the Ryuer of Vske falyeth into Seuerne faste by glamorgan Bellynus kynge of Brytons somtyme buyled the cytye and was somtyme the chyef cyte of Demecya in south wales. Afterwarde in Claudi{us} cezar tyme it was called the cyte Legyons whan at prayer of Genius the quene Vespiciauus and Aruiragus were accorded and / legyons of Ro∣me were sente in to Irlonde. tho was Caerleon a noble cyte and a grete auctoryte / & by the Ro¦mayns ryally buylded and walled about wyth walles of brent tyle. Greate nobley that was there in olde tyme is there yet in many places seen as the grete palayses gyauntes toures no∣ble bathes / releef of the temples places hyghe and ryall to stande and syte in / and to beholde aboute the places were ryally closed with ryall walles that yet somdele stondeth ryght nyghe cloos / And within the walles and wythoute is grete buyldynge vnder erthe / water conduy¦tes and wayes vnder erthe and stewes ¶Also thou shalt see wonderly made. wyth strayte sy¦de wayes of brethynge that wonderly caste vp heete. In this Cytie were somtyme thre noble chyrches. one was of saynt Iulius the martyr & therin a greate companye of vyrgynes that other was of saynt Aaron that was of the or∣dre of blacke Chanon that chyrche was ryght nobly adourned / The thyrde chyrche was the chyf moder chyrche of all wales and the chyef se. But afterwarde the chyef see was tourned out of the cyte into meneuya that is saynt Da¦uyds londe in west wales. In this Caerleon was amphybalus born thaught saynt Albon There the messagers of Rome come to greate Arthurs courte. yf it is leefull to trowe. Treui¦sa. yf Giraldus was in doubte whether it w¦re leefull for to trowe or not yt were a wonder shewynge as men wolde went for too haue e∣uermore in mynde & euer bee in doubte yf alle his bokes were suche what lorde were therin & namely whyle he maketh none euydence for in neyther syde he telleth what meueth hym soo to ¶R. There is another cyte of Legyons there his Cronycles were by trauaylled as it is cler¦ly knowen by the fyrste chapytre of thys booke ¶Treuysa. That is to vnderstondynge in ye latyn wryttynge. For he yt made it in latyn tor¦ned it not into Englysshe ne it was torned into Englisshe in the same place yt it was fyrste in la¦tyn· The vnderstondynge of hym yt made this Cronycles is thus the begnnyng of this booke. ¶Presentem cronicam compliauit frater Ra¦nulphus Cestrēsis monachus. That is to sa¦ye in Englysshe. Broder Ranuiphe monke of Chestre conpyled and made this Booke of the Cronycles / ¶R. The of Legyons that is che∣stre stondeth in ye marche of Englonde towar¦de wales bytwene two armes of the see yt been namedde and Mersee \ This Cytie in tyme of Brytons was heed and cheyf cyte of all Vene¦docia / that is North wales The foūder of this cyte is vnknowen· For who that seeth the foū¦dementes of the grete stones wolde rather we∣ne that it were Romayns werke or wercke off Gyauntes / than it were sette by werkynge of Brytons. This cyte somtyme in brytysshe spe¦che heet Caerthleon Legecestria in latin And Chestre in Englisshe and the cite of Legyons also / ¶Forther delaye a wynter the legyons of knyghten that Iulius Cezar sente for to wyn∣ne Irlonde. And after Claudius cezar sente le¦gyons out of that cyte for to wynne the ylonde that be called Orcades / what euer wyllyam Malmeshury by tellynge of other men mente of this cyte. This cyte hathe plente of lyuelode of corn of flesshe of fysshe / and specially of pry¦ce of samon / This cytie receyueth moche mar¦chaundyse and sendeth oute also. Also nyghe this cyte ben salte welles. metell and oor / Nor thumbres dystroyed thys cyte somtyme / But after warde Elfleda lady of Marcia buylded it agayne and made it moche more. ¶In this sa¦me cyte ben wayes vnder the erth wyth vow¦tes and stone werke wonderly ywrought. ther chabre werkes / grete stones ygrauen wyth ol∣de mennys names ther in / There is also Iuli{us} Cezar name wonderly in stones ygraue / and other mennes also wyth the wryteynge about This is the cyte that Edelfryde kynge of nor∣thumberlonde. distroyed / and slewe there fast by nyghe two thusande monkes of the mynst of Bangor / This is the cyte that king Edgar come theder somtyme wyth .vii. kynges that were subgette to hym / Ametre breketh out in thys maner in praysynge thys cyte / Chestre ca¦stel towne as it were. name taketh of a castell It is knowen what man bylded this cyte new Tho Lengecestria these heet nowe towne of le∣gyones Nowe walsshe & Englisshe holde this Cyte of greate pryce / stones on walle. semeth werke Hercules al. There longe wyth myght todure that hepe is a hyght. Saxon small sto∣nes / set vpon grete ben attones. Ther vnder grounde. lotynge double voute is fonde / that helpeth wyth sondes. many men of western lō¦des / Fysshe flesshe and corne lowe. This cytie towne hath yonwe Shyppes and chaffare. see water bryngeth ynowe there. Godestall there is that was emperourer this. And forthe Hen¦ry kynge / Erth is there ryght dwellynge / Off kynge Haralde. poudre is there yet halde / Ba∣chus and marcurious. Mers and venus also Lauerna Protheus and plura. regnen therin the towne. ¶Treuysa. God wote what this is to mene / dut poetes in theyr manere speche faynen as though euery kynde crafte & lyuyng had dyuerse god eueryche from other / And soo they fayned a god of bataylle and of fyghtyng called hym Mars and a god of couetyse and ry¦chesse and marchaundyse and called hym mer¦curius / And soo Bachus is called god of wyne Venus goddesse of loue and beaute. Lauerna god of thefte and of robberyf Protheus god of falshede and of gyle and Pluto god of helle. & so it semeth that these verses wolde meane that these forsayd goddes regne and been serued in Chestre / Mars with fyghtynge and tockyn∣ge / Marcurius wyth couetyse and rychesse / Bachus wyth grete drynkynge. Venus with loue lewdly. Lauerna with thefte and robbe∣ry Procheus with falshede and gyle. Thenne is pluto not vnserued that is god of hell. ¶R. Ther babylon lore more myght hathe trouth the more / TAke hede ye englōde cōteyned xxxii. shy¦res & {pro}uinc{is} yt now bē called Erldoms reserued Cernewale & the ylōde Alfre. these bē ye names of ye erldoms & shyres. Kente sothsex. sothery. hāpshyre barkshyre yt hathe his name of a bare oke yt is in ye foreste of wyndesore for¦ther wonte they to take their coūseyl. Also wyl¦shyre yt heet somtyme ye {pro}uince of semeran so∣merset. dorset. deynshyre yt nowe is called De∣uonia in latyn / ¶These ix: Sourhshyres the Tamyse departed fome the other deale of En∣glonde whiche were some tyme gouerned and ruled by the westsaxons lawe Eestsex Med∣delsex Soulfolke Northfolke Herdforthe shy∣re Huntyngdon shyre Beddeforsh shyre Bo∣kyngham shyre. Leycestre shyre Derby shyre Notyngham shyre Lyncolnshyre yorke shyre Durham shyre Northumberlonde Carleyll shyre with Cumberlonde Appelby shyre with westmerlonde Lancastre shyre / that contey∣enth fyue lytell shyres. These fyftene Northe and Eest shyres were somtyme gouerned and ruled by the lawe called Mercia in latyn and marchene in Englysshe It is to wyte that yor¦ke shyre stretcheth frome the Ryuer of Hum¦bre vnto the Ryuer of Teyse / And yet in yor¦ke shyre ben .xxii. hondredis. hondred and can∣dredes is all one. Candrede is one worde made of walsshe and Irysshe / and is to menynge a countree that conteyneth an hondred townes And also in Englysshe called wepentake. For somtyme in the comynge of a newe lorde tena∣untes were wonte to yelde vp theyr wepen in¦stede of homage. Duram shyre stretcheth from the Ryuer of Teyse vnto the Ryuer of Tyne. And for to speke proprely of Northumberlon¦de it stretcheth fro the Ryuer of Tyne vnto yu Ryuer of Twede. That is in the begynnynge of Scotlonde. Thenne yf the countre of Nor¦thumberlonde that was somtyme from Hum¦bre vnto Twede be now a counted for one hy¦re & one Erledome as it was somtyme. Then̄e ben in Englonde but .xxxii. shyres. but yf the countre of Northumberlond be the departed in to .vi. shyres that ben Euerwykshyre Dur∣amshyre Northumberlond Caerleylshyre An¦pelbyshyre Lancastre shyre· Then in Englon¦de but .xxxvi. shyres without cornewale & also without ylondes. Kyng wyllyam made all the¦se prouynces and shyres to be dyscryued and moten. Then were founden .xxxvi shyres and halfe a shyre Twones two and fyfty thousan¦de and four score Parysshe chyrches .xlv. thou¦sande and twoo Knyghtes fees .lxxv. thousan∣de / wherof men of relygyon haue .xxvii. thou∣sande and xv: knyghtes fees. But nowe the woodes ben hewen downe and the londe new tylled and made moche more than was at that tyme and many townes & vyllages buylded & so ther ben many mo vyllages & townes now than were in that tyme. And were as a fore is wryten that Cornewale is not set amonge the shyres of Englond it may stonde amonge thē well ynough for it is nether in wales ne in scot¦londe bute it is in Englonde and it Ioyneth vnto Deuenshyre / & so many ther ben accomp¦ted in Englonde .xxxvii· shyres and an halfe with the other shyres. DVnwallo that hyghte Molliuncius al¦so made fyrste lawes in Brytayne the whiche lawes were called Moleuncius lawes and were solempnely obserued vnto wyllyam Conquerours tyme. Moliuncius ordeyned a¦monge his lawes that Cytees Temples and wayes that leden men therto / and plowe men solowes shold haue preuelege and fredome for to saue all men that fle therto for socoure and refuge. Thenne afterwade Mercia quene of Brytons that was Gwytelynus wyf of her ye prouynce hadde the name of Mercia as some man suppose. She made a lawe fulle of wytte and of reason / & was called Merchene lawe. Gildas that wrote the Cronycles & hystores. of the Brytons torned these two lawes out of Bryton speche in to latyn. And afterwarde kynge Aluredus torned alle oute of latyn in to Saxons speche / and was called marchene la∣we also the kynge Aluredus wrote in Englys¦she and put to an other lawe that hyght west∣saxon lawe Then afterwarde Danes were lor¦des in this londe / and so came forth the thyrde lawe that heet Dane lawe. Of these thre law∣es saynt Edwarde the thyrde made one com∣mune lawe yt yet is called saynt Edwardes la¦we. I holde it well done to wryte here & expow¦ne. many termes of these lawes Myndebrugh hurtynge of honour & worshyp. I frenche bles¦churd hōnour. burbruck in Frenche bleschur¦de courou de cloys Grichbruche brekyng of peas / Myskennynge chaungynge of speche in court. Shewynge settynge forth of marchaun¦dyse. Hamsokne or Hāfare a rere made ī hous Forstallynge wronge or bette downe in ye kyn∣ges hygh waye Fritsoken surete in defence. Sak Forfayte Soka sute ef court & therof co¦meth soken. Theam Sute of bondemen fygh¦tynge wytte Amersemente fyghtynge. blode∣wytte A Mersemente for shedynge of bloode Flytwytte Amendes for hydynge of bloode Leyrwytte Amendes for lyenge by a boun¦de woman Gultwytte Amendes / for trespas Scot a gadrȳge to werke of bayllyes. Hydage tayllage for hydes of lond. danegheld tayllage gyuē to ye danes that was of euery bona taterre That is euery oxe londe thre pens A wepynta¦ke and an hondred is alle one for the coūtree of townes were wonte to gyue vp wepyn in the comynge of a lorde Lestage custome chalēged in chepynges fares and stallage / custome for standynge in stretes in fayre tyme. THe kyngdome of Brytayne stode with¦out departynge hoole and all one kyng∣dome to the Brytous frome the fyrste Brute vnto Iulius Cezars tyme / and fro Iulius Ce∣zars tyme vnto seuerus tyme thys londe was vnder trybute to the Romayns. Neuerthelesse kynges they had of the same londe from Seue¦rus vnto the last prynce Gracyan successours of Brytayne fayled and Romayns regned in Brytayne Afterwarde the Romayns lefte of theyr regnynge in Brytayne by cause it was ferre from Rome / and for grete besynesse that they hadde in other syde / Then̄e Scottes and Pytes by mysledynge of Maximus the tyra∣unte pursewed Brytayne and warred there with grete strength of men of armes longe ty∣me vnto the tyme that the Saxons come at the prayenge of the Bretons agaynst the Pyctes & put out Gurmonde the Irysshe kynge with his Pyctes and the Brytons also wyth her{us} kynge that hyet Careticus and drose hem out of Englonde in to wales / and so the Saxons were vyctours and euery prouynce after hys strength made hym a kynge. And so departed Englonde in seuen kyngdomes. Netheles af∣terwarde these seuen kyngdomes euerychone after other came alle in to one kyngdome. All hole vnder the prynce Adelstone Netheles the Danes pursewed this londe fro Adelwolfys tyme that was Aluredes fader vnto the thyr∣de saynte Edwardes tyme aboute a hondred .lxx. yere that regned contynuelly therin .xxiii. yere and a lytell more. and after hym Haralde helde the kyngedome .ix. monethes. And after hym Normans haue regned vnto thys tyme. But howe longe they shalle regne he woote to whom no thynge is vnknowen. ¶R. Of the forsayd seuen kyngdome & her markes mares and boundes whan they began & howe longe they endured here shal I som what shortly tell. ¶Alfre. The fyrste kyngdome was the kyng∣dome of Kent. that stretcheth fro the Eest Oc∣cyan vnto the Ryuer of Tamyse. There reg¦ned the fyrst Hengistis and began to regne by the acomptynge of Dyonyse ye yere of our lor¦de a hondred .lv that kyngdom dured thre hun∣dred and .lviii. yere .iv. kynges vnto the tyme that Baldred was put out and Egbert kynge west Saxon Ioyned ye kyngdom to his owne the seconde kyngdome was att soutsaxon that had in the Eest syde Kent. in the south the see & the yele of wyght / in the weste Hampshyre / & in the Northsothery there Ella regned fyrste with his thre sones / and began to regne the ye∣re after the comynge of the Angles euen .xxx. but that kyngdome within shorte tyme passed into the other kyngdomes. The thyrde kyng∣dome was of Eestsaxon / and had in ye eest syde the see / in the weste the countre of London / in the southe Temse and in the North southfol∣ke. The kynges of this countree of westsaxon fro the fyrste. Sebertes tyme vnto the tyme of the Danes were .x. kynges yt whiche were sub∣gect somdele to other kynges. Neuertheles of tee and lengeste they were vnder the Kynges of Mercia & vnto that tyme that Egberte the kynge of westsaxon Ioyned that kyngedome to his owne. The fourthe kyngdome was of Eest Angels and conteyneth Northfolke and Southfolke / and had in the eest syde / and in ye North syde the see / & in the Northwest Cam∣brygeshyre / in the weste saynt Edmondes dy¦che and Herfordshyre / and in the south Estsex And this kyngdome dured vnder twelue kyn∣hes vnto the tyme that kynge Edmonde was slayne. And thenne the Danes toke wrongful∣ly bothe the kyngdomes of eest Angels and of eestsaxon Afterward the Danes were put out and dryuen awaye or made subget. And then the elder kynge Edward Ioyned both the kyng¦doms to his owne. The fyfte kyngdome was of westsaxon & dured lengest of all the kyngdo∣mes / & had in the Eestsyde southsaxon / in the north Tamyse / in the south & in the west yt see occean. In ye kyngdom regned Serdryd wyth his sone Kenryk. and begā to regne the yere of our lorde fyue hondred & .xx. And then after ye comynge of Angels .lxxi. soo saythe Denys the other kyngdoms passed in to this kyngdome. The syxt kyngdom was of Mercia & was gret¦test of alle. The markes and the meres therof were in the west syde of the Ryuer Dere fast by Chestre and Seuarne faste by Shrowesbury vnto bristowe. in the eest ye eest see in the south Tamyse vnto london / in the north the Ryuer of Humber. and so westwarde and downwar∣de vnto the Ryuer Merse vnto the corner off wyrhall. there Humbre falleth into the west see Penda wybbes sone regned fyste in this kyn∣gedome in the yere of our lorde Ihesu Cryste .vi. houndred .xxvi. so sayth Denys and fro the comyng of Angels an hōdred .lxxv. yere. This kyngdome dured vnder .xviii. kynges aboute two hondred .lxiii. yere. vnto the laste Colwulf the Danes betoke that kyngdome to kepe whā burdred the kynge was put out. But the elder Edwarde the kynge put out the danes & oy∣ned the kyngdome of Mercia to his owne kyn¦gedome. Netheles at the begynnyng this king¦dome of mercia was departed into thre / in the west mercia. in myddell mercia. and eest Mer¦cia. The .vii. kyngdome was Northamhym brorū. that is the kyngdome of Northumberlō¦de. the meres and Mark{is} therof were by west. and by eest the see of Occian. by southe the Ry¦uere of Humbre and so downwarde to warde the weste by thende of the shyres of Notynghā and of Derby vnto the Ryuer of merce and by north the Scottes see. that heet forth in Scot¦tesshe see in Englysshe. This kyngdom of nor¦thumberlonde was fyrste deled in two prouyn¦ces. That one was the southe syde and heet / Deyra and that other was the Northe syde and heet Brenycia / as it were twoo kyngdomes & the Ryuer departed these two kyngdomes that tyme. for the kyngdome of Deyra was frome the Ryuere of humbre vnto the Ryuer of tyne The kyngdome of Brenycia was fro Tyne to the Scottysshe see. And whan Pyctes dwelled there as Beda sayth .li.iii. cap. ii. That Nynyā that holy man conuerted men of the south syde Ida the kinge regned there fyrste and began to regne the yere of our lord fyue hondred .xlvii. so sayth Dyonyse. In Deyra regned kyng elle the yere of our lorde fyue hondred .xlix. These two kyngdomes were other whyle as it is say∣de departed bytwene twoo kynges and somty∣me all hoole vnder one kynge. and dured as it were .xx. Englysshe kynges .ccc.xxi. yere / Atte laste Osbertus and Elle were slayne in the .ix. yere of her kyngdome the Danes slewe theym and Northumberlonde was voyd without kin¦ge .viii. yere / Then afterwarde the danes reg¦ned in Northumberlonde .xxxvi. yere vnto the oonynge of the kyngdome Adelstone. he made subgecte the kynges Danes Scottesshe & wal¦she and regned fyrste allone in Englonde and helde the kyngdome of Englonde all hole and one kyngdome that was the yere of oure lorde viii.C.xxviii. That Ryuer of Merse was som∣tyme the marke & were betwene the kyngdom of Northumberlonde / that may be shewed in two maners fyrst by thys properte of this mer¦se / is as moche to saye as a see that is abounde and a mere for it departed one kingdome from an otheri ¶Also it is wrytten yn Cronycles of Henry & Alfrede that kynge Edwarde ye elder fastened a Castell at Mamcestre in Northum¦berlonde / but that Cytie mamcestre is from ye Ryuer of merse scarsely thre myle. LVcius was the fyrste kynge crystened of the Brytons. in his tyme were thre Archebysshops sees in Brytayne. one was att London / an other at yorke / And the thyrde att Caerusk the cyte of / legeons in Glamorgan / that cyte is nowe called Caerleon / To these Ar¦chebysshoppes sees were called Flammes To the Archebysshops see of / london was subget Corne wayle & all myddel Englōde vnto hum∣bre / To yorke all Northumberlonde from the bowe of Humbre with all Scotlonde to Caer¦beon all wales. there were in wayles .vii. Bys¦shops / and nowe bē but foure· Tho Seuarne departed Englōde & wales. ¶Wihel. de pan. li.i. But in the Saxons tyme thoughe Saynt Gregori. had graunted / london the preuylege of tharchebysshops see Netheles saynt Austen yt was sente in to Englonde by saynt Gregory torned tharchebysshop see out of / london into Caunterbury. After saynt Gregoryes dayes at the prayer of kyng Ethelbryght and C and burgeyses of Caunterbury ther tharche∣bysshops see hath dured vnto nowe saue yt in ye mene tyme of a kynge of mercia was wrought with men of Caunterbury / and benam them that worshyp / and worshypped Adulphe bys¦shop of / lychfelde wyth the Archebysshops pal¦ly by assent of Adryan the pope vpon Caas yeftes sente / Netheles vnder Kenulph the kyn¦ge it was restored to Caunterbury ageyne. ¶The worshyp of the see of yorke hath dured there alwaye and yet dured though Scotlonde be withdrawe fro his subieccyon by passynge of tyme. ¶Gir intinere .li.i. the Archebys¦shoppes see was torned oute of Caerleon into Meneuia that is in the weste syde of Demecya vpon the Irysshe see in Saynte Dauyds tyme vnder kynge Arthur. From saynt Dauyds ty∣me vnto Sampsons tyme were in Meneuya .xxiii. Archebysshops. Afterwarde felle a pesty¦lēce in all wales of the yelowe euyll / that is cal∣led the Iaūdis. And thēne Sampson the Arche¦bysshop toke with hym the palle and wente in to Brytayne Armonica the lasse Brytayne and was there bysshop of Dolensin. from that ty∣me vnto the fyrste Henryes tyme kyng of En∣glōde were at Meneuia whiche is called saint Dauyds .xxi. bysshops all without palle / whe¦ther it were for vnconnynge or for pouerte. Neuertheles alway fro that tyme ye bysshops of wales were sacryd of the bysshop of Mene¦uia of saynt Dauyds / and the bysshop of Me∣neuia was sacred of the bysshops of wales as of his suffrigans & made no professyon ne sub¦iection to none other chirche. Other bysshops that come after warde were sacred at Caunter¦bury compellynge and heest of the kynge / in token of that sacrynge & subieccyon· Bonefa∣ce Archebysshop of Caunterbury that was le∣gate of the Crosse songe in euery Catheralle chirche of wales solempnely. Amas he was ye fyrste Archebysshop of Caunterbury that soo dyde in wales / & yt was dene in the second Hē∣ryes tyme. R. But nowe ben but two prima∣tes in all Englonde of Caūterbury and of yor¦ke. To the prymate of Caunterbury ben sub∣gette .xiii. bysshops in Englonde & .iiii· in wa∣les. The premate of yorke hath but two suffry¦gans in Englonde that ben the bysshop of Ca¦erleyll & of Durham: Of all these sees & chaun¦gynge of other places I shalle shewe you here folwynge. Take hede in the begyngnynge of holy chyrche in Englonde bysshops ordeyned theyr sees in lowe places and symple that were couenable for cōtemplacyon for prayers & de∣uocyon. But in william conquerours tyme by done of lawe: Canon it was ordeyned that bys¦shoppes sholde come out of small townes in to greate cytees. Therfore was the see of Dorche∣stre chaunged to Lyncoln: Lychefelde to Che∣stre. Tetforde to Norwyche Shyrbron to Sa¦lysbury. welles to Bathe. Conewayles to ex∣estre / & Seleseye to Chichestre. The bysshopp of Rochestre hath no parysshe but he is the Ar¦chebysshops chapelayn of Caūterbury. Syth the see of Caunterbury was fyrst ordeyned by saynt Austen / it caunged yet neuer his place. Chychestre hathe vnder hym oonly South sex and the yle of wyght / and had his see fyrste in the tyme of the Archebysshop Theodore / and the see dured there .CCC.xxxiiii. yere vnder .xx. bysshops fro the fyrste wylfryede vnto the laste Syth and at the commaūdement of kyn¦ge wyllyam conquerour chaunged the see fro Seleseye to Chychestre. HAue mynde that all the prouynce of west saxon hadde alwaye one bysshop fro the begynnynge vnto Theodorus tyme / by graun¦te of kynge Islo kynge of westsaxon the fyrste Birrynus ordeyned a see at Dorchestre that is a symple towne by southe Oxenforde besyde walyngforde bytwene the metynge togyder of Temse & Tame whan Birinus was deed. Kē¦walcus the kyng ordeyned a see at wynchestre as his fader hadde purposed / there agylbert a Frenssheman was fyrst bysshop of all the pro∣uynce of westsaxon. For yt tyme the cyte & ye see of Dorchestre perceyued & longed to ye prouyn¦ce of Meria / that cyte standeth with in Tem¦se. & the Temse departeth bytwene Mercia & westsaxon. And after that Agylbert was pute out of wynchestre that tho hyght winton then was there an Englysshe bysshop that was cal¦led wyne. / Some men suppose yt this cyte hath the name of this wyne / & is called wynchestre as it were wyne cyte. At the last he was put out and after hym come Leutherius the forsayd A¦gelbertes neuewe. After Leutherius hedda a¦whyle was bysshop there. whan he was deed. Theodorus the Archebysshop ordeyned two bysshops to the prouynce of westsaxon. Dany¦ell atte wynchestre to hym were subgette two coūtres / Sothery & southampshyre / & to hym were subget syx countrees. Barkshyre wylt∣shyre Somersete Dorseteshyre Deuenshyre & Corne walyle. ¶Treuysa. It semeth by this yt westsaxon conteyted. Sotherye Southampe∣shyre Dorseteshyre Deuenshyre Corne wayle ¶Wilhell. After warde in elder Edwardes ty∣me to these two sees were ordeyned by cōmaū¦dement of Formosus the pope thre other sees. At welles for Somersete. At Kyrton for Deuē¦shyre. and. At saynte Germayn for Corneway¦le. Not longe after warde the syxt see was sette At Rammesbury for wyltshyre. At the last by commaundement of kynge wyllyam conque¦roure all these sees saue wynchestre were tor∣ned and chaunged out of samlle Towne in to grete Cytees for Shyrborn and Rummesbu∣ry were torned in to Salysbury. Now to that see is subgette Barkshyre wyltshyre and Dor¦sete. The see of welles was torned to Bathe / therto is now subget all Somersete. The sees of kyrton & of Cornewale were chaūged to Ex¦estre therto is subget Deuēshyre & Cornwale. IT is knowen that the Eest Saxons al¦waye fro the begynnynge to nowe were subgette to the bysshop of London But the pro¦uynce of the eest Angels that conteyneth Nor¦ffolke and Souffolk had one bysshop att Don¦wyk / the bysshop heet Felix and was a Bour¦gon & was bysshop .xvii. yere / after hym Tho¦mas was bysshoppe .v. yere after hym. bonefa¦ce .xvii. yere. Thenne Bysy afterwarde was ordeyned by Theodorus & ruled the prouynce whyle he myght endure by hymself allone / Af¦ter hym vnto Egbertes tyme kyng of westsax¦on an hōdred .xliii. bysshops ruled that prouyn∣ce oone att donwyk and an other of Elyng∣ham. Neuertheles after Ludecans tyme kyn¦ge of Mercia lefte and was only one see att E∣lyngham vnto the .v. yere of wyllyam conque∣roure / whan Herfastus the .xxiii. bysshop of the estrene chaunged his see to Tetforde / and his successour Herbertus chaunged these fro Tet¦forde to Norwhiche by leue of kynge wyllyam the reed. The see of Ely that is nyght therto the fyrst kynge Henry ordeyned the .ix. yere of his regne / and made subgect therto Cambryd¦geshyre that was tofore a parte of the bysshopryche of Lyncoln / and for quytynge therof / he gaafte to the bisshop of Lyncoln a good towne called Spaldynge. HEre take heede that as the Kyngdome of Mercia was alwaye greteste for the ty∣me / so it was dealed in mo bysshopryches and specyally by grete hyrte by kynge Offa. why∣che was .xl yere kynge of Mercia / he chaun∣ged the Archebysshops see fro Caunterbury to Lychfelde by assent of Adryan the pope. Then¦ne the prouynce of Mercia & of Lyndeffar in ye fyrst begynnynge of her crystendom in kynge wulfrans tyme had one bysshop at Lytchefeld the fyrst bysshop yt was there heet Dwyna the seconde heet Celath & were both Scottes / after them the thyrde Trumphere / the fourth Iar∣muanus / the fyfte Chedde But in Edelfydes tyme that was wulfrans broder whan Ched∣de was deed / Theodorus tharchebysshop or∣deyned ther wynfrede Cheddes deken. Nethe¦les apud Hyndon after that for he was vnbux¦um in some poynt / he ordeyned there Sexwulf abbot of Medāstede that is named burgh. but after Sexwulfus fourth yere Theodorus thar¦chebysshop ordeyned fyue bysshops in the pro∣uynce of Meria. And so he ordeyned Bosell at wyrcestre / Cudwyn at Lychfelde / the forsayd Sexwulf at Chestre. Edelwyn att Lyndeseye at cyte. Sydenia / & he toke Eata monke of the abbaye of Hylde att whyt by & made hym bys¦shoppe of Dorchestre besyde Oxenforde. Tho this Dorchestre heet Dorkynge / & so the see of that longeth to westsaxon in Saynt Byrynes tyme longed to Mercia from Theodorus the Archebysshops tyme Ethelred kynge of Mer∣cia hadde destroyed Kente / this bysshop Sex¦wulf tooke Pyctas bysshop of Rochestre that come oute of Kente and made hym fyrste bys∣shop of Herdforde at last whan Sefulf was dede Hedda was bysshop of Lychefelde after hym and wylfryd flemed out of Northumber¦londe was bysshop of Chestre. Netheles after two yere Alfred kynge of Northumberlōde dey¦ed and wylfrede torned agayne to hys owne se hagustalden / and soo Hedda helde bothe the bysshopryches Lychfelde and of Chestre. after hym come Albyn that heet wor also and after hym come thre bysshops. Torta at chestre wyt¦ta at Lychfelde / And Eata was yet atte Dor¦chestre. After his dethe bysshops of Lyndesey helde his see .iii. hondred .liiii. yere vnto emy¦gius chaunged the see to Lyncoln by leue of the fyrste kynge wyllyam But in Edgars tyme bysshop Leot winus Ioyned both bysshopry∣ches to gyeer of Chestre and lyndeffa whyle his lyfe edured. AT yorke was one see for all the prouyn¦ce of Northūberlonde paulinus helde fyrste the see & was ordeyned of the bysshop of Caūterbury / & helde ye see at yorke .vii. yere Af∣terwarde whā kynge Edwyn was slayne and thynges were dystroubled. Poulinus wente thens by water awaye into Kent from whens he come fyrste & toke with hym the pall. ¶Wil¦hel. li·iiii. And so the bysshopryche of yorke cea¦sed .xxx. yere / & the vse of the palle ceased there an hondred .xxv. yere vnto that Egbart the bys¦shop that was the kynges brooder of the londe recouered it by auctoryte of the pope. R. whan saynt Oswolde regned Aydanus a Scot was bysshop in bernica that is ye north syde of Nor¦thumberlonde / after hym Finian{us} after hym Salman{us}. ¶wylhel: vby. s. At last he went in to Scotlōde with grete in dygnacyon / for wyl¦fre vnder toke hym for he held vnlawfully Be¦sterdaye .xxx. yere after ye Paulinus was gone from thens wilfred was made bysshop of yor∣ke. ¶Beda li.iiii. But while he dwelled longe in Fraūce about hys sacrynge at excytynge of quartadecimono{rum} / that were they yt helde Ee¦sterdaye the .xiiii. daye of ye mone. Chedde was ytake out of hys abbay of Lynstynge & wrong¦fully put out ī to ye see of yorkesby assent of kyn¦ge Oswy. but thre yere after warde. Theodo∣rus tharche bysshop dyde hym a waye & assyg∣ned hym to the prouynce of Mercia & restored wilfred to the see of yorke. But after by cause of wrathe yt was bytwene hym & the kyng Eg¦fryde was put out of the see by Theodorus hel¦pe. tharchebysshop that was corrupt wyth so∣me maner mede this was done after ye wilfred had ben bysshop of yorke / & Cumbert at Hagu¦stalde chirche / & Eata att Lyndeffar chirche yt now is called holy ylonde in ye Ryuer of Twe¦de. Aydanus founde fyrst the see. And Theodo¦rus made Eadhedus bisshop of Ropoune that was comen agayne out of Lyndeseye. wilfred had be abbot of Repune. Theodor{us} sent Trun¦wynus to ye londe of Pyetes in thendes of En¦glonde fast by Scotlond in a place yt heet Can¦dida casa. and whiterne also. there saynt Nini¦an a Bryton was fyrst foūder & doctour. But all these sees out take yorke fayled lytyll & lytel for the see of Candida casa that is Galle waye that tho longed to \ Englonde and dured many yeres vnder .x. bysshops vnto that it had noo power by destroyenge of the Pyctes. The sees of Hagalde & of Lyndeffar was sōtyme all one vnder .lx. bysshops about four score yere & ten and dured vnto the comynge of ye Danes. In that tyme vnder Hyngar & Hubba ardufe the bysshop yede longe about with saynt Cuberts body vnto kynge Aluredes tyme kyng of west Saxon / & the see of Lydeffar was sette at Ku¦negestre that is called Kunyngysburgh also / ye place is called now Vbbesforde vpon Twede At the last the .xvii. yere of kyng Egbere kyng Edgars sone / ye se was chaūged to Durham / & saynt Cutbert{is} body was broughte thyder by the doynge of Edmonde ye bysshop / & fro that tyme forwarde the see of that Hagustalde & of lyndeffar fayled vtterly. The fyrst kyng Hen¦ry in the .ix. yere of his regne made the newe se¦at Caerleyll. The archebysshop of Caunterbu∣ry hathe vnder hym .xiii. bysshops in Englon¦de. and .iiii. in wales he hath Rochostre vnder hym / & that se hath vnder hym a parte in Kent alone London hath vnder hym Estsex Myd¦delsex & half Herdforthshyre. Chychestre hath vnder hym Southsex & the yle of wyght. wyn¦chestre hathe vnder hym Hampshyre & Sou∣thery. Salesbury hath vnder hym Barkshy¦re wyldshyre Drsete. Exetre hath vnder hym Deuenshyre and Cornewayle. bathe hath vn¦der hym Somerseteshyre alone / wyrcestre ha∣the vnder hym Gloucestreshyre wyrcestreshy¦re and half warwykshyre Herdforde hath vn∣der hym Herfordshyre Chestre is bysshoppe of Couentree & of Lychefelde & hath vnder hym Cherstreshyre Staffordshyre Derbyshyre hal∣fe warwykshyre and some of Shropshyre and some of Lancastreshyre fro the Ryuer of Mer¦see vnto the Ryuer Rypylle. Lyncoln hath vn¦der hym ye prouynces that ben bytwene Tem¦se and humbre that ben the shyres of Lyncoln of Leycestre of Norhampton of Huntyngdon of Bedforde of Bockyngham of Oxenforde and halfe Herdefordeshyre. Ely hathe vnder hym Cambrygeshyre outake Merlonde. Nor¦wyche hathe vnder hym Merlonde Norfolke and Suffolke. Also tharchebysshop of Caun∣terbury hathe foure suffreygans in wales that ben Landaf Saynt Dauyes Bangor and sa∣ynt assaph. The Archebysshop of yorke hathe nowe but two bysshops vnder hym that bene Durham and Caerleyll. ¶R. And so ben but two prymates in Englond what of hem shall do to the other and in what manere poynt he shall be obedyent and vnder hym. It is fully conteyned within aboute the yere of our lorde Ihesu cryste a thousande .lxxii. tofore the fyrst kynge wylliam & the bysshops of Englond be commaundemente of the pope. the cause was handled and treated bytwene the forsayd pry∣mates & ordeyned & demed that ye prymate of yorke shall be subgette to the prymate of Caū∣terbury in thynges yt longen to the worshyp of god and to the byleue of holy chirche that in what place euer it be in Englonde that the pry¦mate of Caūtherbury wylhote & constreyne to∣gader a counseyll of clergy the prymate of yor¦ke is holden with his suffrygans for to be the∣re and for to be obedyent to the ordynaunce yt there shall be lawfully ordeyned whan the pry¦mate of yorke shall come to Caunterbury and with other bysshops he shall sacre hym that is chosen / & so wyth other bysshops he shall sacre hys owne prymate / yf the prymate of yorke be dede / his successour shall come vnto ye bysshop of Caunterbury and he shall take his ordynaū¦ce of hym and take hys othe with prosessyon & lawfull obedyence. After about the yere of our lord .xi.C.lxxxxv. in the tyme of kyng Rychar¦de ben resons sette for the partye for eyther pry¦mate & what one prymate dyd to that other in tyme of Thurstinus of Thomas and of other bysshops of yorke frome the conqueste vnto kȳ¦ge Henryes tyme the thyrde. Also there it is say¦de howe eche of them starte frome other. This place is but a forspekynge and not a full treat{is} therof Therfore it were noyfulle to charge this place with all thylke reasons. BRytous dwelled fyrst in this ylonde the xviii. yere of Hely the prophete / the .xi. yere of Solinus postumus kynge of Latyns .xliii. after the takynge of Troye / tofore the buil¦dynge of Rome .CCC.xxxii. yere. ¶Beda. li.i. They come hyder & toke hyr cours frome armonyk that now is that other brytayn they helde longe tyme the south countres of ye ylond It befell afterwarde in Vespasianus tyme du¦ke of Rome. That the Pyctes shypped oute of Scycya into Occean / and were dryuen abou¦te with the wynde and entred in to the North costes of Irlonde and foūde there Scottes and prayed to haue a place to dwell Inne and my¦ghte none gete. For Irlonde as Scottes sayd myght not sustayne bothe people Scottes sen¦te Pyctes to the northe syde of Englonde and behyght them helpe ayenste the Brytons that were theyr enemyes yf they wolde aryse / and tooke them wyues of theyr doughters / vppon suche condycyon yf doubte fylle / whoo sholde haue ryght to be kynge they sholde rathar che∣se hym of the moder syde than of the fader syde of the women kyn rathar than of the men kynd ¶Gaufre. In Vaspasyan the Emperous ty¦me whan Marius Aruiragus sone was kyn∣ge of Brytons One Rodryk kynge of Pyctes came oute of Scycya and ganne to destroyed Scotlonde / Marius the kynge slewe this Ro¦dryk and gaue the north partye of Scotlonde that heet Cathenesia to the mē that were came with Rodryk and were ouercome by hym / for to dwell Inne. But these men had noo wyues ne none myght haue of the nacyon of brytons ther for they sailled into Irlonde & toke to theyr wyues Irysshemens doughters by that coue∣naunte that the moder blood sholde be put tofo¦re in successyon of herytage. Gir. ca. xvii. Ne¦theles Sirinus super Vyrgilium saythe that Pyctes agatyrses that hadde some dwellynge plyce aboute the waters of Scycya and they ben called Pyctes of Peyntynge & smytynge of woundes / therfore they are called Pyctes as paynted men. These men and these gothes ben all one peple. For whan Maimus the tyraunt was wente out of Brytayne into Fraunce fr to occupye thempyre. Then Gratianus and Valentianus that were brethern and folowes of thempyre brought these gothes out of ¦cya with grete gyftes wyth flaterynge and ¦re behestes into the north countre of Bryta¦ne. For they were stalworth and stronge m of armes and soo these theues & bryborus were made men of londe and of countree and dwel∣led in the northe countrees. And helde there cy¦tees and townes. ¶Gaufre. Carancius th ty¦raunt slewe Bassyanus and gafe the Pye a dwellynge place in. Albania that is Scot¦lond / there they dwelled lōge tyme afterwarde and medled with Brytons. ¶R. Thenne sythe that Pyctes occupyed fyrste the syde of Scotlond. It semeth that th dw¦ge place that this Carancius gaat them is the southe syde of Scotlonde that stretchethe fro∣me thawrte ouer walle of Romayns werke to the Scottesshe see. and conteyneth Galleway and Lodouia that is Lodewaye. ¶Thrfore Beda .li.iii. ca. ii. speketh in this manere. Ni¦nian the hooly man conuerted the southe Pyt¦tes. Afterwarde the Saxons come and made that Countree longe to Brenicia the Northe partye of Northumberlonde vnto the tyme that Kynadius Alpinus sone kynge of Scotlō¦de put out of the Pyctes and made that coun¦tree that lyeth bytwene Twede and the Scot¦tesshe see longe to his kyngdome. ¶Beda .li· ca. i. Afterwarde longe tyme the Scottes we¦re ledde by duke Renda and came oute of Ir¦londe that is propre coūtree Scottes and with loue or with strenthe made hym a place fast by the Pyctes in the Northe syde of that arme of the see / that breketh in to the londe in the weste syde that departed in olde tyme bytwene Bry¦tons and Pyctes. Of thys Duke Renda the Scottes hadde the name and were caled Dar¦lendinas as it were Rendaes parte / for in her speche a parte is called dall. ¶Girp̄. The pyc¦tes myghte haue noo wyues of Brytons bute they toke hem wyues of Irysshe Scottes and promysed hem fayre for to dwell wyth theym And graunted hym a londe by the see syde / the¦re the see is nowe That londe is called nowe. Galleway Marianus Irysshe Scottesshe lō∣de datte Argall that is Scotten clyfe for Scot¦tes londed there for to doo tharme to the Bry∣tons or for that place is nexte to Irlonde for to come a londe in Brytayne. ¶Beda. And soo the Scottes after Brytons and Pryctes made the thyrde people dwellynge in Brytayne. ¶R. Thenne after that come Saxons atte prayenge of the Brytons to helpe them ayenst the Scottes and Pyctes. ¶And the Brytons were soone put out in to waies. And Suxons occupyed the Londe lytell and lytell. And efte more to the Scottysshe see. And soo Saxoas made the fourthe manere of men in the ylonde of Brytayne. ¶Beda li.v. ca. ix. For Saxons and Angels came oute of Germania / yet so∣me Brytons that dwelled nyghe callen hem shortly Germans. ¶R. Netheles abowte the yere of our lorde .viii. hondred Egbartus kyn¦ge of westsaxon commaunded and badde alle men calle the men of the londe Englysshmen. ¶Alfre. Thenne after that the Canes pursu∣ed the londe. Abowte two hondred yere / that is for to saye fro the for sayde Egbarteus tyme vnto saynt Edwardes tyme / and made the fy¦fte manere of people in the londe / Bute they faylde after warde. Atte laste come Normans vnto duke wyllyam and subdued Englysshe∣men / and yet kepe they the londe and they ma∣de the ythe people in the ylonde. But in the fyrste kynge Henryes tyme come many Fle∣mynges and receyued a dwellynege place for a tyme be syde Maylros in the weste syde of En¦londe / and made the seuenth people in the ylon¦de. Netheles by commaundement of the same kynge they were put thens and dryuen to Ha∣uer fordes syde in the west syde of wales. ¶R. And soo nowe in Brytayne Danes and Pyc∣tes fayllen all out / and fyue nacyons dwellen ther in that been Scottes in Albania / that is Scotlond. Brytayne in Chambrya that is wa¦les. but that Flemynges dwelle in that is west wales. And normans & Englysshmen ben med¦led in all the ylond / for is now doubte in story∣es how & in what manere they were put a way & dystroyed out of Brytayne. Now it is to de¦clare how the Pyctes were dystroyed & sayled. ¶Girp̄. ca. vii. Brytayn was somtyme occu∣pyed with Saxons / & peas was made and sta¦blysshed with the Pyctes / thenne the Scottes that came with the Pyctes sawe that the Pyc¦tes were nobler of dedes & better mē of armes though they were lasse in nombre than the scot¦tes Then̄e the Scottes hauynge therof enuye torned to theyr naturall treason yt they haue oft vsed for in treason they passe other mē and ben traytours as it were by kynde. For they pray¦ed all the Pyctes & specyally the grete of them to a feest. & wayted her tyme whan the Pyctes were mery & had well dronke they drew vp nay¦les that helde vp holowe bēches vnder the pyc∣tes & the pyctes vnware sodaynly fyll in ouer the hammes into a wonderfull pytfull. Then the Scottes fell on the Pyctes and slewe thē & left none alyue. And so of two maner people ye better warryours were holy destroyed. but the other yt ben the Scotes whiche ben traytours all vnlyke to the pyctes toke prouffyte by that fals treason / for they tooke alle that londe and holde it yet vnto thys tyme and it. Scotlonde after hyr owne name / In kynge Edgars tyme Kynadin Alpinus sone was duke and leder of the Scottes and warred in Pycte londe / and destryyed the Pyctes. He warred syx sythes in Saxon and tooke all the londe that is bytwe∣ne Twede and the Scottysshe see with wron∣ge and wyth strengthe. AS it is knowen howe manye manere of people ben in thys ylonde there been also so many langages and tonges. Netheles walsshe and scottes that ben not medled with other nacyons kepe yet theyr langage and spe¦che but yet the Scottes that were somtyme cō¦federate and dwelled with Pyctes drawe som¦what after theyr speche / But the Flemynges that dwell in the west syde of wales haue lefte her straunge speche and speken lyke to Sax∣ons / also Englysshemen though they had fro the begynnynge thre manere of speches. Sou¦therne Northern & myddell speche in the myd¦dell of the londe as they come of thre maner of people. Germania. Netheles by commixyon and mydlynge fyrste with Danes & afterwar∣de with Normans in many thynges the coun¦tree langage is appared / for some vse straunge wlaffynge chyterynge harrynge gartynge and grysbytynge. ¶This apparynge of the lan¦gage cometh of two thynges / one bycause that chyldren that gone to scole lerne to speke fyrste Englysshe / and than ben compelled to constre hys lessōs in Frensshe & that haue ben vsed syn the Normans come into Englonde. Also gen∣tylmens chyldren be lerned and taught frome theyr youthe to speke Frensshe / & vp londessh∣men wyll counterfete and lyken hymself to gē∣tylmen and are besy to speke / frensshe for to be more sette by / wherfore it is sayde by a comyn prouerbe. Iack wold be a gentylmē yf he cou¦de speke frensshe. ¶Treuisa. This was mo¦che vsed to fore grete deth. but syth it is somde¦le chaunged / for syr Iohan Cornwayle a may¦ster of gramer chaunged ye techynge of gramer scole & construccyon of / frensshe into Englys¦she. And other scole maysters vse ye same way now in the yere of our lorde. a .M.CCC.lxxxv. the .ix. yere of kynge Rycharde the seconde / & leue all / frensshe in scoles and vse all cōstruccy¦on in Englysshe wherin they haue auauntage one waye that is yt they lerne ye soner theyr gra¦mer / and in a nother dysauauntage. for nowe they lerne no Frensshe nor can none. whyche is hurte for them yt shall passe thee see. And also gentylmen haue moche left to teche theyr chyl∣dred to speke / frensshe. ¶R. It semeth a grete wonder ye Englysshmen haue so grete dyuersy¦te in theyr owne langage in sowne & in spekyn¦ge of it whiche is all in one ylonde. And the lan¦gage of Normandye is comen out of an other londe & hath one maner sowne amonge all thē that speke it in Englonde / for a man of Kente southern western & northern men speken / fren¦she all lyke in sowne & speche but they can not speke theyr Englysshe soo. ¶Treuysa. Nethe¦les there ben as many dyuerse maner of / fren∣she in the reame of / fraūce / as dyuerse Englys¦she in the reame of Englonde. ¶R. Also of the forsayd tonge whiche is departed in thre is grete wonder / for men of the eest with men of the west accorde better in sownynge of the spe¦che / than men of the north with men of the sou¦the Therfore it is ye men of mercii that ben of myddell Englonde as it were partynes wyth the endes / vnderstond better the syde langages northern & southern than northern & southern vnderstonde eyther other. ¶Wilhel. de pon .li.iii. All the langahes of the northūbres & specy¦all at yorke is so sharpe shyttynge frottynge & vnshap / yt we southern men maye vnneth vn∣verstonde that langage· I suppose ye cause be yt they be nyght to the alyens that speke straunge¦ly. And also by cause the kynges of Englon¦de abyde and dwelle more in the southe counte¦ree than in the north countree. The cause why they abyde moore the south countre than in the north countree / is by cause that there is better corne londe more people moo noble cytees and mo profytable hauens in the southe countree than in the northe countree. FOr the maners and doynge of walsshe∣men and of scottes ben to fore somwhat declared. Nowe I purpose to telle and decla∣re the condycyons of the medled people of Eng¦londe. But the Flemynges that been in the west syde of wales ben now all torned as they were Englysshmen by cause they companye with Englysshmen. And they be myghty and stronge to fyghte / and ben the moost enemyes that walsshemen haue / and vse marchaundyse and clothynge and ben full redy to put themsel¦fe in auentures and to peryll in the see and lon¦de bycause of grete wynnynge and bē redy som¦tyme to the plowe and somtyme to dedes of ar¦mes whan tyme and place areth. It semeth of these men a greate wonder that in a boon of a wethers ryght sholder whan the flesse is soden awaye and not rosted they knowe what haue be done / is done / and shall be done as it were by spyryte of prophecye and a wonderfull crafte. They telle what is done in ferre coūtres towe¦nes of peas or of warre / the state of the royame sleynge of men and spousebreche suche thȳges they declare certayne of tokenes & sygnes that is in suche a sholder bone. ¶R. But the Englysshemen that dwelle in Englonde ben medled in the ylonde & ben ferre fro the places that they spronge of fyrste tornenne to the con¦trarye dedes lyghtelye withoute entysynge of ony other men by her owne assent. And vnesy also vnpacyent of peas / enemyes of besynes / and full of slouth. ¶Wilhel. de pon .li.iii. sayth That whan they haue destroyed theyr enemy¦es all to the grounde / then̄e they fyghten wyth theymself and sleeth eche other / as voyde and an empty stomak werketh in it selfe. ¶R. Ne∣theles men of the southe ben esyer & moree myl∣de than men of the North. For they ben more vnstable and more cruell & more vnesy. The myddell men ben parteners with bothe. Also they vse them to glotony more than other men and ben more costlewe in mete and clothynge Men suppose that that they toke that vyce of kynge Herceknot yt was a Dane. For he heer sette forth twyes double messe att Dyner and at souper alsoo. These men ben spedefulle on hors and a fote. Able and redy to all maner de¦dys of armes / and be wonte to haue vyctorye and maystrye in euery fyght where noo trea∣son is walkynge / and been curyous and can well telle dedys and wonders that they haue seen. Also they gone in dyuerse londes vnnethe ben ony men ryche in her owne londe or more gracyous in ferre and in straunge londe / they can better wynne and gete new than kepe thyr owne herytage / Therfore it is yt they be sprade soo wyde and wene that euery londe be owne. The men be able to all manere sleyght & wyt∣te / but to fore the dede blonderynge and hasty. And more wyse after the dede than tofore. an leuen of lyghtly what they haue begon. ¶So¦linus li.vi. Therfore Eugenius the pope sayd that Englysshmen were able to do what euer they wolde / and to be sete & put tofore all other ne were that lyght wytletteth. And as Hany∣ball sayd that ye Romayns myght not be ouer comee but in ther owne coūtre so: Englysshmē maye not be ouer come in straunge londes but in ther owne countre they be lyghty ouercome ¶R. These men despysen her owne & prayse other mennes. & vnneth be pleased nor apayd with theyr owne estate what befalleeh & beco∣meth other men / they wyll gladly take to them self. Therfore it is that a yeman arayeth hym as a squyre: a squyre as a knight a knyght as a duke / a duke as a kynge / yet some go abote & wyll be lyke to all manere state & ben in no sta¦te. For they take euery degre that be of no de∣gre for in derynge out ward they be myntrals and herowdes. In talknynge grete spekers In etynge & drynkynge glotons / In gaderyng of catell hucksters and tauerners. In araye tor∣mentours. In wnynynge argry. In trauayle tantaly. In takynge hede dedaly. In beddes Sardanapaly / In chyrches mawmetes. In courtes thōdre only in preuylege of clergy and in prebendes they knowlehe themself clerkes. ¶Treuysa As touchynge the termes of latyn as argi / tantali / dedali / serdanapali / ye muste vnderstonde them as ye poctes feyned of them. Argus was an harde and kept bestes he had an hōdred een. and Argus was also a shyp / a shyp man & a chapman / & so argus myght se before & behynde & on euery syde. Therfore he yt is wy¦se & ware & can se that he be not deceyued may be called Argus. And so the Cronycle sayth in plurell nombre yt Englysshmen ben argy. that is to saye they se about where as wynnynge is That other worde tantaly / the poete feyneth that Tantalus slewe his owne sone wherfore he is dampned to perpetuall penaūce / & he stan¦deth alwaye in water vp to the neyther lyppe & hath alwaye rype apples & noble fruyte han∣gynge downe to the ouerlyppe. But the fruyte ne the water maye not come wythin his mou∣te. He is soo holde and standeth bytwene me∣te and drynke and maye neyther eete ne dryn∣ke / and is euer an hongred and a thyrste that woo is hym alyue by thys manere lykenesse of Tantalus they that do ryght nought there ys moche is to do in euere syde ben called tantaly It semeth that it is to saye in trauaylle they be tantaly / for they do ryght nought therto. The thyrde worde is dedae / take hede that Deda∣lus was a subtyll and a slye man. And therfo∣re by lykenes they that ben subtyll and slye they becalled dedaly. And the fourth worde is sar∣danapaly / ye shall vnderstonde that Sarda∣napalus was kynge of Assyryens & was fulle vnchast / & vsed hym for to lye softe. And by a maner of lykenys of hym they yt lyue vnchast∣ly ben called sardanapaly. ¶R. But amonge all Englysshmen medled togyders is soo grete a chaungynge & dyuersyte of clothynge & of a raye & so many maners and dyuerseshappes that well nyghe is there ony man knowen by hys clothynge & hys araye of whate some euer degre that he be Ther of prephecyed an hooly Anker in kyng Egelfredes tyme in this mane¦re. Henry li.vi. Englysshmen for as moche as they vse them to drynkelwnes / to treason & to rechelesnes of goddes hous / fyrst by Danes & then by Normans / and at the thyrde tyme by the Scottes yt they holde the moost wretches & lest worth of all other they shall be ouercome. Thenne the worlde shall be so vnstable and so dyuerse and varyable that the vnstablenes of thoughtes shall be bytokeneth by many mane¦re dyuersytees of clothynge. IT is a comyn saw that the countre why¦che is now named Scotlonde is an out stretchynge of the north syde of Brytayn and is departed in the south syde frome Brytayne wyth armes of the see / and in the other syde yt is be clypped with the see. This londe hete so∣me tyme Albania and hadde that name of Al∣banactus that was kynge Brutes sone Alba∣nactus dwelled fyrste therin / or of the prouyn∣ce Albania that ys countre of Scycia & nygh to amazona therfore Scoctea ben called as ye were scyttes for they come oute of Scicia. Af∣ter warde that londe heet Pyctauya for ye Pyc¦tes regned ther in a thousande .CCC.lx· yere. And atte last heet. Hibernia as Irlonde hyght ¶Gir. in top. For many skylles / one is for af∣finite and alye that was bytwene them and I¦rysshmen for they tooke theyr wyues of Irlon¦de and that is openly seen in her byleue / in clo¦thynge / in langage and in speche / in weyyn & in maneres. An other skyll is for Irysshemen dwelied there somtyme. ¶Beda .li.i. Out of Irlonde that is the propre countree of Scot∣tes come Irysshmen wyth her duke that was called Rendar. And with loue and with strenth made hem chyef sees and Cytees besydes the Pyctes in the Northe syde. ¶Gir. Nowe the londe is shortlye called Scotlonde of Scottes that come oute of Irlonde and regned ther in CCC.xv. yere vnto reed wyllyams tyme that was Malcolyn broder. ¶R. Manyeuydenc{is} we haue of this Scotlonde that it is oft called and byghte Hibernia as Irlonde dothe. ¶Therfore Beda .li.ii. ca. xi. sayth that Lau∣rence Archebysshoppe of Dunbar was Arche¦bysshop of Scottes that dwelled in an ylonde that heet Hibernia and is nexte to Brytayne. ¶Beda .li.iii. ca. xxvii. Saythe Pestilence of moreyn bare downe Hibernia. Also .li.iii. ca. ii. saythe that the Scottes that dwelled in the south syde of Hibernia. Also: li.iiii. ca. iii. he sa¦yth that Cladde was a yonglynge and lerned the rule of monkes in Hibernia. Also .li.iiii. ca. xxii. Egfridus kynge of Northeumberlonde destroyed Hibernia: Also .li.iiii. ca. xv. the mo∣ste dele of Scottes in Hibernia and in the sa∣me chapytre be called Hibernia proprely na∣med / ye weste ylonde is an hondred myle from eueryche / Brytayne and departed with the see bytwene & called Hibernia that countree that nowe is called Scotlond / there he telleth that Adamua abbot of this ylonde sayled to Hiber¦nia for to tethe Irysshmen the lawfull Ester∣daye And at laste come ayen in to Scotlonde. ¶ysy. ethi. li.xiiii· Man of this Scotlonde ben named Scottes in theyr owne langage & Pyc¦tes also. For somtyme her body was peynted in this manere / they wolde some tyme wyth a sharpe egged tole prycke end kerue ther owne bodyes and make theron dyuerse fygures and shappes & peynt hem with ynke or with other peynture or coloure / and bycause they were so peyntede they were called picti that is to saye peynted. ¶Erodotus Scottes ben lyghte of herte and wynde inough / but by medlynge of Englysshmen they ben moche amended / they ben cruell vpon theyr enmyes and hateth bon¦dage moost of ony thynge and holde for a fou∣le slouth yf a man deye in his bedde and grete worshyp yf he deye in the felde. They ben lytyl of mete and mowe faste longe / and eten selde whan the sonne is vp / and eten flysshe fysshe mylke and fruyt more than brede and though they be fayr of chappe they ben defoulde & ma¦de vnsemely ynough with theyr owne cloth thȳ¦ge They prayse fast ye vsages of theyr owne for faders & dyspysen other mēnes doynge her lon¦de is fraytful ynoughe in pasture gardyns and feldes. ¶Gir. de. p̄. ca: xviii. The prynces of Scottes as the kynge of Spayne bē not won∣te to be enoynted ne crowed. In this Scotlond is solēpne & grete mynde of saynt Andrewe tha¦postle: For saynt Andrewe we had the north par¦tyes of ye worlde Scites & Pyctes to his lot for to preche & cōuert the people to crystes byleue. And at laste he was martred in Achaia in gre∣cia in a cyte yt was named Patras & his bones were kepte .CC.lxii. yere vnto yere vnto Cōstā¦tynus thēperours tyme. And thenne they were translated in to Constantynople & kepte there .C.x. yere vnto Theodosyus thēperours tyme & thenne Vngus kynge of Pyctes in Scotlond destroyed a grete parte in Brytayne and was besette with a grete hoost of Brytons in a fel∣de called Marke. End he herde saynt Andrew speke to hym in thys manere. Vngus vngus here thou me Crystes appostle. I promyse the helpe and socour whan thou haste ouercomen thyn enmyes by my helpe / thou shalt gyue the thyrde deele of thyn herytage in almesse to god almyghty / in the worshyp of saynt Andrewe / and the sygne of the crosse were tofore hys host and the thyrde daye he hadde the vyctory and soo torned home ayen and deled hys herytage as he was baden. And for he was vncertayne what Cytee he sholde deale for saynt Andrewe he fasted thre daye / he and his men prayed Sa¦ynt Andrewe that he wolde shewe hym whate place he shold chese. And one of the wardeyns that kepte the body of saynt Andrewe in Con∣stantynople was warned in hys slepte that he sholde goo into a place whyder an angell wol¦de lede hym and soo he come in to Scotlonde wyth .vii. elowes to the toppe of an hylle na∣med Ragmonde. The same our lyghte of heuē beshone and beclypped the kynge of Pyctes that was comynge wyth hys hooste to a place called Carceuan. Ther anone were helde ma¦ny seke men. There mette with the kynge Re∣gulus the monke of Constantynople with the relyques of Saynt Andrewe. There is foun∣ded a chyrche in worshyppe of Saynt Andre∣we that is heed of alle chyrches in the londe of Pyctes. ¶Too thys chyrche comen pylgrym∣mes oute of alle londes· There was Regulus fyrste abbote and gadred monkes. ¶And soo alle the lōde that the Kynge hadde assyg¦ne hym he departed it in dyuerse places amō∣ge abbayes. HAbernia that is Irlonde. & was of olde ty¦me In corperate in to ye lordshyp of Bry¦tayne so sayth Gir. in sua pop̄. where he decry¦ueth it at fulle. yet it is worthy & semely to pray¦se that lond wyth large praysynge for to come to citt & fulle knowlege of that londe these ty∣tles yt folowe opē the waye. Therfore I shall tel of the place & stede of ye londe how grete & what man londe it is / wherof that londe hathe plē¦te & wherof it hathe defaute / also of whate mē haue dwelled therin fyrst. Of maners of mē of that lond. Of the wōders of that lōde / & of wor¦thynes of halowes & sayntes of that londe. IRlonde is the laste of all the weste ylōdos and hyghe Hybernia of one Hyberus of Spayne that was Hermonius broder / for these two brethern gate and wanne that londe by conquest. Or it is called Hybernia of that Ryuer Hyderus that is the weste ende of Spa¦yn / and that londe hyghte Scotlonde also / for Scottes dwelled there somtyme er they came into that other Scotlonde that longed to Bry¦tayne / therfore it is wryten in the Martyloge Suche a daye in Scotlond saynt Bryde was borne / and that was in Irlonde. Thys londe hathe in the southeest syde Spayne thre dayes sayllynge thens asyde halfe / and hathe in the eest syde the more Brytayn thens a dayes sayl¦lynge / in the west syde the endles Occean and in the North syde. yselonde thre dayes sayllyn¦ge thens. ¶Solynus. but the see that is bytwe¦ne and Irlonde is all the yere full of grete wa¦wes and vnesy that men may selde ayle seker¦ly bytwene that see is a .C. myle brode. IRlonde is an ylonde grettest after Bry∣tayne / and stretched north warde from Brendas hylles vnto the londe Columbyna and conteyneth .viii. dayes Iourney euery io¦urney .xi. myle and from Deuelyn to Patryks hylles and to the see in that syde in brode .iiii. de thanne in the endes / all other wyse thanne Brytayne / is as Irlonde is shorter north war¦de than Brytayne / so is it lenger south warde the londe is not playne but full of mountayns of hylles of woodes of maryes and of moores the londe is soft rayny wynde and lowe by the see syde and within hylly and sondye. ¶Soli¦nus. There is greate plente of noble pasture and of leese / therfore the beestes muste be ofte dryuen out of theyr pasture leste they eete ouer moche for they sholde shend hym self yf theye myghte ete atte theyr wyll. ¶Gir. Men of that londe haue communely theyr helth. And straungers haue ofte a perylous flue by cause of the moysture of the mete. The flesshe of ky∣en is there holsome / and swynes flesshe vnhol∣some· Men of that londe haue noo feuer but oonly the feuer ague and that ryghte selde. ¶Therfore the holsomnes of that londe and the clennes oute of venyme is wroth alle the boste and rychesse of trees herbes of spycery of ryche clothes and of precyous stone of the Eest londes. The cause of the helthe and hol∣somnes of that londe is attemperate heete and colde that is therin. In quibus rebus sufficit. In thys londe ben moo kyen thanne oxen / mo∣re pasture thanne corne / more gras thanne se∣ed / there is plente of Samon / of lamprays / of eeles and of see fysshe. Of Egles / of carnes / of pecockes / of curlewes of sparouhaukes of goshoukes / and of gentyll fawcons. Of wul¦ues and ryght shrewed myse there ben atter∣coppes / bloode soukes eeftes that doone none harme / there ben fayres lytell of body and full hardy and stronge / there ben barnacles foules lyke to wylde ghees whyche growen wonder∣ly vppon trees / as it were nature wroughte a∣gaynste kynde. Men of relygyon ette the bar¦nacles vppon fastyngdayes by cause they ben not engendred with flesshe. wherin as men thin¦keth they erre for reason is ayenst that. For yf a man hadde eten of Adams legge he hadde e∣ten flesshe / and yet Adam was not engendred of fader nor moder / but that flesshe come won¦derly of the tree. In this londe is plente of ho¦ny and of mylke of vyne and of veynerdes. ¶Solinus and ysyder. wryten that Irlonde hath noo bees Netheles it were better wryten that Irlonde hadde bees and no vyneyerdes. ¶Beda saythe that there is greate huntynge to roobuckes / and it is knowen that ther ben none. It is noo wonder of Beda for he sawe neuer that londe but some man tolde hym suche tales. Also there groweth that stone Saxa¦gonus. And is called Iris also as it were the rayn bowe yf that stone be holde agaynste the son anone it shall shape a raynbowe / there is also a stone that is called Gagates & whyte margery perles. WHere cornes ben there full smal¦le vnne the yclenced wyth man∣nes honde / reserued men / all be∣stes ben smaller there thanne in other londes. Ther lackth well nyghe alle manere fysshe fresshe water that is not gendred in the see there lac∣ken vnkynde faucons grefacons / per tryche fesauate / nyghtyngales / and pyes / There lac∣ken also Roo and bucke / and Ilesypyles won∣tes and other venemous beestes. Therfore so¦me men feynen and that fauourably that Sa∣ynt Patryk clensed that londe of wormes and of venemous beestes but it is more probable and more skylfull that thys londe was frome the begynnynge alwaye withoute suceh wor∣mes / for venemous beestes and wermes dey∣en there anone yf men brynge theym thether out of other londes. And also venym and poy∣son broughte thether out of other londes lesen theyr malyce as sone as it passeth the myddell of the see. Also poudre and erthe of that londe caste and sowen in other londes dryuen away wormes so ferfor that yf a turfe of that lon∣de be put aboutt a worme it sleeth hym or ma¦keth hym thryll that erthe for tescape a waye In that londe cockes crowe bute lytyll to fore daye / so that the fyrste crowynge of cockes in that londe and the thyrde in other londes ben lyke ferre totore the daye. GIradus saythe that Casera Noes nece dradde the floode and fledde wyth thre men and fyfty wymmen in to that ylonde and dwelled ther in fyrst the laste yere tofore Noes floode. But after warde Bartholanus Seres sone that came of Iaphet Noes sone came the ther wyth his thre sones by happe or crafte .CCC. yere after Noers floode and dwelled the¦re and encreaced to the nombre of .ix.M. men and after warde for stenche of kareyns of gya¦untes that they hadde kylde they deyeden also saue one Ruanus that lyued a .M.v.C. yere. vnto saynt Patryks tyme / and enformed the holy man of the forsayd mā and of all the do∣ynges and dedes. Thenne the thyrde tyme co¦me thyder Nymeth out of Scicia with hys .iiii sones and dwelled there .CC.xvi. yere. and at laste of his of sprynge by dyuerse myshappes of warres and of morenyge they were clene de¦stroyed and the londe lefte voyde .CC. yere af∣ter they fourth tyme fyue dukes that were bre¦thern Gandi{us} Genandus Sagandus Ruthe regus Slauius of the sayd Nymethes succes∣sours come oute of Grece & occupyed that lon∣de & deled it in fyue partyes / and euery partye cōteyneth .xxii. cādredes. a Candrede is a coun¦tree that conteyneth a .C. townes and they set a stone in the myddel of ye lōde as it were in the nauell and begynnyge of fyue kyng domes. Atte the laste Saluius was made kynge of al¦le the londe. ¶The fyfth tyme whanne this nacyon was xxx. yere. togyder they wexe feble. Foure noble men that were Millesius the kynges sones co¦me out of Spayne with many other in a nauy of .xl. shyppes & two of ye worthyest of these iiii brethern that heet Hyberus & Hermon deled the londe bytwene thē tweyne / but after war∣de couenaunt was broken bytwene them both and Hiberus was slayne Then Hermon was kynge of all that londe. And frome his tyme to the fyrste Patryks tyme were kynges of that nacyon .C.xxxi. And so fro the comynge of Hy¦bernensis vnto ye fyrst Patryk were .M.viii.C. yere. They hadde that name Hibernensys & Hibernia of the for sayd Hiberus / or els of Hy∣berus a Ryuer of Spayne. They were called alsoo gatels & Scott{is} of one Gaytelus yt was Phenis neuewe. ¶This Gatelus coude speke many langa∣ges / after the langages that were made atte Nemproths towre / And wedded one Scotra Pharoes doughter. ¶Of these dukes co∣me the Hibernensis Men saye that this Gate¦lus made the Irysshe langage & called it Gay¦telaf as it were a langage gagred of all langa¦ges & tonges. Atte the laste Belinus kynge of Brytayne had a sone & hyght Gurguncius co¦me out of Donnemarke at ylondes Orcades He founde men that were called Balclensis / and were come theder out of spayne / these mē prayed & besught to haue a place to dwelle in And the kynge sent them to Irlonde that was tho voyde and waste. And ordeyned and sente wyth them duke and capytayns of hys owne & so it semeth that Irlonde sholde longe to Bry∣tayne by ryghte of olde tyme. From the fyrste saynte Patryk vnto Fedliundius the kynges tyme .CCCC. yere regned .xxxiii. kynges eue∣ryche after other in Irlonde· In thys Fedliun∣dius tyme Turgesius duke and capytayne of Norwayes brought theder men of Norwaye and occupyed that londe & made in many pla∣ces depe dyches and castels sengle double and tryble and many wardes strongly walled and many therof stonde yet all hole but Irysshmen reche not of Castels / for they take woddes for castels and marayes and moores for castell dy¦ches but at ye laste Turgesius deyed by gyleful∣les of women / & Englysshmen sayd that Gur∣mundus wanne Irlonde and made thylke dy∣ches / and made no mencyon of Turgesius / & Irysshmen speke of Turgesius and knowe not of Gurmūdas. Therfore it is wryte what gur∣mundus had wonne Brytayne & dwelled ther¦in / and sente Turgesius wyth grete strenth in to Irlonde for to wynne that londe / & bycause Turgesius was Capytayne and leder of that vyage and Iurney & seen amonge thē therfore Irysshemen speke moche of hym as a noble mā that was seen in that londe and knowen at the laste whan Gurmundus was slayne in Fraun¦ce Turgesius loued the kynges doughter of Ir¦londe and her fader behyghte Turgesius that her worlde sende her hym to the lowe largeryn wyth .xv· maydens & Turgesius promysed to mete there wyth .xv. of the nobleste men that he had / and helde couenaunte and brought no gy¦le but ther came .xv. yonge berdeles mē clothed lyke wemen wyth shorte swerdes vnder theyr clothes / and fyll oon Turgesius & slewe hym ryght there / & so he was traytoursly slayne af∣ter he had regned .xxx. yere Nat longe after .iii. bretheren Almelanus Siracus & Iuorus came into Irlonde wyth ther men out of Norwaye as it had ben for loue of peas and of marchaundy¦se & dwellyd by these sydes by assent of Irysshe men that were alwaye ydle as Poules knygh∣tes / & the Norwayes buylded thre cytees Deue¦yn waterfore & Lymeryche & encreased & after wexed rebell ayenst men of that londe and brou¦ghte fyrste sparthes in to Irelonde Soo fro Turgesius tyme vnto roderykes tyme kynge of Connacia that was kynge of all the londe were .xvii. kynges in Irlonde and so the kyn∣nes that regned in Irelonde frome the Her∣mons tyme vnto the laste tyme Roderyks were in all .C.lxxxi. kynges that were not crowned neyther enoynted ne by lawe of herytage butte by nyght maystrye and strenthe of armes The seconde Henry kynge of Englonde made thys Roderyk subget ye yere of kynge Henryes aege xl. and of hys regne .xviii. the yere of our lorde .xi. hondred ·lxxii: SGlinus saythe that men of thys londe ben strange of nacyon houseles & grete fyghters / and acount ryght and wronge alle one thynge / and ben syngle of clothynge / scar¦se of mete / cruell of herte / angry or speche and drynketh fyrste blod of dede men that ben slay∣ne and then wesshen theyr vysages therwyth and holden them payd wyth flesshe and fruyt in stede of mete & wyth mylke in stede of drn¦ke and vsen moche playne and ydlenes and huntynge and trauaylle butte lytell. In theyre chylde hode they ben harde nourysshed and er¦de fed and they be vnsemely of maners and of clothynge and haue brechee and hosen alle ne of wolle and strayte hodes that strecheth a cu¦byte ouer thesholders behynde and foldynges in stede of mantels and of clokes. Also they vse no sadels bootes ne spores whā they ryde. but they dryue theyr horses wyth a chambred yere∣de in ye ouer ende. In stede of byttes with tren¦ches of brydels of reest / they vse brydels that lete not theyr hors to ete ther mete / they fyght vnarmed naked in body / netheles wyth twoo dartes and speres / And wyth brode sparden they fyghte with one honde. ¶They vse longe berdes and lockes han¦gynge downe behynde ther hedes they vse no crafte of flaxe / of wolle / of metall / ne of mar∣chaundyse but gyue hem to ydelnes and slou∣the / and reken reest for lykynge and for fredo∣me for ryches / And thoughe Scotlonde the doughter of Irlonde vse harpe tymbre and to boure. Netheles Irysshe men beconnynge in two manere Instrumentes musyke / in harpe and tymbre that is armed wythe were & stren∣ges of bras In whyche Instrumentes though play hastely and swyftly they make ryhgt onye and melodys with thycke tew¦nes erbles and notes and begynne frome be mo and playen secretly vnder dyme sowne in the greate strenges and torne ayen vnto the sa¦me / so that the grettest partye of crafte hydeth the crafte as it welde seme as thoughe the craf¦te soo sholde be ashamed yf it were take These men ben of euyll maneres in ther lyuynge they paye noo tythynges the wedde lawfally / they spare not theyr alyes / But brother wedde the broththers wyfe / they besye to betraye her ney¦ghbours and other they bere sperthes in their hondes in stede of staues and fyghte ayenste theym that truste mooste to theym / these men ben variable and vnstedfaste threchours and gylefull whoo that dealeth wyth them nedeth more to be ware of gyle thanne of crafte of pe∣as than of brennynge brondes / of hony than of kynghthode / they haue suche maneres that they ben not stronge in warre and in bataylle ne trewe in peas they become gossyps to them that they wyll falsly betraye in the gossybrede and hooly kynred Eueryche drynketh others bloode whanne it is shedde / they loue somdl hyr nouryce and her playfers whiche that sou¦ke the same mylke that they souked whyle they were chyldrē. And they pursewe ther brethern theyr cosyns and theyr other kyne / and despy¦sen theyr kyne whyles they lyue / and auenge theyre dethe whanne they ben slayne. Soo longe hath the vsage of euyll custome en∣dured amonge them that it hathe gotenne the maystrye ouer them and torneth treason in to kynde so ferforthe that they ben traytours by nature. ¶And alyens and men of straunge londes that dwelle amonge them folowynge theyr maners that vaunteh there is none but he is be smetted wyth theyr treason aslo. Amō¦ge them manye men pyssen syttyge and wym¦men standynge. ¶There ben many men in that londe foule shapen in lymmes and in body / For in theyr lymmes they lacke the benefyce of kynde Soo that no where ben better shapen thanne they that ben there well shapen & none worse shapē than they that ben euyll shapen. And skylfully nature hurte / and defouled by wyckednes of lyuynge brynge the suche gromes and euylle penne of hem that wyth vnlawfulle delyn¦ yth foule manere and euyll lyuynge soo wyckedly defouled kynde and nature. In thys lond & wales olde wyues & wymmē were wōre & been yet as mē saye ofte to scape thēs in ly∣kees of hates for to mylke ther neyghbrs ine & stole her mylke & ofte gry hoūdes ren after thē & pursewen thē & weuen that they be hares Also some by crafte of Nygramācye t∣te swyne for to be reed of colour and selfe thē in markettes & fayres But as soone as these swy¦ne passe ony water they torne into theire owne kynde whether it be strawe hey gras of ues. But these swyne maye not be kept by no craft for tēdure in lykenes of swynes ouer thre daies Amōge these wonders & other take hede that in the vttermest ende of the worlde falleth newe meruaylles & wōders. As thoughe kynde play¦ed with large loue secretly and ferre in thendes than openly & nygh in the myddeell. therfore in this ylōde bē many gresely wōders & meruayl∣les. MAny men tellen that in the northe syde of Irlonde is the londe of lyfe. In that ylonde no man maye deye but whan they ben olde and vexed wyth greate sykenes / they ben borne out in to the nexte londe and deye there. There is an other ylonde in Irlonde that noo womman ther in may bere a childe / but yet she may conceyue. Also there is an ylonde in why¦che no dede body maye roten. In vltonia that is Vlstre is an ylonde in a lake wōderly depar¦ted in twene In that one parte is grete dystur¦baunce and dyscomforth of frendes & in that other partye grete lykyng and comforth of ho¦ly angels There is also saynt Patryks purga¦tory that was shewed at hys prayer to confer∣me hys prechynge & hys lore whan he preched to mysbyleued men of sorowe and payne that euyll mē sho suffre for ther euyll werkes. And of Ioye and of blysse ye gode men shall receyue for ther holy dedes he telleth that who that suf∣freth the paynes of purgatory / yf it be enioy∣ned hym for penaunce he shall neuer suffre the paynes of hell / but he deye fynally withon re∣pentaunce of synne / as the ensample. is sette more full at this chapytre ende. ¶Treuisa. But truly noman maye be saued but yf he be very repentaunce what someuer penaunce he do / and euery man that is very repentaunt as hys lyues ende shall be sekerly saued / though he neuer here of saynt Patryks purgatorye. There is an ylond in conate Sale / that is in ye see of Conaccia halowed by saynt Brandon yt hath no myse there dede bodyes ben not buryed but bē kept out of the erth & roten not. In Ma¦monia is a wel who yt wassheth hym with that water of ye welle he shall waxe / hore on his heed There is an other wel in Vltonia who someuer is wasshē therin he shall neuer wexe hore after warde / There is a welle in Mounstre or Ma¦monia \ yf ony mā touche that welle anone shal falle grete rayne in alle the prouȳce / & that ray¦ne shalle neuer cesse / tyll a preste that is a clene mayden synge a masse in a chapell that is faste by & blesse the water / & wyth mylke of a cowe yt is of one her besprynge the welle. & so reconcyle the welle in this staunge manere. At Glyndal can aboute the oratory of Saynt Keywyn wy¦ches beryth apples as it were apple trees and ben moore holsome than sauery. That holy sa¦ynt brought forthe these apples by prayers for to hele his shylde that was seke. There is a la∣ke in Vlstre and moche fysshe therin / whyche is .xxx. myle in lengthe and. in brede. The Ry∣uer Ban renneth out of that lake into the nor¦the Occean and mē saye that thys lake began̄e in this manere. There were men in that coun¦tree that were of euyll lyuynge coeuntes cūbru∣tis. And there was a well in that londe in gre¦te reuerence of olde tyme / And all waye coue∣red / yf it were lefte vncouered the welle wolde ryse and drowned all the londe. And soo it hap¦ped that a wooman wente to that welle for to fetche water & hyed her fast to her chyld yt wept in the cradell / & left the welle vncouered / then the welle sprange soo faste that is drowned the woman and her chylde & made all the countree a lake and a fysshe ponde. for to preue that thys is soo there it is greate argument / that whan the weder is clere / fysshers of that water see in the rounde vnder the water rounde toures and hyghe shapen as steples and chyrches of that londe. In the north syde of Irlonde in the coun¦tre of Ossyyryens euery .vii. yere at the prayer of an hooly Abbot / tweyne that ben wedded a man and a woman muste nedes be exyled and forshapen in to lyknes of wolues & abyde out .vii. yere. And atte ende of .vii. yere. yf they ly∣ue they come home agayne / And take agayne theyr owne shappe / And than shall other twey¦ne goo forthe in theyr stede and soo forshapen for other .vii. yere. There is a lake in thys lon¦de yf a poole of tree pyghte and stycked therin that parte of the shafte or poole. That is in the erth shall torne in to yron / And that pare that abydeth in the water shalle torne into stone / And the parte that abydeth aboue shall be tree in his owne kynde. Also there is a lake that tor¦nethe hasell in to asshe and asshe in to hasell yf it be done therin. Also in Irlonde ben thre Sa¦mon lepes there as samons lepe ayenste a Ro∣che of longe speres lenthe. Also in Leginia is a pounde there ben seen colmans byrdes. The berdes been called certelles and come homely to mannes honde but yf men do hym wronge or harme. They gone a waye and come notte a¦gayne / and the water there shall be bytter and stynke / and he that dyde the wronge shall not a stert wythoute wretche and myschyef but yf he do amendes. ¶R. As touchynge Patryks purgatorye. ye shalle vnderstonde Saynt Pa¦tyrk that was abbote and not byshoppe why∣le he prechyd in Irlonde laboured and studyed for to torne thylke wycked men that lyued as beestes oute other euyll lyf for drede of paynes of helle / and for to conferme hem to good lyfe and they sayde they wolde not torne but some of theim myghte knowe som what of the grete paynes and also of the blesse that he spake of. Thenne saynt Patryk prayed to god almygh∣ty therfore / ouer lorde Ihesu Cryste appyered to saynt Patryk and toke hym a staffe & ladde hȳ in to a wylde place and shewed hym there a rounde pytte that was derke wythin and say∣de / that yf a man were very repentaunce and stable in byleue and wente into this pytte and walkede therin a daye and a nyghte he sholde see the lorowes and the paynes of euyll men / and the Ioye and blysse of good men. Thenne Cryste vanysshed oute of patryks syght and saynt Patryk arered and buylded there a chyr∣che and putte therin chanons reguler and ∣se the pytte aboute wyth a walle / and in the chyrche yerde at the eest ende chyr¦che and faste shette wyth a stronge . For noo man sholde nycely goo in wythout of the bysshoppe or the poyour of the place. ¦ny men wente in and come out agayne in Pa∣tryks tyme and tolde of paynes and Ioye th they hadde seen / and the meruaylles that they sawe been there yet wryten / and by cause ther of many men torned and were conuerted to ry¦ghte byleue. ¶And also many men went in cme neuer agayne. In kynge stephens tyme ynge of Englōde a kynght yt hyght Owayne saynt Patryks purgatory & come a∣gayne & dwelled euer aft duryng his life ī nedes of thabbaye of Ludēsis yt is of thordre Chyste∣ws & tolde manye wōdres yt he hadde seē in Pa¦tryks purgatorye. ¶That place is called Pa¦tryks purgatorye / & ye chirche is named Reglis Noo mā is enioyned for to goo into ye purgato¦rye. But coūseylled yt he sholde not come therin butte take vpō him other penaūce And yf a mā haue auowed & bestale & wyll nedes goo therin He shall fyrst go to ye bysshoppe & thēne he shall be sēte with letters to the pryoure of the place & they bothe shal coūceylle hym to leue & yf he wil¦le nedes go therto he shalle be in prayers & in fas¦tynge xv. daies & after xv. dayes he shal be how seld & ledde to ye dore of the purgatorye with pro¦cessyon & letany & yet he shall be coūseylled to le¦ue it / & yf he be stedefaste & wyll entre / the doore shal be opened & he blessed & goo in a goddes na¦me & holde forthe his waye / & the dore shall be shytte tylle ye nexte daye / & whā the tyme is the pryoure shalle come & opene ye dore. & yf the mā be comē he ledethe hym in to ye chyrche wyth {pro}¦cessyō & there he shall be fyftene dayes in pray∣ers & fastynge. HEre Gyrald{us} maketh mynde yt as mē of this nacyon bē more angrye / than other mē & more hasty for to take wretche whiles thei bē alyue / so sayntes & halowes of this lond ben more wretchefull than sayntes of other londes Clerkes of this lōde bē chaste & sayē many pray¦es & done grete abstynēce a daye / & drynketh all nyghte so is afoūted for a myracle / ye lechery re¦gneth not there as wyne regneth / & ben chosen out of abbayes into the clergye / & done as mon¦kes sholde / whate they yt bē euyll of thē bē wors¦te of al other. So good mē amonge theym thou¦ghe they bē but fewe been good at ye beste / prela¦tes of that coūtree bē full slowe in correccyō of trespas / & besy in contemplacyn & notte in pre¦chynge of goddes worde Therfore it is yt all the Sayntes of ye londe been cōfessours & noo mar¦tyrs amōge thē / & noo wōder / for all ye prelates of this londe clerkes & prelates sholde doo as to thē vnknowē. Therfore whā it was put ayēste ye bysshoppe of Cassyl how it myghte be yt soo many sayntes bē in Irlonde & neuer a martyr amonge theym all sythen that ye mē ben so shre¦wed & so angry / & the prelates so rycheles & sl¦we in correccyons of trespas. The bysshop an¦swered frowardely ynoughe & sayde oure men bē shrewed & angry ynoughe to thēselfe but to goddes seruaūtes they leye neuer honde but do hē greate reuerence & worshyp But Englyssh mē come into this londe that cā make martyrs & were wont to vse ye crafte. ¶R. The bysshop sayd so bycause ye kynge Henry ye secōde was to newe comē into Irlonde frensshly after ye mar∣tyrdome of saynt Thomas of caūterbury Gir. In this lōde in wales & in Scotlond. bē belles & staues with croked hedes & other suche thyn∣ges for relyques in greate reuerēce & worshyp / Soo ye mē of this lōde dreden more for to swere vpō one of thylke belles & golde staues thā vpō ye gospell. the chyfe of all suche relyques is hol∣dē Ihūs staffe yt is atte Deuelyn. with yt whiche staffe they saye yt the fyrste saynte Patryke dro¦fe ye wormes out of Irlōde Augus. de. ci· dei. ca. vii. yf mē axe howe it maye be that dyuerse ma¦nere of beestes & of dyuerse kynde that be kynd¦ly gotē bitwene mayl & female come & bē in ylō¦des after Noes flode Mē supposē that suche bes¦tes swāme into ylōdes aboute & fyrste to the nex¦te & soo for forthe into other. Or els mē sayllyn¦ge into ylondes broughte wyth hē suche beestes for loue of hūtynge / or angels that god almygh¦tes cōmaūdemēt brought suche bestes into ylō¦des aboute or ye erthe brought thē for ye fyrste & fulfylled tho goddes cōmaūdemēte \ ye cōmaun: ded ye erthe to brynge forth gras & quicke bestes
A00007.P4	The Cronycles of Englonde with the dedes of popes and emperours, and also the descripcyon of Englonde	[ "Higden, Ranulf, d. 1364. Polycronicon." ]	the yere of our lorde god. M.CCCCC. [et] xxviij. the .ix. daye of Apryll] [1528]	In Fletestrete at the sygne of the Sonne by Wynkyn de Worde,	[Imprynted at London :	eng	[ "Great Britain -- History -- To 1485 -- Early works to 1800.", "England -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800." ]	BYcause of these bokes made to tell what tyme of ony thȳ∣ge notable was. Therfore ye begȳnynge of al tymes short¦ly shal be touched. For the whiche after doctours it is to be knowen / that foure thinges were made fyrst / & in one tyme & of one age / that is to wyte / the heuen imperyall / aungels nature / the matere of the foure elemētes / & tyme. And that doctours call werke of the creacion / the whiche was made (afore ony daye or nyght) of ye myghty power of god / and was made of nothynge. ¶ Than after foloweth ye werke of diuysyon / the whi¦che was made in thre of ye fyrst dayes / in whiche is shewed ye hygh wysdome of the maker. ¶ Than after foloweth ye arayenge of this werke / in ye whiche is shewed the goodnes of the creatour / the whiche was made thre of ye nexte daye folowyng. Vt patet clare in textu gen̄ .j. ¶ The fyrst daye god made & deuyded the lyght from the derknes. ¶ The se∣conde daye god made & ordeyned the fir∣mament / & diuyded the water from the water. ¶ The thyrde daye god made in the whiche he gadered the waters in to one place / and the erth tho appered. ¶ The fourth daye god made / in ye whi¦che daye he ordeyned ye sonne / the mone and the sterres / & put them in ye fyrma∣ment. ¶ The fyfth daye god made / in the whiche he ordeyned fysshes & fou∣les / & grete whales in ye water. ¶ The syxth daye god ordeyned / in the whiche he made beest & man. ¶ The .vij. daye god made / & in yt day he rested of all wer¦kes that he had ordeyned / not as in wer¦kyng beynge wery / but he ceased to ma¦ke mo newe creatures. Vide pl’a ge .j. VNderstande ye that Adam the fyrst man / of whome it is wry∣ten in this fyrst age nexte folowynge ly¦ued .ix. hondred yere and .xxx. And gate xxxij. sones / and as many doughters. IN the fyrst yere of ye worlde the syxth day god made and formed Adam in the felde da mastene / & Eua of his tyb∣bes / puttyng them in paradyse / & bade them to kepe his cōmaundement / that they sholde not ete of ye fruyte of lyfe vn∣der the payne of deth. And ye same daye yt they had synned / anone he cast them out of paradyse in to ye lōde of cursednes that they sholde lyue there wt swerynge & sorowe tyll they dyed. Vide pl’a ge. . ¶ This Adam was an holy man all y• dayes of his lyfe / grete penan̄ce dayly he dyd. And he cōmaūded his chyldren to lyue ryghtwylly / & namely that they sholde auoyde in all wyse from the com¦pany of Cayn & his chyldren. Nor that they shold not mary with none of them ¶ This mā Adam was our fyrst fader & for one synne put vs out of paradyse. But through his holy cōuersacion & pe∣naūce / he gaue vs ensample to come to the kyngdome of heuen. And he yt wyll not folowe his holy cōuersacion & exam¦ple for one synne / ryghtwysly he can not complayne on hym / as we doo many. ¶ Seth sone to Adam was borne after the begynnynge of ye worlde .C. and. xxx yeres / & lyued .ix .C. and .xij. But Moy∣ses ouerskypped an hondred of those / in the whiche Abel wepte in ye vale of plo∣racion nygh Ebron. This Seth for the oyle of mercy to be goten went to para∣dyse. ¶ Delbora was syster to Abell. Abell was slayne of Cayn his broder. This Abell the fyrst martyr began the chirche of god. This man after Austyn made ye cite of god / & he was ye fyrst cite∣zyn of yt cite. And bycause he was right wyse / our lorde receyued his offrynge. ¶ Calmana was wyfe to Cayn. This Cayn was a cursed man / & he made the fyrst erthly cite that euer in this worlde was / in yt whiche he put his people for drede / in so moche as he vsed rauyne & violence. For he trusted suche thynge to be done to hym as he dyd to other / ther∣fore he put hym and his in to a sure pla∣ce. This man slewe his broder Abel for enuye / and he was punysshed of god / & wandred aboute in despayre. And was slayne of Lameth a blynde man. ENos of the lyne of Chryst lyued ix .C. yere & .v. And began to call the name of our lorde. It myght happe he foūde some wordes of prayer / or ma∣de some ymages for god to be worshyp∣ped as now is in the chirche. Chanam lyued after .ix .C. yere and .x. MAlaleel of the lyne of Chryst ly∣ued. viij .C. & .lxxxxv. yere. Ia∣reth of ye lyne lyued .ix .C. lxij. ¶ Enoch of ye same lyne lyued. iij .C. yere .lxv. and was a ryghtwyse man & pleased god. And for his grete holynes our lord trās∣lated hym in to paradyse / where he ly∣ueth wt Hely in grete rest of body & soule tyll the comynge of Antechryst. Than they shall go forth for the cōfortacyon of good men. And they shall be crowned wt the crowne of martyrdome. MAtusale of Chrystes lyne lyued ix .C .lxix. yere. And was ye oldest man yt euer ony scripture hath mȳde of. For whan he had lyued nygh .v .C. yere our lorde sayd to hȳ. Buylde ye an hous & thou wylt / for yet thou shalt lyue fyue hondred yere. And he answered & sayd. For so lytell a tyme as .v. hondred yere I wyll buylde no hous. But rested vn∣der trees and hedges / and there slepte / as he was wont to do for a tyme. LAmeth was of the age of .vii. C lxxvij. yere. This Lameth was the first agaynst nature & good maners that ordeyned yt a man might haue two wyues in doynge his auoutry. And he was sore punisshed of thē / for they gaue hȳ many a strype. For it is so yt by what thynge a man synned / by the same he is punysshed. This Lameth slewe Cayn not wylfully. But whan he was olde & blynde he was ladde of achylde ye whi∣che trowed yt he had seen a wylde beest / & sayd to his mayster yt he shold shote / & so he slewe Cayn / wherfore for anger he slewe the chylde also. ¶ And it is to be knowen that all craftes or scyences ly∣beral / or hande craftes / or of phisyke ser¦uynge to ye curiosite of man / are redde yt they were foūden in the children of La∣meth. And for they dradde the peryll to come of the flode & of the fyre. Therfore Tuball graued the same craftes in two pyllers / the one was of marble / & that other of tyle or brycke. Tubal foūde first the crafte to werke gold & syluer & yren. And was the fyrst grauer yt euer was. ¶ Iabe foūde fyrst tētoria for shepeher∣des / & pauylyons for other men. ¶ Iu∣bal foūde fyrst ye crafte to playe vpon an harpe & organs / & other musycal instru¦mentes he vsed. ¶ Noema founde fyrst the crafte for to weue lynnen & wollen cloth / & to drawe threde of woll & flaxe. And afore that tyme the people vsed the skynnes of beestes for theyr clothes. THe shyppe of Noe had in length iij .C. cubytes / in brede .l. in alty¦tude .xxx. Vide pl’a gen̄ .vj. ¶ Knowe ye after doctours / that a cōuenyent payne this tyme was ordeyned to the worlde. For than lechery haboūded the whiche defouled mennes bodyes. And there by water ye erth was wasshed & clensed / in sygne of ye promesse yt god made to man that there sholde neuer be suche a flode agayne. And the Raynbowe hath two prȳcypal colours / the whiche represent the two iudgementes. The water co∣lour representeth ye flode that is passed. The fyre colour betokeneth the iudge∣ment to come / & fyre the whiche we cer¦taynly abyde in the ende of this worlde bycause couetyse shall haboūde / by fyre it shall be brente / as golde and syluer by the fyre is wonte to be clensed. THis Noe was a rightwyse man & foūde grace annst god. Whan Noe was .v .c. yere of age he had goten Cham / Sem and Iaphet. That tyme by ye cōmaundement of god he be∣gan to make a shyppe / & he made it per∣fyte in an .C. yere / & the .C. yere cōplete our lorde appered agayne to hym & cō∣maūded yt he wt his wyfe & his chyldren & ye wyues of them shold entre ye shyppe with all maner of beestes & al maner of foules also. &c. And anone ye flode came and stode aboue all hylles. v. cubytes. Vide plura gen̄ .vij. ¶ After the flode came grete dronkennes eyd vnto Noe. And through the occasion of that dronkēnes he blyssed his two sones Sem and Ia¦phet / for ye faders honour that they had to him / & for the honest shame that they couered mekely theyr faders membres whan he was slepynge. And his sone Cham for his scornynge & his vnreue∣rence he cursed. ¶ And here after saynt Austyn is made ye fyrst mencyon of bon∣dage / and of noblenes cōtrary to it. For Noe sayd that Cham sholde be seruaūt in bondage to Sem and Iaphet for his ureuerence. Neuerthelesse ye shall not trowe that all that descended of Cham were vnnoble men / & of no power. For they began fyrst to be myghty men of ye erth. As it is open of Nemroth and the kynge of Chanaan & Astorum. Nor all of Sem & Iaphet were vertuous & no∣ble & myghty men / whan almoost eue∣rychone fell vnto ye cryme of ydolatrye / and were oftentymes oppressed of other men. But this blessynge and this cur∣synge hath a respecte to vertue & vyce / for yt whiche a man is called truly a no∣ble man or an vnnobleman. For he that is vertuous is a noble man / and he that is vnuertuous is not noble. The same maner of wyse those that foloweth the faythe of Abraham rather were called his chyldren than the Iewes / the whi∣che carnally descended from hym. Ne∣uertheles they had a spirytuall preuy∣lege of god for the faders merytes and his blessynge. And of these thre sones of Noe he beynge alyue (after the hystory of Philoms) were borne .xxiiij. M. and an .C. men / without women and chyl∣dren. And they had on them thre pryn∣ces / Nemroth / Iectan / and Sulphen. SEm sone to Noe the seconde yere after the flode gate Arphaxat / & otherwhyle he is called Melchisedech / the whiche fyrst after ye flode made the cite of Salem / & now is called Iherusa¦lem. ¶ Cham his broder obteyned Af∣ffricā / & gate two sones / Chus & Mes∣raym / & these two gate sones & dough∣ters / and many a regyon they enhaby∣ted vnknowen to vs in occidentall ynde. ¶ Iaphet was broder vnto Cham / and was blyssed of his fader. And this Ia∣phet had seuen sones / as Gomor / Ma∣gog / Maday / Ianam / Tubal / Mosog / and Iras. And these .vij. gate sones & doughters / and of them came many a regyon. Vide plura genesis .xv. ¶ Ar∣phaxat soneto Sem lyued .CCC. and xxx. yere / and gate Elam / Assur / Lude / and Aram / & they gate many chyldren. Vt patet gene. ¶ This Assur bycause he wolde not rebell agaynst god in the edyfyenge of the toure of Babylon / as Nemroth dyd / therfore he was dryuen vnto the londe of Sennaar londe / whi∣che was ryght straūge to hym / & was not before enhabyted / the whiche was called after his name Assuria / and there he edyfyed a cite afterwarde named Ni niue / the whiche was the metropoly∣tane of all the kyngdome of Assuriorū. ¶ Chus sone vnto Cham was fader to Nemroth / this Nemroth was a gyaūt of .x. cubytes longe / and he began to be myghty in ye worlde / and he is called a boystous hunter before god. This man began that wretched vyce of couetous∣nes by his tyranny / with yt whiche vice euermore after this worlde is fulfylled. And ye pryncypallest kyngdome that he had was Babylon / & he had Archade / Edyssa / Selencia / & the londe of Sen∣naar. ¶ Sale sone to Arphaxat lyued CCCC. and .xxxiij. yere / and of hym in scripture is nothynge wryten / but that Moyses nombred hym in the lyne that cometh of Chryst. This Sale gae a so∣ne that was named Heber / the whiche after the Hebrewes had the spiryte of prophecye. And of this Heber the He∣brewes ben named. For the Hebrewes tongue abode alone in his hous in ye con¦fusyon of the language. And that lan∣guage was called mānes lāguage / the whiche euery man vsed afore the toure of Babylon was buylded. ¶ This He∣ber had two sones / and one was called Iectan / and that other Phaleg. This Iectan through ensample of Nemroth descendynge fro Cham toke the prynce∣hode vpon the children of Sem. And he had .xiij. sones. But these people after Ierome are not knowen of vs for fernes of the coūtree / or mutacyon and chaun∣gynge of ye people / or elles of some other maner cause. ¶ Turris Babilonis. Two hondred and .xxxix. yere lyued Phaleg. This Pha∣leg was the yonger sone of Heber / & in his dayes was made the confusyon of languages. For in his hous abode the olde tongue alone and that was hebrewe. Wherfore after saynt Austyn / in hym appered a grete stedfastnesse of ryghtwysnesse / for this hous was free of that payne / as not cō∣sentynge to the buyldynge of the toure. Et scōm Aug. there was .lxxij. genera∣cyons / & so there were .lxxij. languages ¶ Iectan broder to Phaleg of Sem / Nemroth prince of Cham / Sulphen of Iaphet / these thre prynces with theyr people gadered them togyder in ye felde of Sennaar / dredynge the flode to come agayn sayd. Let vs buylde a toure that shall reche to heuen. &c. Gene .xj. Our lorde seynge the folysshenes of ye people cōfoūded theyr tōgues for theyr synnes In so moche yt none vnderstode other / & so they were disperpled through all the worlde. Of ye malyce of this Nemroth bokes ben wryten full. And after ye con∣fusyon of ye language he went to ye londe of Perce / and there he taught them to adoure the fyre as god. He lefte his sone Belus in Babylon / whiche succeded af∣ter hym. And so his progenye obtayned that realme after many yeres. In this tyme began many kyngdomes / & the moost of all those kyngdomes was the kyngdome of Scitarū. But there were so many rude people in it yt the cite was no worshipped / yet was it a myghty re¦gyon of dystaūce. And about this tyme began ye kyngdome of Egypte the whi¦che was chaūged many tymes with dy¦uers alteracyons / & also it is spoken of many tymes ī scripture. ¶ Noblenes or gentylmen began about this sayd tyme And this noblenes or gentylmen was ordeyned for many causes. ¶ The fyrst cause was necessite / for whā mankynde grewe sore / & men were prompte & redy to do hurt & domage to other / it was ve∣ry necessary to wtstande ye grete malyce of ye cursed and wycked people agaynst good & ryghtwyse men. Therof a man is called gentylman or a noble man as before other in vertues notable. wherof saynt Ierom sayth. I se nothynge els in noblenes / or in gentylmen / but yt they are boūden in a certayne necessite yt they shall not recede fro the vertue / & the gen tylnes of theyr noble aūcetours. ¶ The seconde was ye dyuers worshyppyng of the people / for no man worshypped thā but as his naturall reason gaue / & they knewe not veryly what they shold wor¦ship / for they were so dull of wytte that they coude pondre no grete thynge / but that was publysshed by the comyn peo∣ple. Wherfore it was expediēt for theyr peace to be kepte that they sholde haue prynces of noble byrthe. ¶ The thyrde cause {pro}cedeth of some singuler strength Many tymes ye comynaltees were gre∣ued through ennemyes comynge vpon them & than they sayd yt who someuer wōlde defende them fro those perylles / he sholde haue the right of noblenes for hȳm & for his heyres for euermore. And in this maner of wyse many are redde to be noble men. ¶ The fourth cause of noblenes was haboundaūce of goodes. Somtyme ye people were holden with grete penury of meet & drynke / & than they toke them & theyrs to some ryche man / that through that couenaūt they sholde tempre ye grete straytnes of theyr honger / & after that they sholde knowe hym as theyr lorde & a noble man. Also there be foūde certayn noble men by the {pro}uysyon of god / though they were but fewe / of yt whiche som abode ī vertue as Dauyd / & some fayled anone / as Saul and Ieroboam. And it is redde yt many were noble men by tyrāny / of yt whiche some were destroyed anone / & some abo∣de in stablenes / as paynyms myght. Sruch lynially descended frō our fore fader Adam to Abrahā. And Nachor was his sone / & he lyued an .C. and .xlviij. yere. And aboute this tyme ydolatry began myghtely. And yf ye re uolue & loke ye hystoryes / ye shall fynde that thre thynges princypally brought men to ydolatry / that is to wyt / the af∣feccyon that they had to deed men. Dre∣de and flaterynge anenst theyr prynces. And the dylygence of crafty men about sculptures or grauynges. Wycked spi∣rytes than entred in to ydolles and ga∣ue answeres vnto the people / and these wycked spirytes confermed the errour of the people myghtely. In soo moche that who someuer wolde not conferme hym to theyr reason / he sholde greuous∣ly suffre the payne of dethe. Also there was added and put to these thynges / the deceyuynge laude and praysynge of poetes / the whiche wretches and dam∣pned men in to heuen with theyr gaye wrytynges exalted. And that same ty∣me whan deuylles began to speke soo fayrly and so mekely to man / the good lorde of his grete mercy sente his aun∣gelles / that they sholde speke vnto his electe men in vysyble maner / lest that all mankynde shold perysshe with that myscheuous erroure. ¶ Belus sone to Nemroth this tyme was kynge of Ba¦bylon / & he was the fyrst kynge of this worlde. And this man was he whome the erroure of the people fyrste byleued sholde be a god. Wherfore dyuerse peo∣ple named hym dyuersly / and some cal∣led hym Bell / some Baall / some Baa∣lun / some Beelphagor / and some Beel∣sabub. And this vnhappy errour stode in mankynde more than two thousande yere. ¶ Ninus sone to Belus the secon∣de kynge of Babylon or of Assuriorum regned .liiij. yere. And this Ninus de∣syred to haue lordshyp & worshyp / and to that entent that he myght be lorde of all the coūtree aboute hym / he gaue ba∣tayle to all that dwelled nye aboute hȳ. And bycause that tyme the people were rude / and had not the cōnynge of fygh∣tyng nor armure / anone he subdued vn∣to hym all Asam. And there was ma∣de the fyrst Monarchye in ye eest part ye. And whā his herte was sory for ye deth of his fader Belus / he made to be made to hym for his cōforte an ymage of his fader / vnto whome he gaue so myghty reuerence / yt what someuer gylty man had fledde to that ymage / there sholde no man do hym no hurte / & he pardoned him of al his trespace. And through his ensample many a man began to wor∣shyp the deed ymage of theyr dere fren∣des. Than these malycyous spirytes seynge the curiosite of the people / hydde them within them / and gaue answeres vnto ye people & sayd they were goddes. And cōmaunded them to do reuerence to them as vnto goddes. Thus that vn happy synne of ydolatry was brought in / the whiche repugned myghtely to goddes mageste. And in so moche this madnes grewe / that he shold suffre the payne of deth that sayd they were men but goddes. Hare sone to Nachor liued. ij .C. and .v. yere. This Thare after the deth of Aram went frō Vr of Calde and passed in to Charram wt his chyl∣dren & his neuewes. And it is sayd / by∣cause he wolde not worshyp the fyre as Nemroth had taught / he was banys∣shed the coūtree. And ye comyn opynyon of the Hebrewes is. Nemroth regned there the whiche was called an other name / Amraphel ye kyng of Sennaar / whome lōge tyme after this Abraham ouercame. Vt dici Genesis .xiiij. THe deuoute & holy story begyn∣neth here of holy partyarkes yt whiche worshipped ye very god and in theyr worshyppyng they taught it. Vide pl’a gen .xij. ad finē. This Abraham a faythfull louer of god was borne the .xliij. yere of Ninus kynge of Babilon. And knowe ye that the .lxxxv. yere of Abraham by goddes goodnes ye worde of mercy descēded on mankynde / for than began to appere ye oraculus of ye promesse of god. Vide aug .xxj. de . Itē ge .xv. For this tyme appered to vs holy aungels in fourme of mankynde. Aram & Nachor were Abrahams bre∣therne / & Aram gate Loth a rightwyse man & an holy. And he deserued to be v∣sited wt aungels as his vncle Abraham was. And for this Loth Ibrahā smoe iiij. kȳges / for they toke Loth. Genesis xiiij. Of whom one was sayd to be N∣roth / but here he is called Amraphel. ¶ This Abrahā had many wyues / as Sara and Agar. And his chyldren and his bretherne had many chyldren. But for vs ye wryte cronyies / is not neces∣sary to speke of all men but of the noble faders. Sed vide pl’a ī fine ge. ¶ Me∣chisedech this tyme was kynge of Sa∣lem. This man was called a right wyse kynge / for his excedynge holynes. And he offred breed & wyne to Abraham / in signe of a mystery. He was in lyke wyse the preest of ye hye god. ¶ Semiramis the thyrde kynge of Babylon ordeyned an army & went in to ynde / & obteyned the countree. And so by all Asyam & the kyngdome of Assuriorum was dylated And he multyplyed the cite of Babylon myghtely / and made walles aboute it. This Semiramis had a wyfe / & he for soke her. And it is wryten that she was slayne of her sone Ninus / bycause she prouoked hym to ye vleful cōcupiscence Sic di. Aug .xviij. de ci. dei. And ye may∣ster ī his storyes sayth yt she wedded her owne sone / & he gate a childe on her / the whiche ordeyned Babylon to be ye heed of all this realme. ¶ Ninus the fourth kyng of Babylon was sone to grete Ni nus. Of this man lytell is wrytē / but yt he slewe his owne moder / as is said afo¦re. ¶ Arri{us} was ye fyfth kyng of Baby∣lon. And vnder hym was borne Ysaac. ALso Ysaac sone of Abraham of ye lyne of Chryst lyued .C .lxxx. ye∣re. This ysaac had a wyfe called Rebec¦ca / and on her he gate two sones Esau & Iacob. This Esau solde his enherytaū¦ce to his broder Iacob. And he was the fader of Idumeorū / & he had in posses∣syon the hyll of Seyr / & put first mares to asses / wherof was engēdred mules. ¶ About this tyme .xxx. lordshyps and Gomorra for theyr horryble synne were ouerthrowen. The wyfe of Loth lokyn¦ge backwarde / turned in to a salt stone / she weth that no man in the waye of de∣lyberacyon sholde desyre thynges past. Hec Aug. de ciuitate dei. IAcob lyued .C .xlvij. yere. This Iacob had foure wyues or some cōcubynes / yt is to wyte / Lyam / Balā / zelpham / & Rachel. Lyam was ye fyrst wyfe / & she was blere eyed / & she bare hȳ .vi. sones. Iudas / Ruben / Simeon / Leuy / Ysachar / zabulon / & a doughter y• hyght Dyna. Bala seruaūt to Lya & cō cubyne to Iacob bare hym two sones / Dan & Neptalim. Rachel ye secōd wyfe to Iacob was barayn longe tyme / & at the last she bare him two sones / Ioseph & Beniamyn. zelpha seruaūt to Rachel are Iacob .ij. sones / Gad & Asar / & eue∣ryche of these made a tribe / of whom in this place is not necessary to speke. Vi∣de pl’a in gen̄. ¶ Ioseph sone to Iacob was borne .lxxxx. yere of his faders age & he lyued .C. . yere. ¶ This tyme zer∣ses was kyng of Babilon / vnder whom was borne Iacob / & he was ye seuenth kyng of Babylon. ¶ Armauitre was kyng after him. And after saynt Austin in ye mānes dayes our lorde appered to Ysaac {pro}mysynge hym those thynges yt whiche he {pro}mised to his fader. ¶ Belo¦cus the .ix. kyng of Babylon was after this man. And vnder Belocus or in his tyme our lorde spake wt Iacob / promy∣syng hym yt he had {pro}mysed to his fader the whiche were two. The possession of the londe of {pro}myssyon & Chanaam / & ye benediccyon of all ye people in his seed / yt whiche is our lord Iesu chryst. ¶ Abra¦ham aboute this tyme decesed / & was buryed in Nebron. ¶ Inachus the first kyng that euer was in Grece was this tyme / for than the kyngdome began. ¶ Phoromius was kyng after hym / & he ordeyned lawes to the Grekes. &c. Ias sone of Iacob descended of hym / & of this trybe of Iudas ca∣me ye kynges {pro}genye / & at ye last Chryst our lorde. Iudas gate Phares / & Pha∣res Esron / & of these men lytel is had in scripture: but Mathew reherseth them. ¶ Belus in this Phares dayes was kynge of Assurio{rum} / or of Babylon / & he was ye .x. kyng / vnder whom Ysaac de∣cesed. Athlas ye grete astronomer was this tyme / yt whiche is lykened to bere vp heuē on his sholders / bycause of his knowynge in sterres. ¶ Sarapis was the thyrde kynge of Arguio{rum} / or of Gre¦corū / & this Sarapis was otherwyse called Apis / & he came in to Egypt wt a mighty nauy / & there decesed / and was made of ye blynde gentyles ye egypcyens the gretest god amonge them. And yt ty∣me began a meruaylous supstycyon in ydolatry of a calfe of two colours / whi∣che they called Apem / & ye calfe dyed / the deuylles procured a lyke calfe to yt for to be made / yt they myght deceyue ye rude people. And after yt the children of israel dyd so in lyke wyse (vt patz) And what thȳge coude be more wretched or folisshe in man hauyng reason. ¶ Argus was ye fourth kyng of Grekes / after whome ye noble cite of Arg{us} toke his name. Cicro∣phes edyfyed Athenes in Grece / & this cite was ye nouryssher of liberal scyence & of many philosophers / yet they were deceyued by deuils / & grete supsticiosite in ye cite was made (vide Aug{us}. & mira∣bilē fabulā re{per}ies) ¶ Omogires was ye fyrst man yt put oxen to ye plough. ¶ Be∣lus this tyme was kyng of Babylon / & he was the .x. kyng of yt region / & vnder hym dyed Ysaac. ¶ Pharao was kyng of Egypte / whiche receyued Ioseph / & exalted hym for thinterpretacyon of his dremes (vide scīam pulcherrimā{que} histo∣riā. gen̄ .xlij. &c.) ¶ Athus was the xij. kyng of Babilon / vnder whom dyed Ioseph a blissed man in chastite. ¶ Pha¦rao Emonophis about Esdroms dayes was kynge of Egypte / & this Pharao knewe not Ioseph / ne none of his kyn∣rede / & he cōmaūded ye chyldren of israel to be drowned / as it is had Exodi .j. ye clerkes may loke that boke / and we lay folke wyll loke to cronydes / but aboute this tyme the story of Exod began. ARam sone to Esrom of ye lyne of Chryst was about this tyme / & he gate Amynadab & Naason / of these men is lytel wryten in scripture & ther∣fore I {pro}cede to other. ¶ Iob ye holy mā ensample of all pacience this tyme was borne of ye lyne of Nachor broder of Abra¦ham / & he lyued many yeres / & after ye god had assayed hym in his pacience he lyued an .C. & .xl. yere ({per} Aug. gre. & ) Moyses about this tyme was borne / & the children of Israel were in grete per∣plexite / & Moyses was put in ye water to be drowned. Aaron aboute this tyme was borne. ¶ Dafrus was the. . kyng of Babilon / & Moyses was borne vnder hym in Egypte. ¶ Ccrops was the fyrste kynge of Athenes. And after saynt Austyn the Grekes wrote many lesynges in theyr storyes that tyme / for of a lytell thȳge they make a grete fame for to shewe theyr connynge for there was the vniuersite of Grekes. THis time was Amnadab of chri¦stes lyne / sone to Aaron whiche after Moyses wt a full fayth entred in to the reed see / & dradde not whā many an C. were aferde lest they sholde haue ben drowned / & therfore he deserued to bryn¦ge forth ye kynges lygnage / of whome descended our lorde Iesu Chryst. Moy∣ses was the fyrst iudge of Israel ye euer was / and he was iudge .xl. yere. This Moyses was ye moost excellent {pro}phete that euer god made / & the moost notable wryter of storyes / & of his louynge he∣uen & erth speketh. For he sawe our lor∣de face to face / whiche here in scripture was none founde but he & Paule the a∣postle. ¶ Aaron ye first bysshop lyued an C .xxiij. yere. This Aaron was called of god in to ye dignite of ye hye preest / or of a bysshop / & was ordeyned ye eternal testa ment to hȳselfe & them yt came after him for ye grete power of preesthode. Whan he was an .C .xxiij. yere of age he dyed & was buryed in ye hyll of Hor. And his sone Heleazarus succeded in ye bysshop∣ryche. ¶ Pharao Boccaris this tyme was kynge of Egypte / & this Pharao wolde not here ye cōmaūdement of god / ne delyuer the children of Israel / wher fore he was punysshed with .x. plages. Vt pʐ oxod. And after he wt all his hoost were drowned in the reed see. ¶ Nason sone to Amynadab was prince of ye try∣be of Iuda in ye deserte. And about this tyme ye lawe of god was gyuen in ye hyll of Synay / and ye boke of Leuitici was wryten / & an other boke was called Nu merū / & the tabernacle was ordeyned. The boke of deuteronomiū was made. Balaam was prophete & was slayne. SAlmon of the lyne of Chryst was aboute this tyme / & had a wyfe that hyght Reab. Moyses aboute this tyme decesed / ye water of flome Iordan was drye / Ierico was taken / the sonne stode in ye firmamēt vnmeuable (Histo∣ria li. Iosue incipit: et Iudicū) Iosue ye seconde Iudge of Israel was a mighty man in batayle / & the fyrst in deserte / he ouercame Amalech / & after Moyses he was ordeyned of god iudge of Israel / of whome ye batayles / the werkes / & ye re∣ligyous lyfe / ye may se in ye boke of Io∣sue wryten. ¶ Eleazar was the secōde bysshop / & he & Iosue deuyded the loude of promyssyon to the children of Israel. Of hȳ descended almoost all ye bysshops vnto Chryst. ¶ Othonyel of ye trybe of Iuda was ye thyrde iudge / & this man delyuered ye children of israel by batayle from ye realme of Mesopotamye. This man toke Axam to his wyfe / ye whiche asked ye vale londes / aboue & bynethe of her fader Caleph. Vt pʐ iudic .j. ¶ Aoth was the fourth iudge of Israell. This man subdued Eglon ye kyng of Moab / & delyuered the chyldren of Israel. This was a myghty mā in batayle / & he vsed the one as well as ye other for his ryght hande. About this tyme ye kyng of yta∣lye began / & many tymes theyr names be chaūged / of yt whiche {pro}genye ye Ro∣maynes shewe more clerely. ¶ Ianas was ye first kyng in ytalye / & afterward of ye rude gentyles he was worshypped as god / faynynge hȳ to haue two faces For they worshypped his feest in ye begȳ¦nynge of ye yere: as he were ye ende of the last yere / & ye begynnynge of ye fyrst. And of hym ye moneth of Ianuary hath his name. ¶ Amictus was ye .viij. kyng of Babylon / vnder whome Iosue decesed. BOos sone to Salmon of ye lyne of Chryst was this tyme / but of hȳ is lytell wryten / saue ye Mathewe nom∣breth him in ye genealogye. As doctours saye / there was made skyppynge of na mes bytwene Boos & Obeth. For at the lest bytwene them were. ij .C .lxxij. yere The whiche tyme to one man may not be referred / & therfore here many thyn∣ges is spoken or I come agayn to ye lyne of Chryst. Nicola{us} delyra sūt tres Boos vn{us} post aliū. ¶ Sangar was ye v. iudge of israel / but he lyued no yeres. ¶ Delbora was ye .vj. iudge. This Del bora was a woman / & for ye grace of her {pro}phecy was gyuen to her honour yt she iudged israel. She by ye cōmaūdement of god called Baruch yt he shold go fight with ye enemyes of Israel / & ye chyldren of Israel gate ye victory agaynst Iabyn kynge of Chanaan & Cizaram ye prynce of his chiualry / & he destroyed them. Vt pʐ iudicū .iiij. ¶ Phenies was bysshop And this Phenies yet a yonge man for goddes sake slewe many lecherous men & therfore our lord was pleased wt hym. ¶ Saturnus this tyme was kynge in ytalye / & he was ye seconde kyng there / this Saturnus is sayd to come from ye londe of Cretens into ytaly / whome by ydolatry through a meruaylous blynd∣nes they sayd he was no man but a god And yet they sayd that he regned vpon them as theyr kynge / & he taught men to dong theyr feldes. And of Saturnus the Romayns were called Saturniam. ¶ Picus was sone to Saturnus / & or he was kynge in ytalye he was kynge in Laurentyn / & after his decesse of the gentyles was worshypped for a god. GEdeon the .vij. iudge of Israell was this time / this Gedeon sub dued .iiij. kynges. Oreb / zebee / zeb / and Salmana. And he subdued Madean to Israel. Vide pl’a Iudicū .vj. vij. et .viij. ¶ Bocci was bysshop in Israell than. ¶ Abimelech the .viij. iudge in Israell was natural sone to Gedeon / & he was not called of god / but malycyously toke on hym the pryncehode of Israell. And he slewe .lxx. of his bretherne / wherfore he ended his lyfe myscheuously. Vt peʐ iudicū .ix. ¶ Tola was the .ix. iudge of Israel / & this man guyded hym after ye old gouernaūce of iudges by ye maner of direccion & coūseyle / more than by domi naciō. ¶ Bocci was bysshop about this tyme / but of hȳ is lytel wryten. ¶ Iayr the .x. iudge of Israell had .xxx. sones / whome he made prynces of .xxx. cytees And bycause there were good men & ru led to ye pleasure of god. Therfore in the dayes of those two men / Israell drewe to our lord / & therfore all thynge came & was in prosperite & weith. ¶ Fannus was the .iiij. kynge of ytalye / & he was kyng of Laurētyn also. ¶ Latin{us} was kynge in ytalye after Fannus / & of this Latin{us} was ye kȳgdom called Latino. ¶ And Carmētis doughter to Euand foūde first latyn lettres. ¶ Thauranus about this tyme was kyng of Babylon or of Assurior / & vnder this man Troye was destroyed fyrst. The occasyon of ye batayle of Troy began for a lytel thȳge in so moche as Lamydon kyng of Troy teceyued not Hercules & Iason wt due honour as they sholde haue bē receyued & of so lytell a trespace how many har∣mes & hurtes grewe. ¶ Sibilla delphis ca afore ye batayle of Troye prophecyed how a childe sholde be borne of a virgyn wtout manues seed. ¶ Lamydon kyng of Troy was slayne and his doughter Eriona was taken in to Grekes londe. For yt whiche folowed myghty batayle & moost ferefull myscheues. Vide histo¦riam troianā. Hercules with Iason de∣stroyed Iliū or Troy / the whiche anone after was buylded of Priamus sone to Lamydon. This Hercules dyd many meruaylous thynges / & many myghty batayles / & infynyte lesynges ben fay∣ned on hym. It y• last whā he had ouer∣tomē moche people he was betrayed by a sherte y• Deyanira his wyfe sent him enuenymed / & whā he myght not suffre the payne / he ranne in to a fyre & brente hymselfe / & whan he was deed he was worshypped of the gentyles for a god. AFter the deth of Iayr Iudge of Israel / the people of Israel ad∣ded newe synnes to theyr olde / and our lorde toke them in to the power of ye phi∣listiens / & to the children of Amon .xviij. yere / & they were gretly oppressed: & thā they cryed to our lord. Thā Iepte was enspyred with almyghty god / & faught agaynst Amon & the sedycyous people of ye hyll of Effraym. And for an vnpru∣dent voyce he slewe his owne doughter folyshly / & dyd sacriifce to god with her Iudic .xi. et .xij. ¶ Ozy this tyme was bysshop in Israel / & he was of ye seed of Aron by ye lyne of Eleazari / the whiche deed / through ye prouysyon of god ye bys∣shopryche turned to ye lyne of Ythamar an .C. & .xx. yere / in yt whiche lyne Hely was the first hygh bysshop / & Abiathar was the last. ¶ Ebessam was iudge in Israel .vij. yere / & he was the .xij. iudge & he was named otherwyse Boos / the whiche wedded Ruth. ¶ Abialon ye. xiij iudge of Israel was iudge .x. yere. And vnder these tymes ye chyldren of Israel were quyete / & therfore no notable thȳ∣ges were done in these dayes. ¶ Abdon the .xiiij. iudge gouerned in Israel .viij. yere. And about this tyme ye hystory of Ruth was wryten. ¶ Authamis this tyme was kyng of Assurio{rum}. And Pria∣mus kynge of Troy sone to Laomedon buylded his cyte agayne meruaylously stronge / & began batayle wt the Grekes to his owne hurte / & he had a sone was called Hector a leyfull goten sone by his wyfe Eccuba. This man was faythful & wyse / & incōparable of strength & no∣blenes. This Priam{us} had an other sone that was called Paris / the whiche toke away fro ye lōde of Grekes Helena wyfe to Menelaus ye kyng. ¶ Agamenon the kyng broder to Menelaus ye leder of al ye Grekes host faught agaynst Troy / & at the last he wanne ye cite falsly / & to ye gre kes moost shame & sclaūdre yt might be. For certaynly yt myght be called an vn∣happy batayle where no man giueth lo uyng to ye Grekes / but euery man repor teth shame. ¶ Eneas was kyng in yta lye .iij. yere. And this Eneas after that Troy was destroyed of ye Grekes came in to ytalye with .xx. shyppes / and dyd myghty batayles there. And this man had wedded Priam{us} doughter Elinsu∣ram. And he was made a god through the errour of the comyn people / & of this man came Iulius cezar & Octauianus Augustus. ¶ Vlixes an eloquent man amonge all the Grekes after many pe∣rylles on the see / went home to his Pe∣nelopem the moost faythful & the moost chaste woman that is redde of. And the Grekes perisshed wretchedly after that they had destroyed Troye bothe on the water and on the londe as they wente homewarde agayn. And that was the pryncypall date of theyr wrytynge af∣ter that vyctory. For they wrote theyr hystoryes and other wrytynges thus. Anno primo v secūdo. &c. post Troiam captam. And that was the thyrde yere of Abdon iudge of Israel. OBeth of Chrystes lyne sone vnto Boos is rehersed in Mathewe. ¶ Samson ye .xv. iudge regned .xx. yere this Sāson was ye most strōgest man yt euer was / & he delyuered Israell from the Philystyens / & for his meruaylous strength men trowed he had ben Hercu∣les. Et ei{us} nurabilia o{per}a vide iudic .xiij. IEsse sone to Obeth of the lyne of Chryst / otherwyse called ysay fa der to Dauid this tyme lyued a notable man in honeste / no kyng ne grete gouer nour. But of him many tymes is made mencyon in holy scripture. For of hym descended Chryst our sauyour. ¶ This tyme Hely was iudge & bisshop in israel the whiche had .ij. sones / Ophni & Phi nees / & for he corrected them not suffici∣ently / he & they were punisshed bothe of our lorde / for they were slayne of ye Phi∣listiēs / & Hely fell of his sete & brake his necke. This Hely was iudge next after Samson / & not of the lignage of Aron yt was fyrst bysshop of god electe / but of ythamar the lignage dured an .C. & .xx. yere / in yt whiche lignage Hely was the fyrst bysshop / & Abiathar the last. Vide plura .j. regum. THis tyme Saul was kynge in Israell after the mayster in his hystoryes / & Iosephus in his .viij. boke This Saul was ye fyrst kyng in Israel & regned .xx. yere / the whiche or he was kynge was a good man & electe of god / but afterwarde wretchedly he fayled / & he was slayne and his thre sones on the hylles of Gylboy. ¶ In ye tyme of Saul Samuel was iudge & {pro}phete in Israel an holy man / & borne of a barayn moder many a daye / & he mynystred afore our lorde from a chylde to his age / and was not hygh bysshop / but he iudged Israel all ye dayes of his lyfe / & was ye very pro phete of god. Two kynges he enoynted Saul fyrst / & after Dauyd. This Sa∣muel alone and Moyses are redde / that they prayed for theyr enemyes in all the olde testamēt. Of this Samuel & Saul ben dyuers opynyons. Isoder sayth ye Samuel & Saul ruled Israel .xl. yere. And Iosephus in his .viij. boke / & the mayster in his storyes sayen Samuel to be iudge .xij. yere alone. And after hȳ Saul to regne .xx. yere. Vide plura .j. xe guin. AScanius the .vij. kyng of ytaly was sone to Eneas / & buylded ye cite of Albion / & he was called the kyng of Albanon. This Ascanius gate Sil∣uius the .viij. kyng of ytaly / the whiche Siluius was fader vnto Brute kynge of Brytayn / now called Englonde. And I leue of the kynges of ytalye for they dyd but lytell noble thynges tyll it be co men to Romul{us} & Remus ye buylded Ro∣me / & than shall those kynges come a∣gayn. And now to {pro}cede to ye cronycles of Englonde / for yt whiche namely this boke is made. ¶ Venys & Padua were buylded about this tyme of ye resydue of the Troyans. ¶ Homere ye grete poete about this tyme was / yt whiche wrote & fayned gloryously many a lesynge. IN the noble londe of Sirrie there was a noble kynge & myghty & a man of grete renome yt was called Dio∣clesyan that well & worthely hȳ gouer∣ned & ruled through his noble chyualry So yt he conquered all the londes about hym / so that almoost all ye kynges of the worlde to hȳ were attendaūt. It befell thus yt this Dioclesian spoused a gētyll damoysel yt was wonders fayre / yt was his vncles doughter Labana / & she lo∣ued hym as reason wolde / so yt he gate on her .xxxiij. doughters / of yt whiche ye eldest was called Albyne / and these da∣moyselles whan they came vnto age be came so fayre yt it was wonder / whereof Dioclesian anone let make a somnynge & cōmaunded by his lettres that all the kynges yt helde of hym sholde come at a certayn daye as in his lettres were con∣teyned to make a feest royal. At whiche daye thyder they came / & brought with them admyrats / princes / dukes & noble chualry. The feest was royally arayed and there they lyued in ioye and myrth ynough yt it was wonder to wyte. And it befell thus ye Dyoclesyan thought to mary his doughters amonge all those kynges yt were at ye solempnite. And so they spake & dyd that Albyne his eldest doughter & all her systers rychely were maryed to .xxxiij. kynges yt were lordes of grete honour at this solempnite. And whan this was done euery kynge toke his wyfe & ladde them in to theyr owne coūtre / & there made them quenes. And it befell thus afterward yt this dame Al∣bine became so stoute & so sterne that she tolde lytel pryce of her lorde / & of hyȳ had scorne & despyte / & wold not do his wyll but she wold haue her owne wyll in dy¦uers maters. And all her other systers euerychone bare them so euyll agaynst theyr lordes yt it was wonder to wyte. And for as moche yt them thought that theyr husbondes were not of so hye pa∣rentage comē as theyr fader. But those kynges yt were theyr lordes wold haue chastysed them with fayre maner vpon al loue & frendshyp yt they shold amende theyr euyll condicyons. But all was for nought / for they dyd theyr owne wyll in all thynge yt them lyked & had of power Wherfore those .xxxiij. kynges vpon a tyme & often tymes bette theyr wyues For they wende that they wold hauea∣mended them & theyr tatches & wycked¦nes. But of suche condicions they were that for fayre speche & warnynge they dyd all ye worse / & for betynges eftsones moche the worse. Wherfore the kyng yt had wedded Albyne wrote the tatches and condicyons of his wyfe Albyne / & the lettre sent to Dyoclesyan her fader. And whan the other kynges herde that Albynes lorde had sente a lettre to Dio∣clesyan / anone they sente lettres sealed with theyr seales the condicyons & tat∣ches of theyr wyues. Whan the kynge Dioclesyan sawe & herde so many com∣playntes of his doughters / he was sore ashamed and became wonderssy angry and wroth toward his doughters / and thought how he myght amende it that they so mysoyd / & anone sent his lettres to the .xxxiij. kynges yt they sholde come to hym / & brynge wt them theyr wyues euerychone at a certayn day / for he wol¦de there chastyse them of theyr wycked¦nes yf he myght ī ony maner wyse. So that ye kynges came all at ye tyme & daye that tho was set bytwene hym and the kynges. Dioclesyan receyued them wt moche honour / & made a soleme feest vnto all that were vndernethe his lord∣shyp. And the thyrde daye after that so∣lempnite ye kynge Dioclesyan sent after his .xxxiij. doughters yt they shold come & speke with hym in his chambre. And whā they were come / he spake to them of theyr wyckednes & of theyr cruelte / & angerly them reproued & blamed & said to them. That yf they wolde not be cha¦stysed / they sholde lose his loue for euer∣more. And whan ye ladyes herde al this they became abasshed & gretly ashamed & sayd to theyr fader yt they wolde make all amēdes. And so they departed out of theyr faders chambre. And Albyne that was ye eldest syster ladde them all to her chambre / & tho made to voyde al yt were therin / so yt no psone was amonge them but she & her systers togyder. Thāsayd this Albyne. My fayre systers / well we knowe yt the kyng our fader vs hath re∣proued / shamed & despysed / for bycause to make vs obedyent to our husbondes but certaynly yt shall I neuer whyles ye Ilyue / syth that I am come of a more hyer kynges blode than myn husbonde is. And whan she had thus said / all her systers sayd ye same. And than sayd Al∣byne. Well I wote fayre systers / yt our husbondes haue cōplayned vnto our fa¦der vpon vs / wherfore he hath vs thus foule reproued & despysed / wherfore sy∣sters my coūseyle is yt this night whan our husbōdes ben a bedde / all we wt one assent to kytte theyr throtes / & than we may be peas of them / & better we may do this vnder our faders power thā ony where els. And anone all ye ladyes con∣sented & graūted to this counseyle. And whānyght was comen / the lordes & la¦dyes went to bedde. And anone as theyr lordes were aept / they kytte all theyr husbōdes throtes / & so they shewe them all. Whan Dioclesian theyr fader herde of this thynge / he became wroth ryght furyously agaynst his doughters / & a∣none he wole them all haue brent. But all the harons & lordes of Srrye coun∣seyled not so for to do suche straytnes to his owne doughters / but shold boyde ye londe of them for euermore / so that they neuer sholde come agayne / & so he dyd. And Dioclesyan yt was theyr fader ano¦ne cōmaūded them to go in to a shyppe / & delyuered to them itayles for halfe a yere. And whan this was done / all the systers wente in to the shyppe & sayled forth in ye see / & betoke all theyr frendes to Appolyn yt was theyr god & so longe they sayled in the see yll at the last they came & arryued in an yle yt was all wyl¦dernes. And whan dame yne was come to ye londe & all her systers this ¦byne went fyrst forth out of ye shyppe & sayd to her other systers. For as moche as I am ye eldest syster of all this cōpa∣ny / & first this londe haue take / & for as moche as my name is Albne / I wyl this londe be called Albion after my owne name. And anone all her systers graūted to her with a good wyll. Than went out of ye shyppe all ye systers & toke the londe Albion as theyr syster called it & there they went vp & downe & foūde neyther man ne woman ne chylde but wylde beestes of dyuers kyndes. And whan theyr ttayles were dispruded & sayled / they fedde them with herbes & fruytes in season of yt yere / & so they ∣ued as they best myght / & after yt they toke flesshe of dyuers beestes & bera wonders fae / & so they desyred mānes company / & mānes kynde them fayed. And for here they wexed wonders cou∣ragyous of kynde / so that they desyred more mannes company than ony other solace or myrth. Whan the deuyll yt per∣yued went by dyuers coūtries & toke a body of ye ayre / & lykyng natures sh of men / & came in to ye londe of Albion / & lay by those women & shad tho natures vpon them / & they conceyued & brought forth gyaūtes. Of whiche one was cal∣led Gogmagog / & another Langerigan And so they were named by dyuers na∣mes / & in this maner they came forth & were borne horryble gyaūtes in Albion And they dwelled in caues & in hylles at theyr wyll / & had the londe of Albion as them lyked / vnto ye tyme that Brute arryued & came to Totnes yt was in the yle of Albion / & there this Brute cōque∣red & discōfyted ye gyaūtes aboue sayd. BE it knowen that in ye noble cite of grete Troy there was a noble knyght and a man of grete power that was called Eneas. And whan ye cite of Troy was lost & destroyed through them of Grece. This Eneas with all his meyny fledde thens & came in to Lombardy. And tho was lorde & gouernour of that londe a kyng that hyght Latyne. And another kynge there was ye hyght Turocelyne that strongly warred vpon this kynge Latyne / ye oftentymes dyd hym moche harme. And whan this kynge Latyne herde yt Eneas was come / he receyued hym with moche honour / & hym with helde for as moche as he had herd of hȳ and wyst well yt he was a noble knight and a worthy of his body & of his dedes This Eneas helped kynge Latyne in his wa / & shortly for to tell / so well & so worthely he dyd / that he slewe Turo∣celyne / & dyscomfyted hym & all his peo¦ple. And whan all this was done / kyng Latyne gaue all ye londe that was Tu∣rocelynes to this noble man Eneas i maryage with Lauyne his doughter the moost fayrest creature that ony man wyst. And so they lyued togyder in ioye and myrth all the dayes of theyr lyues. ¶ And after Ascanius sone to Eneas wedded a wyfe / and vpon her he gate a sone that was called Siluine. And this Siluyne whan he coude some reason of man vnwytyng his fader and agaynst his wyll acqueynted hym wt a damoy∣sel that was cosyn to Lauyne that was kynge Latynes doughter ye quene that was Eneas wyfe / and brought the da∣moysell with chylde. And whan Asca∣nius his fader it wyst / anone let enquy∣re of the wysest maysters and of the gre¦test clerkes what chylde the damoysell sholde brynge forth. And they answered and sayd / that she sholde brynge forth a sone that shold kyll bothe his fader and his moder. And so he dyd. For his mo∣der dyed in berynge of hym. And whan this chylde was borne his fader let call hym Brute. And ye maysters sayd that he sholde do moche harme and sorowe in many dyuerse places / and after he sholde come to grete honour and wor∣shyp. This kyng Ascanius dyed whan god wolde / and Siluyne his sone recey¦ued the londe / and made hym wonder∣ly well beloued among his people. And so whā Brute that was Siluynes sone was .xv. yere olde he went vpon a daye with his fader for to playe & solace. And as Brute shold haue shotte vnto an hart his arowe myshapped & glanced / and so there Brute slewe his fader. ANd whan this mischaūce was befallen / all ye people of the londe made grete sorowe / and were sore dys∣pleased. And bycause therof they droue Brute out of ye londe / & wolde not suffre hym amonge them. And whan he sawe that he might not abyde there / he went from thens in to Grece / & there he foūde vij. thousande men that were of ye kyn∣rede of Troye / and were comen of grete blode as the story telleth / as of men and women & children / the whiche were all holden in thraldome & bondage of kyng Pandras of Grece / for ye deth of Achyl∣les that was betrayed & slayne at Troy This Brute was a wōders fayre man and a stronge & huge of his age / and of gladde chere & semblaūt / & also worthy of body / & was well beloued amōge his people. This kyng Pandras herde spe∣ke of his goodnes & condicyons / & anone made hym to dwell with hym. So that Brute became wonders preuy & moche beloued with ye kynge / & dwelled longe tyme with the kynge. So at ye last they of Troy & Brute spake togyder of kyn∣rede & lygnage & of acqueyntaūce / and there complayned them vnto Brute of theyr sorowe & of theyr bondage / and of many other shames ye kynge Pandras had done to them / & to Brute they sayd vpon a tyme. Ye be a lord of our lignage & a stronge man & a myghty / be ye our capytayne & gouernour / & we wyll be∣come your men / & fulfyll al your cōmaū dementes / & brynge vs out of this wret chednes & bondage / & we wyll fyght wt the kyng for trouth / with the grace of ye grete god we shall ouercome hym & we shall make you kynge of this londe / & to you do homage / & of you we shall holde for euermore. Brute had tho grete pyte of theyr bondage yt they were brought in / & pryuely went fro ye kynges courte / and tho that were of Troy went & put them in to woodes & in to moūtaynes / & helde them there / and sente vnto kynge Pandras that he sholde gyue them ly∣cence for to departe safely out of his lōde and kyngdom / for they wolde no longer dwell in his bondage. Whan kyng Pan¦dras herde this / he was sore vexed and anoyed / & tho sware that he wolde e them euerychone / and ordeyned a grete power / and went towardes them for to fyght with them. But Brute and his men manly them defended and fyersly fought / & slewe all the kynges men that none of them escaped / and toke ye kynge and put hym in pryson / and ordeyned a coūseyle amonge them selfe what they myght do wt the kynge. And some sayd that he sholde be put to deth / and some sayd that he sholde be exyled out of the londe / & some sayd yt he sholde be brent. And than spake a wyse knyght yt was called Mempris & sayd to Brute & to all them of Troy. Yf kyng Pandras wolde yelde hym & haue his lyfe / I coūseyle yt he gyue vnto Brute (that is our duke & our souerayn) his doughter Geog to wyfe / & in maryage with her an hon¦dred shyppes well arayed / & all his trea¦sour of golde & syluer / of corne & of wyne and as moche as we nede of one thynge & other / & than go we out of this londe and ordeyne vs a lōde els where / for we nor none of our kynrede yt come after vs shall neuer haue peas in this londe a∣monge them of Grece / for we haue ay∣ne so many of theyr knyghtes & of other frendes that euermore warre & dyscord shall be amonge vs. Brute tho & all his folke consented gladly to ye coūseyle / and this thȳge they tolde to kyng Pandras And he for to haue his lyfe / graūted as moche as they demaunded / and anone gaue vnto Brute the fayre lady Genno∣gen his doughter to wyfe / and an hon∣dred shyppes with as moche as them of all vytayles / as afore was or∣deyned. Thā Brute toke his wyfe & all his men that forsoke the londe of Grete & went to the see / & had wynde & weder at theyr wyll / & came the thyrde daye in to an yle that was called Logres. This Brute anone sent of his men to londe for to espye ye maner of ye coūtrce. And they founde an olde cite all wasted & forlet / so that there was neyther man nor womā therin dwellynge. And in the myddle of this cyte they foūde an olde temple of a fayre lady that was called Diane the goddesse. And they came agayne vnto Brute & tolde hym what they had seen & foūde / & they coūseyled hym to go & do sacrifyce vnto dame Diane / for she was wont to gyue answere of what thynge that mē asked her / & namely vnto them that honour her with sacryfyce. Brute wente vnto yt ymage & sayd. Diane no∣ble goddesse that all thynge hast in thy myght / wyndes / waters / woodes / fel∣des / & all thynges of ye worlde / & all ma∣ner of beestes that ben therin / vnto you I make my prayer / that ye coūseyle me and tell / where & in what plāce I shall haue a cōuenyent place to dwell in with my folke. And there I shall make in the honour of the a fayre temple & a noble / wherin ye shall alwaye be honoured. Whan he had done his prayer / Diane answered in this maner. Brute sayd she go euen forth thy way ouet the see in to fraūce towarde the west / & there ye shal fynde an yle that is called Albion / & that yle is becompassed all with the see / & no man may come therin but it be by shyp∣pes / & in that londe were wont to dwell gyauntes / but now it is not so / but all wyldernes / & that londe is destenyed & ordeyned for you & for your people. ANd whan Brute had this an∣swere of Diane the goddesse / a∣none he let wȳde vp the ancres & sayled in to the hye see. And whā he & his men had sayled .xx. dayes & more / they foūde fall besyde a coost of the see a. M. men of the kynrede of Troy / & theyr souerayne mayster was called Coryn. And whan Brute wyst whens they were / he toke them wt moche ioye in to his shyppes / & so he ladde them forth with hym. This Coryn there became Brutes man / & to hȳ dyd homage. And so lōge they sayled forth in the see tyll they came in to Gas∣coyne / & anone they arryued in ye hauen of Lyegers / & there they dwelled .viij. dayes for to rest them / and to amende theyr sayles there as they had nede. Ty dynges soone came to kyng Goffar that was lord of that londe how that moche people of straunge londe were arryued in to his londe in the hauen of Lyegers wherfore he was sore angred & anoyed that they came and arriued in his londe without his lycence & his leue. And a∣none ordeyned hym a grete power for to dryue out Brute & to destroye hym & all his people. But it was so ye kynge Gof∣far was dyscomfyted & all his people / & hymselfe fledde in to fraunce for to haue helpe & socour. And in yt tyme regned in fraunce .xij. kynges / and .xj. of them as∣sembled a grete power for to belpe Gof∣far / & for to fyght agaynst Brute. This Goffar dwelled wt the kynges of fraūce halfe a yere & more. And in the meane tyme that Goffar was in fraūce / Brute & his company destroyed all the londe of Gascoyne / and let take all the treasour that kynge Goffar had / & made it to be brought in to his shyppes. ¶ And this Brute foūde in that londe a fayre place and a conueny ent / & there he let make a fayre castell and a stronge. Whan this was all done / kynge Goffar came from fraunce and .xj. kynges with hym / and brought wt hym .xx. M. men for to fyght with Brute & his company. And Brute had but .vij. M. and .iij. C. men / & neuer theles whan ye two hoostes mette togy∣der / Brutes folke through helpe of hym selfe & of Turyn his cosyn & of Coryn / y• well & manly him defended / so y• within a whyle they had slayne of y• frenshmen moo than two. M. Anone all tho y• were alyue fledde away. And in this batayle Turin Brutes cosyn was slayne / & Bru¦te let bury hym worthely whan he had space in ye castell yt he had made / & tho let call yt same castell Tours / for bycause of the name of Turin yt there was buryed And yet vnto this daye there is a noble cite yt is called Tours. And whan kyng Goffar wyst yt Turyn was deed / he ca∣me agayne wt his men & gaue a stronge batayle to Brute. But Brute & his men were so wery for fightȳge yt they might no longer endure / & than went in to his castel wt all his men: & made y• gates fast for to saue them / & toke coūseyle amōge them what they sholde do. Brute & Co∣ryn gaue coūseyle & ordeyned pryuely y• Coryn shold go out and busshe hym in a wode tyll on y• morowe / so yt in the mor∣nynge whan Brute sholde fyght wt his enemyes / Coryn shold come wt his folke on ye one syde & slee & do all ye harme yt he myght. And on the morowe at the daw∣nynge of y• daye Brute wente out of the castel & fought fyersly wt his enemyes / & they manly defended them. But within a lytell tyme Brūte & his men slewe. viij hondred of kynge Goffers men / & than came Corin wt the busshemēt / & he & his company smote to the groūde all those y• wolde stande or abyde / so ye kynge Gof∣far & his company were discomfyted / & fast they began to flec. And Brute & Co∣ryn with theyr company fyersly them pursued / and slewe moo of them in the fleynge than they dyd in y• batayle. And in this maner Brute had y• victory / ne∣uertheles Brute made moche sorow for his cosyn Turyn that there was slayne & other also that he had lost of his men / that is to saye .vij. hondred and .xv. the whiche nobly he buryed in the same ca∣stell of Tours / there where that he had buryed Turyn his cosyn. ANd whā all this was done Brute wold no longer dwell there for to fyght & lose his men. For kyng Goffers peo¦ple myght euery day encrease moo and moo / & Brutes men lessed / & therfore he toke all his men & wente vnto the see / & had wynde & weder at theyr wyll. And the fyfth daye after they arryued in an hauen at Cornes / & came in to this re∣alme yt than was called Albyon / where they founde neyther man nor woman / saue grete gyauntes / & they dwelled in mountaynes & in cauernes. And Brute sawe the londe was fayre and at his ly kynge / and was good also for hym & for all his people / as Diane ye goddesse had behyght hym. And therof was Brute wonders gladde / and let assemble vpon a daye all his folke to make a solempne sacrifyce and a grete feest in ye honour & reuerēce of Diane the goddesse / whiche had coūseyled hȳ fyrst to come in to this londe. And whā they had done theyr so∣lē pnite / as they sate at theyr meet vpon a daye there came in vpon them .xxx. gy¦auntes / and slewe .xxx. of Brutes men. Brute & his mē anone stert vp & fought with the gyauntes / & slewe them eue∣rychone / saue one yt was called Gogma¦gog / & he was mayster of all y• gyaūtes & he was strōger & hyer than ony of the other / & Brute kepte hym for to wrastle with Corin his man / for he was greter and hyer than ny of Brutes men from the gyrdelstede vpwarde. Gogmagog & Corin vndertoke there for to wrastle / & so togyder they went / & wrastled a lōge tyme / but at the last Gogmagog helde Coryn so fast yt he brake two rybbes in his syde / wherfore Coryn was sore an∣gry / & there he toke Gogmagog bytwe∣ne his armes & cast hym downe vpon a roche / soo that Gogmagog brake all to peces / & so he dyed an euyll deth / & ther∣fore the place is called yet vnto this day the saute of Gogmagog. And thā after Brute gaue all that coūtree vnto Corin And than Corin called it after his name Cornewayle / & his men ben called Cor∣newayles / & so sholde men of that coun∣tree be called for euermore. And in that countree dwelled Corin & his men / and they made townes and houses / & euha∣byted that londe by theyr owne wyll. ¶ London. BRute & his men wente forth and sawe aboute in dyuerse places where yt they myght fynde a good place and coue∣nable that they myght buylde and ma∣ke a cyte on / for hym and for his folke. And so at the last they came by a fayre ryuer / whiche now is called Temmes / and there Brute began to buylde a fay∣re cyte / and called it newe Troye / in re∣membraunce of grete Troye / from the whiche place all theyr lygnage was co¦men. And this Brute let fell downe wo∣des / & let ere & sowe londes / & let mawe down medowes for ye sustenaūce of hȳ & his people. And thā he departed ye londe to them / so yt eche of them had a parte & place to dwell in. And thā Brute let call all this londe Brytayne after his name and his folke Brytons. And this Brute had gotē on his wyfe Gennogen .iij. so∣nes yt were worthy of dedes / ye first was called Lotryn / ye seconde Albanak / & the thyrde Cambar / & Brute bare crowne in the cite of newe Troy .xx. yere after y• tyme that ye cyte was made. And there he made the lawes yt the Britons holde And this Brute was wondersly well be ioued amonge all his people. And Bru∣tes sones also loued wondersly well to∣gyder. And whan Brute had sought all the londe in length & brede / he founde a londe yt ioyned to Brytayne in the north And that londe Brute gaue to Albanak his sone / & let call it Albanye after his name / yt now is called Scotlonde. And Brute foūde an other countree to warde the west / and gaue that to Cambar his other sone / & let call it Cambar after his name / and now it is called Wales. And whan Brute had regned .xx. yere / than he dyed in the cite of newe Troye. AFter Brute regned Lotryn his sone / that was ye seconde kynge in Brytayn. And he began to regne the seconde yere of Samuel. This Lotryn was crowned kyng wt grete solempnite of all Brytayne: And after whā he was crowned kyng / Albanak & Cambar his bretherne departed in to theyr owne coū¦trees / & there they lyued with moche ho¦nour and worshyp. And Lotryn regned well & wysely / & was moche beloued of his people. And it befell so yt as Albanak dwelled in his his owne londe wt moche ho∣nour & worship / there came kyng Hum bar of Hunlonde with a grete power / & ryued in Albanye / & wold haue cōque¦ the londe / and began to warre vpon Albanak / slowe hȳ in batayle. Whan Albanak was deed / the people of ye lōde fledde vnto Lotryn & tolde him bycause he was kynge of Brytayne how yt his broder was slayne / & prayed hym of his helpe & socour for to auenge his broders deth. Lotryn thā anone let assemble all the Brytons of Kent / of Douer vnto de∣rewent / of Norfolke & Suffolke / of Keft fen & Lyndessey. And whan they were assembled / they sped them fast towarde theyr enemyes for to gyue them batayle And Lotryn had sente to Cambar his broder yt he sholde come vnto hym with all ye power that he myght make / for to helpe hym to auenge his broders deth. And so he dyd with a good wyll. Whan they came togider they toke theyr waye pryuely for to go seke kynge Humbar where they myght fynde hym. And so it befell that this kynge Humbar was besyde a water that was a grete ryuer with his folke for to dysporte hym. And there came Lotryn & Cambar his bro∣der with all theyr folke sodeynly or that ony of theyr enemyes wyst. And whan Humbar sawe them come / he was sore adrad / for as moche as his men wyst not afore / and also they were vnarmed. And anone Humbar for drede in to the water and drowned hymselfe / and so he dyed / and his men were all flayne in so moche that there escaped not one awaye on lyue. And therfore is that wa¦ter called Humbar / and euermore shall be as longe as the worlde standeth / for bycause that this kynge Humbar was drowned therin. And after that Locryn went to his shyppes & toke there golde and syluer as moche as he founde vnto himselfe / & all that other pylfre be gaue vnto other folke of his hoost. And they founde in one of the shyppes a fayre da∣moyfell whiche was kynge Humbars doughter / and she was called Estrylde. And whan kynge Lotryn sawe her / he toke her with hym bycause of the grete beaute and fayrnes that he sawe in her And for her he was ouertaken in loue / and wolde haue wedded her. These ty∣dynges came to Corin: & anone thought to auenge hym on Lotryn / for as moche as Lotryn had promised hym to wedde Guentolyn his doughter. And Corin in haste toke his waye to newe Troy vnto hym / & sayd thus to Lotryn. Certes ye rewarde me full euyll for ye paynes that I haue had for your fader Brute / wher fore syth it is so I wyll auenge me now on the. And with yt drewe his swerde & wolde haue slayne Lotryn ye kyng. But the damoysel went bytwene them / and made them to be accorded in this maner that Lotryn sholde take Guentolyn Co∣rins doughter to wyfe. And so Lotryn dyd. Neuertheles after he was maryed he wente pryuely to Estrylde & gate on her a doughter that was called Abram And it befell so yt anone after Corin dyed & after whan he was deed / Lotryn for∣soke Guentolyn that was his wyfe / & made Es quene. And than Guen∣tolyn dep frō thes grete wrath in to Corie / & there seased all the londe in to her owne haors / for as mo∣che as she was her faders heyre / & toke homage of all y• men of y• londe. And af∣terwarde she assembled a grete hoost & a myghty of men for to be auenged vpon Lottyn y• was her lorde / & gaue hym a stronge but a yle / where Lotryn her hus¦bonde was slayne / & his men discōfyted in the .v. yere of his regne. Guētolyn let take Estrylde & Abram her doughter / & bounde them bothe handes & fete & cast them bothe in to a water / & so they were droed / wherfore y• water was euer∣more after called Abram / after y• name of y• damoysell y• was Estyldes dough∣ter / & englysshe men call that water Se¦uerine / & walshmen call it Abram yet vn to this daye. And whan this was done Guol yn let crowne her quene of all y• londe. And she gouerned the londe well and wysely vnto thty me that her sone that Lotryn had goten was .xx. yere of age / that he myght be kyng. And so the quene regd .xv. yere And than let she crowne her sone kyng / and he regned and gouerned the well & worthtly. And his moder went in to Cornewayle / and there she dwelled all the dayes of her lyfe. THis Madan sone to Lotryn reg∣ned on the Brytons .xl. yere / the whiche began to regne the .xv. yere of Saul. And this Madan lyued in peas all his dayes / & gate two sones / Mem∣pris and Maulyn. Than he dyed / and lyeth at newe Troye. Auyd the seconde kynge Israell regned this tyme man chosen after y• desy god. And he was anoy in his yonge age by Sam / & after y• deth of kynge Saul he regd. x. This Dd was as a in mankynde / in whome was so moche power & so moche humyte / so moche noblenes & so moche / so grete a charge of seculer thynges / & so pure & beuoute contemplacyon of spi∣rytuall thynges / so many men to e / & so many teres to epe for his espace. ide plura. . regum. ¶ Abathar this tyme was bisshop / & he fledde fro Saul vnto Dauid / & he was gloryous with hym all his dayes. Gd / Nathan / and Asoph were prophetes than. And Na∣than was broders sone to Dauid. THis Mēpris & his broder Mau∣lyu stroue fast for the londe. And Mempris began to regne the .xxxv. yere of Dauid: & for bycause that he was the eldest sone he wold haue had all y• londe / and Maulyn wolde not suffre hym / so y• they toke a day of loue & accorde / and at this daye Mempris let kyll his broder through treason / & hymselfe afterward helde the londe / & anone let crowne hym kyng & regned / & after became so lyther a man yt he wtin a whyle all y• men of his londe. And at the last he be∣came so wycked & so lecherous y• he for∣soke his owne wyfe & vsed the synne of sodomye / wherfore almighty god was gretly displeased & wroth with hym / & vpon hym toke vengeaunce bycause of his wyckednes. For vpon a daye as he went forth on huntyng in a forest there he lost all his men y• were with hym / & wyst not what he shold do / & so he went p & downe hymselfe alone / & cryed af∣ter his mē / but they were gone / & there came wolues anone & all to drewe hym in peces / whan he had regned .xxiiij. ye¦re. And whā his people herde y• he was so deed / they made ioy & myrth ynough and anone made Ebra his sone kynge / and he regned with moche honour. SAlomon the kyng of peas of the gyfte of our lor had a synguler excedynge aboue all men y• euer was in this world / but alonely god in wysdom & in tychesse / in deyntees & in glory / & a miliarite wt god. And all though Moy∣ses & Dauid / Peter & Paule / Ierome & Austyn / & other moo exceded hym in ho∣lynes / but yet they exded hym not glorye & rychesse. And this man so exce∣dynge all men / wretchedly . Of this Salomon is redde in an epystle of sa Ierome / y• he gate a chylde on y• dough∣ter of Pharao at x. yere of his age. V∣de psa regū. ¶ Sadoch this tyme was bysshop / & for he deriyned not to y• parte of Adonie Dauids sone / but was with Nathan for Salomon / & Abatha on the other parte was deposed. ROboas succeded Salomō his der in his kyngdome / but not wysdome. He was deceyued through y• coūseyle of yonge men / & lost .x. / in so moche as he answered no wysely the people / as it is open. regum. ¶ Achimias was bysshop / and was y• sone of Sadoth. Vt pʐ. . Parapo. I Heroas regned kyng in Israel xxij. yere / & he was fyrst of y• hous holde of Salomon and a good man▪ but whā he was made kyng he was a mys¦chenous ydolatry / & made israel to synne iry / & many grete incō∣uenyentes one▪ almoost to the de∣struyon of Israel. For he was y• fy∣gure of Ma. de pa .iij. regū. ¶ Abdias y• son of Robas regned in Iewry thre yere / and other whyle as a good mā & holpen by god / & other whyle wretchedly disposed in ydolatry / & ther fore our lorde suffred him to regne but a lytell tyme. Vt pʐ .iij. regū. et .ij. para. ASa the sone of Abdias regned xvj. yere / in the begynnynge of his regne he was a ryght wys man / & walked as Dauyd dyd / & he ouercame the Ethyopes / & destroyed ydolles. But after that he was sworne to the kyng of Sirry Benedab / for Baasa kyng of Is∣rael than began warre agaynst hym / y• whiche displeased god / wherfore he sent hym y• prophete Anani / whome he put in prison / and therfore he had the gowte strongly & dyed therof. Vt ptʐ .iij. regū .ij. para. Azarias sone to Achonias was bysshop. ¶ Nadab kyng of Israel reg∣ned two yere / y• whiche began to regne the seconde yere of Asa kyng of Iewes / & dyd not as his fader. And Baasa ouer threwe hym / & regned for hym. Vt pa∣tet .iij. regum. ¶ Baasa kyng of Israel regned .xxiiij. yere / the whiche began to regne the thyrde yere of Asa kyng of Ie∣wes / & he walked in the synnes of Ihe∣roboam / and slewe Iehen the prophete. ¶ Hela the sone of Baasa regned in Is∣rael two yere / & zamri slewe hym & reg∣ned .vij. dayes. ¶ Amri regned .xij. yere & dyd nought as his predecessours dyd. ¶ Acha sone to Amri regned on Israel xxij. yere / & aboue all y• were afore hym he was cursed / for wycked Iesabel ru∣led more than he / and meued hym to fo∣lowe her. Vt patet .iij. regum. THis Ebrac regned .lx. yere / & he was a stronge & a myghty man & through his myght & helpe of his bry∣tons cōquered all fraūce / & wanne there so moche gold & sylue / y• whan hcame agayne in to this londe he made a e / & after his own name called it Ebrac / y• is now called Euery wyk. And this kyng made ye castell of maydens / yt now is cal¦led Edenburgh. This kyng had .xix. so∣nes & .xxiij. doughters by diuers womē goten / and these sones were called as ye shall here. Brute grenesheld / Margand Seisell / Morgh¦wyth / Flengha / Bla¦dud / Iakȳ / Kinbar / Roselm / Spadogh Godeherl / Thormnan / Gildaugh / Ior∣kanghut / Haibor / Ketin / Rother / Kaier and Assaruth. And ye doughters hyght as foloweth. Elegine / ymogē / Oghdas Guenbran / Gnardich / Augarel / Guent hold / Tāgustel / Gorghō / Michel / Med¦han / Mailour / Ondur / Cābredan / Ra∣gan / Renthely / Neest / Cheghan / Skal¦dud / Glad{us} / Heberhyn / Abalaghe / and Blandau / & these were the .xxiij. dough¦ters. And the bretherne became all good knyghtes & worthy in many coūtrees. AFter y• deth of kynge Ebrac reg∣ned Brute greneshelde his sone xxx. yere / whiche was Ebracs first sone that well & nobly regned / & whan tyme came he dyed / and lyeth at yorke ANd whan kynge Brute grene∣sheld was deed regned his sone Leyll .xxij. yere / and he made a fayre towne and let call it Karleyll after his owne name. And he was a worthy man and well beloued of his people / & whan he had regned .xxij. yere he dyed & lyeth at Karleyl. ¶ And in this tyme regned kynge Salomon in Ierusalē / & made y• noble temple. And to him came Sibelle quene of Saba for to here & se yf it were soth y• mē spake of y• grete & noble wytte & wysdome of kyng Salomon. And she foūde it sothe that men had her tolde. IOsaphat kynge of Iewes was a good man & a ryche / & a deuout in the waye of our lord / & regned .xxv. yere and dyd none yll / but to y• cursed kyng of Israel gaue helpe / & other lytel thȳges And therfore our lorde was wt hym. Vt pʐ .ij. para. ¶ Helyas the grete {pro}phete was this tyme an holy man yt was lyf∣ted vp in to paradyse wt grete solace in a chayre. Marcheas & Abdias prophecyed with hym. ¶ Ochosias sone of Achab regned in Israel two yere / and sente to Belsabub god of Acharan to be heled / for the whiche he dyed / after y• sayenge of Helye. Vt patet .iiij. regum. ANd this kynge Lud Ludibras made the cite of Caunterbury & Wynchestre / & he regned .xxxix. yere / & than he dyed / & lyeth at Wynchestre. AFter this Lud ludibras regned Bladud his son a grete nygro∣mancer / & through his craste of nygro∣māy he made a meruaylous hote bath as the Iest telleth / and he regned .xxj. yere / and lyeth at newe Troye. IOram kyng of Iewes sone to Io¦saphat regned .viij. yere. this Io∣ram was a cursed man / and had a good fader / he slewe his brethern / & wretched¦ly lyued as dyd the kynges of Israell / therfore he was sore correcked and dyed vnhappely. Vt pʐ .i. para. ¶ This ty∣me Helyas was tauysshed in to para∣dyse. ¶ Ochosias or Asarias kynge of Iewes regned one yere / & liued nought as his fader dyd / & anone was slayne wt all the hous of Achab. ¶ Achalia moder to Asarias toke the kyngdome / & slewe all the kynges blode / & regned▪ & the .vij. yere of Ioiada bysshop she was slayne .iiij. reg. This Asarias & his so Ioas & his neuewe Amazia Mathee the euāgelyst putteth not in the lyne of Chryst for theyr mysdedes. ¶ Ioram kynge of Israel regned .xij. yere / y• whi¦che began to regne the .xviij. yere of Io∣saphat for his broder Ochose / & cursed∣ly he lyued / & was slayne of Ie wt al his faders housholde. Vt pz. ¶ Iehen anoynted of y• chylde of Helse vpon Is∣rael slewe Achariam y• kyng of Iewes & Ioram the kyng of Israel / & Iesabel moder to Iorā / & .lxx. children of Achab and .xlij. bretherne of Azari / and all the preestes of Baal / & he regned .xviij. yere ¶ Athalia moder to Azari kyng of Ie∣wes / doughter to Achab regned on the Iewes. v. yere / & slewe y• kynges blode of Ioram / excepte Ioas y• sone of Azari the whiche was kepte amonge shepe∣herdes / and after she was slayne. IOam sone to Achazie regned in y• Iewry .xl. yere / whome Ioiada y• bisshop crowned king at .vij. yere of age And he lyued well as lōge as he was ru¦led by Ioiada / but after he forsoke god / & martyred Azarias y• tune bisshop tone to Iaiada / for he blamed hȳ y• he forsoke his god. Vide pl’a ij. para. ¶ Ioathas sone to Iehen regned in israel .xvij. yere in whose dayes Helise y• prophete dyed / & he began to regne the .xx. yere of Ioas Vide pl’a iiij. reg. ¶ Ioam sone to Ioa∣thas regned ī israel .xvij. yere / & he trou¦bled Amazia. Vide pl’a iiij. regū .xiij. AFter kyng Bladud regned Leyr his sone / and this Leyr made y• towne of Leycestre / & he let call y• towne after his name / & he gouerned y• towne well & nobly. This kyng Leyr had thre doughters / y• fyrst was called Gonorill / the seconde Rigan / & y• thyrde Cordeill / and the youngest doughter was fayrest & best of cōdicyons. The kyng theyr fa∣der became an olde man / & wolde yt his doughters were maryed or y• he dyed / but fyrst he thought to assay whiche of them loued him moost & best / for she y• lo¦ued him best sholde best be maryed. And he axed of y• first doughter how well she loued hȳ. And she answered & sayd / bet∣ter than her owne lyf. Now certes sayd her fader / y• is a grete loue. Thā he axed the seconde doughter / how moche she lo¦ued hym. And she sayd more & passynge all y• creatures of y• worlde. Per ma foy sayd her fader / I may no more axe. And than he axed of y• thyrde doughter how moche she loued him. Certes fader sayd she / my systers haue tolde you glosyng wordes / but I shall tell you trouth / for I loue you as I ought to loue my fader And for to brynge you more in certayne how I loue you I shall you tell / as mo∣che as ye be worth / so moche shall ye be loued. The kyng her fader wende y• she had scorned hym / and became wonders wroth / & sware by heuē & erth she shold neuer haue good of him / but his dough¦ters y• loued hym so moche shold be well auaūced & maried. And y• first doughter he maryed to Maugles kynge of Scot∣londe / & the seconde he maryed to Haue∣mos erle of Cornewayle / & so they ordey¦ned & spake bytwene them y• they sholde departe y• realme bytwene them two af∣ter y• deth of kyng Leyr theyr fader / so y• Cordeill his yongest doughter sholde no thynge haue of his londe. But this Cor¦deill was wonders fayre & of good cōdi∣cyons & maners / that y• kynge of fraūce Agāpe herde of her fame / & sent to kyng Leyr her fader for to haue her vnto his wyfe / & prayed hym therof. And kynge Leyr her fader sent him worde y• he had departed his londe & gyuē all to his two doughters before said / & sayd he had no more lond wherwith her to mary. And whan Agampe y• kynge of fraūce herde this answere / he sente anone agayne to Leyr & sayd y• he asked no thynge wt her but onely her clothinge & her body. And anone kyng Leyr sent her ouer y• see to y• kynge of fraūce. And he receyued her wt moche worship / & wt solempnite he spou¦sed her / & made her quene of fraūce. THus it befell afterwarde y• these two eldest doughters wolde not abyde tyll Leyr theyr fader was deed / but warred vpon hym whyles that he was on lyue / & dyd hym moche sorow & shame / wherfore they toke frō hym all ye realme / & bytwene them had ordeyned yt one of them shold haue kyng Leyr to so∣iourne all his lyfe tyme wt .lx. knyghtes & squyers / yt he myght worshypfully go & ryde wheder yt he wolde / & in to what coūtree yt hym lyked to playe & to solace. So yt Maugles kyng of Scotlond had kyng Leyr with hym in ye maner as is aboue sayd / & or a yere was passed Go∣noril yt was his eldest doughter & quene of Scotlond was so anoyed of hym & of his people / yt anone she & her lorde spake togyder / wherfore halfe his knyghtes & his squyers went frō hym / & no more were lefte wt hym but .xxx. And whan this was done Leyr began for to make moche sorow for bycause that his estate was empayred / & men had of him more scorne & despyte than euer they had be∣fore / wherfore he wyst not what to do. And at y• last thought y• he wold go in to Corne wayle to Rigan his other dough¦ter. And whā he was come y• erle & his wyfe that was Leyrs doughter welco¦med hym / & wt hym made moche ioye / & there he dwelled with .xxx. knyghtes & squyers. And he had not scarsly dwelled there a yere but yt his doughter of hym & of his company was wery / & her lord & she of hym had grete scorne & despyte / so that frō .xxx. knyghtes they brought vnto .x. and afterwarde had he but .v. & so they left hym no moo. Than made he grete sorowe / & sayd sore wepyng. Alas that euer I came in to this londe & sayd yet had it ben better to haue dwelled wt my fyrst doughter. And anone he went thens to his fyrst doughter agayn / but anone as she sawe hym come she sware by god & by his holy name / & by as mo∣che as she myght that he shold haue no more wt hym but one knyght yf he wold there abyde. Than began Leyr agayne to wepe and made moche sorowe & sayd Alas now to longe haue I lyued yt this sorowe & myschefe is to me now fallen. For now am I poore yt somtyme was ryche / but now haue I no frende ne kyn that to me wyll do ony good. But whā I was ryche all mē me honoured & wor¦shypped / & now euery man hath of me scorne & despite / & now I wote wel that Cordeil my yōgest doughter said trouth whā she sayd / as moche as I had so mo¦che sholde I be loued / & all y• whyle yt I had good / so lōge was I loued & honou¦red for my rychesse / but my two dough∣ters glosed me tho / & now of me they set lytel pryce / & sothe tolde me Cordeil but I wolde not byleue it ne vnder stande & therfore I let her go fro me as a thinge that I set lytell pryce of / & now wote I not what to do syth my two doughters haue me thus deceyued yt I so moche lo¦ued / & now must I nedes seke her yt is in an other londe yt lyghtly I let go o me wtout ony reward or gyftes and se sayd that she loued me as moche as she ought to loue her fader by all maner of reason / & thā I sholde haue ad her no more / & those yt me other wyse bebght through theyr fals speche now haue me deceyued. In this maner Leyr ty∣me began to make his moe. And at the last he shope hym to ye see / & passed ouer into fraūce / & asked & espyed where the quene myght be founde. And men tolde hym where she was. And whā be came to ye cite that she was in pryuely he sene his squyer vnto ye quene to tell her yt her fader was comen to her for grete nede. And whan ye squyer came to ye quene he told her euery dele of her systers from ye begynnynge vnto the ende. Cordeil the quene anone toke gold & syluer plente & toke it to ye squyer in coūseyle yt he sholde go in to a certayne cite and hym araye & wasshe / & than come agayn to her / and brynge with him an honest company of knyghtes .xl. at the leest wt theyr meyny and than he sholde sende to her lorde the kynge & feyne that he were comen for to se & speke with his doughter & hȳ. And so he dyd. And whan the kynge and the quene herde that they came / with mo∣che honour they hym receyued. And the kynge of fraūce than let sende through all his realme & cōmaūded that all men sholde be as entendaūt to kynge Leyr y• quenes fader in all maner of thinges as it were vnto hymselfe. Whā kyng Leyr had dwelled there a moneth & more he tolde to y• kynge & to y• quene his dough¦ter how his two eldest doughters had serued hym. Agampe anone let ordeyne a grete host of frenshmen & sent in to Bri¦tayne wt Leyr y• quenes fader for to con∣quere his kyngdome agayne. And Cor∣deil also came wt her fader in to Britayn for to haue the realme after her faders deth. And anone they went to shyppe & passed the see & came in to Brytayne / & fought wt the felons / & discōfited them & slewe / & than had he his londe agayn / & after lyued thre yere & helde his realme in peas / & afterward dyed. And Cordeil his doughter him let bury with moche honour at Leycestre. AMasias sone to Ioam regned on the Iewes .xxix. yere / after y• whiche y• kyngdom of iewes was wtout kyng .xiij. yere. This man worshypped the goddes of Seyr. Vt pʐ .ij. para .xxv. ¶ Ieroboam sone to Ioam regned on Israel .xlj. yere / y• whiche was manly & vyctoryous / for he ouercame the kynge of Sirie / & restored Israel & Damaske after the worde of Iono y• prophete / but he was not good. Therfore sayth saynt Austyn. Yf good men regne / they {pro}fyte many men. And yf yll men regne / they hurte many men. Ozias or Azarias sone to Amasias regned on the Iewry .lij. yere / the whiche lyued well afore our lorde / of hȳ is none euyll thȳge wryten / but that he vsurped the dignite of preesthode vnder Azari / the whiche he forbade hym. For the whiche cause our lorde stroke hym with a lepre. Vt patet .ij. para. ¶ Ozee bysshop & prophete was this tyme the fyrst of the .xij. that was sent agaynst y• xij. trybes. Iohel the seconde of the .xij. prophecyed of Iuda. Ananias y• thyrde prophecyed agaynst many people. Ab∣dias the fourth of the .xij. prophecyed a∣gaynst Edom. ¶ zacharias sone to Ie∣roboam regned in Israel .vj. monethes the whiche began to regne the .xxxviij. yere of Ozias / & was nought in his ly∣uynge as his predecessours were. And zellum slewe hym / & regned a moneth. And Manahen slewe hym and toke his kyngdome. Vt pʐ .iiij. regū. This Ma∣nahen regned .x. yere / the whiche began to regne y• .xxxix. yere of Osias / & he ru∣led hym mischeuously / & our lord betoke hym in y• power of y• kyng of Assuriorū / and he payed to hym a. M. talentes of syluer. Vt pʐ .iiij. regū. ¶ Phaseia sone to Manahen regned in Israel two yere and he began to regne the .l. yere of Ozi∣as / and he was nought in his lyuyng. ¶ Phasee slewe Phaseia / & regned .xx. yere / & he began to regne the .lij. yere of Ozias / & dyd as other cursed men dyd. Vide pl’a iiij. regū. And after this / Is∣rael was wtouten ony kyng .viij. yere. WHan that kyng Leyr was deed Cordeill his yongest doughter regned y• .x. yere of Ozias kyng of the Iewry. And after her regned Co∣nedag / the .xv. yere of Ozias. And Cor∣deill that was Leyrs yongest doughter after the deth of her fader had al y• londe fyue yere / & in the meane tyme dyed her lorde Agampe y• was kyng of fraunce. And after his deth there came Morgan & Conedag that were Cordeyls systers sones & to her had enemite for as moche as theyr aunt had y• londe / so y• bytwene them they ordeyned a grete power / and strongly warred on her / & neuer rested tyll they had taken her & put her to deth And than Morgan & Conedag seased al the londe & departed it bytwene them / & they held it .xij. yere / & whan y• .xij. yere were gone there began bytwene them a grete debate / so y• they warred strongly togyder / & dyd to eche other moche dys∣ease / for Morgan wold haue all y• londe fro beyonde Humber y• Conedag helde. But he came agaynst hym wt a stronge power: so y• Morgan durst not abyde but fledde away in to Wales / and Conedag pursued hym / & toke hym & slewe hym. And than Conedag came & seased al the londe in to his handes & helde it / & reg∣ned after .xxxiij. yere / & than he dyed / & lyeth at newe Troy. ¶ And bycause y• mater cōteyneth most cōmodiously togyder of y• kynges of Bri¦tayn now called Englonde / for y• tyme of them is not certaynly knowen what ty∣me of y• worlde these kynges folowynge regned / therfore they shall be togyder tyll it be comen vnto Euentolyn kyng of Brytayne now called Englonde. AFter this Conedag regned Rey∣nold his sone y• was a wyse & an hardy knyght & curteys / y• well & nobly ruled y• londe / & was well beloued of all folke. And in his tyme it rayned blode y• lasted thre dayes as god wolde / & soone after there came a grete deth of people / for hoostes wtout nōbre of people fought tyll y• god therof toke pite / & than it cesed And this Reynolde regned .xxij. yere / & than dyed / & lyeth at Yorke. AFter this Reynolde regned Gor∣bodian his sone .xv. yere / & than dyed / and lyeth at Yorke. WHan this Gorbodian was deed his two sones y• he had became stoute & proude / & euer warred togyder for the londe / & y• one was called Ferres & y• other Porres. And this Ferres wol∣de haue all y• londe / but that other wold not suffre hym. This Ferres had a fe∣lonous hert: & thought through treason to slee his broder / but pryuely he wente in to fraūce / & there abode wt the kynge Syward / tyll vpon a tyme whan he ca¦me agayn to fyght wt his broder Ferres but full euyl it happed him / for he was slayne fyrst. Whan ydoyne theyr moder wyst that Porres was deed she made grete sorowe / for bycause y• she loued hȳ more than y• other / & thought for to slee hym pryuely. And pryuely she came to her sone vpon a night wt two knyues & therwt cut his throte / & y• body also in to small peces. Who herde euer of suche a moder / y• slewe wt her owne handes her owne sone. And lōge tyme after lasted y• reprefe & shame to y• moder / that for by∣cause of that one sone / she murdred that other / and so lost them bothe. WHan the two brethern were deed they ne had lefte behynde them neyther sone ne doughter ne none other of the kynrede yt might enheryte y• londe And for as moche as the strongest men droue & discomfyted the feblest & toke all theyr londes / so yt in euery coūtree they had grete warre and stryfe vnder them But amōge all other thȳges there were foure in the coūtree that ouercame all y• other / & through theyr myght & strēgth they toke all the londes / & euery of them toke a certayne coūtree / & in his coūtree let call hym kynge / & one of them was called Scater / & he was called kynge of Scotlonde / & that other was called Da walier / & he was kynge of Logres / & of all the londe that was Lotryns yt was Brutes sone. The thyrde was called Ru dac / & he was kynge of Wales. And the fourth was called Cloten / & he was kȳg of Cornewayle. But this Cloten sholde haue had all the londe by right / bycause there was no man y• wyst none so ryght heyre as he was. But they that were strongest set lytel by them y• were of lesse estate / & therfore this Clotē had no more londe amonge them but Cornewayle. THis Cloten had a sone that was called Donebāt / y• after the deth of his fader became an hardy man and a fayre & a curteys / so y• he passed all the other kȳges of fayrnes & of worthynes. And anone as he was knyght he wyst wel that whan his fader lyued he was moost ryghtfull heyre of all y• londe / and sholde haue had it by ryght / but y• other kynges y• were of moche more strength than he toke frō hym y• londe. Wherfore this Donebant ordeyned hym a grete power / & conquered fyrst the londe of Lo¦gres / and after he went to conquere all the londe of Scotlonde and Wales. And Scater came wt his men & gaue him ba¦tayle / & Rudac came also wt his walshe men for to helpe hȳ / but so it befell y• Ru∣dac was slayne & Scater also in playne batayle. And so Donebāt had y• vyctory & conquered all the londe / & well mayn∣tayned it in peas and in quyete / that ne∣uer before it was so well mayntayned. THis Donebant let make hym a crowne of gold / & ware ye crowne vpon his heed as neuer kyng did before & he ordeyned a statute / yt yfa man had done neuer so moche harme and myght come in to the Temple / there sholde no man hym mysdo / but go there in safete and in peas / & after go in to what londe or countree that hym pleased / without ony harme / and yf ony man had set ony hande vpon hym / he than shold lese his lyfe. And this Donebant made y• towne of Malmesbury / & y• towne also of y• vise And whā he had regned well & worthe∣ly .xl. yere he dyed & lyeth at new Troy. ANd after y• this Donebant was deed his sones departed y• londe bytwene them as theyr fader had ordey¦ned / so y• Belyn his eldest sone had all y• londe of Brytayn from Humbar south∣warde / & his broder Brenne had all the londe from Humbar to Scotlonde. But for as moche as Belin had y• better part Brenne therfore waxed wroth & wolde haue had more of the londe: & Belyn his broder wolde graūte hȳ no more / wher∣fore stryfe & warre arose bytwene them two. But Brenne y• yōger broder had no myght ne strength agaynst Belyn / and therfore Brenne through coūseyll of his folke went fro thens in to Norwey to y• kyng Olsynges / & prayed hym of helpe & soour for to conquere all y• londe vpon Belyn his broder / vpon y• couenaūt yt he wolde haue his doughter to wyfe. And kyng Olsynges hȳ graūted. And Belin anone as his broder was gone to Nor∣wey he seased in to his hādes all y• londe of Northumberlond / & toke all y• castels & let them be arayed / & kept y• coostes of the see y• Brenne sholde not arryue on no syde but y• he were taken. Kyng Olsyn∣ges let assemble a grete hoost / & delyue∣red his doughter to Brēne & all y• people that he had ordeyned. This damoysell Samye had longe tyme loued a kyng y• was called Gutlagh / & to hym she tolde all her coūseyle / & how y• Brenne sholde haue her & lede her with hym for euer∣more / & so he sholde lese her but that she myght forsake Brenne. And whā Gut∣lagh had herde these tydynges / he laye for to espye Brenne wt as many shippes as he myght make & haue. So the two fletes mette togyder / & longe tyme they fought / so that Brenne & his men were dyscomfyted. And kynge Gutlagh toke Samye & put her in to his shyppe. And Brenne shamefully fled thens as a man discomfyted. And this kynge Gutlagh wolde haue gone in to his owne toūtre but there came vpon hȳ so grete a st that lasted .v. dayes / so y• through y• pest he was dryuen in to Brytayn with thre shyppes & no moo. And tho y• kepte the coostes of y• see toke Gutlagh & Sa∣mye & all his folke / & them presented to Belyn. And Belyn put them in pryson. I was not longe after y• Brenne came agayn with a grete nauy & sente to his broder Belyn that he sholde yelde agayn his londe to his wyfe & his folke / & his castles also / or els be worde destroye his londe. Belyn drad nothge his malyce / & wolde no thynge do that he had sayd. Wherfore Brenne ca∣me with his folke & fought wt B & Brenne was discomfyted and his folke slayne / & hymselfe fledde with. . men in to fraūce. And this Belyn that was Brennes broder went than to Yorke / & toke coūseyle what he myght do with kyng Gutlagh / for kyng Gutlagh pro∣fered to become his man / & to holde his londe of hym / yeldynge yerely a thou∣sande poūde of syluer for euermore / and for sykernes of this couenaunt to be hol den / Gutlagh sholde brynge hym good hostages / & to hym sholde do homage & all his folke / & yet he sholde swere vpon a boke y• it sholde neuer be broken ne fay¦led. ¶ Belyn tho by coūseyle of his folke graūted hym his askyng / & so Gutlagh became his man. And Belyn toke of hȳ his homage by an othe / & by wrytynge the same couenauntes. And vpon these couenaūtes kynge Guthlagh toke Sa∣mie & his folke & went thens & returned agayne to Denmarke. Euermore after were the couenaūtes holden & y• truage payed / tyll the tyme that Honlus was kyng of Denmarke & also of this londe through his wyfe Gildeburgh y• he had spoused / for she was right heyre of this londe. This Belyn dwelled tho in peas & worshypfully hym helde amonge his barōs. And he made foure ryall wayes one from y• eest vnto y• west / & that was called watlyng strete / & an other from y• north vnto the south / & that was called Ikelme strete / and two other wayes he made in bossyng through out y• londe / y• one is called Fosse / and that other Fosse dyke. And he maynteyned well y• good lawes y• Donebāt his fader had made & ordeyned in his tyme / as before is sayd. BRenne that was Belyns broder had longe time dwelled in fraūce & there had conquered a grete lordshyp through maryage. For he was duke of Burgoyne through y• doughter of duke Fewyn y• he had spoused / whiche was right heyre of y• londe. And this Brenne ordeyned a grete power of his folke and also of fraūce / & came in to this londe for to fight wt Belyn his broder. And Belyn came agaynst hym wt a grete power of brytons / & wolde haue gyuen hym ba∣tayle. But whā theyr moder Cornewen that thā lyued had herde that y• one bro¦der wold haue destroyed that other / she went bytwene her sones / & made them accorde wt moche payne. So y• at the last the two bretherne wt moche blysse went togyder in to new Troy / y• now is called Londō / where they dwelled a yere / & af¦ter they toke theyr counseyle for to go & cōquere all fraūce / & so they dyd / & brent townes & destroyed the londe in lengthe & brede / & the kyng of fraūce gaue them batayle wt his power / but he was ouer comen / & gaue truage to Belyn & to his broder. And after y• they went forth vn∣to Rome / & cōquered it & all Lombardy and Germany / & toke homage of all the chefe lordes & barons. And after they ca¦me in to this londe of Brytayn / & dwel∣led with theyr brytōs in ioye & rest. And than made Brenne y• towne of Brystow and after he went ouer to his owne lord ship / & there dwelled he all his lyfe. And Belyn dwelled at newe Troye / & there he made a fayre gate that is called Be∣lynges gate after his owne name. And whan this Belyn had regned nobly. x. yere he dyed / & lyeth at newe Troye. ANd after this Belyn regned his sone Cormbatrus a good man & a worthy. And the kyng of Denmarke wolde not paye to hym his truage / y• is to say / a. M. poūde as he had sworne by othe for to paye it / & also by wrytyng re∣corde to Belyn his fader / wherfore he was euylapayed & wroth / & assembled a grete hoost of brytons and went in to Denmarke / & slewe y• kyng Gutlagh / & brought y• londe in subieccyō all newe / & toke of y• folke feaute & homage / & after went agayne in to his owne londe / & as he came forth by Orkeney he foūde. xxx shyppes ful of men & women besyde the coost of y• see / & y• kyng asked what they were. And an erle that was mayster of them all curteysly answered to y• kynge & sayd yt they were exiled out of spayne / & so yt they had trauayled halfe a yere & more in the see / to wyte yf they myght fynde ony kynge in ony londe y• of them wolde haue pite or mercy to gyue them ony londe in ony countree / wherin they myght dwell & haue rest / & become his lyege men / & to hym wold do homage & feaute whyle they lyued & to his heyres after hym / & of hȳ & of his heyres holde that londe. And whan y• kyng herd this he had pite on them / & gaue them an yle all wyldernes / where no mā was dwel¦lynge / saue onely wylde beestes. And y• erle thāked moche y• kyng & became his man / & dyd hym homage & feaute / & to∣ke all his folke & went in to the same yle And y• erle was called Irlamal / & ther∣fore he let call y• londe Irlonde after his name. This kyng Cormbatrus came a∣gayn in to his londe & regned .xxv. yere / & after dyed / & lyeth at newe Troye. IOathan sone to Osias regned in the Iewry .xvj. yere. of this Ioa∣than no thynge is wryten / but he toke not away excesa as other dyd. Vt patet ij. para. ¶ Amarias was bysshop. And Ysayas the noble prophete was in his dayes. ¶ Olympias with y• grekes be∣gan y• fyrst yere of Ioathan after Iose∣phus: & after Bede Troy was destroyed iiij .C .vj. yere afore the first Olympias began vnder Esalo a iudge of Athenis / in the whiche Corebus gate y• thyualty amonge al men. Olympus is the name of an hyll in Grecia / the whiche for his precyousnes is called y• hyll of god. And after Ierome one Olimpias cōteyneth fully. iii. yeres / in y• whiche .iiij. yeres foure yerely prynces are made / & these Olympiades are places ordeyned to the worshyp of Iupyter vnder the hyll of Olympo. And the lawe of them is this That who someuer is best in our chy∣ualry / what gyfte someuer he desyreth he shall haue. ACham the sone of Ieathan reg∣ned on the Iewes .xvi. yert. Of this Acham no thynge yt is good is ten / for he forsoke our lorde / & our lorde stroke hym wt his owne people strongly & with y• kynges of Sirry. Vt p. . pa∣ra .xxviij. Achitob this tyme was bys∣shop. ¶ Ozee kyng of Israel regned .ix. yere / the whiche began to regne the. yere of Acham kynge of Iewes. This Ozee drad not god / for he lyued nought. And he was y• last kyng of Israel / & in y• ix. yere of his regne he was takē of Sal manasar / & Israel was translated in to Assirias. Vt habe .iiij. regū .xvij. ¶ Roma caput . AFter Euseby Rome was ma¦de on ye hyll of Palatyn / the fourth yere of Acham kyng of Iewes / of two bretherne Romul{us} & Remus .xj. kal. Maij. the. vij Olimpiades begynnynge. Iosephus & Bede sayen ye .vj. Olimpiades: & so they dyffer a yere. Neuerthelesse it is redde other men to haue regned about ye place myghtely in ytaly / that is to wyte / Ia∣nus / Picus / Fānus / Latinus / the whi¦che vnto Eneas regned about two hon∣dred yere. Than afterwarde from Ene∣as to this Romulus it was regned vn∣der .xv. gouernours .CCCC .xxxij. yere After that fro the cite was made vnto ye last yere of Tarquyn the proude it was regned vnder .vij. kynges / aboute .CC. and .xliii. yere. Than afterwarde vnder Senatours & coūseyllers vnto Iulius Cezar emperour / by .CCCC. and. lxiiij yere. Romulus the first of Romayns / of whome they be called in latyn Romans made the Cite to be named Rome after his name / the whiche gadered togyder the people on euery syde / an hōdred of ye wysest men & wytty he chose / through the counseyle of whome all thynges he disposed / the whiche he named Sena∣tours for ye time of theyr age / & he made theyr names to be wryten in golden let∣tres / wherfore we write noble faders & thynges so yet. Also he called a. M. men of armes milites. a numero millenario. but these were of no noble blode. Ther∣fore as saynt Austyn sayth de ciuit. dei. And also there was lōge warre betwixt the Sabyns & them / for Romulus toke many women of the noble blode of Sa∣byns / & maried them to ye vnnoble blode of this Romulus. Orosius writeth mo∣che yll. Vt pʐ in libro suo. ¶ About this tyme Merodoch the kynge of Babylon sente grete gyftes to Ezechie the kynge of iewes. Vt pʐ .iiij. regū .xx. And than the kyngdome of Babylon began. Ezechias the .xiiij. kynge of iewes a good chylde of a cursed fader / regned wt a perfyte herte to our lorde / & he restored the hous of god / & there was none lyke hym afore ne after amonge ye kynges of iewes / therfore our lorde god gloryfyed hym / for whan Sennacheri kyng of Assurio{rum} came against Ezechie with a myghty host / our lord stroke his people & lewe au .C .lxxxv. of fyghtyng men / & Sennacherib fledde shamefully vt pʐ .iiij. regū .xix. et .ij. para .xxxij. Sa¦doch this tyme was hye bysshop there. MAnasses kyng of Iewes regned lv. yere / and he was a full euyll chylde of a good fader. For he dyd more cursedly than ony yt was before hȳ. For he slewe ye {pro}phetes of god / that ye stretes in Ierusalē were all blody. And he ma∣de ysaie ye prophete to be sawen in peces with a sawe of tree. Wherfore ye kyng of Assurio{rum} wasted the Iewry / & toke Ma¦nasses & put hym in pryson. And after Manasses repented him of his trespace & cryed for mercy to god / & was herde. Than he was restored to his kyngdom & he amēded his lyfe. Vt pʐ .iiij. reg .xxj. et .ij. para .xxxiij. ¶ Sellū was bysshop & Echias after hym. This tyme the. vij wyse men had worshyp in Grece / yt is to saye / Tales / Solon / Chylon / Poriand{us} Eldobolus / Bias / Pitacus. This Ta∣les foūde fyrst the defaute of the sonne & the mone. Vide pl’a Aug .viij. de ci. dei. ¶ Numa the seconde kynge this tyme regned in Rome .xlij. yere / the whiche was a grete worshipper of fals goddes He fylled Rome so full yt he myght haue no place for hymselfe to dwell in. This man put Ianuary & February to ye be∣gynnynge of ye yere. Vide pl’a in Aug. de ciui. dei. Aboue all reason it is meruayle that suche men so excedyng in wytte in all thynges that was yll receded fro the knowlege of ye very god. ¶ Amon kyng of Iewes regned two yere / the whiche was nought in his lyuynge / & he was stryken of his seruauntes / and he dyed without ony repentaunce. IOsias the sone of Amon at .viij. yere of age began to regne / & reg∣ned .xxxj. yere / a good chylde of a {per}uerse fader / in his yōge age he sought ye grace of god / & in that grace laudably abode vnto his ende. His relygyous lyfe & his holy werkes ye may se .iiij. regum. xxij et .ij. para .xxxiiij. ¶ Azastas the sone of Elchie was bysshop. ¶ Tobias aboute this tyme dyed / & he was a very holy man / & he {pro}phecyed ye destruccion of Ie¦rusalē. ¶ Tulius Hostile{us} was ye thyrde kyng in Rome. And saynt Austyn sayth in his boke de ciui. dei. that from Rome was made vnto August the emperour / there was so contynuall batayle / that it was taken for a meruayle & they were one yere wtout batayle / excepte .xlij. yere in Nume dayes / in yt whiche was cōty∣nual peas. And this Tuls bycause he had rest / he dyd cursedly to his neygh∣bours / and than he was slayne & all his housholde with a stroke of lyghtnynge. ¶ Nabugodonosor this tyme was kyn¦ge of Babylon / a manly man & a vo∣ryous. For he was ye scourge of our lord to punysshe the synnes of moche people. This man was kyng of Babylon & af∣terward he cōquered ye kyngdom of As∣surio{rum} / and made it one monarchy. But many wayes scripture speketh of this man / now good & now yll / & for bycause scripture concludeth yt he ended his lyfe in ye louynge of god by the prayer of Da¦nyel / & in the knowlege of one very god / some doctours saye he is saued & some say it is doubte. ¶ Auus Marcius the fourth kyng of Rome regned. . yere This man for grace & trust yt he had to Tarquin{us} Priscus made hym ye gouer∣nour of his chydren & heyres & he yll re¦warded hȳ. ¶ Danyel yet a childe dely¦uered saynt Susan / & stode in ye cōtre of the kyng wt his felawes & afterward he discussed ye dremes of ye kyng & was made a man of grete honeste. Vt pʐ Da¦nielis .j. ¶ Ioathas ye second sone of Io¦sie regned on ye Iewes thre monethes & was made kynge by ye people & he was not good. And Pharao toke him & ladde hym in to Egypte & made his elder bro¦der kynge. Vt pʐ .iiij. regū .xxiij. IOachym or Ieconias the sone of Iosie was made kyng of Iewes by Pharao & regned .xj. yere / & bycause he lyued nought / ne herd not ye {pro}phetes Nabugodonosor toke hym & made hym his seruaūt .iij. yere. And he rebelled a∣gaynst hym afterwarde / & he toke hym & was about to haue ladde hym to Ba∣bylon / but his coūseyle was chaūged / & so Nabugodonosor slewe hym in Ieru∣salē / & cast his body ouer ye walles after the {pro}phecy of Ieremy / & toke wt hym ye vessels of our lorde & put them in his tē∣ple. Vt pʐ .ij. para .vlj. ¶ Samias was bysshop. Vrias prophete was slayne of Iecony ye kyng / & Ieremy was present ¶ Ioachim sone to Ieconias regned in the Iury .iij. monethes / & lyued nought & therfore he was meued that he sholde regne no longer / & was boūden & trāsla∣ted in to Babylon / & many wt hym were translated. Vt pʐ .iiij. regū .xxiiij. ¶ Da¦nyell / Ananias / Azarias / Misaell / Eze∣chiell / and Mardochius / all these with Ioachim the kyng were ledde in to Ba∣bylon yonge chyldren / for bycause they were of the noble blode. SEdechias ye thyrde sone of Iosie regned on ye Iewes .xj. yere. this Sedechias was a myscheuous man in his lyuynge / & he wolde not here Iere∣my the prophete / therfore he perysshed wretchedly / & all ye Iury wt hym / & his eyen were put out / & his chyldren were slayne. Vt pʐ .iiij. reg. ¶ Iosedech ye sone of Azarie was bysshop / & was trāstated fro Ierusalem by Nabugodonosor in to Babylon. ¶ Abacuk {pro}phecyed agaynst Nabuch at Babylō / & there be opinyōs what tyme this Abacuk was. This A∣bacuk brought meet to Daniel whā he was put to ye lyons / after Ierome. And here endeth ye fourth age / & ye hystory of Regum. THis tyme the tēple of Salomon was brent of ye Caldees / & Ieru∣salem was destroyed. This tēple stode cccc .xlij. yere / yt is to wyte / fro ye fyrst ma¦kynge / the whiche was made ye fourth yere of Salomon. And fro ye destruccyon the whiche was made by Tyt{us} / yt is to wyte .xlij. yere after ye passyō of Chryst. ¶ Priscus Torquinus the .v. kynge of Rome regned / and he made Capitolliū quasi caput solū. For in ye groūde werke was foūde a heed without ony body / as for prophecye of thynges to come. For there afterwarde the senatours sate as one heed of all the world. ¶ This tyme thre chyldren were cast in to a furneys brennynge / & with a myracle they were delyuered / as it is shewed in Daniel. . ¶ Nabugodonosor the sone of Nabugo¦donosor ye myghty / regned in Babylon. This man made an hangynge gardyn with myghty costes for his wyfe / & ma¦ny meruaylous thynges he dyd / so that he wolde be named to excede Hercules in his gretnes & strengthe. ¶ Enilmel∣rodach broder vnto the latter Nabugo∣donosor regned in Babylon. This man toke Ioachym out of pryson & worship∣ped hym / & his faders deed body after ye counseyle of this man / he deuyded to an hondred grypes / lest yt he sholde ryse frō deth to lyfe. ¶ Nota. The playe of the chesse was foude of erse a philosopher for the correccyon of Enilmerodach this tyme ye kyng of Babylon a grete tyraūt the whiche was wont to kyll his owne maysters & wyse men. And for he durst not rebuke hȳ openly / wt suche a wytty game he procured hym to be meke. SAthiel of ye lyne of Chryst was sone to Iecony ye kyng of Iewes the whiche he gate after ye transmygra¦cyon of Babylon / as Marke ye euāgelyst sayth. ¶ Seruius Tuli{us} the .vj. kynge of Rome was of a bonde condycyon on the moders syde / for she was a captyue mayden / but she was of the noble blode This man had grete louynge / & nobly he bare hym in euery place. Thre hylles to ye cite he put / & dyched ye walles roūde about. ¶ Regusar Sabusardach & Bal¦thasar were bretherne / the whiche reg∣ned one after an other & were kynges in Babylon. And Balthasar was the last kyng of Babylon / ye whiche was slayne of Darius & Cyrus. Vide pl’a Dani .v. DArius vnkle to Cyro felowe in ye kyngdom with Cyro / occupyed the kyngdom of Babilon. Darius trāsla¦ted the kyngdom of Babylons Caldees in to ye kyngdom of Persarū & Medorū. ¶ Cyr{us} was emperour .xxx. yere. This Cyrus held ye monarchy hole at Perses Of this man {pro}phecyed ysaias / & he de∣stroyed Babylō / & flewe Balthasar king of Babylon / & he worshipped gretly Da¦niel. The Iewes he sente home agayne that they shold buylde ye temple of god. Vt pʐ Esore .j. ¶ Babylon ye stronge ca∣stell was destroyed & his power was ta¦ken fro him / as it was {pro}phped. This was ye fyrst cite and the gretest of all the worlde / of yt whiche incredyble thinges are wrytē / & this yt was so strōge in one nyght was destroyed / that it myght be shewed to ye power of god / to yt whiche power all other ben but a sperke & dust. For it is sayd for soth yt it was incredible to be made wt mānes hande / or to be de∣stroyed wt mānes strength / wherof all ye worlde myght take an ensample / and it wolde or myght be enformed. ¶ Tarqui¦nus su{per}bus was the .vij. kyng of Rome & he regned xxxv. yere. This man foūde fyrst all these turmentes whiche are or∣deined for malefactours: as ere pson welles & galowes / fetters & manyes chaynes & collers & suche other. And for his grete pryde & cruelnesse god suffred hȳ to myscheue / & in what maner wyse it shalbe shewed. He had a sone of ye same name / yt whiche sone defouled a worthy mānes wyfe / they called hȳ Coaryn & his wyf was called Lucres. This Tar¦quinus yt was this seuēth kynges sone aforesayd came to this ladyes hous (ab¦sent her husbōde) to sou{per} & to lodgynge. And whan all were a slepe he rose with a swerde in his hāde & wt strength & re he rauisshed ye womā. And whā he was gone she sente vnto her fader & her hus∣bōde / for she was of grete kynne / & thus she sayd to them. The kinges sone came hyther as a frende / of whome I had no mistrust / & thus he hath defyled my ha¦stite / & lost my name for euermore. Whā her frendes sawe her wepe & pyteously complayne / they cōforted her as well as they coude / & sayd it was no vylany vn∣to her / for it was agaynst her wyl. She answered & sayd. Yet shall there neuer womā excuse herby Lucres: for though she cōsented not to this dede / yet shal she not dye wtout payn for yt dede. And with that worde she had a knyfe redy vnder her mantell / with whiche she smote her selfe to the hert. And for this cruelnes & this pyteous dethe the people of Rome arose & exiled this kyng & all his {pro}geny for euermore. And thus ceased these kyn¦ges of Rome / & neuer was none after. AFter whā this tyraūt was deed the Romayns ordeyned yt there shold neuer be kyng more in Rome. But they wolde be gouerned fro thens forth by consules. So whā those kynges had regned .CC. yere and .xl. they made this statute / that two consules sholde be cho∣sen / & they sholde gouerne the Cite & the people / & for this cause these two were chosen / that yf one of them wolde make ony excesse / yt other sholde gouerne hym For there was no thynge obeyed but yf they cōsented bothe. Also they shold not stande in theyr dignite passyng one yere for this cause. That for dominacyon of longe tyme they sholde not vsurpe more vpon them than was ryghtfull. In all this tyme y• Empyre of Rome was not dilated passyng .xij. myle / ne had no lord ship passing .xij. myle. The fyrst cōsules that were made y• one was called Luciū & that other Brutū / & these two men did grete thynges in theyr tyme. But yet y• people bare heuy of theyr dominacyon / wherfore they chase an other man / whi¦che sholde haue more auctorite thā they & they called hym Dictator. ¶ In this same tyme there was a grete discencyō bytwene the people & the senate / wher∣fore they chase Tribunas whiche were Iudges ouer y• people / & defended them from wronge / as sayth ysyder. For the Dictator whan he was chosen he lasted fyue yere / & y• Tribunas were remeued euery yere. ¶ But ye must vnderstande that ye shal not haue here after all y• con¦sules names y• gouerned Rome betwixt the seasyng of y• kynges & y• begynynge of the emperours / for it were to longe to wryte / specyally whā they were euery yere newe / syth that one man myght be chosen so often tymes as we rede. And also for y• enduring of theyr gouernaūce For they were gouernours of Rome .v .C. yere and .lxvij. So the most famous men of these shall be rehersed after the forme of Cronycles / & as they stande in the boke eche one after other. Drobabel after the cōmaūdemēt of god foūded the temple & made it perfyte / but it was longe after. Vt pʐ esdre .vj. After the people of Ierusalem came fro Babylon / these two ruled. Ie∣sus the hye preest as gouernour / & zoro∣babell as duke. And this maner of guy∣dyng was kepte vnto Herodes tyme / y• the hye preestes shold be pryncypall / & y• dukes vnder them. But y• dukes were euer of y• trybe of Iuda / after y• {pro}phecy of Iacob. And vnder yt good guydyng of preestes it is not redde y• people to haue receded fro the very true fayth / as they dyd afore in y• tyme of iewes & kynges / for than many tymes they ran to ydola∣try. ¶ Esdras y• preest of the kynrede of Aron this tyme exceded men in holynes through whose grete wysdome all y• ie∣wes state was holpē. ¶ Cābises y• sone of Ciri regned on y• kyngdom of Persa the whiche cōmaūded myghtely y• tem∣ple of Ierusalem sholde not be buylded agayn / & his ser cōmid it sho buylded. This Cambises iudge to be slayne or kylt alyue / his sone to sit on his faders / that through ye drede he sholde rede falshode & iudge ryghtwysly. This Cābises many ī holy scripture / in ye boke of Ahaxerses or uer{us} in histo¦ria Iuith / that was done vnder hȳ he is called Nabgodonosor / for Differes the prynce of his chyisalty subdued ma∣ny londes to his lord / & at y• last he came to Bethlee / & there was yne of Iu∣dith a woman. Vt pate Iudi .ij. et .xiij. ¶ Greneides regned in Perse half a yere. ¶ Dari{us} regned in Perse / ye whiche by the mocyon of zorobabell cōmaūded the werke of ye tēple to be taken agayn / & cō¦maunded his prynces yt in no wyse they shold let it / but shold helpe it in all yt they coude. Vide plura in Esore. vide hoc e ambiguū propter diuersitatē docto{rum}. ABiuth sone to zorobabel of ye lyne of Chryst was about this tyme. For of hym & of other folowynge vnto Ioseph no thynge is had in scripture / but that Mathewe the euangelyst nom¦breth them in ye genelogy / & therfore the certayne tyme of them dewly can not be knowen. ¶ Ioachim was bisshop this tyme / after Iosephus was called Iose∣deth / vnder whom Ierusalē was buyl∣ded agayn. Vt dicit et hoc idem pʐ Nee∣e .xij. ¶ In the .CC .xliiij. yere after yt Rome was made / ye Romains ordeyned two consules in the stede of theyr kynge the whiche shold gouerne one yere alone lest yt by taryenge they sholde be proude & that ye one shold correcke ye other yf he exceded or arred. ¶ Brutus was ye fyr¦s;t consul / & Lucius ye seconde / & than was there a man yt was called Dictator / the name of an offyce the whiche sholde go with ye people a gaynst theyr enemyes. ¶ Titus Pphius conses: Than after the Romayns complayned gretly on ye condyyons of ye consules / & than ye power was / to an excedynge cost to the comyn people. For euerichone of them lyke a kyng / & nede caused them to leue ye gite. And they trusted neuer to rest / ye warre was so strōge agaynst them. ¶ At that was kynge of Persarū / under whome Eldras came to Ierusalem ¶ rses Neemias was butler to the same kynge / whome afterward he sent to buyide y• walles of Ierusalem. ¶ erses regned after him two monethes. ¶ Segdanus .vij. mo∣nethes after hym / & lytell they dyd. ELiac is rehersed of ye line of chryst in Math .j. and more of hȳ is not had in scripture. ¶ Esdras an holy man & a connynge / & worshypfully was had amonge the people. This man came fro Babylon with other / & he meued with very charyte went agayne to Babylon that he myght wynne moo of Israel. & saue the soules / & brynge them home wt hym. In this tyme he repayred ye lawe & the holy bokes / the whiche yt Caldees had brent. And an happy wytnes to all the worlde he lefte in scripture. He foūde newe lettres & lyghter in faccion / ye whi∣che through the holy ghoost fulfylled he came agayn to Ierusalem with a grete multytude / & with ye kynges preuylege that he sholde teche ye people the lawe yt he had repayred. And there he dyed in a good age. ¶ Neemias an hebrewe but∣ler of kynge Arthaxerses at his lordes cōmaundement went from Babylon in to Ierusalem / where he had .xii. yere ye ledyng of the people. And the .v. yere he began to repayre ye gates & ye walles of Ierusalem in the whiche werke he ended in .ij. yere & .iiij. monethes / & that with grete impedymentes. For y• halfe of the people stode armed wtout ye cite to with∣stande ye people of other nacyons / enten∣dynge to destroye them / & ye other parte laboured in armes / holdynge in the one hande stones for ye walles / & in yt notable other hande a swerde or nye by it. Vide psa li. su. ¶ Permenides philosophers & namely in morall thȳges were about this tyme. Socrates a philosopher the whiche vnderstode moche of ye power of god / and he was Platos mayster. De∣mocritus / Ypocras and other / of whom the noble werkes abode. Azor is rehersed in ye lyne of chryst in Math .i. but no thynge of his dedes is wryten in scripture. ¶ Elyasib or Elysaphat succeded Ioachym in the bysshopryche. Vt dicit Eusebi{us} et magr̄ histo. ¶ Camillus was Dictator at Ro¦me / in whose dayes mischeuous playes were ordeyned that the pestylence shold cese at Rome. Of these playes saynt Au¦styn treateth diligently / in repreuyng ye falshede of ye goddes: the whiche desyred to be pleased wt suche wretched playes. So shamefully these playes were vsed with naked men & women / that honest men and women wolde not be at those playes / ne yet behold them. Vide pa in Aug. de ci. dei. ¶ Darius notus regned on the Perses .xix. yere. ¶ Plato the di∣uyne philosopher / & Aristotel his discy∣ple were this tyme noble & famous cler¦kes. ¶ Tytus quintius was Dictator at Rome / and he was a couetous man / whome Austyn de ciui. dei. bryngeth in agaynst couetous & proude chrystē men ¶ yus was a senatour under whom was agrete batayle agaynst ye kyng of uso{rum} / and, viij. M. mē of them were taken. ¶ Marc{us} Valeri{us} was an other senatour / ye whiche wt .lx. M. Romayns fought with ye frenshmen / & had ye victo¦ry / & slewe many of them. ¶ Artharer∣ses kynge of Perses called agayn to his empyre Egypte / & he put Ntabo ye kyng in to Ethiopia / & many Iewes in to transmygracyon. Also he sent Vago∣sum a prynce ouer Flum Iordan to aske agayne ye tribute yt was forgyuen to Es∣dre that was the .vij. yere rent (propter sabbā terre. ¶ Arsamus succeded hym and regned a yere. ¶ Darius the sone of Arsamus regned with y• Perses .xxiiij. yere. This Darius was a myghty mā & a bolde / the whiche asked of ye Grekes a trybute / & yt was ye cause of ye destruc∣cyon of the monarchy of Persarū. For it was translated to ye Grekes after ye pro∣phecy of Danyel. For it is sayd yt Dari{us} brought .xv. hondred thousande fygh∣tyng men / whome all Alexander slewe. ¶ Iodas ye sone of Elysaphat was hye bysshop in Ierusalem in tyme of Mat∣dachij. Iohānes his sone succeded hȳ. ¶ Aristoteles ye moost subtyll & famous philosopher lyued this tyme. ¶ Seno∣crate the moost chaste philosopher was this tyme / with dyuers other moo. ANd whā Cormbatr{us} was deed Guent holen regned which was his sone / a man of good condicyons and well beloued / and he gouerned the londe well & wysely / and he regned .xxvj. yere and after dyed / & lyeth at newe Troy. AFter this Guētholen regned his sone Seysell / & well & worthely gouerned the londe as his ader had done before hym / & he regned .xv. yere & dyed / and lyeth at newe Troy. Bymor regned after his fader Sei∣sell well & nobly .xix. yere in peas And than after hym regned How an his sone .x. yere & dyed & lieth at Ikaldown. MOrwith regned after Howan / & he became so wycked that ven∣geaūce fell on hym. For ou a tyme as he went by the see syde he mette wt a grete beest yt was black & horrible / & he wend it had ben a whale of y• see / & bent an ar∣blast & wolde haue slayne y• beest wt his quarell / but he myght not smyte hym / & whā he had shot all his quarels y• beest anone came to him & deuoured hȳ alyue & so he dyed for his wyckednes by gods vengeaūce after he had regned .ix. yere. WHan this Morwith was deed y• brytons crowued Grdobodian his sone / & this Grandobodian longe tymed regued in goodnes: & made temples & townes / & he made y• town of Cambrydge & the town of Graūtham / & was well beloned of ryche & poore / & he had .iiij. sones / Arthogaile / Hesidur / Hi∣gam{us} & Petitur / & whan he had regnd xj. yere he dyed / & lyeth at newe Troy. AFter Grandobodian regned his sone Arthogaile .v. yere / & he be∣came so wycked y• the brytons wold not suffre hym to be kyng / but put hȳ down & made Hesidur his broder kyng / & he be came so mercyable y• men called hȳ kyng of pite / & whā he had regned .v. yere he had so grete pite of his broder Artogaile that was kynge before / y• he forsoke his dignite / and toke his broder y• crowne as gayn / & made hym kynge agaynst all y• brytons wyll / & after Artogaile became so good of cōdicions y• all the londe loued hym for his debonayrte / doynge right & reason to euery man. And he regned .vj. yere & than dyed / & lyeth at Graūtham. AFter the deth of Artogaile y• bry¦tons crowned an other tyme He∣sidur / but his two bretheru Higamus & Petitur had of hym grete spyte & scorne & ordeyned them helpe for to warre vpō the kyng theyr broder / and so they toke hym & put hym in to pryson the seconde yere of his regne / & they departed al the londe betwyxt them bothe / but Higam{us} lyued but .vij. yere / & thā had Petit al y• londe / & he made y• towne of Pickering. WHan this Petitur was deed / the Brytons toke Hesidur anone and made hym kynge the thyrde tyme / and than regned he peas .xiiii. yere / & af∣ter he dyed and th at Kararleyll. AFter the deth of Hesidur regned xxxiij. kynges he after other in peas / & without ony longe taryenge. I shall shewe theyr names / & how longe eche of them regned / as y• story telleth. The fyrst kynge was called Gerbodia / and he regned .xij. yere / and after hym regned Morgan .ij. yere / and after hym regned Cighnus .vj. yere / & after hym Idwalan .viij. yere / after hym regned Rohugo .xj. yere / after hȳ Voghen .xiij. yere / after hym Caril .xj. yere / after hȳ Porex .ij. yere / after hym Cherin .xvij. yere / after him Coyl .xij. yere / after him Sulgenis .xiiij. yere / after hym Esdad xx. yere / after hym Andragie .xvij. yere / after hym Vrian .v. yere / after hym Eli¦ud .ij. yere / after hym Eldagan .xv. yere after hym Claten .xij. yere / after hym Ouirgunde .vilj. yere / after hym Mor∣tan .vj. yere / after hȳ Bledagh .iij. yere / after hym Caph .j. yere / after hym Gen ij. yere / after hym Seysell & kyng Bled xxij. yere / & kyng Tabreth .xj. yere / and after hym Archinall .xiiij. yere / and af∣ter hym Croll .xxx. yere / and after hym regned Rodyngu .xxxij. yere / and after hym regned Hertir .v. yere / & after hym regned Hanipir .vj. yere / and after hym regned Carpour .vij. yere / & after hym regned Digneill .iij. yere / and after him regned Samuell .xxiiij. yere / and after hym regned Rede .ij. yere / & after hym regned Ely .vij. monethes. This kyng Ely had thre sones / Lud / Cassibalon / & Enemyon. AFter the deth of Ely regned Lud his sone / and gouerned well the londe / and moche honoured good folke / and tempred & amended wyched folke / This Lud loued more to dwell at newe Troy than in ony other place of y• londe / wherfore the name of newe Troy was lefte / & than was y• cite called Ludstone but the name is chaunged through va∣ryasite of lettres / & now is called Londe This kyng made in the cite a fayre gate & called it Ludgate after his name / & y• folke of y• cite are Londoners. And whā he had regned .xj. yere he dyed / & lyeth at London. He had two yonge sones / y• one was called Andraghen / & that other Torinace / but they coude neyther speke ne go / & therfore the brytons croward a strōge knyght y• was called Lud y• was Cassibaons broder / & made hymkynge of Brytayne now called Englonde. SAdoth of y• lyne of Chryst is nom∣bred in Mat .j. but in scripture is no more had of hȳ. ¶ Iadus the one of Iohn was hye bysshop in Ierusalem. ¶ This tyme kynge Alexander regned the whiche was wroth with the people of Ierusalem / & came to the cite. Than Iadus arayed in his pontyfycall orna∣métes came to meet hym / & he sodeynly was pleased & worshypped ye bysshop / & with peas & ioye entred y• cite / & he ma∣de to be brought to hȳ y• boke of Danyel & the {pro}phecy to be expowned to hym / ye whiche was spoken of him / & that done he ioyed strongly / for all thȳge yt he had herde by y• dreme in due ordre was ful∣fylled / & it was lykely to hym yt he shold be ye same {per}sone / of whom Daniel {pro}phe cyed / & of that he toke more hardynes to fyght wt Dari{us} kyng of Perse / & he dyd the sacrifice / & cōmaūded ye iewes to axe what they wold haue / & graūted them to kepe theyr owne lawes / & at ye seuēth yere shold be wtout tribute. Vide magr̄m in histo. The host of Alexādre as Orosi{us} saith was .xxxij. M. fotemen / & .iiij. M. horsmē / & shyppes .C.lxxx. And it is vn∣certayne wheder it is more meruayle yt he shold cōquere all ye worlde wt so lytel a power / or how he durst go vpon them wt so litel a power. And there was of Alexā¦der & his host slayne ye kyng of Perse. Et vt Orosi{us} dicit qinqies decies cētena milia ¶ Enias ye sone of Iadi was bysshop af¦ter his fader. ¶ Manili{us} Papiri{us} & Fa∣bius were sules at Rome. This Papi∣rius whā he was a childe he was very wyse / & he fayned many a fayre lesynge yt he myght kepe his maysters coūseyle & the senatours. And whan he came to mānes age he was a noble warryour / yt whā ye Romayns dred Alexādre he was chosen to go agaȳst hȳ / & of ye goddes he charged not / but scorned them / sayenge afore yt vnhappy thyng shold fall / & yt to his grete louynge holy doctours saye. THis tyme kyng Alexander begā to be lord of all ye world / & he was called grete Alexāder for his grete victo¦ry yt he had in so lytell tyme. It was an euydent iudgemēt of ye wrath of god a∣gaȳst synners of y• tyme / certaynly some myracles our lord dyd for hȳ in helpyng of his power: for ye see of pāphilicon was deuyded to hȳ (as ye reed see to ye iewes) whan he persecuted Dari{us}. Also at his prayer ye hylles of Caspij were shet yt cer¦tayne cursed iewes myght neuer come out. But at ye last he was poysoned ī Ba¦bylon / & dyed the .xxxiij. yere of his age / and the .v. yere of his monarchy / the. xij yere of ye kyngdom of Macedon. Whan Alexāder was deed the .xij. to whom he deuyded his kyngdom coude not accord wherof arose infinyte batayles / so ye. iiij had all ye kyugdom. Vide pl’a in Orosio. AChym of ye lyne of Chryst sone to Sadoth is nōbred in Math .j. & of hym is no more ī scripture. ¶ Symō was bisshop this tyme an holy man & a ryghtwyse he was named of ye people. ¶ Eleazar{us} was bysshop after Symen This man sent to Ptholomeo kynge of Egypt .lxxij. lerned men / of euery trybe vj. to interprete ye lawe of ye iewes / whi∣che they translated out of hebrewe in to greke by a grete miracle: yt so many men shold in .lxxij. dayes trāslate all holy scri¦pture wt one accord. Vide Aug. de ci. dei. ¶ Dolobela / Emilius / Marr{us} Curius / Genuti{us} this tyme were cōsules at Ro∣me. This Dolobela cōquered Sānytes after many batayles had. And Martus subdued Epirotas / & slewe .xxiij. M. of his men: & than fled kyng Pirro / which kyng sent to hȳ for peas offryng to him grete gyftes. Thā this cōsul answered. No batayle shall cause me to flee / nor no money corrupt me / for I had leuer com∣maūde riche men to do this & this / than be riche my self. ¶ Tonui{us} subdued ye ci¦te of Argiuo{rum} / & a legion of Rome knigh¦tes he sent to Rome to be beē openly in ye market place for thet held thē not lefully to ye court of rome For ye law was kept so straitly at Rome / that & they had fayled to do theyr due obseruaunces in vertue / they shold be punisshed. The Romayns afore & after were y• moost noble men af∣ter y• worldes honesty y• might be / & in al maner of vertue circūspecte as holy do∣ctours saye / that they put examples to chrysten men / but not the intencyon / for they lacked the key of fayth. PTholomus Philodolphus was this tyme kyng in Egypt. This man was y• very worshipper of one god & full gracyous to y• Iewes / of whome xx. M. & .C. he deliuered out of captiuite and y• he dyd y• he myght please y• god of Israel / of whom he had herde meruay∣les / & his lawe he desired to haue / & that myght not be translated in to none other language but of deuoute men / & that wt due reuerence & solēpnite. Certayn men attempted to haue wryten it amonge y• storyes of y• gentyles / whom y• plage of god stroke tyll they repēted. This kyng sente vnto Eleazer the bysshop / to sende to hym lerned men / the whiche he dyd gladly. Vide pl’a in magr̄o historio. ALiud of the lyne of Chryst gate Eleasar as it is open in Math .j. And more in scripture is not had of him. ¶ Omias bysshop was sone to Symō. Symon was bysshop after hȳ whiche was a very religyous mā / he reformed the tēple of god better / & encreaced y• cite of Ierusalē: wt many other good thȳges ¶ Sēproni{us} / Appius Claudi{us} / Gueus Gaius / Attili{us} Regul{us} / Emilius Fabi{us} this tyme were senatoures at Rome. This Sēproni{us} fought agaynst y• coun¦tre of Picentes / & almoost y• cheualry on bothe partes were slayne / except a fewe Romayns were lefte alyue y• subdued y• coūtre. Appi{us} Claudi{us} subdued Syracu¦sanas / & y• coūtre of Penos / & put grete tribute on them. Attili{us} Regul{us} a noble senatour ouercāme .iij. kynges: & .lxxiij. citees subdued / & a dragon of .C .xv. fote he slewe. Afterward whā he was ouer cruell agaynst his enemyes / denyeng to gyue them peas but yf they wold paye a mighty tribute: they almost in despay¦re fought agaynst him & ouercame hȳ & his hoost / & toke hym / & yet they wolde fayne haue had peas / but this faythful man had leuer dye in payne thā to gyue peas to cursed people. His louyng saynt Austyn gretly exalteth. Emili{us} Fabius & Gaius wold haue deliuered Regulus but they obteyned not. ¶ Ptholomeas Euergites this tyme was king of egipt a victoryous prynce & a myghty. This man subdued Syriā & Ciciliā & y• moost parte of Asie / and toke theyr goddes & brought them in to his coūtre. ¶ Ptho∣lomeus Philopater sone to Euergites regned in Egypte .xvij. yere. This man fought agaynst .ij. brethern. Selencū & grete Anthiocū / & he prostrated many a thousande / but neuerthelesse he preuay¦led not. Vide pl’a i Iohāne su{per} Daniel. ¶ Hanyball the moost cursed kynge of Peno{rum} or of affricano{rum} mightely hated the Romayns / for he destroyed them al∣moost to y• vttermest ende / & nygh y• cite of Rome he destroyed / & so many noble men of Romayns he slewe at one tyme / that thre busshelles of golde rynges he drew of theyr fyngers. Also in a certayn water of the slayne bodyes of these Ro∣mayns / he made as it were a brydge / y• his hoost myght passe. And at y• last Ci∣pio y• noble senatour directed his host to hym & discōfyted hym / & almost Cipios host of Romayns were slayne. ¶ Luca∣tius cōsul. Sipronius valeri{us} / Fulnius lutin{us} Gaius / & Scipio ruled at Rome. This tyme the Romays had peas one yere alone / & it was takē for a myracle y• they had so lōge rest / for afore this tyme in. iiij .C. & .xl. yere y• Romayns had ne∣uer rest. These cōsules whā y• yere was done cōgregated all y• strēgth of ytaly / & they had in theyr hoost .viij. M. armed men / for drede of y• frensshmen / whome they drad strongly / & afterwarde y• Ro∣mayns subdued them. ¶ Epiphanes y• sone of Philopat regned in egypt .xxiiij. yere. Cleopatra doughter to grete An∣thioc{us} was his wyfe. ¶ Anthioc{us} ma∣gnus this tyme regned in Syrry / whi∣che dyd moche mischefe to y• Iewes. Vt pʐ Math. ¶ Onias this tyme was bys∣shop in Ierusalē. This Onias for y• ty∣ranny of Anthiocus fled wt many iewes into egypt / feynynge hym to fulfyll the {pro}phecy of ysaie .xix. that is to wyte / to buylde the temple. But in y• he synned / for he sayd otherwyse than he thought. The kynge of Egypte gracyously recey¦ued hym / & gaue hym y• londe of Helipo∣lees / & there he buylded his tēple. Sy∣mon his sone was bysshop at Ierusalē after that his fader was fledde. ELeasar of the lyne of Chryst was about this tyme: of hȳ no thynge is wrytē in scripture / but y• Math. nom∣breth hȳ. Vt pʐ .j. ¶ Omas Pius was to y• Iewes bysshop this tyme / an holy man / & well beloued wt god & man / & not all onely wt good men / but yll men also. At the last vnright wysly was slayne of Andronito. Vt pʐ .ij. macha .iiij. ¶ Pau¦lus Terentius / Scipto Affrican{us} / these were senatours at Rome / these two ere∣cted an hoost agaynst Hanyball / & there almost y• Romayns hope dyed / for there was slayne .xliiij. thousand Romayns. And this noble man Scipio Affricanus brought agayn the state of y• Romayns the whiche stode in a despayre neuer to haue recouered. For he fought wt Hany∣ball manly & discōfyted hȳ. All Spayne he ouercame. All Affryke he subdued∣grete Anthioc{us} he brought to be his ser∣uaūt. All Asiam he made tributary to y• Romayns. This man so noble & so victo¦ryous by his own vnkynde coūtre was outlawed / & there he dyed. ¶ Philome∣tor the sone of Epiphanes of Cleopatra regned in egypt .xxxv. yere. This kyng yet a chylde noble Anthiocus gretly op∣pressed with many deceytes. But y• Ro∣mayns sent legates y• which cōmaūded Anthiocus y• he sholde cesse of his tyran∣ny agaynst hym. And Marcus Publi{us} made a cercle about Anthiocus sayenge thus. The senatours of rome & y• people cōmaūde y• that y• go not out of this cer∣cle tyll y• haue answered to this mater. This Anthiocus seynge y• he might not contynue his tyrāny sayd. Yf it be thus cōmaūded me of the senatours and Ro∣mayns / I must nedes turne agayn & so wood angry he was y• he lost y• syege of Alexādre / & turned to y• poore releues of the Iewes / vēgyng hȳ on them bycause he myght not venge hym on no mygh∣tyer people. Vt pʐ. in lib. macha .j. et .ij. MAthathias an holy man / & of all praysynge moost worthy / hated in his herte ye cōuersacyon of all synners all onely trustyng in our lorde god of Is∣rael. Vt pʐ prio macha .ij. And this mā had .v. sones of the same loue vnto god. This man was not bysshop in Israel / but his .iii. sones were. ¶ Iudas Ma∣thabe{us} was bysshop .iii. yere / & he was sone to Mathathias. This machabeus was the moost named man yt euer was in Isarel / yt whiche had neuer none lyke hym afore ne after. He was in batayle a myghty man / & offred hȳ to dye a mar∣tyr for ye lawes of god. ¶ Ionathas his broder suceeded hym. rir. yere / the whi∣che grewe in vertue: & gouerned & abode stedfast in ye lawes of god / & after falsly was slayne of Criphone & two of his so∣nes. Vde pa iuda et fr̄e et{us} lib. macha. ¶ Antiochus Epiphanes sone to Antio thus ye myghty this tyme was kyng of Sirry. This man frō ye heed vnto ye fote wtin & wtout al was cursed / & therfore he was fygured to Antechryst. Many mar tyrs he made cruelly / & falsly he disposed hȳ to entre in to Egypt as his fader dyd but he obteyned not / for ye Romayns let∣ted hȳ to his vnhappy werke / & how he was in hostage at Rome / & how ye {pro}phe cy of Daniel is cōpleted in hȳ ye may se in ye boke of Macha. ¶ Quintus flami nius / March{us} Catho / Thiberi{us} Grace{us} were senatours of Rome. This tyme so meche batayle was ye lerned men of gen tyles & of ye true fayth bothe were wery to wryte ye actes / or haue them in myn∣de. In yt whiche batayles men meruay led gretly on ye sted fastnes of ye romayns that no tribulaciō / no drede nor hardnes might fere them / but euer contynued in batayle. And certaynly these Romayns after ye worldes honeste / they were the moost wysest men yt were / & therfore the Machabees desyred theyr company. MAthan sone to Sadoth of ye lyne of Chryst gate Iacob. Vt patet Mathei. . ¶ Symon sone to Matha∣thias was bysshop .viii. yere. This Sy¦mon was a very wyse man / & from his youth vntyll his age was euer of good conuersacyon / euermore vertuous. And at the last he was slayne of his broder Elay. Vt pʐ .i. macha. ¶ Iohānes Hyr∣canus sone to Symon was after his fa der .xxix. yere / a noble man as all ye kyn∣rede was before hym. This man after his decesse lefte his wyfe a very wyse woman & his fyue sones to gouerne the Iewry / of whome the eldest was called Aristobolus an vnpacyent man and an vnhappy. His owne moder with thre of his yōger brethern he prysoned / & slewe them through honger / & so alone he ly∣ued kynge & bysshop one yere. Vide pa libro machabeo{rum}. ¶ Publius Lucinius Lucius Emilius / Lucius Lucinius / & Lucius Censorinus were consulles at Rome / in whose tyme the Cartagyens & the Romayns warred strongly togy∣der / but the Romayns subdued them / intendyng to haue destroyed the Carta∣gyens vtterly. But amōge ye Romayns there was a notable wyse man called Scipio Nauta / & amonge many nota∣ble coūseyles / two he gaue specyally to be had in mȳde. The fyrst that Cartago sholde not be destroyed / that through ye occasyon of forehande batayles / an in∣warde concorde and peas sholde abyde amonge the Romayns / & a perpetuall strengthe for contynuall exercyse of ba∣tayle. The seconde / that in no wyse the teathur sholde be buyided in Rome / for he sayd that was the moost enemy that myght be vnto the people whiche vsed warre / for that place nourysshed slouth and prouoked lechery. And how wysely this notable man gaue cosiseyle / the ty∣mes folowynge declare. Vide pa in Au gu. deciui. dei. et Oro. lib .iiij. Yet for all this coūseyle the noble cite of Cartagye was destroyed of Scipio & ye senatours And it brent .xvii. dayes cōtynually / ma¦ny men there were solde / & many men ran in to ye fyre wylfully. ¶ Corinthus this same yere was destroyed of the Ro mayns / whiche was the rychest coūtre of the worlde. ¶ Ptholome{us} this tyme regned in Egipt / & was famylyer with the Romayns. And so longe he & his pre decessours regned as they kepte fidelite to the Romains. And knowe euery man that there was none other cause that ye power of ye Romayns encreased so strōg ly aboue other people / but vertue yt whi¦che haboūdaūtly regned in them / & na∣mely ryghtwysnes / yt whiche aboue all thynge they vsed. And as longe as they kepte mesurenes & loued ryghtwysnes so longe they were neuer ouercomen / & as soone as they were corrupted / it is redde they were ouercomē. ¶ It is had in a certayne reuelacyon of god shewed to saint Brigit / that our lord god bereth wytnes to these olde Romaȳs / ye none in this world of pure natural reason lyued more ryghtwysly. And what lyghtes of fayth they shewed in ye tyme of chrysten religyon shall be shewed afterwarde. ARistobolus was the first kyng & preest in the Iewry. This man regned one yere alone / & toke to hym the dyademe of ye kyngdom. And he held hȳ not content with that ye his fader gaue hym in his testament. But he put his moder in pryson & his bretherne / & ther∣fore he perysshed wretchedly wt his bro∣der Antigonus / the whiche was of his coūseyle & helped hym. Vide magr̄m in historiis. ¶ Antigon{us} broder to ye kynge was slayne through ye enuy of ye quene. ¶ Alexander was bysshop after Airsto∣volus / & he stode .xxvii. yere / & he was a tyraūt / all though he appered sobre in the begȳnynge. But he made it knowen what he was in his stomacke. For he slewe his owne bretherne / & in .xii. yere he slewe .l. M. of the olde sage faders of grete vertue / bycause they colde hȳ his mysguydynge. Than whā he shold dre he lefte two sones behynde hym / ia∣nū & Aristobolū. But certaynly he sayd his wyfe sholde regne / for she stode in ye grace of ye people. ¶ Seruius Flaccus / Lucius Celius / Fabius Publius / this tyme were senatours at Rome. This tyme batayles amonge themself began Of the whiche ye fyrst cause & the begyn nynge was Gracius a myghty man & well knowen with noble Romayns be∣gan to seke a cause agaynst them. And bycause yt he myght do no thynge alone to them / he meued the comyn people to them sayenge / that all ye londes & posses∣syons shold be deuyded equally / & also ye money. & . And for yt cause there was an insurreccyon / in yt whiche Gracius was slayne / & many nuscheues fell after. Vi∣de Orostū. ¶ In the tyme of these men there was a chylde borne at Rome ha∣uynge .iiij. feet .iiij. armes. i. faces and iiij. eyen. ¶ The hyll of Ethna spytted out flamynge fyre horrybly / & destroyed the places nye about it. ¶ And these mē verynge rule Cartago was cōmaūded to be restored / & it was fulfylled of ye Ro mayne people. And there was myghty batayle in ye cite of Rome. ¶ Fab{us} with a lytell hoost ouercame the kynge of r∣menye / and there were drowned an hon dred and .lxxx. N{us}. men in the water of Reme. ¶ Pholomeus Alexander was kyng in Egipt. In his tyme was borne Luretius a poete / yt whiche afterwarde was madde for loue of women & slewe hymselfe. ¶ Ptholomeus some to Cleo∣patre regned after hym / vnder whome Salustius the noble wryter of hysto∣ryes was borne. ¶ Ptholomeus Dio∣nysius was after this man. And in his tyme Virgyli & Dracius were borne. IAcob naturall fader to Ioseph of the lyne of Chryst is rehersed in Luke & Mathewe / & lytel of him is had in scripture. ¶ Alexandra wyfe to Alexā der was bysshop in the Iury .ix. yere / & she dyd moche tyranny / all yf she was made bysihop by her feyned holy rely∣gyon. And Nircanū her sone promo∣ted to the bysshopryche / & she ordeyned yt he sholde regne after her. This woman in the lyne of ye by sshops is put for ye con̄ tynge of ye yeres. Not that she vsed ye of∣fyce of a vysshop / for it was not lefull to her. ¶ Hircan{us} sone to Alexander regned xxxiij. yere. This Hircanus after the de cesse of his moder succeded in the kyng∣dom / in yt whiche he had lytel prosperite for parcialite of the people. For anone he was ouercomen / & afterwarde he was restored through the helpe of ye Arabees And than he was made tributary to the Romayns / & so he was in peas a lytell tyme / but not in ye name of kyng. At the last he dyed wretchedly / for he was be∣giled through ye fraude of Partho{rum} / the whiche Antigonus hyred agaynst him. Vide plene magr̄m histo. ¶ The heresy of the pharisees about this tyme began & amonge them were .iij. sectes in ye Iu ry / Pharisei / Saducei / & Essei / all these were deuyded fro the comyn vse of the Iewes / & were infecte wt many errours for they sayd yt they were holyer than other men / for they lyued straytlyer thā other men dyd. Vide plus alias. ¶ Vir∣gyll the moost famous and excellent of poetes was magnifyed this tyme / and mernaylous thinges he dyd / & amonge other whan than Neopolis was vexed with deedly payne of myghty wormes Virgyl cast a worme of gold in to a pond or a water / & it laye there a cetayn sea∣son. And whan it was takē vp in to the towne / all ye cite was made full of wor∣mes / & tyll the worme of golde was put in to the water agayne / they had infy∣nyte wormes / & whan it was in ye wa∣ter all the wormes went away. ¶ Also it is wryten in the cronycles of Rome / ye Virgyll by cōnynge cōdensed or thycked the ayre / so yt he walled his gardyn with the ayre / & he made a brydge of the ayre by the whiche he myght passe euery ty∣me that he lyst. Also he asked Marcellū Neopolitanū neue we vnto ye emperour yf he wolde haue a byrde taught to kyll all byrdes / or a flye taught to dryue all flyes out of the cyte. And this Marcellū tolde this to the emperour. And he desy∣red to teche a flye to kyll all flyes / for the comyn people were sore anoyed wt flyes And many other meruayles he dyd. Vi∣de magr̄m Rodulfum Cestern̄. ¶ Dra∣cius Flaccus / and Salustius Crispus historicus were this tyme. ¶ Quintus Cipio / Gaius Lucius this tyme were consules at Rome. ¶ Pompeius / Mar∣cus Crassus / & Julius Cesar this tyme were Dictatours at Rome. For as it is sayd afore there were many dignytees at Rome / of the whiche some dured one yere / & some two yere. And amonge all the dignytees the Dictatours exceded / for it dured fyue yere contynually. But whan ye comyn people & the lordships of Rome encreasyng were made .iij. Dicta tours. And this tyme were Pompeius Iulius / & Marc{us} crassus dictatours / & bycause Pōpeius was of grete honour and aged / he abode at Rome to kepe the comyn people of Rome. ¶ Marc{us} Cras∣sus was sente to subdue & fyght with ye regyon of Perthus / & through treason he was taken & slayne. ¶ Iulius Cesar was sent to ye west parte of ye worlde to subdue them. And he had wt hym. vi. le gyons of people. And whan he had sub∣dued Lombardye & Fraūce / his .v. yere were spended yt whiche were assygned to hym & no longer. There by his owne auctorite he toke other .v. yere on hym / in yt which he subdued Cassibalon kyng of Brytayn / & the frenshmen that rebel∣led agaynst hym. This Iulius after he had cōquered these coūtrees vnto Rome he rode agayne for to be receyued wt cer∣tayne worshyp as cōquerours were be∣fore hym / but it was denyed him / & also the entre of ye cite / by instigacyon of a lor¦de called Pompey. Wherfore this Iult{us} Cesar was anoyed / & wt force of myght entred the cite / & robbed the comyn trea∣sour / & ledde it with hym / & departed it amonge the .v. legyons yt were his ser∣uaūtes. Than went he in to Spayne to fyght agaynst this Pompey / for Pom∣pey had ye gouernaūce of Cartago. But after that iourney in ytalye Pompey & he encoūtred togyder / in which batayle Pompey fledde vnto the kyng of Egipt. And that same kynge for specyall loue yt he had vnto this Iulius Cesar / smoe of Pompeys heed / & sent it to Iulius Ce∣sar. Yet for all ye enemyte yt was betwixt these two / Iulius wepte whan that he same this Pompeys heed. This Iuli{us} was excedyng in wytte afore other men & he fought in batayle .lij. tymes. This man alone exceded Marc{us} Crassus / the whiche is sayd to haue foughten .xxxix. tymes. This man toke fyrst the empyre of Rome vpon hym whan Pompey and other noble men of the Romayns were clayne. And at ye last the fyfth yere of his empyre this Iulius Cesar ye ruler of all the world was slayne in ye coūseyll hous thrugh treason of his lordes. ¶ Cathon the moost named philosopher leyng Iu lius cesar haue ye victory / whome he fa∣uoured not / at a town called Vticā slewe hymselselfe. Iuxta illud. Mauult Cato mori / quā deroget vrbis honori. But for that (after Austyn) he was not excused of synne. ¶ This tyme ye Iury was tri¦butary to the Romayns for parcialite of two bretherne / Aristobolus / & Erranus both of them for enuy of other kest them to ye Romayns that they myght regne. ¶ This tyme thre sonnes appered i he∣uen towarde the eest parte of ye worlde the whiche by lytel & lytel were brought in to one body. A grete signe it was that Affrica / asia & Europa shold be brought in to one monarchy / & that ye lordshyp of Anthony the senatour & Lucus Anton sholde turne in to one lordshyp. ¶ Mar∣cus Cicero Tulius ye moost excellent e∣thoricien was cōsul of Rome this tyme. AFter ye deth of kyng Lud regned his broder Cassibalon & became a good man & moche beloued of his Bry tons / so that for his goodnes & curteysy they graunted hym the realme for euer more to hym and to his heyres. And the kyng of his goodnes let nourysshe wor∣thely bothe the sones yt were Luds his broder / & after made the eldest sone erle of Cornewayle / and the yongest sone he made erle of London. And whyles this Cassibalon regned came Iulius cesar yt was emperour of Rome in to this ode with a power of romayns / & wold haue bad this londe through strengthe / but Cassybalon ouercame hym in batayle through helpe of y• brytōs / & droue hym out of this londe. And he went agayn to Rome and assembled a grete power an other tyme / and came agayne in to this londe for to gyue batayle to Cassibalon / but he was discōfyted through strength of the brytons / & through helpe of y• erle of Cornewayle & the erle of London his broder / and through helpe of Gudyan kynge of scotlonde / and Corbond kynge of north wales / and of Bretayll kyng of south wales. And in this batayle was slayne Nemyon that was Cassybalons broder / wherfore he made moche sorow And so wente Iulius Cesar out of this londe with a fewe of Romayns y• were lefte alyue. And than Cassybalon went agayne to London / & made a feest to all his folke y• had holpen hym. And whan that this feest was all done / than euery man went home to his owne coūtree. ANd after it befell vpon a daye y• the gentylmen of y• kȳges hous∣holde / & the gentylmen of y• erles hous∣holde of London after meet went togy∣der for to playe / & through debate that arose amonge them / Enelin that was y• erles cosyn of London slewe Irenglas that was the kynges cosyn / wherfore y• kynge sware y• Enelyn shold be hanged But the erle of London y• was Enelyns lorde wolde not suffre hym / wherfore y• kyng was gretly vexed & worth to war dethe erle / & thought to destroye hym / & pryuely y• erle sent lettres to Iulius Ce∣sar / that he sholde come in to this londe for to helpe hym / & hym auenge vpon y• kyng / & he wold helpe hym with all his myght. And whan the emperour herde these tydynges / he was full glad / & or∣deyned a stronge power / & came agayne the thyrde tyme in to this londe / & y• erle of London holpe him with .vij. M. men And at y• thyrde tyme was Cassybalon ouercomen & dyscomfyted / & made peas with the emperour for there thousande pounde of syluer yeldynge by yere for truage for this londe for euermore. And than within halfe a yere after Iulius Cesar the emperour went vnto Rome / and the erle of London with hym. For he durst not abyde in this londe. And af∣ter Cassibalon regned .xvij. yere in peas and than he dyed the .xvij. yere of his regne / and lyeth at Yorke. AFter the deth of Cassybalon for as moche as he had none heyre of his body lefully begoten / the lordes of the londe by the comyns assent crowned Andragen erle of Cornewayle / & made hym kynge. And he regned well & wor thely / and he was a good man / and well gouerned the londe. And whan he had regned .viij. yere than he dyed / & lyeth at London. IOseph of the lyne of Chryst was borne aboute this tyme / and after was husbonde vnto our lady. ¶ Anti∣gonus was bysshop this tyme in the Iury. This Antigonus was sone vnto Aristobolus / and on euery syde he was fals. For he obeyed not to the Romayns and a grete plage he brought vnto the londe for to destroye Hircanus his owne vncle / that he myght regne kynge / and so Hircan{us} was expulsed / & Falel{us} was slayne / & Herode was exiled. But whan Herode came to Rome & tolde the sena∣tours all these thynges / the emperour created hym kyng / sendyng with hym an hoost / the wthe toke Ierusalem / & Antigonū the bysshop was takē & ledde to Anthony y• senatour / the whiche ma∣de him syker / & so was Herode cōfermed in to his kyngdome. And he a straūger regned on the Iewes. And so the kyng∣dom of the Iewes cessed / as Iacob had sayd. ¶ Titus Liuius historicus / and Ouidius were this tyme. OCtauian was emperour of Rome ivij. yere .vj. monethes & .x. dayes This Octauian neuewe to Iuly whan he was a youge man toke the empyre hym. His floury sshynge youth he spen¦ded in warre. Fyue. M. batayles he did And shortly after many batayles he worlde he brought in to one monarchy. This man had no felow / & in his dayes peas was in all the worlde through the prouisyon of the very god / that y• tempo rall peas myght gloryfye the Natiuite of our sauyour Chryst Iesu. This Octa uyan was y• fayrest man y• myght be / & hygh in wytte / the most fortunate in all thynges / & he lacked nor the vyce of his fleshly lust. This man made all y• world to be mesured. And in the .lij. yere of his regne was borne the sauyour of all the worlde Chryst Iesu / the whiche grasi∣feth eternal peas to his louers. ¶ Hir no a sedz Ieronymsi. that Anna & Emeria were systers and of Emeria was borne Elizabeth der to Iohn baptyst. And Anna was fyrst wedded to Ioachun / of whome she toke Mary of Chryst The seconde husbonds was Cleophe / & be gate on her Marye Cleophe / whiche was wedded to Alphe / of whom {pro}ceded Iames y• lesse / Symon Cananeus / Iu das Tadeus / & Ioseph which is called Barsabas. The thyrd tyme Anna was wedded to Salome / of whome she toke Marye Salome / whiche was wedded to zebedi: & of them came Iames y• more & Iohn the euāgelyst. The fyrst Mary wedded Ioseph broder to Cleophe afore sayd. ¶ This tyme Sibilla Tiburtina prophecyed of Chryst / & sayd to y• empe∣rour August / y• he sholde not ro we y• he was god after y• folysshnes of y• paynȳs And there she shewed hȳ a sayre virgyn in heuen / holdyng a childe in her ariues & sayd to hȳ. This childe is greter than thou / & therfore do hȳ worshyp. ¶ The monarchy of Rome about this tyme en∣creased myghtely. And whan it was so that by all y• worlde in dyuers {pro}uynces batayles were reysed sodeynly all men meruaylynge they were sessed and put them holy to y• prince of Rome y• openly it myght be shewed that suche an vny∣uersal peas came neuer by labour of ba∣tayle / but of y• power of y• very god / that in his natyuite peas sholde regne in the worlde. ¶ Herode Ascolonita was kyng in the Iury .xxxvij. yere. This Perede ydumeus was the fyrst straūge kynge that regned on y• Iewes. The mayster in hystoryes sayth he was a noble man and faythfull in the begȳuynge & in all thynge he had hym nobly. He was ve∣ry gentyll vnto the Romayns & to y• peo¦ple that loued peas. And in his olde age whan he wolde ouer moche please y• Ro mayns / & herd of y• byrth of Chryst dre∣dyng to be expulsed of his kyngdom as a straūger / wretchedly fell & slewe y• In∣nocentes & dyuers of his owne children. And at y• last was hatefull to all people / fell seke & dyed wretchedly. ¶ Mary the moder of Chryst was borne afore y• nati uite of Chryst .xvj. yere / or there about. AFter y• deth of Andragen regned Kymbalyn his sone that was a good man & well gouerned the londe in grete {pro}sperite & peas all his lyfe tyme. And in his tyme Chryst was borne of y• blyssed virgyn Mary. This kyng Kym balyn had two sones / Gynder & Arma∣ger / good knyghtes and worthy. And whan this Kymbalyn had regned. xxij yere he dyed / and lyeth at London. IN the begȳnynge of the .xlij. yere of Octauian the emperour y• whi¦che began to regne in Marche / & y• .xxxj. yere of Herode / the. vij .C .lj. yere after y• Rome was buylded / the .vj. moneth frō the conceyuynge of Iohn Baptyst / the viij. kalend of Apryll / the .vj. fery at Na¦zareth of Galylee of the virgyn Marye was cōceyued Chryst our sauyour / and the same yere was borne. WHan our lord Iesu Chryst was borne / a well of ayle sprange be∣yonde Tyber by Rome / & ranne all the daye. ¶ The golden ymage fell the which Romulus had made & put in his palays / sayenge. This ymage shall not fall vntyll a mayde bere a chylde. ¶ Whan Herode dysposed hym to slee y• children of Israel / he was cōmaūded by the lettre of y• emperour to come to rome to answere to y• accusacyō of his children Alexiū & Aristoboli. And there were .iij. Herodes gretly spoken of for theyr yll d des. The fyrst was called Ascolonita / & vnder this mā was Chryst borne / & the children of Israell were slayne. The se∣cond was called Antipas / sone to y• fyrst Herode / vnder whom John baptist was heded / and Chryst suffred deth. And the thyrde was called Agrippa / sone to Ari∣stoboli / sone to y• fyrst Herode / y• whiche slew Iames & prisoned Peter. The first Herode whā he sawe his sones Alexiū & Aristoboli through y• pretēce of his lettre by the emperour sent / stroue for y• succes syon of his kyngdom / he disposed & ma∣de Antipater y• was his first begotē sone to be before them / & whan they were tal kyng of y• deth of theyr fader / he kest thē away / & they went to y• emperour to cō∣playne of y• wronge of theyr fader / & in y• meane tyme y• thre kynges of Coleyn ca¦me by Herode to Ierusalē / & whan they came not agayn by hȳ / he thought they were ashamed to come agayn by hȳ / for bicause they were deceyued / & that they foūde not y• childe as he demed / therfore in y• meane season he cessed to slee y• chyl∣dren of Israell / & than he went to Rome for y• citacyon of the emperour / & he toke his way by y• cite of Tarsum / where he brent y• shyppes in whiche the thre kyn¦ges of Coleyne sholde haue sayled in to theyr owne coūtrees. Than after a yere & certayne dayes this Herode came fr Rome agayn accorded wt his sones / & for the confyrmacyon of his kyngdome he was made moche bolder / & thā he slewe all y• children of Bethleem y• were of two yere of age and vnder / that had space of one nyght of age / & amonge these was there one of his owne chyldren. And Ari stobolus & Alexiū were had suspected / in so moche as they promysed a barbour a grete rewarde for to cutte theyr faders throte whan he dyd shaue hȳ. And whā this Herode herde this / he was greued and there he slewe bothe his sones. And Herode Agrippa his sone he ordeyned to be kyng. Wherfore Antipater his eldest sone was about to poyson his fader / the whiche Herode Agrippa vnderstode / & prisoned there his broder / the whiche y• emperour herde / & sayd y• he had rather be an hogge of Herodes than to be one of his sones / for his hogges he spareth / & his sones he sleeth. And whan Herode was .lxx. yere of age / he was stryken wt a grete sekenes in his handes & in his feet & in his membres / y• no leche might come to him for stynke / & so dyed. Whan Antipater his sone y• was in prison herd tell of this / he ioyed gretly / & there for y• cause he was slayne. Than Archelaus and Herode stroue for the successyon of y• fyrst Herode afore y• emperour. The em∣perour there through coūseyle of y• sena∣tours y• halfe of y• Iury & ydumea gaue to Archelaus vnder name of a tetrarche The other parte he deuyded in to two. Galile he gaue to Herode Antipas / and Ituriam & Traconitidē he gaue to Phi¦lyp Herodes broder. ¶ And y• same yere Chryst came from Egypte. And Arche∣laus was accused many tymes of the Iewes / & was exiled in to Viennā in to Fraūce. And in y• place were set .iiij. Te∣trarches to y• repreuynge of y• vnstable∣nes of y• Iewes. ¶ And that same yere Octauian the emperour dyed. IEsu Chryst our sauyour at .xij. ye re of age herde the doctours in the temple. Our lorde Iesu Chryst at .xxx. yere of age was baptysed. Crux Christi. ¶ Iesu Chryst the lorde of all lordes at. xxxiij yere of age and thre monethes dyed for his ser∣uaūtes. ¶ In∣nius Rufus was bysshop in the Iury about this tyme. Va∣lerius Gracius was after hym xj. yere. This man openly solde the bys∣shopryche / & he that gaue moost had it. And so there was many in a lytel whyle ¶ Ponci{us} Pylat{us} was iudge & proctour in the Iury vnder y• emperour. And vn∣der this man saint Iohn baptyst began to preche. And our lord Iesu Chryst suf∣fred deth / whom Pylate cōdempned to deth wrōgfully for drede of y• emperour. ¶ Tyrus a certayn kyng gate a hysde on Pyla a poore mannes doughter na∣med Atus / & this chylde of his medrs name & his belsyre put togyder was cal¦led Pylatus. This Pylat{us} the .iiij. yere of his age was sent to his fader y• whi∣che kyng on his wyse lefully had goten a chylde euen of the age of Pylate. And bycause this lefull goten chylde as they proceded in age exceded this bastard Py¦latus / he was full of enuye / & slewe his broder the lefull goten childe. Wherfore his fader forth wt sente hym to Rome for pledge for his tribute y• he payd to rome entendyng he wolde neuer redeme hym In the whiche tyme the kynges sone of Fraūce was pledge for his trybute / the whiche exceded hym in strength & chy∣ualry also he slewe hym. Therfore y• Ro¦mayns sent Pylate as a {pro}fytable man for the comyn wele to the yle of Ponto / to tame ye cursed people y• whiche slewe euery Iudge that came to them. And he that cursed man gouerned that vnhap∣py people / what with thretenynge and with promesse / & with lawe / and with gyftes / that none of them durst do con∣trary to his pleasure / wherfore he was called Pylate of Ponto. ¶ Herode Anti∣pa yonge in his cōuersacions / with gyf¦tes and messengers drewe hym to hym and made hym prynce of ye Iury vnder hym. And this tyme Pylate gadred mo¦che money / and Herode not knowynge he went to Rome that he might receyue of the emperour that Herode had gyuen hym. Wherfore Herode & Pylate were enemyes togyder vnto ye passyon of our lorde / whan y• Pylate sent Iesu Chryst vnto Herode clothed in a whyte clothe than they were made frendes. ¶ Oui∣dius Naso in Ponto aboute this tyme dyed the fourth yere of his exile. ¶ Ti∣berius this tyme was emperour at Ro¦me / and he regned .xxiij. yere / and he ly∣ued in ye yere that our lord Iesu Chryst dyed / & somwhat after. This man was in all his werkes gretly auysed / yt there sholde be nothynge sodeynly done / wyse in warres / studyous in bokes / fayre of speche / fresshe in wytte / saue he wolde oftentymes feyne hȳselfe to do thynges that he wolde not were done of other. This emperour vnderstode & trusted in Chryst / and worshypped hym for god. Some men saye at ye last he was cruell agaynst the people / but it was a grete reason of pyte yt he was euer gracyous to his subiectes and poore men. And he had peas al his dayes / & all people that sayd agaynst christē folke / without ony mercy he destroyed. And he exiled Py∣late for euer. Than he decessed & a worse succeded hym. ¶ After Eusebe it is wry¦ten / that our lord at .xxx. yere of his age chose his .xij. apostles / the whiche ma∣de our Crede / that is our byleue / & they made it after the resurreccyon of Chryst and after the holy ghoost was sent vnto them / whan they had chosen Mathia ye apostle / & eche of them made a parte / as it is shewed here after. And this Ma∣thia was chosen bytwene the daye of ye Ascencyon & whytsondaye / in the place of Iudas scaryot ye traytour / of whome in an hystorye is redde thus. ¶ There was a certayn man in Ierusalem that hyght Ruben / & after saynt Ierome he was of the trybe of ysachar / & his wyfe hyght Ciborea / y• whiche on a certayne nyght whā he wolde lustely knowe his wyfe / she dremed that she sholde here a chylde of myschefe / & that chylde sholde be a traytour to his kynge and to all the people of that regyon. And whan that chylde was borne & called Iudas / his fader & his moder abhorred as well to slee theyr chylde / as to nourysshe a tray∣tour to the kynge & all his people / ther∣fore they put hym in to a panyer or leep in to the see. And he flowed to the yle of Scaryoth / where the lady of that place had no chyldren by her husbonde / & she feyned her to be wt chylde / but she fayled And after a lytel season the same lady & quene cōceyued a childe of her husbonde And whan he was of age Iudas many tymes angred hym / and caused hym to wepe / the whiche ye quene sawe / & bette Iudas many tymes / & after she know∣leged that Iudas was not the kynges sone nor hers / wherfore Iudas slewe y• kynges sone / and he dradde the payne of the lawe / & fledde with certayne exi∣les to Ierusalem. And whan he came there / he gate hym to Pylates courte that was iudge. And bycause that one cursed man draweth to another / ther∣fore he drewe to Pylate / & stode gretely in his fauour. And vpon a certayn daye whan Pylate loked out of his palays in to an orcharde of a mānes that was cal¦led Ruben the whiche was very fader to Iudas / Pylate desyred to haue ap∣ples / and Iudas went to gader apples and Ruben ranne to Iudas for to let hȳ bycause he toke his apples without ony leue. And after yt they had chydden this Iudas smote his fader on the heed wt a stone & slewe him / & Iudas fledde away secretely after y• dede / but it was sayd y• Ruben died sodeynly. Thā Pilate gaue Iudas all Rubens goodes & his wyfe Ciborea yt was his moder. And he delte not curteysly wt her as a man shold do wt his wyfe / wherfore she wepte bycause she had put her sone in y• see / & yt she was maryed agaynst her wyll. It was {per}rey¦ued y• Iudas had slayne his fader & wed¦ded his owne moder. Than Ciborea his moder & wyf styred hȳ to leue his synne which he dyd & folowed Chryst / & he for gaue hym his synnes / & made hym his proctour & apostle / & how false he was to Chryst it nedeth not to reherse. And ye same yere Mathewe was chosen / & the holy ghoost was sente vnto them as is sayd before. The apostles or they were sparpled in to all ye worlde / they gadered them togyder in Ierusalem / and made the Credo our byleue here folowynge. IEsu Chryst our sauyour arose fro deth to lyfe and sayd to his discy∣ples. All the power in heuen and erth is gyuen vnto me. And go ye thus in to all the worlde and preche & teche vnto eue∣ry creature / and I shall be with you to the ende of the worlde. ¶ Here be chose hym .lxxii. dyscyples. And he had. . a∣postles the whiche he sente in to all the worlde to preche. It is not redde yt there were oo ordres amonge the discyples of Chryst. Of whom the preestes & bys∣shops in the chirche of god yet kepe the fourme. For to the apostles the bisshops succede / and to the dyscyples preestes / to the whiche two ordres all the chirche is gyuen as a godly grarchy. Vt paret in decreto Damaste pape. ¶ Here begynneth the ordre of po∣pes of Rome / & contynueth as the lyne of Chryste dyd afore. For in them god lefte his power. PEter a Iewe ye fyrst pope was a blyssed man & a gloryous apostle of Chryst. He was heed of ye chirche af∣ter Ierom .xxxvij. yere. And he held his bysshopryche in y• cest .v. yere and sayd ma made our lorde / & alone sayd y• Pattoster. Than after he came to An¦tiochm / & there he abode .vij. yere te∣chynge y• waye of trouth / & Symō Ma¦gus he cōfoūded & ouercame. That sea∣son he preched to y• people y• were circū∣cysed whiche were in Ponto of Galati / Capadocia / Asia / Bithinia. Than herd he that Symon Magus deluded y• Ro∣mayns through the loue of y• fayth / he came to Rome in y• fourth yere of Clau∣dius the emperour / & there he preched the worde of god / & shewed the falshede of Symon Magus / and turned many a man to y• fayth. Than he sent his pre∣chers by dyuers prouynces / by whome christen religyon was myghtely encrea¦sed. He ordeyned the feest of lentyn afore¦ester / and the aduent / & the yng dayes to be fasted of all chrysten people / in to the myrrour of y• fyrst & seconde co∣myng of our lorde. Than whan he had ben pope at Rome .xxv. yere .vij. mone∣thes & .viij. dayes he was slayne of Ne∣ro. Ei{us} pa o{per}a vide act. apo{rum}. ¶ Gaius this tyme was emperour at Rome / and regned .iij. yere and .x. monethes. This Gaius was full vicyous in lyuyng / for two of his own systers he mysused / & on one of them he gate a doughter / whiche childe he set betwyxt ye knees of Iupiter in the temple / & feyned afterward ye Iu∣piter had goten her / wherfore he dyd d¦trye through ye countre ye all men sholde worshyp her as a goddesse. This man also made an ymage lyke hȳselfe / & sent it to one Patronie president at Ierusalé vnder the Romayns / cōmaūdyng hym that he shold compell ye iewes to do wor¦shyp therto. And for these enormytees & many other / our lorde suffred hym to be slayne at Rome in his owne palays. ANd after the deth of this Kym∣balyn regned Gynder his sone a good man and a worthy / & was of so hygh herte that he wolde not paye to Rome the trybute that kynge Cassyba∣lon had graunted vnto Iulius Cesar / wherfore the emperour that was than that was Claudius Cesar / was sore a∣noyed and greued / and ordeyned a grete power of Romayns / and came in to this londe for to conquere y• trybute through myght and strengthe / and for to haue it on the kynge. But this kynge Gynder and Armager his broder assembled and gadered a grete hoost togyder of Britōs and gaue batayle to ye emperour Clau∣dius / & slewe of y• Romayns grete plen∣te. The emperour had afterward one y• was called Hamon y• sawe theyr people were there fast slayne / & pryuely cast a∣waye his owne armes / & toke y• armes of a deed bryton & armed hym therwith and came in to the batayle to ye kynge / & thus he sayd. Syr be of a good herte for goddes loue / for the Romayns your ene∣myes anone shall be slayne & discōfyted. And the kyng gaue no kepe to his wor∣des / for bycause of ye armes that he had vpon hym / & wend it had ben a Bryton But the traytour euer helde hym nexte the kynge / & pryuely vnder ye sholder of his arme he smote the kynge / wherfore the kynge dyed & fell downe to the erth. Whā Armager sawe his broder so deed he cast awaye his armes & toke to hym his broders armes / & came in to the ba∣tayle amonge ye brytons / & badde them hertely for to fyght & fast lay downe the Romayns. And for ye armes they wende it had ben kyng Gynder that afore was slayne yt they wyst not. Than began the Brytons fyersly to fyght / & slewe the Ro¦mayns. So at ye last ye emperour for soke the felde & fledde as fast as he myght wt his folke in to Wynchestre. And the fals traytour Hamon yt had slayne the kyng fast anone began to flee with all ye haste that he might. And Armager ye kynges broder pursued hym full fyersly with a fyers herte / & droue hym vnto a water and there he toke hym / & anone smote of bothe handes & feet & heed / & hewed the body all to peces / & than let cast hym in to the water / wherfore that water was called Hamons hauen. And afterwarde there was made a fayre towne that yet standeth yt is called Southamton. And afterward Armager went to Wynche∣ster to seke Claudius ye Emperour / and there toke hym. And Claudius ye empe∣rour through coūseyle of his Romayns that were lefte alyue made peas wt Ar∣mager in this maner folowyng / that is to saye / that Claudius sholde gyue vnto Armager Gennen his doughter to wyfe & that this londe fro that tyme forward shold be in ye emperours power of Rome takyng none other tribute but homage. And they were accorded. And vpon this couenaūt Claudius cesar sente to Rome for his doughter Gennen. And whā she was comē Claudius gaue her to Arma¦ger to wyfe. And Armager spoused her at London wt grete solemnite. And thā he was crowned kynge of Brytayne. THis Armager regned well and worthely & gouerned well ye lōde And Claudius cesar in remembraūce of this accorde / & for reuerence & honour of his doughter made in this londe a fae towne & castell / & let call the towne after his name Claucestren / ye new is called Glocestre. And whā this was all done ye emperour toke his lue & went to Be. And Armager gate a sone on his wyfe yt was called Westmer. And whyle Armager regned saint Peter preched in Antioche / & there he made a noble chir∣che / in ye whiche he sate fyrst in his chay¦re / & there he dwelled .vij. yere. And af∣ter he went to Rome & was made pope tyll yt Nero ye emperour let martyr hym And than preched openly all y• apostles in dyuers londes the true faythe. And whan Armager had regned .xxiiij. yere he dyed / and lyeth at London. ANd after this Aager regned his sone Westmer / that was a good man and a worthy of body / & well gouerned the londe. It befell so that ty∣dynges came to hym on a daye that the kynge Roderyk of Gascoyne was come in to this londe with an huge hoost of people / and was dwellynge in Stanes∣more. And whan kyng Westmer herde those tydynges / he let assemble an huge hoost of Brytons / and came to kyng Ro¦deryk & gaue hym batayle. And kynge Westmer slewe Roderik with his owne handes in playne batayle. And whan kynge Roderykes men sawe that theyr lord was slayne / they yelded them all to kynge Westmer / & became his men for euermore. And he gaue them a coūtre yt was forlet wherin they myght dwell / & thyder they went / and dwelled there all theyr lyfe tyme / & .ix .C. men there were of them / & no moo lefte at that batayle. Theyr gouernour & prynce was called Beringer / & anone he began a towne yt they myght therin dwell & haue resorte & let call ye towne Berwyk vpon Twede And there they enhabyted & became ry∣che. But they had no women amonge them / and the Brytons wolde not gyue theyr doughters to ye straūgers / wher∣fore they went ouer see in to Irlonde / & brought with them women / and there they them spoused. But the men coude not vnderstande theyr language ne spe∣che of these women / & therfore they spa∣ke togyder as scottes. And afterwarde through chaungynge theyr languages in all Fraūce they were than called scot∣tes / and so sholde the folke of that coun∣tre be called for euermore. ANd after this batayle that is a∣boue sayd / whan Roderyk was slayne / kyng Westmer in remembraūce of his vyctory let arere there besydes y• waye a grete stone on hygh / and yet it standeth / and euermore shal stande / and he let graue in the said stone lettres that thus sayd. The kyng Westmer of Bry∣tayne slewe in this place Roderyk his enemy. And this Westmer was ye fyrst that buylded hous and towne in West∣merlonde / and at that stone begynneth Westmerlonde / that Westmer let call af¦ter his owne name. And whā Westmer had so done / he dwelled all his lyfe tyme in that countre of Westmerlonde / for he loued that countre aboue all other coun∣trees. And whan he had regned .xxv. ye¦re he dyed / and lyeth at Karleyll. COyll Westmers sone was crow∣ned kyng after his fader / and he was a good man & a worthy / & of good cōdityons / & well gouerned his londe / & of all men he had loue and peas. And in his tyme was neuer contacke / debate / nor warre in Brytayne. And he regned in peas all his lyfe. And whan he had regned .xi. yere he dyed & lyeth at Yorke. CLaudi{us} was emperour at Rome nexte after Gayus / & he regned xiiij. yere & .viij. dayes. This man came in to grete Britayn now called Englond for to chalenge the trybute whiche they dyd deny to y• Romayns. And after grete batayles there was bytwene the empe¦rour Claudius & Armager kyng of Bri¦tayn. And after accordement made that this Armager sholde wedde Claudius doughter / and after they two shold euer lyue in peas / in token wherof this Clau¦dius named ye cite where they were ma¦ryed after hym & called it Claudicestre / we call it now Glocestre. This Claudi{us} had .iij. wyues / & on Petiua ye first wyfe he gate a doughter that hyght Antonia The fyrst wyfe decessed and he wedded Messalinā & gate a sone y• hyght Brita∣nic{us} / & Octauia a doughter. The thyrde he wedded Agrippina / hauynge a sone that hyght Nero. Claudi{us} wedded his doughter Octauia to Nero his wyues sone. This Claudi{us} for loue yt he had to Agrippina his last wyfe he slewe Mes∣salina his secōd wyfe / lest she shold haue helpe Britanicus her sone & his to ye em¦pyre. yet Agrippina ye last wyfe of Clau¦dius drad lest her husbonde wolde haue {pro}ferred Britanic{us} & haue deposed Nero her sone / therfore she poysoned her hus∣bonde Claudius / & Nero was {pro}moted to ye empyre. And this same Nero gaue his moder suche a reward agayn / for he poysoned Britanicus & slewe his owne oder & his wyfe Octauia. ¶ Iames the more y• apostle this tyme was slayne of Herode Agrippa / & Peter was pryso∣d. vt pʐ act .xij. The body of saynt Ia¦mes was brought by myr in to Ga∣ of Spayne. ¶ Nero after Claudi{us} s emperour / & he regne .xiij. yere & vij. monethes. This Nero was a cur∣sed mā / & made grete waste in y• empyre He wolde not fysshe but with nettes of golde & ropes of sylke. A grete parte of ye lordes of Rome he slewe. He was enemy to good men. He slewe his broder & his wyfe / his moder and his mayster. He slewe also Peter & Paule. He wolde ne∣uer were one cloth two tymes. His hor∣ses & his mules were shod with syluer. And at the last he dyd set a grete part of Rome on fyre / some saye to se how Troy brent / & some saye the Romayns cōplay¦ned ye stretes were to narowe. And whā he had brent a grete parte of Rome / Ne∣ro sayd there was space to buylde y• stre¦tes wyder. Than ye senatours wt the co∣myn people came vpon hym to e hym And he fled by nyght in to ye subbarbes of y• cite / & hyd hym amonge ye vynes / & he herde karles & beggers come by hym that sayd / & they wyst where the empe∣rour were / he sholde neuer scape them. Nero thought it sholde be grete deroga∣cion to his name & he were slayne of kar∣les / & on a grete stake he an hȳselfe to ye herte & dyed / & there was buryed / & de∣uyls kepte his body many a day after / & dyd grete hurt to ye people / tyll by a my∣racle of our lorde ye body was foūde & ta¦ken away / & than the deuylles voyded. ¶ Seneca was this tyme maister to Ne¦ro. ¶ Iuuenalis poeta. ¶ Lucan{us} poe∣ta. ¶ Iames ye lesse y• apostle bysshop of Ierusalem was slayne of ye Iewes the vj. yere of Nero. ¶ Marcus ye euāgelyst was martyred the fyrst yere of hym. Anus ytalicus was pope of Ro∣me .x. yere & .iij. monethes &. xi dayes. This Lin{us} & his successour Cl∣tus through theyr holy cōuersaciō were made to mynyster ye treasour of the th the to the people / Peter beynge alyue Peter attended to prayer & prechynge. It is redde of this Cletus that he wrote fyrst in his lettres Salutē et apostolicā vn̄dictionē. Afore this tyme was many a dyscyple of Peter slayne vnder Nero. ¶ Galba this tyme was emperour / & he regned seuen monethes. This man was made emperour by the power of spayne in the same londe / Nero lyuyng And after the dethe of Nero brought to Rome / & there was slayne of a man that came with whete to Rome. He smote of his heed & bare it to hym that was em∣perour nexte / seynge all his meu / & none of them helpyng hym. ¶ In this man∣nes dayes came the grete Rethorycyen to Rome fro Spayne / & was the fyrst ye euer taught ye seyence openly / his name was Quintilian. ¶ Ottho regned after hym / and he regned but thre monethes for one Vitellus that was presydent of Fraūce chalenged the empyre / & in Yta∣lye bytwene these two were thre grete batayles / & in the fourth batayle Ottha sawe he sholde be ouercomen / & in grete despayre he slewe hymselfe. ¶ Vitellus regned after this Ottho .viij. monethes for he was a folower of Nero / moost spe¦cyally in glotony / & in syngynge of foule songes / & at feestes etyng out of mesure that he myght not kepe it. ¶ Vaspasia∣nus regned nexte after hym .ix. yere .x. monethes & .xij. dayes. The well gouer¦ned men of Rome seynge the cursed suc∣cessyon of Nero / sente after this Vaspa∣syan vnto Palestyn / for there he was & his sone Titus / whiche had besyeged Ierusalem. And whan he herde yt Nero was deed / by whom he was sent to Ie¦rusalem / and herde of these cursed men regnynge / at the instaūce of these wyse men of Rome / & not wylfully toke vpon hym the empyre. And anone as he was comen to Rome / he ouercame the tyraūt Vitellus / & let hym be drawen through Rome / & after in Tyber tyl he was died and than let hym sayle wtout sepulture for this the people desyred. This man was cured of waspes in his nose anone as he byleued in our lorde Iesu / & that was the cause why he went to Ierusa∣lem to venge Chrystes deth. He fought xxxij. tymes with his enemyes. And he dyed the yere of grace .lxxix. Let{us} a martyr was pope .xi. yere This Cletus was a Romayne / & gretly he loued pilgrimages to sayntes sayenge it was more {pro}fyte to ye helth of mannes soule to visyte the place ye saynt Peter was in / than to fast two yere. He cursed all those men lettynge suche pyl∣grimages or coūseylers cōtrary therto. At ye last was martyred by Damacian ye emperour. ¶ Titus soue to Vaspasyan was emperour this tyme / & regned .iij. yere / & he abode styl at Ierusalem after the electyon of his fader / & destroyed the cite / and slewe there (as the story sayth) with batayle & hungre .xi. hōdred thou∣sande iewes / and an hondred thousand he toke / & solde .xxx. for a peny / bycause they solde our lord Iesu Chryst for .xxx. pens / & brought theus all thynge that was precyous / & put them in his hous at Rome / whithe was called Tēplū pa cis. But now is ye place fallen downe for the moost party. And all these precyous iewelles be distrybuted to certayn chir∣ches in Rome. This Citus was so full of vertue that all men loued hym / so fe forth that they called hym the moost de∣lectable of men. He was full lyberall to all men / in so moche that he sayd often tymes / that there sholde no maner man goo front an Emperoure with an heuy herte / but he sholde no somwhat of his peicyon. He wolde be sory that day in the whiche he had graunted no man no benefyte. Whan he was deed / euery man yt was in Rome wepte for hym / as that they had lost theyr fader. ¶ Domi∣cian broder to Titus regned after hym xiiij. yere & .v. monethes. Fyrst he was easy / and afterwarde full vnreasonable. For moche of ye senate was destroyed by his malyce / & also moche of his kynrede He began the seconde persecucyon after Nero agaynst chrysten men. In yt whi∣che persecucyon John ye euāgelyst was exiled in to Pathmos after ye emperour had put hȳ in to a tonne of brēnyng oyle & hurte hym not. So this man was not the folower of his fader Vaspasyan / ne his broder Titus / but rather lyke Nero & his kynrede. And for his wycked ōdi∣cyons he was slayne in his own palays at Rome in the .xxvij. yere of his age. ¶ Clemēs a martyr was pope .ix. yere / and he succeded Cletus. This Clemens fyrst of saynt Peter (as it is sayd) was ordeyned to be successour to him. And for peryll he wolde Linū & Cletū sholde be popes afore hȳ / lest yt through ye ensam∣ple prelates sholde ordeyne vnder them who someuer they wolde. This man made ye lyfe of martyrs to be wryten by regyons / & he made many bokes. He or∣deyned yt a chylde sholde be cōfyrmed as soone as it myght manerly after it was chrystened. And at ye last he was marty∣red vnder Traian. ¶ Nerua was empe¦rour after Domician one yere & two mo∣nethes. And whā he was chosen he me∣ued ye senate to make a lawe / yt all thȳge whiche Domician cōmaūded to be kept shold be broken. By which meane saynt Iohn ye euangelyst was losed out of his exile & suffred to come agayn to Ephese. This man dyd an other thynge ryght cōmendable / that he assygned so wyse a man as Traian was to gouerne ye peo∣ple after hym. Nota. ¶ Traian{us} hyspa uicus was Emperour .xix. yere. This Traian{us} many men sayd he was ye best amonge all the Emperours / but in one thynge alone he was vicyous / in so mo∣che as he for ye loue of ye als goddes was aboute to destroye ye chrysten fayth / iud∣gynge in hȳselfe so moost to please god. Some men saye not by hymself / but by other he pursued ye christen fayth / & in ye ende of his lyfe he dyd but fewe to deth. And all his louyng I set at nought. But at saint Gregory meued wt pite wepyng & prayed to our lorde for hym yt he wold haue mercy vpon hym / & by his prayer haue hym out of hell / in to whiche place he was dampned. And now yf he be sa∣ued or not / a grete alteracyon is amōge doctours. And to vs yt wryte Cronties it is no parte of our charge to determyn. But all ye eest parte of ye worlde / Babyl Selencia / the veter partes of the yde. Germayne the seconde after Alexander he helde vnder. In all these thynges so pyteous & so mekely he guyded hym to euery man as a kynge. He was gentyll and to no man vngentyll / the whiche is red of fewe. All the dayes be lyued men sayd he was the moost worthy man in all his empyre. And he thought & sayd euermore yt no man was more vnwor∣thy to be emperour than he. ANaclet{us} a martyr was pope. i. yere / & he was a Greke. He mo∣nysshed all christē men ye preestes sholde be worshipped aboue all other men say enge ye preestes doynge sacrefyce to god sholde be borne out / & not vred but be worshypped. And whan preestes sayd masse they sholde haue wytnes wt them and namely bysshops. Also he decreed ye clerkes sholde were no erdes nor longe heer. Also yt a bisshop shold be cōsecrated of thre / & dyuers other thynges. At the last the .xij. yere of Traian he was mar tyred / & buryed by the body of saynt Pe¦ter. ¶ Plinius ye second oratour & philo∣sopher wrote grete thinges. This man meued Traian that he shold withdraw the sentence gyuen agaynst chrysten fol∣ke / wrytyng to hym that they dyd none yll / but that they as vertuous folke rose afore day and worshypped Iesu Chryst theyr god secretly in the nyght. ¶ Eua∣ristus a greke and a martyr was .x. yere and .vij. monthes pope after Anaclet{us}. This man ordeyned that man & womā sholde be wedded openly / and that they sholde be blyssed openly of the preest & fa¦der & moder. And he was martyred the thyrd yere of Adrian / & buryed by saynt Peter. ¶ Alexander a Romayn was po¦pe .viij. yere & .v. monethes. This man the moost parte of ye senatours he cōuer∣ted to our lorde. And he ordeyned ye holy water sholde be kest in chrysten mennes houses / & that breed to synge with shold be made of clere breed / and that in lytell quantite. At the last he was martyred vnder Adrian that was emperour / and many he cōuerted to ye fayth of Chryst. ¶ Sixtus a Romayn was pope .x. yere and .iij. monethes. This man ordeyned Sanctus sanctus sanctus. &c. sholde be sayd in ye masse / & that the holy thynges of the chirche sholde not be touched but of mynystres of the chirche. Also that ye corporas shold not be made of sylke / but of pure lynnen cloth wouen & not dyed / and that a woman sholde not touche the holy vessell of the awter / ne the pall. Al∣so he ordeyned / that yf ony bysshopryke were vacaūt / that no bysshop sholde be receyued in to his benefyce but with the popes lettres. Also that no masse sholde be sayd but vpon an awter / & at the last he was martyred. ¶ Adrian was em∣perour .xxi. yere. This Adrian in many thynges is cōmended / to chrysten men otherwhyle he was gracyous / and cer∣tayn of them that wold not do sacrifyce to the fals goddes he slewe. He was an vnyuersall man almoost in all scyences. Peas he had all his dayes but with the Iewes / and many a lawe he made. And than he cōmaunded that chrysten men sholde not be dampned to deth but with due processe. Ierusalem he subdued a∣gayne / and forbade that no Jewe sholde dwell therin by no wyse. Chrysten men he suffred there to dwell. Agaynst his wyll he came to the empyre / but he go∣uerned hym very well. Whan the sena∣tours prayed hym to call his sone empe¦rour after hym / he sayd. It is ynough to me yt agaynst my wyl I haue regned whiche I haue not deserued. For ye em∣pyre of Rome sholde not go by succession of blode / but to suche men as deserue it through theyr merytes. Many tymes he regneth vnuertuously that is a kyng borne / and vertue shold come before his kyngdome. ¶ Eustachius otherwyse called Placidus & Therospita his wyfe and two of theyr sones / of whome mer∣uaylous thynges ben redde / were mar∣tyred by the cōmaundement of Adrian. This Placidus was mayster of the em¦perours knyghtes. ¶ Ierusalem was restored by Adrian and made larger / so that the place where Chryst dyed was within ye walles / yt whiche was with∣out before. And this is the thyrde buyl∣dynge agayne of that cyte. For it was thryes destroyed / that is to saye / of Cal dees in the tyme of zedechie / of Anthio∣cus in the tyme of Machabeo{rum} / & of Ti∣tus in the tyme of Vaspasian. Elesphorus a Romayn was po∣pe .xi. yere. This man ordeyned this aūgelles ympne to be songen in the masse Gloria in excelsis deo. &c. and the gospel to be redde afore ye sakeryng / & on Chrystmas day .iij. masses to be songen And he ordeyned there shold no masse be sayd afore .iij. of ye last he was martyred / & buryed at saȳt Peters ¶ Ignius a greke was pope .iiij. yere. This man ordeyned that a childe sholde haue a godfader & a godmoder at bap∣tym & cōfyrmacyon. Also that no arche∣bysshop (excepted the pope) sholde con∣dempne his suffrygan but yf that the cause were shewed in ye prouyncyall coū seyle of bysshops. Than he was marty∣red / & buryed at saȳt Peters. ¶ Antho∣nius Pius was emperour .xxij. yere wt his sones Aurolio & Lucio. This man was myghtely wyse / & naturally fayre of speche / the whiche lyghtly in one mā is not foūde. Nota. Excedynge men in wysdom comynly are not fayre speched nor peasfull namely of nature. Nor con∣trarywyse. Excedynge men in fayre spe¦che comynly are lesse than wyse. This mā was meued wt bothe these {pro}pertees Therfore many kyngdomes the which receded from other emperours / wylful∣ly to this man returned agayne. And to chrysten men was none so gentyll. He sayd through the ensample of Cipio. I had leuer kepe one heere of a man than slee an hondred of myne enemyes. And some martyrs were made vnder hym / but they were made vnder ye cōmaunde ment of ye emperours afore. And ye chry∣stē people were so hatefull to ye bysshops & to ye preestes of ye tēple of ye fals goddes that they prouoked the princes alwaye agaynst them. For they supposed that ye chrystē fayth shold destroye them. Ther fore it was no meruayle (all though the prynce was yll pleased / for they sayd all theyr goddes were deuyls) yf lower iud¦ges pursued christē folke & martired thē ¶ This tyme .x. M. martyrs were cru∣cifyed in Armenia on an hye hyll called Arath. ¶ Pompeius trogus isto ēpore historias toi{us} orbis a Nino vs{que} ad Oc∣cauianum deduxit. PIus ytalicus was pope .xj. yere iiij. monethes & .xij. dayes. This man ordeyned ye feest of eester euermore sholde be halowed on ye sonday. And also an heretyke comynge fro the secte of the Iewes shold be receyued / & be baptysed Thā he was martyred & buryed in fast Peters. ¶ Anicet{us} was pope after Pius almoost .x. yere. This man made man decrees of the Canon & for bysshops. Vt in ca. violatores. &c. ¶ Galienus a le goten in pergamo was in grete fame Rome / yt whiche not all onely expowned the bokes of Ypocras / but he put many of them to his bokes. And of this m sayd for his discrete abstinence yt he lyued an .C. and. l. yere be neuer ne dranke his fyll. Nota abstinentiā. He neuer toke rawe fruytes alway he had a swete breth. He dyed all onely through age & no sekenes. ¶ Martus Antonius the true / & Lucius Comodus were em∣perours .xix. yere. These two toke ye em∣pyre after Anthony the meke. And than began two emperours to regue but Iu¦cius Comodus decesed & Anthony was emperour alone yt whiche was a ryous man & a noble but that he made the fourth persecucyon to slee chrysten men. This Marcus was of so grete sad nes & stedfastnes / that for no chaūce he neuer laughed / ne chaunged no there / neyther for gladnes ne for sorowe. And whan he was a chylde he was of suche manhode / yt on a certayne tyme whā he loked his tresour / & had not yt whiche he myght gyue his knyghtes & his men / whan he went to fyght agaynst ye Ger∣mayns / the Sciauōs & Sarmatas / he wolde hurte ne greue no body / but had leuer to sell his wyues golden vessell / & her arayment / her beddyng & all her ry∣all stuffe / than take taxe of ye senatours or of his prouynce vnder hym. But he gate ye victory of his enemyes & recoue∣red all agayn / & releaced ye prouynces of theyr tributes. And those y• wold sell hȳ his wyues tresour agayne / he restored them theyr money / & those y• wolde not he neuer greued them. But ye tables of theyr dettes betwixt hȳ & them he brent openly in ye market place: & thāked them that they helped hym in his necessite. AFter kynge Coyll regned Lucie his sone / that was a good man to god and to all the people. He sente to Rome to Eleuther that than was pope & sayd that he wolde become a chrysten man / & receyue baptym in the name of god / & turne to the right fayth & byleue. Eleuther sente two legates / yt one was called Pagan / and that other Elibayn and came in to this londe & baptised the kynge & all his meyny. And after went from towne to towne and baptysed the people / tyll all the londe was baptysed. And this was in the yere an .C. and. lvj after the incarnacyon of our lorde Iesu Chryst. And than this kyng Lucie ma∣de in this londe two archebysshops / one at Caūterbury / & an other at yorke / and many other bysshops that yet be in this londe. And whan these two legates had baptysed all this londe / they ordeyned preestes for to baptyse chyldren / and for to make the sacrament. And after they went agayne to Rome. And the kynge dwelled in this londe and regned with moche honour .xij. yere / and after dyed and lyeth at Glocestre. THis kyng Lucie had none heyre of his body begoten yt was after warde grete harme & sorowe to ye londe. For after this kynge Lucies deth / none of the grete lordes of ye londe wold suffre an other to be kyng / but lyued in warre & debate amonge themselfe .l. yere wtout kyng. But it befell afterwarde y• a grete prynce came fro Rome in to this londe y• was called Seuerye / not for to warre / but for to saue ye ryght of Rome. But ne∣uertheles he had not dwelled halfe a ye∣re in this londe but yt the brytons slewe hym. And whan ye Romayns wyst that Seuerye was so slayne / they sente an other grete lorde in to this londe yt was called Allec that was a stronge man & a myghty of body / & dwelled in this londe longe tyme / & dyd moche sorow to ye bry¦tons / so that after for pure malyce they chose them a kynge amonge them that was called Asclepades / and assembled a grete hoost of Brytons / & went to Lon∣don to seke Allec / & there they foūde him and slewe hym & all his felawes / & one y• was called walon defended hym fyersly & fought longe with ye Brytons / but at the last he was discōfyted / & ye Brytons toke hym & boūde hym handes & feet / & cast hym in to a water / wherfore y• wa∣ter was called for euermore Walbroke. Than regned Asclepades in peas / tyll one of his erles yt was called Coyl made a fayre towne agaynst ye kynges wyll / & let call y• towne Colchestre after his na∣me / wherfore the kynge was wroth / & thought to destroye hym / and began to warre vpon hȳ / & brought grete power of men / & gaue ye erle batayle / & the erle defended hym fyersly with his power / & slewe ye kynge hymselfe in that batayle. And thā was Coyll crowned and made kynge of this londe. This Coyll regned nobly / & was well beloued of ye brytons. Whan y• Romayns herde y• Asclepades was slayne / they were wonders glad / & sent an other grete prȳce of y• Romayns that was called Constance / & he came to kynge Coyll for to chalenge y• trybute of Rome / which he graūted hym full glad¦ly. So they accorded y• kyng Coyll gaue to hym his doughter Eleyne to wyfe / y• was bothe fayre & wyse & well lettred / & dwelled togyder in loue. And soone after this kyng Coyll dyed in the .xiij. yere of his regne / & lyeth at Colchestre. AFter this kynge Coyll Cōstance was made kynge & crowned for as moch as he had spoused kyng Coyls doughter that was heyre of the londe / the whiche Constance regned / & well & worthely gouerned the lōde. And he be∣gate on his wyfe Eleyne a sone yt was called Cōstantyne. And this kyng bare true fayth / & truly dyd to them of Rome all his lyfe. And whā he had regned .xv. yere he dyed / and lyeth at yorke. AFter kynge Constance deth reg∣ned Constantyne his sone & sone to saynt Eleyne that foūde y• holy crosse in the holy londe / & how Cōstantyne be∣came emperour of Rome. It befell that in that tyme there was an emperour at Rome yt was a sarasyn & a tyraūt yt was called Maxence / whiche put to deth al y• byleued in god / & destroyed holy chirche by all his power / & slewe all chrystē men that he myght fynde / & amōge all other he let martyr saynt Katheryne / & many other christen people yt had drede of deth fled & came in to this londe to kyng Con∣stantyne / & tolde hym of y• sorowe that Maxence dyd to chrystē folke / wherfore Cōstantyn had pite / & made grete sorow & assembled a grete host & a grete power and went ouer vnto Rome / & there toke the cyte / & slewe all y• was therin of mys byleue. And than was he made empe∣rour / & was a good man / and gouerned hym so well / y• all londes were to hȳ at∣tendaūt for to be vnder his gouernaūce. ¶ And this deuyll & tyraūt Ma y• tyme was in the londe of Grece & herde these tydȳges / & sodeynly became wood & dyed sodeynly. ¶ Whan Constantyne went from this londe to Rome he toke with hȳ his moder Eleyne for her grete prudence / & thre other grete lordes y• moost loued / the one was called Howell & y• other Taberne / & ye thyrde Mo. And toke all his londe to kepe to ye erle of Cornewayle that was called Octauian And anone as this Octauian wyst that his lorde dwelled at Rome incontynent he cesed all the londe into his handes & therwith dyd all his wyll amōge & lowe / & they helde hym for kyng. Whan these tydynges came to Cōstantyne the emperour / he was wonders wroth to∣warde the erle Octauyan and sent Ta∣berne with .xij. M. men agaynst hym & they arryued at Portesmouth. Whan Octauian wyst that he let assembled a grete power of Brytons & dyscomfyted hym. And Taberne fledde in to Scot∣londe / & ordeyned there a grete power / & came agayne in to this londe another tyme for to gyue batayle to Octauyan. And whan Octauyan vnderstode that / he assembled a grete power / and came towarde Taberne as fast as he myght / so that those two hoostes mette togyder on Stanesmore / & strongly smote togy∣der. And than was Octauyan dyscōfy∣ted / & fledde thens vnto Norway. And Taberne seased all ye londe in to his han¦des bothe townes & castelles. But Octa¦uyan came agayne fro Norway with a grete power / & droue out al ye Romayns & than he was made kyng of this lond. THis Octauian gouerned ye londe well and nobly / but he had none heyre / saue a doughter that was a yōge chylde / that he loued as moche as his lyf. And for as moche as he waxed seke and was in poynt of deth and might no longer regne / he wolde haue made one of his neuewes to be kyng / which was a noble knyght & a stronge man yt was called Conan Meriedok: & he shold haue kepte the kynges doughter / & haue ma∣ryed her whan tyme had ben. But the lordes of ye londe wolde not suffre it / but gaue her coūseyle to be maryed to some hygh man of grete honour / & thā might she haue al her lust / & the coūseyle of her lord Cōstātyne ye emperour. And at this coūseyle they accorded / & chose Cador of Cornewayle for to go to ye emperour on this message / & he toke ye waye & went to Rome / & tolde the emperour these ty∣dynges well & wysely. And ye emperour sent in to this londe with hym his owne cosyn that was his vncles sone a noble knyght & a stronge yt was called Maxi∣myan / & he spoused Octauyans dough∣ter / & was crowned kyng of this londe. THis kyng Maximian became so ryall yt he thought to conquere ye londe of Amorican for ye grete rychesse yt he herde tell that was in y• londe / so yt he ne left no man of worthynes / knyght ne squyer / ne none other mā yt he ne toke wt him / to ye grete domage of all ye lōde. For he lefte at home no man to kepe ye londe / for he had wt hym .xxx. M. knyghtes of good mennes bodyes / & went ouer in to the londe of Amorican / & there slewe the kyng that was called Imball / and con¦quered all the londe. And whan he had so done / he called Conan & sayd. For as moche as kyng Octauyan wolde haue made you kyng of Brytayn / & through me ye were let & dystroubled y• ye were not kyng / I gyue you this lōde of Amo∣rican / & make you kyng therof. And for as moche as ye be a bryton / I wyl that this lōde haue the same name / and that it be no more called Amorican / but shall be called lytell Brytayne / and the londe fro whens we be comen / shall be called fro hens forth grete Brytayne. And so shall men knowe that one Brytayne fro that other. Thā this Conan Meriedok thanked hȳ curteysly / & so was he made kynge of lytell Brytayn. And whan all this was done Maximyan went from thens vnto Rome / and was than made emperour after Constantyne. And Co∣nan Meriedok dwelled in lytell Britayn with moche honour / & there let ordeyne two. M. plowmen of the londe for to ere the londe / to harowe & sowe it / & feffed them rychely after yt they were. And for as moche as kynge Conan & none of his knyghtes / ne none of his other people wolde not take wyues of the nacyon of fraūce / he sent in to grete Brytayne to ye erle of Cornewayle that men called Dio nothe / that he sholde chose through out all this lōde .xj. M. maydens / that is to saye .viij. M. for the meane people / & .iij. M. for ye gretest lordes that sholde them spouse. And whā Dionothe vnderstode this / he made a cōmaūdement through out all the londe of Brytayn / & as many as the nombre came to he assembled to∣gyder of maydēs / for there was no man that durst withstande his cōmaūdemēt bycause he was protectour. And whan these maydens were assembled / he let them come before hym at London / & let ordeyne shyppes for them hastely / wt all that therto belonged. And toke his own doughter that was called Vrsula / that was ye fayrest creature y• ony man wyst And he wolde haue sent her to kyng Co¦nan yt shold haue spoused her & made her quene of ye londe. But she had made pry∣uely to god a vowe of chastite yt her fader wyst not / ne none other man lyuynge. THis Vrsula those vnto her com∣pany .xj. M. maydens that of all other she was lady & maystresse / and all they toke shyppynge at one tyme in the water that is called Tamyse / & cōmaū∣ded her kyn & frendes to almyghty god and sayled toward lytell Brytayn. But whan they were comen in to ye hygh see a stronge tēpest arose as it was goddes wyll / & Vrsula with her shyppes & her cōpany were dryuē to Hunlōde through tempest / & arryued in y• hauen of the cite of Coleyne. And the kynge of the londe that was called Gowan was than in y• cite / & whan he wyst the tydynges that so many fayre maydens were there ar∣ryued / he toke Elga his broder & other of his housholde with hym and went to the shyppes to se that fayre company. And whan he sawe them so fayre / he & his cōpany wold haue ouerayen them and haue taken fro them theyr virgy∣te. But Vrsula that good virgyn coun∣seyled / prayed / warned / & taught then: that were her felawes / that they shol defend them with all theyr myght / and rather suffre deth than suffre theyr bo∣dyes to be defouled. So that all the vir∣gyns became so stedfast in god that they defended them through his grace that none of them had power to do them sha∣me. Wherfore kynge Gowan was sort anoyed / that he for wrathe slewe them euerychone anone ryght. And so were all those virgyns martyred for the our of god / and they lye at Coleyn. WHan all this was done / kynge Gowan whiche was a sarasyn called to hym his broder Elga and sayd to hym that he sholde go and conquere the londe that all those fayre maydens were borne in. And thā he or∣deyned a grete power of Pehites of den¦marke / of Orkeney / & of Norway. And they came in to this londe & brent tow∣nes / & slewe folke / & cast down chirches & houses of religyon / & robbed the londe in length & brede / & put to deth all those that wolde not forsake ye ryght byleue & chrystēdom. For as moche as there was no souerayne yt myght helpe them. For the kyng Maximian had taken wt hym all ye worthy men whan he went to con∣quere lytell Brytayn. And in ye same ty∣me was saynt Albon martyred through the wode tyraūt Dioclesyan / in ye same place where is now an abbey made of saynt Albons / whyles yt he was a pay∣nym. But he was conuerted vnto god through the predycacyon of a clerke & a wyse man that was called Ancibel that was herborowed a nyght in his hous. And this was after ye incarnacion of Ie¦su Chryst .CC .xxvj. yere. And it is to be vnderstāde that saint Albon suffred his martyrdom before saynt Edmond. And therfore is saȳt Albon called ye fyrst mar¦tyr of Englonde. ¶ This Gowans bro∣der & his folke that were sarasyns went through out the londe and destroyed all thynge yt they founde & no thynge they spared. Whan these tydynges came to Rome how ye kynge Gowan had begon for to destroye this londe / the emperour & the Romayns sent a stronge man & of grete power yt was called Gracien with xxiiij. M. fyghtynge men / for to cast out of this londe all those sarasyns. And all they arryued at Portesmouth. Maxi∣mian myght not come himselfe bycause he was chosen emperour after the deth of Cōstantyne yt was saynt Eleyns sone Whan this Gracian was arriued with his hoost / he let espye pryuely where ye kynge Gowan myght be foūde / & he set vpō them sodeynly as they lay in theyr beddes / & discōfyted them & slewe them in theyr beddes euerichone / that none of them escaped: saue Gowan yt fledde in to his owne coūtre wt grete sorowe. Soone after it befell ye Maximyan was slayne at Rome through treason. And whan Gracian wyst of those tydynges / he let crowne hymselfe kynge of this londe. THis Gracian whan he began to regne / he became so wycked and so sterne / and so moche sorow dyd to the Brytons that they slewe hym amonge them. Whan kyng Gowan vnderstode that Gracian was slayne / he assembled a grete power & came agayne in to this londe / and yf he had fyrst done harme than dyd he moche more. For he than destroyed all this londe and the chrysten people that were therin / so that no man was so hardy to name god / and yf they dyd they were put to straūge deth. But the bysshop of London yt was tho whi∣che was called Gosselyn scaped & went thens to them of Rome to seke socour to helpe to destroye the sarasyns that had destroyed this londe. And the Romayns sayd yt they had ben so often anoyed for theyr sendyng of folke in to Britayne all for to helpe the Britons / & they wold no more so do. And so the bysshop Gosselyn went thens without ony socour or hel∣pe. And than went he to ye kyng of lytell Brytayne yt was called Aldroie / & this was ye thyrde kyng after Gowan Me∣riedok / as before is sayd. The bysshop prayed this kynge Aldroie of helpe & so∣cour. And ye kynge had pite in his herte whan he herde how ye bysshop fledde / & how the chrysten men were so slayne in grete Brytayne through ye paynyms & sarasyns / he graūted hym Cōstantyne his broer for to helpe hym with power of folke. And cha dyd araye hors / har∣neys & shyppes & all thynge yt neded to that vyage. And whan all thynge was redy / he called ye bysshop & sayd to hym. I take you here Cōstantyne my broder vpon this couenaūt / yt yf god gyue hym grace to discōfyte ye infydelēs / that than ye shall make hym kyng. And ye bisshop graūted it wt a good wyll. Cōstantyne & the bysshop toke leue of ye kyng Aldroie / & betoke hym to god / & toke .xij. Minen & went to theyr shippes / & sayled towar¦de grete Britayn / & arryued at Totnes. Whan ye Britons herdethese tydynges that socour came / they were glad / & or∣deyned them an huge nōre of people / & went & receyued them wt moche honour ¶ Gowan anone as he wyst of these ty dynges / he assembled all his farasyns & came agaynst them & gaue thē batayle. And Cōstantyn slewe hym wt his owne handes / & all the other sarasyns were dyscomfyted & slayne yt none escaped / ex∣cepte those that were couerted to god. ANone after ye batayle they went to London & crowned there Con¦stantyne kyng of this londe / & ye bysshop Gosselin set the crowne on his heed / and aoynted hȳ as it belongeth for a kyng. And thā began christēdom in this londe agayn. And anone after whā this kyng Constantyn was crowned he spoused a wyfe through roūseyle of ye Brytons / & begate on herthre sones. The fyrst was called Cōstance / ye seconde Aurilambros & the thyrde Vter. This Constance yt el∣der broder whā he came to o he hym a monke at Wynchestre. And Con¦stātyne theyr fader was slayne through treason. For it befell vpon a tyme that a Pehyte came to hym vpon a daye as it were on a message / & sayd that he wol∣de speke with the kynge pryuely in coū∣seyle. The kyng let oyde his chambre of the men that were there within / and there abode no moo but the kynge and the Pehite / and he made a countenaūce as though he wolde haue spoken with the kyng in his eere. And there he shewe hym with a longe knyfe. And after that he went meruaylously out of that cham¦bre in to an other chambre / so that at the last no man wyst where he was bro∣men. Whan the kynges men wyst that theyr lord was so deed / they made than so moche sorowe / yt they wyst not what for to do. For as moche as his two sones Aurilambros and Vter were so yonge / that none of them myght be kynge and the thyrde broder was a monke at chestre as is sayd before. But onger that was erle of Westler thought pry∣uely in his herte through some subrye for to be kynge hymselfe. And wente to Wynchestre where as Constance was monke / & sayd to hym. Cōstance qued be your fader is deed / & your two brethern that ben wt Gosselyn the bysshop of Lon¦don to nourysshe / be so yonge that neue of them may be kyng wherfore I coū∣seyle you that ye forsake your habyte & come with me / and I shall make suche a meane vnto the Brytons that ye shall be made kynge of this londe. THis Vortiger coūseyled this Cō∣sāce so moche tyll he forsoke his abot and went with hym. And anone after he was crowned kyng by ye assent of the Brytons. This kynge Constance whan he was crowned & made kynge he wyll ne knewe but lytell of ye worlde nor coude no thynge what knyghthode axed. And he made Vortyger his chefe mayster & coūseyler / & gaue hym all his power for to ordeyn & to do as moche as to ye realme aperteyned. So yt hymselfe no thynge entermedled / but onely bare the name of kyng. Whā Vortiger sawe that he had all ye lōde in his warde & go∣uernaūce at his owne wyll / he thought by preuy treason to slee Cōstance ye kyng that he myght hȳselfe be crowned & ma¦de kyng & regne / & let sende after an hon¦dred knyghtes of Pehytes / ye worthyest of all ye londe / & them helde wt hym for to dwell / as to be kepers of his body / as he wolde go through the londe to ordeyne thynges yt appertayned to a kyng. And this Vortiger honoured so moche ye hon¦dred knyghtes & so moche gaue them of golde & syluer & of ryche iewelles / robes horses & other thȳges plente / wherfore they helde hym more lord than they dyd the kyng. And Vortiger told them: yf he myght be kyng / ye as it were through treason / he wold make them rychest of ye londe. So at ye last through grete gyftes that he had gyuen largely / they cryed through ye court yt Vortiger were better worthy to be kyng thā Cōstance. Wher∣fore Vortiger made semblaūt as he had ben wroth / & he departed thens from ye courte / and sayd he must go elles where for thinges that he had to do. And so the traytour sayd bycause yt they sholde slee kynge Constance. Whan this Vortiger was gone / it befel soon easter those hondred knyghtes of Peites wiche the dores of ye kynges chambre / & there they slewe hȳ / & smote of his heed & bae it to Vortiger there as he dwelled. And whā Vortiger sawe ye heed / he wepte full ten∣derly wt his eyen / & neuertheles he was somdele gladde in his herte of his deth. And anone Vortiger let take those hon∣dred knyghtes of Pehites / & hadde his seruaūtes bynde theyr haudes behynde them & lede them to London / and there they were dampned to deth as fals tray¦tours. And anone after all ye Brytons of the londe by the comyn assent crowned Vortiger & made hym kyng of ye londe. SOther a martyr was pope after Anicetū .ix. yere / the whiche de∣creed that a Nōne sholde not touche the pall of the awter / nor put in sence therto And yt she sholde were a wymple about her heed. And many peryls he sawe a∣bout matrymony / therfore he ordeyned that no woman sholde be called a lefu wyfe / but yf she were blissed of ye preest. ¶ Eleutherus a martyr was pope af∣ter Sother .xv. yere / the whiche ordey∣ned that chrysten men sholde refuse no meet reasonable that was mānes meet Nota. Also that no man vnaccused in a cryme sholde be put from his dignite or his degre tyl he were cōuicted / through ensample of Chryst / yt whiche kept styll Iudas Scaryoth not accused / & Chryst knewe hȳ gylty. And what someuer he dyd amonge the apostles for ye dignite of his seruyce abode fyrme & stable. This pope sent also legates vnto Lucye kyng of Britayn / the whiche baptysed hym & his people. And Fagus and Domianus legates the whiche ye pope sent fyrst re∣chc in Englonde. And this Chrysten∣dom endured in Brytayne two hondred yere vnto ye tyme of Dioclesian ye empe∣rour / whā saynt Albon was martyred. ¶ Marcus Antonius & Lucius Como∣dus were emperours / but Marc{us} dyed anone / & Lucius Comodus regned. Co∣modus was called profytable in scorne / for he was to euery man vnprofytable / he was gyuen vtterly to lechery / many senatours & christen men he made for to be slayne. He dampned his own wyfe to deth for age / he dyed a sodeyn deth with strouglyng amōge maydens. ¶ Helius pertinax after this man was emperour vj. monethes / & was a man of grete dis∣crecyon / whome Iulian ye grete lawyer slewe / & he entred ye empyre / & was slay∣ne the .vij. moneth of Seuer{us}. ¶ Victor a martyr was pope after Eleutheriū .x. yere / & for the discorde of ye pascall tyme he called a coūseyle in Alexander / where he was present ye tyme / & many other / where he decreed ye eester daye sholde be kepte on ye sonday / but he must kepe the chaūge of ye mone of Apryll / & that was to dyffre fro Iewes / for many bysshops of the eest abode ye tyme the same daye ye iewes dyd halowe that feest. Also he or∣deyned yt in tyme of nede children might be chrystened in euery place / & in euery water. ¶ zepherinus a martyr & a Ro∣mayne was pope after Victor .ix. yere. This man ordeyned that chrystē people of .xij. yere of age & aboue sholde receyue his god on eester daye ones in a yere. Al¦so he ordeyned that all the vessell of the awter shold be glasse or tynne / & not tree as in olde tyme the cōsecracyon of ye glo∣ryous blode was made in treue vessell. And this tyme passed / & the worshyp of the chirche grewe / & glasen vessell were forbode. vt pʐ de cōse. di. pri. ca. ¶ Origi¦nes ye noble clarke was this tyme / & he wrote so moche that saynt Ierome sayd hȳselfe to haue redde of Origenes wer∣es .iiij. M. volumes wtout pystles. He translated the byble from hebrewe in to greke / & dyd many other grete thynges. And of this Origene / Samson / Salo∣mon and Traian is a grete questyon a∣monge doctours / yf yt they be dampned or saued. Therfore those thynges that wtout peryll we be not boūden to knowe nor the chirche is not certyfyed of them / & therfore let them be all onely cōmytted vnto god. ¶ Calistus a martyr & a Ro∣mayn was pope after zepherin{us} .v. yere and he ordeyned ye ctery (in via apia) where many a. M. martyrs be buryed. Also he ordeyned the fast of ye emerynge days to be kepte. ¶ Antonius Aurelius was emperour .iij. yere. And this man lacked no kynde of lechery / & at ye last he was slayne amonge a grete multytude of people for his myscheuous lyuynge. ¶ Antonius Marcus regned after him vij. yere. This man lyued obstynatly & therfore he was slayne as was his pre∣decessour. ¶ Alexander was emperour after Antom{us} / & regned .xiij. yere. This man at the instaūce of his moder a chry¦sten woman / & the techynge of Origene the whiche came to Rome to cōuert her was made so good vnto chrysten men yt he suffred them to haue theyr coūseyles and theyr prayers by themselfe / but ne∣uerthelesse in this tyme the cursed offy∣cers of hym made many martyrs. VRbanus was pope after Calist viij. yere / & old & yonge he was very vertuous. And all the halowed ves¦sell of the chirche he made of golde or of syluer. This man lefte his poperyche & went to Agrippam / and .xi. M. virgins with hym. And the clargye sayd he left not his dignite for holynes / but for appe tyte of those virgyns / & wrote hym not in the boke of popes. And there he a vir∣gyn was martyred with these virgyns ¶ Poncianus a martyr succeded Vrba¦nus / & he ordeyned that psalmes sholde be sayd daye & nyght in ye chirche of god And that a preest sholde saye Confiteor afore ye masse. ¶ Anteros a martyr was pope after this mā. This man ordeyned that a bysshop myght be remeued from one to an other / & he made ye lyfe of mar∣tyrs to be wryten / & he was slayne & bu¦ryed in the Cimitery of saynt Calixte. ¶ Maximianus was chosen emperour at Maguncia of ye hoost / & not by ye sena∣tours / & regned thre yere / & destroyed ye chirche myghtely / & was slayne for Ori¦gene. ¶ Gordian regned after hym .vj. yere / and of hym is lytell wryten / but he was slayne. Hijs diebus Celus dux Col¦chestrie in asclepio regnat in Britannia annis quasi .xxx. vs{que} ad aduentū Con∣stancij. lati. M. vacat. ¶ Phylyp was emperour after Gordian / & this Philyp chose to hym Philyp his sone / and they regned .vij. yere. And they were ye fyrst Emperours yt were chrystened / & after slayne of the hoost. They bequethed all theyr tresour at theyr deth yt it sholde be dysposed to poore men. And saynt Lau∣rence at ye assygnacyon of his mayster ye pope departed this tresour about Rome the whiche was grete cause of his mar¦tyrdom. vt qidē dicūt. ¶ Dec{us} was em∣perour .iij. yere / & in all thȳges a tyraūt For he entred the empyre whan he & the hoost had slayne ye two Philyps his lor∣des / & after yt he was slayne wt his sone. ¶ Fabian{us} a martyr & a Romayn was pope after Anteros .xij. yere. This was a very holy man / for whan chrystē men stode to abyde ye elecciō of ye pope / sodeyn¦ly a whyte doue or a culuer descended on his heed / sayenge to hym / thou shalt be pope of Rome. This man ordeyned that creme euery yere sholde be halowed vpō sherthursday. Also he deuyded regyons to dekens the whiche shold wryte ye lyfe of martyrs. And at ye last Decius slewe hym. ¶ Cornelius a martyr & Romayn was pope after Fabian{us} .iii. yere. This man toke vp ye bodyes of Peter & Paule & wt grete honour put them in worshyp∣full places wt tā Lucina. ¶ Luci{us} was pope after Cornelius .iij. yere / & of hym lytel is wrytē. ¶ Gallus wt his sone Vo¦lusianus were emperours two yere / & they fought wt Emilian{us} / & were slayne And Emilian{us} the thyrde moneth was slayn. ¶ Valerian was emperour wt his sone Galyene .xv. yere. This man was vertuous & manly in ye begynnyng / but after he was gyuē to vyce & moche wret¦chednes / and so was his sone Galyene. This Valerian went to ye lond of Perse & there for ye blode shedynge of martyrs he was taken of ye kynge of Perse. And whan he had taken hȳ he put out bothe his eyen / & kepte hym in grete bondage & to this entent he kept hym / yt whan so euer he shold ryde / this Valerian sholde lye down / & he shold set his feet vpō his backe whā he wold take his hors. This herde Galiene his sone yt was left at Ro¦me / & that caused hym yt he was not so cruell agaynst chrysten men. And here was the .viij. persecucyon of the chirche made by this emperour / & made the Ro¦mayns to lese theyr kyngdomes / ye whi¦che were neuer recouered agayne to the emperour / & a generall pestylence was through all ye worlde for theyr trespace. ¶ Stephanus a martyr after Lucius was pope .iij. yere. This man ordeyned that no mā shold vse no halowed clothes but to ye worshyp of god. ¶ Sixt{us} a mar¦tyr and a Romayn was pope after Ste∣phanus .ij. yere. This man ordeyned yt the masse shold be sayd vpō an awter / ye whiche afore was not / & than he dyed. ¶ Dionisius a Romain was pope after Stephan{us} .ij. yere. This man deuyded parysshes & chircheyerdes / & assygned to chirches certayne preestes. ¶ Felix a martyr was pope after Dionisius two yere. He ordeined yt for ye memory of mar¦tyrs masses shold be sayd. Also he ordey∣ned the Dedicacion of the chirche euery yere shold be said. ¶ Claudius was em¦perour after Valerian. This man sub∣dued Gothas nobly / & than decessed. EVtician{us} a martyr was pope af∣ter Felix .viij. yere. This man or∣deyned y• corne & benes sholde be blyssed on ye awter. And he buryed. iij .C. &. xliiij martyrs wt his owne hādes. ¶ Aureli{us} was emperour after Claudius .v. yere. This Aurelius fyrst to christē men was gentyll / wherfore he had the vyctory in euery place gloryously / & whan he was deceyued by cursed men / & pursued chry¦sten men myghtely / & namely in fraūce / for there he abode / & after that he had ne¦uer good fortune / but was slayne. And this was the .ix. {per}secucyon of ye christen fayth. ¶ Tacitus was emperour after this man / & he regned but .iii. monethes & was slayne in Ponto. ¶ Probus was Emperour after hym .v. yere & .iiij. mo∣nethes. This man recouered Fraūce a∣gayne / the whiche was occupyed with barbary men. And he gaue them & Pan¦nonias lycence to haue vynyerdes. And whan he had made almoost all thȳges well in peas he sayd. Knyghtes within a lytell tyme shall not be necessary. And anone after he was slayne at Syrmiū. ¶ Carus & his two sones Carm{us} & Nu¦merian{us} were emperours after Probus but soone they dyed / & theyr fader was drowned / & the two sones were slayne. All these regned but .ij. yere. ¶ Diocle∣sian & Maximyan came after these thre emperours / the one regned in the eest / & the other regned in the west. The fyrst thynge that Dioclesian dyd / he brent all the chrysten mennes bokes that myght be foūde. These two tyraūtes dyd more harme to christē men than euer dyd ony other. For .x. yere lasted theyr {per}secucyon And as we rede / wtin .xxx. dayes .xx. M. men were slayne for chrystes cause. And in Englonde all the fayth was almoost destroyed in the tyme of Maximyan. ¶ Gaius was pope after Euticianus. This man ordeyned that no man sholde accuse a bisshop or an other clerke to ony seculer iudge. And yt a pagan or an here∣tyke shold not accuse a christē man. Also he ordeyned that he that was worthy shold ascende gree by gree to his ordres / fyrst benet / than ollet / subdeken / deken & than preest. And at ye last he was mar¦tyred vnder Dioclesian. ¶ Marcell{us} a martyr was pope after Gaius .xi. yere & .iiij. monethes. This mā was sore {per}se¦cuted / & for drede of deth he offred. . ¦nes of encense to ye sacrifyce of ye ydolles. And afterward he openly repented and suffred deth for the fayth of Chryst. His body laye vnburyed thre days for drede of the curse of god. And after through a visyon of saynt Peter & Marcell he was buryed at saynt Peters foe. ¶ Marcel¦lus was pope after Marcell{us} .v. yere. This man ordeyned that a generall coū¦seyle myght not be ordeyned without ye auctorite of ye pope. vt pʐ .xvij. d. . sino∣dū. Also he chose .xv. cardynalles in the cyte to bury men & chrysten. At the last whan he had kepte beestes longe tyme in a hous closed in with them by ye com∣maundement of Maximian he dyed for faute. ¶ Eusebius a martyr was after this man two monethes and certayne days. This man of a lay man was ma∣de pope / & he ordeyned that no laye man shold accuse his bisshop / but yf he went from his fayth. V pʐ .ij .ix. vij .x. lais. ¶ Nota. This tyme saynt Albon was martyred in brytayn. This Albon whā he was a pagan he lodged a certayn mā the which cōuerted hym to the fayth / & after was iudged vnto deth / and moche people he turned vnto our lorde yt were nygh ye water / the which he made drye through his prayer. And he suffred deth nygh the cite of Veelom. Vide plura in vita sctī Albani. ¶ Melchiades a mar∣tyr succeded Eusebius foure yere. This mā forbode ye men shold fast on sondays & on thursdays / in so moche as pagans fast on those dayes. At the last he was martyred as al his predecessours were. ¶ And knowe ye that there were. xxxiij popes of Rome martyred eche one after other. Peter was the fyrst / & this Mel∣chiades was the last. And than it was laudable (after Gregory) a mā to desyre a bysshopryche. ¶ Galerius was empe¦rour after Dioclesian two yere / and an other with hym called Constancius / so was ye empyre in those dayes deuyded. This Constancius after he had conque¦red all Spayne / he came in to grete Bri¦tayn / & there he wedded a kȳges dough¦ter / on whom he gate grete Cōstantyne And this same Cōstancius dyed in Bry¦tayn / & lyeth at Yorke / as Martin sayth in his cronycles / & lefte on lyue Cōstan∣tyne that was goten on Eleyne / & was kynge of Brytayne & of Fraunce. SIluester was pope after Mel∣chiades. This was a gloryous confessour / & many wayes he worshyp∣ped ye chirche of god / what in wrytynge and what in myracles. He receyued the patrimony of saynt Peter / that is for to saye / the kyngdome of Ytalye with the cite of Rome of Constantyne the empe∣rour / & to the worshyp of the chirche of god he turned it. He baptysed Eleyne & the Iewes / and than he decessed a con∣fessour. ¶ Constantyne ye myghty was emperour this tyme. This Cōstantyne was a gloryous man and a victoryous in batayle. In gouernyng of the comyn people he was very wyse. And in ye ne∣cessite of ye byleue he was without com∣parison deuoute. His pite & his holynes be so wryten in ye bokes of holy doctours that without doubte he is to be nōbred amonge sayntes. And the Grekes saye that in the ende of his lyf he was made a monke. And more ye may here of hym in the cronycles of englonde / for he was kyng of Englonde. ¶ Helena the quent moder to Constantyne repayred agayn the holy crosse this tyme / and she made lxx. colleges / and she gloryfyed the state of all holy chirche. ¶ Nycholas the bys∣shop of Myrre cite an holy mā was this tyme. ¶ Athanasi{us} was this tyme bys∣shop in Alexandria a gloryous doctour / and made the cymbalū Q uicū{que} vult saluus esse. &c. ¶ Marcus was pope af¦ter Siluester two yere and .viij. mone∣thes. This man ordeyned that ye Crede sholde be openly songen in the chirche / and that the bysshop of Hostiense sholde consecrate the pope / and that he sholde were a pall. ¶ Iulius was pope after Marcus .xj. yere. This man was exiled x. yere / & after suffred deth vnder Con∣stantyne the seconde. ¶ Cōstantinus wt his two bretherne regned .xxiiij. yere / & in his last ende he was peruerted by the heresy of ye arryens / by a bysshop called Eusebi / & he pursued the chirche of god strongly. The ende of this mā was this As he sholde go to Constantynople to a grete coūseyle / in the whiche counseyle he thought to haue cōdempned the bys∣shop and the clerkes of true byleue / he wente before vnto a chambre to auoyde suche thinges as nature requyreth / & a∣none sodeynly his bowelles fell frō hym and so dyed. ¶ Libersus was pope af∣ter Iulius .xix. yere and .vij. monethes. Than was ye seconde dyscorde of ye chir∣che bytwene Liberi{us} & Felix for ye heresy of the arryens the whiche fauoured Li¦berius. Than Constancius ye emperour called agayne Liberius from his exyle bycause he fauoured this heresy. And ye chirche deiected Liberius / & toke Felix for pope / and the other was expulsed as an heretyke of the chirche. But Felix ob¦teyned not / for ye emperour put in Libe∣rius & expulsed Felix. ¶ Felix was pope after the deth of this Liberius / & he de∣clared Cōstancius ye emperour an here∣tyke / and anone after he was martyred. ¶ And here was the fyrst that euer the chirche of Rome had an infamed pope. For all ye predecessours of this Liberius were sayntes / & gaue holy ensamples. ¶ Iulianus apostata was after Con∣stancius emperour .ij. yere and .viij. mo∣nethes. He was called apostata bycause he fledde this Cōstantius whiche slewe his broder / & for fere of deth was made a chrysten man and a monke. But after∣warde by ye counseyle of a nygromancer he asked the deuyll wheder he sholde be emperour or not. The deuyll sayd that he sholde be emperour vpon a cōdycyon that he sholde forsake his chrystē fayth / and be vtter enemy to chrystē men. And so he dyd / for he gaue leue to the Iewes that they sholde buylde agayn ye temple in spyte of ye christen men. And toke all ye goodes ye chrysten men had / & destroyed many of them. ¶ Iouinianus was em¦peroure after hym .viij. monethes. For whan Iulian was deed the hoost chose hym emperour / & he was a christē man And he sayd it was not lefull to a christē man to be lord ouer so many hethen peo∣ple. They answered & said. Rather than he sholde forsake the empyre they wold be thrystened. And thus toke he ye digni∣te. But soone he was deed / and in mer∣uaylous maner. For he was layde in a close hous (after his iourney) made all of stone / newly whyted with lyme / in ye whiche they made to his cōfort as they thought a fyre of charcole / & of ye ayre of these two on the morowe he was foūde deed. ¶ Valentinian wt his broder Va∣lent was emperour after Iouinian{us}. x. yere / for he departed the empyre / & gaue his broder the eest / & kepte hymselfe the west part. This Valētinian was a lord with Iulian apostata / & it happed him on a tyme for to go in to a temple of false goddes for to do sacryfyce / & mynystres stode there with water halowed after theyr guyse / with ye whiche they spryn∣cled the lordes. This Valētinian smote the mynystre that kest the water vpon hym / and sayd he was rather defouled therby than clensed. Bycause of this Iu¦lian dyd exile hym. But our lord god for his open confessyon of his name rewar∣ded hym with ye empyre. His broder Va¦lent fell in to the opinyon of the ayans and dyed in that heresy. This same Va¦lent lyued foure yere after Valentinian with Gracian the emperour. ¶ This tyme lyued saynt Ambrose. DAmasus was pope after Felix xviij. yere & .ij. monethes. This was an eloquent man in metre / and he wrote many storyes of popes and mar∣tyrs. He ordeyned that patri shold be sayd in the ende of the psalmes / and that was at the prayer of saynt Ierom. And through ye mocyon of this pope Ie¦rom translated the byble from hebrewe in to latyn / & than he decessed a cōfessour ¶ Valent with Gracian & Valentinian were emperours foure yere. In this ty¦me were chirches opened agayne / and chrysten men had leue to renewe the ser∣uyce of god y• was defended afore wt em∣perours infected wt heresy / as was Va∣lens & other / wherfore y• chirche had no liberte whan Valens was on lyue. ¶ A synodus of an .C. and .l. bysshops were gadred vnder Damase pope at Cōstan∣tinople agaynst Macedoniū an heretike the whiche denyed y• holy ghost to be ve∣ry god. And than was the Credo made that is songe on holy dayes in y• chirche ¶ Augustinus a Cartaginen̄ of Affrica was this tyme / he was as noble a retho ricyen as myght be / & in all philosophy & poetry incōparable / & all thynge that ony philosopher foūde in his youth / he vnderstode wt lytell labour. And aboute this tyme he was sent to Milan where he was turned anone of saynt Ambrose and baptysed. This man grewe vnto a noble doctour of y• chirche. And not longe after that he was bysshop of Yponen̄. & there he lyued .liij. yere / & moche diuini∣te he wrote. vt pʐ in libris suis. ¶ Siri∣tius was pope after Damasus .xv. yere He dampned heretykes / & lytell elles is wryten of hym. ¶ Theodosius sone to Gracian with Valētyne his vncle was emperour .xxvij. yere. This man was a chrysten man & a gracyous / & in gouer∣naūce lyke to Traian / soone wroth / and anone reconsyled. This man on a daye whan he wold haue gone to here masse saynt Ambrose forbade hym the entre of the chirche tyll he had done penaunce / & made satisfaccyon for y• sleynge of y•. xxx knyghtes / whiche he slewe in angre at Constantinople. Wherfore they made a lawe that y• sentence of a prynce shold be deferred .xxx. days of those that shold do execucyon yf they myght fall in y• grace of y• prynce wt in the .xxx. days. ¶ About this tyme was a childe borne in y• castell of Emons from y• nauyll & aboue deuy∣ded in to two bodyes / hauyng .ij. hedes and two wyttes / so that the one epyng or erynge / that other slepte nor ete not / & whā they were two yere of age / the one decessed / & that other lyued thre days af¦ter. ¶ Claudius poeta was this tyme. ¶ Arcadius & Honori{us} regned .xxx. yere And in theyr tyme Rome was almoost destroyed by a kynge called Alaticus / of the whiche destruccyon rose a grete blas phemy of the Romayns. For they sayd they fared neuer well sythen Chryst ca∣me to Rome / & bereued thē theyr goddes by the prechynge of Peter & Paule. And yet this Archadius subdued all his ene∣myes by y• power of god / & shed no blode Agaynst this blasphemy saynt Austyn made y• solempne werke y• whiche they call. de ciuitate dei. ¶ Honori{us} was em∣perour wt Theodosius his broders sone xv. yere / & he was a man of holy lyf / for two wyues he had / and with bothe yet he dyed mayden. He loued specyally the chirche / and hated heretykes. ¶ Ierom dyed this tyme at Bethleem the yere of his age .lxxxxj. ¶ Sanct{us} Herachydes that wrote Vitas patrū to Lansum ep̄m was this tyme. ¶ Ioh̄es Crisostomus was exiled of Eudochia ye wyfe of Arca∣dij / & through hete of the sonne he dyed. ¶ Anastasius was pope after Siritius thre yere. This mā ordeyned that euery man sholde stande at ye redyng of ye holy gospell / & that he that was a maymed man sholde not be preest. ¶ Innocētius was pope after Anastasius. This man ordeyned that seke men sholde be enoyn∣ted with holy oyle. And at masse ye kysse of peas to be gyuen. He dampned Pela∣gien an heretyke. And many other thyn¦ges he dyd. vt patet .xxvj. q .j. AFter Innocētius zozimus was pope two yere & .viij. monethes. This man ordeyned that clerkes sholde be no tauerners / ne sell no wyne / & that a bonde man sholde not be made preest without y• lycence of his lord. ¶ Bonifa cius a Romayn was pope after zozim{us} foure yere. This man ordeyned y• a wo∣man sholde not touche y• pall of y• awter ne sholde not wasshe y• awter. ¶ Celesti∣nus a Romayn was pope after Bonifa∣cius .viij. yere & .ix. dayes / y• whiche or∣deyned the psalme afore masse Iudica me deus. &c. And at the begȳnynge of y• masse sholde be sayd a verse of a psalme and that y• Grayle & the offertory sholde be sayd afore the sakerynge. This man sent saynt Patryk in to Irlonde to con∣uerte that lond. And Palladius a deken of Rome to the Scottes to be conuerted. And in the fourth yere of this mā there was a generall Synody at Ephisina of CCC. bysshops agaynst Nestorium an heretyke. ¶ Theodosius y• yonger with Valentinian his neuewe regned .xxvij. yere. In his tyme was y• leest ordeyned whiche is called Aduīcula sancti Petri. And in his tyme dyed saint Austyn / in y• yere of his age .lxxvj. ¶ And this tyme were the .vij. slepers reysed / the whiche slepte .CC. yere. This man dyed at Cō∣stantynople / & there was buryed. This tyme the saxons entred in to Englonde / and anone by lytell & lytell they grewe vp mightely / & at the last they obteyned all the londe. ¶ Sixtus a Romain was pope after Celestinus .viij. yere. This was a holy man & a meke. And lytell of hym is wryten / but y• he buylded sancta Maria maior. ¶ Leo Tuscus a confes∣sour was pope after Sixtus. This mā was as holy as ony mā. Fyue tymes on a day or more he wolde saye masse. And on a tyme after it befell whan a certayn woman kyssed his hande he was tēpted with her / & for the trespace that he had done / to his penaūce he made his hande to be stryken of. And whan y• noyse ose vpon hym that he myght not say masse as he was wont to do / he was ryght sory / and all onely betoke hym in prayer to our lady to helpe hym. And our lady restored hym his hande agayne / & than he sayd masse as he was wont to do / & so that myracle was openly shewed to all people. ¶ And in y• tyme of this pope Marcyan the Emperour beynge there was congregate at Calcedony y• fourth vniuersall synody of. vj .C. and .xxx. bys∣shops agaynst Eusticem y• abbot of Con¦stantinople. et Alexandrinū ep̄m: qui ne∣gauerunt in Christo verā carnē fuisseet etiā negabant carnis nr̄e resurrectionē. And after he had made many notable sermons & epystles he decessed. ¶ Mar∣cianus & Valētinian{us} were emperours this tyme .vij. yere / in whose tyme was the grete Synody afore rehersed whan Eusticē & Dioscorus were cōdemprd. IN the tyme that Marcian{us} was emperour of Rome Vortiger was kynge of Britayn now called Englonde in whose tyme y• saxons came in to Bry tayn & made many kynges / y• is to saye as is playne by the Cronycles .vij. And bycause it is tedyous to mannes reason to reherse many diuers names togyder as .vij. kynges of Englonde / and in one tyme / the emperours and popes. Ther∣fore the cronycles of Englōde shall be set togyder / tyll it be comen vnto Alured / in whose tyme the Danes came in to Englonde. And the popes and y• empe∣rours & other thinges in the same tyme shall be set togyder. ¶ How the wardeyns that had y• chys∣dren to kepe y• were kyng Cōstantynes sones ladde them to lytell Brytayne / for the treason and falses of Vortiger. THis tyme came the saxons that were pagans fyrst in to Britayn now called Englonde / vnder Vortiger y• whiche was crowned kyng of this lon∣de. This tyme those that had these two chyldren in kepyng the which were Cō¦stantynes sones / that is to saye / Auri∣lambros and Vter through ordynaunce of Gosselyn that was bysshop of Lon∣don / after theyr faders dethe / that is to saye Cōstantyne / durst not dwell in this londe with those children / but conuayed them vnto the kynge of lytell Brytayn / for as moche as he knewe the treason of Vortiger that than was made kynge / through whome Constance theyr elder broder was slayne / wherfore y• hondred knyghtes of Pehytes were put to deth and bare al the blame / as that Vortiger had not wyst therof / ne therto cōsented. And so the kepers of those two chyldren dred lest Vortiger wolde put thē to deth through his treason & falsnes as he had done theyr broder before / & therfore they were ladde ouer in to lytell Brytayne / & the kynge them receyued wt moche ho∣nour / & put them to nourysshe / & there they dwelled tyll they became fayre and strōge knyghtes / & thought to be auen∣ged of the deth of Cōstance theyr broder whan they sawe theyr tyme / & so they dyd as ye shal here tell afterward. ¶ It was not longe after that the tydynges came ouer see to the kynrede of the hon∣dred knyghtes of Pehytes y• they were dampned & put to deth through Vorti∣ger in this londe / wherfore they were wondersly wroth / and swore that they wolde be auenged of the dethe of theyr kynnesmen / & came in to this lond with a grete power / & robbed & slewe in ma∣ny places / & dyd all the sorowe that they myght. Whan Vortiger it wyst / he ma de moche sorowe / and was sore anoyed. And in another place also tydnges came to hym that Aurilambros and Vter his broder ordeyned and assembled a grete hoost for to come in to grete Britayn / for to be auenged vpon Vortiger for y• deth of theyr broder Constance. So that on y• one syde & on the other he was brought in to so moche sorowe that he ne wyst wheder to go. ANd soone after this sorowe ty∣dynges came to Vortiger that a grete nauye of straūgers were arryued in y• coūtree of Kent / & wyst not whens they were / ne wherfore they were comē in to this londe. The kynge sent anone a messenger thyder / that some of them sholde come & speke wt hym for to knowe what folke they were / & what they as∣ked / & in to what coūtre they wolde go. There were two bretherne maysters & prynces of that stronge company / y• one was called Engist / & that other Horne. Engist went to the kyng and tolde hym the cause wherfore they were comen in to this londe / & sayd. Syr we be of a coū tree y• is called Saxonie / that is y• londe of Germayne / wherin is so moche so∣rowe that of the people be so many that the londe may not them susteyne. And y• prynces & maisters of the londe make to come before them men & womē of y• bol∣dst y• may best trauayle in to diuers lon des / & gyue them hors & harneys / & al y• them nedeth / & thā they byd them go in to an other to e where they may lyue as theyr aūceters dyd before them. And therfore syr kynge / yf ye wyll haue our seruice we wyll helpe you against your enemyes. Whan Vortiger herd this / he sayd gladly he wold wtholde them vpon suche couenaūt y• yf they might delyuer his londe of his enemyes / he wold gyue them reasonable lōdes for to dwell in for euer. Engist thanked hym goodly / & in this maner he & his cōpany .xj. M. were reteyned wt kyng Vortiger / & at the last delyuered clene y• londe of his enemyes. Than prayed Engist the kyng of so mo∣che lōde y• he myght make for hym & his folke a cite. The kyng answered / it was not to do wtout coūseyle of his brytons. Engist prayed hym agayn of as moche place as he might compasse wt a thonge of a skyn / wheron he might make a ma¦ner for hȳ to dwell in. And y• kyng graū∣ted him frely. Than Engist cut a bulles skyn as small as he myght in to a thōge & therwt compassed as moche lond as he myght buylde on a fayre castell / & was called Thong castell. WHan this castell was made and well arayd / Engist pryuely sent by lettre in to the coūtree where he came fro for an hondred shyppes fyl∣led with men that were stronge & bolde and also well fyghtyng in all batayles / and that they sholde also brynge with them Ronewen his doughter / whiche was the fayrest creature that ony man myght se. And whan those people were comen that he had sente for / he toke and ladde them in to the castell with moche Ioye. And hymselfe vpon a daye went vnto the kynge / and prayed hym there full worthely that he wolde come and se his newe manoyr that he had made in the place that he had compassed with the thonge of the skynne. The kynge a∣none frely graunted hym / & went with hym thyder / and was full well pleased with the castell & with the fayre weeke And togyder there they ete and dranke with moche ioye. And whan nyght ca∣me that kynge Vortiger sholde go in to his chambre to take there his nyghtes rest / Ronewen y• was Engistes dough∣ter came with a cup of golde in her hāde and kneled before the kynge and sayd to hym wassayll. And the kynge wyst no what it was to mene e what he shold answere therto / for as moche as hym selfe nor none of his brytons coude speke none Englysshe nor vnderstande it / but spake in y• same language that Britons do yet. Neuerthelesse a latiner tolde the kynge the full vnderstandynge of wa∣sayll / & that other shold answere drynke hayll. And that was the fyrst tyme that wassayll and drynke hayll came vp in this londe / and frō that tyme vnto this tyme it is well vsed in all this realme of Englonde. And whan kynge Vorti∣ger behelde y• grete beaute of this fayre lady Ronewen that kneled before hym / he toke her vp & layde bothe his armes aboute her necke / & thryes swetely kys∣sed her / & anone ryght he was enamou∣red vpon her / so that he desyred to haue her to wyfe / and asked her of Engist her fader. And Engist graunted hym vpon this couenaūt / that the kyng shold gyue hym all ye coūtree of Kent / that he & his people myght dwell therin. The kynge graūted hym pryuely with a good wyll And anone after he spoused ye damoysell and that was moche confusyon to hym selfe. And therfore all ye brytons became wrothe bycause he spoused a woman of mysbyleue / wherfore they went all frō hȳ / & wold do no thynge yt he had to do. THis Engist went in to Kent and seased all ye londe in to his hādes for hym & for his men / & became within a lytel whyle of so grete power / & had so moche people / that men wyst not in litel tyme whiche were ye kȳges men & whi∣che were Engystes / wherfore the Bry∣tons had of hym drede / & sayd amonge them / but yf they ne toke other coūseyle bytwene them / all the londe shold be de∣stroyed through Engist and his people. Vortiger ye kyng had begotē on his fyrst wyfe thre sones / ye fyrst was called Vor¦timer / the seconde Catagren / & ye thyrde Passent. The brytōs by one assent chose Vortimer to be theyr lorde & souerayne / & crowned hym kyng / & wold not suffre Vortiger no longer to regne / bycause of the alyaūce bytwene Engist and hym. The brytons ordeyned a grete hoost for to dryue out Engist & his company of ye londe / and gaue hym thre batayles / the fyrst was in Kent where he was lorde / the seconde was at Tetford / & ye thyrde was in a shyre on this side Colchestre in a moor. And in this batayle mette them Catagren & Horne Engystes broder / so that eche of them slewe other. But for as moche as ye coūtre was gyuen longe before to Horne through Vortiger whā he spoused his cosyn / there he made a fayre castell that is called Horne castell after his owne name. Vortimer was so sore anoyed for his broders deth / that a∣none he let cast downe ye castell to ye erth. And after he stynted not nyght nor daye tyll he had dryuen out Engyst & all his people of the londe. And than Ronewen his doughter made grete sorowe / and craftely spake to them that were nexte to the kyng Vortimer / & pryuely entrea¦ted them / and so many gyftes she gaue them / that the kynge was empoysoned and dyed at London the fourth yere of his regne / and there he lyeth. AFter Vortimers dethe the Bry∣tons by theyr comyn assent ma∣de Vortiger agayne theyr kynge vpon this couenaunt / that he sholde neuer af∣ter suffre Engist nor none of his to come agayne in to this londe. And whan all this was done / Ronewen the quene pry¦uely sent by lettre to Engist that she had empoysoned Vortimer / and that Vorti∣ger her lorde bare agayne the crowne & regned / and that he sholde come agayne in to this londe wel arayed with moche people for to auenge hym vpon the bry∣tons / and to wynne this londe agayne by myght and strength. And whan En¦gist herde these tydynges / he made gre∣te ioye / & apparayled hym hastely with xv. thousande men that were boughty in euery batayle / & came in to this lon∣de. And whan Vortiger herde tell that Engist was comen agayn with a grete power in to this londe / he assembled his brytons & went to mete Engist for to gy¦ue hym batayle. But Engist dredyng ye brytons sore / for they had dyscōfyted hȳ before / prayed Vortiger of a loue day / & sayd he was not comen in to this londe for to fyght / but for to haue his londe a∣gayn / yf he myght accord wt the brytōs. Kyng Vortiger through coūseyle of his brytons graūted hym a loue day. And it was ordeyned by the brytons yt the loue daye shold be holden besyde Salysbury on an hyll / & Engyst sholde come thyder with. iiij .C. knyghtes & no moo. And ye kyng wt as many of ye wysest men of his londe. And at yt daye ye kyng came wt his coūseyle as it was ordeined. But Engist had warned his knightes pryuely that eche of them sholde put a longe knyfe in his hose / & whan he sayd fayre syrs it is tyme to speke of loue & peas / euery man anone shold drawe out his knyfe & slee a bryton. And so they slewe a. M. and .lxj. knyghtes / & with moche sorowe many o them escaped. And ye kynge Vortiger there was taken & ledde to Thongcastel and put in prison. And some of Engistes men wolde that the kyng had ben brent all quycke. And Vortiger than for to ha∣ue his lyfe graunted them as moche as they wolde aske / & gaue vp all the londe townes / castelles / cytees & bourghes to Engyst & his folke. And all the brytons fledde thens in to Wales / & there helde them styll. And Engist went through ye londe & seased all the londe wt fraūchises & in euery place let cast down chirches & houses of religyon / & destroyed ye chrystē fayth through out all this londe / and let chaūge the name of ye londe / yt no man of his were so hardy after that tyme to cal this lōde Britayn / but call it Engist lōde And thā he departed ye londe to his men and made .vij. kynges for to strengthe ye londe / that ye brytons sholde neuer after come therin. The fyrst kyngdome was Kent / where Engist hymselfe regned / & was lorde & mayster ouer all the other. The .ij. was Southsex / yt now is called Chichestre. The .iij. Westsex. The .iiij. Eestsex. The .v. Estangyl / yt now is cal∣led Norfolk / Suffolk / Merchemek / yt is to saye ye erledom of Nicholl. The. v. had Leycestre shyre / Northamton shyre Herforde / & Huntyngdon. The .vij. had Oxforde / Glocestre / Wynchestre / War∣wyk / and Derby shyre. WHan Engist had departed all the londe in this maner to his men / & delyuered Vortiger out of pryson to go where he wold / & he toke his way in to wales where his brytons dwelled / for yt londe was stronge & yll to wynne / & En¦gist neuer came there e neuer knewe . Vortiger helde hym there wt his brytōs & asked coūseyle what was best to do & they gaue hȳ coūseyle to make a strong castell / yt he might kepe & defende hȳself therin yf nede were. ¶ Masons in haste were fette / & began ye werke vpon ye hyll of Breigh. But certes thus it befel all ye werke yt the masons made a daye t fel downe ye night / & they wyst not what it myght be / & therof ye kynge was sore a∣noyed of yt chaūce / & wyst not what to do Wherfore he let send after ye wysest cler∣kes & lerned men that were through out wales yt myght be foūde / for they shold hym tell wherfore ye foūdamēt so fayled vnder the werke / & that they shold hym tell what was best to do. And whā these wyse men longe tyme had studyed / they sayd to ye kyng yt he sholde do seke a chil∣de borne of a woman yt neuer had to do with man / and that chylde he sholde do slee / & tempre with his blode the morter of the werke / and so sholde the werke euer endure without ende. WHan the kyng herde this / he cō∣maūded his messengers anone to go through out all Wales to seke that chylde / yf they myght fynde hym / and that they sholde brynge hym forth with them vnto hym. And in re∣corde and in wytnes of this thynge he had taken them his lettres / that they ne were destroubled of no man ne lette. And than ye messengers went thens & spedde so fast / that they came in to a town that was called Karmardyne / and as they passed forth theyr waye / they foūde two chyldren of .xxiiij. yere of age chydynge togyder with hasty wordes / and one of them sayd to that other. Donebat quod he / ye do all wronge to stryue with me / for ye haue no wytte ne no reason as I haue. Certes Merlyn quod he / of your wytte ne your reason I make no forte / for men tell comynly yt ye haue no thȳge of god almyghty / syth ye had neuer fa∣der / but euery man knoweth well who was your moder. ¶ The messengers of kynge Vortiger whan they herde this stryfe bytwene ye two gromes / they as∣ked of them yt stode besyde them whens that Merlyn was borne / and also who nourysshed hym. And they tolde them yt a grete gentylwoman of Karmardyne called Adhan was his moder / but none knewe who was his fader. Whan the kynges messengers herd these tydȳges they went anone to hym that was war¦deyne of ye towne & tolde hym ye kynges wyll / & shewed hym his lettre / & wher∣fore they were comen thyder. Merlyn & his moder anone were fetched before the wardeyn of ye towne / & he cōmaūded thē that they sholde go to ye kynge with his messengers. Merlyn & his moder went thens & came vnto ye kyng / & there they were receyued wt moche honour. And ye kyng asked of the lady yf yt chylde were her sone / & who hym begate. The lady answered full tenderly wepynge & sayd she neuer had company of man worldly But syr sayd she / whan I was a yonge mayden in my faders chambre / wt other of grete lignage in my cōpany / that oftē tymes went to sporte them / I left alone in my chambre & wolde not go forth for brēnynge of ye sonne / there came on a ty∣me a fayre bacheler & entred ī my cham∣bre where I was alone / but how he ca∣me in / & where / I wyst it neuer / ne yet knowe I not / for ye dores were fast bar∣red / & wt me he dyd game of loue. For I had no myght nor power to defende me from hȳ. And oftē he came to me in ye fore sayd maner / so yt he begate this chylde / but neuer myght I wyte what he was. WHan Merlyn had herde all that his moder had sayd / he spake to the kynge in this maner. ¶ Syr how I was begoten aske ye no more / for it falleth not to you nor to none other to knowe / but tell me ye cause wherfore I am brought to you / & wherfore ye haue sent for me. Certes quod the kynge / my wyse coūseylers haue done me to vnder∣stande / that ye morter of a werke that I haue begon behoueth to be tēpred with your blode / or the foūdament shall fayle for euermore. Syr said Merlin / wyll ye slee me for my blode to tempre with your morter. Ye quod the kynge / or elles shall neuer my castell stāde / as my coūseylers tell me. Than answered Merlyn to the kyng. Syr said he / let them come before me those wyse coūseylers / & I wyll pre∣ue that they saye not well ne truly. And whan the wyse men were comen / Mer∣lyn asked yf his blode were the cause to make ye werke stande & endure. All those wyse men were abasshed and coude not answere. Than sayd Merlyn to ye kyng Syr I shall tell you the cause wherfore your werke thus falleth & may not stan¦de. There is vnder the moūtayn where ye buylde your toure a grete pond of wa¦ter / & in the bottom of ye ponde vnder the water there is two dragons / that one is whyte & that other reed / that fyght to∣gyder agaynst your werke. Do ye depe myne tyll your men come to the pond / & do your men take away ye water all out & than ye shal se the dragons as I haue tolde you / yt fight togyder agaynst your werke. And this is the cause wherfore the foūdament falleth. The kyng anone let dygge vnder tyll ye men came to that ponde / & let do away all ye water / & there they foūde two dragons as Merlin had tolde them that egerly fught togyder. The whyte dragon egerly assayled the reed / & layde on hym so strongly that he myght not endure / but withdrewe him rested in the same caue. And whan he had a whyle rested hym / he went before the reed dragon & assayled hym angerly & helde hym so sore / that he myght not endure agaynst hym / but wt drewe hym & rested. And after came agayn ye whyte dragon & strongly fought wt the reed dra¦gon / & bote hym euyl & ouercame hym ye he fled frō thens & no more came agayn. His kyng Vortiger & his men ye sawe this bataile had grete mer¦uayle / & prayed Merlyn to tell hȳ what it myght betoken. Syr sayd Merlyn / I shall tell you. The reed dragon betoke∣neth your selfe / & the whyte betokeneth the folke of Saxonie that fyrst ye toke & helde in your lond / that fought agaynst you / & haue dryuen & chaced you awaye But Britons of your lignage ouercame them & droue them awaye. And sythen at the comynge agayne of the Sarons they recouered this londe / & helde it for euermore / & droue out the brytōs / & dyd with this lōde al theyr wyll & destroyed chrystendom through out this londe. Ye had fyrst ioye wt theyr comyng / but now it is turned to your grete domage & so∣rowe. For the two bretherne of Cōstance that was kyng / whiche ye let see shall come before a quinzeme passed wt a grete power frō lytel Brytayn / & shall auenge the deth of theyr broder / and they shall brenne you fyrst with sorowe / and af∣terwarde they shall slee a grete parte of saxons / & shall dryue out all ye emenaūt of the londe / & therfore abyde ye here no lenger to make castel ne none other wr¦ke / but anone go els where to saue your lyfe. To god I you betake / trouth I ha¦ue sayd to you of thynges yt shall be fall. And vnderstande ye well that Aurilam bros shall be kynge / but he shall be poy∣soned / & lytell tyme shall he regne. MErlyn & his moder departed frō the kynge / and returned agayne to Karmardyne. And soone after tydyn∣ges came to the Brytons that Aurilam bros and Vter his broder were arryued at Totnes with a grete host. And anone the Brytons assembled them and went to receyue Aurilambros and Vter with grete noblenes / & brought them to Lon∣don / and crowned Aurilambros & made hym kyng / and dyd vnto hym homage. And anone he asked where as Vortiger myght be foūde that was kynge / for he wolde be auenged of his broders deth / and after he wolde warre vpon ye pay∣nyms. And they tolde hym that Vorti∣ger was in wales / & so they ladde hym thyder warde. Vortiger wyst well that those bretherne came to conquere hym / and fledde thens into a castell that was called Gerneth / that stode vpon an hye moūtayne / and there helde hym. Auri∣lambros and Vter his broder and theyr folke had besyeged the castell full longe tyme / for the castell was stronge & well arayed. So at the last they kest wylde fyre and brente houses and men and all theyr araye & as moche as was within the castell. So that Vortiger was brent amonge all other / and so he dyed with moche sorowe. ¶ Than was Engist in Kent and regned there / and herde these tydynges / anone he fledde & wolde haue gone in to Scotlonde for to haue had so∣coure. But Aurilambros and his folke mette with hym in the north countree / and gaue hym batayle. And Engist and his men defended them whyles yt they myght / but he and his folke were dys∣comfited and slayne. And Otta his sone fledde vnto yorke. And Aurilambros fo∣lowed hym egerly. And Otta with stode hym a lytell whyle / but afterwarde he put hym to his mercy. And Aurilabros receyued hym / and to hym & to his men gaue the countree of Galeway in Scot∣londe / & there they dwelled. After that the kynge Aurilambros went through out the londe / and put awaye the name of Engyst londe / that Engyst after his name had called it before. Than he let call it agayne grete Brytayne / and let make agayn chirches and houses of re∣lygyon / castelles / cytees / and borowes and townes that the Saxous had de∣stroyed / and came to London / and dyd do make the walles of the cyte / whiche Engist & his folke had cast downe. The Brytons ladde hym to the moūt of Am∣brian where somtyme was an hous of relygyon whiche than was destroyed through ye paynyms / wherof a knyght that was called Ambry that somtyme was foūder of that hous / and therfore the hyll was called the mount of Am∣bryan. And after it was called Ambes∣bury / and shall be so for euermore. HOw the kynge Aurilambros let amende and redresse the hous of Ambesbury / and put there in monkes / but now there be Nonnes / alytell from the place that was called Salysbury / or where as the Saxons slewe the Bri∣tons / where as Engist and the Britons sholde haue made a loue daye / in yt whi∣che tyme there were slayne a thousande & .lxj. knyghtes through treason of En∣gist. The kynge therof had grete pyte / & thought to make in mynde of them a monument of stone that myght endure to the worldes ende. And of this thynge they toke theyr counseyle what therof was best to do. Than spake to ye kynge the bysshop of London that was called Ternekyn yt he shold enquyre after Mer lyn / for he coude best tell how this thȳge myght best be made. And Merlyn after was sought & foūde / & came to ye kynge. And the kyng tolde hym his wyll of the monument yt he wold haue made. Mer∣lyn answered to ye kynge & sayd. There ben grete stones in Irlond & longe vpon the hyll of Kian yt ben called gyaūtes ka roll / & yf they were in this place as they be there / they wold endure for euermore in remembraūce of those knyghtes that here be buryed. Perma foy sayd ye kyng as harde stones ben in my lōde as in Ir lōde. Soth sayd Merlyn / but in all your londe there be none suche. For gyauntes set them for grete good of themselfe. For at euery tyme yt they were woūded or in ony maner hurt / they wasshed ye stones with hote water / and thā they wasshed them therwith / & anone they were hole. ANd whā these Britōs had herd of this thȳge they went & swore amonge them that they wolde goo seke those stones / & toke with them Vter the kȳges broder to be theyr chefe capitayn and .v. M. mē / & Merlin coūseyled them for to go vnto Irlonde / and so they dyd. And whan the kynge of Irlonde yt was called Guillomer herde tell ye straūgers were arriued in his londe / he assembled a grete power / & fought agaynst them / but he & his folke were discōfyted. The Brytons wente before tyll they came to the moūt of Kylian / & clymmed vp vnto the moūt. But whan they sawe the sto∣nes / & the maner how they stode / they had grete meruayle / and sayd bytwene themselfe that no man sholde them re∣meue for no strength ne engyne so grete they were & so lōge. But Merlin thrugh his crafte he remeued them / & brought them in to theyr shyppes & came agayn in to this londe. And Merlin set ye stones where the kyng wolde haue them / & set them in the same maner that they stode in Irlonde. And whan ye kynge sawe yt it was made / he thāked Merlin & ryche ly hym rewarded at his own wyll / & let call ye place Stonehenge for euermore. ANd men shall vnderstāde ye Pas∣sent yt was Vortigers sone liued the same tyme / & came in to this lond wt a grete power / & arryued in ye north coū∣tre / & wold be auēged of his faders deth Vortiger / & strongly trusted vpon ye com pany that he had brought wt hym out of the londe of Germany / & had conquered all ye North coūtre vnto Yorke. And whā kyng Aurilambros herde this he assem bled a grete power of britons & went for to fyght with Passent / & he discomfyted Passent and al his people. But Passent escaped thens with some of his men & fledde thens in to Irlōde & came to kyng Guillomer / & prayed hym of helpe & so∣cour. The kynge graūted hym wt good wyll / & sayd yt he wold helpe hym vpon that couenaunt that I my selfe must go with you with all my power in to Bry∣tayne / and I wold me auenge vpon the Brytons the rather / for they came in to my londe / & toke ye stones with strength that is called gyaūtes karoll. The kyng Guillomer let ordeyne his shyppes and went to the see with .xv. . men / & ar∣ryued in wales / & began to robbe & dyd moche sorowe. ¶ It befell so that kyng Aurilambros lay feke at Wynchestre / & myght not helpe hymselfe. So that he sent in his name Vter his broder with a power to helpe wales / & thyderwarde he went as moche as he myght. The kyng of Irlonde and Passent had herde tell that Aurilambros was seke / and to them there came a sarasyn yt was called Coppa / and sayd. Syr dwell ye here all in peas wt your hoost / & I behyght you through my queyntyse yt I shall slee the kynge Aurilambros that is seke. Than sayd Passent / yf ye do so I shall rychely auaie you. This traytour Coppa put vpon hym an habyte of relygyon / & let shaue hym a brode crowne / & came vnto the kynges courte / & sayd that he wolde helpe ye kyng of his malady. Than sayd the traytour Coppa vnto ye kynge. Syr be of good conforte / for I shall gyue you suche a medycyne yt ye shall swete anone ryght and lyst to slepe & haue good rest. And ye traytour gaue hym suche poyson to slepe / that anone ryght in his slepyng he dyed / & the traytour sayd yt he wolde go out in to ye felde tyll he were awaked And so escaped he away / for no man had to hym suspeccyon for bycause of his ha byte that he was clothed in / and also for his brode shauen crowne. But whan the kynges men wyst yt he was deed / they became wonders sory / & fast sought the traytour / but they myght not fynde hȳ. For that traytour returned agayne vn∣to the hoost fro whens he came. WHan the kyng Aurilābros was thus deed & empoisoned at wyn chestre / on ye morowe after that he was deed aboute the tyme of pryme there was seen a sterre grete & clere / & ye beme of ye sterre was bryghter than the soune / & at the bought of the beme appe red a dragons heed / & out of his mouth came two huge lyghtes that were as bryght as ony fyre brennynge / & the one beme toward fraūce & streyght ouer the see thyderwarde / & out of ye beme came vij. bemes full clere & longe as it were ye lyght fyre. This sterre was seen of ma∣ny a man / but none of them wyst what it betokened. Vter that was kyng Auri lambros broder yt was in Wales with his hoost of Brytons sawe that sterre / & the grete light that it gaue / he wondred therof gretly what it myght betoken / & let call Merlyn / & prayed hym for to tell what it myght betoken. MErlyn sawe that sterre & behelde it longe tyme / & sythen he quoke and wept tenderly / and sayd. Alas alas that so noble a kynge and so worthy is deed. And I do you to vnderstande that Aurilābros your broder is empoysoned and that I se well in this sterre / & your selfe is betokened by the heed of the dra∣gon that is seen at the bought of ye beme that is your selfe that shall be kyng and regne. And by ye beme yt stādeth toward the eest is vnderstande that ye shall gete a sone that shall conquere all Fraunce / & all the londes yt belongeth to the crowne of fraūce / that shall be a worthyer kyng and of more honour than euer was ony of his aunceters. And by the beme that stretcheth toward Irlonde is betokened that ye shall haue a doughter that shall be quene of Irlonde. And the .vij. bemes betoken that ye shall haue .vij. sones / & euery one of them shall be kynge / & shall regne with moch honour. And abyde ye no longer here / but go & gyue batayle to your enemyes / & fyght wt them boldly / for ye shal ouercome them & haue ye victo ry. Vter thāked Merlyn hertely / & toke his men & went towarde his enemyes / & they fought togyder mortally / & so he discomfyted his enemyes and destroyed them / & hymselfe slewe Passent yt was Vortigers sone. And his Britons slewe Guillomer that was kynge of Irlonde and all his men. And Vter anone after ye batayle toke his waye towarde Wyn∣thestre for to do bury kynge Aurilābros that was his broder. But thā was the body borne to Stonehenge with moche honour / that he had do make in remem braūce of the Brytons that there were slayne through treason of Engyst / that same daye that they sholde haue ben ac∣corded / and in ye same place they buryed Aurylambros / the seconde yere of his regne with all the worship that myght belonge vnto suche a kynge. On Whose soule god haue mercy. Amen. AFter the dethe of Aurilambros Vter his broder was crowned & regned worthely. And i remembraūce of the dragon that he was likened to / he let make two dragons through coūseyle of his Britons / & made that one for to be borne before hym whā he went in to ba tayle / & that other for to abyde at Wyn∣chestre in the bysshops chirche. And for that cause he was called euer after Vter pendragon. And Otta yt was Engistes sone cōmended Vter but lytell that was made newe king / & agaynst hym began to moue warre / & ordeyned a grete com∣pany of his frendes / & of his kynne / & of Ossa his broder / & had taken all ye londe from Humber vnto Yorke. But those of Yorke helde strongly agaynst them / and wold not suffre them to come in to ye cite neyther to yelde ye cite to them / & he be∣syeged the towne anone ryght / & gaue therto a strōge assaute / but they of yt cite kepte them well & strongly. And whan Vter herde therof / he came thyder wt a grete power for to helpe and rescow the cite / & put awaye the syege and gaue a stronge batayle / & Otta & his company defended them as well as they myght. But at ye last they were discōfyted / & the moost parte of them slayne / and Otta & Ossa were taken & put in prison at Lon don. And Vter hȳselfe dwelled a whyle at Yorke / & after he went to Londe. And at Eester after he wolde bere crowne / & holde a solemne feest / and let somon all his erles & barons / that they shold come to that feest / & all those that had wyues shold brynge them also to ye eest. And all came at the kynges cōmaundement as they were commaūded. The feest was rychely arayed & holden / & all worthely set to meet after that they were of estate So yt the erle Gorloys of Corne wayle & Igreyne his wyfe sate nexte to ye kynge And whan the kynge sawe the fayrnes of that lady that she had / anone he was rauysshed for her beaute / & ofre he made to her nyce countenaūce in lokynge and laughynge. So at the last the erle per∣ceyued the preuy lokynge & laughynge and the loue bytwene them / and rose up from ye table in wrath / & toke his wyfe / and called to hym his knightes / & went thens all in wrath wtout takyng leue of the kynge. The kynge anone sent after hym that he sholde come agayn & go not thens in despyte of hȳ. And ye erle wolde not come agayne in no maner of wyse. Wherfore the kynge was full wroth / & in wrath hym defyed as his deedly cu∣my. And ye erle went thens in to Corne∣wayle with his wyfe in to the castell of Tyntagell. And the kynge let ordeyne a grete hoost & came in to Cornewayle for to destroye the erle yf he myght. But he had put hym in y• stronge castell of Tyn tagell yt was well arayed / & wolde not yelde hym to ye kyng. And ye kyng anone besyeged the castell / & there dwelled .xv. days & might not spede / & euer thought vpon Igreyne / & vpon her layde so mo∣che loue / that he wyst not what to do. So at y• last he called to hym a knyght yt was called Vlfin that was preuy with hym / & tolde hȳ all his coūseyle / & asked of hym what was best to do. Syr sayd he / sende after Merlyn anone / for he can tell you the best coūseyle of ony man ly∣uynge. Merlyn anone was sent after & came to ye kyng. And the kyng told hym all his coūseyle and his wyll. Syr sayd Merlyn / I shall do so moche through ye crafte that I can / that I shal make you come to nyght in ye castell of Tyntagell / & shall haue all your wyll of that lady. MErlyn through crafte yt he coude chaunged y• kynges fygure in to the lykenes of the erle / & Vlfin Garloys his chamberleyn in to ye fygure of Ior∣dan that was y• erles chamberleyn / so y• eche of them was trāsfigured to others lykenes. And whan Merlin had so done he sayd to the kynge. Syr sayd he / now may ye go sodeynly to ye castell of Tyn∣tagell / & aske entre there and haue your wyll. The kyng toke pryuely all ye hoost to gouerne and lede to a knyght that he moche loued / & toke his waye towarde the castell / & with hym toke Vlfyn his chamberlayne and Merlyn. And whan they came thyder / y• porter wende it had ben his owne lord. And whā tyme came for to go to bedde / y• kyng went to bedde with Igreyne the erles wyfe / and dyd with her all his wyl / & begate vpon her a sone whiche was called Arthur. And on the morowe ye kyng toke his leue of ye lady and went agayn to his hoost. And the same nyght that the kynge laye by Igreyne in bedde yt was the erles wyfe the kynges men gaue a grete assaute to the castel. And the erle & his men manly defended them. But at the last it befel so that in the same assaute the erle hȳselfe was slayne & the castell taken. And the kyng anone returned agayn to Tynta∣gell and spoused Igreyne with moche honour and made her quene. And soone after that the tyme came y• she sholde be delyuered & had a sone whiche was cal¦led Arthur. And after that gate on her a doughter that was called Amya. And whan she was of age a noble baron that was called Aloth y• was lorde of Leons wedded her. ¶ Whan Vter longe tyme had regned there came vpon hȳ a grete sekenes as it were a sorowe. And in the meane tyme those that had in kepynge Otta that was Engistes sone and Ossa his broder that than were in pryson / they let them goo for grete gyftes that they gaue / and wente with them. And whan these two bretherne were escaped & came agayne in to theyr owne coūtree they ordeyned a grete power of folke / & began to warre agayn vpon the kyng. ANd for as moche as kyng Vter was seke & myght not helpe hȳ selfe / he ordeyned Aloth sone of Eleyne that than was chosen for to be wardeyn and heftayne of all his folke. And so he anone & his Brytons assembled a grete hoost / & gaue batayle to Otta and to his folke / but Otta at the last was discom∣fyted. ¶ It be fell thus after warde that these brytons had indignacyon of Aloth & wolde not be to hym attendaūt / wher fore y• kynge was wonders fore anoyed and let put hym in a lyttet is the hoost amonge his folke. And they ladde hym to Verooin that than was a fayre cite / where as saynt Albon was martyred / and after was that cite destroyed with paynyms & through warre / and thyder they had sent Otta & Ossa & theyr peo∣ple & entred in to ye towne & let make fast the gates / & there they helde them. And the king came & besyeged them / & made a stronge assaute. But they y• were win manly defended them. The kyng let or∣deyn his gōnes & his engynes for to bre¦ke y• walles / & y• walles were so strōge y• no thynge myght misdo thē. Otta & his people had grete despite y• a kyng lyenge in a lytter had besteged them / & toke coū seyle to come out on ye morow & gyue ba¦tayle to ye king / & in that batayle Otta & Ossa were slayne / & al ye other alyue fled in to Scotlonde / & made Colegrin theyr cheftayne. And ye saxons y• were escaped brought agayn a grete strength / & sayd amonge them / yf kyng Vter were deed they shold well cōquere ye lōd / & thought to poyson hȳ / & ordeyned men to do this dede: gyuyng them grete gyftes / & they went thyderward in poore mēnes wede to accomplysshe theyr fals purpose / but it auayled not / for they myght not come nygh y• kyng. Tyll at ye last they espyed that ye kyng drāke none other lyour but water of a clere well y• was nigh besyde & these traytours on a day priuely went to ye well & put therin poyson so yt al the water was poysoned / & anone after a the kyng had dronken of y• water / he be∣gan to swell / & soone after dyed / & as ma¦ny as dranke of y• water dyed also. And anone as this was espyed / folke of the towne let stop y• well for euermore. Whā the kyng was deed / his folke bare hȳ to Stonehenge wt grete solempnite of bys∣shops & barons y• were there to bury hȳ besyde Aurilambros his broder / & after returned agayn euerythone / & sent after Arthur his sone: & they made hym king of the londe with moche reuerence after his faders deth .xvij. yere of his regne. WHan Arthur was made kynge of the londe he was but yonge of .xv. yere of age / but he was fayre and bolde and doughty of body / & to meke folke he was good and curteys and large of spendynge / and made hym wondersly well beloued among all men where it was nede. And whā he began to regne he sware that the saxons neuer showe haue peas ne test tyll he had dry∣uen them out of the londe / & assembled a grete hoost & fought with Colegrin / the whiche after the tyme y• Otta was deed the saxons maynteyned. And this Cole∣grin was discōfyted & fledde vnto yorke & toke the cite / & there helde hym. And ye kynge besyeged hym there / but he gate no thynge / it was so stronge / & y• cite de∣fended it manly. In y• meane tyme Cole grin left y• cyte to Bladud & fled hymself to Cheldrik that was kyng of Almayne for to haue socour of hym. And he assem¦bled a grete power & arryued in scotlond with .v .C. shyppes. And whan Arthur wyst of these tydynges / & sawe he had not folk ynough to fyght wt Cheldrik / he lefte ye syege & went to London / & sent a∣none lettres to Howell of lytell Brytayn his neuewe his systers sone / yt he sholde come to hym wt all ye power yt he myght. And he assembled a grete host & arryued at southampton / where king Arthur re¦ceyued hym Ioyously wt moche honour. And those two hostes mette & assembled them / & toke theyr waye to Nichol that Cheldrik had besyeged / but it was not taken. And they came vpon Cheldrik & his people or they wist where that they were / & assayled thē egerly. Kyng Chel¦drik & his men defended them manly to theyr power. But kyng Arthur and his men slewe so many saxons y• neuer was seen such slaughter. And Cheldrik & his men yt were left alyue fledde away / and kyng Arthur pursued them & droue thē out in to a wode yt they myght no ferder passe. Cheldrik & his mē sawe well that they were brought in to grete disease / & yelded them to kyng Arthur in this ma¦ner wise / that he shold take theyr horses & harneys & all yt they had / & they wold onely go on fote in to theyr shyppes / & so they wold go home in to theyr own lōde and neuer come agayn in to this londe. And vpon assuraūce of this thynge they gaue hym good host ages. And Arthur by counseyle of his men graunted this thynge / and receyued the hostages / and thervpon ye saxons went to theyr shyp∣pes. And whan they were in the hye see the wynde chaūged as ye deuyll it wold and they turned theyr nauy and came agayne in to this londe and arryued at Cotnes / & went out of the shypp and toke the loude / and clene robbed it / and slewe moche people / and toke all the ar∣mure that they myght fynde / & so they went forth tyll they came vnto Bathe. But the men of y• towne shette fast theyr gates / & wolde not suffre them to come within the towne / & they defended them well and manly agaynst them. WHan kyng Arthur herde these ty∣dynges / he anone let hange the hostages / & lefte Howell of Brytayn his neuewe for to kepe the marche to warde Scotlond with halfe his people / & hym¦selfe went to helpe & rescowe ye towne of Bathe. Whan he came thyder he gaue a stronge batayle to Cheldrik / & slewe al¦moost all ye people yt he had. For no man myght wtstande hym ne endure vnder ye stroke of his swerde / & there were slayne bothe Colegrin and Bladud his broder / and Cheldrik fledde thens & wold haue gone to his shyppes. But whan kynge Arthur wyst it / he toke .x. M. knyghtes to Cador that was erle of Cornewayle for to let & stop his passage. And Arthur hymselfe went toward y• marche of scot londe / for messengers told hym that the scottes had besyeged Howell of Britayn there as heay seke / & therfore he hasted hym thyderwarde. And Cador pursued after Cheldrik / & toke hym or he myght come to his shyppes / & slewe hym & his people. Whan Cador had done this via∣ge / he hasted hym agayne towarde Ar∣thur as fast as he myght / & foūde hym in Scotlonde / where he had rescowed Howell of Brytayne. But the Scottes were ferre within Mountef / and there they helde them a whyle / but Arthur pursued them / & they fledde thens in to Limoigne / there were in that coūtre .lx. yles / & grete plente of byrdes & Egles y• were wont to crye & fyght togyder and make grete noyse whan folke came to robbe that londe / and warne as moche as they myght / and so they dyd / for the Scottes were so grete rauenours / that they toke all that they myght fynde in the londe of Limoigne without ony spa¦rynge / & therwith charged agayne the folke for to go in to Scotlonde. SIr sayd Merlyn / in y• yere of the incarnacyon of Iesu Chryst. M .CC .xv. shall come a lambe out of Wyn∣thestre that shall haue a whyte tongue & true lyppes / & he shall haue wryten in his hert holynes. This lambe shall ma∣ke many goddes houses / & he shall haue peas ye moost parte of his lyfe / & he shall make one of ye fayrest places of ye worlde that in his tyme shall not fully be made an ende of. And in the ende of his lyfe a wolfe of a straūge londe shall do hȳ mo∣che harme & sorowe through warre / but at ye lābe shall be mayster through helpe of a reed foxe that shall come out of the north west / & shall ouercome hym / & the wolfe shall dye in water. And after that tyme the lambe shal lyue no whyle but shal dye. His seed shal be in a straūge londe. And the londe shall be without a gouernour a lytell tyme. ANd after this tyme shall come a dragon medled with mercy and also with woodnes / and he shall haue a berde as a gote / that shall gyue in Eng∣londe a shadowe / and shall kep the lond from colde & hete / and his one fote shall be set in wyke / and that other in Lon∣don / & he shall embrace in habytacyons And he shall open his mouth towarde wales / & the tremblynge of the hydour of his mouth his eeres shall stretche to∣warde many habyacyons & countrees & his breth shall be full swete in straūge londe. And in his tyme shall the ryuers renne blode & with brayne. And he shall make in places of his londe walles that shall do moche harme vnto his seed af∣ter his tyme. And than shall there come a people out of the Northwest durynge his regne / that shall be ladde through a wycked hare / that the dragon shall do crowne kyng / that afterwarde shall flee ouer the see / without comynge agayne for drede of ye dragon. And in that tyme the sonne shall be as reed as blode that men shall se through out all the worlde / that shall betoken grete pestylence and deth of folke / through dynt of swerde & that people shall be faderles tyll y• tyme that ye dragon dye through an hare that shal mue warre agaynst hym vnto the ende of his lyf / that shall not fully be en∣ded in his tyme. This dragon shall be∣holde in his tyme the best body of the worlde / and he shall dye besyde the mar¦ches of a straūge londe / & the londe shall dwell faderles without a good gouer∣nour / and men shall wepe for his deth from the yle of Shepey vnto the hauen of Maryl / wherfore alas shall be theyr songe of faderlesse folke / that shall ouer lyue in his londe destroyed. ANd after this dragon shall come a gote out of Kar that shall haue hornes and a berde of syluer / and there shal come out of his nosethrilles a domp that shall betoken hungre & sorowe and grete dethe of the people. And moche of his londe in y• begynnynge of his regne shall be wasted. This gote shall go ouer in to Fraūce / & shall open y• floure of his lyfe & deth. In his tyme there shal aryse an Egle in Cornewayle that shall haue fethers of golde / that of pryde shall be wt out pere of the londe / & he shall despyse lordes of blode. And after he shal flee sha¦mefully by a bere at Gauerscch. And af¦ter shal be made brydges of men vpon y• costes of the see / & stones shall fall from castelles / & many other townes shall be made playne. In this tyme shall seme yt the bere shall brenne / & a batayle shall be done vpon y• armes of y• see in a felde or∣deined as a shelde / & at that batayle shal dye many whyte hedes / wherfore this batayle shall be called y• whyte batayle. And the foresayd bere shall do this gote moche harme / & it shall come out of the south west & of his blode. Than shal the gote lese moche of his londe / tyll y• tyme that shendshyp shall ouercome hȳ. And than shall he clothe hym in a lyons skyn & than shall he wynne that he had lost & more therto. For a people shall come out of the northwest y• shall make the gote so sore aferde yt he shall be in grete {per}plexite And he shall auenge hȳ on his enemyes by the counseyle of two owles that fyrst shall be in peryll for to be vndone. But y• olde owle shall go away a certayn tyme and after he shall come agayn in to this lōde. These two owles shall do grete har¦me to many one / & so they shal coūseyle y• gote to arere warre agaynst y• foresayd bere. And at the last the gote & y• owles shall come at Burton vpō Trent / & shall go ouer / & for drede the bere shall flee & a swan wt hym fro his cōpany to Burton towarde y• north / & there they shall be wt an harde shoure / & thā shall the swanne be taken & slayne with sorowe / & y• bere taken & heded nexte vnto his nest y• shall stande vpon a broken brydge / on whom the sonne shall cast his bemes / & many shall hym seke for vertue that shal come from hym. In the same shall dye for so∣rowe & care a people of his londe / so that many londes shall be vpon hym y• more bolder afterward. And those two owles shall do moche harme to y• soresayd flou∣re of lyfe / & shall lede her in to dystresse / so that she shall passe ouer the see in to fraūce for to make peas bytwene y• gote & the flourdelyce / & there she shall dwell tyll a tyme that her seed shall come and seche her / & they shall be styll tyll a tyme that they shall clothe them with grace / and they shall seche y• owles & put them to despytous dethe. And after shall this gote be brought to dysease & anguysshe / and in sorowe shall he lyue all his lyfe. AFter this gote shall come out of wyndsore a bore that shall haue an heed of a whyte lions hert / & piteous lokynge. His vysage shall be rest to seke men. His brest shal be staūchȳg of thurst to y• thursty. his word shal be gospel. his herynge shall be meke as a lambe. In y• first yere of his regne he shal haue grete payne to iustyfye them that be vntrue. And in his tyme shall his lōde be multy∣plyed wt aliaūtes. And this bore thrugh fyersnes of his hert / shall make wolues to become lambes. And he shal be called through out the worlde / the bore of holy¦nes / of fyersnes / of noblenes / & of meke∣nes. And he shall do mesurably all that he shall do vnto y• bourgh of Ierusalem And he shall whette his tethe vpon the gates of Parys / and vpon foure londes Spayn shall tremble for drede. Gascoyn shall swete. In Fraūce he shall put his wynge. His grete tayle shall rest in Eng¦londe softly. Almayne shal quake for dre¦de of him. This bore shal gyue mantels to two townes of Englōde / & shal make the ryuer ren wt blode & brayne / & he shal make many medowes reed / & shall gete as moche as his auncesters dyd / & or he dye he shall bere thre crownes / & he shal put a lond in to grete subieccyon / & after it shal be recouered / but not in his tyme. This bore after he is deed for his dough tynes shal be buryed at Coleyn / and his londe shall than be replete of all good. AFter this bore shal come a lambe hauyng feet of leed / & an heed of brasse & a hert of a loppe / a swynes skyn and an hard. And in his tyme his londe shall be in peas ye fyrst yere of his regne He shal do make a cite yt all ye worlde shal speke of. This lambe shall lese through a wolfe a grete part of his londe / but he shall recouer it / & gyue a lordshyp to an egle of his lond / & this egle shal well go∣uerne it tyll pryde shall ouercome hym / alas y• sorowe / for he shall dye of his bro∣ders swerde. And after shall ye londe fall to the foresayd lambe / yt shall rule ye lōde in peas all his lyfe / & after he shal dye / & the londe shall be fulfylled wt all goodes. AFter this lābe shall come a mold warpe / cursed of gods mouth / a caytyf / a coward / an hare. He shal haue an elderly skyn as a gote / & vengeaunce shall fall vpon hym for synne. The fyrst yere of his regne he shal haue of al good grete plente in his londe / and shall haue grete praysyng in his lond tyll y• tyme y• he shall suffre his people lyue īto moche pryde wtout chastysynge / wherfore god wyll be wroth. Thā shall aryse vp a dra¦gon of the north that shal be full fyers / & shal meue warre agaynst y• moldwarpe gyuynge hym batayle on a stone. This dragon shal gadre in his cōpany a wolfe comynge out of the west to meue warre agaynst the moldwarp in his syege / & so shal y• dragon & he bynde theyr tayles to gyder. Than shall come a lyon out of It londe yt shal fall in cōpany with them / & than shall tremble ye londe yt shall be cal∣led englōde as an aspen lefe / & in y• tyme shall castels be kest down vpon Tamyse And it shal seme y• Seuerne shal be drye for the deed bodyes that shall fall therin The .iiij. chefe flodes in Englonde shall ren in blode / & grete drede shall be & an∣guysshe yt shal aryse. After ye moldwarp shall flee & ye dragon. The lyon & ye wolfe shall dryue them away / & the londe shall be wtout them. And the moldwarp shall haue no maner of power / saue onely a shyppe wherto he may go. And after yt he shall gyue ye thyrde parte of his londe to haue the fourth parte in rest & peas / & after he shall lyue in sorowe all his lyfe tyme. And in his tyme ye hote baths shal become colde. And after yt shall the mold¦warp dye auenturously & sodemly / alas for sorowe / for he shall be drowned in a flode of the see. His seed shall become fa∣derles in stran̄ge londes for euermore & than shall the lond be departed in to thre partes / yt is to say / to the wolfe / to ye dra¦gon / & to ye lyon. And so shal it be for euer more. And than shall this londe be called the londe of cōquest. And so shal ye tyght heyres of Englonde ende. ¶ This same tyme that Merlin tolde to kyng Arthur of those kynges / Guillomer of Irlonde ordeyned a grete power of Irysshmen & arryued in Scotlonde fast by where as kyng Arthur lay wt his hoost. WHan Guillomer that was kyng of Irlonde herde tydinges that king Arthur was entred at Gla¦stenbury / he ordeyned a grete power of Irysshmen & came to y• see wt them / & so came in to scotlond ouer y• see / & arryued fast by there as king Arthur was wt his hoost. And anone as he wyst therof / he went towardes hym & gaue hȳ batayle & ouercame hym. And Guillomer fled wt his men agayn in to Irlonde. And whā this was done / Arthur returned agayn in to y• place where he had lefte y• scottes & wold haue slayne them all. But y• bys∣shops / abbots & other folke of y• coūtre & ladyes open heded come before kyng Ar¦thur & cryed hȳ mercy / sayenge. Gentyl kyng as ye are a mayntayner of christē∣dom / haue pite on vs your euen chrystē / for by our deth ye gete no worship / as to slee chrystē folke / & therfore haue mercy on vs / for we haue had moche sorowe by the Saxons y• haue passed through our countree / but y• is not ynough to you / for they haue taken our castels & slayne out beestes & eten / & moch harme haue done vs / & yf ye slee vs cryenge you mercy / it sholde be grete dyshonour to you. For ye haue done ynough to vs / & haue ouerco∣mē vs / & for goddes loue suffre vs to lyue & haue mercy on chrystē people y• byleue in Chryst as ye do. Whan kyng Arthur herd this sorowe / he had pite on them / & gaue them lyf & lymme wtout ony more harme / & they fell down to his feet & thā¦ked hym / & became his lyege men / & he toke of them homage. And after y• kyng Arthur turned agayn wt his host & came to yorke / & there abode duryng y• vyage. And than gaue he al Logres to Aloth yt had spoused his syster / & plente of other gyftes. Thā was Gawen his cosyn but yōge of age. To al his men y• had serued hym in his warre he gaue ryche gyftes thankynge them of theyr good seruyce. WHan kynge Arthur had brought his londe in peas & rest & in good state / and all was well in euery coūtree. Thā toke he & wedded a wyfe y• was cal¦led Gueneuer / & made her quene / a fayre lady & a gentyl / y• Cador y• erle of Corne∣wayle had nourysshed in his chambre yt was his cosyn. But neuer they had chil¦drē togyder / & neuertheles king Arthur loued her full well. And anone as wyn∣ter was past / he let assemble a grete host and all his barons / & sayd that he wold go in to Irlonde for to conquere y• londe. And he taryed not longe y• he ne passed ouer in to Irlōde. And Guillomer y• king let assemble a grete host / & gaue batayle to kynge Arthur. But Guillomer was discōfyted and yelded hym to the kynge & became his man / & to hym dyd feaute & homage / & of hym helde all that londe fro that tyme forward. And after passed kyng Arthur ferthermore and cōquered Gutlonde & Islonde / & toke homage of y• folke of the londe / and there dwelled .xij. yere in peas / and regned with ioye and myrth / & there warred no man nor wo∣man vpon hym. And he became so cur∣teys & large & honourable / that the em∣perours courte of Rome / ne none other through out all y• worlde was not accoū¦ted to kyng Arthur y• ony man wyst of / nor none so well praysed. And therfore y• best knyghtes of all maner londes came vnto hym there for to dwell. And he re∣ceyued them wt good wyll & reuerence. And all the knyghtes were so good that no man knewe the werst. And therfore kynge Arthur made a roūde table / that whan they sholde syt at theyr meet / all sholde be lyke hye & euenly serued at the table / yt none of them sholde make vaunt that one were hyer than an other. And kyng Arthur had at that table brytons & frenshmen / normās & flemynges / bur gonyons / mausers & lotherins / & of all the londes on this halfe the moūt Gorye and of his londe of grete Brytayne / & of Cornewayle / of Wales / & of Irlonde / & of Scotlond / and shortly to tell of all the londes that wolde worshyp cheualrye suche came to kynge Arthurs courte. SIth it befell that kynge Arthur through coūseyle of his barons & lordes wolde go to conquere all Fraunce that than was called Galle through Ro¦mayns that than helde y• londe in theyr power & in theyr gouernaūce. And y• Ro∣mayns had taken that londe to a noble knyght and a worthy of body that was called Froll. And whan he wyst y• kyng Arthur came / he ordeyned an hoost of a grete power / & fought with the kynge / And he & his folke were dyscomfyted / & fledde vnto Parys & entred the cite / and closed the gates / and there helde hym. Whā Arthur wyst that Froll was gone to Parys / he pursued after & came thy∣der & besyeged hym. But the cite was stronge & well arayed / & they that were therin defended them well and manly. Kynge Arthur dwelled there more than a moneth / & there was so moche people in the cite y• they dispended all theyr vy∣tayles y• they had wtin: & so grete hunger became amonge them y• they dyed won¦ders thycke within y• cite for hunger / & came vnto Froll / & prayed hym to be ac∣corded wt kyng Arthur for to haue peas and they wolde yelde them vnto hym & the cite also. Froll saw that he might no longer holde the cite agaynst theyr wyll & trusted gretly vpon his owne strength & sent to kynge Arthur y• he sholde come fyght wt hym body for body / & so sholde they departe fraūce bytwene them two. Kyng Arthur anone graūted it / & not that none of his people vndertoke y• batayle for hym. And on y• orow bothe came well arayed wtout Parys / where as they shold fyght. And anone togyder they smote so fyersly / and so well they fought on bothe sydes / y• no man coude deme the better of them. And so it befell that Froll gaue Arthur suche a stroke y• he kneled to the groūde wheder he wold or not / & as Froll withdrewe his erde he woūded kyng Arthur in the foreheed that y• blode fell downe by his eyen & his face. Arthur anone sterte vp egerly whā he felte hȳselfe hurte as a man y• semed almoost wood / & he toke Tabourne his good swerde & drewe it vp on hygh / and gaue Froll suche a stroke y• therwith he claue his heed downe to y• sholders / so y• his heline myght not be his warent / & so he fell down deed in ye place. And than they of ye cite made grete sorow for Froll And euerychone yelded them vnto kyng Arthur / & the towne also / & became his men / & dyd to hȳ homage & feaute. And he receyued them / & toke of them good hostages. And kynge Arthur after that went forth wt his host & cōuered Angeo & Angiers / Gascoin / Poytou / Nauerne & Burgoyn / Berry / Lotherin / Turin / & Poytiers / & all ye other londes of fraūce he conquered holly. And whā he had all conquered & taken homage & feaute / he turned agayn to Parys / & there dwel∣led he longe tyme / & ordeyned peas lōge tyme ouer all ye coūtree & through out all fraūce. And whan peas was made ouer all through his noble knyghthode yt he had / & also for his own worthynes. And no man were he neuer so grete a lorde durst not meue warre agaynst hym ney¦ther to aryse to make the londe of fraūce vnquyete. And in peas he dwelled there ix. yere / & did many grete wonders / & re proued many proude men & yll tyraūtes chastised them after theyr deseruyng. Nd afterwarde it befell thus at eester there as he helde a feest at Parys / & rychely he begā to auaūce his knightes for theyr seruice that they had holpen hym in his conquest. He gaue to his stewarde yt was called Kay Angeo & Angers / & to Bedeler his butler he ga∣ue Normādy that was called Neustrie And to Holdyn his chamberlayn he ga∣ue Flaundres & Mance / & to Dorell his cosyn he gaue Boloyne / and to Rychard his neuewe he gaue Pountyf / and to all other he gaue large londes & fees after they were of estate. And whan Arthur had thus feffed his knyghtes / at Apryl nexte after folowynge he came agayn in to Britayn his owne londe / and after at whytsontyde nexte folowynge by coun∣seyle of his barons he wol be crowned kyng of Glomergon / & hele a solempne feest / & let somon knyghtes / erles / & ba∣rons / that they sholde come thyder eue∣rychone / & there was Scater kynge of scotlōde / Cadwere kyng of southwales Guillomer kyng of Northwales / Ma∣ded kyng of Irlonde / Malgamus kyng of Gutlonde / Achilles kyng of Islonde / Aloth kynge of Denmarke / Gonewas kyng of Norway / & Hell his cosyn kyng of Dorkeney / Cador kyng of lytell Bry∣tayne / Morwith erle of Cornewayle / Mauran erle of Glocestre / Guerdon erle of winchestre / Bol erle of Harford / Vr∣tegy erle of oxford / Cursal erle of Bathe Ionas erle of Chestre / Enerall erle of Dorchestre / Kymare erle of Salysbury Waloth erle of Caunterbury / Iugerne erle of Chichestre / Arall erle of Leicestre & ye erle of Warwyk / & many other moo ryche lordes. Brytons there came moo / that is to say Dippon / Donaud / Gēnes & many other yt be not named here were at that feest / & many a fayre feest kynge Arthur had holdē before / but neuer none suche / ne none so solempne / & that lasted xv. dayes with moche honour & myrth. THe thyrde daye as kyng Arthur sate at his meet amōge his kyn∣ges / & amonge them that sate at ye fee before them came in .xij. men of age ry∣chely arayed / & curteysly they salewed the kyng / & sayd they came from Rome sent as messengers fro the emperour / & toke to hym a lettre yt thus moche was to vnderstande. Gretely vs meruayleth Arthur that y• arte ones so hardy with the eyen in thy heed to make open warre and contake agaynst vs of Rome / yt owe all ye worlde to deme / for y• hast neuer yet before this tyme proued ne assayed the strength of ye Romayns / & therfore thou it shall in a lytell tyme. For Iulius cesar conquered all ye londe of Brytayn / & toke therof truage / & our folke haue it longe had / & now through thy pryde y• with∣holdest it / wherfore we of Rome cōmaū¦de ye that y• yelde it agayne. And yet hast thou done more foly / that y• hast slayne Froll yt was our baron of Fraūce with wrōge / & therfore all ye comyns of Rome warneth the & cōmaūdeth the vpon lyfe & lyme / that y• in haste be at Rome for to make amendes of thy mysdedes that thou hast done. And it be so that y• come not / we shall passe ye hyll of Ioye with strength / & we shall seke ye where euer y• mayst be foūde / & thou shalte not haue a fote of londe of thyn owne / yt we ne shall destroye it / & afterward wt thy body we shal do our wyll. Whan this lettre was red / & al men it herde / they were anoyed all yt were at yt solempne feest / & the Bry¦tons wold haue slayne the messengers / but ye kyng wold not suffre them / & sayd that ye messengers shold haue no harme & may by reasō none deserue / but cōmaū¦ded them to be worshipfully serued. And after meet toke coūseyle of kȳges / erles & barons what answere he might gyue agayn to the messengers. And they coū∣seyled hym yt he sholde assemble a grete power of all the londes of whiche he had lordship / & manly auenge hȳ on ye empe∣rour of ye despyte yt he had sent hȳ suche a lettre / & they swore by god & by his na¦es yt they sholde pursue hym & brenne as moche as they myght / & sayd ye they wolde neu fayle kynge Arthur / & had rather to be deed. And they lt wryte a lettre to send to the emperour by ye same messengers in this maner of wyse. Nderstande amonge you of Ro∣me that I am kynge Arthur of Brytayne / & frely it holde & shall holde / And at Rome hastely I wyll be / not to gyue truage / but for to aske truage. For Cōstantyne that was Eleyns sone that was emperour of Rome / & of all the ho∣nour that therto belongeth. And Mai∣myan kynge conquered all Fraunce and Almayne / & passed mount Ioye / & con∣quered all Lombardy / & these two were myne aūcesters / & that they helde & had I shall haue through goddes wyll. WHan this lettre was made & ∣sealed / kyng Arthur vnto thse messengers gaue grete gyftes / And after that ye messengers toke theyr leue & went thens & came to the cour of Rome agayne / & tolde the emperour how worthely they were receyued and also of the ryal company that he had for to serue hym / and how he was more y ally serued than the emperour of Rome or ony other kyng lyuynge in ye worlde. And whan the emperour had ouersen the lettre / & had herde what was therin and sawe that Arthur wolde not be u∣led after hym / he let assemble & ordeyne a grete hoost for to destroye kynge Ar∣thur yf that he myght. And kynge Ar∣thur as touchyng his power and party ordeyned his power & knyghtes of the rounde table. He kyng of Scotlond / of Irlond of Gutlonde / of Denmarke / & of Almayne / eche of them had .x. M. me / the duke of Normandy / Gascoyn / Flaū∣dres / Poytou / and of Boloyne / eche had foure thousand. Gerin of Chartres had x. thousand. Howell of brytayn had .xij. thousande / & himselfe of his owne londe xij. thousand. And of arbalastres and of archers & of other folke on fote / that no man coude nombre them. And whan all were redy for to go / kynge Arthur toke his londe & Gueneuer his wyfe to kepe to one of his neuewes that was a wyse knight and a hardy whiche was called Mordred / but he was not all true / as ye shall here afterwarde. Kynge Arthur toke all his realme to this Mordred / sa∣ue onely the crowne. And after yt kynge Arthur toke his hoost & went to South hamton where that the shyppes were brought & the folke assembled / and they went vnto the see / and had wynde and weder at wyll. And as soone as they myght they arryued at Haet / and as shortly as they coude they went a londe out of theyr shyppes / and spradde ouer all the countree. BYnge Arthur had not dwelled in the coūtree but a lytell tyme that men tolde hym that there was comen a grete gyaunte in to Spayne / and had rauysshed fayre Eleyne that was cosyn vnto Howell of lytell Brytayn / and had brought her vpon an hyll that is called the moūt of saynt Bernarde / and there was no man in that coūtree so bolde nor so hardy that durst fyght with hym / ne come nye the place where as the gyaūt dwelled that was called Dinabus / and moche sorowe he dyd in that countree. Whan kyng Arthur herde these tydyn∣ges / he called to hym Kay & Bedewere and cōmaunded them for to go pryuely and espye where the gyaunt myght be foūde. And they came to ye ryuage there as men sholde go to the moūt that was all enclosed aboute with water / & yet is and euer shall be. And they sawe a bren∣nynge fyre vpon ye hyll. And there was also an other hyll nye that / & there was vpon that an other fyre brēnynge. Kay and Bedewere came to the nexte hyll / & founde a wydowe open heded / syttynge besyde a tombe sore wepyng / and made grete sorow / & ofte she sayd Eleyn Eleyn And Kay & Bedewere asked what she was / and wherfore she made so moche sorow / & who lay in that tombe. O sayd she / what sorowe & mysauenture fayre lordes seke ye here / for yf ye gyaunt may fynde you here / he wyll slee you anone. Be styll good wyfe sayd they / therof dis∣may you not / but tell vs the sothe why that thou makest so moche sorowe and wepynge. Syrs sayd she / for a damoy∣sell that I nourysshed with my brestes that was called Eleyn / that was cosyn to Howell of Brytayn. And here lyeth ye body in this tombe whiche to me was taken to nourysshe. And so there came a deuyll a gyaunt and rauysshed her / and me also / and ladde vs bothe with hym away. And he wolde haue forlayn that mayde that was so yonge and tender of age / but she myght not suffre it / so grete and so huge as the gyaūt was. And for certayne yf he come now as he is wont to do / he wyll you now bothe lee / & ther fore go ye hens. Than spake these two messengers and sayd to her / wherfore go ye not frō hens. Certes syrs sayd she whan that Eleyn was deed / the gya made me to abyde to do and haunte his wyll / I must it suffre / & god it wteth I do it not with my wyll / for I had euer to be deed than to deale wt him so moche payne & sorowe I haue whan he me forlyeth. Whan Kay & Bedewere had herde all yt this woman tolde them they returned agayne & came to kynge Arthur / & tolde hym all yt they had seen & herde. Arthur anone toke them bothe with hym and went pryuely by nyght that none of his hoost wyst / & came on ye morow erly to ye gyaūt & faught wt hym strongly / & at ye last slewe hym. And Ar∣thur ad Bedewere to smyte of his heed & brynge it in to the hoost to shewe it for a wonder / for it was so grete and huge. Whan they came agayn to ye hoste / they told wherfore they had bē out / & shewed to them the heed. And euery man was glad & ioyfull of the worthy dede yt kyng Arthur had done that was theyr lorde. And Howell was full sorowfull for his cosyn that was so lost. And after warde whan he had space he let make a fayre chapell of our lady ouer Eleyns tombe. ARthur & his people had tydyn∣ges that ye emperour had assem∣bled a grete power / as well of sarasyns as of paynyms & chrysten men / wherof the nōbre was .lxxx. M. hors men / with fote men. Arthur & his people ordeyned fast forth in theyr waye toward ye empe rour & passed Normandy & Fraūce vnto Burgoyn / & wolde haue gone to ye hoost For men tolde hym that the emperours hoost wolde come to Lucie. The empe∣rour & his hoost in ye begynnynge of Au∣gust remeued from Rome / & came forth ryght the waye towarde ye hoost. Than came kyng Arthurs espyes & sayd / yf yt Arthur wolde he sholde fynde the empe¦rour there fast by / but they sayd that ye emperour had so grete power wt hym of kynges of the londe of paynyms / & also chrysten people / that it were but foly to kyng Arthur to mete with them. For ye spyes tolde that the emperour had fyue or syxe men agaynst one of his. Kynge Arthur was bolde & hardy / and for no thynge hym dysmayed & sayd. Go we boldly in goddes name agaynst the Ro∣mayns that with them lede sarasyns & paynyms / that haue no maner trust in god / but onely vpon theyr strength. Go we now & seke them sharply in ye name of almyghty god / & slee we ye paynyms & chrysten men yt be agaynst vs wt them for to destroye chrysten men / & god shall helpe vs to ouercome them / for we haue the ryght opynyon / & therfore haue we trust in god / & do we so that ye enemyes that be to chrystendom & to god may be destroyed & ouercomen / & that men may recorde the worthynes of knyghthode. Whā kyng Arthur had thus sayd / they cryed all wt an hye voyce. God yt is fader almyghty worshypped be thy name wt∣out ende. amē. And graūt vs grace well for to do / & to destroye our enemyes that be agaynst chrystendome. In the name of ye fader / the sone / & ye holy ghost. amē. And god gyue hym neuer grace n wor∣shyp in the worlde / ne mercy of hym to haue / that this daye shall feynt well for to smite & egerly. And so they rode softly & ordeyned theyr wynges wel & wysely The emperour herde tll that kyng Ar∣thur & his folke were redy apparaylled for to fyght with him / & how they were comynge / he let ordeyue his wynges in the best maner yt he coud / & more trusted in his strength than in almyghty god / & that was seen afterwarde. For whan ye two hostes mette / the emperour lost. iiij of his men agaynst ou of Arthurs / & so many were slayne what on ye one party & what on that other / that it was grete pyte to wyte & beholde. In this batayle were slayne through kyng Arthurs .v. kynges of the paynyms & of other won∣ders moche people. And kyng Arthurs men fought so wel that the Romayns & paynyms had no more strength to with stande them than .xx. shepe agaynst .v. wolues. And so it befel yt in this batayle in the shoure that was wonders hard & longe duryng on that one syde & on that other / the emperour among them there was slayne / but there was no man that wyst for very sothe who hym slewe. WHan the romayns wyst that the emperour was deed / they for so∣ke the felde / & the paynyms also And kyng Arthur chaced after them tyl it was nyght / & so many of them slewe that it was wonder to tell. And whā it was nyght kyng Arthur turned agayn & thanked god of his victory. And on the morowe he let loke & serche all the felde for his knyghtes yt he there lost / that is to saye Borel erle of maunt / Bedewer & kay / & Ligiers erle of Boloyn / Vrgety erle of Baar / Aloth erle of Wynchestre / Cursael erle of Chestre / and Holden erle of Flaūdres. These were ye grete lordes that king Arthur lost in yt batayle with other worthy knyghtes amonge them. And some he let bury in abbays by the coūtree / some he let be borne into theyr owne coūtree. And the emperours body he let take & put vpon a bere / & sent it to Rome / & sent to saye the Romayns that for Brytayn & Fraūce whiche he helde / other truage wolde he none paye. And yf they asked hym ony other truages / ryght suche truage he wold tham paye kyng Arthur let here kay to kenen his owne castell / & there buryed hym. And Ligier was borne to Boloyn where he was lorde. And Holden was borne in to Flaūdres / and there was buryed. And all the other he let bury with moche ho∣nour in abbays & in houses of relygyon in the countree there they were slayne. And kynge Arthur hymselfe soiourned that same yere in Burgoyne with his hoost / & thought yt same yere folowyuge to passe the mount of Ioye / and to haue gone to Rome for to take the cite / and to haue put the Romayns in subieccyon / but the wycked tyraunt Mordred letted hym / as after ye shall here. WHan kynge Arthur had taken to Mordred his realme to kepe / and was gone agaynst the emperour of Ro∣me / & was passed ye see / Mordred anone toke homage & feaute of all them yt were in this londe / & wolde haue had the lōde to his owne vse / & toke castels all about and let them be arayed. And after this faisnes he dyd an other grete wronge / for agaynst the lawe of thrystendom he toke his own vncles wife as a traytour and ordeyned hym a grete host agayust kyng Arthurs comyng / to holde ye londe agaynst hym wt strength for euermore / and to slee kyng Arthur yf he myght / & sent by see & by londe / and let assemble paynyms & christen people. And he sent to saxons and to danes for to helpe hym And also Mordred sent to Cheldrik to do men come to hȳ out of saxon / that was a worthy duke / & promised hym yf that he brought with hym moche people he wolde grae hym in herytage for euer more all the londe frō beyonde Humber to scotlonde / & all the londe that Engist had of Vortygers gyste whan that he spoused his doughtcr. And Cheldrik ca∣me wt a grete strength & power of people And Mordred had assembled also on his halfe / that they had .xl. M. of stronge knyghtes whan that they had nede. THese tydynges came to kyng Ar¦thur where as he was in Bur∣guyn / & was therof sore anoyed / & toke all Fraūce to Howell for to kepe wt halfe of his men / & prayed hym to kepe it tyll he came agayn / for he hyselfe wolde go into Britayn / & auenge hym on the fals traytour Mordred / & went his waye & came to whytsand / & toke shyppyng wt his men / & a grete hoost of frenshmen / & arryued at Sandwyche. But or that he myght come to londe wt his people / Mor¦dred was come wt all his power / & gaue a stronge batayle / so yt kyng Arthur lost many a man or he myght come to londe For there was Gawayne his neuewe slayne & Augnissell yt helde Scotlonde / & many other / wherof kyng Arthur was ful sory. But after yt they were comen to lōde / Mordred might not agaynst them endure / but was discōfyted & fled thens the same nyght wt his men / & on the mo∣rowe came to London / but men of ye cite wold not let hȳ entre / & from thens fled to wynehestre / & there helde hym wt his people. Kyng Arthur let take ye body of Gawayn his cosyn / & ye body of Augnis∣sel / & let yt one be borne to scotlond / & that other to Pouer & buried. And after king Arthur toke his waye to destroye Mor∣dred / & he fled thens into Corne Wayle. And the quene Gueneuer yt was kynge Arthurs wyfe yt thā soiourned at yorke herde that Mordred was fled thens / & yt he myght not endure agaynst kyng Ar∣thur / she was sore aferde and had grete doubte / & wyst not what was best to do For she wyst well yt her lorde kynge Ar∣thur wolde neuer of her haue mercy for the grete shame yt she had done hȳ / & to∣ke her waye pryuely with .iiij. men & no mo / & came to Karlyon / & there she dwel¦led all her lyfe / & was neuer seen amōge folke. Kyng Arthur wyst that Mordred was fledde in to Cornewayle / & let send after his men in to Scotlond & Northū∣berlonde vnto Number / and let assemble folke wtout nombre & went vnto Corne∣wayle to seke Mordred. And Mordred had assembled to hȳ all yt folke of Corne∣wayle without nōbre / & wyst yt Arthur was comynge / & had leuer to dye & take his chaūce than longer to flee / & abode & gaue an hard batayle to kyng Arthur & his people: so yt there escaped none away on lyue saue kynge Arthur & other that were woūded to deth / for Mordred was slayne & all his people / and all kyng Ar∣thurs noble knyghtes of ye roūde table / wherof it was grete pyte. And king Ar∣thurs made hym to be borne in a lytter to Auyon to be heled of his woundes. And yet ye Brytons suppose yt he lyueth in an other lond / & that he shall come yet & con¦quere all Brytayn. But ceres this is ye prophecy of Merlyn. He sayd his dethe shold be doubtous / & he sayd trouth. For therof yet men haue doubte / & shal haue for euermore as men saye. For mē wote not whether that he is on lyue or deed. ¶ Arthur was borne to Auyon the. xxii yere of his regne / after the incarnacyon of our lorde Jesu Chryst .v. C .xlvi. yere. WHan kyng Arthur wyst that he myght regne no lenger / he let come before hȳ Cōstantyne that was Cadors sone erle of Cornewayl his cosyn / and to hym betoke all his realme byddynge hym to be kynge therof tyll that he came agayne / for as moche as he had none heyre begoten of his body / and grete harme it was / that so noble a kyng and so doughty as he was had no childe of his body begotē. But all thȳge that god wyll haue done / must be done / whose name be blyssed wtout ende. amē. THis Constantyne was a noble & a worthy knyght of body. And yt two sones that Mordred had begoten had grete enuy vnto Constantyne that than was crowned kynge. And so it be∣fell yt they begā to meue warre agaynst hym / & assembled a grete hoost of them that were before with Mordred / & had ben dryuen awaye / whiche dyd moche sorowe through out all the londe. That one broder ordeyned hȳ to go to London for to take the cite / & that other went to wynchestre. But Constantyne came to London and slewe hym that was there And after he wēt to wynch estrē & sleme hym that was there also. And so was he quyte of bothe his enemyes. Whan Cōstantyne had regued well & worthely foure yere he dyed / & lyeth at London. AFter kynge Constantynes deth there were two kynges in Bry∣tayne / that one was called Adtlbryght that was a Dane / & he helde the coūtree of Norfolke and Suffolke. That other hyght Edell and was a bryton / and he helde Nicholl / Lyndesey / & all the londe vnto Number. These two kynges fast warred togyder / but they were after ac¦corded / & loued togyder as they had ben borne of one body. The kyng Edell had a syster that was called Orewenne / and he gaue her through grete frendshyp to kynge Adelbryght to wyfe. And kynge Adelbryght begate vpō her a doughter that was called Argentyl. And yt thyrde yere after came vpon hym a straūge se∣kenes that nedes he must dye. And he sent to kynge Edell his broder in lawe that he sholde come & speke with hym / and he came to hym with a good wyll. Than prayed he the kyng and coniured hym also in the name of god / that after whan he were deed / he sholde take his doughter Argentyll & the londe / & kepe and nourysshe her in his chambre. And whan she were of age that he shold ma∣ry her to the strongest & worthyest man that he myght fynde / and than he shold yelde vp her londe agayne. Kyng Edell graunted it / and by othe confermed his prayer. And whā Adelbright was deed & buryed / Edell toke yt damoysell Argen¦tyll / & nourysshen her in his chambre / & she became as fayre as ony myght be. THis kyng Edell that was vncle to Argent yit / bet hought how he might falsly haue ye londe frō his nece / & falsly agaynst his othe to deceyue ye da∣moysell / & to mary her to a knaue of his kechin yt was called Curan / & he became the worthyest & strongest man of body yt ony man wyst in ony londe lyuyng / & to him he thought shamefully to haue ma¦ryed her for to haue had her londe after∣warde / but he was deceyued. For this Curan was Haueloks sone yt was king of kyrklane in Dēmarke / & this Curan tōquered his wyues londe afterward / & slewe king Edel yt was his wyues vncle & had all her lond / as in an other place it telleth more openly: & he regned but thre yere / for saxons & danes slewe hym / & yt was grete harme to all Brytayn / & the brytons bare hym to Stonehenge / and there buryed hym honourably. AFter this Curan regned Conan his cosyn / a proude knyght / & he regned wtout loue / & euer was medlyng wt his people / & toke his vncle wt warre sleynge his two children. The Saxons warred agaynst hȳ oftentymes / but he ouercame them / & so he was in peas all his lyftyme / & he regned .xiiij. yere / & af¦ter he dyed & lyeth at London. AFter this Conan regned his co∣syn Cortyf / yt was behated of all his people / & this Cortyf lost all britayn through warre / & in his tyme fel yt grete myschefe in brytayn yt thrystēdom was destroyed / & all ye brytons were wyuen out of ye londe / but afterward lefte to the saxons / as afterward ye shal here For in that tyme there was a paynym that was called Gurmond ye kȳges sone Daufrikes of ye paynyms folke / & shold haue ben kynge after his fader / but he gaue it to his broder / & sayd he wold be no kynge tyll he had cōquered a realme in a straūge coūtree. And of hym prophe cyed Merlyn / callynge him a wolfe of ye see. And he let assemble paynyms wtout nomrbe & shyppes. And goynge by ye see he conquered dyuers londes / takyng he mage of many. And he came in Irionde & conquered it / that oftētymes warred vpon brytons / & brytons vpon them / & ofte wonne & oft lost / & gaue hostages to brytons. And so they sente to Gurmond there as he was in Irlonde / yt he sholde come & helpe them agaynst yt brytons / & they wold gladly make hym theyr lord. For he was a paynim / & they were pay∣nyms / and the brytons were chrysten. Whan Gurmond herde this / he hasted hym & arryued in scotlonde / & came in to Northumberlond where as the saxons were dwellyng / & they cōfermed yt coue∣naūtes bytwene them made by othes & hostages / for to bere hym true fayth / & holde hym forlorde / & paye to hȳ truage by yere. Than began yt saxons & the af∣fricans to destroye / robbe & brenne to w∣nes / & destroyed all maner thynge / spa∣ryng neyther man / woman / ne chylde / lerned nelewde / but slewe all / & kest dow¦ne townes / castels & chirches / & so put yt londe to grete destruceyon. And as soone as they myght flee they fledde thens as well poore as ryche / bysshops & men of religyon / grete & small / some in to lytell Britayn / & some in to Cornewayle / and all those that myght haue shyppes. COrtyf the kyng fledde thens in to Chichestre that than was a good cite and a stronge / & there helde hym .xx. dayes. And this Gurmond came and be syeged it. But y• cite was so stronge y• he myght not gete it by no maner of wyse / wherfore they thought by subtylte to brenne the towne / they made engynes with glewe of nettes / and toke peces of tunder & fyre & boūde it to sparowes feet and afterwarde let them flee / and they anone ryght flewe in to the towne there as theyr nestes were / in thackes and in euyssynges of houses / & the fyre began to kyndle & brent all the towne. Whan y• brytons sawe that / they hyed them out & fought / but anone they were slayne & discomfyted / & whyle the batayle duted the kynge all in despayre pryuely went in to wales / so y• men wist not where he became. And so was the towne of Chi∣chestre takē & destroyed. And after Gur∣mond went & destroyed townes & citees that neuer after were made again / as it is seen yet in this lōde in many places. WHan Gurmond had destroyed all the londe through out / he gaue y• londe to the saxons / & anone they toke it with good wyll. For y• saxons longe ty∣me had desyred it / for as moche as they were of Engistes kynrede / that first had all y• londe of Brytayn / & let them be cal∣led englyshmen / for bycause of Engistes name. And y• londe they let call Englond in theyr language / & the folke ben called Englyshmen / for as moche as in his ty∣me it was called Engist londe whan he had cōquered it of Vortiger. But fro the tyme y• Brute came fyrst in to this londe it was called Britayn / & y• folke brytons But syth y• tyme y• Gurmond conquered this londe y• saxons named it Englonde as before is sayd. And whan this was done / Gurmōd passed ouer in to fraūce & there cōquered many lōdes / & destroyed all chrysten people where as he came. And the saxons dwelled in this londe / & began fast to enhabyte it at theyr owne wyll / & they wold haue made newe kyn ges & lordes / but they coude neuer assent to haue onely one kyng for to be to them attendaūt / & therfore they made many kynges in dyuers shyres / as it was in Engistes tyme. The fyrst kyngdō was Kent / & that other Southsex / & y• thyrde westsex / the fourth Estsex / and the fyfth Northumberlōde / the syxth Estangle / y• is to saye Norfolk & Suffolk / & the .vij. Merchenrich / & that is ȳ erledom of Ni choll / Huntyngdon / Harford / Gloestre / wynchestre / warwyk & Derby / & so de∣parted all Englōd in to .vij. partes. And after that it befell y• tho kynges warred oftē tymes togyder. And euer he y• was strongest toke hym y• was feblest / & so it was longe tyme that they had no kyng crowned amonge them / nor no chrysten man was than amonge them ne christē dom neyther. But were paynyms tyll y• saynt Gregory was pope of Rome / that had seen children of y• nacion of Englōde in y• cite of Rome y• were wonders fayre creatures / & had grete wyll & desyre to beholde them / & asked of y• marchaūtes of whens they were & of what nacyon. And men tolde hym they were of Eng∣londe / & englysshe they were called / but they & all y• people of englond were pay∣nyms / & byleued not on god. Alas sayd saynt Gregory / well may they be called englysshe / for they haue y• visages of aū gels / and therfore well ought they to be christen. And for this cause saynt Grego ry sent saynt Austin in to englonde / & .xl. good men wt hym that were of good lyfe & holy men to preche & teche / & to cōuerte the englysshe people / & turne thē to god / & y• was in the .vj. yere y• saynt Gregory had ben pope of Rome / y• is to saye / after the incarnacyon of our lord Iesu Chryst v .C .lxxxv. yere as y• cronycles telleth. WHan saynt Austin came fyrst in to englonde / he arryued in the yle of Tenet / & so passed forth & came to Caun terbury / and there soiourned. And kyng Adelbryght of Kent y• was of y• lignage of Engist goodly receyued saynt Austyn & his felawes wt moche honour / & foūde them all y• them neded. And more ouer he gaue them a fayre place / y• now is cal led the abbey of saynt Austin / in whiche place helyeth hymself shryned. ¶ This kynge Adelbryght was a good man / & with good wyll herd saynt Austyns pre dicacyons / and gaue hym leue to preche through out al his lōde of Kent to turne and cōuerte to hym all y• people that he myght. It befell so afterward through goddes grace / y• in a lytell tyme y• kynge hymselfe was cōuerted to god / & all the people of his londe was baptysed. And in y• meane whyle y• people turned them to god / saynt Austyn came to Rochestre & there preched the worde of god / & the paynyms scorned hym therfore / & cast vpon hym reygh tayles / so that all his mantell was hanged full of those reygn tayles / & for more despite they cast on hȳ the guttes of reyghes and other fysshe. Wherfore y• good mā saynt Austin was sore anoyed & greued / & prayed to god y• all those children of y• cite that sholde be borne afterward / y• is to saye / in the cite of Rochestre myght haue tayles / and so they had. Whan the kyng herde of this vengeaūce y• was fallen through saynt Austins prayer / he let make a hous in y• honour of almyghty god / wherin wo∣men shold be delyuered of theyr children at the brydges ende / in the which bous yet women of the cite ben delyuered of chylde. Whan saynt Gregory had herde tell how the englysshe people were tur∣ned to god & cōuerted / he sent vnto saynt Austyn his pallyon by a bysshop y• was called Paulyn / and made hym prymate and archebysshop of Englonde and sent worde that he sholde ordeyne and make bysshoppes in the londe. And anone as saynt Austyn had the pallyon of the di∣gnite of the archebysshop / he made two bysshoppes of his felawes the whiche came with hym from Rome / of whome that one was called Mellyte / & he helde his dignite at London / and that other was called Iustyne / and he helde his dignite at Rochestre. And this bysshop Mellyte than went to preche the worde of god in Essex / and there baptysed the kynge of y• countree whiche was called Sicwith y• was kyng Adelbryghtes to syn his systers sone. This Iustyn went to preche in Southsex / & turned moche of the people to god / & saynt Austin him selfe preched through out all Englonde. WHan all Englōde was baptysed and turned to god / saynt Austin went in to y• londe where as the brytons were to kepe them frō englyssh men / that is to saye in wales / & there he foūde monkes & abbeys / & .vij. bisshops For the brytons destroyed alway y• chry sten people y• saynt Austyn had cōuerted And he sayd to the bisshops that he was a legate of Rome / & prymate of all Eng∣londe / & that they sholde by all reason to hym be obedyent. And they sayd y• they wolde not / but to y• archebysshop of Car lyon they wolde / they wold neuer for no maner thinge be obedyent to y• englyssh men. For they sayd / englysshmen be our aduersaryes / and haue dryuen vs out of our coūtree / & we ben chrysten men and euer haue ben / & the englysshmen haue euer bē paynyms / saue now of late that they be cōuerted. Saynt Austyn might of them haue none other answere / but sayd pertly that they wolde neuer meke them to hym ne to the pope of Rome. Wherfore saynt Austin returned agayn to king Adelbryght y• was king of Kent & tolde him y• his folke wold not be to no man obedyent / but to y• archebysshop of Carlyon. Whan the king herde this / he was sore anoyed / & sayd that he wolde destroye them / & sent to Elfryde kyng of Northumberlonde y• was his frende / y• he shold come to hym wt all y• power that he myght / & he wold mete hym at Ley∣cestre / and fro thens they wolde go in to wales / & there destroye y• archebysshop of Carlyon / and all those that had refu∣sed saynt Austyn. IT befell so that there was a kyng of brytons that helde the coūtre of Leycestre / & all the countre aboute / his name was Brecynall. And this bryton herde tell y• those two englysshe kynges wolde mete there at Leycestre for to go in to wales / he let ordeyne all the power that he had for to go fyght wt these two kȳges / but lytel it auayled hym / for his folke were all slayne / & hymself fledde / & lost his londes for euermore. And these two kȳges Adelbryght & Elfryde dwel led a whyle at Leycestre / & departed the londe amonge them / and toke homage & feaute of the folke of y• coūtree. And af ter they went toward wales. And they of wales herde tell of y• discōfyture that Brecmal had at Leycestre / & were won ders sore adrad of those two kynges / & toke & chose amōge them good men & ho ly / of heremytes / mōkes & preestes / & of other people grete plente / y• wente bare fote and wolwarde for to haue mercy of those two kynges. But y• kynges were so sterne & so wycked y• they wold neuer speke wt them / but slewe them all. Alas for sorowe / for they ne spared them no more than the wolfe doth the shepe / but smote of theyr hedes euerichone. And so they were all martyred y• to them came that is to vnderstande .v .C. and .xl. And after they wente fro thens to Bangore for to slee all those y• they myght fynde there of y• brytons. And whan y• britons herde that / they assembled & ordeyned all theyr power for to fyght with them. Than was there a baron of wales whi che was called Bledrik of Cornewayle that somtyme was lorde of Deenshyre / but king Adelbright had dryuen hȳ out in to wales / & after there he gaue them batayle / & at y• batayle was kyng Adel∣bryght slayne / & Elfryde sore woūded / & forsoke y• felde / & the moost parte of his people slayne. And king Elfryd fled in to Northumberlond y• was his owne lōde And after the people of Leycestreshyre made wt strength Cadewan y• was Bre∣cinals sone kyng of Leycestre / & he after regned nobly / & with grete honour. AFter that this bataile was done the britons assembled them and went thens & came to Leicestre / & made there Cadewan y• was Brynals sone kyng of Leycestre & of all y• coūtree. And he toke homage & feaute of all y• folke of the coūtree. And after that he assembled a grete hoost / and sayd he wolde go in to Northumberlonde to destroye kyng El∣fryde & slec hym yf he myght. And whā he was comen thyder / frendes went so bytwene them that they accorded them in this maner. That Elfryde shold hold all y• londe from Humber vnto scotlonde and Cadewan sholde haue all y• londe on this syde Humber to y• south. And after that they were good frendes all theyr lyf / & loued togyder as they had ben bre therne. And this Elfryde had a sone cal∣led Edwyn y• helde all y• ond of North∣berlonde after his faders deth as his fa der had hold al his lyfe tyme. And Cade wan had another sone called Cadwa that helde his faders londe as he whā he was alyue / & these loued as bre therne / & the loue insted bytwene them but onely two yere / & after began debate bytwene them thrugh an euyl enuyous cosyn of Cadwalyns called Bryens / so y• they assembled a grete host on bothe par tyes. And at y• last it befell y• Cadwalyn was discōfyted / & Edwyn pursued him and droue hym frō place to place / so y• at the lasthe fled in to Irlōde. And Edwyn destroyed his londe / & cast downe castels & brent his maners / & departed all Cad walyns londe among his frendes. And lōge tyme after came Cadwalyn agayn from Irlonde with a stronge power / & in playne batayle slewe Edwyn and all his frendes / & namely them that with∣helde his londes by Edwyns gyfte. WHan Edwyn was slayne Offris his sone vndertoke the warre a∣gaynst Cadwalin his vncle / so that this Offris dyed duryng y• warre. And after the deth of Offris regned a gentyl chry∣sten man that moche lōued god almygh ty / that had all y• londe of Northumber∣londe by herytage y• was called Oald & he was kyng of all y• londe. But for as moche as he was frende to Edwin and helde a grete parte of y• londe of Cadwa lyn. This Cadwalyn warred vpon him and droue hym towarde scotlonde. And whan Cadwalyn sawe that he wold not abyde / he wolde no longer pursue hym / but toke some of his folk to Peanda his broder in lawe / & prayed hym to pursue after Oswald tyll that he were taken or slayne. And Cadwalyn returned home agayn. Whan Oswald herd y• ydȳges that Cadwalin turned home agayn / he wolde no longer flee / but abode Peanda & gaue hym batayle / & Peanda was dis comfyted & fled & came agayn to Cadwa lyn / & sayd y• wolde neuer holde a fote of londe of hym / but yf so were y• he wolde auenge hym on Oswald. Cadwalyn let assemble a grete hoost for to fyght with Oswald / so that he and Peanda came to Northumberlonde & gaue batayle vnto Oswald / & in y• same batayle was Os∣wald slayne & his heed smyttenof / & af∣ter he was buryed in y• abbey of Barde∣ney / in whiche place god hath wrought for hym many a fayre myracle / bothe there and els where. And anone Oswy his broder seased all the londe in to his handes y• was this Oswaldes. And the folke of Northūberlond loued hym won ders well / & helde hym for theyr lorde: But he had men of his kynne worthy ynough y• wolde haue departed y• londe & they warred lōge togyder. And for as moche as they were not strōge ynough they came to Pcanda & prayed hym of helpe & socour / & pmysed hym of y• londe largely vpon this couenaūt / y• he wolde gouerne them & helpe & coūseyle. Peau∣da herde theyr prayer / & so spake wt king Cadwalyn / that he shold ordeyn a grete hoost / & fast ordeyn hym in to Northum berlonde for to fyght with Oswy. And Oswy was a mekeman & moche loued peas & charite / & prayed Peanda of loue & peas / & profred hym of golde & syluer grete plente. And this Peanda was so proude y• he wolde not graūte hym peas for no maner thynge / but for all thynge he wolde fyght with hym. So at y• last there was set a day of batayle / & Oswy euer had trust vpon god / & Peanda tru∣sted to moche vpon his pryde and vpon his hoost that he had / and togyder they smote egerly. But Peanda was anone discomfyted & flayne. And this was af∣ter the incarnacion of our sauyour esu Chryst. vj .C. and .lv. yere. And this Os∣wy regned .xxviij. yere / & a kynge that was called Oswyne that was Pean∣daes cosyn warred vpon hym / and to∣gyder they fought / but Oswy had the victory of Oswyne / & was discomfyted and slayne / and lyeth at Cynmouth. AFter y• deth of Cadwalin regned his sone Cadwaldre well & no∣bly / & his moder was y• sister of Peanda And whā he had regned .xij. yere he fell in to a grete sekenes / & than was there a grete discorde bytwene the lordes of y• londe / that eche warred vpō other. And yet in that tyme there fell so grete derth and scarcete of corne & other vytayles in this londe y• a man myght go .iij. or .iiij. dayes fro towne to towne that he sholde not fynde to bye for golde ne syluer breed wyne / ne none other vytayle / wherwt a man myght lyue. But onely the people lyued by rotes of herbes / for other ly∣uynge had they none / so moche was it fayled all about / fysshes / wylde beestes & all other thynge / so y• yet to this mys∣auenture there fell so grete mortalyte & pestilence amonge the people by the cor∣rupcyon of y• deed bodyes. For they dyed so sodeinly / both grete & small lorde & seruaūt in etynge / goynge & spe kyng / they fell downe & dyed / so y• neuer was herde of more sodeyn deth amonge the people. For he y• went for to bury the deed body / with y• same deed body was buryed. And so they y• myght flee fledde & forsoke theyr londes & houses / as well for the grete hunger / derth / & scarcete of corne & other vytayle / as for y• grete mor talite & pestylence in the londe / & went in to other londes for to saue theyrlyues / & lefte y• londe all deserte & wasted / so that there was no man for to trauayle & tyll the loude / so that y• loude was aayne of corne & all other fruytes for define of tillers / & this misauēture duted .xj. yere & more / y• no man myght ere ne sowe. CAdwaldre sawe grete hunger / mortalite & pestilence / & the londe all poore / & faylynge cornes & other vy∣tayles / & his folke perisshed / & sawe also the moost party of his lond all wasted & voyde of people / he apparayled hȳ & his folke y• were lefte alyue / & passed ouer in to lytel Brytayn with a lytel nauy vnto kyng Aleyn y• he moche loued that was his cosyn / & that his fader had moche loued in his tyme. And as they sayled in the see he made moche lamētacyon / & so dyd all those that were with hym / and sayd. Dedisti nos dite tan{quam} oues estarū et in gentibus dispersisti nos. ¶ And than began Cadwaldre to com∣playne hym to his tolke pyteously / and sayd. Alas sayd he / to vs wretches and caytyues is sorowe for our grete synnes of the whiche we wolde not amende vs whyle we had space / & now repentaūce is comen vpon vs through mysauēture whiche chaceth vs out of our owne re∣alme & propre soyle / out of the whiche somtyme Romayns / Scottes / Saxons nor Danes myght not exple vs. But what auayleth it now to vs that before tyme dyuers tymes haue goten many other londes / syth it is not y• wyll of god that we abyde & dwell in our owne lode God that is very iudge that all thinges knoweth before they be done or made / he seeth that we wolde not cese of our syn∣nes / & that our enemyes myght not vs nor our lygnage exyle fro and out of our realme / he wolde that we amended vs of our folyes / and that we sholde se our propre defautes / & therfore hath shewed to vs wrathe / & wyll chastyse vs of our misdedes / syth that he doth vs without batayle or strengthe of our enemyes by grete cōpanyes wretchedly to leue our realme & propre londe. Turne agayn ye Romayns / turne agayne ye Scottes / turne agayne ye Saxons / turne agayn ye frensshmen / now sheweth to you Bri¦tayn all deserte / the whiche your power myght neuer make deserte / ne yet your power hath not put vs now in exde / but onely the power of the kyng almyghty whome we haue oft offended by our fo∣lyes / the whiche we wolde not leue vn∣tyll he chastised vs by his diuyne power Amonge the wordes & lament acyons y• kyng Calwaldre made to his folke they arryued in lytel Gritayn & came to king Aleyn. And y• kyng receyued hym with grete ioye / & made him to be serued won ders nobly / and there he dwelled longe tyme after. The englysshe people that were lefte alyue & were escaped y• grete hunger & mortalite lyued in y• best wyfe that they might: & moche people sprang and came of them. And they sente in to saxonie where they were borne to theyr frendes for men / women / and chyldren to restore the citees with people and the townes that were all boyde of people / & for to labour / trauayle and tyll the eth. Whan the Saxons had herde these ty∣dynges / they came in to this londe won ders thycke in grete cōpanyes / & lodged themselfe in the coūtree all about where that they wolde / for they foūde no man to with stande them ne lette. And so they wexed & multyplyed gretly / & vsed the customes of y• coūtre wherof they were comen / and the lawes & the language of theyr owne londe. And they chaunged y• names of citees / townes / castelles / and boutghes / and gaue them names / and called them as they now be called. And they helde the coūtets / the batonages / and the lordshyppes & countrees in ma∣ner as y• Brytons before ryme had com∣passed them. And amonge other grete companyes that came from Germayn in to this londe came y• noble quene that was called Sexburga with men & wo∣men without nombre / & arryued in the coūtree of Northumberlonde / & toke the lond from Albion vnto Cornewayle / for her & for her folke. For there was none that myght them let / for all was deso∣late & voyde of people / but it were a fewe poore Brytons that were lefte on moū∣taynes & wodes vutyll that tyme. And fro that tyme forth lost the Britons this realme for all theyr dayes / and the Eng¦lysshe people began to regne / & departed the londe bytwene them / and they made many kynges aboute by dyuers partes of the londe as here ben deuysed. The fyrst of Westsex / the seconde Merchen∣rych / the thyrde Estangle / the fourthe kent / & the fyfthe Southsex. All those regned in this londe after that Cadwal∣dre was passed out of this londe & dwel∣led in lytell Brytayn with kynge Aleyn his cosyn and true frende. And whan he had longe dwelled there / and had know∣lege that the mortalite & pestylence was ouerpassed / & that the londe was reple∣nysshed with alyen people / he thought to come agayn in to this londe / & prayed kynge Aleyn his cosyn of socour & helpe that he myght be restored agayn to his owne propre realme & fyrst dignite. And kynge Aleyn graūted hym his askyng. Than dyd he apparayle hym to take his waye & vyage in to this londe. And prayed god almyghty deuoutly that he wolde make to hym demonstracyon / yf his prayer in to this londe were to hym pleasaūt or not. For agaynst the wyll of god almyghty he wolde no thynge do. Whan he had thus deuoutly made his prayer / a voyce from heuen sayd to hym and badde hym leue that iourney away in to Englonde / and that he sholde go to the pope of Rome / for it was not y• wyll of almyghty god that y• Brycons sholde regne ony more in Brytayne / nor neuer recouer the lond vnto the tyme that the pphecy that Merlyn sayd before be ful∣fylled. And that shold neuer be vnto the tyme were comen that y• relykes of his body shall be brought fro Rome & trans∣lated in to Brytayne. And whan the re∣likes of other sayntes y• haue ben hydde for the persecucyon of the paynym folke shall be foūde and openly shewed / than shall they recouer theyr lōde agayn / the whiche they haue soo longe tyme loste through theyr deseruynge. Whan Cad∣waldre had herde this answere / he mer uayled gretly / & tolde it to kyng Aleyn. Thankynge Aleyn sent for the clergye of his londe / and made them to brynge the storyes & prophecyes that Merliu & Sybyll had sayd in theyr prophecyes. And whan he knewe that the prophecy that Festom had prophecied of the Egle and other prophecyes accorded to the di∣uyne answere y• Cadwaldre had herde∣he coūseyled hym & ryght faythfully de∣syred hym to leue his people & his nauy and submytte hym to the disposicyon of god / & do all that the aūgell had cōmaū∣ded hym. Than Cadwaldre called ynor his sone and yuory his cosyn that was his systers sone / & sayd to them. Take sayd he my folke & my nauy that is here all redy / and passe in to wales / and be ye lordes of Brytons y• no dyshonour come to them by interrupeyon of y• paynyms folke for defaute of lordes. And than he hymselfe lefte his realme of Brytayne & his folke for euermore / & toke his waye vnto the pope of Rome Sergius / the whiche worshypped hym moche / and so he was confessed / & toke penaunce for his synnes. And he had not longe dwel∣led there that he ne dyed the .xij. kalend of Maye / the yere of grace. b .C .lxxix. IT befell so that all the kynges in that tyme that were in the londe / as they of Westsex / Merchenrych / Est∣angle / of Kent / and of Southsex / and of other costes eche warred vpon other / & he y• was moost myghty toke the londe of hym y• was moost feblest. But there was a kynge amonge them that was called Offa / that was saynt Oswaldes broder. This Offa conquered all y• kyn∣ges of the lond / and regned aboue them all. And so grete was the warre in eue∣ry coūtre bytwene kynges that no man myght wyte how the londe went. But abbottes / pryours / and men of religyon wrote the lyues & dedes of kinges / how longe euery of them regned / & in what countree / & in what maner euery kyng dyed / and of bysshops also. And therof made grete bokes / and let call them cro nycles. And the good kynge Alured had that boke in his warde. And let brynge it vnto Wynchestre / and let it be fast ta∣ched to a pyller that men sholde it not re¦meue ne bere thens / so that euery man myght se it & thervpon loke. For therin ben conteyned the lyues of all y• kynges that euer were in Englonde. ANd thus it befell in y• same tyme that there was a kȳg in Northū berlonde that was called Osbryght / & soiourned at Yorke / & this kynge wente vpon a daye in to a wode for to dysporte hȳ. And whan he came agayn / he went pryuely in to a good mannes hous that was called Bucrne / & the good man of that place was gone that tyme to y• see. For oftentymes he went there to espye theues & robbers that oftētymes were wont to come in to the londe to robbe / brenne / & slee. The lady that was Buer nes wyfe was a wonders fayre womā And the kyng came vnto her whan her husbonde was absent. Ad so she trusted none harme vnto the kynge / and welco∣med hym with moche honour / & wor∣thely serued hym of all thynges. Whan the kynge had eten / he coke the lady by the hande and ladde her in to a chambre and sayd that he wolde speke with her in coūseyle. And made all y• folke vor de out of the chambre / saue onely the lady and he. But the lady wyst not wherfore he dyd it / tyll y• he had done all his wyll. And whan he had done this dede / he re∣turned agayne to Yorke / & lefte the lady there sore wepyng for the dede that the kynge had done to her. And whan hee lord was comen home & sawe her wepe & make suche sorowe & mournynge / he asked of her what she had done / & why she made suche sorowe. Syr she sayd / subtylly and falsly the kynge Osbryght hath done me shame & vylany agaynst my wyll / & tolde hym the trouth how y• kynge had forlayne her with strength / wherfore she sayd she had leuer be deed than lyue. Fayre loue be styll sayd he / for agaynst strengthe feblenes is lytell worth / & therfore of me shalt thou neuer the lesse be loued / and namely for thou hast tolde me y• trouth. And yfalmygh∣ty god graūte me my lyfe / I shall well auenge the. This Buerne was a grete man & a myghty lorde / & was well belo ued / & had grete frendes / & let sende for the gretest lordes of the londe / & to them made his complaynt of ye despyte that ye kynge had done to hȳ / & sayd y• he wolde be auenged how so euer it were. And all his frendes coūseyled hym yt he shold go to yorke where as the kyng was to de∣fye hym. And Buerne eke his meyny & came to the kyng. And whan the kyng sawe hym / he called hȳ curteysly by his name. And Buerne answered hym / & to hym sayd. Syr I you defye / & yelde vp feautees / homages & londes / & as mo∣the as I haue holden of you / and from this tyme forwarde I wyll neuer of the no thynge holde. And so he departed fro the kynge without more speche or ony abydynge / and toke leue of his frendes and went in to Denmarke / & complay∣ned to the kynge Godryne / & tolde hym of the despyte that kyng Osbryght had done to hym of his wyfe / & prayed hym of socour and helpe for to auenge hym. Whan kynge Godryne of Denmarke & the Danes had herde the complaynt of this Buerne / and of the prayer that he bad / they were wonders glad in theyr hertes / for as moche as they might fyn∣de a cause for to go in to Englonde for to warre vpon Englysshmen / and also for to auenge Buerne of the despyte that yt kynge Osbryght had done to his wyfe. And for as moche as Buerne was sibbe vnto the kynge of Denmarke / they let ordeyne anone a grete hoost of men / and let ordeyne shyppes for them / & as mo∣che as them neded to haue to that viage And whan all the hoost was redy / the kyng made his two bretherne chefe ca∣pytaynes / that were noble knyghtes of body and also bolde / that one was cal∣led Hungar / and that other Hubba. ANd whan all thynge was redy the two brethern toke leue of the kynge Godryne / & went to warde the see for to passe ouer into Englōde as fast as they myght spede. Now is Buerne so well cōforted / & so fast hyed hym with y• Danes / that they be arryued in y• north coūtree / & came through out Holdernes and destroyed all the coutre / and brent townes / & robbed folke / & slewe all that myght be taken tyll that they came vn∣to yorke. And whan kynge Osbryght sawe them come / he toke all his people that he had with hym & came out of the cyte & faught wt them / but no foyson he ne had agaynst them / & moche of y• peo∣ple there were slayne on bothe partyes / & kynge Osbryght hymselfe there was slayne / & the cite anone was taken & the Danes went in. ¶ And there was also an other king in Northumberlond that Buernes frendes had chosen / and helde hym for kyng / a man y• was called Elle for as moche as they wolde not to kyng Osbryght be attendaūt / for the despyte that he had done to Buerne theyr cosyn. It bef thus y• kyng Elle was gone to the wode for to dysporte ym / & of veny∣sou some he had taken. And as he sate in the wode at meet he sayd to a knyght. We haue well sped & moche venyson ta∣ken. And with y• worde came in a man & sayd to hym. yf ye so moche of venyson haue wonne / an hondred tymes more ye haue lost / for all this coūtree the Danes haue goten / & taken y• cite of yorke / & a∣gaynst you shall it hold / y• neuer ye shall come therin / and for so moche they haue slayne kyng Osright. Whan king Elle herde these wordes / he let assemble all y• folke of the countree / & ordeyned all the power that he myght haue / and wolde haue goten the cite of yorke wt strength. But the Danes came out anone & gane hym a stronge batayle / and slewe kyng Elle and the moost parte of the people that he had brought with him. And the same place there they were slayne shall euermore be called Elle crofte / and that place is a lytell from yorke. And than y• Danes neuer rested tyll they had con∣quered all Northumbetlonde / & in that countree they made wardryns / & went ferther in to y• lande & toke Notyngham & there they abode all y• wyuter / doynge all the sorowe that they myght. And af∣ter whan somet tyme came / they reine∣ued from Notyngham / and came to Ni¦choll and Lyndefey / & to Holand. For no man myght them withstand / so moche power and sttength they had. ANd so ferre had the Danes pas∣sed from coūtree to coūtree / and euermore brennynge & robbynge / & de∣stroyed all y• they myght tyll they came to Tetford / & in that coūtree they foūde a chrysten kyng that moche loued god & his werkes / that was called Edmund / & he was kyng of Northfolke & South folke. This kyng saynt Edmund ordey∣ned as moche folke as he myght / and fought wt the Danes / but he & his folke were discomfyted / & the kyng hymselfe was dryuen vnto the castell of Frame∣lyngham / & the Danes pursued hym & tame vnto the same castell. And whan kyng Edmund sawe y• the castel myght not withstande them / he came agaynst them / with whome y• Danes fyrst spa∣ke / and anone they asked of hym where king Edmund was. Now forsothe said he / whan I was in y• castell there was the kyng / and whan I went out of the castell / he went out also / & whether he shall escape or dye / at goddes wyll must it be. Whan saynt Edmund had named god / by that they wyst well that it was hymselfe. And anone Hubba & Hungat toke hym and sayd that he shold forsake god and all chrysten lawes / as many other had done before hym. And saynt Edmund sayd that he wolde not / but ta ther he wold suffre deth for goddes loue & his lawes also. Than toke they kyng Edmund & boūde hym to a tree / & made theyr archers shote at hym wt arowes tyll y• his body stycked as full of arowes as an vrchen full of pryckes. But for all the payne that they dyd hym / he wolde neuer forsake god. And in the same tur∣ment and payne he dyed / and betoke his soule to almyghty god. And whan they sawe that he was deed / they smote of his heed. And in this maner as ye haue herde was saynt Edmund martyred. WHan saynt Edmund was marry red / Hungar & Hubba departed thens with all theyr Danes to Redyng And as they wente thyder warde they destroyed & brent to wes and cyters & slewe all chrysten people that wolde not forsake god / and kest downe chirches & came to Redynge and toke the cownr & there helde them tyll that kyng Edlf of Westsex came thider with at his power for to take y• to wne. Than came out the Danes to gyue batayle to kyng Edrif / and at that batayle was slayne an le of the Danes that was called Eidrak. Vpon the morowe came kynge Eldred and his broder Alured with a stronge power and a grete hoost. And the Kyng Edelf came agayne (that had fo the daye before) to that batayle. And the Danes than came out for to fyght with them / & y• batayle was wonders stge For many a man was there slayne / and the Danes that daye had the victory / & the kynge Eldred & his broder Alured y• daye were discomfyted. But the fourth daye after y• Danes & the Englyshmen fought togyder an other tyme vpō Ekel dene / & there was slayne a kyng of Deu marke that was called Raing / & foure erles of grete power. And that daye the Danes had shame / for they were driuen to Engilfelde. And the .xv. day after the Danes & the Englyshmen fought togy∣der at Rafyng / & there were y• Englysh men dyscōfyted. And frō thens a Dane that was called Roynt went to Redyng with his hoost / & destroyed all that he myght take. And kynge Eldred fought with hym / but he was so woūded that he dyed. And he regned but .v. yere / and lyeth at Womburne. LEo the first was emperour after Marcianus .xvij. yere. In his tyme were y• Rogacyon dayes ordeyned afore y• ascencyon of saynt Mamert bys∣shop of Vienne. The pope of Rome at y• tyme hyght Leo a noble clerke / & with hym had many clerkes. ¶ Hilari{us} was pope after Leo .vij. yere. This man or∣deyned y• no bysshop sholde ordeyne his successory. Vt pʐ .viij. x. . ¶ Simplici{us} was pope after hym. He ordeyned that no clerke shold take no garment to be clo thed in / after the secte or maner of a lay man / through the reason of his office or of his benefyce. ¶ zeno was emperour after Leo .xv. yere / & this man was an heretyke & cruell agaynst chrysten men. And in this mannes dayes y• bodyes of saynt Mathew y• euāgelist / & saynt Bar nabe y• apostle were foūde / & with them the gospell that saynt Mathewe wrote. Aboute this tyme there was a certayn comyn woman bart .vij. children at one byrth / of y• whiche one was after made kyng of Lombardy. ¶ Felix the thyrde was pope after Simplicius thre yere & viij. monethes. This mā ordeyned y• re∣spyte shold be gyuen to a man that was accused / that he myght auyse hym how he sholde auswere. And y• the iudges & y• accusers sholde be suche / & y• they sholde take all suspeccion & spotte. ¶ Gelasius a Romayn was pope after Felix .v. yere This mā ordeyned y• canon of y• masse wt the preface / ympnes / tractes / oreysons as saȳt Ambrose made them / & y• ordres sholde be gyuen foure tymes in the yere ¶ Anastasius was emperour after zeno xxvij. yere / & he was a curfed man & an heretyke / & hatefull to god & man / & he was slayne wt lyghtnynge. And in his tyme dyed saynt Patryk y• fyrst bysshop of Irlond / in the .C. and .xxij. yere of his age / & his felawe was the abbot of Co∣lumba & saynt Brigida / whome saynt Patryk made a nonne / & they were bu∣tyed in one tombe / & at dyuers tymes / And this is theyr Epytaphe. Hij tres in gelido / tumulo tumulant in vno / Bri∣gida / Patricius / at{que} Columba pius. ¶ Anastasius a Romayn was pope af∣ter Gelasius two yere & thre monethes. He ordeyned that no preest for wrath ne hate sholde leue of to saye his diuyne ser uyce in the chirche / excepte the masse / & he cursed the emperour Anastasius / for he was an heretyke. And it is writen of him / that afterward he turned for drede to the opynyon of the emperour. And he is called the seconde yll famed pope that is in Catholico pōtificū. And afore hym was Liberius famed in heresy. SImach{us} was pope after hȳ .xv. yere / & with hȳ was ordeyned an other pope y• was called Laurencius / & bytwene them was a grete discēcyon / & they bothe put them to y• Iudgement of Theoboria y• kyng. And he iudged that he that was first ordeyned / & that moost men of the chirche helde with / sholde be pope. And Simachus preuayles / the whiche loued the clergy & poore men / & for Pascalius the deken cardynall helde agaynst Simachus wt the parte of Lau rence to his deth / therfore he was put to the paines of purgatory to kepe y• baths after his deth / as Gregory sayth in his boke of Dialogues. This mā ordeyned that Gsa mexcelsis sholde be sayd eue∣ry sondaye and feestes of martyrs. CLodouius the fyrst chrystē kyng of Fraūce was this tyme bapty∣sed of saynt Remigio / & he had a christen woman to his wyfe / & she meued hym many tymes to y• fayth / & sayd he shold be fortunable yf he wolde turne / & so he was / & neuer afore. ¶ Hornusoa was pope after Simach{us} .ix. yere. This mā was of grete mercy & grete almes vnto pooremen / & he gaue many ornamētes to chirches. And he reconsyled y• grekes y• were cursed for theyr heresy. ¶ Iusti∣nus was emperour after Anastasi{us} .ix. yere / & was a very chrystē man. And all that euer the emperour Anastasius had done agaynst the chirche / he reuoked / & obeyed the pope Hornusoa / and calle a∣gayne the bysshops that were exiled by his predecessours. ¶ Priscian{us} grāma∣tieus was this tyme. And this yere the whiche is the .lxxi. fro the comynge of y• saxons / began y• kingdom of westsaxon and Cerdico was kynge. ¶ Iohannes was pope after Hornusoa thre yere and ix. monethes. And Theodoricus y• kyng of ytaly an heretyke toke the pope with other senatours / & sent them to the em∣perour Iustinyan / determynynge that and he wolde not let the heretykes be in peas / he sholde all the chrysten folke in ytaly. And after he oke pope Iohn & Simachū / Patricisi / and Boicium the senatours / & slewe them in pryson. But Bois defended hym by the reason of the aurtorite of y• senatours / & he sent hym to the cite of Papy for perpetuall exyle / where he made the boke De solatione philosophie. And at the last in the coūtre of Mediolanensis he caused Bois throte to becutte / and so he dyed. ¶ Felix pope succeded Iohn .iiij. yere. This man cō∣maūded that seke men sholde be anled afore theyr deth / but Chryst ordeyned it fyrst. ¶ Iustinianus was Emperour xxxviij. yere. This man drewe the lawe of the Romayns / or of Ciuyll / out of al∣moost .ij. M. bokes / and .ccc. M. verses ouer longe & yll accordynge in to one vo∣lum of .xij. bokes / & called it Iustinyan. He made also the digestes / and deuyded them in to thre bokes. ¶ Bonifacius the seconde was pope after Felix two yere. And lytell of hȳ is wryten. ¶ Iohānes the seconde was pope after Bonifacius And this mā had a grete stryfe wt Iusti∣nian y• emperour / wheder y• Chryst was of two natures or one. The pope sayd he had two natures / one of god / an other of man. The emperour sayd / eyther cōsent to vs / or y• shalte go to perpetuall exyle. The pope answered. I desyred to come to Iustinyan the moost chrysten empe∣rour / but as me semeth I haue founde Dioclesyan y• pursewer of chrysten men but certaynly I drede not thy malyce / ne I ere not thy thretenynges. Than the empetour meked hȳselfe & fell downe to the groūde / & asked mercy & absolucion. AGapitus a confessur was pope after Iohn two yere. This Aga¦pitus turned Iustinyan sully from the errour of the Euticetes. This man or∣deyned that processyons sholde be done on sondayes / & than he dyed at Constan tynople. ¶ Siluerius a martyr was pope after this man thre yere. He was exiled fro chrysten fayth / & slayne by the proctour of Theodory / for he wolde not restore the bysshop of Athenes an here∣tyke to his benefyce agayn. ¶ Virgili{us} was pope after hym .xvij. yere. And he entred yll in to his benefyce / but he go∣uerned hym well / & he suffred his perse cucyon pacyently / and he was exiled fro Rome. And at y• last after grete passions of Theodora in Constantynople dyed. ¶ Sinodus quarta Cōstātinopolitana contra Theodorū et oēs hereticos alios fuit isto tēpore. Ista sinod{us} dampnauit heresim Theodori. qui dixit aliū esse deū verū. et aliū Christū. Et {quam} beata virgo non sit dei genitrix. sed hominis tantū. ¶ Pelagius was pope after Virgilius foure yere and .x. monethes. This man ordeyned that heretykes / scysmatykes & renegates sholde be punysshed by the seculer power. ¶ Iohannes the thyrde was pope after this man .xiij. yere. Of this man lytel is wrytē / but that he re∣stored y• chircheyerde of y• apostles Phi∣lip & Iacob. ¶ Iustinus the seconde af∣ter Iustinian was Emperour .xj. yere. This man despysed poore men / he rob∣bed the senatours / he was gyuen to all couetousnes / so that he made chestes of yren for to kepe his money in. Than a∣none he fell in to heresye / & wexed out of his mynde. And than was chosen Ty∣berius a good man for to gouerne the co myn people. ¶ Tyberius y• second was emperour after Iustin{us} .vij. yere. This man was a vertuous man. He gaue in∣numerable good to poore men / in so mo∣che that his wyfe often chydde wt hym / & sayd that he kest awaye the goodes of the empyre as stones. And he answered agayne & sayd. I trust in god that our chestes shall neuer lacke of money / & we put treasure in to heuen. And vpon a cer¦tayn daye whan he went by his palays at Constantynople / he sawe in the mar∣ble pauemēt a crosse grauen / & thought it sholde not be troden vpon / & comaun∣ded to take it vp. For the crosse ought to be put in the hertes of faythfull men / & there he founde inestymable treasour of golde. This man subdued Harsas / and dyed blissedly. ¶ Benedictus was pope after Iohn .iiij. yere. This man suffred grete persecucyon of hunger / pestylence and enemyes. This man brought ma∣ny a thousande quarters of where from Egypte / whan Rome was besyeged by kyng Albanak / & almoost lost for vitayle wherfore they wrote on his graue this epytaphe. Magnatuis monumēta pa∣ter Benedicte reliqis: virtutū titulus et deus at{que} dolor. ¶ Pelagius was pope after Benedictus .v. yere. In his tyme Rome was besyeged by y• loinbardes / & lytel he dyd in his dayes. ¶ Mauricius was emperour after Tyberi{us} .xxj. yere. This was a very chrysten man / & sub∣dued Persas & Armenias / & in y• latter ende of his dayes he dyscorded wt saynt Gregory / & entended to haue slayne hȳ. And than there appered a man in Rome clothed in a religyous habyte holdyng a naked swerde in his hande / & cryed a∣bout y• cite in this wyse. The emperour shall be destroyed / the whiche the empe¦rour herde / & he correcked hȳselfe of his trespace / & prayed to god to withdrawe his sentence from hym. To whome our lorde appered in his slepe & sayd. Wylte thou that I spare the now / or in tyme to come. And he was alouer of wretches & sayd. Gyue me here my reward. Thā he was emperour after many a daye. And whā he shold haue correcked his knight∣tes for theyr extorcyon y• they dyd / they asked hym why that he wolde not paye them theyr wages. And so they fell at varyaunce / & chose Foca for to be empe∣rour / & slewe hȳ & his .iij. sones. ¶ This tyme saynt Austin came in to Englonde and ordeyned two archebysshops / that is to saye / of London / & of yorke / by the cōmaūdemēt of saynt Gregory. And re∣mēbre y• many tymes is made mencyon of dyuers regyons & coūtrees / that oftē tymes they haue ben turned to y• fayth. For alwaye the fayth abode not in them for dyuers causes. So it is of Englonde Fraūce / Persia / Iewry / & in this thȳge Rome was preuileged / for there y• fayth of Peter neuer fayled. ¶ Focas was em¦perour after Maurici his maister / who∣me he & other slewe / & bycause he began yll / he ended nought. For in his dayes y• Romayns fought strongly agaynst the Perses / & the Romayns were discomfy ted & lost many a prouynce / & at the last he was slayne of Heraclius. For as he dyd to other men / so was he done to. GRegory the first a Romayn and a mōke was pope after Pelagius xiij. yere. This man was called Grego∣rius magnus for many thȳges that he exceded in. he passed other men in power in ryches / in vertue / in noblenes / in wys¦dom / in holynes / in fame & in experience And vnder this man the yll thynges of cursednes passed & seced / & many a noble boke he wrote to y• incomparable {pro}fyte of all holy chirche. He was one of y• pryn¦cypal doctours of all the .iiij. doctours of the chirche. This man forsothe alone wt sayiit Fabian after saȳt Peter was cho¦sen of god in all the ordres of y• popes of Rome / many thynges he ordeyned in y• chirche / as is shewed in his regystre. Deus in abiutoriū. for to be afore y• be∣gynnynge of y• houres he cōmaunded to be sayd. He renewed & made all the offy∣ces of the chirche in a fayrer & a more cō pendyous maner / the whiche abydeth yet vnto this daye / & it is called Grego∣rianū. And shortly to cōclude on this ho∣ly man / mannes tongue can not expresse lyghtly the louynges of this mā / what in wrytynges & also in examples of ver¦tuous dedes. ¶ Saumian{us} was pope after Gregory one yere & .v. monethes. This man ordeyned y• ringyng of belles at the houres of the daye. But this man backbyted saynt Gregory for his libera∣lite that he had to poore men / & thought he sawe saȳt Gregory rebuke hȳ thryse for it / & the fourth tyme he lay in his bed & thought saynt Gregory smote him on the heed / and he waked & dyed anone. This was the thyrde pope amonge all y• popes y• whiche is noted to dye a drede∣full deth. ¶ Bonifacius y• thyrde was pope after Sauimanus .viij. monethes He ordeyned y• none but whyte clothes sholde be put on y• awter. ¶ Bonifacius the fourth was pope .iiij. yere and .viij. monethes. This man purchased of the emperour Foca that the chirche of saynt Peter of Rome shold be y• heed of all the chirches in y• worlde. For afore Cōstan∣tinople was y• heed chirche. Also he gae lycence y• the chirche called Panton the whiche was dedycate to the honour of Neptunus & other fals goddes / where chrysten men many tymes were slayne of deuyls / myght be dedycate to y• wor∣shyp of all sayntes in heuen. This man ordeyned y• monkes myght vse y• offyce of prechynge / chrystenynge & cōfessyon. ¶ Heraclius was emperour after Foca xiij. yere. And in the thyrde yere of his regne / Coras y• kyng of Perses brent Ierusalem and other worshypfull pla∣ces. achary the patriarke with moche other people he toke & put in captyuice. The parte of the holy crosse the whiche Cleyn lefte there he toke with hym in to his coūtre. But the .xij. yere of Herach{us} Cosoras was slayne of Heraclius / & the crosse was brought agayn / & the people were delyuered. And whan Heraclius wold haue entred y• cite proudly / the ga¦tes of y• cite by y• power of god shette by themselfe / & the emperour meked hȳ to god aboue / & the gates opened. And thā was the feest of y• exaltacyon of y• crosse made. ¶ De{us} dedit was pope after Bo¦niface thre yere. This was an holy man For on a certayn daye whan he kyssed a lepre / anone the lepre was hole. ¶ This tyme a citezin of London through y• mo∣cyon of Ethelbryght buylded a chirche of saynt Peter in the west parte of Lon∣don / in a place y• was called Thorney. BOnifacius the fyfthe was pope after Deus dedit fyue yere / the whiche ordeyned that no man sholde be taken out of the chircheyerde. And lytel elles of hym is wryten. MAchomyte the duke of sarasyns and turkes was this tyme. And he was the deceyuer of all the worlde / a false prophete / the messenger of the de∣uyll / the foregoer of Antechryst / the ful∣fyller of heresy / and of all false men the meruaylest / of whome the dominacyon thus began. ¶ There was a certayne famous clerke at Rome and coude not spede in his maters that he desyred to haue spedde in / than he receded frō Ro∣me ouer the see / and procured many a man to go with hym / amonge whome was this fals Machomyte a grete man of wytte. And this clerke {pro}mysed hym to make hym duke of his coūtree / yf he wolde be guyded after hym. There he nourysshed a doue / & put all y• corne that the doue ete in to Machomytes ere / & so this doue had neuer no meet but in his ere. The foresayd clerke on a daye called the people & meued them to chose suche a prynce as the holy ghost wolde shewe to them in fourme of a doue. And anone this clerke secretly let this doue flee / the whiche after his olde custome came to Machomyte / & put his byll in his eere. And whan the people sawe this / anone he was chosen duke of that people. And whan he was made duke of this people of Corosame / he sayd y• he was the very prophete of god. Thā he made a boke of his lawe y• was called Alcaron. But he dyd it by the informacyon of thre of his maysters / to whom y• deuyll mynistred the auctorite & the connynge. The fyrst mayster was a iewe a grete astronomer & a nygromancer / the second was Iohn de Antiochia / the thyrde was Sergius an heretyke. And these thre made an vn gracyous lawe & an vnhappy / & what someuer was hard of byleue & tedyous to do / they lefte y• out of the lawe / & they put that thinge in theyr lawe y• worldly men were prone & redy to do / that is to saye / glotony / lechery / rapyne / & suche other. And also this Machomyte ordey∣ned y• a man shold haue as many wiues as he myght occupy & fynde / and refuse them twyse or thryse or .iiij. tymes / & ta¦ke them again. And many meruaylous & fals thinges he made in his lawe / the whiche were to lōge to reherse here / but they be playne in his boke of Alcaron / & euer he wrote i his boke y• our lord spake to Machomyte his {pro}phete / sayenge on this wyse or on this. Thus by his fals meanes he deceyued y• people. And whā his maysters & he had made this y• was so delectable / he wrote it in a boke with lettres of gold / & nourysshed a camell se∣cretly in a pryuy place / & all onely wt the hādes of Machomyte was alway fedde And there pryuely he tyed this boke of the lawe y• he had made about y• camels necke / & put this camell forth on a tyme in to a felde a fore daye / and this camell ioyed in his lyberte / for he was neuer lose afore. And he wold suffre no man to come & touche hym. And so there was a grete fame of suche a camell / and all the people ranne to se hym / amonge whom was this Machomyte. But whan the camell sawe hym that alway had fedde hym / anone he ranne vnto hym. And he had taught this camel afore tyme to fal downe on his knees & lycke his handes And so he dyd afore all the people. The people thā cryed & sayd / that there was a very ensample that he was the true prophete of god. Than they prayed Ma¦chomyte to open y• holy boke wt his holy handes / the whiche was sent frō heuen euermore to be kepte. In y• whiche boke is shewed how the people shall worshyp god. And Machomyte sayd. This boke was wryten with aūgels handes. So by these false meanes he turned to his lawe all the londe of Perse / & all the eest imperyall agaynst Heraclius the empe∣rour. And he occupyed vnto the ende of Alexandre and Egypte / Libia / Arabia / & Siria. Than after he enfected all Af∣frica / & but that the grace of god wt stode hym he had enfected all spayne & fraūce And many other thynges he dyd / that were to moche to wryte in this boke. COnstantyne the thyrde / the sone of Heracli was emperour .xxvij. yere. This Constantyne was a cursed man / a grete tyraunt / and an heretyke false / subtyll & obyous to chrysten men / nor he gaue no place to pope Martyn / & he reysed a grete host agaynst the Lom∣barbes / & there he lost the felde & fledde to Rome. And honourably was recey∣ued of the pope Vitellian{us} / and other of the cite. And he rewarded them not lyke after theyr merytes as a prynce sholde haue done / but vsed forth tyranny & he∣resye / wherfore at y• last he was slayne of his owne knyghtes in a bath / y• whi∣che wolde no longer suffre his tyranny. And so he wretchedly lyued / & dyed vn∣happely. ¶ Martin{us} the first was pope after Theodorū .vj. yere. This Marti∣nus was a very holy man / and strong∣ly stroue for the fayth of god. And whan he sayd masse on a certayne daye at the awter / there pursued hym to slee hym a man whiche was called Spaarius of Olymphe / and whan he wolde haue nytten hym he was blynde sodeynly. This same man called a Sinody in the cite of Rome / and he dampned Syrum / Alexandrū / Sergiū / Pyrum / & Paulū heretykes. Wherfore Constantyne the emperour exiled hym / & he dyed a saynt ¶ Eugenius a Romayn was pope af∣ter Martyn almoost thre yere / and was an holy mā / but of hym lytell actes ben wryten. ¶ Vitellianus was pope after hym .xiiij. yere. This mā made y• songe that the Romayns vseth / and accorded it also with y• organes. And he also had the grace of the emperour / the whiche was wroth with his predecessours / ne∣uerthelesse afterward he stode not in his cōcorde. Ne hytherto I coude not fynde that euer the chirche of Rome had fully after the deth of Cōstantyne y• myghty / the lordshyp of the cyte and of other the whiche he gaue to the chirche. Adeodatus a Romain was pope after Vis .iiij. yere / and in his dayes was translated the body of saynt Benedicti with the body of saynt Scolastice his syster fro y• hyll of cally to the monastery of nygh ∣relyan. ¶ Constaneyneth fourth was emperour after his fader Constantyne the cursed man. This Cōstantyne was a good man / & he hated heretikes aboue all thynge / the chirche he repayred / and grace he reconsyled agayne to ye chirche of Rome / & he with ye pope gadred togy∣der the syxth generall sinody / in y• whi∣che was graūted to preestes of Grece to vse theyr lefull wyues / & to the preestes of the eest / for cause of grete heet / but not to those of the west party by no meanes for they amytted chastite in the tyme of saynt Gregory. And euery man may ad¦uertyse & pondre how moche ye goodnes of a prynce is worth to the quyete state of the chirche / & to the promocyon of the fayth. And also the cōtrary / how moche the malyce of a prynce hurteth / ye thȳge these two Constantynes the fader & the sone shewed openly. For in the faders days the chirche neuer had rest / & in the sones tyme it was quyete. Yet neuer∣thelesse our lorde suffred the sarasyns & the vulgars to entre in this emperours londe / yt he myght not withstande them but that he made his peas with them / and payed yerely to them a truage / so myghtely preuayled that cursed secte of Machomyte / & after he dyed blyssedly. ¶ Nota. that there were syxe generall synodyes & moost pryncypall / of ye whi∣che the auctorite is equall to the gospell for the treuth of the gospell is declared by them / agaynst ye syxe pryncypall he∣resyes / the whiche strongly troubled ye chirche / for the subtylte of those herety∣kes to deceyue symple men. ¶ Aboute this tyme dyed saynt Cedde of Lychfel∣ the thyrde yere of his bysshopryche. ¶ Demus a Romayn was pope after Adeodatus thre yere / of this man lytell is wryten. ¶ Bonifacius was pope af∣ter hym / & lytell of hym is wryten / but hat he lyued lyke a preest. ¶ Agatho as pope after hym / & he was a very holy man. For on a day whan he kyssed a lepre / the lepre a none was made hole. Iste et de consensu principis iussit cele∣brari sextā synodū apud Cōstantinopolī CC .lxxx. p̄orū / in qua assere duas na∣turas et duas volūtates esse in Christo. ¶ Leo the seconde was pope after Aga∣tho .iij. yere. This Leo was an holy mā & suffycyently taught in latyn & greke. This man ordeyned that the pax shold be gyuen after Agnus dei / and dyed a blyssed man. ¶ Benedictus the seconde was pope after Leo almoost thre yere. This man about all thynges was ver∣tuous: & his name accorded wt his dedes And in his tyme was a grete pestylēce. ¶ Iustinianus the seconde was empe∣rour this tyme / & he was a very good man / a prudent & a large / & he encreased the empyre of Rome myghtely / but he charged y• offyce of ye chirche ouermoche Many lawes he made / & afterwarde he wexed not good / for he entended to haue letted ye decrees of ye vj. sinody / wherfore the .x. yere of his empyre he was takē of Leo the prynce of Patricio & Tyberio / & they cut of his nose & his tongue & exiled hȳ to Crisonā. Than was a grete turba¦cyon in ye chirche for stryfe & heretykes. And knowe all mē whā variaūce falleth bytwene grete lordes / than errours ben multiplied: for there is no mā correcketh them / therfore yt is oft tyme preued in ye chirche. Than after fell a varyaūce by∣twene Leo & Tiberio / & Tiberio preuay¦led / & he exiled Leo / & cut of his nose the thyrde yere of his regne: & regned for hȳ Iustinyan fled to ye sarasyns & the bul∣gars / y• whiche restored hym agayne to his empyre / & slewe Leo & Tyberio / the whiche fauoured heretikes. Than this same Iustinyan reformed hymselfe to ye chirche of god / & had grete repentaūce / but he venged hym to cruelly on his ad∣uersaryes / so that he wolde haue slayne theyr Innocent chyldren. Therfore he was slayne with his sone / of Phylyp whome he exiled. IOhānes the fyfth was pope after Benedictus one yere. He was a good man / but he decessed anone. ¶ zeno was pope after hym / & he was a very holy man / for he wold not meddle with seculer maters / & in beaute he was as an aūgell / quyete in vertues / & meke in soule / & very demure in language of his religyous lyfe. This man was chosen at the last with one accorde of ye chirche and lay men / but there was a grete di∣stinccyon / for ye clergy entended to haue chosen Pyers the archebisshop / and the hoost of lay men wolde haue had Theo∣dorū a preest. But at ye last ye holy ghoost turned the wyll of all this people vnto this holy man. ¶ Sergi{us} was pope .ix. yere. This mā was vertuous & cōmen∣dable in his lyfe / & in his eleccyon was a grete discord / for one party of ye clergy chose Theodo{rum} / & an other party Pasca¦lem. But as our lorde wolde at the last they turned all to this man. This man translated the body of saint Leo. He also foūde a grete parte of the holy crosse by myracle. And he baptysed Cadwalidus the last kynge of Brytayn. He cōmaun∣ded Agnus dei to be sayd or songe thryse at masse / & decessed blyssedly. ¶ Nota. ¶ Saynt Bede the worshypfull preest was this tyme a man of grete fame in Englonde / y• whiche was taken the .vij. yere of his age to Benedict the abbot of Gyrwyensis monastery to be taught / & than after to Colfrido the abbot after ye deth of Benedict. And at .xix. yere of his age he was made deken of the bysshop of Yorke. And at .xxx. yere he was made preest / in the whiche yere he began to wryte. So he contynued all the tyme of his lyfe in that monastery / in gyuynge his labours to wrytyng / & for scripture to be expowned he made .lxxviij. bokes the whiche he nombreth in y• ende of his englysshe boke. This man was euer in labour / eyther in prayer or in syngynge dayly in ye chirche / or to lerne / or to che or to wryte. For the whiche thynge men may iudge by reason that he was neuer at Rome / all though some saye he went to Rome / yt he myght se yt his bokes ac∣corded wt the doctryne of ye chirche. But it was certayne that he was blynde / & went to preche / & had a seruaūt yt was not good / & made hȳ to preche to a grete multytude of stones / and sayd that they were men / & whan all his sermon was done / the stones answered & sayd amen. But yt he went to Rome thryse / & foūde wryten thre arres & thre effes & expow∣ned them / it was neuer foūde in no boke of auctorite. There was after ye talking of the people suche a wrytyng on the ga¦tes of Rome RRR. FFF. And suche an exposicyon. Regna Rome Ru. Ferro Flāma et Fame. But it is certayne that Bede was desyred to come to Rome by the wrytynge of Sergius the pope vn∣to Colfrido his abbot. And this Bede trāslated the gospell of saynt Iohn in to Englysshe tongue / & decessed blyssedly. The fame sayth y• now he lyeth at De∣uelyn with saynt Cuthberto / & there is buryed with hym the knowlege of the dedes of Englonde almoost to ye cōquest. ¶ Leo the seconde was emperour and lytell of hym is wryten. ¶ Liberi{us} was emperour after hym. vi. yere / the whi∣che arose agaynst Leo & entred his king¦dom / & kepte hym in prison as longe as he regned. In his tyme Iustinyan the seconde y• whiche in olde tyme was exi∣led to Crisonā / openly sayd he wolde re∣couer his empyre agayn. Wherfore the people of that coūtree for ye loue of Libe∣rius were about to slee that Iustinyan / wherfore he fledde to the prynce of Tur∣co{rum} / & wedded his syster / & through the helpe of his broder & the Bulgars he re∣couered his empyre / & slewe Liberius & Leo the vsurper of his realme. And as many tymes almoost as he wyped ony drop from his nose the whiche they kyt of / so many tymes he made one of his enemyes to be slayne. ¶ Leo the thyrde was pope after Sergi{us} two yere. This man was made pope by the power of ye Romayns / & was not put in ye nombre of popes / for he yll entred / but he dyd none yll. ¶ Iohānes the syxth a Greke was pope after hym. And he was a martyr / but of whome & wherfore y• cause is not foūde in hystoryes. It is sayd y• it was of ye dukes of Lombardy / for they were enemyes to ye chirche myghtely. ¶ Io∣hānes the .vij. a Romayn was pope af∣ter hym thre yere / but no thinge of hym is wryten. ¶ Iustinianus the seconde was emperour agayne wt his sone Ti∣berius .vj. yere. And this was he whi∣che was reued of ye empyre afore by Leo And whā this man was restored agayn he toke hym to the ryght fayth / & wor∣shypped the pope Cōstantyn / & certayn∣ly he destroyed Creson the place where he was exiled to / & all that dwelled in it (excepte children) he slewe them. And he came agayn an other tyme to haue slay∣ne the Innocentes / & the men of coūtree made them a capytayn a certayne man that was called Philip an outlawe / the whiche anone wente to hym in batayle and slewe hym for his cruelnes agaynst those children. ¶ Sysinnius was pope xx. dayes / & than was grete stryfe / and he decessed / but lytell of hym is wryten. ¶ Constantyn was pope after hym. vij yere. This man was a very meke man & so blyssed / that of all men he was belo∣ued. He went ouer the see to Iustinyan the emperour / & was receyued wt grete honour / & dyed a blyssed man. ¶ Philip the seconde was emperour one yere / the whiche fled in to Scisilia for ye hoost of ye Romayns. And he was an heretyke / & cōmaūded all pictures of sayntes to be destroyed. Wherfore the Romayns kest away his coyne / nor wolde not receyue no money y• had his ymage or his name wryten vpon it. ¶ Anastasius ye second after he had slayne Philyp was empe∣rour thre yere. This man was a christē man / & lyued well. But bycause he put out Philips eyen & slewe hȳ afterward / therfore Theodosius fought against hȳ and ouercame hym / and than he was made a preest / & so lyued quyetly. O Regorius ye seconde was pope af¦ter Constantyn .xvij. yere. This Gregory was a chaste man / and a noble man in scripture. And about this tyme the popes begā to dele more temporally with ye emperours thā they were wont for theyr falsnes & theyr heresy / and also for to remeue the empyre fro one place to an other as the tyme requyred. This man cursed Leo the emperour bycause he brent the ymages of sayntes. This same Leo cōmaūded Gregory the pope that he shold brenne chirches & destroye them. And the pope set no thynge of his sayenge / but manly cōmaunded the con¦trary. And so it is openly shewed / that ye destruccion of the empyre of Rome was the cause of heresy. For certaynly fayth∣full people with theyr prelates with one wyll drewe vnto the pope / and constray¦ned the emperours for to leue theyr ty∣ranny and theyr heresyes. ¶ And this tyme in the eest partyes of the worlde strongly fayled the very true fayth / for that cursed lawe of false Machomyte. ¶ Theodost{us} was emperour / & regned but one yere / & he was a very chrysten man / & euen as he dyd / so was he done vnto. For Leo deposed hym & made him a preest. ¶ Leo the thyrde wt Cōstantyn his sone was emperour .xxv. yere. This Leo whan he was myghty he deposed Theodosius / & regned for hym / & was deceyued by a certayn apostata / y• whi∣che bad hym that he shold take & brenne all the ymages of sayntes / wherfore he was punysshed bothe in batayle and in pestylēce / & with other infortunes. And bycause he was accursed of Gregory / & abode therin thre days / therfore ye pope with the comyn people toke from hym all ye west parte of his empyre / cōmaun¦dynge that no man sholde obey hym / ne socour hym / bycause he lyued lyke an heretyke. Holy men sayd agaynst hym / and many by hym were martyred & exi∣led. And at the last in his mysbyleue he dyed wretchedly. And in this mannes dayes but that Karol{us} Marcellus holpe the chrysten fayth and fought manly a∣gaynst the sarasyns / & droue them back¦ward in to Spayne y• whiche they had subdued / els they had entred in to fraūce And Karolus slewe thre hondred thou∣sande sarasyns & more / & of his people were slayne but .xv. thousand. ¶ Nota This man for ye contynual batayle toke to lay men the treasour of the chirche / wherfore saynt Euchery the bysshop of Aurilian as he was in his prayers saw that same Karolus in soule & body pay∣ned in hell. And the aūgell that shewed the bysshop this man / sayd that y• was the iudgement of all those yt toke awaye the goodes of ye chirche / or of poore men. And to fortyfye that ye the bysshop sayd & to proue it / the abbot of saynt Denys went to the sepulture where that Karo¦lus was buryed / & opened the chest that he lay in / and there they sawe a dragon go out / but he had no body. ¶ Gregory the thyrde a Romayne was pope after Gregory the seconde / the whiche confer∣med the worshyppynge of the ymages of sayntes / with the coūseyle almoost of a thousande bysshops. And he horrybly cursed al the despysers of these ymages as the emperour and other that were of that condicion. ¶ Constantinus y• fyfth was emperour after his fader Leo. xxxv yere. He was a cursed man and a pure heretyke / so that he dyd sacrifyce to de∣uyls / he pursued the chirche / & nothge that is good of hym is wryten. And so by the suffraūce of god the chirche was troubled lōge tyme. ¶ About this tyme were many meruayles / and there were meruaylous erth quakes. And certayn cytees that were set vpon moūtaynes / they were remeued & borne away with the hylles into the feldes. v. mile thens as they stode / and the cytees were not broken nor hurte. In the londe of Meso∣potanyan the erthe was broken by the space of two myle. And also there was a mule whiche spake in a mannes voyce. Asshes fell from heuen. And in the see of Pontico there was yse for grete frost y• was .xxx. cubytes of thycknes. And ster¦res fell frō heuen so myghtely that men trowed that the ende of the worlde had ben comen. All these betokened meruay¦lous thynges to come. AFter Gregori zacharias was po¦pe .x. yere. This zachary was a noble man / & arayed with all vertues / with all men he was loued for his meke¦nes. And he deposed the kyng of Fraūce Hydery / & put in his place Pippinū / for he was more profytable. Here ye may se what power y• chirche had that tyme the whiche trāslated that famous kyng¦dom from the very heyres to the kyng∣dom of Pippyn / for a lefull cause. Vt ha∣betur. xv. q .v. alius. ¶ Stephanus the second a Romayn was pope after zacha ry .v. yere. This man in all thynge was profytable vnto the chirche / as well in worde as in doctryne. And he gouerned the spirytualte & the temporalte nobly. He was the louer & the defender of poore men. This man anoynted Pippinū the kyng of Fraūce / & sent hym agaynst the Lombardes / that he sholde cōpell them to restore the chirche of suche goodes as they had withholden from them longe tyme vnryghtwysly / the whiche he dyd He also trāslated the empyre of the Gre∣kes to the frenssh men. ¶ Paulus a Ro∣mayn was pope after hȳ .x. yere. This was a very holy man / for he dyd grete almes to faderles children & prysoners / wydowes and other poore men / that he myght be a folower of saynt Paule. ¶ Constantyn y• second a Romayn was pope after Paule two yere. This Con∣stantyn was a lay man / & sodeynly was made a preest as a tyraūt / & toke on him the dignite of the pope / and with a grete sclaūdre to the chirche was pope a lytell tyme. But the faythfull men put hym out / & put out his eyen. And this was y• fyfthe infamed pope amonge so many hytherto / so the holy ghoost that holy a∣postles seet kepte in all honour and holy nes. ¶ Infynyte martyrs were made this tyme by Constantyn the emperour for he was suche an heretyke. And men trowe that there was neuer emperour nor no paynym that sleme so many mar¦tyrs. And this tyme y• chirche was trou¦bled full sore / & very precyously bought the worshyppyng of y• ymages of sayn∣tes / for y• grete shedynge of blode of mar¦tyrs. And certaynly that cursed empe∣rour was not vnpunysshed. For whan he dyed he cryed with an horryble voyce & sayd. I am taken to a fyre that is vn∣able to be destroyed / and so he yelded vp the ghost to euerlastyng payne. ¶ The empyre of Rome was deuyded aboute this tyme. For Stephen y• pope transla¦ted ytaly & other to Karolus yet a yonge man. And Constantyn helde the londe of Grece with other londes ouer y• see with a grete labour / and many rebellynge. ¶ This tyme Karolus magnus was a noble yonge man / & he begā for to regne vpon Fraūce / & was the sone of Pippi∣nus / and his moder was called Berta. ¶ Stephanus the thyrde was pope af¦ter Paulus thre yere / & he amended all the errours of Constantyne. And he de∣graded all those the whiche Constantyn ordeyned in a gouernall synody. ADrianus a Romayn was pope after Steuen .xxiiij. yere. This man was myghtely worshypped of the people / no man greter afore hym in ho∣nour / rychesse & buyldynge. This man set two solempne synodyes. The fyrst of iij .C. and l. faders. The secōde in Rome with an hondred & fyfty faders / beynge present Charles the kynge of Fraunce / to whome it was graunted the lyberte of eleccyon of the pope / and to ordeyne y• apostles seet. ¶ Leo the fourth regned emperour with y• Grekes .v. yere. This Leo was a cursed mā / but not so moche as his fader was / & he was a couetous man / & he toke away a certayne crowne of a chirche / and put it vpon his heed / & anone he was corrupted with an axes & so decessed. And he had a cursed wyfe the whiche regned after hym with her sone. ¶ Constantyn was emperour af∣ter Leo / & he was a meke man / and put awaye his moder fro y• kyngdom / that she myght take hede vnto her womens werke. But she with a fayned rancour put out his eyen afterwarde / & his chil∣dren also / and regned agayne thre yere. And at the last she was aboute to haue ben wedded. And whan the Grekes per¦ceyued that she wold be wedded to grete Karol{us} / they toke her & shette her vp in a monastery / & toke Nichoferū to be theyr emperour. ¶ The .v. vniuersall study y• whiche in olde tyme was translated frō Athenes to Rome about this tyme was translated to Parys by Karolus kynge of Fraūce. ¶ Nichofer{us} was emperour after Cōstantyn. He was a very nygon / & was exalted to his empyre by the Gre¦kes / but he profyted not / for in his tyme all the eest Imperyall was brought to nought. For the Romayns put them vn¦der Karolus magn{us}. ¶ Ierusalē about this tyme was recouered by Karolus / with all the holy londe. And the secte of sarasyns was destroyed strongly. For the destruccyon of wretches came than. ¶ Mychaell was emperour two yere. And he was a very chryst man / & was wel beloued / & was also conuynge in all scyences. And those that Nichofer{us} had hurte & distressed of theyr goodes by his couetousnes / this Michaell restored thē theyr goodes agayn. ¶ Nota. Karolus magnus the fyrst saynt was emperour after Michaell / & he was crowned em∣perour by Leo the pope. From y• whiche tyme the empyre was translated fro the Grekes to Fraūce & Germany. And for the translacyon of y• empyre / the Grekes alway were defectyue vnto y• Romayns & the Grekes stroue euermore wt them / but it was more wt venymous wordes than wt strength / & more wt craft than wt batayle. For they had so grete enuy at y• Romayns that they wolde not obey the chirche of Rome. For certaynly whan y• the popes wold wryte vnto them for to obey the chirche of Rome / they wrote a∣gayn and sayd. Ye haue taken from our kynrede the empyre / & therfore we wyll you not obey / and we vs take from you And as touchynge this noble emperour Karolus / it is to be vnderstande / this man whā he was a yonge man he was anoynted kynge in Fraūce by Stephen the pope / in the yere of our lorde Iesu Chryst. vij .C. and .liiij. whan his tader Pippinus lyued / vnder whom / & with whome he regned .xv. yere / to the deth of his fader. Than after the deth of his fader in the yere of our lorde god. vij .C .lxviij. this Karolus with his broder Ka¦rolo manna regned two yere. Than his broder decessed in the seconde yere. And this Karolus than helde all y• hole kng dome .xiiij. yere / to the yere of our lorde vij. hondred .lxxxiiii. in the whiche yere he wente vnto Rome that he myght be crowned emperour of the pope Adryan. And there he regned emperour. rvi. ye∣re / to the yere of our lorde god .viii .C. whan pope Leo confermed hym agayn to be emperour. And after that he was emperour .xiiij. yere. And this Karolus magnus decessed in the yere of his age lxxij. the whiche was the yere of our lor¦de god .viij. hondred and. riiii. ¶ Yf wyll se more of this Karolus go to the boke of the bysshop Turpinus and ∣braminus his mayster / for they wrote his noble actes euerychone. ¶ o the fourth was pope after Adrian. . yere. This man whan he went on a cetayn daye with the Letany to saynt Peters chirche on saynt Markes daye / he was taken with cursed people / the whiche put out bothe his eyen / and his tongue was cutte of. But our lord meruaylous∣ly restored hym agayne his syght & his speche / so that he spake without tongue and sawe by myracle. And afterwarde he went to Karolus in to Fraunce. And he came with hym to Rome / and there venged the pope of his enemyes. And than he crowned Karolus / and he late afore crowned / confermed hym agayne. ¶ Ludouicus y• meke / the fyrst begoten sone of Karol{us} was emperour after his fader .xxvi. yere / in whose time was put away that clerkes sholde vse no gyrdels with precyous stones / ne straūge aray∣ment. This Ludouic{us} on his fyrst wyfe gate two childrē / & bothe had an yll ende In all thynge y• went agaynst hym he was pacyent / & in the last ende euer he ouercame it / for towarde god he abode deuoute / & his chyldren folowed his con¦dicyons / and he decessed a blyssed man. ¶ Stephanus the fourth was pope af¦ter Leo .iij. yere. This Stephanus re∣demed many captyue men / & crowned Lodewyke the emperour / & than he de∣cessed / & was buryed at Rome. ¶ Pas∣chall was pope after Stephan{us}. This Paschall gaue grete dilygēce to relykes of sayntes / & he toke vp innumerable bo¦dyes of sayntes / & buryed them worship¦fully / as in the visyon of saynt Cecile he was cōmaūded. ¶ Eugenius y• fourth was pope after Paschall / and he was a very holy man / and those thynges that were for Chryst he toke hede to. This man was crowned a martyr / & by y• lay men of Rome he was buryed in saynt Peters chirche yerde. TAlentinus was pope after Eu∣geny .xl. days / & lytell of hym is wryten. ¶ Gregory y• fourth was pope after him .xij. yere. This Gregory sawe many heuy tymes for y• plages among the comyn people. And at this mannes peticion Lodewyke y• emperour / & Mar¦chio the prynce of Lombardy exyled all sarasyns from ytaly / & at the last he de∣cessed after innumerable good dedes & werkes y• he had done at saynt Peters. ¶ Lotherius the first sone of Lodewyke was emperour .xv. yere in Ytaly and in Rome & in the partes of Germayn nexte to the hylles of Alpy. This Lothertus rose agaynst his broder Lodewike & Ka¦rolus for the kyngdom of Duchelonde / the whiche somtyme Pippin{us} theyr bro¦der helde / & they fought at a place called Fontanetū / where Lothery was discō∣fyted / & there was suche slaughter ma∣de on bothe sydes / that they had no men to resist theyr aduersaryes. This vnder¦stode a fals chrysten man / & sent vnto y• Sowdan of the sarasyns that he sholde come anone. And he toke Rome / & saynt Peters chirche was made a stable for theyr horses. But Lodewyke with the frenshmen and lombardes all that infy∣nyte multytude destroyed / & that with grete shedynge of chrystē blode. ¶ Ser∣gius y• second was pope after Gregory two yere. This mā was fyrst called Os porci / in englisshe hogges mouth / wher¦fore that man & after all y• popes names are chaūged whan they be chosen. And that for thre causes. The first for Chryst chaūged y• names of those men whiche he made popes. The secōd for as moche as they are chaūged in name / so sholde they be chaūged in pfeccyon of lyfe. The thyrde leest he whiche is chosen to an ex¦cedynge degree shold be hurte in name. ¶ Leo was pope after Sergius .viij. yere. This Leo was an holy mā / & also he was in prudence as sharpe as a ser∣pent / & in his dedes as meke as a doue. And he was brought forth vertuously in a monastery. And whan that he was made pope / he laboured to repayre his chirches agayn / the whiche the fals sa∣rasyns one after an other had destroyed This man was a myghty wryter and a grete precher / & a myghty labourer in watche & prayer / and so dyed / and was buryed & lyeth at saint Peters. ¶ Bene dictus a Romayn was pope after Leo two yere. This Benedictus had the na∣me of the thynge / for in all thynge was he blyssed. And he ordeyned that clerkes shold go ordynatly & honestly. ¶ Ludo∣uicus y• sone of Lothery was emperour this tyme / & anoynted of Sergio y• pope & a whyle regned wt his fader / & after he regned .xxi. yere alone. This man had a sone y• hight Karol{us} / in to whom a deuil entred / & vexed hȳ afore his fader / & thā he conspyred his faders deth / & in his ty¦me fell many meruayles. ¶ Nota. Io∣hānes Anglic{us} of y• nacyō of Maguntyn about this tyme was pope / & she was a womā arayed in mānes garmētes. But she {pro}fyted moche in holy scripture. Thā she was chosen pope / but she was after∣warde wt childe / & goynge openly in {pro}ces¦sion she trauailed & decessed. And this is y• .vj. pope yt to this tyme had y• name of holynes / & were vicious / & this {per}son as other cursed popes were was punisshed of god / nor she was not nōbred in y• boke of popes. ¶ Nicola{us} a Romayn was po∣pe after this womā .ix. yere. This man exceded all other in holynes / saue saynt Gregory / & after decessed / & lyeth in saȳt peters chirch yerd. ¶ Adrian a Romayn was pope after Nicolas. This man cur¦sed Lothery y• emperours broder king of Lothering for his aduoutry. But whan he came wt his noble men to Rome to ex∣cuse hȳ for his auoutry / he sayd he was cursed wrongfully / & all dyed in one yere & y• king dyed goyng to y• cite of Placēciā AFter y• deth of Eldred regned his broder Alured y• Dolfynes was called. Than wēt y• Danes & assembled them / & went forth to seke Alured y• tho was newly made kyng of Southsex / & there they foūde hym at Wylton wt a ly∣tell power / & neuerthelesse he fought wt them / but at y• last he fledde thens from the felde & went in to westser & ordeined of his owne realme & of other y• he had a strong power / so y• the Danes coude not withstande hȳ. And he came to London wt his hoost where y• Danes soiourned / & wolde haue fought wt them. But the Danes durst not / but prayed hȳ of peas & that they myght go agayn in to theyr owne coūtree / & neuer more to come in to englōd agayn ony harme to do / gyuyng hym hostages suche as he wolde aske. ANd the same daye y• the Danes departed fro London they rode so fast bothe nyght & day / & neuer rested tyl that they came vnto Excestre / & toke the towne / & there helde them. ¶ Whan kynge Alured herde these tydynges a∣none he let take the hostages / and went from thens vnto Excestre wt all y• power that he had. And whan y• Danes herde tell of his comyng / they went frō thens vnto Westsex / & came to Chippenham / and there they dyd moche harme in the countree / they robbed folke / and brught them in to pryson. The kynge Alured pursued them & came vpon them with all his people and fyersly them assayled And there were slayne bothe Hubba and Hungar his broder / & Buerne Bocard. And in this batayle was moche people slayne on that one parte & on that other. But the gree of that felde abode with y• Danes / for as moche as the kyng came with lytell company. The kyng hasted hȳ as moche as he myght to go agayn. And whan y• Danes foūde Hubbaes bo¦dy lyenge deed / they buryed it / & made vpon it a grete lodge / & let call it Hubbe lowe / & so it is called vnto this daye / & yt place is in Deuenshyre. The barons of Somerset / Wyltshyre / & Dorset herde tell how theyr king was discomfyted / & ordeyned all y• power that they myght / & came to the kyng where as he was / & thanked god that they foūde hym alyue for they had wende y• Danes had slayne hym. Than the kyng & his barons con∣cluded to go seke the Danes & to fyght with them. And so they rode all y• nyght and on the morowe aboute pryme came to Abyngdon where as y• Danes were. Thankkyng Alured & his barons assem bled them / & egerly assayled the Danes & there gaue them a stronge batayle / & the Danes long tyme put them of / that no man wyst whether parte lost moost folke. But thus it befell as god wolde yt the kyng Alured had the victory wt mo∣che honour. For the Danes were so dry∣uen / that they ne wyst whether to turne And .xv. dayes the kyng them pursued at his wyll / that glad & fayne they were for to speke of peas / & toke to hym good hostage / & sayd they wold neuer warre more vpon hȳ. And more ouer they pro∣mysed kyng Alured that they wolde go & brynge theyr owne kyng vnto hym / & that theyr kyng & they all shold be bapti¦sed. And vpō this cōdicyon king Alured graunted them lyfe & lymme / & sayd to them that they shold go seke theyr king and at a certayne daye that was set to come agayne to hym. And so they went forth fast / & came agayne at theyr daye that was assigned / & y• Danes brought theyr kynge with them. Kynge Alured anone let them be baptysed / & theyr na∣mes were chaunged / so that the kynge of Denmarke was called Athelstone / & xxx. of his felawes names were chaun∣ged also / & the other were baptysed to y• ryght byleue. And all this was done at Westmynster / & after that kyng Alured helde with hym kyng Athelston and all his Danes .xij. dayes at soiourne with grete solempnite / and gaue them grete gyftes. After that they toke theyr leue & departed. Than was king Alured well at ease whan he had ouercomen his ene¦myes / and that they were turned to the ryght byleue of almyghty god. ANd thus it befel afterward that the Danes of Northumberlond that were paynyms came with a grete strength & an huge hoost of fraūce / that is to be vnderstande / with them y• went into Fraūce with Gurmond of Affryke whan he had cōquered Englond & gaue it to the saxons. And those that came fro fraūce arryued in Kent / & sent in to Nor∣thumberlonde that they sholde come to them. And whan those two hostes were comen & assembled / anone they went to destroye all y• chrysten people of englond from place to place / & dyd moche sorowe ¶ In this tyme dyed kyng Alured that was wont to abbate the Danes / & .xxx. yere he regned / & had ben a good king / & well coude chastyse his enemyes / & also he was a good clerke / & let make many bokes / & a boke he made in englysshe of auentures of kynges & of batayles that had ben done in y• loud / & many other bo¦kes he let wryte of grete wisdom & good lernynge / on whose soule god haue mer¦cy / & lyeth at Wynchestre. IOhānes the .viij. was pope after Adryan .viii. yere. This Iohn a∣noynted Karolus y• emperour / & he suf∣fred grete wronge of y• Romayns / for he fauoured not the sayd emperour / & ther¦fore he put y• sayd pope in kepynge. Also he degraded y• bisshop of Portuense that was y• cause of al his sorowe. ¶ Karolus y• second was emperour after Ludouic{us} This Karol{us} had a broder y• was called Lodwyke / & he was kyng of Germayn & he ordeyned a batayle agaynst his bro¦der / but Karol{us} or they fought was poy¦soned / and he made many a monastery. ¶ Martinus was pope after Iohn one yere. This Martyn lytell {pro}fyted / for he lyued but lytel tyme. ¶ Adrian{us} y• thyrd was pope after hȳ one yere / & of hȳ is no¦thȳge wryten. ¶ Stephan{us} the .v. was pope after hȳ .vi. yere / & no thinge of hȳ is wryten / but y• he translated y• body of saynt Martyn. ¶ Karolus y• thyrd was emperour after y• second .xij. yere. This Karolus peasybly had in possessyon all fraūce & Germayn / & was crowned em∣perour of Iohn y• pope. And after his glo¦ryous victory he turned all Normandy to y• fayth. And he myght no more resyst the frensshmē but .iiij. yere he regned on them / & he was vnprofytable to them / & therfore they put hym away. ¶ Arnul∣phus was emperour after Karolus. ij yere. This man vtterly cōstrayned the Normans y• destroyed y• frensshmen. rl. yere. Than he sekened & had no cōfort of no leche / for he was in a meruaylous se∣kenes / so y• he was cōsumed wt lyfe / and was deed. ¶ Formosus was pope after Stephen .v. yere. This man fyrst was bysshop of Portuensis / & of pope Iohn was depryued for his inobediēce / & was degraded to y• lay fe / but by Martyn the pope he was restored / & agaȳst his othe he came not al onely to rome / but to offre him y• dignite of y• pope / for which there was grete altercacion. ¶ Bonufacius y• vj. was pope .xv. days. ¶ Stephanus the .vj. one yere & .iij. monethes ¶ Ioa thre monethes & .xij. days. ¶ Theodor{us} the second .xx. days. ¶ Iohānes the. . was two yere & .xv. days. ¶ Benedict{us} the .iiij. was .iii. yere & two monethes. ¶ Leo y• .iiij. was .xl. days. ¶ Xp̄oforus the fyrst .vij. monethes. These .viii. po∣pes were but lytell tyme / & therfore we can not tell of them no notable thynges / but yf we shold wryte sclaūdre of them y• myght be foūde / for the vnherd stryfe & cōtencyon in yt holy apostles seet / for one stroue agaynst another / repreuing eche others dedes: & for to tel how they stroue it were no grete honour to shew / for y• ho¦ly apostles seet. ¶ Ludouicus y• thyrde was emperour after Arnulph{us} .vi. yere This mā had not y• popes blessing / for y• vnstablenes of them y• regned in Ytaly / & he was cōstrayned to expulse Bering. And this man was the last emperour of all y• kynrede of Karolus king of fraūce. ¶ This tyme the Empyre was reme∣ued / translated / and deuyded. For the Frensshmen helped not the chirche / the whiche theyr faders had edyfyed & for∣tefyed / but destroyed them / nor helped not the Romayns agaynst the Lombar¦des / whiche vexed the Romayns ryght sore. Therfore by y• comyns assent they were excluded from the Empyre / & the ytalyens began to be emperours in yta lye / & the Almayns in Almayne / vntyll Octauien whiche regned in bothe y• pla¦ces. The frensshmen were constrayned to abyde in theyr owne coūtre / & no more to be emperours for theyr myscheuous lyuynge. ¶ Beringarius the fyrst. Con¦tadus & Beringarius the seconde / and Hugo were emperours after Lodewyke but they are not nombred amonge the Emperours. For some were but in Al∣mayne / and some in Ytalye. ANd after this Alured regned ed¦ward his sone / and was a good man and a wyse / & was also wonders curteys. The Danes dyd moche sorowe in the londe / & theyr power encreased & began for to wexe from daye to daye / for the Danes came oft with theyr compa∣nyes in to this londe. Whan the kynge sawe that he myght no better do / than he made peas with them / and graūted them his trewse. And neuerthelesse the trewse dured not longe y• the Danes ne begā to warre strongly vpon y• englyssh¦men / & dyd them moche sorowe / wher∣fore kynge Edward let assemble a grete hoost for to fyght with them. And than this kynge Edwarde dyed whan god wolde. And he regned .xxiiij. yere / and lyeth at Wynchestre besyde his fader. SErgius the thyrde was pope af∣ter Christofer .vij. yere. This mā was a cardynall of Rome / & was expul¦sed by Formose the pope / & than he went to the frenshmen / & through the helpe of them he came agayne to Rome / and ex∣pulsed Christofer the pope / & was pope hymselfe. And for to auenge his exile he toke out y• body of pope Formose where as he was buryed / and arayed hym in popes arayment / and caused hym to be heded / & to be cast in to the water of Ty∣ber by Rome. Than fysshers foūde hym and brought hym in to the chirche / & the holy ymages of fayntes bowed downe vnto hym whan the body of hym was brought in to the chirche / that all men myght se / and honourably hym halsed. Yet Sergius destroyed all those thyn∣ges the whiche the holy man had ordey¦ned. ¶ Anastasius was pope after hym two yere. ¶ Laudo was pope .v. mone∣thes / & lytel they did. ¶ Iohānes the .x. was pope than. This Iohn was y• sone of Sergi{us} pope / bothe of nature & of ma¦ners / & he was pope by myght / & wret∣chedly was slayne by Gdoes knightes for they put on his mouth a pyllow and stopped his breth. And after hȳ was an¦other put in / but anone he was put out / and therfore he is not named a pope. ¶ Henricus the duke of Saxonye was emperour of Almayn .xviij. yere. This Henry was a noble man / but he is not nombred amonge the emperours: for he regned but al onely in Almayn / & he had a very holy womā vnto his wyfe / & her name was Matilda / on whom he gate two sones / that is to saye Ottonē & Har¦ry / & Otto succeded hym in the empyre / and Harry had moche londe in Almayn And he gate an other sone y• hyght Bri∣mon / & was a very holy man / and was bysshop of Coleyn / and he founded the monastery of Panthaleon. AFter this Edward regned Athel¦stone his sone / and whan he had regned .iiij. yere he held batayle against the Danes / & droue kyng Gaufrid that was kyng of Danes & all his hoost to y• see / & rested by scotlonde / & toke strongly all y• coūtree an hole yere. And after that they of Cumberlonde & the Scottes of Westmerlōde began to warre vpō king Athelston / & he gaue them so stronge ba¦tayle y• he slewe so many of them that no man coude tell y• nōbre of them. And af∣ter yt he regned but .iij. yere / & he regned in all .xxv. yere / & lieth at Malmesbury. AFter this Athelstone regned Ed∣mund his broder / for king Athel¦ston had no sone / & this Edmund was a worthy man & a doughty knyght of bo∣dy & also noble. And the thyrd yere after that he was kyng he went ouer Hūber into y• coūtree / where he foūde two kyn∣ges of Danes / y• one was called Enelaf and that other Renant. This kyng Ed∣mund droue them bothe from the londe and after went and toke a grete prey in Cumberlonde. This Edmunde regned but .vij. yere / & lyeth at Glastenbury. ANd after this Edmund regned Eldred his broder that auenged Edward his fader of his enemyes y• did slee hym / and afterwarde he seased all Northumberlond in to his handes / and made the Scottes for to bowe and meke vnto his wyll. And in the second yere of his regne came Arnalaf Guyran / that was kyng of Denmarke / and seased all Northumberlonde / & helde y• londe two yere. And after that came kyng Eldred with a grete power & droue hym out of this londe. And this king Eldred was a noble man & a good / of whose goodnes saynt Dūstan preched. And this Eldred regned .xj. yere / & lyeth at Wynchestre. ANd after this Eldred regned Ed¦wyn the sone of Edmund / & he was an vncouenable man towarde god and the people. For he hated folke of his owne londe / & loued & honoured straūge men / & set lytell by holy chirche / and he toke of holy chirche all the treasour that he myght haue / that was grete shame and vylany to hymselfe / & peryll to his soule. And therfore god wolde not that he sholde regne no longer than .iiii. yere and dyed / and lyeth at Wynchestre. LEo the syxthe a Romayns was pope .vj. monethes. ¶ Stepha∣nus the .vii. a Romayn was pope after hȳ two yere. ¶ Iohn the .xj. a Romayn was pope .iij. yere. ¶ Stephanus the viij. a Germayne was pope after hym viij. yere. ¶ Marts the thyrde was pope after hym thre yere. And of these vj. popes is no thynge had in scripture. For what cause I can not tell. AGapitus a Romayn was pope after Martyn two yere and. viij monethes / & no thynge of hym is wry∣ten. ¶ Iohānes the .xij. a Romayn was pope after Agapitus almoost .viij. yere / and he had a fader that hyght Alberyke & was a worthy man in ye cite of Rome. He enduced the noble men to swere that after the dethe of Agapitus they sholde those Octauianū his sone pope. And so it was done / & was named Iohn / & he was a hunter and a lecherous man / so that openly he kepte women. Wherfore certayn cardynalles wrote to Ottonem the emperour of Almayn / that he sholde come to Rome for to helpe to destroye the sclaundre of the chirche. This the pope perceyued / & the hande that wrote that pystle he made to be cutte of. And many tymes he was warned by ye Emperour & the clergy that he sholde correcte hym selfe. But he wolde not for no thynge. Than he was deposed / & Leo was put in to his place. Wherfore the emperour was anoyed / and came agayne and be∣syeged Rome so longe / tyll they toke Be¦nedicte to hym and restored Leo. ANd after this Edwyne regned Edgar his broder / a man that moche loued god & peas / & holy chirche also / and was a worthy man & a grete lorde of blode & myghty / & maynteyned well this lōde in peas. And this Edgar was lorde & kyng aboue all the kynges of Scotlond & of Wales / from the tyme that Arthur was gone was neuer syth kynge of his power. And this Edgar was saynt Edwardes fader. And whā Edgars wyfe was deed that was sayt Edwardes moder and buryed / he herde speke of the fayrnes of Estrylde / yt was Orgarus doughter a baron of Deuen∣shyre that was so fayre a woman / that all men spake of her. He called one of his knyghtes that he moche loued & trusted vpon / & sayd to hym. Go sayd he to the noble baron Orgar{us} of Deuenshyre & se yf that his doughter be so fayre as men speke of / & yf it be soth I wyll haue her to my wyfe. This knyght that was cal¦led Edelwolde went forth his waye as the kynge hym had sayd / & came where as the lady was. And whā he sawe her so fayre / he thought to haue her hȳselfe to his wyfe / & therof spake to Orgarus her fader / & her fader was an olde man and had no moo chyldren but her onely / and sawe that Edelwolde was a fayre yonge knyght and worthy & ryche / and was well beloued with the kynge / and thought his doughter shold well be ma¦ryed & beset vpon hym / & graūted hym his doughter yf the good lorde the kyng wolde cōsent therto. And thā this Edel∣wold came agayn to ye kyng & told hym that she was fayre ynough to se vpon / but she was wonders lothly. Than an∣swered the kyng & sayd that he toke but lytel charge. Syr sayd Edelwold / she is her faders heyre / and I am not ryche of londes / & yf ye wolde consent & graunte that I myght haue her / than shold I be ryche ynough. In goddes name sayd ye kyng / I consent therto. Edelwold than thanked the kynge moche / and went a∣gayn in to Deuenshyre and spoused the damoysell / and in that coūtree he dwel∣led. And thus it befell vpon a tyme that he tolde his counseyle & all this thynge vnto his wyfe / how & in what maner he had egyled his lorde the kyng yt wolde haue had her to wyfe. And anone as she it wyst / she loued hym neuer more after warde as she dyd before. This lady con¦ceyued by hym a sone. And whan tyme was that ye chylde shold be borne / Edel∣wold came to the kyng & prayed hym to heue a sone of his at the fontstone. The kyng hym graūted & let call him Edgar after his owne name. And whan this was done / he thought that al was syker ynough for the kyng / that he wolde not take his wyfe / for as moche as his lord was a ioly man and an amerous. Hus it befell that all men in king Edgars court than spake & sayd that Edelwolde was rychely auaunced through the maryage of his wyfe / and yet they sayd he was auaunced an hon∣dred folde more / for he had spoused the fayrest woman that euer was seen. And whan the kyng herde speke so moche of her beaute / he thought yt Edelwold had hym deceyued & begyled / and thought pryuely in his herte that he wolde go in to Deuenshyre as it were for to hunt for the harte & for the hynde & other wylde beestes / & than he sholde se there ye lady or he departed thēs. And this lady was dwellynge at a maner place besyde ye fo∣rest where that the kyng wolde hunt / & at that maner he was herborowed all nyght. And whan tyme came that the kyng sholde soupe & the sonne shone / the kynge asked after his gossyp & after his godsone. And Edelwold made her to co∣me before the kyng / & neuerthelesse yf it otherwyse myght haue ben / she sholde not haue comē in his syght by his wyll. The lady welcomed the kyng & swetely hym kyssed. And he toke her by ye hande and nexte by hym her set / and so souped they togyder. And there was a custome and an vsage in this londe yt tyme / that whan one dronke to an other / the dryn∣ker sholde saye wassayle / and that other sholde answere and saye / drynke haye / And thus dyd the kynge & the lady ma∣ny tymes & also kyssed. And after souper whan tyme was to go to bedde ye kyng went to bedde thynkyng hertely on the fayrnes of that lady / & than was ouer∣comen for her loue / that hym thought ye he sholde dye / but yf he had his wyll on her. Vpon the morowe the kynge arose and went in ye forest for to dysporte hym with hartes & hyndes & all other wylde beestes / and of ye hartes grete plente he sente to that lady. And thryes he wente to solace & speke with that lady whes he dwelled there in that countree. And after that the kynge remeued ths / & bethought hym how he myght best de∣lyuer Edelwolde from his wyfe as he had hym fyrst deceyued. And the kynge anone after .viij. dayes let ordeyn a par∣lyament at Salysbury of all his baro∣nage to haue counseyle & for to ordeyne how the countree of Northumberlonde shold best be kepte that the danes came not there to destroye the londe. And this Edelwolde came vnto the kynges par∣lyament. And the kynge sent hym vnto yorke for to be keper of that countree. And thus it befell that men that knewe hym not slewe hym by the waye. And anone as the kyng herde tell that Edel∣wolde was deed / he let sende after the fayre lady Estrylde that she sholde come to the cyte of London / and there be wed¦ded to the kynge with grete solempnite and worshyp. And whan he was come to London soone after he helde a solēpne feest / and he ware a crowne that was of golde / & the quene an other. And saynt Dunstan on the morowe came to ye king in his chambre / & foūde the kynge & the quene in bedde togyder. And saynt Dun¦stan asked the kyng who she was. And the kyng answered & sayd. This is the quene Estrylde. And the archebysshop saynt Dunstan sayd that he dyd grete wronge & agaynst goddes wyll to take a woman to wyfe whose chylde he had holden at ye fontstone. And the quene for that worde neuer loued saynt Dunstan after. And neuertheles ye good mā war∣ned of that foly to be lefte / but it auayled but lytell / for ye loue bytwene them was so moche. The kynge begate vpon her a sone that was called Eldred. Whā this childe was .vj. yere old ye king his fader dyed / & aboute that tyme he had regned xvij. yere / and lyeth at Glastenbury. Eringarius the thyrde was em∣perour after Henry .vij. yere. this Beringari{us} was emperour in Ytaly / in whose tyme was grete dyuysyon. And Henry ye emperour decessed / & Otto be∣gan to regne in Almayne. ¶ Lotherius regned after hym two yere / and decessed whan Otto regned in Almayn / & had a wyfe yt hyght Dalnidam / whiche after wedded Otto. ¶ Beringarius ye fourth was after hȳ. This man wt grete tyran¦ny subdued Ytaly / wherfore the pope & other Romayns called Otto yt he myght delyuer them / whiche he dyd / & he toke Beringary by strength / & twyes he out∣lawed hym / & he toke Lotherius wyfe whiche ye tyraūt had prysoned. ¶ Leo ye viij. was pope after Benedict{us} one yere & foure monethes. This man was cho∣sen with the comyn voyce / & Iohn was deposed. This Leo ordeyned yt no pope sholde be made without consent of ye em∣perour / for the malyce of the Romayns the whiche oppressed them. This man graunted all the gyftes to Otto and his successours / the whiche were gyuen by Iustinyan and Karolus to the chirche / that he myght defende Ytaly from ye re∣bellions. ¶ Iohānes the .xij. was pope after hym almost .viij. yere. This Iohn suffred grete wronge of the Romayns / for he was taken & exiled / but Otto bare this heuyly. For he slewe the noble men of Rome / and certayn of them exiled for euermore. ¶ Benedictus the sixth was pope after hym .vj. yere. This mā was taken / and in the castell Aungell was strangled. ¶ Nota. The empyre this tyme was translated to the Almayns. And the same cause is here as was be∣fore / for the vicyous lyuynge. Ne these vnhappy men coude not be enformed / yt they coude eschewe yt one vyce / through ye whiche they sawe so many noble men perysshed. ¶ Otto was emperour after Beringarius .xij. yere. This Otto was the fyrst emperour of Almayne / and he was all vertuous as an other kyng Ka¦rolus / for he was the defender of ye chir∣che of god / and the synguler promoter / for the whiche he was worthy to be em¦perour. Many men of fals byleue he cō∣uerted. And he helde wt hym pope Bene¦dictus the vsurper of the popehede in to Saxony / & there he decessed in his exile And after this Otto the emperour de∣cessed a ryche man in vertue & goodes. ¶ Otto the seconde was emperour af∣ter his fader. And he was a noble man to ye chirche as his fader was. And ma∣ny a batayle he had agaynst fals men of byleue. And at ye last he had almoost lost all his hoost in Kalabre. Yet he for sothe with all his mynde besought saynt Pe∣ter to helpe. And meruaylously saȳt Pe∣ter delyuered hym. And his wyfe was the doughter of ye emperour of Constan¦tinople of ye Romayns blode / & this man was crowned of Benedictus the pope. AFter this Edgar regned Edwar¦de his sone that he begate vpon his fyrst wyfe / that well & nobly gouer¦ned the londe. For he was full of all ma∣ner of goodnes / & ladde a full holy lyfe / and aboue all thynge he loued god & ho∣ly chirche. And the quene Estrylde that was his stepmoder let slee hym bycause to make her owne sone Eldred kynge / & thus on a day he was slayne as ye shall here afterwarde. ¶ It befell thus vpon a daye that the kynge Edward went in to a wode for to playe in ye south coūtree besyde a towne that is called Warham in whiche forest was grete plente of har¦tes and hyndes. And whā he had ben a whyle there for to sporte hȳ / he thought vpon his broder Eldred that was with his moder the quene / for her place was nygh the forest / and thought for to go thyder and vysyte & se his broder. And toke with hym but a lytell meyny / and went towarde his stepmoders hous / yt in that tyme soiourned in the castell of Corfe. And as he rode in the thycknes of the wode to espye his game / it befell that he wente amysse and lost his mey∣ny that came with hym. And at the last he came out of ye wode / and as he loked aboute hym he sawe there fast besydes a maner that his stepmoder dwelled in / and thyderwarde he wente alone. And anone it was tolde the quene / how that the king was comen alone without ony company. And therfore she made Ioye ynough / and thought how she myght do that he were slayn as pryuely as she myght / and she called to her one of her knyghtes / to whome she had tolde mo∣che of her coūseyle bytwene them. And bothe they came to the kyng & curteysly receyued hym. And the kyng sayd that he was comen to visyte her / and also for to speke with Eldred his broder. The quene many tymes thanked hym / and bade hym to alyght & harborowe wt her all that nyght. The kynge sayd that he myght not / but agayn he wold go vnto his folke / yf he myght fynde them. And whan the quene sawe that he wold not abyde / she prayed hym yt he wolde ones drynke. And he graūted her. And anone as ye drynke was come / the quee dran∣ke vnto the kynge. And the kynge toke the cuppe & set it to his mouth / & in the meane whyle that he dranke / the false knyght that was with the quene with a knyfe smote the kynge vnto the herte / and there he fell downe deed frō his pal∣frey vnto the erthe. The quene for this dede gaue the knyght golde and syluer grete plente & of other rychesse ynough. And ye knyght anone as this was done wente hym ouer the see / & so escaped he out of this londe. Whan this kyng Ed∣warde was thus martyred it was ye yere of ye incarnacyon of our lorde. x .C .lxxx. and he had regned .xij. yere and an halfe / and lyeth at Glastenbury. AFter this kyng Edward regned Eldred his broder / & saynt Dun¦stan crowned hym. And this saynt Dun¦stan dyed soone after yt he had forgyuen Estrilde the quene her trespace bycause that she was cause of kyng Edwardes deth / and saynt Dunstan had her alloy∣led & enioyned her penaunce / and she ly∣ued after a chaste lyfe and a clene. This kyng Eldred wedded an Englysshe wo∣man / & on her he begate Edmund Iren syde / and an other sone that was called Edwyne. And after dyed ye quene theyr moder. And in that tyme came Swyne in to Englonde that was kyng of Den∣marke / for to chalenge and conquere all that his auncestres had before ye tyme / And so he conquered and had it all at his askynge. For the good erle Cuthbert of Lyndesey & all the people of Northum∣londe and almoost all the gretest men of Englond helde with Swyne that was king of Dēmarke / for as moche as they loued not kyng Eldred / bycause that his good broder Edwarde was falsly slayne for the loue of hym / and therfore no man set but lytell by hym. Wherfore kynge Swyne had all his wyll / & toke all the londe. And Eldred the kyng than fledde in to Normandy / and so spake to ye duke Rycharde / that the duke gaue hym his syster Emme to wyfe / vpon the whiche he gate two sones / that one was called Alured / and that other Edwarde. And whan kyng Swyne had cōquered all ye londe he regned nobly / & lyued .xv. yere / and than he dyed / and lyeth at yorke. AFter the deth of Swyne yt was a Dane / Knoght his sone dwel∣led in Englonde / & wolde haue ben king And thā came agayn Eldred out of Nor mandy with a grete nombre of people & a stronge army / that Knoght durst not abyde / but fledde thens in to Denmark. The kynge Eldred had agayne his re∣alme / and helde so grete lordshyp that he begā to destroye all those that helped Swyne that was a Dane agaynst hȳ. And afterwarde this Knoght came a∣gayn from Denmarke wt a grete power so that kynge Eldred durst not fyght wt hym / but fledde from thens vnto Lon∣don / and there helde hym. Than came Knoght and besyeged hym so longe tyll that kynge Eldred dyed in ye cite of Lon∣don / and lyeth in saynt Paules chirche. And he regned .ix. yere. BOnus was pope after Benedict one yere. This man abode but a lytell tyme. ¶ Bonifacius was pope af¦ter hym fyue monethes. ¶ Benedictus was pope after hym .x. yere. This man crowned Otto the seconde / & made ma∣ny Romayns to be taken / & he gadered a coūseyle agaynst the kynge of Fraūce / where Gylbert the nygromancer was deposed. ¶ Iohānes the .xiiij. was po∣pe after hym .viij. monethes / & he was put in the castell Aungell / and was fa∣mysshed to deth. ¶ Iohānes yt .xv. was pope after hym .iiij. monethes. ¶ Iohā¦nes the .xvj. was pope after hȳ almoost xj. yere. This man was taught in ar∣mes / & made many bokes / & elles lytell of hym is wryten. ¶ Gregorius the .v. was pope after this man almoost thre yere. This Gregory was made pope at the instaunce of the emperour Otto the thyrde / for he was his cosin. And whan he had ben a lytell whyle pope / and the emperour receded from the cite of Rome Placētinus was put in by Crescencius a consull / for money / & than was stryfe a fewe dayes. But the emperour came soone after agayn / & toke Crescencius ye consul & stroke of his heed / & put out the eyen of this man that put out his cosyn of the dignite of the poperyche / & may∣med hym in other membres / and his du¦kes ne his knightes helped hȳ no thȳge For he dyd that thynge that he shold not haue done / and he suffred that that he deserued. ¶ Nota. This Gregory with the emperour Otto ordeyned there the chosers of the empyre / the whiche from thens forth hath abyden vnto this day. For ye frensshmen nor none other myght not breke ye ordynaunce. And those cho∣sers of the Empyre by the pope & Otto were not made for ony blame of the sax∣ons / but to eschewe the petylles to come And theyr names ben wryten in latyn for lerned men in these verses. Magun inensis. Treuerensis. Coloniensis. qui∣libet imperij fit cancellarius horum. Et Palatinus dapifer Dux portitor ensis. Marchio prepositus camere. Pincerna Bohemus. Hij statuunt dominū cūctis per secula summū. Palati{us} est comes Reni. Marchio est Brandeburgensis. Dux Saxonū. Et rex Bohemorū. Verū vt quidam dicunt. Through this occa∣syon the Egle hath lost many a fether / and in the ende he shall be made naked. ¶ Otto ye thyrde was emperour .xviij. yere. This man was a worthy man all the dayes of his empyre. And after the wysdome of his fader he was a very faythfull man to the chirche. And in ma¦ny batayles he {pro}spered bycause he was deuoute to almyghty god & his sayntes And gaue myghty worshyppyng vnto the relykes of sayntes. And oftentymes he visyted holy places. This man was crowned by Gregory his cosyn. And at the last he decessed at Rome. SIluester the second was pope af¦ter Gregory .iiij. yere / & he was made pope by the helpe of the deuyll / to whome he dyd homage / for he sholde gyue hym all thynge that he desyred / & he was called Gylbert. And his enemy gate hym the grace of ye kynge of fraūce and he made hym bysshop of Remensis but anone he was deposed. And after he gate the grace of the Emperour / & was made bysshop of Rauennie / & after pope but he had an ende anone / & so haue all that put theyr hope in fals deuyls. Yet men trust in his saluacyon for certayne demonstracions of his sepulture / & for ye grete penaūce yt he dyd in his last ende. For he made his handes & legges to be cut of / & dismēbred all his body / & made them to be cast out at the dore to foules / & than his body to be drawen wt wylde beestes / and there to be buryed where so euer they rested as an hoūde. And they stode styll at saynt Iohn de Latrans / & there he was buryed / & that was signe of his saluacyon. ¶ Iohānes the .xviij. was pope .v. monethes. ¶ Iohannes the .xix. was pope after hym fyue yere. And these two dyd lytel thȳges. ¶ Hen∣ricus ye fyrst was emperour in Almayn xx. yere. This Henry was duke of Bar∣ry / and all accordyng he was chosen for his blyssed fame & good name the whi∣che he had. And it is redde that many of these dukes of Barry were holy men / not all onely in absteynynge them from flesshly desyres / but also in vertuous ly∣uyng. And this Henry had a syster that was as holy as he / whome he gaue to wyfe vnto the kynge of Hungary. And she brought all Hungary vnto the right byleue and chrysten fayth. And his wy∣ues name was Sana Roogundis with whome he lyued a virgyn all the dayes of his lyfe. And he made many a batayle / as well in ytaly as in Almayn agayust them that rebelled and prospe∣red ryght wysly euermore on them. At the last with a blyssed ende he decessed. And in the lyf of saynt Laurence he and his wyfe be put for ensamples bycause of theyr holy and vertuous lyuynge. ¶ Benedict{us} was pope after Iohn .xi. yere. This man had grete stryfe in his dayes. For he was put out / & an other was put in. And this Benedictus after that he was deed / was seen of an holy bysshop in a wretched fygure / & he had grete payne. And this fygure sayd he trusted no thynge in the mercy of god / & no thynge profyted hym that was done for hym / for it was goten by extorcyon & vniustly. Thā this bysshop lefte his bys¦shopryche for drede of this sight / & went in to a monastery & lyued vertuously all his dayes. ¶ Iohānes ye .xx. was pope after hym .xi. yere / & lytell profyted. ANd after the deth of this Eldred Knoght that was a Daue begā to regne. But Edmund Irensyde yt was king Eldredes sone by his fyrst wyfe or∣deyned a grete power of men / & began to warre on kynge Knoght. And so he dyd many tymes & ofte / & the warre was so strōge & harde ye wonder it was to wyte And the quene Emme yt than dwelled at westmynster had grete drede of her two sones Alured & Edward / lest they sholde be destroyed through ye warre / wherfore she sente them ouer see in to Normandy to the duke Richard theyr vncle / & there they dwelled in safete & peas lōge tyme. ¶ This Edmund Irensyde & Knoght the Dane warred fyersly togyder. But at ye last they were accorded in this ma∣ner / that they sholde departe the realme bytwene them / and so they dyd / and lo∣ued togyder lyke two bretherne. ANd than after regned kyng Ed∣mūd Irensyde & Knoght ye dane But thus it befel afterward yt in ye same yere that they were accorded & so moche loued togyder / wherfore a fals traytour had enuy at the loue that was bytwene them / whose name was Edrith of stra¦to / that was a grete lorde yt was Ed∣munde Irensydes man / & of hym helde all the londe that he had / & neuerthelesse he thought to betraye his lorde / & make Knoght kyng of all the londe / to the en∣tent rychely to be auaūced / & with hym to be well beloued. Wherfore he prayed his lorde Edmunde Irensyde on a daye with hym for to ete. And the kyng hym curteysly graūted / and to hym came at his prayer. And at meet the kyng was ryally serued with dyuerse metes and drynkes. And whan nyght came that he sholde go to bedde / the kyng toke his owne meyny and went to the chambre where as he shold take his nyghtes rest And as he loked aboute hym he sawe a fayre ymage & a well made in semblaūt as it were an archer with a bowe bent in his hande / & in ye bowe a fyne arowe. Kynge Edmund went nere to beholde it better. And whan he was by it / anone ye arowe smote hym through the body / & there slewe the kynge / for ye engyn was made to slee his owne lorde traytoursly. And whan kynge Edmund was thus deed & slayne / he had regned but .x. yere And his people made moche sorowe for him / & his body they bare to Glastenbu¦ry / & there buryed hym. And this fals traytour Edrith anone went to ye quene that was kynge Edmundes wyfe that wyst not of her lordes deth / & toke from her two sones that were fayre & yonge that her lorde had goten on her / that one was called Edwarde / & that other Ed∣wyne / & ladde them wt hym to London / & toke them to kyng Knoght yt he sholde do with them what his wyl were. And told hȳ how subtylly he had slayne king Edmund bycause ye Knoght sholde haue all the londe of Englonde. ¶ O thou fals traytoure / hast yu slayne my true broder that was so true bycause of me / a man that I moost loued in the worlde. Now by my heed I shall for thy trauayle the well rewarde as thou hast deserued / & anone let hym be taken / and boūde hym handes & feet in maner of a traytour / & let cast hym in to the ryuer of Tamyse. And in this maner the fals traytour en∣ded his lyfe. The kyng toke ye two chyl∣dren & put them vnto the abbot of West mynster to warde & to kepe tyll he wyst what was best with them for to do. ANd it befel soone afterward that kynge Knoght had all the londe in his handes: & spoused ye quene Emme through consent of al his barons / for she was a fayre woman / the whiche was Eldredes wyfe / and the dukes syster of Normandy / & they lyued togyder with moche loue as reason wolde. The kyng asked vpon a daye coūseyle of the quene what was best to do wt Edmond Iren∣sydes sones. Syr sayd she / they be the ryght heyres of the londe / and yf they lyue they wyll do you moche sorowe wt warre / and therfore let sende them in to a straūge londe aferre / to some man that may destroye them. The king anone let call a Dane that was called Walgar / & cōmaūded hym that he sholde lede those two chyldren in to Denmarke / & so to do and ordeyne for them that he sholde ne∣uer more here of them. Syr sayd this Walgar / your commaūdement gladly shall be done. And anone he toke the two chyldren & ledde them in to Denmarke. And for as moche as he sawe that the chyldren were wonders fayre & mke / he had of them grete pite & ruth / & wold not slee them / but ledde them to ye kynge of Hungary for to nourysshe. For this Walgar was well beknowen with the kynge & well beloued. Anone the kynge asked fro whens the children were. And Walgar tolde hym & sayd yt they were ye ryght heyres of Englonde / and therfore men wolde destroye them / & therfore syr vnto you they be comen to seke mercy & helpe / & for soth yf they may lyue your men they shall become / and of you they shall holde all theyr londe. The kynge of Hungary receyued thē with moche ho∣nour / and let them worthely be kepte. And thus it befell afterwarde that Ed∣wyne ye yonger broder dyed / & Edwarde the elder broder lyued / a fayre man and a stronge / and a large of body / & gentyll and curteys of condicyons / so yt all men loued hym. And this Edwarde in ye cro∣nycles is called amonge Englysshmen Edwarde the outlawe. And whan he was made knyght / the kynges dough∣ter of Hungary loued him moche for his goodnes and his fayrnes / so that she cal¦led hym her derlynge. The kynge that was her fader perceyued well the loue that was bytwene them two / & he had none heyr but onely that doughter. And the kynge vouchedsafe his doughter to no man so well as he dyd to hym that she loued so well / and he her agayn and gaue her vnto hym with a good wyll. And Edwarde her spoused with moche honour. The kyng of Hungary sent af∣ter all his barons and made a solempe feest and a ryche weddynge / and made all men to vnderstande yt this Edwarde sholde be kyng after his decesse of all the londe of Hungary. Of the whiche ty∣dynges they were all ryght glad. And this Edwarde begate vpon this lady a sone the whiche was called Edgar He∣lyng / and afterwarde a doughter that was called Margarete / that afterwar∣de was quene of Scotlonde. And by the kyng of scotlond that was called Man∣colin she had a doughter that was called Maud that was quene afterwarde of Englonde through kyng Henry y• was the fyrst sone of the conquerour that her wedded / & he begate on her a doughter that was called Maud / that afterward was empresse of Almayne. And of this Maud came the kyng of Englonde that vnto this daye is called Henry the em∣presse sone / and yet had this Edwarde an other doughter by his wyfe yt was called Christian / & she was a nonne. NOw haue ye herde of Edmunde Irensydes sones yt king Knoght wende they had ben slayne as he had cō maūded Walgar before. And this kyng Knoght had in his handes all y• realme of Englond & Denmark. And after that they went vnto Norway for to cōquere that londe. But the kynge of the londe yt was called Elaf came with his people / & wende to haue well kepte & defended his londe / & so there he faught wt hym / tyll at y• last he was slayne in yt batayle. And thā this Knoght toke all y• londe in to his hādes. And whā he had cōquered Norway / & takē feaute & homage there he came agayne in to Englonde / & helde hȳselfe so grete a lorde / yt hym thought in all the worlde was not his pere / & be∣came so proude & hauteyne that it was grete wonder. ¶ And so it befell vpon a daye as he had herd masse at west myn∣ster / & wolde haue gone in to his palays the wawes of the Tamyse so swyftely came agaynst hym y• almoost they tou∣ched his feet. Than sayd y• kyng with a proude herte. I cōmaunde the water to turne agayn / or elles I shall make the. The wawes for his cōmaūdemēt wold not spare / but flowed in heyght more & more. The kyng was so proude of herte that he wold not flee y• water but abode styll in y• water / & bette it wt a yerde y• he had in his hande / & cōmaūded ye water yt it sholde go no ferder. But for all his cō∣maūdement y• water wold not cese / but encreased more & more / so that the kyng was all wete / & stode depe in the water And whan he sawe the water wold not do his cōmaūdement / he wtdrewe hym & stode vpon a stone / holdyng vp his han∣des on hye / & sayd herynge all y• people. This god yt maketh y• see thus aryse on hye is kyng of all kynges / & of all mygh tes moost / and I am a caytyf & a deedly man / & he may neuer dye / & all thynge doth his cōmaūdement & hym obeyeth. To yt god I praye yt he be my warraūt / for I knowlege me a caytyf feble & of no power / & therfore I wyll go vnto Rome without ony longe lettyng / my wycked nes to punysshe / & me to amende. For of god I clay me my londe for to holde / & of none other. And anone made redy his heyre / & hȳselfe went to Rome without ony lettynge. And by y• waye dyd many almes dedes / & at Rome also. And whā he had ben there & done penaūce for his synnes / he came agayn in to Englonde / & became a good man & an holy / leuyng all maner pryde / & lyued an holy lyfe / & made two abbeys of saynt Benet / one in Englonde / and another in Norway / by cause he loued saynt Benet more specyal¦ly than ony other saȳt / & he loued moche also saynt Edmund the kyng / & often he gaue grete gyftes to the hous / & made it ryche. And whan he had regned .xx. yere he dyed / & lyeth at Wynchestre. BEnedict{us} the .ix. was pope after Iohannes / & he was a grete le∣thour / & therfore he was dampned / & he appered to a certayne man vnder a mer∣uaylous fygure & an horryble. His heed & his tayle was lyke an asse / that other part of his body lyke a beer. And he sayd to this mā to whom he appered. Be not aferde / for I was a man as ye be now / but for my beestly lyuynge whā I was pope I appere now lyke a beest. ¶ In this mānes tyme was grete diuisyon & sclaūdre to y• chirche / for he was put out & in two tymes. And here Ptholomeus noteth yt the pryde of bysshops had euer an euyl ende / & it was euer y• occasyon of moche vnrest & batayle. ¶ Cōradus the fyrst was emperour after Hēry .xx. yere This mā made many lawes / & cōmaū∣ded peas to be kept moost straytly of ony man. But y• erle of Ludolf was accused & he fledde frō his londe / & desyred more to lyue lyke a chorle than lyke a gentyl∣man / & yet meruaylously his sone was made emperour by y• cōmaundement of god agaynst the wyl of Conradus. And at the last they were accorded / & he toke Conradus doughter to his wyfe. THis Knoght of whome we haue spokē of before had two sones by his wyfe Emme / yt one was called Har∣diknoght / & yt other Harold / & he was so lyght on fote yt men called hym comynly Harold hare fote. And this Harold was no thynge manerd after Knoght his fa∣der / for he set not by cheualry / curteysy / ne worship / but onely by his owne wyll. And he became so wicked yt he exiled his moder Emme. And she went in to Flaū∣dres / & there dwelled wt y• erle / wherfore he & his broder hated echeother deedly. And whan he had regned ij. yere & more hedyed / & lyeth at West mynster. AFter this Harold hare fote reg∣ned his broder Hardyknoght / a noble knight & a worthy / & moche loued cheualry and all maner of goodnes. And whan this Hardiknoght had regned a lytell whyle / he let vncouer his broder Harold / & smote of his heed / & made it to be cast in to a gonge / & the body in to Ta myse. And after came fysshers & toke y• bedy with theyr nettes by nyght / & bare hym to saynt Clemētes chirche / & there buryed hym. Thus auenged hym Har∣diknoght on his broder. Thus kyng Har diknoght was so large a gyuer of meet & drynke / that his tables were set euery daye thre tymes full with ryall metes & drynkes for his meyny & for them that came to his courte. And this kyng Har∣diknoght sent after Emme his moder & made her to come agayn / for his broder Harold hare fote had dryuen her out of y• lond through coūseyle of y• erle Godwyn that than was the gretest lorde in Eng∣londe nexte the kynge / & that had moost rule / bycause he had spoused the dough∣ter of kyng Knoght begoten on his fyrst wyfe. And whan this quene was dry∣uen out of Englond & came to the erle of Flaundres that was called Baldewyne his cosyn foūde her there all thȳge that her neded / vnto the tyme that she went agayne in to Englonde / that the kynge Hardiknoght had sent for her that was her sone / and made her to come agayne with moche honour. This kyng Hardi∣knoght whan he had regned .v. yere he dyed / and lyeth at West mynster. AFter the deth of this kyng Har∣diknoght for as moche as he ne had no chylde of his body begoten / the les and barons asseinbled and made a coūseyl / that neuer more after no man yt was a Dane / though he were neuer so grete a man amonge them / he shold ne∣uer be kyng of Englonde for y• despyte yt they had done to englysshmen. For euer more before / yf the englyshmen & the da nes happened to mete vpō a brydge / the englyshmen shold not be so hardy to me∣ne a fote / but stande styll tyll the danes were passed forth. And more ouer yf the englyshmen had not bowed down theyr heedes to do reuerence vnto the danes / they sholde haue ben beten & defouled / & suche despytes & vylany dyd the danes to our englysshmē / wherfore they were driuen out of y• londe after Hardiknogh∣tes deth. For they had no lorde y• myght mayntayne them. And in this maner a∣uoyded the danes Englonde / that they neuer came agayn. The erles & barons by theyr comyn assent & counseyle sente vnto Normādy for to seke those two bre∣therne Alured and Edwarde that were dwellynge wt the duke Rycharde y• was theyr vncle / in entent for to crowne Alu∣red the elder broder / & make hym kyng of Englonde / & of this thynge to make an ende. The erles & barons made theyr othe / but the erle Godwyn of Westsex falsly & traytoursly thought to slee these two bretherne anone as they shold come in to Englond / in entent to make Harold his sone kynge / the whiche sone he had begoten on his wyfe kyng Hardiknogh tes doughter y• was a dane. And so this Godwyn went pryuely to southhamton for to mete there with the two bretherne at theyr landynge. And thus it befell yt the messengers yt went in to Normandy foūde not but onely Alured that was y• eldest broder. For Edwarde his broder was gone to Hungary for to speke with his cosyn Edwarde the outlawe y• was Edmund Irensydes sone. The messen∣gers said to Aluted how y• the erles & ba rons of Englond sent for hȳ / & y• he shold boldly come in to Englōde & receyue the realme: for king Hardiknoght was deed & all the danes dryuen out of the londe. WHan Alured herd these tydȳges he thāked god / & toke shyppyng with all y• haste that he myght and passed the see and arryued at south hamton there Godwyn y• fals traytour was. And whan this traytour sawe y• he was comen / he welcomed hym & re∣ceyued hym with moche ioye / & sayd yt he wold lede hym to London where as all the barons of Englonde hym abode to make hym theyr kynge. And so they went on theyr waye towarde London. And whan they came on Gyldesdowne tho sayd y• traytour Godwyn vnto Alu∣red. Take hepe aboute you bothe on the lefte syde & on the ryght syde / & of all ye shal be kyng / & of suche an hondred mod Now forsothe sayd Alured / I behyght you and yf I be kyng / I shall ordeyne & make suche lawes / wherof god & man shall be well apayed. Now had the tray tour cōmaūded all his men that were wt hym / that whan they were comen vpon Gyldesdown that they shold slee all that were in Aluredes company / that came with hym from Normādy / & after that take Alured & lede hym in to y• yle of Ely and after put out bothe his eyen of his heed / & afterward brynge hym to deth. And so they dyd / for they slewe all y• com¦pany that were there / the nombre of. xij gentylmen y• were comen with Alured frō Normandy / & after they toke Alured & in the yle of Ely they put out his eyen & rent his wombe / & toke y• chefe of his bowels / & put a stake in to the groūde / & an ende of the bowels fastened therto / & with nedyls of yren they pricked y• good thylde / & so made hym to go aboute the stake tyll yt all his bowels were drawen out of his body / & so dyed Alured there through treason of the erle Godwyne. Whan the lordes of Englond had herde and wyst how Alured that sholde haue ben theyr king was put to deth through the fals traytour Godwyne / they were wonders wroth / & swore bytwene them god & his holy name / that he sholde dye a worse deth thā dyd Edryth of stration y• had betrayed his lorde Edmund Iren syde / & they wold haue put hym to deth but the traytour fledde thens in to Den¦marke / & there helde hym .iiij. yere and more / & lost all his londe in Englonde. SIluester the thyrde was pope af¦ter Benedictus. This Siluester was chosen / & Benedict was expulsed. And afterwarde was Siluester expul∣sed & Benedict was put vp agayn. And after he was put out / & Gregory was made pope / & he was but symple let∣tred man / and therfore he chose an other pope to be cōsecrate wt hym. And whan many men were dyspleased with this guydyng of two popes / the thyrde was brought in / the whiche sholde occupy y• place of bothe y• two. And so they stroue amonge them selfe. But Henry the em∣perour than came to Rome and deposed them all / and made Clement the second pope / whome he made anone to crowne hym. And he sayd to the Romayns they sholde neuer wtout his assent chose pope And so .v. beynge popes / the syxth was put in. But many men saye this Grego ry was an holy man. ¶ Damasus the second was after Clement .xxiij. dayes. This man was an vsurper of y• popery che / & he dyed sodeynly. And anone the Romayns asked to haue a pope / & that the Almayns sholde haue none / for they were so harde herted that they myght not enclyne to the entent of y• emperout the whiche sayd there sholde be no pope chosen but yf he wolde be of counseyle of the eleccyon. But for all that they put in this holy man Leo / and after he had of that conscyence / & refused it. And anone he was chosen by y• comyn assent. This Leo put Chryst in the forme of a lasar in to his owne bedde / and on the morowe he founde no thynge there. ANd whā this was done / all the barons of englond sent another tyme in to Normandy y• Edward sholde come in to englond with moche onout. And this Edwarde in his chyldhode lo∣ued hey god & hym dradde / and in honeste & clennes ladde his lyfe / & hated synne as deth. And whan he was crow ned & anoynted wt a ryall power / he for∣gate not his good maners & condicyons that he fyrst vsed / & forgate not all good customes for no maner honour / ne for no rychesse / ne for no maner hygnes. But euer more & more gaue hym to goodnes & well loued god & holy chirche passyng all other maner thynge. And poore men also he loued / & helde them as they had ben his owne bretherne / & to them ofte he gaue grete almes wt full good wyll. IT befell on a daye as he went frō the chirche of westmynster / & had herde masse of saynt Iohn ye euangelyst for as moche as he loued saȳt Iohn the euangelist more specyally after god and our lady / than he dyd ony other saynt. And so there came to hym a pylgrym / & prayed hym for ye loue of god & our lady & saynt Iohn the euangelyst some good for to gyue hym. And the kyng pryuely toke his rynge of his fynger / yt no man perceyued it / & gaue it to the pilgrym / & he it receyued & went thens. This king Edward made all ye good lawes of Eng∣londe / that yet ben moost vsed & holden. And he was so mercyable and so full of pyte / that no man myght be more. WHan the erle Godwyn that was dwellynge in Denmark had mo∣che herde of the goodnes of kynge Ed∣warde / & that he was full of mercy and pyte / he thought yt he wolde go agayne in to Englond for to seke & to haue grace of the good kyng Edward that so mer∣cy full was that he myght haue agayn his londe in peas. And arayed hym as moche as he myght & put hym towarde the see & came in to Englonde to London where ye kynge was that tyme & all the lordes of Englonde & helde a parlyamēt Godwyn sent to them yt were his fren∣des / & were ye moost gretest lordes of the lōde / & prayed them to beseche ye kynges grace for hym / & that he wolde graunte him his peas & his lōde. The lordes lad hȳ before ye kyng to seke his grace. And anone as ye kyng sawe hym / he appeled hym of treason / & of the deth of Alured his broder / & these wordes to hym sayd Traytour Godwyn I the appele that thou hast betrayed & slayne my broder Alured. Certes syr sayd Godwyn saue your grace & your peas & your lordshyp I neuer betrayed hym / e yet lewe hȳ. And therfore I put me in reward of the caurte. Now fayre lordes sayd ye kynge / ye that be my lyeges / erles & barons of the londe yt here ben assembled / full well ye herde myn appele / & the answere also of Godwyn / & therfore I wyll that ye awarde & do ryght. The erles & barons than gadred them all togyder to do this awarde by themselfe / & so they spake dy uersly among them / for some sayd there was neuer alyaūce by homage serment seruyce / nor by lordshyp bytwene God∣wyn & Alured / for whiche thynge they myght hym drawe. And at the last they deuysed & demed / that he shold put hym in ye kynges mercy all togyder. Thā sna ke the erle Leuerike of Couentre a good man to god & to all the worlde / & told his reason in this maner and sayd. The erle Godwyn is ye best frended man of Eng∣londe after ye kyng / & well myght it not be gaynsayd / that without couse yle of Godwyn Alured was neuer put to deth wherfore I awarde as touchynge my parte / that hymself & his sone & euery of vs .xii. erles that ben his frendes go be∣fore the kynge / charged with as moche golde & syluer as we may bere bytwene our handes / prayenge the kynge to for∣gyue his euyll wyll to the erle Godwyn and receyue his homage / & yelde agayn his londe. And they accorded vnto that awarde / and came euery of them with golde & syluer as moche as they myght bere bytwene theyr handes before the kynge / and there sayd the forme and the maner of theyr accorde & of theyr awar∣de. The kyng wolde not them gaynsaye but as moche as they had ordeyned he graūted and cōfermed. And so was the erle Godwyn accorded with the kynge / and had agayne all his londes. And af∣terward he bare hym so well & so wyse∣ly / that the kynge loued hym wonders moche / & with hym he was full preuy. And within a lytell tyme they loued so moche that ye kynge spoused Godwyns doughter / and made her quene. And ne∣uertheles though the kyng had a wyfe yet he lyued euer in chastite and clennes of body wtout ony flesshely dede doynge with his wyfe. And ye quene also in her halfe ladde an holy lyfe two yere / & dyed And afterwarde the kynge lyued all his lyfe without ony wyfe. The kyng gaue the erledome of Oxford to Harolde that was Godwyns sone / & made hym erle. And so well they were beloued / bothe ye fader and he / & were so preuy with the kynge / yt they myght do by ryght what thynge they wolde. For agaynst ryght wold he no thynge do for no maner man so good and true he was of conscyence. And therfore our lorde Iesu Chryst spe∣cyall loue shewed to hym. IT befell vpon a whytsondaye as kynge Edwarde herde his masse in the grete chirche of Westmynster at the leuacion of Iesu Christes body: & as all men were gadred in the chirche / and came nigh the awter for to se ye sacrynge the kyng lyft vp his handes on hygh / & toke vp a grete laughter / wherfore all yt stode aboute hym began gretly to won∣der. And after masse they asked why the kȳges laughter was. Fayre lordes said kynge Edward / I sawe Swyne ye yon∣ger that was kyng of Denmarke come in to the see wt all his power for to haue comen in to Englond to warre vpon vs / & I sawe hym & all his folke drowned in the see / & all this I sawe in the leuacyon of Chrystes body bytwene the preestes hādes / & I had therof so grete wye that I myght not my laughter withholde. And the erle Leuerich stode besyde hym at the leuacion / & openly sawe the forme of breed turne in to ye lykenes of a yonge childe / & toke vp his ryght hande & blys∣sed the kynge / & afterwarde ye erle / & the erle anone turned hym toward ye kynge for to make hym se that holy syght. And than sayd the kynge. Syr erle I so well that ye se / thanked be god that I haue honoured my god and sauyour vysybly Iesu Chryst in forme of man / whose na me be blyssed in all worldes. Amen. THis noble man saynt Edwarde regned .xiii. yere. And thus it be fell vpon a tyme or he dyed / ye two men of Englond were gone in to ye holy londe and had done theyr pilgrymage / & were goynge agayne in to theyr owne coūtree where they came fro. And as they went in the waye / they mette a pilgrym that curteysly salewed them / & asked of them in what londe and in what coūtree they were borne. And they sayd in Englonde Than asked he who was kyng of Eng∣londe. And they answered and sayd / the good king Edward. Fayre frendes sayd the pylgrym / whan that ye come in to your coūtree agayne / I praye you that ye wyll go vnto kyng Edwarde / & greet hym oftentymes in my name / & oftenty mes him thanke of his grete curteysy yt he to me hath done / & namely for ye ryng yt he gaue me whan he had herde masse at Westmynster for saynt Iohns loue ye euāgelyst. And than toke ye rynge & toke it to the pylgryms & sayd. I praye you go & bere this ryng / & take it vnto kyng Edward / & tell hym that I sende it hym and a full ryche gyfte I wyll gyue hym For vpō the .xij. daye he shal come to me & euermore dwell in blysse wtouten ende. Syr sayd ye pilgryms / what man be ye and in what coūtree is your dwellynge. Fayre frendes sayd he / I am Iohn the euangelyst / & I am dwellynge with al∣myghty god / & your kynge Edward is my frende / & I loue hym in specyall for bycause that he hath euermore lyued in clennes & is a clene mayd / & I praye you my message to fulfyll as I haue sayd. Whan saȳt Iohn ye euāgelyst had thus charged them / sodeynly he voyded out of bothe theyr sightes. Than thanked ye pylgryms almyghty god & went forth theyr waye. And whan they had gone two or thre myle they begā to ware we∣ry / & set them down for to rest them / & so they fell on slepe. And whan they had well slepte / one of them awoke & lyft vp his heed & loked aboute & sayd to his fe∣lowe. Aryse vp and go we in our waye. What sayd that our felowe to that other where be we now. Certes sayd ye other / it semeth me yt this is not ye same coūtre that we layde vs owne in for to rest & slepe. For we were from Ierusalem but thre myles. They toke vp theyr handes and blyssed them / & went forth on theyr waye / & as they went they sawe shepes herdes goyng wt theyr shepe that spake none other lāguage but englisshe. Good frendes sayd one of ye pylgryms / what coūtre is this / & who is lord therof. And anone the shepeherdes answered & sayd This is the coūtree of Kent in Englond of the whiche the good kynge Edward is lorde of. Than the pilgryms thanked almyghty god & saynt Iohn ye euange∣lyst / & went forth on theyr waye & came to Caunterbury / & from thens to Lon∣don / & there they foūde the kynge. And tolde hym all from ye begynnynge to the endynge / as moche as saynt Iohn had charged them / & of all thȳges how they had spēdde by ye waye / & toke ye rynge to kyng Edward / & he receyued it / & than∣ked almyghty god & saynt Iohn ye euan gelyst. And than made hym redy euery daye from daye to daye to departe out of this lyfe whan god wold send for hym. ANd after it befel thus on Chryst masse euen as the holy man Ed∣ward was at goddes seruyce for to here matyns of ye hygh feest / he became full seke / & on the morowe endured wt moche payne for to here ye masse / & after masse he let hym to be ladde in to his chambre there for to rest hym. But in his hall a∣monge his barons & knyghtes myght he not come for to comforte them and so∣lace as he was wont to do at that wor∣thy feest. Wherfore all theyr myrth and cōforte amonge all that were in the hall was turned in to care & sorowe / bycause they drad to lese theyr good lorde ye kyng And vpon saynt Iohns daye ye euange∣lyst that came nexte the kynge receyued his ryghtes of holy chirche / as it befal∣leth to euery chrysten man / & abode the mercy & the wyll of god. And ye two pyl∣gryms he let come before hym / & gaue them ryche gyftes & betoke them to god And also ye abbot of Westmynster he let come before hym / & toke hym that ryng in the honour of god & saynt Mary & of saynt Iohn the euangelyst. And the ab∣bot toke & put it amonge other relykes / so that it is at Westmynster & euer shall be. And so laye ye kynge seke tyll the .xij. euen / and than dyed the good kyng Ed∣ward at Westmynster / & there he lyeth. For whose loue god hath shewed many a fayre myracle. And this was in ye yere of ye incarnacyon of our lorde Chryst Ie∣su. M .lxv. And after he was translated and put in to the shryne by ye noble mar∣tyr saynt Thomas of Caunterbury. Ictor the seconde was pope af∣ter Leo / & lytell of hȳ is wryten. ¶ Henry the seconde was emperour af∣ter the first Henry .xvij. yere. This man was cosyn to Conrade / & he was borne in a wode / and twyes taken to be slayne whā he was a childe / but god defended hȳ euermore. Whan he was made em∣perour he made a monastery in ye same place in the wode where he was borne. This man was a vicyous man / and he entred in to Ytaly / & there he toke Pan∣dulphus ye prynce of Campany. ¶ Ste phan{us} the .ix. was pope after Victor .ix. monethes. ¶ Benedictus was after hȳ & he toke the dignite of ye pope Stephen by strengthe / & kepte it .ix. monethes / & than decessed. ¶ Henry the thyrde was emperour after Henry the second. This Henry was an vnquyete man / & many tymes troubled the holy man Gregory the .vij. And fyrst he asked forgyuenes & was assoyled / but he perseuered not / but brought in an other pope agaynst hym / and sayd he was an heretyke. And Gre¦gory cursed hym. And the chosers of the emperour chose the duke of Saxon for to be emperour / whome this Henry in batayle ouercame. And than he came to Rome with his pope / and pursued pope Gregory & the cardynals also. And than anone Robert ye kynge of Naples droue hym thens / & delyuered the pope & his cardynals. Neuerthelesse yet he was a man of grete almes / and .xij. tymes he fought in batayle. And at ye last he dyed wretchedly. For he was put downe by his owne sone. For so as he dyd to other men / so was he done to. ¶ Nycolas the seconde was pope after Benedicte two yere. This Nycolas called a coūseyle a∣gaynst the archedeken of Turonosens whiche was an heretyke / & he taught agaynst the fayth. For he erred in the sa crament / & after he was cōuerted & was an holy man / but he coude neuer cōuerte his discyples. ¶ Nota. ¶ Alexander the seconde was pope after hȳ .xij. yere. This Alexander was an holy man / & he ordeyned that vnder payne of cursynge that no man shold here a preestes masse whome they knewe had a man. Vt p xxxij. dist. preter hoc. He had strife wt one Codulo / but he expulsed hȳ as an vsur∣per / & put hym out as a symoner. Whan aȳt Edward was gone out of this worlde / and was passed to god / & worthely buryed as it appertey∣ned to suche a grete lorde for to be. The barons of the londe wolde haue had Ed¦ward Helingus / sone to Edward y• out∣lawe that was Edmūd Irensydes sone to be kyngr / bycause he was of y• moost kyndest kynges blode of y• realme. But Harold through the erle Godwyn his fa¦der & through other grete lordes of y• re∣alme that were of his kynne / seased all Englonde in to his handes / & anone let crowne hym kyng after the buryenge of saynt Edward. ¶ This Hatold y• was Godwyns sone two yere afore saynt Ed¦ward dyed he wold haue gone in to Flaū¦dres / but he was dryuen by tēpest in to the coūtree of Pountyf / & there he was taken & brought to duke Willyam. And this Harold wende that duke Willyam wolde haue ben auenged on hȳ / bycause that Haroldes fader had let slee Alured saynt Edwardes broder / & pryncypally bycause Alured was sone to quene Em∣ma that was Rychardes moder duke of Normandy y• was grandfader to duke Willyam. Neuerthelesse he dyd not so / for as moche as Harold was a noble & a wyse knight / & that his fader & he were accorded wt saynt Edwarde / therfore he wolde not mysdo hym / but alowed all thynge ordeyned bytwene them. Harold by his good wyll sware vpon a boke & vpon holy saintes that he shold spouse & wedde duke Wyllyams doughter after the deth of saynt Edward / & y• he sholde do his besy cure to saue & kepe y• realme of Englonde vnto y• profyte & auaūtage of duke William. And whā Harold had thus made his othe vnto duke William he let hym go free out of pryson / & gaue hȳ many ryche gyftes. And than he de∣parted thens & came in to Englond / and anone dyd in this maner whā saynt Ed¦ward was deed as a fals forsworne man let crowne hymselfe kynge of Englonde and falsly brake the couenaunt y• he had made before with duke Willyam / wher¦fore he was wonders wroth with hym & swore that he wolde be auenged vpon hym what someuer hym befell. And a∣none duke Willyam let assemble a grete hoost & came in to Englonde to auenge hym vpon Harold / & to conquere y• londe yf that he myght. ¶ And in y• same yere that Harold was crowned Harald Hare strenge kyng of Denmarke arryued in Scotlonde / & thought to haue ben kyng of Englonde / & he came in to Englond & robbed & slewe all y• he myght / tyll y• he came to Yorke / and there he slewe a. M. men of armes / and an hondred preestes. ¶ Whan these tydynges came to y• king he assembled a grete power / & went for to fyght with Haralde of Denmarke / & with his owne handes he slewe hym / & the danes were discomfyted. And those that were left alyue with moche sorow fledde to theyr shyppes. And thus kyng Harold of Englonde slewe kyng Harald of Denmarke. ANd whā this batayle was done Harolde became so proude that he wolde no thynge parte wt his people of ony thynge y• he had goten / but helde it all to hymself / wherfore y• moost parte of his people were wroth and departed from hym / so that onely were left with hym but his soudyours. ¶ And vpon a daye as he sate at meet / a messenger ca∣me to hym & sayd that William bastard duke of Normādy was arryued in Eng¦londe with a grete hoost / & had taken all the londe aboute Hastynges / & also my∣ned the castell. Whan y• kyng had herde these tydynges / he went thyder with a small power in all the haste y• he myght for there was but fewe people left with hym. And whan he was comen thyder he ordeyned to gyue batayle to the duke Wyllyam. But y• duke asked hȳ of these thre thynges / yf that he wold haue his doughter to wyfe as he had promysed & sworne his othe / or that he wolde holde the londe of hym in truage / or that he wold determyne this thynge in batayle This Harold was a proude man and a stronge / & trusted moche in his strength and fought with ye duke Willyam & his people. But Harolde and his men were discomfyted in that batayle / & hymselfe there was slayn. And this batayle was ended at Toubrydge in the seconde yere of his regne / vpon saynt Calixtes daye / and so he was buryed at waltham. WHan Wyllyam bastard duke of Normandy had conquered all y• londe of Englond / vpon Chryst∣masse daye nexte folowynge he let hym to be crowned kynge at westmynster / & was a worthy kyng / & gaue to englyssh men londes largely / & to his knyghtes. And afterwarde he went ouer the see & came in to Normandy / & there dwelled a whyle. And in the seconde yere of his regne he came agayne in to Englond / & brought wt hym Maude his wyfe / & let crowne her quene of Englonde on whyt sondaye. ¶ And than anone after y• king of Scotlond that was called Mancolyn began to stryue & warre with the kyng William. And he ordeyned hym toward Scotlond with his men bothe by londe and by see for to destroye kynge Manco∣lyn. But they were accorded / & the kyng of Scotlonde became his man / & helde all his londe of hym. And king William receyued of hym his homage and came agayn in to Englond. And whan kyng William had regned .xvij. yere / Maude the quene dyed / on whome kynge Wyl∣lyam had begoten many fayre children / that is to saye / Robert Curtoys / Williā Rous / Rycharde also that dyed / Henry Beauclerk / & Maude also that was the erles wyfe of Bleynes / and other foure fayre doughters. And after his wyues deth there began grete debate bytwene hym & Philyp the kyng of Fraūce. But at the last they were accorded. And than dwelled y• kyng of Englond in Norman¦dy / & no man hym warred / & he no man longe tyme. ¶ And the kyng of Fraūce sayd vpon a daye in scorne of kyng Wil∣liam / y• he had longe tyme lyen in chyld¦bed / & longe tyme had rested hym there. And this worde came to y• king of Eng∣londe where as he lay in Normandy at Roen. And for this worde was he euyll appayed & also wonders wroth toward the kyng of Fraūce & swore by god that whan he were arysen fro chyldbedde he wolde lyght a thousande candels to the kyng of Fraūce. And anone let assemble a grete hoost of Normans & of Englyssh men. And in the begynnynge of heruest he came in to Fraunce / and brent all the townes that he came by through all the on̄tree / and robbed & dyd all the sorowe that he myght through out al Fraūce / & at the last he brent the cite of Mandos / & cōmaunded his people to bere wode & brenne as moche as they myght / & hym self holpe therto all y• he myght wt a good wyll. And there was grete hete what of fyre that was so grete & of the sonne / y• it was wonders hote / & stuffed hȳ so y• he became & fell in to a grete sekenes. And whan he sawe y• he was so sore seke / he assygned all Normandy to Robert Cur∣toys his sone / & all Englōde to William Rous / & bequethed to Henry Beauclerk all his tresour. And whan he had thus done / he receyued all the sacramentes of holy chirche / & dyed the .xxij. yere of his regne / & lyeth at Cane in Normandy. O Regory the .vii. was pope after Alexander .xij. yere. This man ordeined a general sinody / that no preest sholde haue a wyfe / ne shold dwell with women / but those that y• synody of Ni∣cena & other decrees haue suffred. And than the preestes set lytell or nought by his ordynaūce. This man cōmaunded y• no mā sholde here masse of a preest y• had a cōcubyne. And he on a certayne tyme as he was cardynall & legate of Fraūce proceded sharply agaynst prelates and preestes y• were symoners. And amonge other there was one bysshop that was gretly famed wt symony / & those y• accu∣sed hym he hyred pryuely to saye y• con∣trary / the whiche y• legate conceyued / & afore all y• people he sayd. Let the iudge∣ment of this man cease at this tyme / for it is deceyuable / & let god dispose for it / & sayd thus. It is certayne that y• dignite of a bysshop is the gyuer of y• holy ghost And who someuer byeth a bisshopryche doth agaynst the holy ghoost. Than yf thou bysshop dyd not agaynst the holy ghoost / saye openly afore all the people Gloria patri et filio / et spiritui saucto. And many tymes he began to saye it / but he coude neuer speke spiritui sancto Than he was deposed of his bysshop∣ryche. And after he coude speke it well ynough. ¶ Victor the thyrde was pope after hym one yere. And this man was poysoned wt venym in y• chalyce. ¶ Vr∣banus was pope after hym two yere. This man cursed the kynge of Fraunce for his aduoutry. And he called a coun∣seyle at Clarū / in y• whiche he ordeyned that matyns of our lady sholde be sayd euery daye / and on Saterdaye her so∣lempne masse. And it is sayd that this was shewed vnto the monkes of Char∣terhous. ¶ Also he called another couu∣seyle at Turam / for the holy londe to be wonne agayn / & prouoked the people to that thynge. And within a lytell tyme after that / the holy londe was recouered & the gloryous sepulere of our lorde Ie∣su Chryst / & Anthiochia wt many other noble cytees were taken from y• handes of y• sarasyns. And it is sayd & men byle ued that .CC. M. chrystē men went to y• Journey. For there wente of states olde men & yonge / ryche & poore / & no man cō pelled them. And this passage was ma¦de by y• visyon of our lady. And y• prȳces of this people were dyuers. One was Godfrey of Bollyon y• noblest man of all the worlde / & a vertuous man. And an other was Bemond y• duke of Naples. The thyrde was Hugh the kynges bro¦der of Fraūce / & many other the whiche dyd full nobly for the fayth of god. And it were to longe in this boke to recherse the gloryous actes that they dyd. ANd after this Willyam bastard regned his sone Willyam Rous This Willyam was a wonders cōtra∣tyous man to god & holy chirche / & let a∣mende & make y• towne of Cardeis / that the paynyms had destroyed. This king Willyam destroyed holy chirche & theyr possessions in what parte he myght fyn be them. And therfore there was so mo∣che debate bytwene hym and the arche∣bysshop of Caunterbury Ancelme / by∣cause he cepreued hȳ of his wyckednes that he destroyed holy chitche. And for y• cause y• kynge bare to hym grete wrath and therfore exiled hym out of this lōde And the archebysshop than went to the courte of Rome / & there dwelled with y• pope. ¶ And this kynge made the newe forest / and kest downe & destroyed .xxvj. townes / and .lxxx. houses of religion / all for to make his forest longet & broder / & became wonders proude & gladde of his wode & forest / & of y• wylde beestes that were within it / that it was manuayle to wyte / so that men called hym kepet of wodes & pastours. And the longer that helyued / the more wycked he became / bothe to god & to all holy chirche / & to all his nien. ¶ And this kyng let make the grete hall of Westmynster. So vpon a day at whytsontyde he helde therin his fyrst feest / & he loked aboute hym & sayd that y• hall was to lytell by y• halfedele. And at the last he became so cōtraryous that all thynge y• pleased god displeased hym / & all thynge y• god loued he hated dedly. ¶ And so it befell that he dremed vpon a night alytel or y• he dyed / that he was let blode / & bdde a grete quantite of blode / & a streme of it epte n hye to∣warde hellen more than deed fa∣dom / & the clerenes of the daye was ned vnto yght & derknes / & the a∣ment also. And whan he awoke he had grete drede / so that he wyst not what to do / & tolde his dreme to men of his coun seyle / & said that he had grete drede / and supposed that to hym was some mys∣chaunce to come. ¶ And y• second nyght before a monke dremed of the housholde that the kyng went in to a chirche with moche people / & he was so proude / that he despysed all y• people that were with hym / and that he toke the ymage of the crucyfyxe and shamefully bote it with his tethe. And the crucifyxe mekely suf∣fred all that he dyd. But the kynge as a wood man rent of the armes of the cru∣cyfyxe / and kest it vnder his feet and de∣fouled it / and threwe it all abrode. And a grete flame of fyre came out of the crucy¦fyxe mouth. Of the whiche dreme ma∣ny men had grete meruayle & wonder. ¶ The good man that had dremed this straūge dreme tolde it to a knyght that was moost preuy with the kynge of all men / & the knyght was called Hanum∣des. Soone the monke and he tolde the dreme vnto the kynge / and sayd that it sholde betoken other thynge than good. And neuertheles y• king laughed therac twyes or thryes / and lytell set therby / & thought that he wolde go & hunte and playe in the forest. And men counseyled hym that he sholde not go that daye for no maner thynge / ne come in y• wode / so that he abode at home before meet. But anone as he had eten / no man myght let hym but that he wolde go vnto y• wode for to haue his dysporte. And so it befell that one of his knyghtes that hyghte Walter Tyrell wolde haue shorte to a grete harte / & his arowe glansed vpon a braunche / and through mysauenture smote the kynge vnto the herte. And so he fell downe deed to the grounde with∣out ony worde spekynge / and so ended his lyfe days. And it was no mecuayle for the daye that he dyed he had let to erme the archebysshopryche of Caun∣terbury / and .xij. abbeys also / and euer more dyd grete destruccyon to holy chir∣che through wrongfull takynge and as∣kyng. For no man durst withstāde that he wold haue done / & of his ewdnes he wolde neuer wtdrawe / neyther amende his lyfe. And therfore god wolde suffre hym no longer to regne in his wycked∣nes. And he had ben kyng .xiij. yere and vj. wekes / & lyeth at Westmynster. PAscall was pope after Vrbanus xviij. yere and .v. monethes / the whiche the .xiij. yere of his bysshoprych with his cardynais was put in pryson by the emperour Henry the fourth. And they myght not be delyuered tyll ye pope had sworne yt he sholde kepe peas with hym / & that he sholde neuer curse hym. And on that promesse the pope gaue the emperour a preuylege. And ye yere after the pope dampned that preuplege / and sayd on this wyse. Let vs comprehende all holy scripture the olde testamēt & the newe / the lawes & the {pro}phetes / the gos∣pell & the canons of apostles / & all the de¦crees of the popes of Rome / that ye they helde I hold / & that that they dampned I dampne / & moost specially that preuy lege graunted to Henry the emperour / the whiche rather is graunted to venge his malyce / than to multyply his pacy∣ence in vertue / for euermore I dampne that same preuylege. ANd whan this Willyam Rous was deed / Henry beauclerk his broder was made kynge / bycause that William Rous had no childe of his body / & this Henry Beauclerk was crowned kyng at London ye fourth daye after that his broder was deed / that is is saye / the fyfth daye of August. ¶ And anone as Ancelme yt was archebysshop of Caunterbury beynge at the courte of Rome herde tell yt Wyllyam Rous was deed / he came agayne in to Englonde / & kyng Henry Beauclerk welcomed hym honourably. And ye first yere yt he regned he spoused Maude yt was Margaretes doughter the quene of Scotlode / & the archebysshop Ancelme of Caunterbury wedded them. And this kynge begate vpon his wyfe two sones & a doughter / that is to saye / Willyam & Rychard and Maude. And this Maude was after∣warde the empresse of Almayn. And in the seconde yere of his regne / his broder Robert Curtoys duke of Normandy ca∣me wt an huge hoost in to Englond for chalenge ye londe. But through coūseyle of the wyse men of the londe / they were accorded in this maner. That the kyng shold gyVe his broder ye duke a. M. poūd euery yere / & whiche of them lyued lon∣gest shold be others heyre / & so bytwene them sholde be no debate nor stryfe. And whan they were thus accorded / ye duke went home agayn in to Normādy. And whan the kynge had regned foure yere there arose a grete debate bytwene hym and ye archebysshop of Caūterbury An∣celme. For bycause that ye archebysshop wolde not graūe hym to take talage of chirches at his wyll / & therfore the ar∣chebysshop Ancelme went agayne ouer the see vnto the courte of Rome / & there he dwelled wt the pope. And in the same yere the duke of Normandy came in to Englonde to speke with his broder. And amōge all other thynges ye duke of Nor mandy forgaue vnto ye kyng his broder the foresayd. M. poūde yt he sholde paye vnto the duke. And with good loue the kyng & the duke departed / and than the duke went agayn in to Normādy. And whan two yere were gone / through the entycement of the deuyll & of lewde men a grete debate arose bytwene the kynge and the duke / so that through counseyle the kynge went ouer the see in to Nor∣mandy. And whā the kyng was comen in to Normandy / all the grete lordes of Normandy turned vnto ye kyng of Eng∣londe / and helde agaynst the duke theyr owne lorde / & forsoke hȳ / yeldyng them vnto the kyng / with all the good castels & townes of Normādy. And soone after was the duke taken & ledde wt the kyng in to Englonde / and the kyng let put the duke in to pryson. And this was ye ven∣geaūce of god. For whan the duke was in the holy londe / god gaue hym suche myght & grace / that he was chosen for to haue ben kyng of Ierusalem / and he forsoke it / & wolde not take it vpon hym And therfore god sente hym that shame & despyte for to be put in to his broders prison. Thā ceased kyng Henry all Nor¦mandy in to his hādes / & helde it all his lyfe tyme. And in the same yere came ye bysshop Ancelme from ye courte of Rome in to Englonde agayne. And the kyng & he were accorded. ¶ And in ye yere nexte comynge after there began a grete de∣bate bytwene kynge Philyp of Fraūce and kyng Henry of Englond. Wherfore kyng Henry went in to Normandy / and there was rōge warre bytwene them two. And than dyed the kyng of Fraūce and Lowys his sone was made kynge anone after his dethe. And than wente kynge Henry agayne in to Englonde / & maryed ade his doughter to Henry the emperour of Almayne. WHan kyng Henry had ben kyng xvij. yere / a grete debate arose bytwene kyng Lowys of Fraū∣ce & kynge Henry of Englonde / bycause the kynge had sente in to Normandy to his men that they shold be helpynge vn to the erle of Bloyes as moche as they myght in warre agaynst the kynge of Fraūce / & that they sholde be as redy to hym as they were to theyr owne lorde / for bycause that ye erle had spoused his syster dame Maude. And for this cause the king of Fraūce dyd moche sorowe to Normandy. Wherfore ye kynge of Eng∣londe was wonders wrothe / & in ha went ouer the see with a grete power / and came in to Normandy for to defende that londe. And ye warre bytwene them lasted two yere / tyll at the last they two fought togyder / and the king of Fraūce was dyscomfyted / and escaped awaye with moche payne / and the moost parte of his men were discomfyted and taken And the kyng dyd with them his plea∣sure / & some of them he let go frely / and some he let put to deth. But afterwarde the two kynges were accorded. Whan kynge Henry had hoolly all the lode of Normandy & discomfyted his enemyes of Fraūce / he returned agayn in to Eng¦londe with moche honour. And his two sones Willyam & Rychard wolde haue comen after theyr fader & went to the see with a grete cōpany of people. But or yt they might come to lōde ye shyppe stroke agaynst a roche & brake in peces / & were all drowned yt were therin / saue one m yt was in ye same shyppe y• escaped. And this was on saynt atherynes daye / & these were ye names of thē yt were drow∣ned. Willyam & Rychard ye kȳges sones the erle of Chestre Ottonell / his broder Geffrey rydel / Walter emurci / Godfrey archdeken / the kynges doughter / ye coū∣tesse of perches / ye kȳges nece / ye coūtesse of Chestre / & many other. Whan kynge Henry & other lordes arryued in englōde and held these tydynges / they made so∣rowe ynough / & all theyr myrth & Ioye was turned in to mournynge & sorowe. ANd whan two yere were gone that the erle had dwelled with ye king / the erle went from ye king & began to warre vpō hym / & dyd moche harme in the londe of Normandy / & toke there a stronge castell / & there he dwelled all ye yere. And than came to hym tydynges that Henry the emperour of Almayne yt had spoused Maude his doughter was deed / & that she dwelled no longer in Al∣mayn / & that she wolde come agayne in to Normādy to her fader. And whā she was comen vnto hym / he toke her than to hym & came agayn in to Englonde / & made ye englysshmen to do othe & feaute vnto the empresse. And ye fyrst man that made the othe was Wylliam the arche bysshop of Caūterbury / and that other Dauid kyng of Scotlonde / & after hym all the lordes and barons of Englonde. ¶ Also after that the noble erle of Angeo a worthy knyght sent vnto the kyng of Englonde yt he wolde graūte hȳ to haue his doughter Maud ye empresse to wyfe And bycause yt her fader wyst yt he was a noble man / the kynge graūted hym / & consented therto. And than toke he his doughter & ladde her in to Normādy / & came to ye noble knyght Geffrey / & there he spoused ye foresayd Maude wt moche honour. And the erle begate vpon her a sone yt was called Henry ye empresse sone And after whā all this was done / kyng Henry dwelled all ye yere in Normandy. And after that a longe tyme a greuous sekenes toke hȳ where through he dyed And this king Henry regned .xxxv. yere and .iiij. monethes. His herte was bu∣ryed in the grete chirche of our lady in Roen. And his body was brought with moche honour in to Englonde / and bu∣ryed in the abbey of Redynge / of yt whi∣che he was founder. HEnricus ye fourth was emperour in Almayn after Henry the thyrd xv. yere. This man put his owne fader in prison / & there helde hym tyll he dyed He toke pope Pascall wt his cardynalles and prysoned them / as is sayd afore / for the whiche cause (as it is supposed) he lacked yssue. For he wedded the kynges doughter of Englonde Maude. But af∣terwarde he came to grace / and all the lawes of the chirche he resygned frely to Calixte the pope / and beought hym to gyue hym in penaunce that he sholde neuer come agayne to his empyre / that he myght haue remyssyon of his tres∣pace. And after the opynyon of many a man / he was wylfully exiled / and bothe he and his wyfe dyed at Chestre in Eng¦londe. ¶ Gelasius was pope after Pas∣call two yere / and fledde from Henry the emperour in to Burgoyn / and there de∣cessed. This emperour chose Benedicte a Spanyarde to be pope / the whiche stroue with Calixtus. ¶ Calixtus was pope after hym two yere and fyue mo∣nethes. This Calixtus was the sone of the duke of Burgoyne / and was chosen in the place of Gelasius. And whan he sholde come to Rome / he toke ye foresayd Benedictus / and made hym to ryde a∣fore hym shamefully. For he on a mule turned his face to the tayle of ye mule / & helde the tayle in his hande as a bry tyll he came through the cite / & than he was put in pryson. And the pope made peas with the emperour. ¶ Honorius was pope after hym two yere / & lytel of hym is wryten. ¶ Nora. ¶ Henry the fourth Emperour of Annyne decessed this tyme / & was buryed with his pro∣geytours after some men with suche an epiaphe. Filius hic / pater hic / auus hic / proauus acer istis. But it is lykely to be truer that ye Gerald sayth in Itine∣rario wallie. where he sayth / that after he had prysoned his carnall fader & his spirytuall fader the pope with his car∣dynals / after he was reconsyled / & wyl∣fully he was exiled. And he left Maude his wyfe the kynges doughter of Eng∣londe pryuely / and lyued an heremytes lyfe at Chestre .x. yere / where he myght lyue as no man knewe hym / & he called hȳselfe Godiscallus / the whiche godson is called. So the emperour went secret∣ly awaye / and Maude his wyfe the em¦presse went to her fader Henry in to Nor¦mādy / where anone after she was wed¦ded vnto Geffrey plantagines the duke of Andegāme / vpon whome he begate Henry the seconde that afterward was kyng of Englonde / vnder whome saynt Thomas of Caūterbury regned & dyed. ¶ Lotharius was emperour after Hen¦ry the fourth .xij. yere. And lytell of hym is wryten / but that he was manerly to the chirche / and that he subdued Roger the vsurper of the kyngdom of Cycyle. ¶ ag de sancto Victore was a noble man this tyme at Parys and a noble doctour of ye nacyon of Saxons. ¶ The ordre of saynt Iohn baptyst at Ierusa∣lem began this tyme by ye worshypfull man Raymond / myghtely disposed vn∣to the werkes of mercy. All this ordre made theyr waye to serue poore men. INnocencius was pope aftre Ho∣norius .xiiij. yere & .vij. monethes This man was a very deuoute man / & with suche men he cöpanyed hym. And he had stryfe .vij. yere agaynst Pyers of Lyon / yt whiche named hym Anoceū / & by strength he toke the poperyche / the whiche Innocent sawe / & wt two galeys fledde in to Fraūce / & was worshipfully receyued of saynt Bernard / the whiche that tyme had all the kynges & prynces in his handes / and he {pro}uoked them for to brynge this pope Innocent in to his dignite agayn. At ye last all thynge was cessed / and his enemyes were destroyed through the iudgemēt of god / & he was pope agayn / and lyued profytably / and was buryed at saynt Iohn de Latran. AFter this kyng Henry that was the fyrst / was made kynge his neuew his systers sone Stephen erle of Bolloyn. For anone as he herde the ry∣dynges of his vncles deth he passed the see & came in to Englonde through coun¦seyle and helpe of many grete lordes of Englonde (agaynst theyr othe that they had made to Maude the empresse) toke the realme / & let crowne Stephen kyng of the londe. And the archebysshop Wil∣lyam of Caūterbury that first made the othe of faute to Maud the empresse set the crowne vpon Stephens heed / and hym anoynted / & bysshop Roger of Sa∣lysbury maynteyned the kynges party in as moche as he might. The first yere that kyng Stephen began to regne / he assembled a grete hoost & went towarde Scotlonde for to haue warred vpon the kyng of Scotlōde. But he came agaynst hym in peas and in good maner / and to hym trusted / but he made to hym none omage / for as moche as he had made vnto ye empresse Maud. And in ye fourth yere of his regne Maude the empresse came in to Englond. And than began de¦bate bytwene kyng Stephen & Maude the empresse. This Maude went to the rite of Nicholl / & the kyng her besyeged longe tyme & myght not spede / so well ye cite was kepte & defended. And those yt were wtin ye cite subtylly escaped awaye without ony maner of harme. And than toke ye kynge ye cite / & dwelled therin tyll Candelmas. And than came ye barons ye helde wt the empresse / that is to saye / the erle Randulf of Chestre / the erle Robert of Glocestre / Hugh Bygot / Roberte of Morlay / & these brought with them a stronge power / & faught wt the kynge / & gaue hȳ a stronge batayle / in ye whiche batayle kyng Stephen was taken / and set in pryson in the castell of Brystowe. WHan kyng Stephen was taken & brought in to warde in the castell of Brystowe / this Maude the empresse was made lady of all Englonde / and all men helde her for lady of the londe. But those of Kent helde wt kynge Stephens wyfe / & also Willyam of Pree & his re∣tynue helped them / and helde warre a∣gaynst Maude the empresse. And anone after ye kyng of Scotlond came to them with an huge nōbre of people. And than went they togider to Winchestre where as the empresse was / & wolde haue ta∣ken her. But the erle of Glocestre came with his power & faught with them. And the empresse in the meane whyle ye the batayle dured escaped from them / & went vnto Oxford / and there helde her. And in that batayl was the erle of o cestre discomfyted & taken / & with hym many other lordes. And for his delyue∣raunce was kynge Stephen delyuered out of prison. And whan he was delyue¦red out of pryson / he wente thens vnto Oxford & besyeged the empresse ye than was at Oxford. And the syege endured fro Myghelmasse vnto saynt Andrewes tyme. And ye empresse than let clothe her all in whyte lnen cloth / for bycause she wolde not be know. For in the same tyme was moche owe & so she escaped by the Tamyse from her enemyes. And from thens she went to Walyngforde / & there helde her. And the kynge wolde haue besyeged her / but he had so moche to do with the erle Randulf of Chestre / and with Hugh By got ye strongly war / red vpon hym in euery place / ye he wyst not whether for to turne. And the erle of Glocestre holpe hym with his power. ANd after this the kynge wente vnto Wylton / and wolde haue made a castell there. But than came to him the erle of Glocestre with a stronge power / & there almoost he had taken the kynge / but yet the kynge escaped with moche payne / & Willyam Martell there was taken / and for whose delyueraūce they gaue vnto the erle of Glocestre the good castell of Shyrborne that he had taken. And whan this was done / ye erle Robert & all the kynges enemyes went vnto Faringdon / & began there to make a stronge castell. But ye kynge came thy∣der with a stronge power & droue hym thens. And in ye same yere the erle Ran∣dulf of Chestre was accorded with the kynge / and came vnto the courte at his cōmūdemēt. And the erle wende safely for to come / & the kyng anone let take hȳ and put hym in pryson / myght neuer for no thynge come out / tyll that he had yelded vp to ye kynge ye castell of Nicholl the whiche he had taken from the kyng with his strength in the xv. yere of his regne. And Gaufryde the erle of Angeo gaue vp to Henry his sone all Norman∣dy. And in ye yere nexte folowynge dyed the erle Gaufryd. And anone Henry his sone returned agayne to Anglo / & there was made erle with moche honour of his men of ye londe / & to hym dyd feaute and homage the moost parte of ye londe. And than was this Henry the empresse sone erle of Angeo / and also duke of Nor¦mandy. ¶ In the same yere was made a dyuorse bytwene the kynge of Fraūce and the quene his wyfe that was right heyre of Gascoyne / for bycause ye it was knowen & proued that they were sybbe and nye of blode. And than spoused her Henry the empresse sone erle of Angeo & duke of Normandy & duke of Gascoyne. ¶ In the .xviij. yere of this Stephen / this Henry came into Englonde with a stronge power / & began to warre vpon this kyng Stephen / and toke the castell of Malmesbury / and dyd moche harme And the kynge Stephen had so moche warre / that he wyst not whether for to go. But at the last they were accorded through the archebysshop Theobalde and other worthy lordes of Englonde / vpon this cōdicyon / that they sholde de∣parte the realme of Englonde bytwene them / so that Henry the empresse sone sholde holly haue the halfe of all ye londe of Englonde. And thus they were accor¦ded and peas was cryed through out all Englonde. And whan the accorde was made bytwene those two lordes / kynge Stephen became very sory for bycause that he had lost halfe Englonde / & fell in to suche a malady that he dyed in ye .xix. yere and. vii. wekes & .v. dayes of his regne / all in trouble & warre / & he lyeth in the abbey of Feuersham / the whiche he let make in the .vj. yere of his regne. CElestinus the seconde was pope after Innocēt .v. monethes / & ly∣tell he dyd. ¶ Lucius was after hym / & lytell profyted / for they dyed bothe in a pestylence. ¶ Eugenius ye seconde was pope after hym .v. yere &. iii. monethes This man fyrst was ye discyple of saynt Bernarde / and after the abbot of saynt Anastasy by Rome / & came to ye churche of saynt Cesary / & was chosen pope by the cardynals / he no thynge knowynge therof / and for drede of the senatours he was cōsecrated without the cite. This man was an holy man / & suffred tribu∣lacyon. And at the last wt moche holynes he decessed / and lyeth at saynt Peters. And anone after decessed saȳt Bernard. ¶ Petrus Lombardus the bysshop of Parys / broder to Gracian compyled the foure bokes of the sentence this tyme. ¶ Petrus cōmestor broder to Grarian & to Pyers Lombarde made historiā sco∣lasticā / & other bokes. ¶ Frederius pri¦mus after Conradus was emperour in Almayn and in Rome .xxxiij. yere. This man after the deth of Adryan the pope the whiche crowned hym dyd cursedly with Alexander to hym grete preiudyce For he dyd helpe foure ye stroue agaynst the apostles sect. And he fought mighte¦ly agaynst the kyng of Fraūce / through power of ye danes & other nacyons. But Rychard the kyng of Englond holpe for to expulse him. And he destroyed Medio lanii to the groūde / of the whiche circ ye walles were hyer than ye walles of ony other cite. This man at ye last after that he had done many vexacyons to ye pope he was recōsyled. For he dradde lest the lombardes wold haue rebelled agaynst hym / he asked forgyuenes of the pope / & toke ye crosse vpon hym / & went to ye holy londe / & dyd many meruaylous thinges there / almoost as moche as euer dyd Ka rolus magnus. And there he came by a towne that men called Armeniam / & in a lytell water he was drowned / & at Ti∣rū he was buryed. ¶ Anastasius was pope after Eugenius .iiij. yere and more This man was abbot of Rufy / & than he was chosen cardynall / & after pope. ANd after this kynge Stephen regned Henry the empresse sone and was crowned of the archebysshop Theobald the .xvij. daye before Chryst∣masse. And in ye same yere Thomas Be∣ket of London archebysshop of Caūter∣bury was made the kynges chaunceler of Englonde. The second yere ye he was crowned he let cast downe all the newe castels that were longynge to ye crowne the whiche kynge Stephen had gyuen to dyuers men / & them had made erles and barons for to holde with hym / & to helpe hym agaynst Henry the empresse sone. ¶ And the fourth yere of his regne he put vnder his owne lordshyp ye kyng of Wales. And in the same yere ye kynge of Scotlonde had in his owne handes / that is to saye / the cyte of Karleyll / the castell of Bamburgh / & the newe castell vpon Tyne / & the erledom of Lancastre ¶ The same yere the kyng with a grete power went in to Wales / & let cast down wodes & made wayes / & made stronge the castell of Rutlonde Basingwarke / & amonge the castels he made an hous of the temple. ¶ And in the same yere was Rychard his sone borne / that afterward was erle of Oxforde. And ye fourth yere of his regne he made Gaufryde erle of Brytayn. And in that yere he chaunged his money. ¶ And in the .vj. yere of his regne he ladde a grete hoost to Tolouse and cōquered it. And the .vij. yere of his regne dyed Theobald the archebysshop of Caūterbury. And than almoost al the cite of Caunterbury through myschefe was brent. ¶ The .ix. yere of his regne Thomas Beket that was his chaūce∣ler was chosen archebysshop of Caūter∣bury. And vpon saynt Bernardes daye he was sacred. And in ye yere was borne the kynges doughter Elenore. ¶ And in the .x. yere of his regne saynt Edwarde the kynge was translated wt moche ho∣nour. ¶ And the .xi. yere of his regne he helde his parlyament at Northamton / and fro thens fled saynt Thomas arche bysshop of Caūterbury for the grete de∣bate that was bytwene ye kyng & hym. For yf he had ben foūde on ye morowe he had bē slayne / & therfore he fled thens wt thre felowes on fote onely / that no man wyst where he was / & went ouer ye see to ye pope of Rome. And this was ye prin¦cypall cause. For as moche as the kyng wolde haue put clerkes to deth ye were atteynted of felony / wout ony preuylege of holy chirche. And the .xij. yere of his regne was Iohn his sone borne. And ye xiij. yere of his regne dyed Maud ye em∣presse ye was his moder. The .xiiij. yere of his regne the duke of Saxon spoused Maude his doughter / & he begate vpon her thre sones / ye is to say / Hēry / Othus & Willyam. And ye .xv. yere of his regne dyed the good erle Robert of Glocestre ye founded the abbey of Nonnes of Eton. And in ye saine yere Marke kyng of Ie∣rusalem cōquered Babylon. ¶ And the xv. yere of his regne / he let crowne his sone Henry at westmynster / & hȳ crow∣ned Roger the archebisshop of yorke / in harmyng of Thomas the archebysshop of Caūterbury / wherfore the same Ro∣ger was accursed of the pope. AFter the coronacion of kyng Hen¦ry the sonne of kynge Henry the empresse sone / that same Henry the em∣presse sone went ouer in to Normandy / & there he let mary Elonore his doughter to the Dolfyn yt was kyng of Almayn. ¶ And in the .vij. yere that the archebys¦shop saynt Thomas had ben outlawed the kynge of Fraunce made the kynge & saynt Thomas accorded. And thā came Thomas ye archebysshop of Caūterbu∣ry agayn to his owne chirche. And this accorde was made in the begynnyng of aduent. And afterward he was slayne & martyred the fyfth daye of Chrystmasse next folowyng. For king Henry thought vpon saynt Thomas the archebysshop vpon Chrystmasse day as he sate at his meet and these wordes said. That yf he had ony good knyghtes wt hym / he had ben many a day passed auenged vpon ye archebysshop Thomas. And anone syr Willyā Breton / syr Hugh Moruyle / syr Willyam Tracy / & syr Reynold fitz vrse beers sone in englisshe / pryuely went to the see and came in to Englond vnto the chirche of Caūterbury / & there they hȳ martyred at saynt Benets awter / in the moder chirche. And that was in ye yere of ye incarnacyon of Iesu Chryst. M .C .lxxij. yere. ¶ And anone after Henry the newe kyng began to make warre vpon Henry his fader and vpon his brethern Willyam & Othus. And so vpon a daye the kyng of Fraūce & all ye kynges sones and the kyng of Scotlond / & the gretest lordes of Englonde were rysen agaynst kynge Henry the fader. And at ye last as god wolde he cōquered all his enemyes And the kyng of Fraūce & he were accor¦ded. And than sent kyng Henry ye fader specyally vnto the kynge of Fraūce / and prayed hym hertely for his loue that he wold sende to hym the names by lettre of them ye were ye begynners of ye warre agaynst hym. And the kynge of Fraūce sent agayn to hym by lettre ye names of them that began the warre. The fast was Iohn his sone & Rychard his bro∣der / and Henry the newe kyng his sone. Thā was kyng Henry wonders wrot & cursed ye tyme ye euer he begae them. And whyle the warre lasted Henry his sone the newe kynge dyed / sore repn∣tynge his mysdedes / and moost sore we made of ony man / for bycause of saynt Thomas deth of Can̄terbury & prayed his fader with moche sorowe of here mercy for his trespace. And his fader forgaue hym / and had of hym pe. And after he dyed ye .xxxvj. yere of his rgne and lyeth at Redynge. ANd whyle this kyng regned the grete batayle was in ye holy lde bytwene ye chrysten men & the sarasyns but the chrysten men were there slayne through grete treason of ye erle yrpe ye wolde haue had to wyfe ye quene of Ie∣rusalem / yu somtyme was Baldewyns wyfe / but she forsoke hym / & toke to her lord a knyght a worthy man ye was cal∣led syr Gnyperches. Wherfore the erle Tyrpe was wroth / & went anone right to Saladyne ye was soudan of Babylon & became his man / & forsoke his christē dom / & all chrysten lawe. And the christē men wyst not of his dedes / but wende for to haue had grete helpe of hȳ as they were wont to haue before. And whan they came to the batayle / this fals chry∣sten man turned to the sarasyns / & for∣soke his owne nacyon. And so were the chrystē men ouercomen wt the sarasyns. And thus were the chrysten men slayne and put to horryble deth / and the cite of Ierusalem destroyed / and ye holy crosse borne awaye. ¶ The kynge of Fraūce & all the grete lordes of the londe let them be crossed for to go to the holy londe. And amonge them went Rychard kyng Hen ryes sone fyrst after the kyng of Fraūce that toke the crosse of ye archebysshop of Tours. But he toke not ye vyage at that tyme / for bycause ye he was let by other maner wayes & nedes to be done. And whan king Henry his fader had regned xxxvi. yere & .v. monethes & foure dayes he dyed / and lyeth at Founteuerard. ADrianus the fourth was pope after Anastasius .v. yere. This pope was an Englysshe man / and the voyce of the comyn people sayth he was a bondman to the abbot of saint Albons in Englond. And whan he desyred to be made a monke there / he was expulsed / and he went ouer the see / & gaue hym to study & to vertue / and after was made bysshop of Albanacens. Than he was made legate in to the londe of Worma∣cian / & he cōuerted it to the fayth. Than he was made pope. And for ye woūdyng of a cardynall he enterdited all the cite of Rome. And he cursed Wyllyam ye kynge of Cecyle / & caused hym to submyt hym This man the fyrst of al the popes with his cardynalles dwelled in the olde cite. ¶ Alexander the thyrde was pope after hȳ .xij. yere. This Alexander had stryfe xvij. yere / & the foure stryuers that the emperour set against hym / he ouercame them / & cursed them / & all dyed an euyll deth. This man also accorded Frederyk the emperour & Emanuell of Cōstanty∣nople / & the kyng of Siculo{rum}. And this man nourysshed saynt Thomas of Caū terbury in his exile. ¶ Nota. ¶ Saynt Bernard was canonysed by this Alexā∣der / & his abbot forbade hym ye he sholde do no more miracles / bycause there was so myghty concourse of people. And he obeyed to hym whan he was deed / and dyd no moo. ¶ Lucius the thyrde was pope after Alexander .iiij. yere and two monethes / & of hym lytel is wryten. In his dayes decessed Henry ye fyrst sone to Henry ye second / & this is his epytaphe. Ois honoris honos: decor & decus: vrbis et orbis. Militie splēdor glia lumē apex. Iulius ingenio / virtutib{us} hector. Achil∣lis virib{us}. August{us} morib{us}. Ore Paris. ¶ Vrban{us} ye thyrde was pope after Lu cius .ij. yere. This mā decessed for sorow whan he herd tell ye Ierusalē was takē with ye sarasyns. ¶ Gregorius the .viij. was pope after hym foure monethes / & he practysed myghtely how Ierusalem myght be wonne agayne / but anone he decessed. ¶ Clemens ye thyrd was pope after hym thre yere / & lytell he dyd. AFter this kynge Henry regned Rychard his sone / whiche was a stoute man & a stronge and a worthy and also bolde. And he was crowned at Westmynster of the archebysshop Bal∣dewyn of Caūterbury / the thyrde daye of September. And the seconde yere of his regne kynge Rychard hymselfe and Baldewyn the archebysshop of Caun∣terbury / and Hubert-bysshop of Salys∣bury / and Randulferle of Glocestre / and many other lordes of Englonde went in to the holy londe. And in that vyage de∣cessed the archebysshop of Caūterbury. And kynge Rycharde went before in to the holy londe / and rested not tyl that he came forth in his waye vnto Cipers / & toke it with grete force. And after that kynge Rychard went forth toward the holy londe / and gate there as moche as the chrysten men had lost before / & con∣quered the londe agayne through grete myght / saue onely the holy crosse. And whan kynge Rycharde came to the cite of Acres for to gete the cite / there arose a grete debate bytwene hym & the kynge of Fraūce / so that the kynge of Fraunce went agayn in to Fraūce / & was wroth towarde kyng Rychard. But yet for all that or kynge Rycharde wente agayne he toke the cyte of Acres. And whan he had taken it / he dwelled in ye cite a whyle But to hym came tydynges that ye erle Iohn of Oxford his broder wolde haue seased all Englonde in to his handes / & Normandy also / & wolde crowne hym selfe kynge of all the londe. Whan kyng Rychard herde these tydynges he came toward Englonde with all ye spede that he myght. But the duke of Ostryche mette with hym / & toke hym & brought hym vnto ye emperour of Almayn. And the emperour put hym in prison. And af terward he was delyuered for an huge raūsom / that is to saye / an hondred. M. pounde. For the whiche raunsom to be payed eche other chalice of Englōd was molten & made in to money. And all the monkes of the ordre of Cisteaux gaue all theyr bokes through out all Englonde for to be solde / for to paye the raunsom. WHyles this kyng Rycharde was in pryson / the kynge of Fraunce warred vpon hȳ strongly in Nor mandy. And Iohn his broder warred vpon hym in Englond. But ye bysshops and barons of Englond withstode hym with all ye power that they myght gete and toke the castell of Wyndsore & other castelles. And the foresayd Iohn sawe that he had no might ne power agaynst the barons of Englond for to fyght but anone wente hym ouer the see vnto the kynge of Fraūce. And whan kynge Ry∣charde came out of pryson and was de∣lyuered & came in to Englond anone af∣ter Candelmasse in grete haste he went vnto Notyngham / & the castell of No∣tingham to hym was yelded. And than discomfyted he his broder Iohn and all those that held with hym. And after he went vnto the cyte of Wynchestre and there he let hym to be crowned kynge of Englonde. And after he went vnto Nor mandy for to warre vpon the kynge of Fraūce. And whan the kyng of Fraūce herde that / he came with fyur hondred knyghtes towarde Gysors. And kynge Rycharde mette hym and wolde haue gyuen hym batayle. But the kynge of Fraūce anone fledde / and an hondred of his knyghtes were taken & two hon∣dre horses that were trapped with yen ¶ And anone after went kyng Rychard for to besyege the castell Gayllard. And vpon a daye as he rode by the castell for to take auysement of the castell one of the arbalastres smore hym with a qua∣rell that was enuenymed. And kyng Ri¦chard drewe out the shafte of the quarell but the quarelles heed abode styll in his heed / and it began for to rankle / that he myght not helpe hymselfe ne meue his armes. And whan he wyst that he had dethes wounde vpon hym / and that he myght not be hole for no maner thynge he cōmaūded anone all his men sharply to assayle the castell / so ye the castell was takē or ye he dyed / & so māly his men dyd that all were taken ye were wtin. And the kyng dyd wt them his wyl / & cōmaūded his men to brȳge before hȳ the man ye so had woūded hym. And whan he came before hym the kynge asked hym what was his name. And he said my name is Bertrā gurdon. Wherfore (sayd ye king) hast ye slayne me / syth I dyd ye neuer no harme. Syr sayd he / though ye dyd me neuer none harme / ye your selfe wt your handes slewe my fader & my broder / & I therfore haue quytte you now your tra∣uayle. Than sayd kynge Rychard / he ye dyed vpon ye crosse to brȳge mānes soule fro ye paynes of hell / forgyue ye my deth / & I also forgyue it the. Than he cōmaū ded ye no man shold mysdo hym. But for all ye kynges defending / some of his men folowed hym / & priuely slewe hym. And the .vj. daye after ye kyng dyd shryue hȳ & sore repented hym of his mysdedes / & was houseled & anoynted / & had regned but .ix. yere & .xxxix. wekes / & dyed and lyeth besyde his fader at Foūteuerard. HEnricus the fyfth was emperour viij. yere. This Henry was sone to Frederik / & he wedded Constans the kinges doughter of Cecile. And through the occasion of her he subdued all ye king¦dom of Apulie / & droue out all ye inhaby∣taūtes therof. ¶ Celestinus the thyrde was pope after Clemēs almost .iij. yere This man was crowned on eester daye & the day folowyng he crowned Henry ye emperour / & he made a palays at saynt Peters / & decessed. ¶ Innocencius the thyrde was pope after hym .viij. yere & v. monethes. This mā was well lettred & he made a boke of the wretchednes of mānes condicyon. And he made speculū misse / and he made many cōstitucyons. This man dampned the boke of Iohn Ioachim / the whiche he made agaynst mayster Pyers Lombard the maker of the sentence. ¶ This tyme decessed the emperour Henry / and the princes of Al∣mayn dyscorded / for some chose Otto / & some chose Philip broder to Hēry. Thā Philyp was falsly slayne / & Otto was crowned of Innocent in Fraūce / ye whi∣che anone gaue batayle to the Romains bycause they gaue hym no due honour. And for ye cause agaynst the popes wyll he toke ye kyngdom of Apulie from Fre∣deryk / wherfore the pope cursed hym. Than after the fourth yere of his regne the prynces of Almayn made Frederyk emperour / and victoryously he subdued Otto. ¶ Wyllyam of Parys this tyme began the ordre of ye freres Austyns / the whiche ben called freres mendicantes. ¶ Frāciscus an ytalyan a man of grete perfeccyon / and an ensample to many a man dyd many a myracle this tyme / & he ordeyned the freres minours. ¶ And the .vj. yere of pope Innocent the thyrd the ordre of the freres prechours began vnder Dominik / but it myght not be cō¦fermed tyll the fyrst yere of Honorius. Bycause kyng Rychard had none heyre sone ne doughter after his deth: they made Iohn his broder king / & crowned hȳ at Westmynster by Hubert the archebysshop of Caunterbury. And whan he began to regne / he became so meruaylous a man ye he went ouer in to Normandy / & warred vpon ye kynge of Fraūce. And so longe they warred togy der tyll at ye last kyng Iohn lost all Nor∣mandy & Angeo / wherfore he was sore anoyed: & it was no meruayle. Than let he assemble before hȳ at London arche∣bysshops / bisshops / abbottes & pryours erles & barons / & helde there a grete par lyament / & asked there of the clergy the tenth of euery chirche of Englonde for to conquere Normandy and Angeo agayn that he had lost. They wolde not graūte that thȳge / wherfore he was wonders wroth. ¶ In ye same tyme dyed Hubert Than the pryour & the couent of Caun∣terbury chose agaynst the kynges wyll to be archebysshop mayster Stephen of Langton a good clerke / that dwelled at the courte of Rome / and sent to the pope theyr eletcyon. And the pope confermed it / & sacred hym at Viterbi. Whan the kynge wyst of these tydynges / he was wonders wrothe / & droue the pryour & the couēt fro Caūterbury / & exiled them out of the londe / & cōmaūded ye no lettre nor cōmaūdement that came fro Rome sholde be receyued ne pleted in Englōde. Whan ye pope herd this / he sent to kyng Iohn his lettres / & prayed hȳ louyngly to receyue Stephen the archebisshop of Caūterbury to his chirche / & suffre the pryour & his monkes to come agayne to theyr owne dwellynge. But the kynge wolde not graūte it for no thynge. ANd at the last ye pope sent by his auctorite / & enioyned to the bys∣shops of Englonde / ye yf the kyng wolde not receyue the pryour of Caūterbury & his monkes / that they shold do generall enterdytyng through out all Englonde & graūted full power to foure bysshops to pronoūce the enterdytynge yf it were nede. The fyrst was bysshop Wyllyam of London / & that other bisshop Eustace of Ely / the thyrde was bysshop Walter of Wynchestre / & ye fourth was bysshop Gyles of Herford / & these .iiij. bysshops prayed ye kyng knelynge on theyr knees & sore wepyng that he wold do ye popes cōmaūdement / & shewed hym the popes bulles of ye enterdȳg. But for no prayer ye they myght praye he wolde not cōsent therto. wherfore ye bisshops seynge this departed thens / & on ye morowe of ye An∣nūciacyon of our lady they pronouced ye generall enterdytyng through all Eng∣londe / so ye the chirche dores were shette. Whan ye enterdytyng was pronoūced ye kyng for angre toke the foure bysshops londes in to his handes / & all ye clergy of englōde / & ordeyned men to kepe it / ye the clerkes myght not haue theyr lyuynge. Wherfore ye bysshops cursed all them ye shold medle wt the goodes of holy chirche agaynst ye wyll of ye owners. Than the iiij. bysshops seynge ye malyce of ye kyng went ouer ye see to Rome & came to ye ar∣chebysshop of Caūterbury / & tolde hȳ all thyng. And ye archebysshop bad them re¦turne agayn to Caūterbury / & he wolde eyther come or sende to them in his stede ye shold do as moche as yf he hȳself were there. And whan ye bysshops herde this they returned agayne in to Englonde / & came to Caūterbury. The tydynges ca∣me to ye kyng ye the bysshops were come agayn to Caūterbury / & hymself might not come thyder ye tyme / he sente thyder bysshops / erles & abbots for to treate wt them ye the kyng sholde receyue ye arche∣bysshop Stephen / & the pryour & all the monkes of Caūterbury / & ye he shold ne∣uer after ye tyme no thynge take of holy chirche agaynst ye wyll of them ye oweth the goodes / & ye the kyng shold make full amendes to them / of whom he had ony goodes takē / & ye holy chirche shold haue all fraūchyse / as ferforth as they had in saynt Edwardes tyme the confessour. Whan the fourme of accordement was thus ordeyned / it was in a payre of endentures / & they put theyr seales to y• one part / & they y• came in the kynges name put theyr seales to that other parte of the endentures / and foure bysshops a fore sayd toke that one parte of the endentures to them / & that other parte they bare wt them to shewe to the kyng. ¶ Whan the kynge sawe ye forme & vnderstode it / he helde hym full wel apayed of al maner thȳges as they had ordeyned / sauynge as touchynge to make restitucyon agayne of the goodes to that thynge he wold not accorde / & so he sent worde agayne to the foure vys∣shops y• they sholde put out y• one poynt of restitucion. But they answered yt they wold not put out one worde. Than sent the kyng to ye archebysshop by the foure bisshops yt he shold come to Caūterbury for to speke wt hym there / & sent to hym safeconduyt vnder pledges / y• is to saye his iustices Gilbert Poiteuin / William de la Brener / & Iohn fitz Hugh / that in theyr cōduyt safely he sholde come / & go agayn at his own wyll. And in this ma ner the archebysshop Stephen came to Caunterbury. Whan the archebysshop was comen / the kyng came to Chilham for he wolde come no nere Caūterbury at y• tyme. But he sent by his tresourer bysshop of Wynchestre that he sholde do out of the endentures the clause of resti∣tucyon for to make of ye goodes. And the archebysshop made his othe y• he wolde not do out one worde therof / ne yet chaū ge of that the bysshops had spoken & or∣deyned. And than ye archebysshop went agayn to Rome wtout ony more doynge. ¶ Kyng Iohn was than more angryer than euer he was before / and let make a comyn crye through out all Englonde that all those yt had holy chirches rentes & went ouer ye see / that they sholde come agayn in to Englonde at a certayn daye or els they sholde lese all theyr rentes for euer more / & that he cōmaūded to euery sheryue through out all Englonde / that they sholde enquyre yf ony bysshop / ab∣bot / pryour / or ony other prelate of holy chirche / from that daye afterwarde re∣ceyue ony cōmaundement that cometh fro the pope / that they sholde take ye bo∣dy and brynge it before hym / and that they sholde take in the kynges handes all theyr lōdes of holy chirche that were gyuen to ony man by the archebysshop Stephen or by ye pryour of Caūterbury from ye tyme of ye eleccyon of ye archebys∣shop. And cōmaūded that all ye wodes yt were the archebysshops shold be casten downe to the grounde / and all solde. ANd in the same yere the Irysshe men began to warre vpon kyng Iohn / & kynge Iohn ordeyned hym for to go in to Irlonde / & let arere an huge taxe through out all Englōde / that is to saye .xxxv. thousande marke. And thus he sente through out all Englonde vnto the monkes of the ordre of Cisteaux that they sholde helpe hy o .vj. M. marke of syluer. And they answered & sayd yt they durst no thynge do wtout theyr chefe ab∣bot of Cisteaux. Wherfore kynge John whan he came agayn from Irlond dyd them so moche sorow & care yt they wyst not where to abyde / for he toke so moche raūsom of euery hous of them / that the somme amoūted to .ix. M. iij .C. marke / so that they were clene lost & destroyed / and voyded theyr houses & theyr londes through out all Englonde. And ye abbot of Wauersay drad so moche his menace that he forsoke ye abbey & went thens / & pryuely ordeyned hym ouer ye see to the hous of Cisteaux. Whan the tydynges came to the pope that ye kynge had done so moche malyce / than was he towarde the kyng full wroth / & sent two legates vnto ye kynge / that one was called Pan∣dulf / & that other Durant / yt they sholde warne the kynge in y• popes name / that he sholde cesse of his persecucyon that he dyd vnto holy chirche / and amende the wronge & the trespace that he had done to the archebysshop of Caūterbury / & to the pryour & to the monkes of Caunter∣bury / and to all the clergy of Englonde / and that he sholde restore all the goodes agayne yt he had taken of them agaynst theyr wyll / or els they sholde curse hym by name. And to do this thynge & to con ferme / the pope toke them his lettres in bulles patentes. These two legates ca∣me in to Englonde / & came to the kynge to Northamton / where as he helde his parlyamēt / & full curteysly they hym sa lewed & sayd. Syr we come fro ye pope of Rome / the peas of holy chirche and the londe to amende. And we admonest you fyrst in the popes behalfe / that y make full restitucyon of the goodes y• ye haue rauysshed & takē of holy chirche & of the londe / & that ye receyue Stephen arche∣bysshop of Caūterbury in to his dignite and the pryour of Caūterbury and his monkes / & that ye yelde agayne vnto y• archebysshop all his londes and rentes without ony with holdyng. And syr yet more ouer / that ye shall make restyō vnto all holy chirche / wherof they shall holde them well apayed. Than answe∣red the kynge as touchynge y• pryour & his mōkes of Caūterbury / all y• ye haue sayd I wyll do gladly / & all thynge that ye wyll ordeyne. But as touchynge the archebysshop I shall tell you as it lyeth in my hert. That the archebysshop leue his archebysshopryche / & that the pope than for hym wolde praye / & than vpon auenture me sholde lyke some other bys∣shopryche to gyue hȳ in Englonde. And vpon this cōdicyon I wyll hym accepte and receyue. And neuerthelesse in Eng∣londe as archebysshop yf he abyde / he shall neuer haue so good safecōdute but that he shall be taken. Than sayd Pan∣dulf vnto the kynge. Syr holy chirche was neuer wont to discharge an arche∣bysshop without cause reasonable. But euer it hath be wont to chastyse pryn∣ces that to god and holy chirche were inobedyent. What how now quod the kynge / menace ye me. Nay sayd Pan∣dulf / but ye now openly haue tolde as it standeth in your herte. And to you we wyll tell what is the popes wyll. And thus it standeth that he hath you holly enterdyted & accursed / for the wronges that ye haue done to holy chirche & to ye clergy. And for as moche as ye dwell & be in wyll to abyde in malyce & in wret∣chedues / & wyll not come out therof / to none amendemēt. ye shall understāde that this tyme afterwarde ye sentence is vpō you gyuē & holdeth stede & strength & vpon all tho that wt you haue comoned before this tyme / whether they be es barons or knyghtes / or ony other what so euer yt they be / we them assoyle safely vnto this daye. And fro this tyme after∣warde of what condicyon someuer that they be / we them accurse that wt you co∣mon ony worde / & we do sentence vpon them openly & specially. And we assoyle clene erles / barōs / knyghtes / & all other men of theyr homages / seruyce / & feau∣tees that they sholde vnto you do. And this thynge to cōferme we gyue playne power to the bysshop of Wynchestre & to the bysshop of Norwyche. And the same power we gyue in to Scotlonde to ye bys¦shops of Rochestre & of Salysoury. And in Wales we gyue the same power to ye bysshops of saynt Dauid & of Landaf & of saynt Asse. And more ouer we sende through out all chrystendom / that all ye bysshops beyonde the see / that they do accurse all those that helpe you or yt ony coūseyle gyueth you in ony maner nede that ye haue to do in ony parte of the worlde. And we assoyle all them also by the auctorite of the pope / and cōmaunde them also with you to fyght as wt hym that is enemy to all holy chirche. Than answered the kynge / what may ye do more to me. Than answered Pandulf / we saye to you in the worde of god / that ye nor none heyre that ye haue / neuer af¦ter this day may be crowned. Thā sayd the kynge / by hym that is almyghty & I had wyst this afore or that ye came in to my londe that ye had brought me su∣che tydynges / I sholde haue made you tyde all one yere. Than sayd Pandulf / full well wende we at our fyrst comyng that ye wolde haue ben obedyent to god & holy chirche / & haue fulfylled ye popes cōmaūdement / & now we haue shewed vnto you & pronounced the popes wyll as we were charged therwith. And as now ye haue sayd / that yf ye had wyst the cause of our comynge / that ye wold haue made vs ryde all an hole yere / and as well ye myght haue sayd yt ye wolde haue takē an hole yere of respyte by the popes leue. But for to suffre what deth ye coude ordeyn / we shal not spare for to tell you holly all y• popes message & his wyll / that we were charged with. ANd anone the kyng cōmaunded the sheriues & baylyes of North hamton that were in ye kynges presence that they sholde brynge forth all the pry¦soners / that they myght be done to deth before Pandulf / bycause ye kyng wende that they wolde haue gaynsayd theyr dedes for cause of dethe all thynge that he had spoken afore. Whan ye prysoners were comen before the kynge / the kyng cōmaunded some to be hanged / & some to be drawen / & some to drawe out theyr eyen of theyr heed. And amōge all other there was a clerke that had falsed the kynges money. And the kyng cōmaun∣ded that he sholde be hanged & drawen. And whan Pandulf herde this cōmaū∣dement of the kynge / he sterte hym vp ryght quyckly / and anone asked a boke and a candell / and wold haue cursed the kynge / and all them that wold set vpon the clerke ony hande. And Paudulf him self went for to seke a crosse. And ye kyng folowed hym / & delyuered hym ye clerke by ye hande / that he sholde do with hym what he wolde. And thus was ye clerke delyuered & went thens. And Pandulf and Durant his felowe went from the kynge / and came agayne to the pope of Rome / and tolde hym that kynge Iohn wolde not be amended / but euer abode so accursed. And neuerthelesse the pope grasited y• yere through out all Englōde that preestes myght synge masses in co uenable chirches / & cōsecrate our lordes body / & gyue it to seke mē whiche were lykely to passe out of this worlde / & also that men myght thrysten children ouer all ye londe. And whan the pope wyst & sawe yt the kyng wolde not be vnder the rule of holy chirche for no maner thinge the pope than sent to the kyng of fraūce in remissyon of his synnes yt he shold ta∣ke wt hym all ye power that he myght / & go in to Englonde for to destroye kynge Iohn. Whan these tydynges came to kyng Iohn / than was he sore anoyed & sore drad lest he sholde lese his realme / & hymselfe be done to deth. Than sent he to the pope messengers / & sayd he wold be iustyfyed / & come to amendmēt in all thynges / & wolde make satisfaccyon to all maner men after ye popes ordyuaūce Than sent ye pope agayn in to englonde Pandulf & other messengers / & came to Caūterbury to the kyng / & there abode. And the .xiij. day of Maye ye kyng made an other for to stande to ye popes ordynaū e before Pandulf the legate / in all ma∣ner of thynges in whiche he was accur sed / & that he shold make full restitucion to all men of holy chirche & of religyon & of the goodes that he had taken of them agaynst theyr wyll. And all ye grete lor∣des of englonde sware vpon the boke & by the holydome / that yf ye kyng wolde not holde his othe / they wolde make hȳ by strength to holde it. Than the kynge put hym to ye courte of Rome & to ye pope & than gaue he vp ye realme of englonde & of Irlonde for him & for his heyres for euermore that shold come after hym / so that kyng Iohn & his heyres shold take those two realmes of the popes handes And sholde euery yere paye ferme vnto the courte of Rome a thousande marke of syluer. And than toke the kynge the crowne of his heed & set hȳ on his knees and these wordes he sayd in herynge of all the grete lordes of englonde. Here I resygne vp the crowne & the realme of englonde in to the handes of pope Inno cent the thyrde / & put me hooly in to his mercy & in his ordinaūce. Pandulf than receyued y• crowne of kyng Iohn / & kept it .v. dayes as for a seasynge takynge of two realmes of Englonde and Irlonde And confermed all maner thynges by his chartre that foloweth after. TO all christē people throuh out all the worlde dwellynge. Iohn by the grace of god kynge of Englonde gretynge to your vniuersite. And be it knowen that for as moche as we haue greued & offended god & our moder chir∣che of Rome. And for as moche as we haue nede vnto ye mercy of our lorde Ie∣su Chryst / & also we may no thynge so worthy offre as competent sa to make to god & to holy chirche but it were our owne body as with ur re∣almes of Englonde & of Irlonde. Than by ye grace of god we desyre to meke vs for the loue of hym y• meked hym to the deth vpon the crosse / through counseyle of the noble erles & barons we offre and frely graūte to god & to y• apostles saynt Peter & saynt Paule / and to our moder chirche of Rome / & to our holy fader the pope Innocent the thyrde / & to all y• po∣pes y• come after hym / all the realmes & patronages of chirches of Englōde & of Irlonde with theyr appertenaūtes / for remyssyon of our synnes / & for helpe & helth of our kynne soules & all chrysten soules. So y• from this daye afterward we wyl receyue and holde of our moder thirche of Rome as fee farme / doynge feaute to our holy fader pope Innocent the thyrde / & so to all the popes that co∣meth after hym in y• same maner aboue sayd. And in y• presence of the wyse man Pandulf the popes subdeken we make lyege homage / as it were in the popes presence & before hym were / and shal do all maner thynges aboue sayd / & therto we bynde vs / & all that cometh after vs & our heyres for euermore / without ony gaynsayenge to the pope / & eke y• warde of chirche vacaūtes. And in tokē of this thynge euermore for to last / we wyl con ferme & ordeyn / that our specyall rentes of y• foresayd realme / sauynge saynt Pe¦ters pens in all thynge to y• moder chir∣che of Rome payenge by yere a thousan de marke of syluer at two termes of the yere for all maner customes y• we sholde do for y• foresayd realmes / that is to saye at Myghelmasse / and at Eester / that is to saye. vij .C. marke for Englonde / and thre hondred marke for Irlond / sauyng to vs & to our heyres our Iustyces / and our other fraunchyses / & other ryaltees that perteyneth vnto the crowne. And these thynges that before ben sayd / we wyl that it be ferme and stable without ende. And to that oblygacyon we & our successours and our heyres in this ma∣ner be bounde / that yf we or ony of our heyres through ony presumpcyon fall in ony poynt agaynst ony of these thyn∣ges aboue sayd / and he be warned and wyll not ryght amende hym / he shall than lose the foresayd realmes for euer∣more. And that this chartre of oblyga∣cyon and our warraūt for euermore be ferme and stable without ony gaynsay enge / we shall fro this daye afterwarde be true to god and to the moder chirche of Rome / and to the pope Innocent the thyrde / and to all them that cometh af∣ter hym / and the realmes of Englonde and of Irlonde we shall trewly mayn∣tayne in all maner poyntes agaynst all maner men by our power through god∣des helpe. WHan this chartre was made & ensealed / the kynge receyued a∣gayne his crowne of Pandulfs hande / & sente anone vnto the archebys∣shop Stephen / & to all his other clerkes and lewd men that he had exyled out of this londe / that they sholde come agayn in to Englonde & haue agayn theyr lon∣des & also theyr rentes / & that he wolde make restytucyon of the goodes that he had taken of theyrs agaynst theyr wyll The kyng hymselfe than & Pandulf / & the erles & barons went to wynchestre agaynst y• archebysshop Stephen. And whan he was comen the kynge wente agaynst hym / & fell downe to his feet / & thus to hym sayd. Fayre syr ye be wel∣come / & I crye you mercy bycause that I haue trespaced agaynst you. The ar∣chebysshop toke hȳ vp tho in his armes & kyssed hym curteysly oftētymes / & af∣ter ladde hym to the dore of saynt Swy¦thynes chirche by the hande / & assoyled hym of y• sentence / and hym recōcyled to god & to holy chirche. And that was on saynt Margaretes daye. And the arche bysshop anone went for to synge masse. And y• kyng offred at the masse a marke of golde. And whan y• masse was done / all they went to receyue al theyr londes without ony maner gaynsayenge. And that daye they made all myrth and ioye ynough. But yet was not y• enterdytyn¦ge releaced / bycause y• pope had set that the enterdytynge sholde not be done tyll the kyng had made full restitucyon of y• goodes that he had take of holy chirche And y• hymselfe sholde do homage to the pope by a tertayne legate that he sholde sende into englonde. And thā toke Pan∣dulf his leue of y• kynge & the archebys∣shop / & went agayne to Rome. And the archebysshop anone let come before him prelates of holy chirche at Redynge for to treate & coūseyle how moche & what they sholde aske of y• kynge for to make restytucyon of y• goodes y• he had taken of them. And they ordeyned & sayd / that the kyng sholde gyue to y• archebysshop thre thousande marke for the wronge y• the kynge had done vnto hym. And also by porcions to other clerkes .xv. M. mar¦ke. ¶ And this same tyme Nicolas bys∣shop of Tuscan cardynall penytencer of Rome came in to Englonde through the popes cōmaūdement / the .v. kalende of October / & came to London y• .v. nonas of October / for bycause that kyng Iohn & all the kynges y• came after hym shold euermore holde y• realme of Englonde & of Irlonde of god & of the pope / payenge to the pope by yere as is aboue sayd. WHan kynge Iohn had done his homage to y• legate y• shewed hȳ the popes lettre y• he shold paye to Iulyan / and yelde agayne that was kynge Rychardes wyfe y• thyrde parte of the londe of Englonde & of Irlonde y• he had with holden syth that kyng Ry∣charde dyed. Whan kynge Iohn herde this / he was wonders wroth. For vtter¦ly y• enterditynge myght not be vndone tyll that he had made gree & resticucyon to the foresayd Iulyan of that she asked The legate than went agayn to y• pope after Chrystmasse. And the kynge than sent messengers outr see to Iulian that was kyng Rychard wyfe for to haue a relese of y• she axed of hym. ¶ And so it befell y• Iulyan dyed anone after ster. And in so moche the kyng was quyte of that thynge that she asked. But than at the feest of saynt Iohn that came nexte after through the popes cōmaūdemēt y• enterdityng was fyrst released through out all Englonde the .vij. daye of Iuly. And .vij. yere was the londe enterdited. And on the morow men ronge and sayd masse through out all London / & so after through out all Englonde. ¶ And y• next yere after there began a grete debate by¦twene kyng Iohn & the lordes of Eng∣londe / for bycause he wolde not graunte the lawes and holde / the whiche saynt Edwarde had ordeyned / & had ben ved and holden vnto that tyme that he had them brokē. For he wolde holde no lawe but dyd all thynge that hym lyked and dysheryted many men without consent of lordes & peres of the londe. And wold dysheryte y• good erle Radulf of hestre for bycause that he vndertoke hȳ of his wyckednes / and for cause that he dyd so moche shame & vylany to god & to holy chirche. And also for he helde & haunred his owne broders wyfe / and lay also by maner other womē grete lordes dough∣ters / for he spared no woman that hym lyked for to haue. Wherfore all y• fordes of the londe were wroth / & toke the cyte of London. To cease this debate the ar∣chebysshop & lordes of the londe assem∣bled before the feest of saynt Iohn bap∣tyst in a medow besyde y• towne of Sta∣nes / that is called Romney mede. And the kynge made them there a chartre of fraunchyse / suche as they wolde aske / and in suche maner they were accorded And that accordement lasted not longe. For the kynge hymselfe soone after dyd agaynst the poynces of y• same chartre that he had made. Wherfore the moost part of the lordes of the londe assembled them / & began to warre vyon hȳ agayn and brent his townes & robbed his folke and dyd all thesorowe that they myght and made themselfe as stronge as they myght with all theyr power / & thought to dryue hym out of Englonde / & make Lowys y• kynges sone of Fraūce kynge of Englonde. And than kyng Iohn sent ouer see / and ordeyned so moche people or normans & of pyecardes and of flem∣mynges / soo that the londe myght not susteyne them but with moche sorowe. And amonge all this people there was a man of Normandye that was called Faukes of Brent / & this Norman & his cōpany spared neyther chirche ne hous of religyon but they brent and robbed it & bare awaye all that they myght take so that y• londe was all destroyed / what on one syde & what on another. The ba¦rons and lordes of Englonde ordeyned amonge them the best spekers and wy∣sest men / and sent them ouer the see vn∣to kynge Philyp of Fraūce / and prayed hym y• he wolde sende Lowys his sone in to Englonde to be kynge of Englonde and to receyue the crowne. WHan kyng Philip of Fraūce herd these tydynges / he made certayn aliaunce bytwene them by theyr comyn eleccyon y• Lowys kynge Philyps sone of Fraūce shold go with them in to Eng londe and dryue out kynge Iohn of the londe. And all that were in the presence of Lowys made vnto him homage and became his men. And the barons of eng londe helde them styll at London / and abode Lowys y• kynges sone of fraūce. And this was the nexte batardaye br∣fore the Astention of our lorde y• Lowys came into Englonde with a stronge po∣wer. And that tyme kynge Iohn had taken all the castelles of Englonde in to alyens handes. And than came Lowys and besyeged ochesters castell / & toke it with streugthe. And the thursdaye in whytson weke let hange all the alyens that were therin. And the thursdaye af¦ter he came to London / & there he was receyued with moche honour of the lor∣des that abode hym there / & all to hym made homage. And afterwarde on the tewesdaye nexte after Trynite sondaye he toke the castell of Reigate / and on the morowe after the castell of Gylforde / & the frydaye next after the castell of Far∣neham. And the mondaye nexte after the cyte of wynchestre vnto hym was yolden. And on the morowe after saynt Iohans daye the manoyre of woluesey to hym was yolden. And the tewesdaye after the vtas of saynt Peter and saynt Paule they toke the castell of Odiham. And the mondaye after saynt Marga∣retes daye / he ordeyned hym towarde Bawmore for to syege the castell / and there he dwelled .xv. dayes and myght not gete the castell / and than wente he thens and came to London / & the toure to hym was yolden. ANd in y• same tyme y• pope sente in to englōde a legate y• was cal¦led Swalo / & he was preest Cardynall of Rome for to mayntayn kynge Iohns cause agaynst the barons of Englonde. But the barons had so huge party and helpe through Lowys y• kynges sone of Fraūce that kyng Iohn wyst not whe∣der to turne ne go. And so it befell that he wolde haue gone to Nycholl / & as he went thyderwarde he came by ye abbey of Swynestede / & there he abode two dayes. And as he sate at meet he asked a monke of the hous how moche a lofe was worth yt was set before hym vpon the table. And the monke sayd that the lofe was worth but an halfpeny. O said the kyng tho / here is grete chepe of bre∣de. Now quod the kynge / & I may lyue suche a lofe shall be worth .xx. shyllȳges or halfe a yere be gone. And whā he had sayd these wordes / moche he thought & oft he syghed / & toke and ete of the breed and sayd / by god ye wordes that I haue spoken it shall be soth. The monke that stode before ye kynge was for these wor∣des full sory in his herte / & thought ra∣ther he wolde hymselfe suffre deth / and thought how he myght ordeyn therfore some maner remedy. And the monke a∣none went to his abbot / & was shryuen of hym / and tolde the abbot all that the kynge had sayd / and prayed his abbot for to assoyle hym / for he wold gyue the kynge suche a drynke that all Englonde sholde be glad therof and ioyfull. Than went the monke in to a gardeyn & foūde a grete tode therin / and toke her vp and put her in a cuppe / and prycked the tode through with a broche many tymes tyl that the venym came out on euery syde in the cuppe / and than toke the cuppe & fylled it with good ale / & brought it be∣fore the kynge and knelynge sayd. Syr quod he wassayle / for neuer the dayes of your lyf dranke ye of so good a cuppe. Begyn monke quod the kynge. And the monke dranke a grete draught / & after toke the kynge the cuppe / and the kyng also dranke a grete draught & set downe the cup. The monke anone ryght went in to the farmery and there dyed anone / on whose soule god haue mercy Amen. And .v. monkes synge for his soule spe∣cyally / and shall whyles the abbey stan¦deth. The kyng arose vp anone full euyl at ease / and commaūded to remeue the table / and asked after the monke. And men tolde hym that he was deed / and that his wombe was broken in sonder. Whan the kynge herde this / he cōmaū∣ded to trusse / but it was all for nought / for his bely began to swell of the drynke that he had dronken / and within two dayes he dyed / on ye morowe after saynt Lukes daye. And this kynge Iohn had many fayre chyldren of his body bego∣ten / that is to saye / Henry his sone that was kynge after his fader / & Rycharde that was erle of Cornewayle / & Isabel that was empresse of Rome / & Elenour that was quene of Scotlonde. And this kynge Iohn whan he had regned .xvij. yere and .v. monethes and .v. dayes he dyed in the castell of Newarke / and his body was buryed at Worcetter. FRedericus the seconde was em∣peroure .xxxiij. yere. This man was crowned of Honorius the pope a∣gaynst Otto / bycause y• he sholde fyght with hym / the whiche he dyd / & expul∣sed hym. And fyrst he nourysshed ye chir¦che / and after he spoyled it as a stepmo∣der. Wherfore Honorius cursed hym / & all that were contrary to his opynyon the pope assoyled. And the same senten∣ce Gregorye the .ix. renewed. And this same man put Henry his owne sone in prison / and there murdred hym. Wher∣fore whā this emperour another season was seke / by another sone of his owne he was murdred / in the tyme of Inno∣cent the fourth. ¶ Honorius the thyrde was pope after Innocent .x. yere / & con∣fermed ye ordre of freres prechours & mi∣nours / & made certayne deralles. ANd after this kynge Iohn reg∣ned his sone Henry & was crow¦ned at Glocestre whan he was .ix. yere olde / on saynt Symons daye & Iude of Swalo y• legate of Rome / through coū∣seyle of all the grete lordes y• helde with kyng Iohn his fader / that is to say / the erle Radulfe of Chestre / Wyllyam erle Marshall erle of Penbroke / Willyam y• Brener erle of Feriers. Serle y• manly baron and all the other grete lordes of Englonde helde wt Lowys the kynges sone of Fraūce. ¶ And anone after whā kyng Henry was crowned / Swalo the legate helde his coūseyle at Brystow at saynt Martyns feest / & there were .xj. bysshops of Englonde & of Wales / and of other prelates of holy chirche a grete nombre / and erles & barons and many knyghtes of Englonde / & all those that were at that coūseyle sware feaute vnto Henry the kyng that was kyng Iohns sone. ¶ And anone after y• legate enter∣dyted Wales / bycause they helde wt the brons of Englonde / also all those that holpe or gaue counseyle to meue warre agaynst y• newe kyng he accursed them And at y• begȳnyng he put in y• sentence the kynges sone of Fraūce Lowys. And neuertheles y• same Lowys wolde not spare for all that / but went and toke the castell of Barcamstede / & also the castell of Herford. And from y• day afterward y• barōs dyd there moche harme through out all Englōde / & pryncypally y• frensh men that were with Lowys / wherfore the grete lordes & all y• comyn people of Englond let dresse them for to dryue out of Englonde Lowys and his company But some of the barons & of the frensshe men were gone to the cite of Nycholl / & toke y• towne & helde it to kynge Lowys profyte. But thyder came kynge Hen∣ryes men with a grete power / that is to saye / the erle Radulfe of Chestre / and Wylliam erle Marshall / and Wyllyam the brener erle of Feriers / & many other lordes with them / & gaue batayle vnto Lowys men. And there was slayne the erle of Perches / and Lowys men were there foule discomfyted. And there was taken Serle erle of Wynchestre / & Vm∣frey de Bowne erle of Herford / & Robert the sone of walter / and many other that began warre agaynst the kynge / there they were taken & ladde vnto kyng Hen¦ry y• was kyng Iohns sone. And whan the tydynges came to Lowys of y• discō fyture y• was the kynges sone of fraūce he remeued from thens and went vnto London / and let shette fast the gates of the cyte. And anone after kynge Henry sent to the burgeyses of London y• they sholde yelde them to hym / & the cite also and he wolde graunte to them all theyr fraunchyses that euer they were wont to haue before / & wold cōferme them by his grete newe chartre vnder his brode seale. ¶ And in the same tyme a grete lorde that was called Eustace y• monke came out of Fraunce with a grete com∣pany of lordes / & wolde haue comen in to Englonde for to haue holpen Lowys the kynges sone of Fraūce. But Hubert of Burgh and the .v. portes with .viii. shyppes tho mette with them in y• high see / and assayled them egerly / and ouer∣came them with strength / and smote of the heed of Eustace the monke / and toke also .x. grete lordes of fraūce & put them in prison / and slewe almoost all the men that came with them / & anone drowned the shyppes in the see. WHan Lowys herde these tydyn ges he drad sore to be deed & lost and let ordeyn & speke bytwene the kyng & Lowys by y• legate Swalo And through y• archebysshop of Caūter∣bury & other grete lordes all y• prisoners on that one part & on that other shold be delyuered & go quyte / & Lowys hȳselfe sholde haue for his costes a. M. poūde of syluer / & sholde go out of Englonde / and neuer come agayne therin. And in this maner was the accorde made bytwene kynge Henry & Lowys. And than was Lowys assoyled of y• popes legate that was called Swalo of y• sentence that he was in / & the barons of Englonde also. And after this kyng Henry & Swalo y• legate & Lowys went to Merton / and there was y• peas cōfermed & bytwene them ordeyned. And after Lowys went fro thens to London / & toke his leue / & was brought wt moche honour to y• see with y• archebysshop of Caunterbury & with other bisshops & erles & barons / & so went Lowys in to Fraūce. ¶ And af¦terwarde the kynge & the archebysshop & erles & barōs assembled them at Lon∣don / & at Mighelmas nexte folowynge helde there a grete parlyament / & there were than renewed all the fraūchyses that kynge Iohn had graūted at Rom∣ney mede / & kyng Henry than cōfermed by his chartre / the whiche yet ben hol∣den through out all Englonde. And in y• tyme y• kyng toke of euery plough londe two shyllynges. And Hubert of Burgh was than made chefe iustyce of englōde And this was in y• fourth yere of kynge Henryes regne. And in y• same yere was saynt Thomas of Caūterbury transla∣ted / the .l. yere after his martyrdome. ¶ And after it was ordeyned by all the lordes of Englonde y• all alyens shold go out of Englonde & come no more therin. And kyng Henry toke than all y• castels in to his handes y• kyng Iohn his fader had gyuen & taken to alyens for to kepe that held wt hym. But y• proude Faukes of Brent rychely let araye his castell of Bedford / whiche he had of king Iohns gyfte / and he helde that castell agaynst kyng Henryes wyl wt might & strength And the kyng came thyder wt a stronge power and besyeged the castell. And the archebysshop mayster Stephen of lang ton with a fayre company of knyghtes came to the kyng for to helpe hym. And from the Ascencyon of our lord vnto the Assumpcyon of our lady lasted y• syege / and than was the castell wonne and ta∣ken. And the kynge let hange all those that were gone in to y• castel wich the: good wyll for to hold the castell agaynst hym / that is to say .lxxx. men. And than afterwarde Faukes hymselfe was foū∣de in a chirche of Couentre / and there i forsware all Englonde wt moche shame and than wente agayne in to his owne coūtree. ¶ And whyles that kyng Hen¦ry regned / Edmonde of Abyndon that was tresourer of Salysbury was con∣secrate archebysshop of Caunterbury. ¶ And this kynge Henry sente ouer see vnto the erle of Prouance that he sholde sende him his doughter in to Englende that was called Elnore / and he wolde spouse her. And so she came in to Eng∣londe after Chrystmas / and on the mo∣rowe after saynt Hylaryes daye the ar¦chebysshop Edmonde spoused them to∣gyder at Westmynster with grete so∣lempnite. And there was a fayre syght bytwene them / that is for to saye / Ed∣warde that was nexte kynge after his fader floure of curteysy and of largesse / and Margarete that was afterwarde quene of Scotlonde / and Beatryne that was afterwarde duchesse of Brytayne And Katheryne that dyed a mayde in relygyon. ANd thus it befell y• the lordes of Englonde wold haue some addi¦cyons moo in the chartre of fraūchyse y• they had of the kynge / & spake thus by∣twene them. And y• kyng graūted them all theyr askynge / & made to them two chartres / y• one is called y• grete chartre of fraūchyses / & that other is called the chartre of forest. And for y• graūt of these two chartres / prelates / erles & barons / & all the comyns of Englonde gaue to y• kynge a. M. marke of syluer. ¶ Whan kynge Henry had ben kynge .xiiij. yere / the same yere he & his lordes / erles & ba¦rons of the realme went to Oxford / and ordeyned a lawe in amendement of y• re∣alme. And fyrst sware y• kyng hymselfe and afterwarde all the lordes of y• londe that they wolde holde y• statute for euer more / & who that them brake sholde be deed. But the seconde yere after that or∣dynaūce / the kynge through coūseyle of syr Edwarde his sone & of Rychard his broder that was erle of Cornewayle / & also of other / repented hym of that othe that he had made for to holde that lawe & ordynaūce / & sente to y• courte of Rome to be assoyled of that othe. ¶ And in the yere nexte comynge after was the grete derth of corne in englonde / for a quarter of whete was worth .xxiiij. shyllynges And the poore people ete nettyls & other wedes for grete honger / & many a. M. dyed for defaute of meet. ¶ And in the xlviij. yere of kyng Henryes regne begā warre & debate bytwene hym and his lordes / for bycause that he had broken y• couenaūtes y• were made bytwene them at Oxford. ¶ And in the same yere was the towne of Northamton taken & folke slayne that were within / for bycause y• they had made and ordeyned wylde fyre for to brenne the cite of London. ¶ And in the moneth of Maye that came nexte after vpon saynt Pancras daye / was y• batayle of Lewes / whiche was y• wed∣nesdaye before saynt Dunstans daye / & there was taken kyng Henry hymselfe & syr Edwarde his sone / & Rychard his broder erle of Cornewayl / & many other lordes. ¶ And in the same yere nexte fo∣lowynge syr Edwarde the kynges sone brake out of the warde of syr Symon of Moūtford erle of Leycestre at Herford / and went vnto the barons of y• Marche and they receyued hym with moche ho∣nour. ¶ And the same tyme Gylbert of Clarence erle of Glocestre that was in y• ward also of y• foresayd Symō / through the cōmaūdement of kynge Henry / that went from hym with a grete herte / for bycause he sayd y• the foresayd Gylbert was a fole in his coūseyle / wherfore he ordeyned hȳ afterward so / & helde hȳ wt kyng Henry. And on y• saterdaye next af¦ter y• myddes of August syr Edwarde y• kynges sone discomfited syr Symon of Moūtford at Kelinworth / but the grete lordes y• were there wt hȳ were taken / y• is to saye Baldewyn wake / & Williā de Moūchensie / & many other grete lordes And y• tewesdaye nexte after was y• ba∣tayle done at Eusham / & there was slay¦ne syr Symon of Moūtford / Hugh spen¦ser / & Moūtford that was Rafe Bassets fader of Draiton / and many other grete lordes. And whā this batayle was done all y• gentylmen that had ben wt the erle Symon were disheryted / & they ordey∣ned togyder & dyd moche harme to all y• lond. For they destroyed theyr enemyes in all that they myght. ANd the nexte yere comynge in Maye / the fourth daye before y• teest of saynt Dunstan was the batayle & dyscomfyture at Chest erfelde of them that were disheryted / & there was ma∣ny of them slayne. And Robert erle of Fe riers there was takē / & also Baldewyn and Iohn de la hay with moche sorowe escaped thens. And on saynt Iohn bap∣tystes eue than nexte folowynge began the syege of the castell of Kenilworth / & the syege lasted to sayne Thomas eue y• apostle / on whiche daye syr Hugh Ha∣stynge had y• castell for to kepe / that yel∣ded vp the castel vnto the kynge in this maner / that hymself & the other y• were within the castell sholde haue theyr ly∣ues & lȳmes / & all that they had therin / bothe hors & harneys / & foure dayes of respyte for to delyuer clenely y• castell of themself & of all other maner thynge as they had within the castell. And so they went from the castell. And syr Symon de Moūtford y• yonger & the coūtesse his moder were fledde ouer seem to Fraūce & there helde them as people that were exiled out of Englond for euermore. And soone after it was ordeyned by y• legate Dctobone & by other grete lordes y• wy∣sest of Englond / that all those y• had ben agaynst the kynge and were disheryted sholde haue agayne theyr londes by gre¦uous raūsons after y• it was ordeyned. And thus they were accorded with the kynge / & peas was cryed through out Englonde / & thus y• warre was ended. And whan this was done y• legate toke his leue of y• kynge & of the quene & of all the grete lordes of englonde / & tho went to Rome the .lv. yere of kynge Henryes regne. And Edwarde kyng Iohns sone of Brytayne / Iohn Ʋesst / Thomas of clare / Roger of Clifford / Othes of graū¦ston / Robert le Brus / Iohn of verdon / & many other lordes of Englonde & of be∣yonde the see toke theyr waye towarde the holy londe. And kyng Henry dyed y• same tyme at Westminster whā he had ben kyng .lv. yere & .xix. wekes / on saint Edmondes daye y• archebysshop of Caū¦terbury. And he was buryed at West∣mynster on saynt Edmōdes day y• kyng in the yere of our lorde. M .CC .lxxij. ANd of this Hēry {pro}phecyed Mer¦lyn & sayd that a abe sholde come out of Wynchestre in y• yere of our lord. M .CC. and .xvj. with true lyppes & holynes wryten in his herte. And he sayd soth / for y• good Henry y• kyng was borne ī wynchestre in y• yere aboue sayd & he spake good wordes & swete / & was an holy man & of good conscyence. And Merlyn sayd y• this Henry sholde make the fayrest place of y• worlde / y• in his ty∣me shold not be fully ended. And he sayd soth. For he made y• newe werke of y• ab∣bey of saȳt Peters chirche at Westmyn¦ster / y• is fayrer of syght than ony other place y• ony man knoweth through out all chrystendom. But kyng Henry dyed or y• werke was fully at an ende / & that was grete harme. And yet said Merlyn that this lambe shold haue peas y• most parte of his regne. And he said soch. For he was neuer noyed through warre ne dyseased in no maner wyse / tyll a lytell before his deth. And Merlyn said in his prophecy more / y• in the ende of y• regne of y• foresayd lambe / a wolfe of a straūge lōde sholde do hȳ moche harme through his war / & y• he shold at y• last be maister through helpe of a reed fore / that sholde come out of the Northwest & shold outr come hym / & that he sholde dryue hym out of the water. And that {pro}phecy full well was knowen. For within a lytell tyme or the kynge dyed / Symonde of Mountforde erle of Leycestre that was borne in Fraunce began stronge warre agaynst hym / through whiche doynge many a good bacheler was destroyed. And whan kynge Henry had y• vyctory at Eusham & Symon y• erle was slayne through helpe of Gylberte of Clare erle of Glocestre / that was in kepyng of the foresayd Symon / through ordynaunce of kynge Henry / whiche went agayne to the kynge with moche power. Wher¦fore the soresayd Symō was destroyed and that was grete harme to y• comyns of Englonde that so noble a man was slayne for the trouth / & dyed in charite & for the comyn profyte of the same folke. And therfore almyghty god for hȳ hath sythen shewed many a fayre myracle to dyuers men & women seke for his loue. ¶ And Merlyn also tolde & sayd in his prophecy / that after that tyme y• lambe sholde lyue no whyle / and than his seed sholde be in straūge londe without ony pasture. And he sayd sothe. For kynge Henry lyued no whyle after whan that Symon Moūtford was deed / but dyed anone after hym. And in y• meane tyme syr Edwarde his sone that was the best kynge of y• worlde of honour was than in y• holy londe / & gate there Acres. And in y• coūtree he begate on dame Elenour his wyfe Ihone of Acres his doughter that afterwarde was countesse of Glo∣cestre. And made suche a vyage in y• ho∣ly londe that all the worlde spake of his knyghthode / & euery man dradde hym hye and lowe through out all chrysten∣dome / as the story of hym telleth / as af∣terward ye shall here more openly. And from the tyme y• kynge Henry dyed / tyll that syr Gwarde was crowned kynge all the grete lordes of englonde were as faderles chyldren without ony socoure that them myght mayntayne / gouerne and defende agaynst theyr enemyes. GRegorye the .ix. was pope after Honory. This mā canonysed ma¦ny sayntes / and defended myghtely the chirche agaynst Frederyc / therfore toke he many prelates and two cardynalles the whiche wente to counseyle agaynst hym. This pope was besyeged in y• cy∣te of Rome by the emperour / & he sawe the Romayns were corrupte by the mo∣ney of the emperour. Than he toke in his hande the hedes of the apostles Pe∣ter and Paule / and wente with proces∣syon fro the chirche of saynt Iohn La∣tranēce to saynt Peters chirche. And so gate he the hertes of y• Romayns. And than the emperour went awaye fro the cite. This pope made frere Iaymonde to compyle the fyue bokes of the decre∣tals of many pystles & decrees. And af∣ter with many tribulacyons of this ty∣raūt & other he decessed & went to heuen ¶ Celestinus y• fourth was pope after Gregory almoost a moneth / & he was in his lyfe & in his connnynge laudable / & he was an olde man & a feble & decessed / & there was no pope after hym almoost a .xij. moneth. ¶ Innocentius y• fourth was pope after hȳ .xj. yere & .vj. mone∣thes. This man canonysed many sayn∣tes / & he deposed y• emperour Frederye & cursed as an enemy to god & y• chirche in y• thyrde yere y• he was made pope / & he was holpen by the Ianuens. ¶ And than was Henry y• syxth chosen & Wyl∣liam by y• popes cōmaūdement agaynst Frederye one after an other. But they preuayled not to ouercome his tyranny for he was ouer myghty / ne these were not crowned / for they decessed anone. ¶ Thomas de aquino. Albert{us} magn{us}. Eustacius & Bonauēture were this ty∣me holy men / whiche destroyed moche heresy infected by y• emperour. ¶ Alexā¦der was pope after Innocent .vij. yere / & lytel of hȳ is wryten. ¶ Vrban{us} was pope after hym .iij. yere & .iij. monethes This man droue away an hoost of sara zyns by men marked wt the crosse / that Maufred had sent agaynst the chirche. The pope gaue y• kyngdom of Cicyle to the kynges broder of fraūce / y• he sholde fyght wt Maufred / & than decessed. And Maufred after lost his lyf & his kyngdō by Karol{us}. ¶ Alphonsus kyng of Castil & Rychard broder to y• kyng of englonde were chosen emperours / but Rycharde dyed / & Alphonsus renoūced his tytle of the empyre before Gregory the .ix. for he was a wytty mā & a noble astronomer / & his tables be very famous. ¶ Clemēs the .iiij. was pope after Vrban .iij. yere & .ix. monethes. This Clemēs was an holy man / & sayd by spiryte of {pro}phecy y• the enemyes of y• chirche shold perysshe as y• smoke. And it is to be byleued that god cessed y• tribulacyons of his chirche through his merites. He had afore a wy¦fe & children / & was a preest after & bys∣shop & legate / & beynge in englonde vn∣knowen to hȳ was chosen pope / & after for his vertuous lyfe decessed blyssedly. ¶ Gregory y• .x. was pope after hȳ .iiij. yere. He assembled a cōcyle at Loduū in fraūce for y• grete desyre y• he had to vy∣syte personally y• holy londe / in y• whiche concyle y• Grekes & the Tartares were / and there y• Grekes {pro}mysed to be refor∣med by y• vnite of y• chirche. And y• Tar∣tares newly baptysed promysed y• same And there were gadered. vj .C. bisshops & a. M. prelates. And therfore a certayn mā sayd. Gregory gadereth togyder all kȳdes of people. And there was decreed y• all persones & vycayres shold be called preestes / & no prelates / & y• no man shold assygne his tythes to what chirche he wolde / as they dyd afore / but they shold be payed to his moder chirche. And he dampned y• pluralite of bn̄fyces / & dyed a blyssed man. ¶ Innocent the .v. was after hym .v. monethes / and lytell dyd. ¶ Adrian was after him one moneth / & dyd lesse. ¶ Iohn the .xxj. was after hȳ viij. monethes / & he was i diuers seyen∣ces a famous man / but in maners a fole & decessed anone. ¶ Nycolas y• .iij. was pope after Iohn .j. yere. This man was in his dayes a noble mā in buyldyng / & wel gouerned y• cie all his dayes & y•. j yere he dyed. ¶ Rodulphus was empe¦rour .xviij. yere. This man was cr of Hauesburgh / a wyse man in armes no∣ble & victoryous / & was chosen at bastle & he toke y• crosse on hym for y• holy londe The imperyall blessyng he had not but the pope alowed y• eleccyon for fauour of the holy londe. MArtyn y• fourth was pope after Nycholas .iiij. yere. This man was a grete louer of relygyous men / & gretly attendyng to vertuous werkes. He cursed y• emperour of ōstatynople in so moche as he promysed to turne to y• fayth in the generall concyle & dyd not / for y• whiche he suffred many passyons & all holy chirche. Also he cursed y• kyng of Aragon for he expulsed y• kyng of Ci∣cyle fro his kyngdom. And after he had done many batayles agaynst mē of mis∣byleue / & had suffred many tribulacyōs he decessed & dyd many myracles. ¶ Ni colas de lira a noble doctour of dyuinite was this tyme at Parys this mā was a iewe / & was cōuerted / and myghtely profyted in y• ordre of frere minors / & he wrote ouer all the byble. Or els he was in the yere of our lorde. M .ccc .xxx. And some men saye he was of Braband / & y• his fader & moder were christen / but for pouerte he visyted y• scoles of the iewes And so he lerned the iewes language / or els this Nycolas was enfourmed of y• iewes in his yonge age. ¶ Honorius y• fourth was pope after Martyn .ij. yere & lytell of hym is wrytē / but y• he was a tēperate man & a discrete. ¶ Nicolaus y• fourth was pope after hym foure yere. this mā was a frere minor / & al though he was a good man in hȳself / yet many vnhappy thȳges fell in his tyme to the chirche / for many a batayle was in y• ci∣te through his occasyon / for he drewe to moche to y• one parte / and after hȳ there was no pope two yere & .vj. monethes. ANd after this kyng Henry reg∣ned Edward his sone / the wor∣thyest knyght of all y• worlde in honour For goddes grace was in hȳ / for he had y• victory of his enemyes. And as soone as his fader was deed he came to Lon∣don with a fayre company of prelates & of erles & barons / & all maner men dyd him moche honour. For in euery place y• this noble Edward rode in London the stretes were couered ouer his heed with ryche clothes of sylke / of tapysserye and with ryche couerynges. And for ioye of his comynge the burgeyses of the cyte cast out at theyr wyndowes golde & syl∣uer handes full / in tokenynge of loue & worshyp / seruyce & reuerence. And out of y• condyth of chepe ran whyte wyne & reed as stremes of water / & euery man dranke therof that wolde at theyr owne wyll. And this kynge Edwarde was crowned & anoynted as ryght heyre of Englonde with moche honour. And af∣ter masse y• kyng went in to his palays for to holde a ryall feest amonge them y• dyd hym honour. And whā he was set to mete / kynge Alexander of Scotlonde came for to do hym honour & reuerence with a queyntyse / & an .C. knyghtes wt hym well horsed & arayed. And whan they were alighted they let theyr stedes go wheder they wolde / & who y• myght take them / had them styll wtout ony cha¦lengynge. And after came syr Edmonde kynge Edwardes broder a curteys & a gentyll knyght / & y• erle of Cornewayle & y• erle of Glocestre / & after them came the erle of Penbroke / & y• erle of Garēne. And eche of them by themselfe ladde in theyr hande an .C. knyghtes gayly dis∣guysed in theyr armes. And whan they were alyghted of theyr horses / they let them go wheder they wold / & who that myght them catche / them to haue styll wtout ony chalenge. And whan all this was done / kynge Edwarde dyd his dy¦lygence & his myght for to amende & re∣dresse y• wronges in the best maner y• he myght / to the honour of god & holy chir¦che / & to mayntayne his honour / & to a∣mende the noyaūce of y• comyn people. THe fyrst yere after that kyng Ed¦warde was crowned / Lewlyn prynce of Wales sent in to Fraūce to the erle Mountford / that through coūseyle of his frendes the erle sholde wedde his doughter. And the erle thā auysed hym vpon this thynge / & sent vnto Lewlyn and sayd that he wolde sende after his doughter. And so he sent Aymer his bro¦der after the damoysell. And Lewlyn a∣rayed shyppes for his doughter & for syr Aymer / & for her fayre company y• shold go with her. And this Lewlyn did grete wronge / for it was a couenaunt that he sholde gyue his doughter to no maner man without coūseyle & cōsent of kynge Edwarde. And so it befell that a Bur∣geys of Brystowe came in the see laden with wyne / & mette them / & toke them with myght and power. And anone the Burgeys sent them to the kyng. Whan Lewlyn herde these tydynges he was wonders wroth & also sorowfull / & begā to warre vpon kynge Edward / and dyd moche harme to Englysshe men / & bette downe the kynges castels / & began fast for to destroye kyng Edwardes londes. And whan the tydynges came vnto the kynge of this thynge / he went in to Wa¦les / & so moche he dyd through goddes grace and his grete power that he droue Lewlin to grete myschefe / that he fledde all maner strength & came & yelded hym vnto kynge Edward / & gaue hym .l. M. marke of syluer to haue peas / & toke the damoysell & all his herytage / & made an obly gacyon to kyng Edward to come to his parlyament two tymes in the yere. ¶ And in the seconde yere after y• kynge Edward was crowned / he helde a gene∣rall parlyamēt at Westmynster / & there he made the statutes for defaute of lawe by the comyn assent of all his baronage. And at eester nexte after the kynge sent by his lettre vnto Lewlyn prynce of Wa¦les that he shold come to his parlyamēt for his londe / & for his holding of Wales as the strength of the lettre oblygatory wytnessed. Than Lewlyn had scorne & despyte of y• kynges cōmaūdement. And for pure wrath agayn begā warre vpon kynge Edward / & destroyed his londes. And whan kyng Edward herde of these tydȳges / he waxed wonders wroth vn¦to Lewlyn / & in haste assembled a grete power of people & went towarde Wales and warred so vpon Lewlyn the prynce tyll y• he brought hym in moche sorow & dysease. And Lewlyn sawe that his de∣fence myght not auayle hym / and came agayn & yelded hym to y• kynges grace / & cryed him mercy / & longe tyme knled before y• kynges feet. The kynge ad of hym pyte / & cōmaūded hym to ase / & for his mekenes forgaue hȳ his wrathe and to hym sayd / that yf he trespaced a∣gaynst hȳ an other tyme / that he wolde destroye hȳ for euermore. Dauid y• was Lewlins broder y• same tyme dwelled wt kyng Edward / & was a fell man and a subtyll / & enuyous / & also ferre castynge and moche treason thought / & euermore made good semblaunt / & semed so y• no man myght perceyue his falsnes. IT was not longe tyme that tyme that kynge Edward gaue to Da∣uid Lewlyns broder the lordship of ro∣desham / and made hym knyght. And so moche honour dyd he neuer after to no man of Wales bycause of hym. ¶ Kyng Edward helde his parlyament at Lon∣don whan he had done in Wales al that he wolde / & chaūged his money y• was foule kyt & roūded / wherfore the people cōplayned sore / so y• the king let enquyre of ye trespassours. And .ccc. were atteyn∣ted of suche maner of falsnes / wherfore some were hanged / and some drawen & hanged. And afterward the kyng ordey ned / that ye sterling halfpeny & ferthyng sholde go through out all his londe. And cōmaūded yt no man fro that daye after∣warde gaue ne eoffed hous of religyon with londe or tenemēt / without specyall leue of ye kynge / & he yt dyd / sholde be pu∣nysshed at the kynges wyll / & the gyfte sholde be for nought. ¶ And it was not longe after that Lewlyn prynce of Wa∣les through ye entycement of Dauid his broder / and by bothe theyr consent they thought to dysheryte kynge Edward in as moche as they myght / so yt through them bothe ye kynges peas was broken And whan kyng Edward herde of this anone he sent his barōs in to Northum berlonde & the surreys also / yt they shold go & take theyr vsage vpon ye traytours Lewlyn & Dauyd / & wonders harde it was for to warre than. For it is wynter in Wales / whan in other coūtrees it is somer. And Lewlyn let ordeyne & well aray & vitayle his good castel of Swan∣don / and therin was an huge nombre of people & plente of vitayles / so that kyng Edward wyst not where to entre. And whan ye kynges men it perceyued / & al∣so ye strength of Wales / they let come in to ye see barges & botes & grete plankes as many as they might ordeyne & haue for to go to the foresayd castell of Swan∣don wt men on fote & also on hors. But ye Walshmen had so moche people & were so stronge / yt they droue ye Englysshmen backe / so yt there was so moche prees of people at the turnynge agayn / that the charge & the burden of men made ye bar∣ges & botes to synke / & there was drow∣ned many a good knyght / yt is to say / syr Roger Clifford / syr William of Lindsey that was syr Iohns sone fitz Robert / & syr Rychard Tanny / & an huge nombre of other / & all was through theyr owne foly / for yf they had had good spies they had not ben harmed. Whan kynge Ed∣ward herde tell that his people were so drowned / he made sorowe ynough. But than came syr Iohn of Vessye from the kynge of Aragon / & brought with hym moch people of bachelers & of Gascoyns & were soudyours & dwellynge wt Iohn of Vessye / & of hym receyued wages / & of hym were holden / & were noble men for to fyght / and brent many townes / & slewe all ye walshmen that they myght take. And all those wt strength & myght made assaute vnto the castell of Swan∣don / & gate the castell. And whā Dauid herde of these tydynges / he ordeyned hȳ to flyght. Whā Lewlyn ye prynce knewe that his broder was fledde / thā was he sore abasshed / for he had no power his warre to maynteyn. And so Lewlyn be∣gan to flee / & wende well to haue scaped But in a mornyng syr Roger Mortimer mette wt hym onely with .x. knightes / & set hym roūde aboute / & to hym went & smote of his heed / & presented it to kyng Edward. And in this maner Lewlyn ye prynce of Wales was taken / & his heed smytten of / & also all his heyres dyshe∣ryted for euermore / through ryghtfull dome of all the lordes of the realme. DAuid ye prynces broder of Wales through pride wende to haue bē prynce of Wales after his broders deth / And vpō this he sent after walshmen to his patlyament at Dinbigh / & folysshly made Wales to aryse agaynst ye kyng / & began to meue warre agaynst kyng Ed¦ward / & dyd all ye sorowe & dysease that he myght by his power. Whan kynge Edward herde of this thynge / he ordey ned men to pursue vpon hym. And Da∣uid fyery hym defended / tyll yt he came to ye towne of saynt Morite / & there was Dauid taken as he fledde / & ladde to the kynge. And the kyng cōmaūded that he shold be hanged & drawen / and smyte of his heed / & quarter hȳ / & sende his heed to London / & the foure quarters to the foure chefe townes of Wales / for they sholde take ensample therof & be ware. And afterward kynge Edward let crye his peas though out al wales / & seased all ye londe into his handes / & all ye grete lordes that were lefte alyue came to do feaute & homage to kynge Edward / as to theyr kynde lorde. And than let kynge Edward amende the lawes of Wales yt were defectyue. And after he sent to al ye lordes of Wales by his lettres patentes yt they sholde come all to his parlyamēt. And whan they were comen the kynge sayd to them full curteysly. Lordes ye be welcome / & me behoueth your coūseyle & your helpe for to go in to Gascoyn / for to amende ye trespace that to me was done whan I was there / & for to entreate of peas bytwene ye kynge of Aragon & the prȳce of Morrey. And all ye kynges liege men erles & barons consented & graūted therto. And than kynge Edwarde made hym redy & went in to Gascoyn / & let a∣mende all ye trespaces yt was done hȳ in Gascoyn. And of ye debate that was by∣twene ye kyng of Aragon & the prynce of Morrey he cessed & accorded them. And whyle kynge Edward & quene Elenore his wyfe were in Gascoyn / the good erle of Cornewayle was made wardeyn of Englonde tyll that kyng Edward came agayn. And thā enquyred he of his tray tours yt coniected falsnes agaynst hym. And eche of thē all receyued theyr dome after that they had deserued. But in the meane tyme whyle that kyng Edward was beyonde yt see to do them for to ma∣ke amendes yt had trespaced agaynst hȳ there was a fals traytour yt was called isap Meridoc began to make warre a∣gaynst kynge Edward / & that was for cause of syr Payne Tiptot ye wrongfully greued & diseased ye foresayd Bisap Me∣ridoc. And whan kynge Edward herde all this / he sente by his lettres to Bisap Meridoc that he sholde make no warre but that he sholde be in peas for his loue & whan he came agayne in to Englonde he wolde vndertake ye quarell & amende all that was mysdone. This foresayd Risap Meridoc despysed the kynges cō∣maundement / & spared not to do all the sorowe that he myght to ye kynges men of Englond. But anone after he was ta¦ken & ladde to yorke / and there he was drawen & hanged for his felony. WHan kynge Edward had dwelled thre yere in Gascoyn / a desyre ca∣me to hȳ for to go in to Englonde agayn And whan he was comen agayn there were so many cōplayntes made to hym of his Iustices & of his clerkes that had done so many wronges & falsnes / that wonder it was to here. For whiche fals∣nes syr Thomas weylonde the kynges Iustyce forswore Englonde at ye Toure of Londō / for falsnes that men put vpon hym / wherof he was atteynt & proued fals. And anone after whan the kynge had done his wyll of the Iustices than let he enquyre & espye how the Iewes deceyued & begyled his people through theyr synne of falsnes & of vsury / and let ordeyn a preuy parliament amonge his lordes. And they ordeyned amōge them that all ye Iewes shold voyde out of Eng lōde for theyr misbyleue & also for theyr false vsury that they dyd vnto chrysten men. And for to spede & make an ende of this thynge / all the comynalte of Eng∣londe gaue vnto the kynge the .xv. peny of al theyr goodes mouable. And so were the iewes dryuen out of Englonde. And than went ye iewes in to Fraūce / & there they dwelled through leue of kyng Phi¦lyp that than was kynge of Fraūce. IT was not longe after ye Alexan∣der kyng of Scotlonde was deed and Dauid the erle of Huntingdon that was the kynges broder of Scotlond as∣ked & claymed ye kingdom of Scotlonde after that his broder was deed / bycause that he was rightfull heyre. But many grete lordes sayd naye / wherfore grete debate arose bytwene them & theyr fren des / for as moche as they wolde not con sent to his crownacyon. And the meane tyme the foresayd Dauid dyed. And so it befell yt the sayd Dauid had thre dough ters that worthely were maryed. The fyrst doughter was maryed to Bayloll / the seconde to Brus / & the thyrde to Ha∣stynges. The foresayd Bayloll & Brus chalenged ye londe of Scotlonde / & grete debate & stryfe arose bytwene them thre bycause eche of them wolde haue ben kyng. And whan ye lordes of Scotlonde sawe ye debate bytwene them / they came to kyng Edward of Englonde / & seased hym in all ye londe of Scotlonde as chefe lord. And whan the kyng was seased of the foresayd lordes of Scotlonde / ye fore∣sayd Bayloll / Brus / & Hastynges came to the kynges courte / & asked of ye kynge whiche of them sholde be kyng of Scot∣londe. And kyng Edward that was full gentyll & true / let enquyre by the crony∣cles of Scotlonde / & of the gretest lordes of Scotlonde / whiche of them was of ye eldest blode. And it was foūde yt Bayloll was the eldest / & that the kyng of Scot∣londe shold holde of ye kyng of Englonde and do hym feaute & homage. And after this was done Bayloll went in to Scot¦londe / and there was crowned kynge of Scotlond. And ye same tyme was vpon the see grete warre bytwene ye englyssh men & the Normans. But vpon a tyme the Normās arryued at Douer / & there they martyred an holy man yt was cal∣led Thomas of Douer. And afterward were the Normans slayne / yt there esca∣ped not one of them. ¶ And soone after kynge Edward sholde lese the duchy of Gascoyn through kyng Philip of Fraū∣ce / through his fals castyng of ye Doue peres of the lond / wherfore syr Edmond that was kyng Edwardes broder gaue vp his homage vnto ye kyng of Fraūce. ¶ And in yt tyme ye clerkes of Englonde graūted to kynge Edward halfe dele of holy chirche goodes / in helpynge to re∣couer his londe agayn in Gascoyn. And the kynge sent thyder a noble company of his bachelers. And hymselfe wolde haue gone to Portesinouth / but he was letted through one Maddok of Wales yt had seased the castell of Swandon in to his handes / & for that cause ye kyng tur∣ned to Wales at Chrystmasse. And by∣cause that the noble lordes of Englond yt were sent in to Gascoyn had no cōfort of theyr lorde the kyng they were taken of syr Charles of Fraūce / that is to say / syr Iohn of Brytayne / syr Robert Typtot / syr Raufe Tanny / syr Hugh Bardulf / & syr Adam of Cretynge. And yet at ye As∣cencyon was Maddok taken in Wales & another whiche was called Morgan / and they were sent to the toure of Lon∣don / and there they were byheded. ANd whā syr Iohn Bailoll kyng of Scotlonde vnderstode yt kyng Edwarde was warred in Gascoyne (to whome ye realme of Scotlonde was de∣lyuered) falsly than agaynst his othe wt∣sayd his homage through procuryng of his folke / & sent vnto the courte of Rome through a fals suggestion to be assoyled of the othe yt he swore vnto the kynge of Englonde. And so he was by lettre em∣bulled. ¶ Than chose they of Scotlonde Douspers for to take from Edward his ryght. ¶ And in yt tyme came two car∣dynals from Rome fro ye pope Celestyne to treate of accorde bytwene the kyng of Fraūce & the kyng of Englonde. And as those cardynals spake of accorde / Tho∣mas Turbeluyl was taken at Lyons & made feaute & homage to the warden of Parys / & to hym put his two sones in hostage / & thought to go in to Englonde for to espye the coūtre / & tell them whan he came in to Englonde yt he had broken the kynges prison of Fraūce by nyght / & sayd that he wolde do yt all englysshmen & walshmen sholde be aboute ye kyng of Fraūce. And this thynge to bryng to an ende he swore / & vpon this couenaūt de∣des were made bytwene them / & that he sholde haue by yere a. M. poūdes worth of londe to brȳge this thynge to an ende. This fals traytour toke his leue & went thens & came in to Englōde vnto ye kyng & sayd yt he was broken out of pryson / & that he had put hȳ in suche peryl for his loue / wherfore ye kynge coude hȳ moche thanke / & full glad was of his comynge And the fals traytour fro yt daye espyed all the doynge of ye kynge & also his coū∣seyle / for the kynge loued hym well / and was wt hym full preuy. But a clerke of Englonde yt was in the kynges hous of Fraūce herde of this treason & falsnes / & wrote to an other clerke that than was dwellyng wt kyng Edward of Englonde all how Thomas Turbeluyll had done his fals conifetynge / & all the coūseyle of Englonde was wryten for to haue sent vnto ye king of Fraūce. And through the foresayd lettre that ye clerke had sent fro Fraūce / it was foūde vpon hym wher fore he was / ladde to London and there hāged and drawen for his treason. And his two sones that he had put in Fraū for hostage were than byheded. ANd whan the two cardynalles were gone agayn in to Fraunce for to treate of the peas of Cambrey the kyng sent thyder of his erles & barons that is to saye / syr Edmonde his brod erle of Lancastre & of Leycestre en ry Lacy erle of Nycholl / & Wyā ss a baron / and of other baronettes aboute xiiii. of the best and wysest of Englonde. And in ye same tyme kyng Edward toke his viage to Scotlōde for to warre vpon Iohn Bayloll kyng of Scotlonde. And syr Robert Roos of Batwyk dedde fro ye englysshmen and went to the Scottes. And kyng Edward went toward Bar∣wyk & besyeged the towne. And they yt were within māly defended them & set a fyre and brent two of kyng Edwardes shyppes / & sayd in despyte & repree of hym. Weneth kyng Edward with his longe shankes to haue gete Barwik all our vnthankes / gas pykes hȳ / & whan he has done gas dikes hȳ. Whan kyng Edwarde had herde this sorne / anone through his myght he passed ouer the dyches & assayled the towne / and came to the gates and gate and conquered the towne / & through his gracyous power slewe .xxv. M. and. vij .C. Scottes. And kynge Edward lost no man of renome / saue syr Richard of Cornewayle / & hym slewe a flemynge out of ye reed hall with a quarell as ye foresayd Rycharde dyd of his helme & cōmaūded them for to yelde them & put them in the kynges grace / & the Scottes wolde not / wherfore ye hall was brent & cast downe / & all those that were therin were brent. And kyng Ed∣ward lost no moo men at that vyage of symple estate but .xxvij. Englysshmen. And the wardeyn of the castell gaue vp the keys of the castell wtout ony assaute / & there was taken syr Williā Douglas & syr Symond Ftsell & the erle Patrik yelded them to the peas. But Ingham of Humsremyll & Robert the Brus that were with kyng Edward / forsoke kyng Edward & helde with the Scottes / and afterwarde they were taken & put in to prison. And than let kyng Edward close in Barwik with walles & with dyches And afterwarde Robert Rous went to Tyndale / & set waybrygge a fyre & Ex∣ham & Lamerstok / & slewe & robbed the folke of yt coūtre. And after that he went fro thens to Dunbar. And ye fyrst wed∣nesdaye of Marche ye kyng sent ye erle of Garenne / syr Hugh Percy / & syr Hugh Spenser wt a fayre cōpany for to besiege the castell. But one yt was called syr Ry∣chard Syward a traytour & a fals man ymagyned for to begyle ye englysshmen and sent to ye englysshmen for to deceyue them / & sayd that he wold yelde to them the castell / yf they wold graūt hym. viij dayes of respyte / that he myght sende & tell to syr Iohn Bayloll that was kyng of Scotlonde / how his men fared that were within ye castell / & sent hym worde but yf he wolde remeue the syege of the englysshmen / that they wolde yelde the castell to the englysshmen. The messen∣ger than came vnto syr Iohn Bailoll (ye than was kynge of Scotlonde) where as he was with his hoost / and the mes∣senger tolde hym all the case. And than syr Iohn Bayloll toke his hoost & came on the morowe erly towarde the castell. And syr Rychard Sywarde sawe hym come that was mayster of the coūseyle and keper of ye castell / and sayd vnto the Englysshemen. O quod he / now I se a fayre company and well apparayled / I wyll goo agaynst them and mete with them / and assayle them. And syr Hugh Spenser sawe the falsnes of hym & the treason / and sayd to hym. O traytour ta¦ken and proued / your falsnes shall not auayle you. And syr Hugh Spenser cō∣maūded anone for to bynde hym / and in all haste went agaynst theyr enemyes / and slewe of the Scottes the nombre of xxij. M. For the Scottes had that tyme no man with them of honour / saue syr Patryk Graham that manly fought & longe / & at the last he was slayne. And than sayd the englysshmen in reprefe of the Scottes. These scaterand Scottes holde I for sottes of wrenches vnware. Erly in a mornynge in an euyll tymyng went ye fro Dunbare. ¶ Whan those yt were in the castell sawe the dyscōfyture they yelded vp the castell to ye englysshe men / and boūde theyr bodyes londes & castels to kynge Edward. And so there were taken in ye castell thre erles .vij. ba rons / and .xxviij. knyghtes / and .xj. cler∣kes / and .vij. Pycardes / & all were pre∣sented to kyng Edward / & he sent them to ye toure of London to be kepte there. THan whan kynge Edward had made an ende of the warre & ta∣ken the chefetaynes of Scotlond. Than came syr Iohn Bayloll wt other & yelded them vnto kyng Edward & put them in his grace / & were ladde to London. And whā kyng Edward was comen thyder they were brought before hȳ / & ye kynge asked of them how they wolde make a∣mendes of the trespace & losse yt they had done him / & they put them in his mercy Lordes sayd the kyng / I wyll not your londes ne your goodes / but I wyll yt ye make to me an othe vpō goddes body to be true to me / & neuer after this tyme a∣gaynst me bere armes. And they all con¦sented to the kynges wyll / & swore vpon goddes body / yt is to say / syr Iohn of Co¦myn / ye erle of Strathorne / ye erle of Ca∣yk / & also .iiij. bisshops vndertoke for al the clergy / & so ye kynge delyuered them and gaue them safeconduytes to go in to theyr owne coūtree. And it was not lōge afterwarde but that they arose agaynst kyng Edward / bycause that they wyst well that kynge Edwardes folke were taken in Gascoyn / as before is sayd / but syr Iohan Bayloll kynge of Scotlonde wyst well that his londe sholde haue so∣rowe ynough & shame for theyr falsnes / and in haste went hym ouer ye see to his owne londes / and there helde hym / and neuer came agayne. Wherfore ye Scot∣tes chose vnto theyr kyng Willyam Wa¦leys a rybaud and an harlot / comen vp of nought / & to englysshmen dyd moche harme. ¶ And kyng Edward thought how he myght best delyuer his people that were taken in Gascoyne / & in haste went hym ouer the see in to Flaundres for to warre vpon the kyng of Fraunce. And the erle of Flaūdres receyued hym with moche honour / & graūted hym all his londes at his owne wyl. And whan the kyng of Fraūce herde tell yt the kyng of Englond was arryued in Flaūdres & came wt an huge power to destroye hym he prayed hȳ of trewse for two yere / so ye englysshe marchaūtes and also frensshe myght safely go & come on bothe sydes. Kynge Edwarde graūted it / so yt he had his men out of prison yt were in Gascoyn And ye kyng of Fraūce graūted anone / & so they were delyuered. ¶ In the same tyme the Scottes sent by the bysshop of saynt Andrewes in to Fraūce to ye kyng & to syr Charles his broder yt syr Char∣les shold come wt his power and they of Scotlond wolde come wt theyr power & so they sholde go in to Englonde ye lond to destroye from Scotlond vnto en & the scottes trusted moche vpon ye frenssh men. But of yt thȳge they had no maner graūte. Yet neuerthelesse ye Scottes be∣gan to robbe & slee in Northumberlonde and dyd moche harme. WHan the tydynges came to kyng Edward that Wyllyam Waleys had ordeyned suche a stronge power & also that all Scotlonde to hym was at∣tendaunt & redy for to slee Englysshmen and to destroye the londe he was sore a∣noyed / & sent anone by lettre to ye erle of Garren / & to syr Henry Percy and to syr Willyam Latomer / and to syr Hugh of Cressyngham his tresourer that they sholde take power & go in to Northum∣berlonde / & so forth in to Scotlond for to kepe the coūtrees. And whan Willyam Waleys herde of theyr comynge / he be∣gan for to flee / & ye englysshmen folowed hym / & droue hym tyll he came to Sry uelyn / & there he helde hym in ye castell. And the walshmen euery daye them es∣cryed & thretened / & dyd all the despyte that they myght / so yt the Englysshmen vpon a tyme in a mornyng went out frō the castel the mountenaūce of .x. myle / & passed ouer a brydge. And William Wa¦leys came with a stronge power & droue them backe / for the englysshmen had no power agaynst hym but fledde / & they yt myght take the brydge escaped. But syr Hugh the kynges tresourer there was slayn & many other also / wherfore was made moche sorowe. ¶ Than had kyng Edward spedde all his maters in Flaū∣dres & was comen agayn in to Englōde & hastely toke his waye in to Scotlonde & came thyder at ye Ascencyon tyde / & all that he foūde he set a fyre & brent. But ye poore people of Scotlonde came to hym wonders thycke / & prayed hym for god∣des loue to haue mercy on them. Wher∣fore the kyng cōmaūded yt no man shold do them harme yt were yoldē to hym / ne to no mā of ordre / nor no hous of religion ne no maner chirche / but let espye where yt he myght fynde ony of his enemyes. Than came a spye to ye kynge & tolde hȳ where the Scottes were assembled for to abyde batayle. And so on saynt Mary Magdaleyns day ye kynge came to Fon∣kirk & gaue batayle to ye Scottes / & at ye batayle were slayne .xxxiij. M. scottes / & of englyshmen .xxviij. & no mo / of yt whi¦che was a worthy knight slayne an hos∣pytaler yt was called Frere Brian Iay. For whan William Waleys fled from ye batayle / that same Brian hym pursued fyersly / & as his hors ran he start in to a myre of a marys vp to ye bely / & Willyā Waleys than turned agayne / and there slewe syr Bryan / & yt was grete harme. And that whyle kynge Edwarde went through Scotlonde for to enquyre yf he myght fynde ony of his enemyes / & in ye londe he dwelled as longe as hym lyked & there was none enemy that durst him abyde. And soone after yt kyng Edward went to Southamton / for he wolde not abyde in Scotlond in wynter season for esement of his people. And whan he ca∣me to London / he let amende many my dedes that were done agaynst his peas & his lawes whyle he was in Flaūdres ANd afterward it was ordeyned through the court of Rome / that kyng Edward shold wedde dame Mar garete that was kyng Philips syster of Fraūce. And the archebysshop Robert of wynchelse spoused thē togider / through whiche mariage there was made peas bytwene kynge Edward of Englonde & kynge Philyp of Fraūce. ¶ Kynge Ed∣warde went than the thyrde tyme in to Scotlond. And than wtin ye fyrst yere he famysshed the londe / so yt he lefte not one but that al came to his mercy / saue they that were in ye castell of Estreuelyn / that well was vitayled & stored for .vij. yere. BYnge Edward came to the castell of Estreuelyn wt an huge power & besyeged the castell / but it lytel auayled For he myght do the Scottes no harme the castell was so stronge & well kepte. Whan kyng Edward sawe that / he be∣thought hym on a queyntyse / & caused anone to make two payr of hye galowes before the toure of ye castell / & made his othe / that as many as were within the castell (were he erle or baron) & he were taken with strengthe (but yf he wolde the rather yelde hym) he sholde be han∣ged vpon ye same payr of galowes. And whan they that were within the castell herde this / they came and yelded them all to the kinges grace & mercy. And the kyng forgaue them all his yll wyll. And there were all ye grete lordes of scotlonde sworne to kynge Edward / yt they sholde come to London to euery parlyament / & sholde stande to his ordynaunce. BYng Edward went thens to Lon¦don / & wende for to haue had rest & peas of his warre / in yt whiche warre he was occupyed .xx. yere / that is to say in Wales / in Gastoyn & in Scotlonde / & thought how he myght recouer his tre∣sour yt he had spended about his warre And let enquyre through ye realme of all the tyme yt he had ben out of his realme that men called Troylebaston / & ordey∣ned therto Iustices. And in this maner he recouered tresour wtout nombre. And his purpose was for to haue gone in to the holy londe for to haue warred vpon goddes enemyes / bycause he was cros∣sed longe tyme before. And neuertheles the lawe yt he had ordeyned dyd moche good through out all Englonde to them that were mysbode. For those yt trespa∣ced were well chastysed / & afterwarde were moche more meker & better / & the poore comyns were in rest & peas. And ye same tyme king Edward prisoned his owne sone Edwarde / bycause ye bysshop of Chestre ye kynges tresourer had com∣playned on hȳ / sayeng yt he through coū¦seyle of one Pyers of Ganaston a squyer of Gascoyn had broken his parkes. And this Pyers coūseyled & ladde this same Edward. And for this cause kynge Ed∣ward exiled this Pyers out of Englōde. ANd whan this kynge Edward had ouercomen his enemyes in Wales / Gascoyn & Scotlonde / & had de∣stroyed all his traytours / saue onely ye rybaud Willyā Waleys / ye neuer wolde yelde hym to ye kyng / & at ye last he was taken in the towne of saynt Dominyk / the .xxxiij. yere of king Edwardes regne & was presented to kyng Edward. But the kyng wolde not se hym / & sent hym to London to receyue his iudgement / & vpō saynt Barthylmewes euen he was hanged & drawen / & his heed smytten of and his bowelles taken out of his body and brent / & his body quartred & sent to foure of the best townes of Scotlonde / & his heed put vpon a spere & set vpō Lon¦don brydge / in ensample yt the Scottes sholde haue in mynde for to do amysse a∣gaynst theyr lyege lorde agayne. ANd at Michelmas next comyng kyng Edward helde his parlya∣ment at Westmynster / & thyder came ye Scottes / that is to saye / the bysshop of saynt Andrewes / Robert the Brus erle of Carik / Symond the Frisell / Iohn ye erle of Athell. And they were accorded with ye kyng & bounde / & by othe swore that yf ony of them afterward mysbare them agaynst the kynge / they sholde be disheryted for euermore. And whā theyr peas was thus made / they toke theyr leue & went home vnto theyr coūtree. ANd after this Robert the Brus erle of aryk sent by his lettres vnto the erles and barons of Scotlonde that they shold come to hym to Sconne on the morowe after the Coucepcyon of our lady for the grete nedes of the londe. And the lordes came at ye daye assygned. And the same daye syr Robert the Brus sayd. Fayre lordes full well ye knowe yt in my persone dwelleth the ryght of the realme of Scotlonde / & as ye well wote I am ryghtfull heyre / syth yt syr Iohn Baylon that was our kynge hath forsa¦ken vs & left his londe. And though it so be that kyng Edward of Englond with wrongfull power hath made me assent to hym agaynst my wyll / yf yt ye wyll graunt yt I may be kynge of Scotlonde I shall kepe you agaynst king Edward of Englonde / & agaynst all maner men. And with yt worde the abbot of Sconne arose vp & before them all sayd yt it was reason for to helpe hym & defende ye londe & sayd he wolde gyue hym a. M. poūde for to maynteyn ye londe. And all ye other graūted hym the londe / and with theyr power hym for to helpe / & defyed kynge Edwarde of Englonde / & sayd yt Robert the Brus sholde be kyng of Scotlonde. ¶ Ordynges sayd syr Iohn of Co∣myn / thynke on ye trouth & othe that ye made to kyng Edward of englōd & as touchyng my selfe I wyll not breke myn othe for no man / & so he went from them / wherfore Robert ye Brus & all tho that cōsented to hym were yll content wt syr Iohn of Comyn. Thā ordeyned they another coūseyle at Domfris / to which came ye foresayd syr John of Comyn / for he dwelled but two myle from Domfris there he was wont to soiourne & abyde. ANd whā Robert the Brus wyst that all the grete lordes of Scot lōde were come to Scōne / saue syr Iohn of Comyn that than abode nygh Scōne he sent specially for the sayd syr Iohn of Comyn to come & speke with hym. And vpon that he came & spake wt him at the gray freres in Domfris / & that was the thursday after Candelmasse daye / & syr Iohn graūted to go wt hym. And whan he had herde masse / he toke a soppe and dranke / & afterward he bestrode his pa frey & rode to Domfris. Whan Robert the Brus sawe hym come at a wynow as he was in his chambre / he made toye ynough / & came agaynst hym / & colled hym about the necke / and made to hym good semblaūt. And whan all the erles and barons of Scotlond were there pre¦sent / Robert ye Brus sayn / syrs ye wote well the cause of this comynge / & wher fore it is / yf ye wyll graūte that I may be kyng of Scotlonde as ryght heyre of the londe. And all ye lordes yt were there sayd wt one voyce yt he sholde be crowned kyng of Scotlond / & yt they wolde helpe hȳ & maynteyn agaynst all men lyuyng & dye for hym yfnede were. The gentyl knyght Iohn of Comyn answered. Cet tes neuer for me: ne for to haue as moche helpe of me as ye value of a button / for ye othe yt I haue made to kyng Edward of Englond I shall holde whyle yt my lyfe lasteth. And with ye word be went from the cōpany & wolde haue lepte vpon his plafrey. And Robert the Brus pursued hym with a drawen swerde and perced hym through the body / & syr Iohn Co∣myn fell downe to the erth. But whan Roger yt was syr Iohn Comyns broder saw ye falsues / he stert to Robert ye Brus & smote hym wt a knyfe / but ye traytour was armed vnder / so yt the stroke might do hym no harme / & so moche helpe ca∣me aboute Robert ye Brus / yt Roger Co∣myn was there slayne & hewen to peces And Robert ye Brus turned agayn whe¦re as syr Iohn Comyu the noble baron laye wounded and drewe towarde his deth besydes the hye awter in ye chirche of the gray freres / & sayd vnto syr Iohn Comyn. O traytour thou shalte be deed and shalt neuer lette myn auauncement and shoke his swerde at the hye awter and smote hym on the heed yt the brayne fell downe vpon the groūde / & the blode stert on hygh vpon the walles. And yet vnto this daye is that blode seen there / & no water may wasshe it awaye / & so dyed that noble knyght in holy chirche. ¶ Whan this traytour Robert ye Brus sawe yt no man wold lette his crownaciō he cōmaūded all ye barons to be at saynt Iohns town at his crownacion. And on the Annūciacion of our lady ye bisshop of Glaston & ye bysshop of saynt Andrewes crowned hym kyng. And anone after he droue all the Englysshmen out of Scot∣londe. And they fledde and came & com∣playned them vnto kyng Edward how that Robert the Brus had dryuen them out of the londe & dysheryted them. ANd whan kyng Edward herde of this myschete / he swore yt he shold be auēged therof / & hange & drawe all the traytours of Scotlonde without raūsom. ¶ Than kyng Edward sent for all the bachelars of Englond / that they shold come to Londō at whytsontyde / & he dubbed at Westmynster .xxiiij. score knyghtes. Than ordeyned he to go in to Scotlonde agaynst Robert the Brus / & sent before hȳ in to Scotlond syr Aymer the valyaūt erle of Pēbroke / & syr Henry Percy baron wt a fayre company / yt pur∣sued ye Scottes & brent townes & castlels And afterwarde came ye kyng hymselfe with erles & barons a fayre company. THe frydaye nexte before the As∣sumpcyon of our sady kyng Ed∣ward mette with Robert ye Brus & his company besyde saynt Iohns to ne in Scotlonde / of yt whiche company kyng Edward slewe .vii. M. ¶ Whan Robert the Brus sawe this myschefe / he began to flee & hyd hȳ secretiy / but syr Symod Frisell was fore pursued / so yt he turned again & abode batayle / for he was a wor thy knyght / but our englysshman shewe his hors & toke hym & led hym to kynge Edward / but or he came to hȳ he began to flatre his takers / pmysyng them. iiij M. marke of syluer / his hors & arneys & become a begger. Thā said Theobald of Peuenes that was ye kynges arther. Now so god me helpe it is for nought yt thou spekest / for all ye golde in englend I wold not let the go wout cōmaūdement of kynge Edward. And kynge Edward wolde not se hym / but cōmaūded to lede hym to London to haue his dome. And on our ladyes eue the Nat he was hanged & drawen / & his herd smytten of & hanged agayne with chaynes of ren vpon the galowes / & his herd was set vpon London brydge on a spere and a∣gaynst Chrystmasse ye body was brent / bycause that the men that kepte ye body by nyght sawe so many deuylles aboure hym / turmentynge hym wt yren crokes hortybly vpon ye galowes & many that sawe them anone after dyed for drede / & some waxed mad / or fore seke. And in yt batayle was taken ye bysshop of Baston & ye bisshop of saynt Andrewes & ye abbot of Sconne all armed as fals traytours & fals prelates agaynst theyr othe. And they were brought to ye kynge. And the kynge sent them vnto the pope of Rome that he sholde do wt them his wyll. ANd at yt batayle fledde syr Iohn erle of Atheles / and went in to a chirche / & there hyd hym for drede / but he myght haue there no refute / bycause that ye chirche was enterdyted through a generall sentence / & in ye same chirche he was taken. And this syr Iohn wend well to haue scaped fro ye deth / bycause yt he claymed kynrede of kynge Edward. And ye kyng wold no longer be betrayed of his traytours / but sent hȳ to London in haste / & there was hanged & his heed smytten of / & his body brent. But at the prayer of the quene Margarete bycause yt he claymed kynrede of kyng Edward his drawynge was forgyuen hym. ANd whan the gretest maysters of Scotlonde were thus done to euyll deth for theyr falsnes and treason / Iohn that was Willyam Waleys bro∣der was taken and done to dethe / as syr Iohn erle of Atheles was. ANd at that same tyme was Ro∣berte the Brus moche hated a∣monge the people of Scotlonde / so that he wyst not what was best to do / & for to hyde hym he went in to Norway to ye kynge yt had spoused his syster / & there helde hȳ for to haue socour. And Robert the Brus myght not be founde in Scot∣londe. So kynge Edward than let crye his peas through out all the londe / and his lawes were vsed / & his mynystres serued through out all the londe. ANd whan kynge Edwarde had abated the pride of his enemyes he returned agayne south warde / and a malady toke him at Burgh vpō saudes in the marche of Scotlonde / & he wyst well that his deth was full nygh / & cal∣led to him syr Henry Lacy erle of Nichol syr Guy erle of warwik / syr Aymer Va¦lence erle of Penbroke / and syr Robert of Clifford baron / & prayed them vpon the fayth yt they ought hym / that they shold make Edwarde of Carnaruan kynge of Englonde as shortly as they myght / & yt they shold not suffre Piers of Ganaston come agayn in to Englonde for to make his sone to ryot. And they graūted hym with a good wyll. Than ye kynge toke ye sacramentes of holy chirche as a good christen man shold / & dyed in very repen taūce whan he had regned .xxxv. yere / & was buryed at westmynster wt grete so∣lempnite / on whose god haue mercy. OF this kyng Edwarde pphecyed Merlyn / and called hym a dragon the seconde of the. vs. kynges that sholde tegne in Englonde / & sayd yt he sholde be medled with mercy & also wt strengthe & sternes / that shold kepe Englonde from colde & hete. And that he sholde open his mouth toward Wales / & that he sholde set his fote in Wyke / & that he shold close with walles yt shold do moche harme to his sede. And he sayd sothe / for the good kynge Edward was medled wt mercy & with fyersnes / with mercy agaynst his enemyes of Wales / & after of Scotlōde with fyersnes whā he put them to deth for theyr falsnes & traytory / as they had deserued it. And well kepte he Englond from colde & hete / syth he kepte it frō all maner of enemyes that came vpon him to do hym ony wronge. And well he ope¦ned his mouth towarde Wales / & made it quake through ye hidour of his mouth whan he conquered it through dynt of swerde. For ye prynce Lewlyn & Dauyd his broder / Rys & Morgan were put to deth through theyr falsnes & theyr foly. And he set his fote in wike / & conquered Barwyke / at the whiche conquest were slayn .xxv. M. and. vij .C. out take them that were brent in the reed hall. And the walles that he let make shall be noyous vnto his sede / as men shall here after se in the lyfe of syr Edward of Carnaruan his sone. And yet sayd Merlyn that he sholde make ryuers ren in blode & with brayn / & that semed well in his warres where as he had the maystry. And yet Merlin sayd yt there shold come a people out of the north west durynge the regne of the foresayd dragon / yt sholde be ladde by an yll greyhoūde / yt the dragon sholde crowne kyng / that afterward sholde flee ouer ye see for drede of ye dragon without comynge agayn / & yt was proued by syr Iohn Bayloll ye kyng Edward made to be kynge of Scotlonde / that falsly arose agaynst him / & after he fled to his owne londes of Fraūce / & neuer came agayne in to Scotlonde for drede of kynge Ed∣ward. And yet sayd Meriyn the people that sholde lede the foresayd greyhoūde shold be faderles vnto a certayn tyme / & he sayd sothe / for ye people of Scotlonde gretely were dyseased / syth yt syr Iohn Bayloll theyr kung was fledde. And yet layd Merlin yt the sonne shold become in his tyme as reed as blode / in tokenynge of grete mortalite of people / & that was well knowē whan ye scottes were ay. And Merlyn sayd yt same dragon sholde nourysshe a foxe that sholde meue grete warre agaynst hym yt shold in his tyme be ended / & that semed well by Robert ye Brus that kyng Edward noursshed in his chambre / that sythen stale aware & meued grete warre agaynst hym wh the warre was not ended in his tyme. And afterward Merlyn tolde yt this dra gon shold be holden ye best body of all the worlde / & he sayd sothe for ye good kyng Edward was ye worthyest knyght of all ye worlde in his tyme. And yet said mer lyn yt the dragon sholde dye in ye marche of an other londe / & yt his londe sholde be longe wtout a good keper / & yt men sholde wepe for his deth from ye yle of Shepey vnto ye yle of Mercill: wherfore alas shal be theyr songe amonge ye myn people faderles in ye londe wasted. And ye ph cy was knowen ouer all full well. For ye good king Edward dyed at Burgh vpō sandes / yt is in the marche of Scotlonde wherfore ye englysshmē were discōfed & sorowed in Northumberiend bycause ye king Edwardes sone set by ye Scottes no force for ye tyot of Pyers of Ganaston wherfore alas was ye song through out all Englonde for defaute of theyr good wardeyn / from ye yle of Shepey vnto ye yle of Mareyll ye people made moche so∣rowe for good king Edwardes deth. For they wende yt kyng Edward shold haue gone in to the holy lond / for yt was holly his purpose. Vpon whose soule god for his hygh grace haue mercy. CElestinus was pope after Nico∣las .v. monethes / and no thynge noble of hym is wryten / but yt he was a vertuous man. ¶ Bonifacius the. vii. was pope after hȳ .viij. yere. This Bo∣niface was a man in those thynges that apperteyneth to courte / for he was very epert in suche maters. And bycause he had no pere / he put no mesure to his pru¦dence / & toke so grete pryde vpon hym / yt he sayd he was lord of all ye worlde. And many thȳges he dyd wt his myght that fayled wretchedly in the ende. He gaue an ensample to all prelates yt they shold not be proude / but vnder the forme of a very shepeherde of god they sholde more study to be loued of theyr subiectes than to be drad. This man is he of whome it is sayd yt he entred as a fox / he lyued as a lyon / & dyed as a dogge. ¶ This tyme the yere of grace was ordeyned from an C. yere to an .C. yere / & the fyrst Jubile was in ye yere of our lord god. M .CCC. ¶ Benedict{us} the .xj. was pope after Bo¦niface .xi. monethes. This man was an holy man of ye ordre of ye frere prechours & lytell whyle lyued / but decessed anone. ¶ Adulphus was Emperour .vj. yere. This man was ye erle of Anoxone / and was not crowned by ye pope / for he was slayne in batayle. ¶ Albertus was em∣perour after hȳ .x. yere. This man was ye duke of Austrie / & fyrst was repreued of the pope / & after was confermed by ye same pope for the malyce of the kyng of Fraūce whiche was an enemy vnto the chirche. And to that Albert ye same pope gaue the kyngdom of fraūce / as he dyd other kyngdomes / but it {pro}fyted not / for at the last he was slayne of his neuewe. ¶ Clemēs was pope after Benedictus almoost .ix. yere. This man was a grete buylder of castels & other thynges. And he dampned ye ordre of Templers. And he ordeyned the .vij. boke of decretalles the whiche be called y• questyons of Cle∣mentyns. And anone after in a coūseyle the whiche he helde at Vienna he reuo∣ked that same boke / the whiche his suc∣cessour Iohn called agayn / & incorpored it & publysshed it. This Clement fyrst of al popes translated the popes seet from Rome to Aumyon. And whyder it was done by the mocyon of god / or by ye bold∣nes of man / dyuerse men meruaylleth. ¶ Iohn the .xxij. was pope after hym xviij. yere. This man was all gloryous as for those thȳges that were to be vsed through the actyfe lyfe. And he publys∣shed the Constytucyons of the Clemen∣tynes / & sent them to all ye vniuersitees. And many sayntes he canonysed. And ye fatte bysshopryches he deuyded. And he ordeyned many thynges agaynst ye plu ralite of benefices / and many heretykes he dampned / but whyder he was saued or not / our lorde god wolde not shewe to those that he loued very well. ¶ Henry the .vij. was emperour after Albert .v. yere. This Henry was a noble man in warre / and he coueyted to haue peas by londe & water. He was a gloryous man in batayle / & was neuer ouercome with enemyes. And at the last he was poy∣soned of a frere whan that he houseled hym by receyuynge of the sacrament. ANd after this kynge Edwarde regned Edwarde his sone / that was borne at Carnaruan. And this Ed¦ward went in to Fraūce & there he spou¦sed Isabell ye kynges doughter of Fraū∣ce the .xxv. daye of Ianuary at ye chirche of our lady at Boloyn in the yere of our lorde Iesu Chryst a. M .CCC .vij. And the .xx. daye of Feueryer the nexte yere y• came after he was crowned solemply at Westmynster of ye archebysshop of Caū∣terbury & of ye archebisshop of winchelse And there was so grete prees of people yt syr Iohn Bakwel was deed & murdred And anone as the good kynge Edward was deed / syr Edward his sone kyng of Englonde sent after Pyers of Ganaston into Gascoyn / & so moche he loued him yt he called him broder. And anone after he gaue hym ye lordshyp of Walyngford / & after yt he gaue him ye erledom of Corne∣wayle agaynst all ye lordes wyll of Eng∣londe. And thā brought he syr Walter of Langton bysshop of Chestre to ye tour of London in prison wt two knaues al onely to serue hym. For ye kyng was wroth wt hȳ / bycause yt syr Walter made cōplaynt on hȳ to his fader / wherfore he was put in prison in ye tyme of Troile baston. And the fore said Piers of Ganaston made so grete maystryes yt he went in to ye kyn∣ges tresoury in ye abbey of westmynster & toke y• table of golde wt the trestyls of ye same / & many other ryche iewels yt som∣tyme were kyng Arthurs / & toke them to a marchaūt yt was called Aymery of and / for he shold bere them ouer∣see in to Gascoyne / & so he went thens & neuer came agayn after / whiche was a grete losse to this londe. And whan this Pyers was so rychely auaūced / he beca me wōders proude / wherfore al ye grete lordes of ye realme had hȳ in despyte for his grete berynge / wherfore syr Henry Lay of Nichol / and syr Guy erle of wa / the whiche good lordes ye good king Edward syr Edwardes fader king of Englonde charged y• Pyers of Gana∣ston sholde not come in to Englond for to brynge his sone Edward in to ryot. And all y• lordes of Englonde assembled them on a certayn daye at y• eres prechours at London / & there they spake of ye disho∣nour that kynge Edward dyd to his re∣alme & to his crowne. And so they assen∣ted all bothe erles & barons & all the co∣myns yt the foresaid Pyers of Ganaston sholde be exiled out of Englonde for euer more. And so it was done: for he forswore Englond & went in to Irlonde / & there ye kyng made hym chefetayn & gouernour of the londe by his cōmyssion. And there this Pyers was chefetayn of all ye londe and dyd there all that hym lyked & had power to do what he wolde. And yt tyme were ye temples exiled through all th stendom / bycause ye men put vpon them that they shold do thynges agaynst the fayth & good byl. Kynge Edward lo∣ued Piers of Ganaston so moche that he myght not forbere his company and so moche ye kyng gaue & behyght ye people of Englonde that ye erlyng of ye foresayd Pyers sholde be reuoked at Stamford through them yt had eled hym. Wher∣fore Pyers of Ganaston came agayne in to Englonde. And whan he was come agayn in to this lond / he despysed ye gre∣test lordes of this londe / & called syr ∣bert of Clare erle of Glocester and the erle of Nycholl syr Henry Lay brstenbely / & syr Guy erle of warwyk the blacke hoūde of Arderne and also be called ye noble erle Thomas of Lancastre churle / & many other scornes & shames them sayd / & many other grete lordes of Englonde▪ wherfore they were toward hym full angry & wro ad tyght ore anoyed. And in ye same tyme dyed ye erle of Nycholl / but he charged or yt he dyed Thomas erle of Lācastre that was his sone e that he sholde maynteyne his quarell agaynst this same Pyers of Ganaston vpon his blessynge. And so it befel through helpe of the erle Thomas of Lancastre & also of ye erle of Warwyk that the foresayd Pyers was heded at Gauersythe besyde Warwyk / the .xix. daye of Iune / in the yere of grace a. M .ccc .xij. Wherfore the kynge was sore a∣noyed / & prayed god yt he myght se ye day to be auenged vpon ye deth of ye foresayd Pyers. And so it befell afterward as ye shall here. Alas the tyme / for ye foresayd erle of Lancastre & many other grete ba rons were put to pyteous deth & marty red bycause of the foresayd quarell. The kynge was than at London and helde a parliament / & ordeyned the lawes of syr Symond Mounford / wherfore the erle of Lancastre & the other erles & all ye cler¦gye of Englonde made made an othe through counseyle of Robert of Wynchelse for to maynteyn tho ordinaūces for euermore. ANd whan syr Robert the Brus that made hȳ kyng of Scotlond that before was fledde in to Norway for drede of deth of ye good kyng Edward / & also he herd of the debate yt than was in Englonde bytwene ye kynge & his lordes he ordeyned an hoost & came in to Eng∣londe in to Northumberlond / & clene de∣stroyed ye coūtree. And whan kyng Ed∣ward herde these tydynges he let assem¦ble his hoost & mette ye Scottes at Estre uelyn on the daye of ye Natiuite of saynt Iohn Baptyst / in the thyrde yere of his regne / & in the yere of grace .M.ccc.xiiij. Alas ye sorowe & losse yt there was done. For there was slayne the noble erle Gyl∣bert of Clare / syr Robert Clifford baron & there kyng Edward was discōfited / & Edmond of Maule the kynges steward for drede went & drowned hymselfe in a fresshe ryuer yt is called Bannokesborne Wherfore they sayd in reprofe of kynge Edward for as moche as he loued to go by water / & also for he was discomfyted at Bannokesborne / therfore ye maydens made a songe therof in ye coūtree of kyng Edwarde / & in this maner they songe. Maidens of englond sore may ye morne for tyʒt haue lost your lemmans at Ban¦nokesborne / wt heuelogh / what weneth the kyng of Englōd to haue goten Scot¦londe wt rombilogh. ¶ Whan kyng Ed∣ward was discomfited wonders fast he fled with his folke yt were lefte alyue / & went to Barwyk / & there helde hȳ. And after he toke hostages / yt is to saye / two chyldren of ye rychest of the towne / & the kyng went to London / & toke coūseyle of thȳges yt were nedefull vnto ye realme of Englonde. ¶ In this tyme it befell that than was in Englonde a rybaud yt was called Iohn Tanner / & he said yt he was the good kyng Edwardes sone / & let call hym Edward of Carnaruan / & therfore he was taken at Oxford / & there he cha∣lenged the frere Carmes chirche ye kyng Edwarde had gyuen them / the whiche chirche somtyme was the kynges hall. And afterward was this Iohn ladde to Northamton / & drawen & hāged for his falsnes / & or that he was deed he cōfes∣sed & said before al those that were there that the deuyll behyght hym yt he shold be kynge of Englonde / and that he had serued the deuyll thre yere. ON mydlent sondaye in the yere of our lord Iesu Chryst. M .ccc .xvj. Barwyk was lost through fals treason of one Pyers of Spaldyng / the whiche Pyers kynge Edwarde had put there for to kepe the same towne with many burgeyses of the same towne. Wherfore the chyldren that were put in hostage through the burgeyses of Barwyk fo∣lowed ye kynges marchalse many dayes fettred in stronge yrens. ¶ And after that tyme there came two cardynals in to Englond / whiche ye pope had sent for to make peas bytwene Englond & Scot¦londe. And as they went towarde Dur∣ham for to haue sacred mayster Lowys of Beaumont bysshop of Durham / they were takē and obbed vpon the more of Wynglesoown. Of whiche robbery syr Gylbert of Middelton was atteynt and taken / & drawen & hanged at London / & his heed smytten of & put vpon a spere / and set vpon newe gate / and the foure quarters sent to foure citees of Englōde And that same tyme befell many mys∣cheues in Englond / for the poore people dyed for hunger / and so moche & so fast dyed that vnneth men myght them bu∣ry. For a quarter of whete was worth xl. shyllynges / and two yere & an halfe a quarter of whete was worth .x. marke. And often tymes the poore people stale chyldren and ete them / & ete also all the hoūdes that they myght take / and also horses and cattes. And after there fell a grete moreyn amonge beestes in diuers countrees of Englonde durynge kynge Edwardes lyfe tyme. ANd in the same tyme came the Scottes agayne in to Englond and destroyed Northumberlonde / and brent & robbed that lond / and slewe men & women / & chyldren that laye in theyr cradels / & brent also chirches & destroied chrystendom / and toke & bare Englysshe mēnes goodes as they had bē sarasyns or paynyms / & of the wyckednes yt they dyd all chrystendom spake of it. ANd whā pope Iohn the .xxij. af¦ter saynt Peter herde of ye grete sorow & myschefe yt the scottes wrought he was wonders sory that christendom was so destroyed through the Scottes / and namely yt they destroyed so chirches wherfore ye pope sent a generall sentence vnder his bulles of leed vnto the arche∣bysshop of Caunterbury & to the arche∣bysshop of yorke / that yf Robert ye Brus of Scotlonde wolde not be iustifyed and make amendes vnto ye kyng of Englōde Edward theyr lord / & make amendes of his harmes yt they had done / & also to re¦store the goodes yt they had taken of ho∣ly chirche / that ye sentence sholde be pro∣nounced through out all Englonde. And whan ye Scottes herde this / they wold not leue theyr malyce for the popes com¦maūdemēt / wherfore Robert the Brus Iames Douglas / & Thomas Randulf erle of Moref / & all those that wt them co∣moned or holpe them in worde or dede were accursed in euery chirche through out all Englonde euery day at masse .iii. tymes / & no masse shold be songe in holy chirche through out all Scotlonde but yf ye Scottes wolde make restitucyon of the harmes yt they had made vnto holy chirche / wherfore many a good preest & holy men therfore were slayne through the realme of Scotlonde / bycause they wolde not synge masse agaynst ye popes cōmaūdement & agaynst his wyll and to do and fulfyll the tyrauntes wyll. ANd it was not longe afterward that ye kynge ne ordeyued a par∣liament at yorke / & there was syr Hugh Spensers sone made chamberlain. And the meane tyme whyle the warre lasted the kyng went agayn in to Scotlonde yt it was wonder to wyte / & besyeged the towne of Barwyk / but ye Scottes went ouer ye water of Solewath yt was thre myle frō ye kynges hoost / & pryuely they stale away by nyght & came in to englōd & robbed & destroyed all yt they myght / & spared no maner thȳge tyll yt they came to yorke. And whan ye englysshmen that were lefte at home herd these tydynges all tho yt might trauayle as well mōkes preestes / freres / thanōs & seculers came & mette wt the scottes at Miton vpswale the .xij. day of October. Alas ye sorow / for the englisshe husbondmen that coude no thȳge of warre there were slayne & drow ned in an arme of ye see. And ye chefetay∣nes syr William of Melton archebisshop of yorke: & ye abbot of selby wt theyr stedes fled & came to yorke / & yt was theyr owne foly yt they had yt mischaūce / for they pas sed ye water of swale / & ye scottes set a fyre the stackes of hey: & ye smoke therof was so huge yt the englysshmen myght not se the scottes. And whan ye Englysshmen were gone ouer ye water / than came the Scottes wt theyr wynge in maner of a shelde & came towarde ye englysshmen in araye / & the englysshmen fledde / for vn∣neth they had ony men of armes / for the kyng had them almoost lost at ye syege of Barwyk / and the scottes hoblers went bytwene the brydge & the englysshmen. And whan ye grete hoost them mette / the englysshmen fled bytwene ye hoblers & ye grete hoost / & the Englysshmen almoost were there slayn / & they yt might go ouer the water were saued / but many were drowned. Alas for there were slayne ma¦ny men of relygyon / seculers / preestes & clerkes: & wt moche sorow ye archebisshop escaped: & therfore ye Scottes called that batayle the whyte batayle. ANd whan kyng Edward herde these tydynges / he remeued his syege from Barwik & came agayn in to Englonde. But syr Hugh Spenser the sone that was ye kynges chamberlayne kepte so the kynges chambre / yt no man myght speke with ye kynge. But he had made with hym a fette for to do all his nede / & yt ouer mesure. And this Hugh bare hym so stoute / that all men had of hym scorne and despyte. And the kynge hymselfe wold not be gouerned ne ruled by no maner man but onely by his fader and by hym. And yf ony knyght of Eng∣londe had wodes / maners or lōdes / that they wolde coueyte / anone ye kyng must gyue it them / or els the man that ought it sholde be falsly endyted of forfayte or felouy. And through suche doynge they disheryted many a bacheler / & so moche loude he gate that it was grete wonder. And whan ye lordes of Englonde sawe ye grete couetyse & the falsnes of syr Hugh Spenser the fader & syr Hugh the sone / they came to ye gentyll erle of Lancastre and asked hym of coūseyle of the dysease that was in ye realme through syr Hugh Spenser and his sone. And in haste by one assent they made a preuy assemble at Shyrburne in Elmede / and they made there an othe for to breke & dystrouble ye doynge bytwene ye king & syr Hugh spen ser & his sone vpō theyr power. And they wēt in to ye marche of wales & destroyed the londe of the foresayd syr Hughes. WHan kyng Edward sawe ye grete harme & destruccyon that the ba∣rons of Englond dyd to syr Hugh Spen sers londe & to his sones in euery place yt they came vpon / the king than through his coūseyle exiled syr Iohn Mombray / syr Roger Clifford / & syr Gosselin Dauil & many other lordes yt were cōsentynge to them / wherfore the barons dyd than more harme than they dyd before. And whan ye kyng sawe ye the barons wolde not cease of theyr cruelte / the kyng was sore adrad lest they wold destroye hym & his realme for his mayntenaūce / but yf he assented to them / & so he sent for them by lettres yt they sholde come to London to his parliament at a certayne daye as in his lettres were conteyned. And they came wt thre batayles well armed at all poyntes / and euery batayle had cote ar∣mures of grene cloth / & therof the ryght quarter was yelowe wt whyte bendes / wherfore that parliament was called ye parlyament of the whyte bende. And in that company was syr Vmfrey of Bo∣houne erle of Herford / & syr Roger Clif∣ford / syr Iohn Mombray / syr Gosselyn Dauyll / syr Roger Mortimer of Wyg∣more / syr Henry of Trais / syr Iohn Gif fard / & syr Barthilme we of Badelsmore that was the kynges steward / that the kyng had sent to Shyrburein Elmede to ye erle of Lancastre / & to all that were with hym for to treate of accorde / yt hym alyed to the barons / & came wt that com∣pany. And syr Roger Dammorie / & syr Hugh Dandale ye had spoused ye kynges neces syster / & syr Gylbert of Clare erle of Glocestre yt was slayne in Scotlonde as before is sayd. And those two lordes had than two partyes of the erledome of Glocestre / & syr Hugh Spenser the sone had ye thyrde parte in his wyues halfe the thyrd syster / & those two lordes wēt to ye barons wt all theyr power agaynst syr Hugh theyr broder lawe / & so there came with them syr Roger Clifford / syr Iohn Mombray / syr Gosselyn Dauyll / syr Roger Mortymer of Wygmore his neuew / syr Henry Trais / syr Iohn Gif∣fard / syr Barthylmewe of Badelsmore with all theyr company & many other y• to them were consentyng. All the grete lordes came to Westmynster to the kyn∣ges parliament / & so they spake & dyd ye bothe syr Hugh Spenser the fader & al∣so the sone were outlawed of Englonde for euermore. And so syr Hugh the fader went to Douer & made moche sorow / & fell downe vpon y• groūde by ye see banke acrosse with his armes / & sore wepyng sayd. Now fayre Englonde & good Eng londe to almyghty god I the betake / & thryes kyssed ye groūde / & wende neuer to haue comen agayn / & wepyng cursed the tyme yt euer he begate syr Hugh his sone / & sayd for hȳ he had lost all englōde & in presence of all gaue him his curse & went ouer the see to his londes. But Hugh the sone wolde not go out of Eng∣londe / but helde hym on ye see & he & his cōpany robbed two Dromondes besyde Sandwyche / & toke & bare awaye all ye was in them / the value of .xl. M. poūde. IT was not longe after ye the kyng ne made syr Hugh Spenser th a der & syr Hugh the sone come agayne in to Englonde agaynst the lordes wyll of the realme. And soone after the kyng wt a stronge power came and besyeged the castell of Ledes / & in the castell was the lady of Badelsmore bycause ye she wold not graūte that castell to the quene I sa∣bell kyng Edwardes wyfe. But ye prin∣cypall cause was bycause ye syr Barthil∣mewe was agaynst the kyng & helde wt the lordes of Englonde / & neuerthelesse the kynge by helpe and socour of men of London / and also of helpe of southeren men gate the castell maugre of them all that were within / & toke with them all that they myght fynde. And whan the barons of Englonde herde these tydyn∣ges / syr Roger Mormer & many other lordes toke the towne of Burgworth wt strength / wherfore the kyng was won∣ders wrothe / & let outlawe Thomas of Lācastre / & Vmfrey de Bohoune erle of Herford / & all those that were assentyng to the same quarell. And the kyng assem¦bled an huge hoost / & came agaynst the lordes of Englonde / wherfore the Mor∣timers put them in the kynges mercy & grace. And anone they were sente to the toure of London / & there kepte in prison. And whan ye barons herde this thynge they came to Poūtfret castell / where as the erle Thomas soiourned / & told hym how that ye Mortimers both had yelded them to ye kyng / & put them i his grace. WHan Thomas erle of Lancastre herd this / he was wōders wroth and all yt were of his company / & gretly they were discōforted / & ordeyned theyr power togyder / & besyeged the castell of Tykhyll. But those that were within manly defended them / that the barons coude not gete the castell. And whan the kynge herde yt his castell was besyeged he swore by god & by his names / that ye syege sholde be remeued / & assembled an huge power of people and went thyder∣ward to rescowe the castell / & his power encreased from daye to daye. Whan the erle of Lancastre / & the erle of Herford / & the barons of theyr cōpany herde of this thynge / they assembled all theyr power & went to Burton vpon Trent & kepte ye brydge yt the kyng sholde not passe ouer. But it befell so on the .x. daye of Marche in the yere of grace. M .ccc .xxj. the kyng & the Spensers / syr Aymer of Valaūce erle of Penbroke / & Ioherle of Arūdell and theyr power wet ouer the water & discomyted the erle Thomas & his com pany. And they fled to the castell of Tut∣bery / & from thens to Poūtfret. And in ye vyage dyed syr Roget Danmore in the abbey of Tuthery. And that same tyme the erle Thomas had a traytour wt him that was called Robert Holand a knight that ye erle had brought vp of nought / & had nourysshed hym in his buttry / and had gyuen hym a. M. marke of londe by yere / & so moche the erle loued hym yt he myght do in ye erles courte all yt hym ly∣ked wt hye & lowe / & so craftely the thefe bare hym / yt his lorde trusted hym more than ony man on lyue. And the erle had ordeyned hym by his lettres for to go in to the erledom of Lācastre to make men aryse to helpe hym in yt viage / that is to saye .v .C. men of armes. But the false traytour came not there no maner men for to warne ne reyse to helpe his lorde. And whan the fals traytour herde tell yt his lord was discōfited at Burton vpon Trent / as a fals traytour thefe stale a∣waye & robbed in Rauensdele his lordes men yt came from the discōfyture / & toke of them hors & harneys & all yt they had & slewe of them al that he myght take / & came & yelded hym to the kynge. Whan the good erle Thomas wyst yt he was so betrayed / he was sore abasshed / & sayd to hȳselfe. O almighty god how myght Robert Holand fynde in his herte me to betraye / syth I loued hym so moche. O god well may now a man se by hȳ / yt no man may deceyue an other rather than he that he trusteth moost vpon / he hath full euyll yelded me ye goodnes & ye wor∣shyp yt I haue done to hym / & through my kyndnes haue auaūced him & made hym hye where that he was lowe / and he maketh me go from hygh vnto lowe / but yet shall he dye an euyll deth. He good erle syr Thomas of Lan¦castre / Vmfrey de Bohoune erle of Herford / & the barons that were with them toke coūseyle bytwene them at the freres prechours in Poūfret / Thomas of Lancastre than thought vpon ye trea∣son of Robert Holand / & sayd in reprefe. Alas Robert Holand hath me betrayed / aye is the reed of some euyll shreed. And by the comyn assent they shold go to the castell of Dunstanburgh / ye whiche ap∣perteined to the erledom of Lancastre / & that they shold abyde there tyll that the kyng had forgyuen them his maletalēt. But whan the good erle Thomas herde this / he answered in this maner & sayd. Lordes said he / yf we go toward ye north the northeren men wyll saye that we go towarde the Scottes / and so we shall be holden traytours / for cause of distaūce yt is bytwene kyng Edward & Robert the Brus that made him kyng of Scotlond & therfore I saye as touchynge my selfe I wyll not go no ferther in to the north than to myn owne castell of Pountfret. And whan syr Roger Clifford herd this he arose vp anone in wrath & drewe his swerde on hygh / & swore by almyghty god & by his holy names / but yf that he wolde go wt them / he shold there slee hȳ. The noble & gentyll erle Thomas was sore adrad & sayd. Fayre syrs I wyll go with you whether so euer ye me bydde. Than went they togider in to ye north / & with them they had. vij .C. men of ar∣mes / & came to Burbrygge. Whan syr Andrewe of Herkela yt was in the north coūtree through ordynaūce of the kynge for to kepe ye coūtree of Scotlonde herde tell how ye Thomas of Lancastre was dyscomfyted & his company at Burton vpon Trent / he ordeyned hym a stronge power / & syr Symond Ward also / that than was shyref of yorke / and mete the barons at Burbrygge / and anone they brake ye brydge that was made of tree. And whan ye erle Thomas of Lancastre herde that syr Andrewe of Herka had brought wt hym suche a power / he was sore adrad / and sente for syr Andrewe of Herkela / and with hym spake / & sayd to hym in this maner. Syr Andrewe sayd he / ye may well vnderstande how yt out lorde the kynge is ladde and mysgouer∣ned by moche false coūseye through syr Hugh Spenser the fader and syr Hugh his sone / & syr Iohn erle of Arundell / & through mayster Robert Baldok a false pylled clerke / that now is dwellyng in ye kynges courte. Wherfore I praye you that ye wyll come with vs with all the power that ye haue ordeyned & helpe to destroye ye venym of Englonde, and the traytours that ben therin / and we wyll gyue vnto you all ye best parte of .v. ∣domes that we haue & holde / & we wyll make vnto you an othe yt we wyll neuer do thynge without your counseyle / & so ye shall be eft as well wt vs as euer was Robert Holand. Than answered syr An∣drewe of Herkela & sayd. Syr Thomas that wold I not do no consent therto for no maner thȳge ye myght me gyue wt∣out the wyll & cōmaūdement of our lord the kynge / for than sholde I be holden a traytour for euermore. And whan yt the noble erle Thomas of Lancastre sawe yt he wolde not consent to hym for no ma∣ner thynge / he sayd. Syr Andrew wyll ye not consent to destroye ye ve of the realme as we be / consent at one worde / syr Andrewe I tell the that or this yere be passed that ye shall be taken & holden for a traytour / and more than ony of you holde vs now / & of a worse deth ye shall dye than euer dyd knyght in Englōde / & vnderstāde well yt ye dyd neuer thynge yt sorer shal repēt you / & now go & do what you good lyketh / & I wyll put me in to the mercy of god. And so wente the fals traytour tyraūt and as a fals forsworne man. For through ye noble erle Thomas of Lancastre he receyued the armes of chyualry / & of hym was made knyght. Than myght men searchers drawe thē on that one syde & on yt other / & knightes also / & thā fought togyder wonders sore And also amonge all other syr Humfrey de Boughon erle of Herforde a worthy knyght of renome through all chrysten∣dom stode & fought with his enemyes vpon the brydge / & as ye noble lorde stode & fought vpon ye brydge / a thefe rybaud skulked vnder the brydge & fyersly with a spere smote the noble knyght in to the foūdament / so ye his bowelles fell about his feet. Alas for sorowe / for there was slayne the floure of solace & cōforte & also of curteysy. And syr Roger of Clifford a noble knyght stode euer & fought / & well & worthely hym defended / but at ye last he was sore wounded in his heed / & syr Willyam of Sllay & syr Roger of Ber∣nefelde were slayue at yt batayle. Whan syr Andrewe of Herkela sawe yt syr Tho∣mas men of Lancastre lessed & slaked / a∣none he & his company came vnto ye gen¦tyll ayght / & sayd vnto hym wt an hye voyce. Yelde the traitour yelde the. The gentyll erle Thomas than answered & sayd. Nay lordes / traitours be we none & to you we wyll vs neuer yelde whyle that our lyues lasteth / but rather wyll we dye our treuth than yelde vs vnto you. And syr Andrewe agayne behelde syr Thomas & his company yellynge & cryenge as a wood wolfe & sayd. Yelde you traytours taken yelde you / sayenge with an hye voyce / beware syrs yt none of you be so hardy vpon lyfe & ly e to miso Thomas body of Lancastre. And with that worde the good erle Thomas went into the chae and sayd kelyng vpon his knees / and turned his vysage towarde the crosse and sayd. Almyghty god vnto the I yelde me / & holly I put me vnto thy mercy. And with that the vylayns & rybaudes lepte aboute hym on euery syde as tyrauntes & wood tur∣mentours / and despoyled hym of his ar mure / and clothed hym in a robe of raye that was of his squyers lyuerey / & forth ladde hym vnto Yorke by water. Than myght men se moche sorowe & care. For the gentyll knyghtes fled on euery syde and ye rybaudes & vylayns egerly them descryed / and cryed on hygh / yelde you traytours yelde you. And whan they were yolden / they were robbed & boūde as theues. Alas the shame and despyte that ye gentyll ordre of knyghthode had there at that batayle. And the lond was than without lawe / for holy chirche had than no more reuerence thā yf it had ben a brodell hous. And in that batayle was the fader against the sone / and the vncle agaynst the neuewe. For so moche vn∣kyndnes there was neuer seen before in Englonde as was that tyme amonge folkes of one nacyon. For one kynrede had no more yte on that other / than an hogry wolfe hath of a shepe, & it was no wonder. For the grete lordes of Eng∣londe were not all borne of o ayon / but were edled with other nas / that is for to saye / some were Brytons some Saos / some nes / some Pe∣hytes / some Fren / some Normās / Spanyades / Romayns / Henoers / Femges / with my other oyons the whiche nacyons aced not to the kynde blode of Englond. And yf so gret lordes ha bē onely dded o nglysshe people / than sholde rest and pes haue ben age them without oy eny. And at ye batayle were taken prysoners syr Roger Eord / syr Iohn Mbray syr Wyllyam Tuchit / syr Willyam itz Willyam / & many other worthy knygh tes there were takē at that batayle. And syr Hugh Dandell the nexte daye after was taken & put in to prison / and sholde haue bē done to deth yf he had not spou∣sed the kynges nece that was erle Gyl∣bertes syster of Glocestre. And anone af∣ter was syr Barthmew of Badelsmere taken at Stowe parke / a manoyr of the bysshop of Lyncolnes / that was his ne∣uewe / & many other barons & baronets wherfore was made moche sorowe. NOw I shall tell you of the noble erle syr Thomas of Lancastre. Whan he was taken & brought to yorke many of the cyte were full glad / & vpon hym cryed with an hygh voyce. O syr traytour ye be welcome / blyssed be god / for now ye shall haue the rewarde that longe tyme ye haue deserued. And cast vpon hym many snowe balles / & many other reproues they dyd hym. But the gentyll erle suffred all and sayd not one worde agayne. And at ye same tyme the kynge herde of this discōfyture / & was full glad / and in haste came to Poūtfret and syr Hugh Spenser & syr Hugh his sone / & syr Iohn erle of Arundel / and syr Edmond of wodstok the kynges broder erle of Kent / syr Aymer of Valaūce erle of Penbroke / & mayster Robert Baldok a fals pylled clerke / that was preuy and dwelled in the kynges courte / & all came thyder with the kynge. And the kynge entred in to the castell. And syr Andrewe of Herkela a fals tyraūt through ye kyn∣ges cōmaundement toke with hym the gentyll erle Thomas to Pountfret / and there he was prysoned in his owne ca∣stell that he had newe made / that stode agaynst the abbey of kynge Edwarde. And syr Hugh Spenser the fader & his sone cast in theyr thoughtes how and in what maner the good erle Thomas of Lancastre shold be put to deth without ony iudgemēt of his peres. Wherfore it was ordeyned through ye kynges Iusti∣ces that the kynge shold put vpon hym poyntes of treason. And so it befell that he was ledde to barre before the kynges Iustices bare heded as a thefe in a fayre hall in his own castell where as he had made many a grete feest to riche & poore. And these were his Iustices syr Hugh Spenser the fader / & Aymer of aae erle of Penbroke / syr Edmōd of wodstok erle of Kent / syr Iohn of Brytayn erle of Rychmond / & syr Robert Malm Iustice / & this syr Robert him acouped in this maner. Thomas at the first our lorde ye kyng & this courte excludeth yu of all maner answere. Thomas our ld the kyng putteth vpon you yt ye haue his lōd ryden wt baner displayed against his peas as a traytour. And with that worde yt gentyll erle Thomas wt an voyce sayd. Nay lordes forsoth & by a Thomas I was neuer traytour. The Iustyce sayd agayn. Thomas our lord the kyng putteth vpō you yt ye haue rob¦bed his folke & murdred his people as a thefe. Thomas also ye kyng putteth you yt he discōfyted you & your people wt his folke in his owne realme wherfore ye went & ed to ye wode as an . And Thomas as a traitour ye ought to be hanged by reason but the kyng hath forgyuen you that Iudgement for ue of quene Isabell. And Thomas reason wolde that ye sholde be hanged but the kynge hath forgyuen you yt udgement for loue of your lygnage. But Thomas for as moche as ye were taken fleynge & as an oulawe ye kyng wyll yt your heed be smytten of as ye haue well deserued Anoue haue hym out of pres & brynge hym to his iudgement. Whan ye gentyll knyght Thomas had herd al these wor des / with an hye voyce he cryed sore we∣pyng & sayd. Alas saint Thomas fayre fader / alas shall I be deed thus. Graūt me now blissedfull god answere. But all auayled hym o thynge. For the cursed Gascoyns put hym hyder & thyder / & on hym cryed wt an hye voyce. O kyng Ar∣thur moost terryble and dredefull / well knowen is now thyn open traytory / an euyll deth shalt thou anone dye / as thou hast well deserued it. And than they set vpon his heed in scorne an olde chapelet that was all to rent that was not worth an halfpeny. And after that they set hȳ vpon a lne whyte palfrey full vnseme∣ly / & also all bare / & with an olde brydell and with an horryble noyse they droue hym out of the castell toward his deth / and they cast vpon hym many balles of snowe in despyte. And as the traytours ladde hym out of the castel he sayd these pyteous wordes / holdynge vp his han∣des towarde heuen. Now the kynge of heuen gyue vs mercy / for ye erthly kyng hath vs forsaken. And a frere prechour went with hym out of the castell tyll he came to the place that he ended his lyfe / vnto whom he shroue hȳ of all his lyfe. And the gentyll erle helde the frere won¦ders fast by the clothes & sayd to hym. Fayre fader abyde with vs tyll that I be deed / for my flesshe quaketh for drede of deth. And the sothe to saye / the gentyl erle set hym vpon his knees and turned hym towarde ye eest. But a rybaud that was called Higone of Moston set hande vpon the gentyl erle / & sayd in despyte of hym. Syr traytour turne the toward ye Scottes thy foule dethe to receyue / and turned hym toward the north. The no∣ble erle Thomas answered than with a mylde voyce & sayd. Now fayre lordes I shall do your wyll. And with ye worde the frere went from hym sore wepynge And anone a rybaud wente to hym and smote of his heed the .xi. Kal. of Apryll / in the yere of grace. M .CCC. and .xxi. Alas yt euer suche a gentyll blode sholde be put to deth wtout cause & reason. And traytoursly was the kynge counseyled whan he through the fals coūseyle of ye Spensers suffred syr Thomas his vn∣cles sone to be put to suche a deth & so by heded agaynst all reason. And grete pite it was also yt suche a noble kynge sholde be deceyued and mysgouerned through coūseyle of ye fals Spensers the whiche he maynteyned through loselry against his honour & also {pro}fyte. For afterwarde there fell grete vengeaūce in Englonde bycause of the foresayd Thomas dethe. ¶ Whan the gentyll erle of his lyf was passed / the pryour & ye monkes of Poūt∣fret gate the body of syr Thomas of the kyng / and they buryed it before the hye awter on ye ryght syde. That same daye that this gētyl knyght was deed / there were hanged & drawen for ye same qua∣rell at Poūtfret / syr Wyllyam Tuchet / syr William fitz William / syr Warreyn of ysell / syr Henry of Bradborne / and syr Wyllyam Chayny / barons all / & Iohn Page squyer. And soone after at Yorke were drawen & hāged sir Roger Clifford syr Iohn of Mambray barōs / & syr Go∣selyn Dauyll knyght. And at Brystowe were drawen and hanged / syr Henry of wemyngton / and syr Henry Mounford barons. And at Glocestre were drawen and hanged syr Iohn Geffard / and syr Willyam of Elmebrugge barons. And at London were drawen & hanged / syr Henry Tyes baron. And at Wynchelse syr Thomas Colepeper knyght. And at Wyndsore was drawen and hanged syr Fraūceys of waldenham baron. And at Caūterbury was drawen & hanged syr Barthylmewe Badelsmore / & syr Bar∣thylmewe of Asshebourneham barons / And at Cardyfe in Wales syr Willyam Flemmynge baron. ANd whā kyng Edward of Eng∣londe had brought the floure of chyualry vnto theyr deth through coun seyle & consent of syr Hugh Spenser the fader / and syr Hugh the sone / he became as wood as ony lyon. And what so euer the Spensers wolde haue / it was done / so well the kynge loued them that they myght do wt hym all thynge yt them ly∣ked / wherfore ye kyng gaue to syr Hugh Spenser the fader the erledom of Wyn∣chestre / & to syr Andrewe of Herkela the erledom of Cardoyll in preiudyce and in harmynge of his crowne. And kyng Ed¦ward than through coūseyle of ye Spen¦sers disheryted all them that had ben a∣gaynst hȳ in ony quarell wt Thomas of Lancastre / & many other were dishery∣ted also / bycause yt the Spensers couey∣ted to haue theyr lōdes / & so they had all that they wolde desyre with wronge & agaynst all reason. Than made ye kyng Robert Baldok a fals pylled clerke chaū celer of Englonde / through coūseyle of ye foresayd Spensers / & he was a fals ry∣baude and a couetous. And so they coū∣seyled the kyng moche that the kyng let take to his own warde all ye goodes of ye lordes yt were put wrongfully to deth in to his own hādes. And as well they toke the goodes yt were wtin holy chirche as ye goodes yt were wtout / & let them be put in to his tresoury in London / & let them call his forfeytes. And by theyr coūseyle the kyng wrought / for euermore he dis∣heryted them yt ought the goodes. And through theyr coūsele let arere a tallage of all ye goodes of Englond / wherfore he was ye richest kyg ye euer was in englōd after Willyam basard of Normany ye conquered Englonde. And yet through counseyle of them hy semed ye he had not ynough / but made yet euery towne of Englonde for to fynde a man of armes vpon theyr own costes / for to go & warre vpon the Scottes yt were his enemyes / wherfore ye kyng went in to scotlonde wt an .C. M. men of armes at whitsontyde in ye yere of our lord. M .CCC .xxij. But the scottes went & hyd them in wodes & in mountaynes & taryed ye englysshmen fro day to day / yt the kyng myght for no maner thȳge fynde them in playn wherfore many englisshmen ye had vytayles dyed there for honger wōders fast / & sodynly in goynge & comynge & namely those that had ben against Tho¦mas of Lācastre & robbed his men vpon his lōdes. Whan kyng Edward sawe yt vytayles fayled hym / he was wonders sore dyscōforted / bycause also yt his men dyed: & for he might not spede of his ene∣myes. So at ye last he came aga to Englōde. And anone after came Iames douglas & also Thomas huge hoost into Northumberlonde & wt them ye englysshmen yt were dryuen out of Englonde / & came & robbed ye & slewe the people & also brnt a owne that was called Northall & many other townes to Yorke. And whan the kyng herde these tydynges he let mn all maner of men that myght trauayle. And so the Englysshmen mette y• Scot∣tes at the abbey of eyghlonde the .xv. daye after Myghelmasse in y• sam yere aboue sayd and the Englysshmen were discomfyted. And at that dyscomfytu was taken syr Iohn of Brytayn erle of Rychemond that helde the coūtre and the erledome of Lancastre and after he payed an huge raunsom and was let go And after that he went in to Fraunce / & came neuer afterwarde agayne. THan at y• tyme was syr Andrew of Herkela that newe was made erle of Cardoyll / bycause y• he had taken the good erle Thomas of Lancastre. He had ordeyned through y• kynges cōmaū demēt of Englonde for to brynge him all the power y• he myght for to helpe hȳ a∣gaynst y• Scottes at y• abbey of Beygh∣londe. And whan the fals traytour had gadred all y• people y• he myght & sholde haue comē to y• king to y• abbey of Beigh¦lond / the fals traytour ladde them by an other countree through Copelonde / and through y• erledom of Lancastre / & went through y• coūtree & robbed & slewe folke all y• he myght. And ferthermore y• fals traytour had taken a grete sōme of gold & syluer of syr Iames Douglas for to be agaynst y• kyng of Englond / & to be hel∣pyng & holdyng wt the scottes / through whose treason y• kyng of Englond was discomfyted at Beighlonde or y• he came thyder. Wherfore y• kynge was toward hym wonders wroth / & let pryuely en∣quyre by y• coūtre aboute how y• it was. And so men enquyred & espyed / that at y• last the trouth was foūde & sought / and he atteynt & taken as a fals traitour / as the good erle Thomas of Lācastre hym tolde / or that he was put to dethe at his takynge at Burbrydge / & to hym sayd / or that yere were done he shold be taken & holden a traytour. And so it was as y• holy man sayd. Wherfore the kyng sent priuely to syr Anthony of Lucy a knight of the coūtree of Cardoyll that he sholde take syr Andrewe of Herkela & put hym to deth. And to bryng this thynge to an ende / the kynge sente his cōmyssyon / so that this same Andrewe was taken at Cardoyll & ledde to the barre in y• maner of an erle worthely arayed / and with a swerde gyrde aboute hym / and boted & sporred. Thā spake syr Anthony in this maner / syr Andrewe sayd he / the kynge putteth vpon the for as moche as y• hast benorped in thy dedes he dyd to the mo∣che honour / & made the erle of Cardoyll & thou as a traytour to thy lorde laddest the people of his countree y• sholde haue holpe hym at y• batayle of Beighlond / & thou laddest them away by y• coūtree of Copelonde & through y• erledom of Lan∣castre / wherfore our lorde y• kynge was discōfyted there of the Scottes through thy treason & falsnes / & yf thou haddest comen betymes he had had the batayle / And treason y• dydest for y• grete somme of gold and syluer that thou receyued of Iames Douglas a Scotte the kynges enemy. And our lorde y• kyng wyll that the ordre of knyghthode by the whiche y• receyued all thyne honour and worship vpon thy body / be all brought to nought & thyne estate vndone / y• other knightes of lower degree may after be ware / the whiche lord hath hugely auaunced the in dyuers coūtrees of Englonde / & that all may take ensample by y• / theyr lorde afterward truly for to serue. Than com¦maūded he a knaue anoue to hewe of his sporres on his heles. And after he lette breke the swerde ouer his heed / the whi¦che the kyng gaue hym for to kepe & de∣fende his londe therwith whan he had made hym erle of Cardoyl. And after he let hȳ be vnclothed of his furred tabard and of his hode / & of his furred cotes / & of his gyrdell. And whā this was done syr Anthony sayd than to hym. Andrew sayd he / now arte thou no knyght / but a knaue / and for thy treason the kynge wyll that y• shalte be hanged & drawen / and thy heed smytten of / & thy bowelles taken out of thy body & brent before the & thy body quartred / & thy heed sente to Londō / & there it shall stande vpon Lon∣don brydge / & the foure quarters shal be sente to foure townes of Englonde / that all other may be ware & chastised by the And as syr Anthony said / so it was done all maner thynge on y• last daye of Octo∣ber / in the yere of grace. M .CCC .xxij. And y• sonne turned in to blode as y• peo∣ple it sawe / & that dured from y• morowe tyll it was .xj. of the clocke of the daye. ANd soone after that y• good erle Thomas of Lācastre was mar∣tyred / there was a preest that lōge tyme had ben blynde / dremed in his slepe y• he sholde go to y• hyll there y• good erle Tho∣mas of Lancastre was put to deth / & he sholde haue his syght agayn / & so he dre¦med thre nyghtes suynge / & y• preest let lede him to y• same hyll / & whan he came to the place y• he was martyred on / full deuoutly he made there his prayers / & prayed god & saȳt Thomas y• he myght haue his syght agayne / & as he was in his prayers / he layde his ryght hande vpon y• same place y• the good man was martyred on / and a drop of drye blode & small sande cleued on his hande / & ther∣with stryked his eyen / & anone through the myght of god and saint Thomas he had his syght agayne / & thanked than almyghty god & saynt Thomas. ¶ And whā this myracle was knowen amōge men / y• people came thyder on euery syde and kneled & made theyr prayers at his tombe that is in y• pryory of Poūtfret / & prayed y• holy martyr of socour & helpe / & god herde theyr prayers. ¶ Also there was a yonge childe drowned in a welle in y• towne of Poūtfret / & was deed thre dayes & thre nyghtes / and men came & layde y• deed chilo vpon saynt Thomas tombe y• holy martyr / & the chylde arose frō deth to lyfe / as many a man it sawe. ¶ Also moche people were out of theyr mynde / & god sent them theyr mynde a∣gayn / through vertue of y• holy martyr. ¶ Also god hath gyuen there to exepyls theyr goynge / & to croked theyr handes & theyr feet / & to blynde also theyr fyght and to many seke folke theyr helth of by¦uers dyseases / for y• loue of this martyr. ¶ Also there was a ryche man in Co dom in Gascoyn / and suche a malady he had that all his ryght syde roed & fell away frō hym y• men might se his uer & his herte / & so he stanke y• vnneth men myght come nye hȳ / wherfore his fren∣des were for hym wonders sory / but at the last as god wold they prayd to saynt Thomas of Lancastre y• he wold praye to god for that prisoner / & behyght to go to Poūtfret for to do theyr pylgrymage he thought y• the martyr sam Thomas came to him & anouted ouer all his seke body / & therwith the good man aweke & was all hole / & his flesshe was restored agayn y• before was torred & fallē away For whiche myracle the good man & his frendes loued god & saint Thomas euer more after. And this good man came in to Englonde / & toke with hym foure se∣lowes and came to Poūtfret to the holy martyr / & dyd theyr pylgrymage / & the good man that was seke came thyder al naked / saue his preuy clothes. And whā they had done / they turned home agayn in to theyr owne roūtree / and tolde of the myracle where so euer that they came. ¶ And also two men haue bē heled there of the mormale / through helpe of y• holy martyr / though that euyll be holden in∣curable. ¶ And whan y• Spensers herd that god dyd suche myracles for this ho¦ly man / they wold not byleue it in no ma¦ner wyse / but said openly y• it was grete heresy suche vertue of hȳ to byleue. And whan syr Hugh Spenser the sone sawe all this doynge / anone he sente his mes∣senger from Poūtfret where as he dwe∣led to kyng Edward / that than was at Grauen at Scipton / bycause y• the kyng sholde vndo y• pylgrymage. And as y• ry baud messenger went to ward the kyng for to do his message / he came by the hyll where as the good martyr was done to deth / & in the same place he made his or∣dure / & whā he had done he rode toward the king / & a stronge flyxe came vpon hȳ or that he came to Yorke / & thā he shedde all his bowels at his foundament. And whan syr Hugh Spenser herde these ty dynges / somdele he was adradde / and thought for to vndo y• pilgrymage yf he myght by ony maner waye. And anone he went to the kyng & sayd y• they shold be in grete sclaūdre through out all chry stendom for the deth of Thomas of Lan¦castre / yf that he suffred the people to dō theyr pylgrymage at Pountfret / & so he coūseyled y• kyng y• he cōmaūded to close the chirche dores of Poūtfret / in y• whi∣che y• holy martyr was buryed / & thus they dyd agaynst all fraūchyses of holy chirche / so y• foure yere after myght no pylgrym come to y• holy body / & bycause that the monkes suffred men to come & honour y• holy body of saynt Thomas y• martyr / through counseyle of syr Hugh Spenser the sone / & through coūseyle of mayster Robert Baldok the false pylled clerke the kynges chaunceler / the kyng consented that they sholde be set to theyr wages: & let make wardeyns ouer theyr own good longe tyme / & through cōmaū dement of y• foresayd syr Hugh Spenser xiiij. gascoyns well armed kept the hyll where as the good man saynt Thomas was done to dethe / so that no pylgrym might come by y• waye. Full well wend he to haue taken Chrystes myght & his power & the grete boos of myracles that he shewed for his martyr saȳt Thomas through all christendom. And that same tyme the king made Robert Baldok the fals pylled clerke through prayer of syr Hugh Spensers sone chaūceler of Eng∣londe. And in y• same tyme was y• castell of Walyngford holden agaynst y• kynge through y• prysoners that were wtin the castell for saynt Thomas quarell of Lan¦castre. Wherfore the people of y• coūtree came & toke the castell vpon y• prisoners. Wherfore syr John Goldington knight & syr Edmond of Beche prisoners / and a squyer yt was Roger of Walton were ta¦ken & sent to y• kyng to Poūtfret / & there they were put in prison / & y• foresayd Ro¦ger was sent to yorke / and there he was drawen & hanged. And anone after syr Roger Mortimer of wigmore brake out of the Toure of London in this maner. The foresayd Roger herde yt he shold be drawen & hanged at London on the mo∣rowe after saynt Laurence daye / & on y• daye before he helde a fayre feest in the toure of London / & there was syr Ste∣phen Segraue cōstable of y• toure & ma∣ny grete men wt them / & whā they shold soupe / y• foresayd Stephen sent for all y• officers of y• toure / & they came & souped with hym / & whā they shold take theyr leue of hȳ / a squyer yt hyght Stephen yt was full preuy with the foresaid Roger through his coūseyle gaue them suche a drȳke y• the lest of them al slept .ij. days & ij. nyghtes / & in the meane tyme he esca¦ped away by y• ryuer of Tamys / & went ouer y• see & helde hym in Fraūce. Wher¦fore the king was sore anoyed / & put the same Stephen out of his Cōstablery. THe kynge went than to London and there through coūseyle of syr Hugh Spenser the fader & of his sone & of mayster Robert Baldok a fals pylled clerke his chaunceler / let sease than all the quenes londes in to his handes / and also all the londes y• were syr Edwardes his sone / & were so put to theyr wages agaynst all maner of reason / & that was through y• falsnes of the Spensers. And whan the kyng of Fraūce yt was quene Isabelles broder herde of this falsnes / he was sore anoyed agaynst y• kynge of Englonde & his fals coūseylers. Wher∣fore he sent a lettre to kyng Edward vn∣der his seale / yt he shold come in to Fraū∣ce at a certayn day for to do his homage & therto he somoned hym / & els he shold lese all Gascoyn. ¶ And so it was ordey∣ned in Englond through the kyng & his coūseyle that quene Isabell sholde go in to Fraūce for to treate of peas bytwene her lorde & her broder. And that Olyuer of yngham sholde go in to Gascoyn / and haue with hym .vij. M. men of armes & more / to be senesshall & wardeyn of Gas∣coyn. And so it was ordeyned that quene Isabell went in to Fraunce / & with her went syr Aymer of Valaūce erle of Pen broke / that was there murdred sodeyn∣ly in a preuy syege / but yt was through goddes vengeaūce / for he was one of the Iustyces y• consented to saynt Thomas deth of Lancastre / & wolde neuer after tepent him of that wycked dede. And at that tyme syr Olyuer of yngham went ouer in to Gascoyn / & dyd moche harme to the kyng of Fraūce / and than he gate agayne that kynge Edwarde had lost / and moche more therto. THe quene Isabell had but a quar¦ter of a yere dwelled in Fraunce whan syr Edward her eldest sone asd leue for to go in to Fraūce for to speke wt his moder Isabell y• quene. And his fa∣der y• kyng graūted hym wt a good wyll & sayd to hȳ / go my fayre sone in goddes blessyng & myne / & thynke for to come a∣gayn as hastely as ye may. And he wēt ouer see in to Fraūce / & y• kyng of Fraūce his vncle receyued hȳ wt moche honour & sayd to him. Fayre sone ye be welcome & for bycause yt your fader came nor to do his homage for y• duchy of Guynne as his auncesters were wont to do I gyue you y• lordship to hold it of me ī herytege as all maner auncestres dyd before you wherfore he was called duke of Guyen. WHan kyng Edward of Englonde herde tell how y• kynge of Fraūce had gyuen y• duchy of Guyen to syr Ed∣ward his sone / wtout cōsent & wyll of hȳ & that his sone had receyued y• duchy became wōders wroth: & sent to his sone by lettre & to his wyfe also y• they shld come agayn in to Englonde in all haste. And the quene Isabel & syr Edward her sone were wonders sore adrad of y• kyn∣ges menaces & of his wrath / & pryncy∣pally for y• falsnes of y• Spensers / bothe of the fader & also of the sone & at his cō∣maūdement they wold not come. Wher¦fore kyng Edward was full sore anoyed & let make a crye at London / that yf the quene Isabell & Edward his eldest sone came not in to Englonde yt they shold be holden as enemyes / bothe to ye realme & also to the crowne of Englond. And for yt they wolde not come in to Englond / but bothe were exiled the moder & her sone. Whan ye quene herd these tydynges / she was sore adrad to be destroyed through the fals coniectynge of the Spensers / & went wt the knyghtes yt were exiled out of Englonde for saynt Thomas cause of Lancastre / that is to saye / syr Roger of wigmore / syr Williā Trussell / syr Iohn of Tromwell / & many other good knigh∣tes / wherfore they toke theyr coūseyle & ordeyned amōge them for to make a ma∣ryage bytwene ye duke of Guyen ye kyn∣ges sone of Englonde & ye erles doughter of Henaud / yt was a noble knyght of na∣me & a doughty in his tyme / & yf yt thyn∣ge myght be brought about / than stode they trowynge wt ye helpe of god & wt his helpe to recouer theyr herytage in Eng∣lōde / wherof they were put out through the fals coniectynge of the Spensers. WHan kynge Edward & the Spen∣sers herde how yt quene Isabell & syr Edward her sone had alyed them to the erle of Henaud / & to them that were exiled out of Englonde for cause of Tho∣mas of Lācastre / they were so sory that they wyst not what to do. Wherfore syr Hugh Spenser ye sone sayd to syr Hugh his fader in this maner wyse. Fader cur¦sed be ye tyme & the coūseyle that euer ye consented that quene Isabell shold go in to Fraūce for to treate of accord bytwene the kynge of Englonde & her broder the kyng of Fraūce / for that was your coū∣seyle / for at yt tyme forsothe your wytte fayled / for I drede me sore leest through her & her sone we shall be destroyed / but yf we take the better coūseyle. ¶ Now fayre syrs vnderstāde how meruaylous felony & falshede the Spensers ymagy∣ned & cast. For pryuely they let fyll .v. ba¦rels ferrours wt siluer / the somme amoū¦ted to .v. M. poūde / & they sent those ba∣rels ouer see pryuely by an alyen yt was called Arnolde of Spayne / that was a broker of London / that he sholde go to ye douzepers of Fraunce / that they sholde procure & speke to the kynge of Fraunce that quene Isabell & her sone Edwarde were dryuen & exiled out of Fraūce / and amōge all other thȳges that they were brought to the deth as pryuely as they myght. But almyghty god wold not so For whā this Arnold was in ye hygh see he was taken with Selanders yt mette hym in the hygh see / & toke hym & ladde hym to the erle of Henaud theyr lorde / & moche ioye was made for that takyng. And at the last this Arnold pryuely stale away fro thens & came to London. And of this takyng and of other thynges the erle of Henaud sayd to the quene Isabell Dame make you mery & be of good che∣re / for ye be richer than ye wend to haue n / & take these .v. barels full of siluer yt were sente to the douzepers of Fraunce for to slee you and your sone Edward / & thynke hastely for to go in to Englonde / & take ye with you syr Iohn of Henaud my broder and .v .C. men of armes / for many of them of Fraunce in whome ye haue had grete trust / do but scorne you. And almyghty god graunte you grace your enemyes to ouercome. Than sent the quene Isabell through Henaud and Flaūdres for her soudyours / and ordey∣ned her euery daye for to goo in to Eng∣londe agayne. And so she had in her com¦pany syr Edmonde of Woodstocke / that was erle of Kent / and was also syr Ed∣wardes broder of Englonde. Nd whan kyng Edward herde tell that quene Isabel & Edward her sone wolde come in to Englond with a grete power of alyens / and with them that were outlawed out of Englonde for theyr rebellyousnes / he was sore adrad to be put downe / and for to lese his kyng¦dome / wherfore he ordeyned to kepe his castels in Wales as well as in Englond with vytayles & theyr apparayle / & let kepe his riuers & also ye see costes / wher of the .v. portes toke to kepe them & also the see. And at the feest of Decollacion of saynt Iohn baptist / the citezyns of Lon¦don sent to the king to Porchestre an .C. men of armes. And also he cōmaūded by his lettres ordeyned / yt euery hondred & wepentake of Englonde / to trye as well men of armes as mē on fote / & that they sholde be put in .xx. somme / & in an hon∣dred somme / & cōmaūded yt al those men were redy whan ony oyes or crye were made / for to pursue & take ye alyens that came in to Englonde for to take the londe from hym & put hȳ out of his kyngdom And more ouer he let crye through his patent in euery feyre & in euery market of Englond / yt the quene Isabel & syr Ed¦ward his eldest sone & the erle of Kent / yt they were taken & safely kepte wout ony maner of harme vnto them doynge / & al other maner people yt came with them anone smyte of theyr hedes without ony maner of raūsom takynge of them. And what man might brȳge syr Roger Mor¦timers heed of wygmore / shold haue an C. poūde of money for his trauayle. And ferthermore he ordeyned by his patent & cōmanuded to make a fyre vpon euery hyll / besyde ye ryuers & in lowe coūtrees for to make hye bekens of tymbre / that yf it so were that the alyens came to the loude by nyght / that men sholde kyndle the bekens / that the countree myght be warned & come & mete theyr enemyes. And in that tyme dyed syr Roger Mor∣timer his vncle in the oue of London. Nd whan quene Isabel and syr Edward her sone duke of Guy∣enne / syr Edmonde of Wodstocke erle of Kent / and syr Iohn the ris of Henaud and theyr company dadde the threteuynges of kynge Edward of his traytours / for they trusted a goddes grace / and came vnto in Suffolke the. xxiij. daye of Septem∣ber / & in the yere of our lord Iesu Christ M .CCC. xxv. And the quene & Ed∣ward her sone sent lettres to the May and comynalte of London / rge them that they wolde be helpyng in the quarell and cause that they had beg that is to saye / to destroye the rayous of the realme. But none answere was sent agayne / wherfore ye quene & syr Ed¦ward her sone sent another pa vnder theyr seales / the of wh∣che lettre here foloweth in this maner. ¶ Isabell by the grace of god quene of Englonde / lady of Irlonde & coūcesse of Pountyf / & we Edward the eldest sone of the kynge of Englonde duke of Guy∣enne / erle of Chestre / of Pounty and of Moustroyll / to the Mayre and o all the comynalce of the cite of London sendeth gretynge. For as moche as we haue be∣fore this tyme sent to you by our lettres how we be come in to his londe in good araye & in good maner / for the honour & {pro}fyte of holy chirche & of our ryght dere lorde ye kynge & all ye realme with all our myght to kepe & maynteyn / as we all the good folke of the foresayd realme are holden to do. And vpon yt we praye you that ye wyll be helpyng to vs in as mo∣che as ye may in this quarell that is for the comyn profyce of ye foresayd realme. And we haue had to this yme none an∣swere to the foresayd lettres / ne knowe not your mynde in that party. Wherfore we sende to you agayn & praye & charge you that ye bere you so agaynst vs that we haue no cause to greue you / but that ye be vnto vs helpyng by all the wayes that ye may / or may know. For wyte ye well in certayn that we & all yt be comen with vs in to this realme / thynke not to do ony thynge / but yt thynge yt shall be to the comyn {pro}fyte of all ye realme / & onely to destroye Hugh Spenser our enemy / & enemy to al ye realme / as ye it well know Wherfore we praye you & charge you in the fayth yt ye owe to our lyege lorde the kyng & to vs / & vpon all yt ye shall mowe forfayte agaynst vs / yt yf the sayd Hugh spēser our enemy come wtin your power that ye do hȳ hastely to be taken & safely kepe vntyll we haue ordeyned of hȳ our wyll / & yt ye leue it not in no maner wyse as ye desyre honour & profyte of vs all & of all the realme. Vnderstande ye well that yf ye do this our prayer & cōmaun∣dement / we wyll the more be holden vn to you. And also ye shall gete you wor∣shyp and pryfyte yf ye sende vs hastely answere of all your wyll agayn at Bal∣dok / the syxth daye of October. Whiche lettre erly in the dawnynge of the day of saynt Denys was tacked vpon ye newe crosse in chepe / & many copyes of ye same lettre were tacked vpon windowes and dores and vpon other places in the cite of London / yt all men passyng by the waye myght them se & rede. And in the same tyme kyng Edward was at London in the toure at his meet / and a messenger came in to the hall & sayd that the quene Isabell was comē to londe at Herewich & hath brought in her cōpany syr Iohn of Henaude / & with hym men of armes without nombre. And with that worde syr Hugh Spenser ye fader spake & thus sayd vnto ye kynge. My moost worshyp∣full lorde & kyng of Englond / now make we good chere / for certaynly they ben all ours. The kynge herde this worde cō∣fortable / yet was he full sorowfull & pen syfe in his herte. And the kynge had not fully eten / but there came in to ye hall an other messenger / & sayd yt the quene Isa¦bell was arryued at Herewich besyde Ipswyche in Suffolk. Syr Hugh spen¦ser the fader spake to ye messenger & said Tell soth in good fayth my fayre frende is she comē wt a grete strength. Now cer¦tes syr the soth for to saye / she ne hath in her company but .vij. hondred men of ar¦mes. And with yt worde syr Hugh spen∣ser the fader cryed with an hygh voyce and sayd. Alas alas we ben al betrayed for certes wt so lytel power she had neuer comen to londe but yf ye folke of this lon∣de were vnto her consentyng. And ther∣fore after meet they toke theyr counseyle and went towarde Wales for to arere ye Walshmen agaynst the quene Isabell & Edward her sone / all for to fyght / and so they were in purpose euerychone. Nd in the same tyme kyng Ed∣ward was sore adrad lest yt men of London wolde yelde them to ye quene Isabel & to her sone Edward. Wherfore he set mayster Walter Stapylton his tresourer for to be wardeyn & keper of ye cite of London wt the Mayre / & so came to the ylde hall of London / & asked the keyes of the gates of the Cyte / through vertue and strength of his cōmyssyon / & wolde haue had ye kepyng of ye cite. And the comuners answered and sayd that they wolde kepe the cite to the honour of kynge Edwarde & of Isabell the quene and of the duke ye kynges sone wtout ony moo. Than was ye bysshop sore anoyed / and swore othes yt they all sholde abye it anone as kynge Edwarde were comen out of Wales. And all the comuners of the Cite anone toke the bysshop & ladde hym amyddes of the Chepe / and there they smote of his heed / & set his heed in his ryght hande. And after they heded two of his squyers that helde with the bysshop / & one of them was called Wyl∣lyam of Wayle / that was the bysshops neuewe / & that other was called Iohn of Padington. And also they toke a bur∣geys of London that was called Iohn Marshall / that was syr Hugh spensers spye the fader / & smote of his heed also. In the same tyme yt bisshop had at Lon¦don a fayre toure in makyng in his close vpon the ryuer of Tamys / yt was wtout temple barre / & stone fayled to make an ende therof / wherfore he cōmanded his men to go to the freres Carmes / & there they toke stone to make therwt the toure & moche sande & morter & olde robous yt was lefte. And for the despyte yt the bys∣shop had done vnto holy chirche: he & his two squyers were buryed in ye sande / as though they had ben hoūdes / and there they laye .xj. wekes / tyll that the quene Isabell sent her lettres to the comuners & prayed them that they wolde suffre & graūt / that the bysshop myght be taken out of ye place & be buryed at Excestre in his own chirche / & so he was / & his two squyers were buryed at saint Clemētes chirche wtout temple barre. And it was no wonder though that bysshop dyed an euyl deth / for he was a couetous man / & had wt hym no mercy / & euyll coūseylled the kynge. And soone after was Arnold of Spayne taken / that assented to haue ladde .v. M. poūde of syluer in .v. barels ferryers vnto ye douzeers of Fraūce / for to helpe & haste the quene Isabell to her deth / & Edward her sone also. And this Arnold was put to deth wtout the cite. WHan kynge Edwarde had sente mayster Walter Staplton his tresourer to London / for to kepe the cite vnto hym agaynst ye quene Isa∣bell his wyfe / & agaynst Edwarde his sone / anone hymselfe toke with hym sir Hugh Spenser ye sene / and syr Iohn o Arundell / & mayster Robert Badok his chaunceler a fals pylled prcest / and toke theyr waye toward Brystowe / & there ye kynge abode a lytell tyme / and made syr Hugh Spenser the fader as Cōstable & keper of ye castell. And ye kȳg & that other spenser went to shyppe & sayled toward Wales / & toke no leue of ye steward n of none of ye kynges houshold & w euer in to Wales for to arere the W agaynst dame Isabel the quene and the duke her sone / & the erle of Kent and syr Iohn of Henaud. And they went & pur∣sued after thē / & theyr power encreased dayly. So at ye last the kyng was taken vpon an hyll in Wales & syr Hugh spen¦ser ye sone on ye other syde of ye same yll / & the false pylled clerke mayster Robert Baldok there fast besydes them / & they were brought agayn in to Englonde as almyghty god wolde. And ye kyng hym selfe was put in safe kepyng in ye castell of Kelynworth / & hym kepte syr Henry that was saynt Thomas broder of Lan¦castre. And syr Hugh ye fader came & put hym in the quenes grace & syr Edwarde her sone duke of Guy. But syr Hugh Spenser after the tyme y• he was taken he wolde neyther ete nor drynke / for he wyst well he shold haue no mercy / saue onely to be deed. And the quene & her coū seyle had ordeyned that he sholde haue ben done to deth at London / but he was so feble for his moche fastynge y• he was nygh deed / & therfore it was ordeyned y• he shold haue his iudgement at Herford And at a place of y• toure his hode was taken frō his heed / & also frō Robert Bal dok yt fals pylled clerke & y• kynges chaū celer / & mē set vpō theyr hedes chaplets of sharpe nettyls / & two squyers blewe in theyr eres wt two grete bugles hornes vpon the two prisouers / that one myght here theyr blowynge more than a myle. And one Symond of Redyng y• kynges marshall bare before them vpon a spere theyr armes reuersed: in token that they sholde be vndone for euermore. And on y• morowe was syr Hugh Spenser y• sone dampned to deth / & was drawen & han∣ged & heded / & his bowelles taken out of his body & brent / & after yt he was quar∣tred / & his .iiij. quarters were sent to. iiij townes of Englonde / & his heed sente to London brydge. And this Symond for cause that he despysed quene Isabell he was drawen & hanged on a stage made amyddes y• foresaid syr Hughs galowes And y• same daye a lytell frō thens was syr Iohn of Arundell byheded / bycause he was one of syr Hugh Spenses coun∣seylers. And anone after was syr Hugh Spenser y• fader drawen & hanged & he∣ded at Brystowe / & after hanged agayn by the armes wt two stronge ropes: & the fourth day after he was hewen all to pe ces / & hoūdes ete hym. And bycause the kyng had gyuen hym y• erledom of wyn chestre his heed was put vpon a spere & sente thyder. And the fals Baldok was sent to London / & there he dyed in prison amōge theues / for men dyd hȳ no more reuerence than they wold do to a dogge. And so dyed y• traytours of Englōd blis∣sed be god. And it was no wonder / for through theyr coūseyle y• good erle Tho mas of Lācastre was done to deth / & all that helde with Thomas of Lancastre through the traytours were vndone / & all theyr heyres disheryted. ANd anone after as all this was done / quene Isabell & Edwarde her sone duke of Guyenne / & all the grete lordes of Englonde at one assent sente to kyng Edward to y• castell of Kenilworth where as he was in kepynge vnder the warde of syr Iohn Hachim that was y• bysihop of Ely / & of syr Iohn of Percy a baron / for bycause that he sholde ordeyn his parlyament at a certayne place in Englond / for to redresse and amende the estate of the realme. And kyng Edward them answered & sayd. Lordes sayd he ye se full well how it is / lo haue here my seale / and I gyue you all my power for to ordeyne a parlyament where that ye wyll. And than they toke theyr leue of hym & came agayn to y• barons of Eng∣londe. And whan they had the kynges patent of this thynge / they shewed it to the lordes. And than was ordeyned that the parliament shold be at westmynster at the vtas of saynt Hylary. And all the grete lordes of Englonde let ordeyne for them there agaynst that tyme that the parlyament sholde be. At whiche daye that y• parlyament was / the kyng wol∣de not come there for no maner thynge as he had set hymselfe & assygned. And neuerthelesse the barons sent vnto hym one tyme & other. And he swore by god∣des soule that he wolde not come there one fote. Wherfore it was ordeyned by all the grete Lordes of Englonde that he sholde no longer be kyng / but be depo sed / & sayd they wolde crowne Edward his sone y• elder yt was duke of Guyenne And sent tydynges vnto the kyng there as he was in warde vnder syr Iohn erle of Garen / & syr Iohn of Bothun yt was bysshop of Ely / & syr Henry Percy a ba∣ron / & syr Willyam Trussell a knyght y• was with y• erle Thomas of Lancastre for to yeld vp theyr homages vnto hym for all them of Englonde. And syr Wyl∣lyam Trussell sayd these wordes. Syr Edward / bycause that ye haue betrayed your people of Englond / & haue vndone many grete lordes or Englond without ony cause / ye shall be deposed / & now ye be withstande thanked be god. And also bycause that ye wold not come to y• par∣liament as ye ordeyned at Westmynster as in your owne lettre patent is contey∣ned / for to treate wt your lyege men as a kyng sholde. And therfore through all y• comyns assent & of all the lordes of Eng∣londe I tell vnto you these wordes. Ye shall vnderstande syr that the barons of Englond at one assent wyll that ye be no more king of Englond / but vtterly haue put you out of your ryalte for euermore. And the bysshop of Ely than sayd to the kynge. Syr Edwarde here I yelde vp feaute & homage for all y• archebisshops & bysshops of Englond & for all y• clergy. Than sayd syr Iohn erle of Garen. Syr Edward I yelde vp here vnto you feau te and homage for me & for all y• erles of Englōde. And syr Henry Percy gaue vp also there his homage for him & for all y• barons of Englonde. And than sayd syr William Trussell. I yelde vp now vnto you syr myn homage for me & for all the knyghtes of Englonde / & for all them y• holde by sergeaūtry or by ony other ma∣ner thynge of you / so y• from this day af terward ye shall not be claymed kynge / nor for kynge be holden. But from this tyme afterwarde ye shall be holden for a singuler man of all y• people. And so they went thens to London / where y• lordes of Englonde abode them / & syr Edward abode in prison i good kepyng. And this was on the daye of y• cōuersyon of saynt Paule / in the .xx. yere of his regne. OF this kyng Edward prophecyed Merlin & sayd y• there sholde come a gote out of Carre yt shold haue hornes of syluer / & a berde as whyte as snowe / and a droppe shold come out of his nose∣thrylles yt sholde betoken moche harme honger & dethe of people / & grece losse of his londe. And that in y• begynnynge of his regne sholde be haūted moche leche∣ry. And he sayd sothe / alas the tyme for kyng Edward yt was kyng Edwardes sone was borne at Carnaruan in Wales For sothe he had hornes of syluer and a berd as whyte as snowe whan he was made prȳce of Wales / to moche he gaue hym to ryot and to foly. And sothe sayd Merlyn in his {pro}phecy / that there shold come out of his nose a droppe. For in his tyme was grete honger among y• poore people / & stronge dethe amonge y• ty the that dyed in strange londe with sorowe & in warre in Scotlond. And afterward he lost Scotlonde & Gascoyn & moche le chery in his dayes was haūced. ¶ Also Merlyn sayd yt this gote sholde seke the floure of lyfe & of deth. And he sayd so the for he spoused Isabell y• kynges syster of Fraūce. And in this tyme Merlyn sayd that there shold be made brydges of folk vpon dyches of the see. And y• was well seen at Bannockesbourne in Scotlonde whā he was discōtyted there of y• Scot∣ces. And Merlyn tolde also that stones sholde fall from castels / & many townes shold be made playne. And he sayd sothe For whan kynge Edward was discom¦fyted in Scotlonde & came than south∣warde / the Scottes besyeged castels & dyd moche harme / & brent townes vnto the harde erth. ¶ And afterward Mer∣lyn tolde that an egle sholde come out of Cornewayle that sholde haue fethers of golde / that of pryde sholde haue no pere / and he shold despyse lordes of blode / and after he shold dye through a bere at Ga∣uersyche / & that prophecy was full well knowen & foūde soche. For by the egle is vnderstande syr Pyers Ganaston / that than was erle of Cornewayle / whiche was a wonders proude man / & despised the barons of Englonde / but afterward he was heded at Gauersyche through ye erle of Lancastre & the erle of warwyk. ¶ And Merlyn tolde that in this tyme it sholde seme that the bere sholde brenne and that batayle shold be vpon an arme of the see in a felde arayed lyke a shelde where sholde dye many whyte hedes / & he sayd sothe. For by the brennynge of ye bere is betokened grete drede through cuttynge of swerdes at that batayle of Myton / for there came ye Scottes in ma¦ner of a shelde in a wynge / & slewe men of religyon / preestes and seculers / wher fore the Scottes called that batayle in despyte of Englysshmen the whyte ba∣tayle. ¶ And after Merlin sayd that the foresayd Bere sholde do the Gote moche harme / & yt sholde be vpon ye south west / and also vpon his blode. And sayd also yt the Gote shold lese moche dele of his lon∣de / tyll the tyme that shame sholde hym ouercome / & than he shold clothe hym in a lyons skynne / & sholde wynne agayne that he had lost / & more through people that sholde come out of the north west / yt sholde make hym to be fered and hym a∣uenge vpon his enemyes through coun¦seyle of two owles / that fyrst shold be in peryl to be vndone. And those two owles sholde go ouer see in to a straūge londe / & there dwell a certayn tyme / & after shold returne agayn in to Englond / & shold do moche harme to many one / & that they sholde coūseyle ye Gote to meue warre a∣gaynst the foresaid bere / & the gote & the owles sholde come to an arme of ye see at Burton vpon Trent / & sholde go ouer / & that for drede the bere sholde flee with a swan in his cōpany to Bury towarde ye north through an vnkynde outpulter / & that ye swan thā shold be slayne wt sorow and the bere shold be slayne full nye his owne nest / yt shold stande vpon Poūtfret vpon whome the sonne sholde shede his bemes / & many folke shold seke hym for his vertue. And he sayd sothe. for ye good erle Thomas of Lācastre was borne in the north west / & cosyn to ye kynge & his vncles sone / & by lawe he made ye kynge lese moche lōde yt he had purchased wyl fully tyll at ye last the kynge toke therof shame / & hymselfe fylled wt cruelte. And after gate agayne yt he had lost & moche more / through helpe of folk comyng out of ye northwest / by whom he was drad / & auenged hȳ on his barons through coū¦seyle of ye two Spēsers yt afore were out lawed for theyr wickednes / & after came agayne out of Fraūce / & so moche these Spensers coūseyled ye kynge yt he shold warre vpon Thomas of Lancastre / so yt the kyng & the Spensers and the erle of Arundell and theyr power mette with Thomas of Lancastre at Burton vpon Trent / and hym there discomfyted / and syr Vmfrey erle of Herford was in his company. And after fledde the foresayd Thomas and Vmfrey with theyr com∣pany to Burbrygge / metynge with syr Andrewe of Herkela / that is called ye vn∣kynde outpulter / and also syr Symond Warde erle of Yorke they came & met wt Thomas of Lātastre wt an huge compa¦ny / & them there discōsyted / & in y• discō∣siture y• crle of Herford was slayne vpon the brydge cowardly with a spere in the foūdement / & the erle Thomas was ta∣ken & ladde to Poūtfret / & than was he heded besyde his owne castell. But after¦ward many hym sought for myracles y• god dyd for hym. And in y• tyme Merlyn sayd / for sorowe and harme sholde dye a people of his londe / wherfore many lon¦des sholde be vpon hym the more bolder And he sayd sothe / for bycause of his ba∣rons that were put to deth for saȳt Tho¦mas quarell of Lancastre / people of ma∣ny londes became the bolder for to meue warre vpon theyr kyng / for theyr blode was turned to many nacyons. And af∣terward Merlyn tolde & sayd yt the fore∣sayd owles sholde do moche harme vnto the floure of lyfe & deth / and they sholde brynge her to moche dysease / so that she sholde go ouer see in to Fraūce for to ma∣ke peas to y• floure delyce / & there sholde abyde tyll on a tyme her sede shold come and seke her / and there they shold abyde bothe tyll y• tyme that they sholde clothe them with grace / & those two owles she sholde seke & put them to pyteous deth. And that prophecy was well knowen / & was full sothe. For syr Hugh Spenser the fader & syr Hugh the sone did moche sorowe and persecucyon vnto the quene Isabell through theyr {pro}curemēt to her lord y• kyng. So they ordeyned amonge them y• she was put vnto her wages / y• is to saye .xx. shillynges in y• daye / wher fore the kyng of Frauce her broder was sore alwyed / & sent in to Englonde by his lettres vnto kynge Edward y• he sholde come vnto his parlyament to Parys in Fraūce. But kynge Edwarde was sore adradde to come there / for he wende to haue be arested tyll that he had made a∣mendes for the trespace that syr Hugh Spenser the fader & the sone had done / & for y• harme y• they had done to the quene Isabell his syster. Wherfore through her ordynaūce & cōsent of y• Spensers y• quene Isabell went ouer see in to Frau∣ce for to make accorde bytwene kyng Ed¦warde & the kyng of Fraūce her broder. And there dwelled she in Fraūce tyll Ed¦ward her eldest sone came for to seke her and so they dwelled there bothe tyll that alyaūce was made bytwene them & the gentyl erle of Henaud / yt yf they wt theyr vertue myght destroye & ouercome y• ves nym & the falsnes of the Spensers that syr Edward sholde spouse dame Philip the worshypfull lady & the erles dough∣ter of Henaud. Wherfore the quene Isa∣bell & Edward her sone / & syr Edmonde of wodstocke the kynges broder of Eng∣lond / & syr Iohn of Henaud / & syr Rogrt Mortimer of Wygmore / & syr Thomas Rocelyn / & syr Iohn of Cromwell / & syr Willyam Trussell / & many other of the alyaunce of the gentyll erle Thomas of Lancastre yt were exiled out of Englōde for his quarel / & were disherued of theyr londes / ordeyned them a grete power & arryued at Herewich in Suffolke. And soone after they pursued the Spensers tyll yt they were taken & put to pytcous deth / as before is said / & theyr company also / for y• grete falsnes that they dyd to kynge Edward and to his people. And Merlyn sayd also more y• the gote sholde be put to grete disrase & grete anguysshe & in grete soro wehe sholde lede his lyfe. And he sayd sothe / for after y• tyme that kyng Edward was taken he was put in to warde tyll that y• Spensers were put to deth / & also bycause he wolde not come to his parlyamēt at London as he had ordeyued & assygned hymselfe vnto his haronage / & also wolde not gouerne and rule his people nor his realme as a kynge sholde do. Wherfore some of y• ba∣rons of Englōde came & yelded vp theyr homages vnto hym for them and all the other of the realme on the daye of y• con∣uersyon of saynt Paule / in y• yere of his regne .xx. And they put hym out of his royalte for euermore / & euer he lyued af∣terward in moche sorowe & anguysshe. LVdouicus was emperour after Henry .iiij. yere. This Lodewik was duke of Bauare / & he despysed the crownacyon of y• pope / wherfore y• pope deposed him / and moche labour & many peryls he had after / & he troubled gret∣ly the vnite of holy chirche. Than was chosen agaynst hym Frederyke duke of Austryche. And he ouercame the duke / & abode a rebellyon to his ende / & in grete peryll to his soule. And at the last Karo∣lus was chosen agaynst hym / the whi∣che preuayled / & sodeynly Lodewyk fell down of his hors and decessed. ¶ Iohn Maundeuyll a doctour of physyk and a knyght was borne in Englonde aboute this tyme. And he made a meruaylous pylgrymage / for he went almoost about all y• worlde / & he wrote his dedes in thre languages / & decessed & was buryed at saynt Albons. ¶ Benedictus the .xxij. was pope after Iohn .vij. yere & more. This man was a monke / and in all his youth he was of good cōuersacyon / and a doctour of diuinite. And whā he was made pope he reformed y• ordre of saynt Benet in that thynge y• was necessary. And he was an harde man to graunte benefyces / leest he had graunted it to an vnconnynge man. He made a decretall y• whiche began Benedictus de{us} in donis suis. And he was very cruell ī his fayth And for y• of some men was lytell loued. He was so stoute a man that almoost he wolde not knowe his owne cosyns. ¶ Of kynge Edwarde the thyrde after the conquest. AFter this kyng Edward of Car∣naruan regned syr Edwarde of Wyndsore his sone / y• whiche was crow¦ned kynge & anoynted at Westmynster / through coūseyle & consent of all y• grete lordes of y• realme y• sondaye on Candel∣masse euen / in y• yere of grace. M .CCC .xxvj. that was of age at y• tyme but .xv. yere. And for bycause y• his fader was in¦warde in the castel of Kenilworth & also was put downe of his royalte / y• realme of Englonde was without kyng from y• feest of saint Katherin in the yere aboue sayd vnto the feest of Candelmasse. And than were all maner plees of y• kynges benche astent. And than was cōmaun∣ded to all y• sheryues of Englōd through wrytte to warne y• partyes to defendaū¦tes through somnynge agayn. And also ferthermore y• al prisoners y• were in the kȳges gayles y• were attached through sheryues / shold be let go quyte. ¶ Kyng Edwarde after his crownacyon at the prayer & besechynge of his lyege men of the realme graūted thē a chartre of sted∣fast peas to all them y• wold aske it. And syr Iohn of Henaud & his company toke theyr leue of the kyng & of y• lordes of the realme / & turned home to theyr own coū¦tre agayn / & eche of them had full ryche gyftes / euery man as he was of value & of estate. And than was Englond in rest & peas / & grete loue bytwene the kyng & his lordes. And comynly Englysshmen sayd amōge them y• the deuyl was deed But the innumerable tresour of y• kyng his fader / & the tresour of the Spensers bothe of the fader & of y• sone / & of y• erle of Arundell / & of mayster Robert Baldoc y• was y• kynges chaūceler was departed after y• quene Isabelles ordynaūce & syr Roger Mortimers of wygmore / so that the kynge had no thynge therof / but at her wyll & her delyueraūce / nor of theyr londes / as afterwarde ye shall here. ANd yet in y• same tyme was the kyng in the castel of Kenilworth vnder y• kepynge of syr Henry that was erle Thomas broder of Lācastre y• than was erle of Leycestre / & the kyng graū∣ted hym y• erledom of Lancastre / that y• kyng his fader had seased ī to his hādes & put out Thomas of Lancastre his bro¦der. And so was he erle of Lancastre & of Leycestre / & also steward of Englōde as his broder was in his tyme. But syr Ed¦ward that was kyng Edwardes fader made sorowe wtout ende / for bycause he myght not speke wt his wyfe nor wt his sōne / wherfore he was ī moche mischefe For though it were so y• he was lad & ru∣led by fals coūseyle / yet was he king Ed¦wardes sone called Edward wt the longe shankes / & came out of y• worthiest blode of all y• worlde / & they to whom he was wont to gyue grete gyftes & large / were moost preuy wt the kyng his sone / & they were his enemyes bothe by nyght & by daye y• {pro}cured to make debate & contake bytwene hym & his sone and Isabel his wyfe. But y• frere prechers were to him good frendes euermore / & cast bothe by nyght & by day how they myght brynge hym out of prison. And amonge theyr cō¦pany y• the freres had pryuely brought there was a frere y• called Dunhened / & he had ordeyned & gadred a grete compa¦ny of folke to kepe at y• nede / but y• frere was takē & put in y• castell of Poūfret / & there he dyed in pryson / & syr Henry erle of Lancastre that had y• kynges fader in kepyng through cōmaundement of the kynge delyuered Edward y• kynges fa∣der by endenture to syr Thomas of Ber∣keley / & so syr Iohn Mautreuers & they led him from y• castel of Kenilworth to y• castell of Berkley / & kept hȳ there safely And at cester next after his crownacyon the kynge ordeyned an huge hoost for to fyght agaynst y• Scottes. And syr Iohn the erles broder of Henaud came frō be∣yonde y• see for to helpe kyng Edward / & brought wt hym. vij .C. men of armes / & arryued at Douer / & they had leue for to go forth tyl they came to yorke where as the king them abode / & y• Scottes came thyder to y• kynge for to make peas & ac∣corde / but the accordement lasted not by∣twene them but a lytell tyme. And at y• tyme the Englysshmen were clothed all in cotes & hodes peynted with & with floures full semely wt lōge berdes / & therfore the Scottes made a byll that was fastened vpon the chirche dores of saynt Peters towarde stengace / & thus sayd y• scripture in despyte of Englysshe¦men. ¶ Longe berdes bertles / peyn∣ted hodes wytles / gaye cotes graceles / maketh Englonde thryftles. ON Trinite sondaye nexte after be∣gan the cōtake in the cite of Yorke bytwene the Englysshmen and the He∣naudes / & in that debate were slayne of the erledom of Nycholl & murdred. . men / & after they were buryed vnder a stone in saynt Clementes chirche in ∣gate. And bycause y• the Henaudes came to helpe the king / theyr peas was cryed vpon payne of lyfe & lymme & in y• other halfe it was foūde by an enquest of y• cite that the Englysshmen began y• debate. ANd at y• tyme y• Scottes had as∣sembled all theyr power & came in to Englōde & slewe & robbed all y• they myght take / & also brente & destroyed all the north coūtree throughout tyll y• they came to the parke of Stanhope in wyre dale / & there y• Scottes helde them in a busshmēt. But whan y• kyng had herde through certayn spyes where y• scottes were / anone right wt his hoost besyeged them within y• foresayd parke / so that y• Scottes wyst not where to go out / but onely to theyr harmes / & they abode in y• parke .xv. days / & vytayles fayled them on euery syde / so y• they were gretly ap∣payred of theyr bodyes. And syth y• Bru¦te came fyrst in to Brytayn to this tyme there was neuer seen soo fayre an hoost what of Englysshmen & of alyens & of men on fote / the whiche ordeyned them for to fyght with the Scottes / through eggyng of syr Henry of Lācastre & of syr Iohn of Henaud y• wold haue gone ouer the water of wyth for to haue fought wt the Scottes. But syr Roger Mortymer consented not therto / for he had pryuely takē mede of the Scottes to helpe them that they myght go in to theyr countre. And this Mortimer coūseyled so moche Thomas of Brotherton y• erle Marshall that was kyng Edwardes vncle that y• foresaid Thomas sholde not assemble at that tyme vnto y• Scottes / & he assented but he wyst not the doynge bytwene the Scottes & the foresayd Mortimer. And bycause y• he was Marshall of Englōde & to hym perteyned euer y• vaūtwarde / he sent hastely to y• erle of Lancastre & to syr Iohn of Henaud that they shold not fyght with the Scottes / in preiudyce & harmyng of hym & his fee / & yf they did that they sholde stande to theyr owne pe¦ryll. And y• foresayd erle Marshall was al arayed wt his batayle at y• reredoos of the erle of Lācastre for to haue fought wt hym & wt his folke / yf he had meued for to fyght wt the Scottes. And in this ma¦ner he was deceyued / & wyst nothynge of the treason. And thus was the kyng principally deceyued. And whan it was nyght Mortymer that had the watche for to kepe of the hoost y• nyght / dystrou∣bled y• watche that nothynge myght be done. And in y• meane whyle y• Scottes stole by nyght toward theyr owne coun∣tree as fast as they myght. And so was the kynge falsly betrayed / that wende y• all the traytours of his londe had ben brought to an ende as it was said before Now here ye lordes how traytoursly y• kyng Edward was deceyued / and how meruaylously & boldly the Scottes dyd of warre. For Iames Douglas wt two hondred men of armes rode throughout all the hoost of kyng Edward / the same nyght y• Scottes escaped toward theyr owne coūtre as is aboue sayd tyll y• they came to y• kynges pauylyon / and slewe there many men ī theyr beddes / & cryed naward naward / & an other tyme a dou¦glas a douglas. Wherfore y• kyng that was in his pauilyon & moche other folk were wonders sore afrayde. But blissed be god y• kyng was not taken / & in grete peryll was than y• realme of Englonde. And y• nyght the mone shone full clere & bryght. And for all the kynges men the Scottes escaped harmeles. And on the morowe whan the kyng wyst that the Scottes were escaped in to theyr owne coūtre / he was wōders sory / & full herte¦ly wepte wt his yonge eyen / & yet wyst he not who had done hym y• treason / but that fals treason was full well knowen a good whyle after as the story telleth. Than kynge Edwarde came agayne to yorke full sorowfull / & his hoost depar∣ted / and euery man went in to his owne coūtree with full heuy chere and mour∣nynge semblaunt / & the Henaudes toke theyr leue & went in to theyr owne coun¦tre / & the king for theyr trauayle hugely rewarded them. And for bycause of that vyage the kynge had dyspended moche of his tresour & wasted. ¶ And in that tyme were seen two mones in y• fyrma∣ment / that one was clere and that other was derke / as men myght se through y• worlde. And a grete debate was y• same tyme agaynst pope Iohn the .xxij. after saynt Peter / & the emperour of Almayn tho made hym emperour agaynst y• po∣pes wyll / y• tho helde his see at Auinyon Wherfore y• emperour made his crye at Rome & ordeyned an other pope y• hyght Nicholas y• was a frere Minour / & that was agaynst the ryght of holy chirche / wherfore he was cursed / & the power of that other pope soone was layd. And by¦cause y• suche meruayles were seen: men sayd y• the worlde was nygh at an ende. ANd now go we agayn to syr Ed∣ward of Carnaruan y• was king Edwardes fader somtyme kyng of Eng¦londe / & was put downe of his dignite. Alas for his tribulacion & sorowe y• hym befell through fals coūseyle y• he loued & trusted vpon to moche / that afterwarde were destroyed through theyr falsnesse as god wold. And this Edward of Car∣naruan was in y• castell of Berkeley / vn¦der y• kepyng of syr Moryce of Berkeley and syr Iohn of Mautreuers / & to them he made his cōplaynt of his sorowe & of his disease. And ofte tymes asked of his wardeyns what he hadde trespaced a∣gaynst dame Isabell his wyfe & syr Ed¦ward his sone y• was made newe kyng that they wold not visyte hym. And thā answered one of his wardeyns & sayd. My worthy lorde dysplease you not y• I shall tell you / the cause is / for it is done them to vnderstande / y• yf my lady your wyfe come ony thynge nye you / that ye wolde her strangle & slee / & also that ye wolde do to my lorde your sone y• same. Than answered he with a symple chere Alas alas am not I in prison / and all at your owne wyll / now god it wote I ne∣uer thought it / & now I wolde y• I were deed / so wolde to god y• I were / for than were all my sorowe passed. It was not longe after y• the kyng through coūseyle of Roger Mortymer graūted y• warde & kepynge of syr Edward his fader to syr Thomas Toiourney / & to y• foresayd syr Iohn Mautreuers through the kinges lettre / & put out holly y• foresayd syr Mo∣ryce of the warde of the kyng. And they toke & lad the kyng to y• castell of Corf▪ y• whiche castel y• kyng hated as ony deth. And they kept hym there tyll it came vn to saynt Mathewes day in September in the yere of grace. M .CCC .xxvii. that the foresayd syr Roger Mortimer sent y• maner of y• deth / how & in what wyse he shold be put to deth. And anone as y• fore¦sayd Thomas & Iohn had seen y• & cōmaūdement / they made kynge Ed∣warde of Carnaruan good chere & good solace as they might at y• souper / and no thynge the kyng wyst of y• treason. And whan tyme was for to go to bedde the kynge wente vnto his bedde & laye and slepte fast. And as the kyng laye & slepte the traytoures false for sworne agaynst theyr homage & feaute came pryuely in to y• kynges chambre / & theyr company with them / & layde an huge table vpon his wombe / & with men pressed & helde fast down the foure corners of y• table on his body / wherwith y• good man awoke and was wonders sore adrad to be deed there & slayne / & turned his body tho vp so downe. Than toke y• fals traytours & tyraūtes an horne & put it in to his foun¦dement as depe as they myght / & toke a spyt of coper brēnynge / & put it through the horne in to his body / and ofte tymes therwith thyrled his bowelles / & so they slewe theyr lord that nothynge was per¦ceyued / & was buryed at Glocestre. ANd after Chrystmasse than next folowynge syr Iohn of Henaud brought with hym Philip his broders doughter yt was erle of Henaud his nece in to Englond / & kyng Edward spoused her at Yorke wt moche honour. And syr Iohn of Bothum bisshop of Ely and syr William of Melton archebysshop of yor¦ke sange the masse ye sonday on ye euen of the cōuersion of saint Paule / in ye yere of grace. M .CCC .xxvij. But bycause that the kynge was yonge and tender of age whan he was crowned / full many wron¦ges were done whyle yt his fader lyued bycause yt he byleued the coūseylers that were fals aboute hym to do otherwyse than reason wolde / wherfore grete har∣me was done to ye realme & to ye kyng / & all men directed it to ye kynges dede / & it was not so / almyghty god it knoweth. Wherfore it was ordeyned at ye kynges crownyng yt the kyng for his tender age sholde be gouerned by .xij. of the gretest lordes of Englonde / without whome no thynge shold be done / that is to saye / the archebysshop of Caūterbury / the arche∣bisshop of yorke / the bisshop of wynche∣stre / & the bysshop of Herford / the erle of Lancastre / the erle Marshall / & ye erle of Kent yt were ye kynges vncles / & the erle of Garen / syr Thomas wake / syr Henry Percy / syr Olyuer of yngham / & Iohn of Roos barons. All these were sworne truly for to coūseyle ye kyng / & they shold answere euery yere in ye parlyamēt of yt that sholde be done in the tyme of theyr gouernall. But ye ordynaūce was soone vndone / & that was moche harme to all Englōde. For the kyng & all the lordes ye shold gouerne hym were gouerned and ruled after the kȳges moder dame Isa∣bell / & by syr Roger Mortimer. And as they wolde all thynge was done / bothe amonge hye & lowe. And they toke vnto them castels / townes / londes / & rentes / in grete harme & losse to the crowne / & of the kynges estate out of mesure. BYnge Edwarde at whytsontyde in the seconde yere of his regne / through the coūseyle of his moder & syr Roger Mortimer ordeyned a parlyamēt at Northamton. And at that parlyamēt the kyng through theyr coūseyle / & none other of the londe within age graunted to be accorded with the Scottes in this maner. That all the feautees and homa¦ges that the Scottes sholde do vnto the crowne of Englonde forgaue them for euer more by his chartre ensealed. And forthermore an endenture was made of the Scottes vnto kynge Edwarde that was kyng Henryes sone / whiche enden¦ture they called ragman / in the whiche were cōteyned al ye homages & feautees Fyrst of the kynge of Scotlonde & of all the prelates / erles & barons of ye realme of Scotlonde / wt theyr seales set theron / and other chartres & remembraunces yt kynge Edwarde and his barons had of theyr right in ye foresayd realme of Scot¦lond / it was forgyuen them agaynst ho¦ly chirche. And also with ye blacke crosse of Scotlonde / the whiche ye good kynge Edwarde conquered in Scotlonde / and brought it out of the abbey of Scone / yt is a full precyous relyke. And also for∣thermore he relesed & forgaue all the lon¦des that the barons of Englonde had in Scotlonde by olde conquest. ¶ And this peas for to be hold and last the Scottes were bounde vnto the kyng in .xxx. M. poūde of syluer to be payed within thre yere / that is euery yere .x. M. poūde by euen porcyons. And forthermore aboue all this they spake bytwene the partyes aboue sayd / that Dauyd Dritonautier that was kynge Robert the Brus sone ye fals tyraunt & fals forsworne agaynst his othe yt arose agaynst his lyege lorde the noble and good kyng Edward / and falsly made him kyng of Scotlōde / that was of ye age of .v. yere. And so through this cursed counseyle Dauid spoused at Barwyk dame Ione of the toure / that was kynge Edwardes syster / as ye gest telleth vpon Mary Magdaleyns daye / in ye yere of grace. M .CCC. and .xxviij. to grete harme & empayrynge of all the kynges blode / wherof that gentyll lady came / alas ye tyme / for wonders moche was that fayre damoysell desparaged syth that she was maryed agaynst all the comyns assent of Englonde. And fro the tyme that Brute had conquered Al∣bion / & named the londe after his owne name Brytayn / that now is called Eng¦londe / after the name of Engyst / and so the realme of Scotlonde was holden of the realme of Englonde / & of the crowne by feaute & homage. For Brute conque∣red that londe / and gaue it to Albanack that was his seconde sone / and he called that londe Albayn after his own name / so that the heyres that came after hym sholde holde of Brute and of his heyres / that is to saye of ye kynges of Brytayne by feaute & homage. And frō that tyme vnto this tyme of kynge Edwarde / the realme of Scotlonde was holden of the realme of Englonde by feaute & seruyce as aboue is sayd in ye Cronycles of Eng¦londe & of Scotlonde / and bereth wyt∣nes more plenarly. ¶ And cursed be the tyme that this parliament was holden at Northamton. For there through fals coūseyle the kyng was there falsly dys∣heryted / & yet he was within age. And yet whan that kyng Edward was put out of his royalte of Englonde / yet men put not hym out of ye feautees & seruyce of Scotlonde / ne of the fraūchyses dys∣heryted hym for euermore. And neuer∣theles the grete lordes of Englōde were agaynst to confyrme ye peas & the trewse aboue sayd / saue onely quene Isabell yt was the kynges moder Edwarde / and the bysshop of Ely / and the lorde Mont∣mer. But reason & lawe wolde not yt a fy¦nall peas sholde be made bytwene them without the comyn assent of Englonde. WHan ye foresayd Dauid had spou∣sed dame Ione of the toure in the towne of Barwik (as before is sayd) the Scottes in despyte of the Englysshmen called dame Ione ye coūtesse make peas for the cowardly peas that was ordey∣ned. But the kynges persone bare al the wyte & blame with wronge of the ma∣kynge of the accorde. And all was done through the quene & Roger Mrtymer. And it was not longe after that ye quene Isabell ne toke in to her handes all the lordshyp of Pountfret almoost all ye lon∣des that were of ony value that apper∣teyned to the crowne of Englonde. So yt the kynge had not for to dyspende but of his vses & of his excheker. For the quene Isabell & Mortimer had a gree meyny of theyr retynue that folowed euermore the kynges courte / & went & toke ye kyn∣ges pryces for her peny worthes at good chepe. Wherfore the coūtre yt they came in / were full sore adrad and almoost de∣stroyed of them. Thā began ye cominalte of Englonde for to haue enuy to Isabell the quene that so moche loued her before whan she came agayne fro Fraūce for to pursue the fals traytours ye Spensers. And in that same tyme ye false traytour Robert of Holand that berayed his lord syr Thomas of Lancastre / was than de¦lyuered out of pryson / & was wonders preuy with ye quene Isabell & also with Roger Mortimer. But that auayled hȳ but lytell / for he was taken at Myghel∣masse next folowyng as he rode toward the quene Isabell to London / & syr Tho¦mas wyther smote of his heed besydes the towne of saynt Albons. And this syr Thomas dwelled with syr Henry erle of Lancastre / & he put hym asyde for drede of the quene / for she loued hym wonders moche / & prayed vnto ye kyng for hym yt the same Thomas myght be exiled out of Englonde. And ye noble erle syr Henry of Lancastre had oftentymes herde the comyn damour of ye Englysshmen / of yt disease that was done in Englonde / & al¦so for dyuers wronges yt were done to ye comyn people. Of the whiche the kyng bare the blame wt wronge. For he was yonge & tender of age. And thought as a good man for to do awaye and slake the sclaundre of ye kynges person / yf that he myght in ony maner wyse / so as ye kyng was therof nothynge gylty / wherfore he was in peryll of his lyfe. And so he assembled all his retenaunces & went & spake wt them of ye kynges honour / & al∣so for to amende his estate. And syr Tho¦mas Brotherton erle Marshall / and syr Edmond of wodstok yt were the kynges vncles / & also men of Londō made theyr othe for to maynteyn hym in that same quarell. And theyr cause was this / that the kyng sholde holde his hous and his meyny as a king ought to do / & haue all his ryalte / & that ye quene Isabell shold deliuer out of her handes in to ye kynges handes all maner lordshyppes / rentes / townes & castels yt apperteyned vnto ye crowne of Englōde as other quenes dyd before her / and meddle with none other thynge. And also that syr Roger Morti∣mer shold abyde & dwell vpon his owne londes / for ye whiche londes he had hol∣pen to disheryte moche people / in so mo∣che that ye comyn people were destroyed through wrongfull takynge. And also to enquyre how & by whome the kynge was betrayed & falsly deceiued at Stan hope / and through whose coūseyle that the Scottes went away by nyght from the kynge. And also how and through whose coūseyle ye ordynaunce that was made at the kynges crownacyon was put downe / that is for to saye / that the kynge for amendement and helpyng of the realme / and in honour of hym sholde be gouerned and ruled by .xij. of the gre∣test and wisest lordes of the realme / and without them sholde nothynge be graū¦ted ne done (as before is sayd) the whi∣che couenauntes were malycyously put downe from the kynge / wherfore many harmes shames & reproues haue fallen to the kyng and his realme. And that is to vnderstand for as moche as Edward somtyme kyng of Englonde was ordey¦ned by assent of the comynalte in playne parlyament for to be vnder the warde & gouernaunce of Henry erle of Lancastre his cosyn for saluacyon of his body / he was taken out of ye castel of Kenworth where he was in warde / & through co∣lour of quene Isabell & of Mortimer wt∣out cōsent of ony parliament they toke & lad hȳ where as neuer after none of his ynrede myght speke wt hȳ / & after tray toursly murdred hym / for whose deth a∣rose a sclaundre through all christendom whan it was done. And also ye tresour yt syr Edward of Carnaruan left in many places englōd & in wales was wasted & borne awaye without ye wyll of kyng Edward his sone / in destruccion of hym and all his folke. ¶ Also through whose coūseyle that the kyng gaue vp ye kyng∣dom of Scotlonde / for ye whiche realme the kynges auncesters had full sore tra∣uayled / and so dyd many a noble mā for theyr ryght / & was delyuered to Dauid that was Robert ye Brus sone al ye right that no ryght had to ye realme / as al the worlde it wyst. ¶ And also by whome ye charters & remembraūces yt they had of the right of Scotlōde were taken out of the tresoury & taken to the Scottes the kynges enemyes / to the dysherytyng of hym & his successours / & to grete harme of his lyeges / & grete reprefe to all Eng∣lysshmen for euermore. ¶ Also wherfore ame Ione of ye toure kyng Edwardes syster was disparaged & maryed to Da¦uid yt was Robert ye Brus sone / yt was a traytour & enemy to Englōd / & through whose coūseyle she was taken in to our enemyes handes out of Englōde. ¶ And in the meane whyle the good erle Henry of Lancastre & his cōpany toke coūseyle how these poyntes aboue said might be amended to ye worship of ye king & to his profyte / & to ye profyte also of his lyeges. ¶ And the quene Isabell through con∣iectynge & subtylte & also of Mortymer let ordeyn a parlyament at Salysbury. And at that parlyamēt was Mortimer made erle of Marche agaynst all the ba∣rons wyll of Englonde in preiudyce of ye kyng & his crowne. And syr Iohn of El∣tham ye kynges broder was gyrt with a swerde of Cornewayle / & tho was called erle of Cornewayl. And euermore quene Isabell {pro}cured so moche anenst her sone the king / yt she had ye warde of ye foresaid syr Edward & of his londes. And at that parlyamēt ye erle of Lancastre wold not come / but ordeyned his power agaynst quene Isabell & Mortymer / and men of London ordeyned them with .v .C. men of armes. Whan quene Isabell wyst of the doynge / she swore by god & by his na¦mes full angerly / that in an euyll tyme he thought vpon those poyntes. Than sent the quene Isabell & Mortmer after theyr retynue / & after ye kynges retynue so that they had ordeyned amōge them an huge hoost. And they so coūseyled the kyng / that vpon a nyght they rode. xxiij myle towarde Bedford / where as ye erle of Lancastre was with his company & thought to haue destroyed hym / & that nyght she rode besyde the kyng her sone as a knight armed for drede of deth. And it was done the kynge to vnderstande ye the erle Henry of Lācastre & his compa∣ny wolde haue destroyed the kyng & his coūseyle for euermore / wherfore ye kyng was somdele towardes hym heuy and anoyed. ¶ Whan ye erle Marshall & the erle of Kent the kynges broder herde of these tydynges / they ode so in message bytwene them / that the kyng graunted hym his peas to the erle Henry of Lan∣castre for a certayne raunsom of. x. M. poūde. But that was neuer payed after warde. And these were ye lordes ye helde with syr Henry of Lancastre / syr Henry Beamont / syr Fouk fitz war syr Tho¦mas Rocelyn / syr Willyam Trussell syrr Thomas wyther / & aboute an ondred knyghtes moo than were to hym cōsen ted / & all those were exled through coū∣seyle of quene Isabell and of Mormer for Mortymer wayted for to haue theyr lōdes yf yt he might through ony maner coniecting / for he was to cous & had to moche wyll / & that was grete pye. IT was not longe after ye the kyng of Fraūce through coūseyle of his Douzepers sent vnto kynge Edward of Englonde that he sholde come to Parys and do his homage (as reason it wolde) for y• duchy of Guyen / & so through coū∣seyle of y• lordes of Englonde kynge Ed∣ward went ouer y• see / & at y• Ascencyon tyde he came to Parys the thyrd yere of his regne for to do his homage vnto the kyng of Fraūce. And the kyng receyued his homage / & made of hym moche ioye & worship. But whā kyng Edward had done his homage / hastely he was sente for in to Englonde through y• quene Isa¦bell his moder / & anone hastely he came agayn in to Englond vpon whytsonday wtout takynge leue of y• kyng of Fraūce / wherfore he was wonders wroth. ANd now shall ye here of syr Ro∣ger Mortimer of wygmore that desyred & coueyted to be at an hye estate so that y• kyng graūted hym to be called erle of Marche / throughout all his lord∣shyp. And he became so proude & so hau∣teyn y• he wold lese & forsake the name y• his elders had euer before / & for y• cause he let call hym erle of Marche / and none of the comyns of Englonde durst call hȳ by other name. For he was called so by the kynges crye / y• men sholde call hym erle of Marche. And Mortimer bare hȳ so hauteyne & so proude / that wonder it was for to wyte / & also dysguysed hym with wonders ryche clothes out of all maner of reason / bothe of shapynge & of werynge. Wherof y• Englysshmen had grete wonder / how & in what maner he myght contryue or fynde suche maner pride / & they sayd amōge them comynly that his pryde sholde not longe endure. And y• same tyme sir Geffrey Mortimer that was Mortimers sone let call hym kyng of foly / & so it befell afterwarde in dede. For he was so full of pryde and of wretchednes / that he held a roūde table in Wales to all men that came thyder / & coūterfeyted the doynge & the maner of kyng Arthurs table / but openly he fay∣led. For the noble kyng Arthur was the moost noble lorde of renome y• was in all the world in his tyme / & yet came neuer none suche after / for al y• noble knyghtes in all chrystendom of dedes of armes as∣sayed dwellyng wt kyng Arthur / & helde hym for theyr lord & souerayn. And that was well seen / for he conquered in ba∣tayle a Romayn that was called Froll / and gate of hym the realme of Fraūce / & slewe hym wt his own handes. And also he faught with a gyaunt y• was called Dinabus & slewe hym / y• had rauysshed fayre Eleyn that was kynge Howelles nece kynge of lytell Brytayn. And after he slewe in batayle y• emperour of Rome that was called Lucie / that had assem∣bled agaynst kynge Arthur for to fyght with hym so moche people of Romayns & Phethis & sarasyns / y• no man coude nombre them / & he discomfited them all as y• story telleth. ¶ And in y• same tyme the comyn voyce spronge in Englonde through coniectynge & ordynaūce of the frere prechers / that syr Edward of Car naruan / that was kyng Edwardes fa∣der / of whome the gest telleth / sayd y• he was alyue in y• castell of Corf / wherfore al y• comyns of Englōde almoost were in sorowe & drede whether it were so or not For they wyst not how traytoursly Mor¦timer had done hym to be murdred. ANd on a certayne tyme it befell so that syr Edmond of wodstock erle of Kent spake vnto the pope Iohn the .xxij. at Auinyon & sayd y• almyghty god had often tymes done for Thomas lone of Laneastre many grete myracles to many men & women / y• were through dyuerse maladyes vndone (as vnto the worlde) & through his prayer they were brought to theyr helth / & so syr Edmond prayed y• pope hertely y• he wolde graūt hȳ grace y• the foresayd Thomas might be translated. But y• pope sayd nay / that he shold not be translated vnto the tyme he were better certyfyed of the clergy of Englonde and seen by theyr obedyence what thynge god had done for y• loue of saynt Thomas of Lancastre after y• sug¦gestyon that y• foresayd erle of Kent had made to hym. And whan this Edmond saw y• he might not spede of his purpose as touchyng the translacyon / he prayed hȳ of coūseyle as touchyng syr Edward of Carnaruan his broder / & sayd not lon¦ge ago he was king of Englonde / what thynge myght best be done as touching his deliueraūce / syth y• a comyn fame is through Englonde y• he is alyue & safe. Whan the pope herde hym tell y• syr Ed∣ward was alyue / he cōmaūded the erle vpon his benyson y• he sholde helpe wt all the power y• he myght y• he were delyue∣red out of prison / & saue his body in all y• he myght / & to brynge this thynge to an ende he assoyled hym & his cōpany (a pe na et culpa) & al tho y• holpe to his deliue¦raunce. Than toke Edmond of wodstok his leue of the pope & came agayne in to Englonde. And whan syr Edmond was comen / some of y• frere prechers came & sayd y• syr Edwarde his broder yet was alyue in y• castell of Corf / vnder y• keping of syr Thomas Gurney. Tho sped hym the foresayd Edmōd as fast as he might tyll he came to y• castel of Corf / & aqueyn¦ted hym and spake so fayre with Iohn Daueryll / that was constable of y• same castell / & gaue him ryche gyftes to haue acqueyntaunce of hym & to knowe of his coūseyle. And thus it befel y• the foresayd syr Edmond prayed specially to tell hym pryuely of his lorde his broder syr Ed∣ward / yf y• he lyued or were deed / & yf he were alyue he prayed hȳ ones to haue a syght of hym. And this syr Iohn Daue¦ryll was a hye herted man & full of cou∣rage / & answered shortly to syr Edmond & sayd / that syr Edward his broder was in helth & vnder his kepyng / & durst not shewe hym to no man syth it was defen∣ded hȳ in y• kynges half Edward y• was Edwardes sone of Carnaruan / & also by the cōmaūdemēt of quene Isabell y• kyn¦ges moder / & of syr Roger Mortymer / y• he shold shewe his body to no man of the world / saue onely to them vpō lyf & lȳme & disheryting of his heyres for euermore But the fals traytour falsly lyed / for he was not in his warde / but he was takē thens & lad to y• castell of Berkeley by syr Thomas Gurney / by cōmaūdement of Mortimer tyll he was deed as before is sayd / but syr Edmōd of wodstok wyst no thynge y• syr Edwarde his broder was deed / whervpon he toke a lettre to kyng Edward his broder as to his worthy lor¦de. And receyued y• lettre of hȳ & behight hym to do his message wtout ony fayle. And with y• syr Edmond toke leue of the foresayd Iohn & went in to his own coū¦tre & lordshyp ī Kent y• he had there. And anone as this same Iohn wyst y• syr Ed¦mond was gone in to Kent his own lord¦ship / he went in all the haste y• be might fro the castel of Corf & came to syr Roger Mortimer / & toke hym y• lettre y• syr Ed∣mond of wodstok erle of Kent had taken hym closed & ensealed wt his owne seale. And whan syr Roger Mortimer had re∣ceyued the lettre / he vnclosed it & sawe what was conteyned therin / & began to rede it / wherof y• begȳnynge was this. ¶ Worshyps & reuerence with broders legeaunce and subiecyon. Syr knyght worshipful & dere broder / yf it please you I praye you hertely y• ye be in good com forte / for I shall so ordeyne for you / that ye shall come out of prison & be deliuered of that disease that ye be in. And vnder∣stande of your grete lordshyp y• I haue to myne assentyng almoost all the grete lordes of Englonde with all theyr appa¦rayle / y• is to saye / with armure / wt tre∣sour without nombre / for to maynteyne your quarell / so ferforth that ye shall be kynge agayn as ye were before / & that they haue sworne to me vpō a boke / & as well prelates as erles & barons. Whan syr Roger Mortimer sawe & vnderstode the myght & the strengthe of the lettre / anone his herte for wrath began to boll & euyll hert bare toward syr Edmond of wodstok y• was erle of Kent / & wt all the haste that he might he went vnto dame Isabell y• quene y• was y• kynges moder & shewed her syr Edmondes lettre / his wyll & his purpose / & how that he had coniected & ordeyned to put downe kyng Edward of wyndsore her sone of his ry∣alte & of his kyngdom. Now certes syr Roger sayd she / hath syr Edmōd done so now by my faders soule sayd she I wyll be therof auenged / yf that god graūt me lyfe / & that in a shorte tyme. And with y• the quene Isabel went to king Edward her sone there as he was at the parlya∣ment at Wynchestre for to amende the wronges & the trespaces that were done amonge the people of his realme / & she toke and shewed hym the lettre that syr Edmond of wodstock had made and en∣sealed with his owne seale / and badde hym vpon her blessynge that he sholde be auenged vpon syr Edmonde as vpon his deedly enemy. Than was the quene sore wroth towarde syr Edmonde erle of Kent / and cessed neuer to praye vnto her sone tyll that he had sent in all the haste after hym. And vpon that the kyng sent by his lettres after syr Edmond of wod∣stok / that he sholde come & speke wt hym at Wynchestre all maner thynges lefte. And whan syr Edmond sawe y• the king sent after hym with his lettres ensealed he hasted hym in all that he myght tyll that he came to wynchestre. But whan the quene wyst that syr Edmonde was comen to wynchestre / anone she went & prayed so fast vnto kynge Edwarde her sone that y• good erle was arested anone and ladde vnto y• barre before Robert of Hamond y• was Crowner of the kynges housholde / & he assocyed to hym syr Ro∣ger Mortimer. And than spake the fore sayd Robert & said. Syr Edmond erle of Kent / ye shall vnderstāde that it is done vs to wyte / & prȳcypally vnto our lyege lorde the kynge Edwarde of Englonde almyghty god hym saue & kepe / that ye be his deedly enemy & a traytour / & also a comyn enemy vnto the realme / & that ye haue ben aboute many a daye for to make preuy delyueraūce of syr Edward somtyme king of Englonde your broder the whiche somtyme was put downe of his royalte by y• comyn assent of y• lordes of Englonde in appeasynge of our lorde the kynges estate / & also of his realme. Than answered the good man & sayd. Forsothe syr vnderstande well y• I was neuer traytour to my kyng / ne to the re∣alme / & that I do me on god & on all the worlde / & therfore by my kynges leue I shall it preue & defende as a man ought to do. Than sayd Mortymer. Syr Ed∣monde it is so ferforth knowen y• it may not be well gaynsayd / & that in presence of all that be here it shall be well proued Now had this fals Mortimer the same lettre that syr Edmond had taken to syr Iohn Daueryll in the castell of Corf for to take to kyng Edward his broder that syr Edmonde wyst not of / ne supposed nothynge y• syr Iohn Daueryll had ben so fals to deliuer his lettre in suche wyse to Mortimer / & thought no maner thyn∣ge of the lettre. Than Mortimer sayd to syr Edmonde & shewed y• lettre sealed / & asked him yf that he knewe that lettre & the seale. This syr Edmōd loked theron & auysed hym longe tyme on y• print of y• seale / for he myght not se y• lettre wtin / & wyst well y• it was his seale / & thought that it had bē some lettre y• had borne no grete charge / & thought nothynge on y• other lettre / & sayd openly in herynge of them all. Ye forsothe this is my seale / & I wyll it not forsake. Loo sayd Morty∣mer / syrs ye here all what he hath sayd & that he knowlegeth y• this is his lettre & his seale / & now ye shall here what is conteyned therin. And than this Morti∣mer opened y• lettre y• he had folden a fore togyder / & red it openly worde by worde in hering of them all. And whan y• lettre was red he sayd / loo syrs ye haue herde all that here is wryten / & that he hath knowleged y• this is his lettre & his seale & he may not go therfro. And than they cryed & gaue dome that he sholde be han¦ged & drawen & his heed smyttē of in ma¦ner of a traytour / & he & his heyres dys∣heryted for euermore / & so he was ladde forth & put in to pryson. And whan this was done / & y• quene wyst that he was dampned by waye of y• lawe bothe of lyf and lymme / & his heyres dysheryted for euer more / through open knowlegynge in playn court / wherfore them thought that it were good y• the foresayd syr Ed∣mond were hastely slayne without wy∣tynge of y• kyng / or els the kynge wolde lyghtly forgyue hym his deth / & than it sholde turne them to moche sorowe / so as he was empeched. And anone the quene through counseyle of Mortimer / & wtout ony other counseyle / sente in haste to the baylyfe of wynchestre y• he sholde sinyte of syr Edmondes heed of wodok erle of Kent without ony maner abydynge or respyte / vpon payne of lyfe & lymme / & that he shold haue none other execucyon bycause of taryenge / not withstandyng the iudgement. Than toke y• baylyfe syr Edmond out of pryson / & ladde hym be∣syde y• castel of wynchestre / & there they made a gongfermer to smyte of his dyed for none other durst do it. And so he dyed there / alas y• whyle / y• is to say y•. . day of October / the thyrde yere of kyng Ed∣wardes regne. And whan y• kyng wyst therof / he was wonders sory / & let bury hym at ye frere Minours at winchestre. ANd so it befell at y• tyme that syr Roger Mortimer erle of marche was so proude & so hawteyne y• he helde no lord of the realme his pere. And than became he so couetous that he folowed dame Isabell the quenes courte y• was kyng Edwardes moder / & beset his pe∣nyworthes wt the offycers of the quenes houshold in y• same maner y• the kynges officers dyd. And so he made his takyng as touchynge vytayles / & also of carya∣ges / & all he dyd for bycause of epenses and to gadre tresour / & so he dyd with∣out nombre in all that he myght. Than made he hym wonders preuy with the quene Isabell / and so moche lordshyp & retynue he had / that all the grete lordes of Englonde of hym were adrad. Wher∣fore the kynge & his coūseyle towardes hym were agreued / & ordeyned amonge them to vndo hym through pure reason and lawe / bycause that kynge Edward that was the kynges fader trayoursly through hym was murdred in y• castell of Corf / as before is sayd more playn∣ly in the same parte of this boke of his deth. And some that were of the kynges counseyle loued Mortimer / & tolde hym in preuite how that the kyng & his coun¦seyle were aboute frō daye to daye hym for to destroye & vndo. Wherfore Morti∣mer was sore anoyed and angry as the deuyll agaynst them yt were of ye kynges coūseyle / & sayd he wolde of them be a∣uenged how so euer he toke on. It was not longe afterward that king Edward and dame Philip his wyfe / & dame Isa¦bell the kynges moder / & syr Roger Mor¦tymer ne went vnto Notyngham there for to soiourne. And so it befel that quene Isabell through counseyle of Mortimer toke to her the keys of ye gates of ye castel of Notyngham / so that no man myght come in nor out by nyght / but through cōmaūdement of Mortimer / ne ye kynge nor none of his coūseyle. And that tyme it befell so that Mortimer as a deuyll for wrath boyled / & also for wrath ye he had agaynst the kynges men / & pryncypally agaynst them yt had accused hym to the kyng of ye deth of syr Edward his fader. And pryuely a counseyle was taken by∣twene quene Isabell & Mortymer & the bysshop of Lyncolne and syr Symond of Bedford & syr Hugh of Trompyngton & other preuy of theyr coūseyle for to vndo them al ye had accused Mortimer vnto ye kynge of his faders deth of treason & of felony. Wherfore all those yt were of the kynges coūseyle whā they wyst of Mor¦timers castynge / pryuely came to kyng Edwarde & sayd that Mortimer wolde destroye them bycause they had accused hym of kyng Edwardes deth his fader and prayed hym yt he wolde maynteyne them in theyr right. And these were the lordes yt pursued this quarell / syr Williā of Mountagu / syr Vmfrey de Boghun / syr Williā his broder / syr Rauf of Staf∣ford / syr Robert of Herford / syr Willyam of Clynton / syr Iohn Neuyll of Nornby and many other of theyr consent / and all these swore vpon a boke to maynteyne the quarell in as moche as they myght. And it befell so after that syr Wyllyam of Mountagu ne none of ye kynges fren∣des must not be herborowed in the castel for Mortimer / but went and toke theyr herborowe in dyuers places of ye towne of Notyngham. And tho were they sore adrad lest that Mortimer shold destroye them / and in haste came vnto kyng Ed∣ward syr Willyam of Moūtagu yt than was in ye castell / and pryuely tolde hym that he nor none of his company sholde not take Mortimer without counseyle & helpe of Wyllyam of Eland constable of the same castell. Now truly sayd ye king I loue you well / & therfore I counseyle you that ye go to the foresayd constable and cōmaunde hym in my name that he be your frende and your helpe for to take Mortimer / all thynge left vpon peryll of lyfe & lymme. Than sayd Moūtagu / syr my lord graūt mercy. Than went forth the foresayd Moūtagu and came to the constable of the castell / and told hym the kynges wyll. And he answered & sayd the kynges wyll shold be done in as mo∣che as he myght / and that he wolde not spare for no maner deth / and so he swore and made his othe. Than sayd syr Wil∣lyam of Mountagu to the constable / in herynge of all them that were helpyng vnto the same quarell. Now certes dere frende / vs behoueth to werke and do by your aduyse for to take Mortymer / syth that ye be keper of the castell & haue the keys in your warde. Syr sayd the con∣stable ye shall vnderstande that ye gates of the castell ben locked with the lockes that dame Isabell sente hyther / and by nyght she hath the keys therof & layeth them vnder the leuesell of the bedde tyll on the morowe / and so ye may not come in to the castell by the gates in no ma∣ner of wyse / but I knowe an aley that stretcheth out of the warde vnder ye erth in to ye foresayd castel / yt goth in to ye west whiche aley dame Isabell the quene ne none of her men / nor Mortymer ne none of his cōpany knoweth it not. And so I shall lede you through ye aley / and so ye shall come in to the castel wtout espyenge of ony men yt be your enemyes. And the same nyght syr William Moūtagu & all the lordes of his quarell / & the same con∣stable also wente to hors them / & made semblaūt as it were for to go out of Mor¦timers syght. But anone as Mortimer herde these tydynges / he wende yt they wold haue gone ouer see for fere of hym And anone he & his company toke a coū∣seyle amonge them for to lette theyr pas∣sage / & sent lettres anone to the portes / so that none of the grete lordes sholde go home to theyr own coūtrees but yf they were arested & taken. And amōge other thynges Willyam Eland constable of ye foresayd castell / priuely lad syr William of Moūtagu & his company by the fore∣sayd waye vnder the erth tyl they came in to the castel / & went vp in to the toure where as Mortymer was in. But syr Hugh of Trompyngton theym escryed hydously & sayd. A traytours it is all for nought that ye be comē in to this castell ye shall dye yet an euyl deth euerychone And anone one of them yt was in Moun¦tagues cōpany by with a mace & smote the same Hugh vpon ye heed yt the brayn brast out & fell on ye groūde / & so dyed he an euyll dethe. Than toke they Morty∣mer as he armed hym at ye toures dore whan he herde ye noyse of them for drede And whan quene Isabell sawe ye Mor∣tymer was taken / she made moche so∣towe in hert / and these wordes to them sayd. Now fayr syrs I pray you yt ye do no harme to his body a worthy knyght our welbeloued frende & our dere cosyn. Thā went they thens & came & brought Mortimer & presented hym vnto kynge Edward. And he cōmaunded to brynge hym in safe warde. But anone as they that were consentyng vnto Mortimers doynge herde tell yt he was taken / they went and hydde them / and purly by nyght wente out of the towne eueryche in to his countree with an heuy herte & mournyng chere / and lyued vpon theyr londes as well as they myght. And so that same yere yt Mortymer was taken he had at his retynue .ix. score knyghtes without squyers and sergeauntes of ar¦mes and fote men. And than was Mor∣tymer ladde to London / & syr Symond of Bedford was ladde with hym / and was taken to the constable of the toure to kepe. But afterwarde was Morty∣mers lyf examyned at Westmynster be∣fore the kynge & before all the grete lor∣des of Englonde / for peryll that myght fall to the realme / & to enquyre also whi¦che were consentynge to syr Edwardes deth the kynges fader / and also through whome the Scottes escaped fro Scan∣hope in to Scotlonde without the wyll of kyng Edward. And also how yt char∣ter of Ragman was delyuered vnto the Scottes / wherin the homages & frau∣tees of ye lordes of Scotlonde were con∣teyned / that the Scottes sholde do euer more vnto the Englysshe kynge for the realme of Scotlōde / wherfore in his ab∣sence he was dampned to be draw & hanged for his treason. And this mys∣chefe came to hym on saynt Andrewes euen / in the yere of ye incarnacyon of our lorde Iesu Chryst. M .CCC. and rxx. NOw haue ye herd how syr Iohn Bayloll in the tyme of peas was chosen to be kyng of Scotlonde / bycause that he came of ye eldest doughter of the erle Dauid of Huntyngton yt was kyng Alysaunders broder of Scotlond yt dyed without heyre of his body begoten. And how this Iohn made his feaute and ho¦mage to kyng Edward Henryes sone ye thyrde for his londes of Scotlonde. And how he afterwarde wtsayd his homage through coūseyle of the Scottes / in the yere of our lorde. M .CC .lxxiiij. and sent vnto the pope through a fals suggestion that he made his othe vnto the foresayd kyng Edward ouer his estate & his wyl of the whiche othe ye pope hym assoyled through his bulles to hȳ sent. And ano∣ne as kyng Edward wyst therof / he or∣deyned anone his barons & came to Bar¦wyk & conquered the towne / at whiche conquest there were slayne .xxv. M. and vij .C. and Bayloll yt was kyng of Scot¦londe came & yelded hym to good kynge Edward / & the kyng afterward delyue∣red him out of ye toure of London / & all ye grete lordes wt hym that tho were taken at Barwyk / & gaue them saufconduyte to go in to Scotlonde. And the Scottes ith through theyr falsnes warred vpon the good kyng Edward. And whan syr Iohn Bayloll kyng of Scotlonde sawe all this he went ouer see vnto Dunpier and lyued there vpon his londes as wel as he myght tyll yt the Scottes wold a∣mēde them of theyr mysoedes & trespace & ad wt hȳ syr Edward his sone / wher∣fore ye Scottes in despyte of hym called hym syr Iohn Turnlabaerd / for bycause that he wolde not offende ne trespace a∣gaynst ye good kyng Edward of Englon¦de. And so he forsoke his realme of Scot¦londe / and set therof but lytel pryce. And this syr Iohan dwelled longe tyme in Fraūce tyll yt he dyed there. And syr Ed∣ward his sone receyued his herytage / & dyd homage to ye kyng of Fraūce / for his londes of Dunpier. And so it befell after¦ward that Edward yt was Iohn Bay∣lols sone had wt hym a squyer of englōde that was borne in yorkshyre / yt was cal¦led Iohn of Barnaby / & this Edwarde Bayloll loued hym moche / & was nygh hym and full preuy. And so this Iohn of Barnaby was in debate with a frensshe man in ye towne of Dūpier / & so he slewe hym & went his waye in all ye haste yt he myght in to ye castell for to haue helpe of his lord. And anone came ye officers of ye towne to take Iohn of Barnaby as a fe∣lon / & syr Edward his lord holpe hym & rescowed hym / & by night made him go out of ye castell / & so he went his waye & came in to Englonde wtout ony harme. And whan ye kyng of Fraūce sawe yt syr Edward had rescowed his felon / he be∣came wonders wrothe agaynst syr Ed∣ward / & anone let arest hym / & toke in to his hādes all his londes. Than dwelled syr Edward in pryson vnto ye tyme yt syr Henry of Beaumont came in to Fraūce / the whiche Henry was somtyme erle of Angos in Scotlonde through his wyfe & was put out therof whā ye accordemēt was bytwene Englonde and Scotlond through quene Isabell & Roger Morti∣mer & theyr cōpany / for ye maryage yt she made bytwene Dauyd yt was Robert ye Brus sone & dame Ione of ye toure kyng Edwardes syster of Englōde / & well vn¦derstode this yt at ye ende he shold come to his ryght / but yf it were syr Edwarde Bayloll yt was ryght heyre of ye realme of Scotlonde. And the kyng of Fraunce Lowys loued moche this syr Henry / & he was with hym ful preuy / & thought for to make a delyueraūce of syr Edwar¦de Bayloll yf he myght in ony maner of wyse. Tho prayed he ye kyng ye it wolde please his noble grace to graūt hym syr Edward Baylols body vnto ye next par∣lyament that he myght lyue wt his own tentes in the meane tyme / & yt he myght stande to be iudged wt his peres at ye par¦lyament. And ye kyng graūted hym his prayer / & made the foresayd Edward to be delyuered out of pryson in the maner aboue said. And anone as he was out of prison / syr Henry toke hym forth wt hym & ladde hym in to Englōde / & made hym dwell pryuely at ye maner of Sandhall vpon Ouse in Yorkeshyre with the lady Vescy. And so he ordeyned him there an huge retynue of Englysshemen & also of alyens for to conquere agayne his hery∣tage. And so he gaue moche siluer to the sowdyours & to alyens for to helpe hym And they behyght for to helpe hym in yt they myght / but they fayled hym at his moost nede. And at yt tyme Donald erle of Moryf herde tell how yt syr Edwarde Baylol was priuely come in to Englōde & came to hym & made grete ioye of his comynge agayn / and sayd to hym & be∣hyght hym yt all ye grete lordes of Scot∣londe shold be to hym attendaūt / & shold holde hym for kynge as ryght heyre of Scotlōde / & dyd to hȳ homage & feaute. Than came syr Henry of Beaumont to kynge Edwarde of Englonde / & prayed hym in ye waye of charite that he wolde graūt of his grace to syr Edward Bay∣loll that he myght safely go by londe frō Sandhal vnto Scotlōde to cōquere his ryght & herytaunce in Scotlonde. The kynge answered & sayd. Yf that I suffre Bayloll go through my londe in to Scot¦londe / the people wold saye yt I shold be assentyng vnto ye company. Now syr I praye you that ye wolde gyue hym leue to take wt hym sowdyours of Englysshe mē yt they myght safely lede hȳ through your londe in to Scotlōde. And syr vpon this couenaunt yt yf it so befall (as god it forbydde) he be dyscomfyted in batayle through the Scottes / that I & also all ye lordes that holde wt Bayloll ben for euer more out of your rentes that we haue in Englonde. And there ye kyng vpon this couenaunt graunted theyr bone as tou∣chynge hym & those yt were of the same quarell the whiche claymed for to haue londes & rentes in ye realme of Scotlōde And these were ye names of those lordes that pursued this foresayd quarell yt is to saye / syr Edward Bayloll the whiche chalenged the realme of Scotlonde, syr Henry Beaumōt erle of Angos / syr Da∣uid of Stroboly erle of Atheles / syr ∣frey of Mombray / Walter Comyn and many other yt were put out of ∣rytage in Scotlonde whan ye made bytwene Englonde & S before is sayd. And ye shall that these lordes toke wt them .v .C. of armes and .ij. M. archers & & tho wente in to shyppe at and sayled by the see tyll that they vnto Scotlonde / & came to londe kehorne .xij. myle from sayn Ioh towne. And anone sente out theyr ∣pes agayne / for that they sholde no hurt ne empayred / neyther that no man sholde go in to ye shyppes agayn though that they had nede / but abyde all and not ee but stande / & rather deth thā flee for to mayn quarell. Whan the erle of Fi a man & a sterne herde that comen for to take the londe of Scotlonde he came in haste to kynkehorne with xij. M. scottes for to destroye hym that he sholde not come to londe. But syr Ed∣warde Bayloll & his company dyscom∣fyted hym there / at ye whiche discomfy∣ture syr Alysaūder of Seron was there slayne / & many other. The erle of Fyffe was tho sore & full yll ashamed / that so lytell a company had dyscomfyd hym and shamefully put hym & all his com∣pany that were alyue for to flee. Than came syr Edward Bayloll & toke ye coun tre all aboute hym tyll he came vnto the abbey of Dunfermelin / & there he foūde vytayles for hym & for his folke / and a∣monge all thȳges he foūde in a chambre aboute .v .C. of grete staues of fyne oke with longe pykes of yren & of stele / & he toke them & deliuered them to the moost strongest men of his cōpany. And anone after he went from thens & lodged hym in a felde two myle fro saynt Iohannes towne. And whan the burgeyses of the towne herde how the erle of Fiffe was dyscōfyted through Bayloll / they were fore adrad / & brake theyr brydges yt they had made ouer ye water of Erne / so that Baylol myght not go ouer / wherfore he lodged hym there all yt nyght / but lytell hede he toke of rest / & sayd vnto his peo∣ple. Now dere lordes ye knowe full well that we be now lodged bytwene our ene¦myes / & yf they may vs hampre there is no bote but deth / wherfore yf we abyde styll here all this nyght / I wene it shall turne vs to moche harme. For ye power of Scotlonde may euer wexe & encreace and we may not so do / & we be but lytell people agaynst them / wherfore I praye you for ye loue of almighty god make we vs bolde & hardy / & yt we may myghtely take the Scottes this night / and boldly warre vpon them / & let vs pursue them this nyght / & yf they be through vs tra∣uayled & se our hardynes / other scottes that se them so trauayled and wery / the sorer wyll they be adrad wt vs to fyght / & fyersly than shall we fyght with them & on them pursue / so yt through y• grace of god al y• worlde shall speke of y• dough tynes of our chyuairy. And syrs vnder∣stande well that al the company y• came with syr Edward Bayloll graūted well to y• coūseyle / & were therof ryght glad / and anone pursued vpon the Scottes y• they became wonders wery. And Bay∣loll & his company sore folowed them / & did them moche harme & sorow through theyr assaut / so y• they myght not for fe∣blenes them helpe / and for lytell people. But tho sayd y• Scottes amonge them / what is now befall that so lytell people as Bayloll hathe in wynge dothe vs so moche trauayle & sorowe. Now certes it semeth vs that he werketh by grace / for he is wonders gracyous in his quarell / & we certes shal be deed or that we may come to hȳ vs for to yelde / syth that his fader set of vs no pryce. And amonge all other thynges Bayloll & his people pas∣sed the water of Erne / so that syr Roger of Swynerton the sone was fyers & an∣gry & went forth / & they sawe people of armes full well arayed / and forth they went vnto them & with them faught / & slewe & toke as many as wolde abyde. And neuertheles at yt assaut they wende it had ben the grete hoost of Scotlonde. And whan it came to the morowe they gadred them togyder and rested them a whyle. And whyle ye englisshmen rested them / the noble baron Thomas Vescy & the noble baron of stafford pricked theyr horses vp & down by ye hylles for to kepe the estres of y• coūtree / & as they prycked vp and down they sawe a grete hoost of good araye ordeyned in theyr wynges with helmes and sheldes shynynge co∣mynge vpon them. And there came tho two lordes agayn to Baylols folke / and sayd. Now for the loue of god be of good cōforte / for ye shall haue batayle anone right. And tho spake syr Fouke ye sone of Gareyne a baron of grete renome and of dedes of armes. Syrs vnderstāde what I wyll saye. I haue seen many dyuers wynges / as wel amonge sarasyns and iewes as amonge y• scottes / & yet sawe I neuer the fourth parte of the wynge fyght / & therfore yf ye wyll abyde our enemyes we be ynough to fight against them. But yf we be not of good hert & of good courage we be but lost / & therfore for the loue of god let vs take to vs good herte / & let vs be bolde / & thynke we ne∣uer on our wyues ne on our childrē / but onely to cōquere our enemyes in batayle & through the helpe of our lorde god we shall them ouercome. And with yt came the hoost of the Scottes towarde them full surely & agaynst syr Edward Bay∣loll in thre bataylles well arayed in ar∣mure / & wonders fyersly they came to∣warde Baylols company. But whā syr Donald erle of Marcil that was with y• Scottes sawe all this / he said to Robert Brus the sone of Robert the Brus these wordes. Syr Roberte sayd he / full sore me forthynketh at my herte yt these peo∣ple that Bayloll hathe brought wt hym sholde dye with dynt of scottes swerdes lyth yt they be chrysten men as we be / & therfore me thȳketh yt it were grete cha∣rite to sende vnto them for to yelde them to our mercy / & raunsom them through greuous raunsom / for as moche as they haue takē our londe & done yll. Now cer∣tes sayd syr Robert y• Brus / I haue wel perceyued that yu art an enemy & a tray∣tour to Scotlonde / syth that yu wylt con∣sent to saue our deedly enemyes / yt haue done vs so moche sorowe & shame / & now it semeth well that ye be of theyr assent. Now certes Roberte (sayd syr Donald) falsly ye lye / I am not of theyr company ne of theyr cōsent / & that hastely ye shall se / for I wyll fyght wt them rather than ony of this cōpany / & certes syr Roberte sayd he I shal in maugre of thy heed as∣sayle them or thou. And with that they prycked theyr stedes fyersly on Gaskmo re / & theyr wynges them folowed on a rēge / & tho came they & mette wt Bayloll & his cōpany at an hangynge bough of the more in a strayte passage / and so fast they hasted them vnto the englysshmen that thousandes fell to the groūde eche ouer other in to an hepe bothe hors & mā Syr Bayloll & his men myghtely stode agaynst them & fast slewe the Scottes to the groūde / & many they fore woūded so longe tyll that they stode vpon them & foyned them wt theyr swerdes & speres through theyr bodyes / and full sore they were trauayled vpon them / tyll yt they became wōders wery / & wyst not what for to do. And y• Scottes that were lefte alyue fledde away for to saue themselfe in the best maner that they myght. And tho pursued them syr Edwarde Ba and his men / & slewe of them tyll it was night. And fro thens they went to saynt Iohns towne / and toke it & helde them there / and vytayled themselfe at theyr owne wyll / for they foūde ynough wher with to make them mery. Than made Bayloll his men yt were wounded go to shyppe for to sayle in to Englonde to theyr woūdes. And in y• tyme there was a flemyng in y• see a stronge thefe & a rob¦ber yt was called Crab / & this flem was dryuē out of Flaūdres for his wyc∣kednes / & therfore he came in to scotlond to holde with y• scottes / & dyd as mee harme to y• Englisshmē as he myght to And this Crab mette this Bayes men in y• see yt were woūded before in baraye that were sent agayn in to Englonde to hele theyr woūdes / & this Crab gaue to them a grete assaure and wold haue slayne them. But y• Englysshmen defen∣ded them manfully & dyscōfyced Crab & his cōpany / & he fledde in to Scotlonde. And as he came towarde saynt Iohns towne / he foūde a grete cōpany of Scot¦tes yt were comen agayn togyder after y• discomfyture of Gaskemore the whiche besyeged Bayloll & his men in the same towne of saynt Iohn. And anone tolde to the Scottes how that he was disco∣fyted of y• Englysshmen that were woū¦ded at Gaskmore y• went towarde Eng∣londe for to hele theyr woūdes / & sayd to the scottes yt they sholde haue no power ne myght nor grace agaynst Edwarde Bayloll / bycause that he dyscomfyted & empayred all the chiualry of Scotlonde with a handfull of men as to accompte agaynst the Scottes that were slayne / wherfore he coūseyled to remeue y• siege from saynt Iohns towne / & kepe them in y• best maner that they myght. The Scottes vnderstode yt Crab sayd sothe / & forsoke ye syege & went thens by nyght & holpe themselfe in y• best maner yt they myght. Whan this thȳge was knowen through Scotlonde how that y• lordes & knyghtes were discōfyted at Gaskmore of Scotlond through syr Edward Bay∣loll / ye shall vnderstande that ye lordes & ladyes & the gentyls of Scotlonde came wonders fast to saynt Iohns towne / & yelded them to Bayloll / & to him dyd ho∣mage & feaute for theyr londes / & yelded them to his peas. And he them receiued frely / & fro thens he went to ye abbey of Scone / & there he was crowned kyng of Scotlonde / & after he let crye his peas throughout all the londe. And at yt same tyme it befell that kynge Edward helde his parlyament amonge his lyeges at newe castell vpon Tyne / for to amende y• trespaces & the wronges yt had ben done in his londe / & syr Edward Bayloll king of Scotlonde came to hym thyder / & dyd to hym homage & feaute for y• realme of Scotlonde. And in this maner kyng Ed¦ward of Englōde gadred agayn his ho∣mages & feautees of Scotlond / wherof he was put out through counseyle & as∣sent of dame Isabell his moder / & of syr Roger Mortimer erle of Marche. Than toke Baylol kyng of Scotlonde his leue of kynge Edward of Englonde / & went thens in to his owne londe of Scotlonde & set but lytell by suche as had coūseyled & holpen hym in his quarell / wherfore they went from hym / & went & lyued by theyr londes & rentes in Scotlond. And so it befell not longe afterward that the king of Scotlonde ne remeued & came to the toure of Anand / and there toke his dwellyng / & thyder came to hym a cōpa¦ny of knyghtes / stronge men & worthy / and yelded them vnto y• kyng / and bare them so fayre in dede & in coūtenaūce / so that he trusted moche vpon them. And anone as ye traytours sawe yt he trusted moche vpō them / they ordeyned amōge them fyfty in a company / & wolde haue slayne theyr lord y• kyng. But through y• grace of almighty god he brake through a wall an hole in his chambre / & as god wolde escaped theyr trechery / & all his men were slayne / & he escaped wt moche drede vnto ye towne of Cardoyll / & there he helde hȳ sore anoyed. And this befell on our ladyes euen ye concepcyon. Than sent kyng Edward Bayloll to kyng Ed∣ward of Englōde how falsly & traytours∣ly he was in lytell tyme put to shame & sorow through his lyege men / on whom he trusted wonders moche / & prayed hȳ for the loue of god yt he wolde maynteyn hym & helpe hym agaynst his enemyes The kyng of Englōde had of hym grete pyte / & behyght to helpe & socour hym / and sent hym worde that he shold holde hym in the foresayd cite of Cardoyll tyll that he had gadred his power. Than or∣deyned kynge Edwarde of Englonde a counseyle at London / & he let gadre his men in dyuers shyres of Englonde. And whan he was all redy / he went toward the towne of Barwyk vpon Twede / & thyder came vnto hym kynge Edward Bayloll of Scotlonde with his power & besyeged the towne / & made without y• towne a fayre towne of pauylyons / & dy ched them all about / so that they had no drede of the Scottes / & made many as∣sautes wt gonnes & with other engynes to the towne / wherwt they destroyed ma¦ny fayre houses / and chirches also were beten downe to y• erth with grete stones that spytefully came out of gonnes & of other engynes. Neuertheles y• Scottes kept well the towne / that ye two kynges myght not come therin longe tyme. And the kynges abode there so lōge tyll those that were wtin the town fayled vitayles & also they were so wery of wakynge / yt they wyst not what to do. And ye shall vnderstand yt the Scottes yt were in the towne of Barwyk through y• comyn coū seyle and theyr assent let crye vpon the walles of the towne yt they myght haue peas of the Englysshmen / & therof they prayed the kyng of his grace & mercy / & prayed hȳ of trewse for .viij. dayes vpon this couenaūt / yt yf they were not resco∣wed in yt syde of the towne toward Scot∣londe of y• Scottes within .viij. dayes / yt they wold yelde them vnto ye kyng & the towne also / & to hold this couenaūt they profred to y• king .xij. hostages out of the towne of Barwyk. Whan the hostages were delyuered to y• kyng / anone they of the towne sent to y• Scottes / & told them of theyr sorowe & myschefe. And y• Scot∣tes came than priuely ouer the water of Twede to y• bought of y• abbey / & syr wil¦lyam Diket yt was tho steward of Scot¦londe & many other yt came wt hym / put themselfe in grete peryll of theyr lyues at yt tyme / for they came ouer a brydge yt was broken & the stones away / & many of theyr company were there drowned / but the foresayd Wyllyam went ouer & other of his cōpany / & came by y• shippes of Englonde / & slewe in a barge of Hull xvj. men / & after they went in to y• towne of Barwik by ye water syde. Wherfore y• Scottes helde than y• towne rescowed / & asked theyr hostages agayn of the kyng of Englonde. And the kynge sente them worde agayne y• they asked theyr hosta∣ges wt wronge / syth that they came in to the towne of Englōde syde / for couenaūt was bytwene them yt the towne shold be rescowed by ye halfe of Scotlonde. Than anone cōmaūded kyng Edward to yelde the towne or he wold hange y• hostages. And the Scottes sayd the towne was rescowed well ynough / and therto they wold them holde. Whan kyng Edward sawe the Scottes breke theyr couenaūt that they had made / he was wonders wroth / & anone let take syr Thomas fitz Willyam & syr Alyfaūder of Feton war∣deyn of Barwyk / the whiche Thomas was parsone of Dunbar / & let them be taken fyrst afore that other hostages / by cause that syr Alysaunders faders was keper of the towne. And tho cōmaunded euery daye two hostages of y• towne tyll that they were all done to dethe / but yf they yelded y• towne / & so he sholde teche them to breke theyr couenaūt. And whā they of the towne herde these tydynges they became wonders sory / & sent to the kyng yt he wolde graūt them other. v. dayes of respyte / so y• bytwene tho hon∣dred men of arntes and .xx. mē of armes myght by strength go bytwene them to the towne of Barwik them force vitayle that ye towne must be holde for restowed And yf so were that .xxj. or .xxij. or more were slayne of tho .C. beforesayd that ye towne sholde not be holden for restowed And this couenaūt to be holdē they sent to hym other .xij. of y• foresayd towne in hostage. The kyng graūted them theyr prayer / & toke y• hostages on saynt Mar¦garetes euen / in y• yere of grace. M .ccc. & xxxij. the Scottes came pricking fyersly in foure wynges well arayed in armes for to mete kyng Edward of Englonde & Edward ye kyng of Scotlonde & wt theyr power / and came fast & sharply agaynst euensonge tyme / & the same tyme was flode at Barwik in the water of Twede that no man myght go ouer on his hors nor on fote / & the water was bytwene the two kynges & ye realme of Englonde And that tyme abode the Scottes on ye other syde / bycause yt the Englysshmen sholde haue ben drowned. THe erle of Moryf / Iames Frisell Symond Fryfel / Walter stewar¦de / Reynold Cheyn / Patrik of Graham Iohn le graūt / Iames of Cardoyll / Pa¦trik Parkeis / Robert Caldecottes / Phi∣lip of Melledrū / Thomas Gilbert / Rafe wyseman / Adam Gurdon / Iames Gra¦mat / Robert Boid / Hugh Parke / with xl. knightes newe dubbed / & .vii .C. men of armes / & .iij. M. of comyns. ¶ In the fyrst parte of ye halfe batayle were these lordes / the steward of Scotlonde / ye erle of Morye & Iames his vncle / Willyam Douglas / Dauid of Lyndesey / Manco¦lyn Flemyng / Willyā of kethe / Dūken Cāboke / with .xxx. bachelers newe dub¦bed. ¶ In the second parte of ye batayle were these lordes. Iames Steward of Colden / Aleyn Steward / Willyam Ab∣brehyn / Willyā Moryce / Iohn fitz Wil¦lyā / Adam le mose / Walter fitz Gilbert / Iohn of Cerlton / Robert walham with vij .C. men of armes & .xvij. M. comyns ¶ In the thyrde parte of the batayle of Scotlonde were these lordes / the erle of Marrethe erle of Rof / the erle of Stra∣herne / the erle of sotherlond / William of Kyrkeley / Iohn Cambron / Gylbert of Hay / Willyam of Rainsey / Williā Pren¦degest / Kyrstyn Harde / Wyllyam Gur∣don / Arnold Garde / Thomas Dolphyn with .xl. knyghtes new dubbed / & .ix .C. men of armes and .xv. M. of comyns. ¶ In the fourth warde of ye batayle of Scotlond were these lordes. Archebald Douglas the erle of Leneuax / Alysaun¦der le Brus ye erle of Fif / Iohn Cambell erle of Atheles / Robert Lawether / Wil∣lyam of Vipount / Willyam of Lonstone Iohn de Labels / Groos de Sherenlaw Iohn de Lyndesey / Alysaūder de Gray / Ingram de Vinfreuille / Patrik de Pol∣lesworth / Dauyd de Wymes / Mychell Scotte / Willyam Landy / Thomas de Boys / Roger the Mortymer / with .xx. bachelers newe dubbed .ix .C. men of ar¦mes / and .xviij. M. &. iiij .C. of comyns. The erle of Dunbar keper of ye castell of Barwik holpe the Scottes with .l. men of armes. And syr Alysaunder of Seten keper of the foresayd towne of Barwyk with an .C. men of armes / & also the co∣myns of ye towne with. iiij .C. men of ar∣mes / & wt them. viij .C. fote men. ¶ The somme of the erles & lordes aboue sayd amoūteth .lxvj. The somme of ye bache∣lers newe dubbed amoūteth to .C. & .xl. The somme of men of armes amoūteth to .iij. M .C. The somme of the comyns amoūteth to .liij. M. &. ij .C. The somme totall of ye people aboue sayd amounteth lvj. M. vij .C .xlv. And these .lxvj. grete lordes lad all ye other grete lordes aboue sayd in .iiij. batayles / as it is told before all on fote. And kynge Edward of Eng∣londe & Edward Baylloll kyng of Scot∣londe had wel apparayled theyr folke in iiij. batayles for to fyght on fote agaynst the Scottes theyr enemyes. And ye Eng¦lysshe mynstrels blewe theyr trūpets & theyr claryons / & hidously escryed ye scot∣tes. And tho had euery englyssh batayle two wynges of pryce archers / ye whiche at ye batayl shotte arowes so fast & so sore that the Scottes myght not helpe them selfe / & they smote ye scottes thousandes to the groūde / & they began for to flee fro the englysshmē to saue theyr lyues. And whan y• scottysshe knaues sawe y• discō∣fyture & the scottes fall fast to y• grounde they fast prycked theyr maysters horses with the spurres for to kepe them fro pe¦ryl / & set theyr maysters at no force. And whan y• Englisshmen sawe y• / they lepte on theyr horses & fast pursued y• scottes / and all y• abode they slewe downe ryght. There men might se y• doughtynes of y• noble kyng Edward & of his men / how manly they pursued y• Scottes y• fled for drede. And there men myght se many a scottisshman cast down to y• groūde deed & theyr baners displayed hacked in to pe¦ces / & many a good habergeon of stele in the blode bath. And many a tyme y• scot∣tes were gadred in to companyes. But euermore they were discōfited. And so it befell as god wolde y• the Scottes had y• daye no more foyson ne myght agaynst the Englysshmen than .xx. shepe sholde haue agaynst .v. wolues. And so were y• Scottes discōfited / & yet y• Scottes had well .v. men agaynst one Englysshman / & y• batayle was done on Haydownhyll besyde y• towne of Barwyk / at y• whiche batayle were slayne of y• Scottes .xxxv. M. vij .C. and .xij. And of Englysshmen but onely .xiiij. and those were fotemen. And this victory befell to y• Englisshmen on saynt Margaretes euen / in y• yere of the incarnacyon of our lord Iesu Chryst M .CCC .xxxij. And whyle this doynge lasted y• Englisshe pages toke the pylfre of the Scottes y• were slayn / euery man myght take without ony chalengynge of ony man. And so after this gracyous victory the kyng returned agayn vnto y• same syege of Barwik. And whā they y• were besyeged sawe & herde how kyng Edward had sped / they yelded to hym y• towne wt the castell on the morowe nexte after saynt Margaretes day. And than the kynge ordeyned syr Edward Bayl∣loll with other noble & worthy men to be kepers and gouernours of Scotlonde in his absence / and hymselfe returned agayne and came in to Englonde after this vyctory with moche ioye and wor∣shyp. ¶ And in the nexte yere folowyng that is for to saye / in the yere of the in∣carnacyon of our lorde Iesu Chryst. M .CCC. and .xxxiij. and of kynge Edwar∣des regne .vij. he went agayn in to Scot¦londe in wynter tyme / at whiche age the castell of Kbrygge in Scotlond for hym & for his men that were with hym he recouered and had agaynst the Scot¦tes all at his owne wyll. ¶ And in that same yere syr Edwarde Baylloll kynge of Scotlonde helde his parlyament in Scotlonde with many noble lordes of Englonde that were at that same par∣lyament / bycause of theyr londes and also lordshyppes that they had in the re¦alme of Scotlonde / and helde all of the same Edwarde Baylloll. ¶ And in the viij. yere of kynge Edwardes regne a∣bout the feest of saynt Iohn Baptyst Edward Baylloll the very & true kyng of Scotlonde / as by herytage and right lyne / made his homage and feaute vn∣to kynge Edwarde of Englonde for the realme of Scotlōd at Newe castell vpon Tyne / in the presence of many worthy lordes and also of the comyns bothe of the realme of Englōde and also of Scot∣londe. And anone after in the same yere kyng Edward of Englonde retryued of the duke of Britayn his homage for the erledome and lordshyp of ychemond. ¶ And so folowyng in the. . yere of his regne after Mighemas rode in to Scot¦londe / and there was fast by sayne Io∣hannes towne almoost all the wynter tyme / & so he helde his Chrystmasse at y• castell of Rokesburgh. And in the same yere through out al Englōde about sayt Clementes tyde in wynter there arose suche a spryngynge and wellynge vp of water / & also of flodes / bothe of the see & also of fresshe ryuers & sprynges / that y• see bankes / walles and costes brake vp that men / beestes & houses in many pla¦ces & namely in lowe countrees violent∣ly & sodeynly were drowned / & fruytes dryuen awaye of the erth through con∣tynuaunce & aboundaunce of waters of the see / euer more afterwarde were tur∣ned in to more saltnes and sournes of sa∣uour. ¶ The .x. yere of kyng Edwardes regne kynge Edward entred the Scot∣tysshe see after mydsomer / & to many of the scottes he gaue batayle & ouercame them / & many he treated & bowed to his peas through his doughtynes. And af∣ter at Myghelmasse than next folowyn∣ge was the erle of Moryf taken at Eden¦burgh and brought in to Englonde and put in to pryson. ¶ And in the monethes of Iune and Iuly than nexte folowyng in the .xj. yere of his regne was seen and appered in y• fyrmament a bemed sterre the whiche clerkes call stella Cometa / and that sterre was seen in dyuers par∣tes of the fyrmament. Where after ano∣ne there folowed in Englonde good che∣pe & wonders grete plente of all chaffer vytayles and marchaundyse / and there agaynst honger / scarcete / myschefe / and nede of money. In so moche that a quar¦ter of whete at London was solde for two shyllynges / and a good fatte oxe at a noble / and fyue good doue byrdes for a peny. In whiche yere dyed syr Iohn of Eltham erle of Cornewayle that was kynge Edwardes broder / and lyeth at Westmynster. IN the yere of our lorde. M .CCC. & .xxxvij. and the .xij. yere of kyng Edward / in the moneth of Marche / du∣rynge the parlyament at Westmynster in lent tyme kyng Edward made of the erledome of Cornewayle a duchy / & let it call y• duchy of Cornewayle / the whi∣che duchy he gaue to Edwarde his fyrst sone / with the erledome of Chestre. And also kynge Edwarde made at the same tyme .vj. other erles / that is to saye / syr Henry erle of Lācasters sone erle of Ley¦cestre / Willyā of Boghun erle of North∣hamton / Willyam of Mountagu erle of Salisbury / Hugh of Awdell erle of Glo¦cestre / Robert of Vfford erle of Suffolke and Willyam of Cliton erle of Huntyng¦ton. ¶ And in that same yere it was or∣deyned in the same parlyamēt y• no man shold were no cloth that was wrought out of Englōde / as of cloth of golde ne of sylke or veluet or damaske or satyn baud kyn / ne none suche other / ne none wylde ware ne furres of beyonde y• see / but su∣che as myght spende an hondred poūde of rent by yere. But this ordynaūce and statute was but of lytel effect / for it was nothynge holden. ¶ In the .xiij. yere of his regne kyng Edward went ouer the see in to Brabād with quene Philip his wyfe there beryng a childe at And wrp there he dwelled more than a yere for to treate with the duke of Brabād & other alyed vnto hym of the chalengynge of y• kyngdome of Fraūce to kynge Edward of Englonde by ryght & by herytage af∣ter the deth of Karoll the grete kynge of Fraunce broder germayn of quene Isa∣bel kyng Edwardes moder / the whiche was holden & occupyed vnrightfully by Philip of Valoys y• emes sone of Karoll The whiche duke & all his in y• foresayd thȳges & all other longyng therto with all his men and goodes kynge Edward foūde redy vnto hym & made & behyght in o Eng∣ . ¶ Than in the .xiiij. des of his to be at his ter the of y. The kynges & as touthynge the kyngdome of Fraūce. For whiche nedes to be as∣ked y• fyfth party of al y• ble goodes of Englonde & the the .ix. shefe of euery corne. And all the rdes of eue∣ry towne wh suchthynges shold be taxed & gadred to y• kyng therof / & he h & helde at his owne st & wyll. W I shall know∣lege the very trouth / the inner loue of y• people was into hate / & y• comyn prayers in to / for cause that y• comyn people were so strongly greued. ¶ Also the foresayd of Fraūce had gadred vnto h a grete hoost & destroyed there in his partyes & kyng∣dom many of y• kynges frendes of Eng∣lōde wt townes & wt many other of theyr lordshyps / & many s / sha∣pes & despytes dyd vnto y• quene. Wher fore whan kyng Edward herde this / he was strongly & ngred therwt / & sent dyuers lettes ouer see to y• quene & to other y• were his frendes in gladding them / & certyfyenge them y• he wolde he there hymselfe in all y• aste y• he might. And anone after rester he had sped of all thyges that hym neded to haue / he went ouer see agayn. Of whose coming the quene & all his frendes were wōders glad / & made moche toye. And all y• were his enemyes & helde agaynst him made his moche sorowe. In the same tyme the king through coūseyle of his true & coūseyle of his lordes y• there were pre∣sent with hym y• kynge of name / & toke y• kynges armes of Frafice quartred wt the armes of Eng∣londe / cōmanded forth with his coyne of golde vnder descripcyon & yng of the name of Englonde & of Fraūce to be made best y• myght be / & y• is to saye / the floreyn y• was called y• noble pryce of. v. shyllynges .viij. pens sterlyng / & y• halfe noble y• value .iij. shyllynges &▪ . peus & the farthynge of y• value of▪ . peus. ANd in y• nexte yere after / that is to saye / the .xv. yere of his egne he cōmaūded & let wryte in his chartres wryttes & other lettres the date of the regne of Fraūce y• fyrst. And whyle that he was thus doynge & rauaylynge Fraunce through his coūseyle e wrote to al the prelates / dukes / cries & barons & the noble lordes of y• coūtre / & also to dy¦uers of the comyn people dyuers ls & maundementes berynge date at Gan∣daue the .viij. daye of February. And a∣none after within a lytell tyme he came agayn in to Englonde wt the quene & her childrē. And in y• same yere on midsomer euen he began to sayle toward Fraūce as gayn / & manly & fyersly he fell vpon Phi¦lyp of aloys / the whiche longe tyme laye & had gadred to hym a full grete & boustous meyny of dyuers nacions in y• hauen of Scluys: & there they fought to gyder y• kyng of Fraūce & he with theyr oes fro myddaye to thre of y• clocke on the morowe / in y• whiche batayle were slayne .xxx. M. men of y• kynges cōpany of Fraūce / and many shyppes & cogges were taken. And so through goddes he had there y• victory / & bare theus a gloryous heualry. And in y• same yere about saynt Iames tyme wold y• gates of saynt Diners Roberte of Atheys men of ingde & fla egerly fought agaynst y• duke of Blitgoyn & y• frensshe men at whiche batayle were slayne & ta¦ken of the Frensshmen .xv. barons .lxxx. knyghtes / & shyppes & barkes were ta∣kē vnto y• nōbre of .CC. & .xxx. The same yere y• kyng makyng & abydyng vpon y• syege of Turney ye erle of Henaud wt eng¦lisshe archers made assaut vnto ye towne of saynt Amand / where as they slewe .l. knightes & many other / & also destroyed the towne. ¶ And in the .xvj. yere of his regne folowynge in y• wynter tyme the king dwelled styll vpon y• foresayd syege & sent ofte tyme in to Englonde vnto his tresourer & other purueyours for gold & money yt shold be sent to hym in his nede but his proctours & messengers cursed∣ly & full slowly serued hym at his nede & deceyued him / on whose defaut & laches the king toke trewse bytwene hym & the kyng of Fraūce. And thā kyng Edward full of sorowe & shame in his hert with∣drewe hym fro y• syege & came in to Bry tayn / & there was so grete stryfe for vy∣tayle yt he lost many of his men / & whan he had done there yt he came fore he dres∣sed hym ouer see in to Englonde. And as he sayled toward Englōde in y• hygh se the most myshappes stormes & tēpestes thonder & lyghtnynge fell to hym in the see / the whiche was sayd yt it was done & reysed through euyl spirytes made by sorcery & nygromancy of them of fraūte Wherfore y• kynges hert was full of so∣ro we & anguysshe wellyng & syghynge & sayd vnto our lady ī this wyse. O blys¦sed lady saynt Mary what is y• cause y• euer more goynge in to Fraūce all thyn∣ges & wethers fall to me ioyful & lyking as I wolde haue them / but alway tur∣nynge in to Englōde all thynges fall vn profitable & very harmeful / neuertheles he stopyng an of the s worde came to thē of styght. ¶ And ye same yere y• kyng wolde his Chryste at Ms word to y• Scottes yt he was tidy & wold fyght wt but the Scottes wold not hyde / but fledde ouer y• scottysshe them as as they myght. And che .xvij. yere of his regne about y• fe of y• cōuesyon of saynt Pauleking Edward whā he has ben in Scotlonde & sawe yt the Scottes were fled came agayn in to Eng¦londe. And aytel before ent was y• whiche tur neyment came al the yonge bachelary & cheualty of Englonde many other r∣les & at the turneyment kyng Edward hymselfe was there pre∣sent. ¶ And in y• .xviij. yere of his regne at his parlyamīt holdē at Westmynster the auyzeme of ester Edward y• thyrd made Edward his fyrst sone pryn¦ce of Wales. ¶ And in y• .xix. yere of his regne and afterī Iay before lent king Edward let make ful noble Iustes & grete feestes in ye place of his byrth at Wyndsore / that these was neuer none suche seen there afore. At whiche feest & royalte were two kinges & two quenes the prynce of Wales / the duke of Eorne∣wayle .x. erles .ix. coūtesses / barous and many burgeyses the whiche might not lyghtly be nombred / and of dyuers lon∣des beyonde the see were many straun∣gers. And at the same tyme whan the Iustes were done kyng Edward made a grete souyer / in the whiche he ordey∣ned & began his roūde table / & ordeyned and stedfasted the daye of the rounde ca∣ble to be holden there at wyndsore in the whytsonweke euer more yerely. And in this tyme Englysshnten so moche haun¦ted and cleued to the woodnes & foly of the straūgers / that frō tyme of comyn∣ge of y• Henes .xviij. yere passed they ordeyned & chaūged them euery yere dy¦uers shappes & disguisynges of clothȳg oflonge large & wyde clothes destitute & deserte frō all olde honeste & good vsage. And an othertyme short clothes & strayt wasted iagged & kyt / & on euery syde sla∣tered & botoned with sleues & tapytes of surcotes / & hodes ouer longe & ouer mo∣che hangyng yt yf I the sothe shall saye they were more lyke to turmētours & de uyls in theyr clothing & shoynge & other araye / than to men. And y• women more nycely yet passed the men in araye & cu∣riouslyer / for they were so strayt clothed that they let hange foxe tayles sewed by uethe wtin theyr clothes for to hele & hide theyr arses / the whiche disguisynges & pryde perauenture afterwarde brought forth & raused many myshappes & mys∣chefe in y• realme of Englōde. ¶ The .xx. yere of kyng Edward he went ouer in to Brytayn & Gascoyn / in whose company went y• erle of warwyk / the erle of Suf∣folk / the erle of Huntyngton / & the erle of Arundell / & many other lordes & comyn people in a grete multytude / with a gre¦te nauy of .CC. and .xl. shyppes / anone after mydsomer for to auenge hȳ of ma∣ny wronges & harmes to hym done by Phylyp of Valoys kynge of Fraunce a∣gaynst y• trewse before hande graunted / the whiche trewse he falsly and vntruly by cauellacyons losed & disquatte. IN the .xxi. yere of his regne kyng Edward through coūseyle of all y• grete lordes of Englonde called & gadred togyder in his parlyamēt at Westmyn∣ster before eester ordeyned hȳ for to passe ouer y• see agayn for to disease & destrou∣ble the rebelles of Fraūce. And whā his nauy was come togyder & made redy he went wt a grete hoost the .xij. daye of Iu¦ly & sailed in to Normandy / & arryued at Hogges. And whan he had rested hym there .vj. days for bycause of trauayling of the see / & for to haue out all his men wt al theyr necessaries out of theyr shyppes he went towarde Cadomū brennynge / wastynge & destroyenge all y• townes yt he foūde in his waye. And the .xxvj. day of Iuly at y• brydge of Cadony manly & nobly strengthed & defended with Nor∣mans he had there a stronge batayle & a longe durynge / through whiche a grete multytude of people were slayne. And there were taken of prisoners the erle of Ewe / the lord Tankeruyll / and an .C. of other knightes & men of armes / &. vj .C. fote men nōbred / & the towne & yt subbar∣bes vnto y• bare wall of all thynge that they myght bere & cary out was robbed & despoyled. After y• king passed forth by the coūtre about the brede of .xx. myle be wasted all maner thynge that he foūde. Whan Philip of Valois perceyued this all though he were fast by hym with a stronge hoost / yet he wold not come nye hym / but brake all ye brydges beyonde ye water of Seyn fro Roen to Parys / & bȳ selfe fledde vnto ye same cite of Parys to all ye haste yt he myght. For sothe ye noble kyng Edward whan be came to Parys brydge & foūde it broken / wtin two dayes he let make it agayne. And on y• morowe after the Assumpcion of our lady kynge Edwarde passed ouer y• water of Seyn goynge to warde the water of Cresy / & destroyed by y• waye townes wt the peo∣ple owenynge therin. And in the feest of saynt Barthylmewe he passed ouer the water of Sōme vnhurte wt all his hoost there as neuer before had bē ony maner waye ne passage / where two. M. were slayne of them that letted theyr passage ouer. Therfore the .xxvj. daye of August kynge Edward in a felde fast by Cresy hauynge thre batayles of Englysshmen encountred & mette wt Philip of Valoys hauyng wt him .iiij. batayles / of whiche the leest passed gretly ye nombre of Eng∣lysshe people. And whā these two hostes mette togyder / there fell vpon hym the king of Beme / ye duke of Loreyn / & erles also of Flaūdres / Dalaūson / Blois / Har court / Aumarle and Neuers / and many other erles / barons / lordes / knyghtes & men of armes the nombre of a. M .v .C. xlij. wtout fote men & other men armed yt were nothynge rekened. And for al this the vngloryous Philip wtdrew hȳ wt the resydue of his people. Wherfore it was sayd in comyn amonge his owne people Nr̄e bel soy retreit / yt is to saye / our fayr wtdraweth hym. Than kynge Edward & our englisshmen thanked god of suche a victory after theyr grete labour taken to them all thynge nedeful to theyr suste naūce & sauynge of theyr lyues / and for drede of theyr enemyes rested thē there. And full erly in the mornynge after the frensshmen wt a grete hoost came agayn for to gyue batayle & fyght with y• eng∣lysshmen / with whome mette & encoun¦tred the erle of warwik / Northamton & Northfolke with theyr cōpany / & slewe ij. M. and toke many prisoners of ye gen∣tils of them / & the remenaūt of the same hoost fled .iij. myle thens. And the thyrd daye after ye batayle ye kyng went to Ca lays warde destroyenge all y• townes as he rode thyder. Whan he was comen / yt is to saye / the thyrde daye of Septēber he began to besyege y• towne wt the castel & cōtinued his syege fro y• foresaid thyrd day of September to y• thyrde day of Au¦gust y• next yere after. And in y• same yere duryng y• syege of Calays y• kyng of scot londe with a grete multytude of scottes came in to Englond to Nouiles crosse a∣bout saynt Lukes daye the euangelyst / hopyng & trustyng for to haue foūde all the londe best ytute and voyde of people / for as moche as the kynge of Engloude was beyonde ye see / saue ouely preeste & men of holy chirche & women & children and plowmen & suche otherlabourers / & there they came & robbed & dyd moche preuy sorow / but yet foūde they ynough that wtstode them by ye grate of almygh∣ty god. And so a daye of bacayle was as∣sygned bytwene them & certaynelordes & men of holy chirche yt were of ye coūtres with other comyn people fast by the cite of Durham / at whiche daye through ye grace of almyghty god y• Scottes were ouercomen / & yet were there thre tymes so many of them as of the englysshmen. And there was slayne all the cheualry & knyghthode of the realme of Scotlonde And there was taken as they wolde ha¦ue fled thens Dauyd the kyng of Scot∣londe hymselfe / & the erle of Mentyf / syr William Douglas / & many other grete men of Scotlonde. And after yt our Eng¦lysshmen whan they had rested them a fewe dayes & had ordeined theyr kepers of y• north coūtree / they came to London & brought with them syr Dauid ye kyng of Scotlonde & all ye other lordes yt were taken prysoners vnto ye toure of London with all the haste yt they myght / & lefte them there in safe kepyng vnto the kyn∣ges comynge / & went home agayn in to theyr owne coūtre. And afterward was the kynges raūsom of Scotlonde taxed to an hondred thousand marke of syluer to be payed within .x. yere / yt is to saye / euery yere .x. thousande marke. IN the .xxij. yere of y• regne of king Edwarde he went ouer the see in the wynter tyme / & laye all the wynter at the syege of Calays / the whiche yere whyle y• syege lasted & endured / Philyp the kyng of Fraūce cast & purposed tray toursly & wt fraude to put away y• syege / & came the .xxvij. day of Iuly in y• same yere wt a grete hoost & a stronge power & nighed to y• syege of Calays / the whiche Philip the last day of Iuly sent to kyng Edward worde that he wold gyue hym playne batayle y• thyrde daye after that about euensonge tyme / yf he durst come fro y• syege & abyde. And whan kyng Ed¦ward herde that / without ony longe ta∣ryenge or longe auysemēt accepted glad¦ly y• day & houre of batayle yt Philip had assygned. And whan ye kynge of Fraūce herde yt / the nexte nyght after he set his tentes a fyre & remeued & wente awaye cowardly. Than they yt were in ye towne & in ye castel besyeged seynge al this how that they had none other helpe ne socour of the king of Fraūce ne of his men / & al∣so yt theyr vitayles wtin them were spen∣ded & wasted / & for faute of vitayles & re fresshing they ete horses / hoūdes / cattes & myce for to kepe theyr treuth as longe as they myght / & whā they sawe & was foūde amonge them at ye last yt they had no thynge amōge them for to ete ne lyue by / ne no socour nor rescowe of ye frensshe men of yt other syde / they wyst well that they must nedes dye for defaute / or elles yelde y• towne / & anone they went & toke downe y• baners & y• armes of Fraūce on euery syde yt were hangen out / & wente on the walles of ye towne in dyuers pla∣ces as naked as they were borne / saue onely theyr shertes & their preuy clothes & helde theyr swerdes naked & the poynt downward in theyr hādes / & put ropes & halters aboute theyr neckes / & yelded vp the keys of ye towne & of the castell to kyng Edward of Englonde with grete fere and drede of herte. And whan kyng Edward sawe this / as a merciable king and lorde receyued them all to grace / & a fewe of the gretest persones of estate & of gouernaunce of the towne he sente in to Englonde there to abyde theyr raunsom & the kynges grace. And all y• comynalte of the towne the kynge let go whyther they wolde in peas & wtout ony harme / and let them bere with them all theyr thynges that they myght bere and cary awaye / kepynge the towne & the castell to hymselfe. Than through medracion of cardinals that were sent from y• pope trewse was takē there bytwene Fraūce & Englonde for .ix. monethes than nexte folowynge. And aboute Mygelmasse kyng Edward came agayne in to Eng∣lond with a gloryous victory. ¶ And in the .xxiij. yere of his regne in y• est par∣tyes of the worlde there began a pasy∣lence and deth of sarasyns & pay that so grete a deth was neuer herde of afore / & that wasted away the people so that vnneth the tenth persone was lefte alyue. ¶ And in the same yere aboute y• south coūtrees there fell so moche rayne & so grete waters / that frō Chrystinasse vnto mydsomer there was daye nor nyght but that it rayned som∣what / through whiche waters y• pesty lence was so enfected & so aboundaunt in all coūtrees / & namely about y• courte of Rome & other places & see costes that vnneth there were lefte lyuyng folke for to bury them honestly yt were deed. But made grete diches & pyttes yt were won¦ders brode & depe / & therin buryed them & made a renge of deed bodyes & cast aly tell erth to couer them aboue / & than cast in an other renge of deed bodyes / and an other renge aboue them. And thus were they buryed & none other wyse / but yf it were so yt they were men of grete estate so that they were buryed as honestly as they myght. ¶ And after all this in the xxiiij. yere of kynge Edwardes regne it was done him to wyte of a treason that was begon at Calays & ordeyned to sell that towne for a grete somme of florens to kynge Philip of Fraūce / through the falsnes & ordynaūce of a knyght y• was called syr Geffrey of Cheruey that was wōders preuy wt kyng Philip of Fraūce And Whā kyng Edward herde this / he toke wt hym y• noblest & gentyllest lordes & many other worthy mē of armes that were present wt him for y• solempnite of y• hygh feest. And well & wysely in all the haste that he myght & as pryuely as he myght he went ouer the see to Calays. And y• same yere y• good kynge Edward helde his Chrystmasse at Hauerynge / & the morow after newe yeres day y• kyng was in y• castell of Calays wt his men of armes y• none of the alyens wyst therof. And y• fals cōspyratour & traytour Gef∣frey of Cherney syth that he myght not openly haue his purpose of y• castell / pry uely & stelingly he came & helde y• towne with a grete hoost. And whan he wt his men were comen / he payed the foresayd somme of florens as couenaūt was to a Genewey in y• towne y• was keper of the castell & consentyng to the same Geffrey in all this falsnes & trechery / & boūde y• Englysshe mynstrels & seruauntes that were in y• castell y• they myght not helpe themselfe ne let them of theyr purpose. And than wenynge y• they had ben sure ynough / they spake al theyr wickednes & falsnes openly on hygh y• al mē might here. And now shall ye here how they were deceyued / for they came in by a pre¦uy posterne ouer a lytell brydge of tree / & whan they were comen in subtylly & pri¦uely y• brydge was drawen vp & kepte y• none of them y• came in might go out / ne¦no moo come in to them. And anone our Englysshe men went out at preuy holes and wyndowes & ouer the walles of the towne & of y• castel & went & faught man¦ly with y• frensshmen y• were without / & had y• better of them / the whiche whan they were occupyed by thēselfe on theyr syde / the kyng y• was within the towne hauynge wt hym scarsly but .xxx. men of armes drewe out his swerde & wt a loude voyce he cryed on hye. A saynt Edward A saynt George. And whan the people herde that / they came rēnynge to hym & gaue to theyr enemyes so grete assaute that there were moo than. iij .C. men of armes & many moo other slayn / & many fled awaye. And so by y• grace of god the victory fell to y• Englysshmen. Than the kynge toke wt hym this Geffrey y• was fynder of this treason & also many other Frensshe prisoners / & within a whyle af¦ter he came agayne in to Englonde. And in this same yere & in the yere afore / & in the yere nexte folowynge was so grete a pestylence of men from the eest in to the west / & namely through botches / y• they that sekened as on this daye dyed on the thyrde daye after / to y• whiche men y• so dyed in this pestylence had but lytell re∣spyte of theyr lyggȳge. Than pope Cle∣ment of his goodnes & grace gaue them full remyssyon & forgyuenes of all theyr synnes that they were shryuen of / & this pestylence lasted in London fro Mighel∣masse vnto August nexte folowynge / al∣moost an hole yere. And in these dayes was deth without sorowe / weddynges without frendshyp / wylfull penaūce / & derth without scarsete / & fleynge wtout refute or socour / for many fledde frō pla∣ce to place bycause of the pestylence / but they were enfected & might not escape y• deth / after that y• prophete Isaie sayth Who that fleeth fro the face of drede / he shall fall in to the dyche. And he y• wyn∣deth hym out of y• dyche / he shall be hol∣den and tyed with a grenne. But whan this pestylence was cesed as god wolde vnnethes y• tenth parte of y• people was left on lyue. ¶ And in y• same yere began a wonders thȳge / that all y• were borne after y• pestylence had two cheketethe in theyr heed lesse than they had afore. ANd in the .xxv. yere of his regne about saynt Johns daye in har∣uest in y• see fast by Winchelsee kyng Ed¦warde had a grete batayle with men of Spayne where y• theyr shyppes & nauy laye chayned togyder / that eyther they must fyght or be drowned. And so whan all our Worthy men of armes & of the see costes fast by winchelse & Romney were gadred togyder / & our nauy & shyppes all redy to the warre the Englysshmen mette manly & strongly with theyr ene∣myes tomynge fyersly agaynst them. And whan y• spaynysshe vessels & nauy were closed in all aboute / there myght men se stronge batayle on bothe sydes & longe durynge / in whiche batayle was but fewe that faught but they were py∣teously hurte. And after y• batayle there were .xxiij. shyppes taken / & so the Eng¦lysshmen had the better. And in y• nexte yere folowynge of his regne / y• is to saye the .xxvi. yere the kyng through his coū¦seyle let ordeyn & make his newe money that is to saye / the peny / the grote value of .iiij. pens / & the halfe grote of .ij. pens but it was of lesse weyght than the olde sterlyng was by .v. shyllyng in y• poūde And in the .xxvii. yere of his regne was the grete derth of vytayles / the whiche was called y• dere somer. And the. xxviii yere of his regne in y• parlyamēt hoiden at westmȳster after eester syr Henry erle of Laucastre was made duke of Lanca∣stre. ¶ And in this yere was so grete a drought / y• from the moneth of Marche to the moneth of July there fel no rayne on the erth / wherfore all fruytes / sedes & herbes for y• moost part were lost in de¦faute / wherfore came so grete dysease of men & beestes & derth of vitayles in eng∣londe / so y• this londe y• euer afore had bē plenteous had nede y• tyme to seke vitay¦les & refresshyng at other out yles & coū∣trees. ¶ And in y• .xxix. yere of kyng Ed∣ward it was accorded / graūted & sworne bytwene the kyng of Fraūce & kyng Ed∣ward of Englōde y• he shold haue agayn all his lōdes & lordshyps y• longed to the duchy of Guyen of olde tyme / y• whiche had ben wtdrawen and wrong fully occu¦pyed by diuers kynges of Fraūce before hand to haue & to holde to kȳg Edward & to his heyres & successours for euermo re / frely / peasybly & in good quete vpon this couenaūt that the kyng of Englōde sholde leue of & relese all his ryght & day me that he had claymed of y• kingdom of Fraunce / & of the tytell y• he toke therof vpon whiche speche and couenaūtes is was sent to the courte of Rome on bothe¦sydes of y• kynges / that y• foresayd coue∣naūt sholde be embulled / but god erdey∣ned better for y• kynges worshyp of Eng¦londe / for what through fraude & deceyt of y• frensshmē / & what through lettyng of y• pope & of y• court of Rome y• foresayd couenaūtes were disquat & lefte of. And in the same yere y• kynge reuoked by his wyse and dyscrete coūseyle the staple of wolles out of Flaūdres in to Englōde wt al y• libertees fraūchises & free customes that longed therto / & ordeyned it in Eng¦lōde in dyuers places / that is to saye at Westminster / Caūterbury / Chichestre / Brystow / Lyncolne & Null With all the foresayd thynges y• longe therto. And y• this thȳge y• shold thus be done y• kyng swore hȳselfe therto / & prynce Edward his sone / wt other many grete witnesses y• there were p̄sent. ¶ And y• .xxx. yete of his regne anone after whytsontyde in y• parlyament ordeyned at Westmynster it was tolde & certifyed to y• kyng y• Philip that helde the kyngdom of Fraūce was deed / & that John his sone was crowned king / & that this John had gyuē karoll his sone y• duchy of Guyen / of y• whiche thȳge whan kyng Edward wyst therof he had grete indignacion to hym & was wonders wroth & strongly meued. And therfore afore al y• worthy lordes y• were there assembled at y• parliamēt he called Edward his sone vnto hym / to whom y• duchy of Guyen by right herytage shold longe to / & gaue it hȳ there / byddynge & strengthyng hym y• he sholde ordeyn hȳ for to defend hym / & auenge hym on his enemyes / & saue & maynteyn his ryght And afterward kyng Edward hymselfe & his eldest sone Edward went to diuers places & sayntes in Englond on pylgry∣mage for to haue y• more helpe & grace of god & of his sayntes. And y• seconde kae. of July whan all thynge was redy to y• viage & batayl / & al his retynue & power assembled / & his nauy also redy / he toke with hym y• erle of Warwyk / the erle of Suffolk / the erle of Salysbury / & y• erle of Oxford / and a. M. men of armes & as many archers / & on y• Natiuite of our la¦dy toke theyr shyppes at Plommouth & began to sayle. And whan he was arry ued in Guyen / he was there worshyp∣fully receyued of the moost noble men & lordes of y• coūtre. And anone after kyng Edward toke wt him his two sones / y• is to saye / syr Leonell erle of Vlton / and syr John his broder erle of Rychemonde / & syr Henry duke of Lancastre / with ma∣ny erles & lordes & men of armes / & two M. archers / & sayled towarde Fraūce / & rested hym a whyle at Calays / & after∣warde the kyng went wt his folke afore said & wt other soudyours of beyonde the see that there abode y• kynges comynge the seconde day of Nouember & toke his iourney toward kynge John of Fraūce there as he had trowed to haue founde hym fast by Ddomarū as his lettres & couenaūt made mencyon that he wolde abyde hym there wt his hoost. And whā¦kyng John of Fraūce herd tell of the co∣mynge of y• kyng of Englonde / he went away wt his men & caryage cowardly & shamefully fleynge & wastynge all vy∣tayles y• englysshmē shold not haue ther of. Whan kynge Edward herde tell y• he fled / he pursued hym wt all his hoost tyll Hedyn / & than he beholdynge y• scarsete & wantynge of vitayles & also y• cowar∣dyse of the kynge of Fraūce / he returned agayn wastynge all the coūtree. ¶ And whyle all these thynges were a doynge the Scottes pryucly & by night toke the towne of Barwyck / sleynge them that with stode them & no man els / but blys∣sed be god the castell was saued & kepte by englysshmen y• were therin. Whan y• kyng wyst of al this / he returned agayn in to Englōd as wroth as he myght be / wherfore in y• parlyament at Westmyn¦ster was graūted to the kynge of euery sacke of wolle .l. shyllynges durynge the terme of .vi. yere / y• he myght y• myghte lyer fyght & defende the realme agaynst the Scottes & other mysdoers. And so whan all thynges were redy the kynge hasted hym towarde the syege. ANd in the .xxxi. yere of his regne the .xiii. daye Janyuer the king beynge in the castell of Barwyk with a fewe men / but he hauynge there fast by a grete hoost and a goodly / the towne was yelden vnto hym without ony ma¦ner defence of an the kyng of Scotlande / y• is to say syr Iohn Ba loll cosydecynge how y• go dyd many meuayles & gracyous thynges for kyng Edward at his own wyll fro day to day he toke gaue vp y• realme of Scotlond at kilburgh in the kynges handes of Englond vnder his paten lettres there madt. And anone after king Edward in presence of all y• prelates & worthy men y• were there letcrowne by kyng of Scotlond. Whan all thyges were done & ordeyned mȳ coūire at his wyll / he re∣turned agayn in to Englonde wt a grete worshyp. And whyle this vage was a doynge in Scottonde syr Edward prȳce of wales as a man enspiced of god was in Guyen in y• cite of Burdeux tretyng & speking of y• chalenge of y• kynges right of Englōde y• he had to y• realme of Fraū∣ce / & that he wold be auestged wt stronge hande / & y• prelates peres & mighty men of y• coūtree cōsented well to hym. Than syr Edward y• prynce with a grete h gadred to hȳ the .vj. daye of Jui y• went from Burdeux goynge & trauaylyng by many dyuers coūtrees / & he oke many prysoners moo than .vj. thosande men of armes by y• coūtre as he went / & toke the towne of Remorant in Saloygne and desyeged the castell. vj dayes / & at y• vj. dayes ende they yelded y• castell vnto hym. And there was taken the lorde of Crowne & syr Bursigaud & many other knyghtes & men of armes mo than. ixxx And frothens by Toren & Peten fast by Cheney his noble men y• were wt hȳ had astronge batayle wt frensshmen / & an C. of theyr men of armes were slayn / & the erse of Daunce & the stewarde of Fraūce were taken with an .C. Men of armes. In y• whiche yere the xix. dayd of Sep∣tember fast by Poyners he some pryce with a thousande xxx. of armes and archers ordeyned a John of Feaūce comynge to the prynce warde with .vij. M. thosen men of ar∣mes & moche other people a grete nom∣bre / of the whiche there were slayne the duke of Burbon & the duke of Athenes / and many other noble men. And of the prynces mē of armes a. M. and of other the true accompte & rekenynge. viij .C. And y• kyng of Fraūce was there taken and syr Philip his yonger sone / & many dukes & noble men & worthy knyghtes and men of armes aboute .ii. M. And so the victory fell to the prynce & to the peo¦ple of Englond by the grace of god. And many that were taken prysoners were set at theyr tausom & vpon theyr trouth and knyghthode were charged and had leue to go. But y• prynce toke with hym the kyng of Fraūce and Philip his sone with all the reuerence that he myght / & went agayne to Burdeux wt a gloryous vyctory. The somme of the men y• there were taken prysoners / and of them that were slayne the day of batayle was .iiii. M. iiij .C. & .xi. ¶ And in the. . vere of kynge Edward / the .v. daye of Maye Fraūce Edwarde with kynge John of Fraūce & Philyp his sone & many other worthy prisoners aryued gratyously in the hauen of Plūmouth / and the .xxiiii. daye of the same moueth about thre of y• clock at after none they came to London by Londōbrydge / & so went forth to the kynges palays at Westmynster / & there came so greie a multitude & prees of peo¦ple about them to be holde & se y• wonder & ryall sight y• vnnethes fromydday tyll nyght myght they come to westminster And the kynges rasisom of Fraūce was taxed & set to thre myllyons of scutes of whome two shold be worth a noble. And ye shall vnderstande that a myllyon is a thousande thousand. And after some in m¦lj is aunom was set at thre thousande thousande floryns / and all is one effected And this same yere were made solēpne Iustes in smyth felde / beynge there pre∣sent y• kyng of Englōde / y• kyng of Fraū∣ce / & y• kyng of Scotlonde / & many other worthy and noble lordes. ¶ The .xxxiij. yere of the regne of kynge Edwarde at Wyndsore as well for loue of knyghtho∣de as for his owne worshyp / & at y• reue∣rence of the kyng of Fraūce and of other lordes y• were there at y• tyme he helde a wonders ryall and a costly feest of saynt George / passyng ony y• euer was holden afore. Wherfore y• kyng of Fraūce in scor nynge sayd y• he sawe neuer ne herde su che solempne feestes ne ryaltees holden ne done wt tayles wout payenge of golde or syluer. ¶ And in y• .xxxiiij. yere of his regne the .xiiij. kal. of Iuly syr Iohn erle of Rychemonde kynge Edwardes sone wedded dame Blaunche duke Henryes doughter of Lancastre / cosyn to y• same Iohn by dispensacyon of the pope / & in y• meane tyme were ordeyned Iustes at London .iij. dayes of Rogacyons / y• is to saye / the Mayre of London wt his. xxiiii aldermen / agaynst all y• wolde come / in whose name & stede y• king priuely with his .iiij. sones Edwarde / Leonell / Iohn & Edmond & other .xix. grete lordes held the felde wt worshyp. ¶ And this same yere as it was tolde & sayd of them that sawe it / there came blode out of y• tombe of Thomas somtyme erle of Lancastre as fresshe as that daye y• he was done to deth. And in y• same yere kyng Edward those his sepulture and his lyggynge at Westmynster fast by the shryne of saynt Edward. And anone after y• .xxvij. daye of October he went ouer see to Calays / makynge protestacyon y• he wold neuer come agayn īto Englōde tyll he had full ended y• warre bytwene Fraūce & hym. And so in the .xxxvi. yere of his regne in the wynter tyme kyng Edward trauay led in the tyne costes / & about saynt Hy∣lary tyde he departed his oost & wente to Burgoynward / wt wh than met peasybly the duke of Burgoyn / be hygh tyng hym .lxx. shold spare his men & his people. And y• kyng graunted at his request / & dwelled there vnto the .xvij. daye of Marche / the whi∣che tyme came to kyng Edwardes ere y• strōge theues were on y• see vnder y• erle of saynt Paule the .xv. daye of Marche layenge awayte vpon y• townes of Ha∣styng / Rye / & other places & villages on the see coste had entred as enemyes into the towne of Wynch else & slewe all that euer wtstode them & withyd theyr co∣myng / wherfore the kyng was gretely meued & angred / & he turned agayn to∣warde Parys / & cōmaūded his hoost to destroye & slee wt stroke of swerde them y• he had before spared. And the .xij. day of Apryll y• kynge came to Parys / & there departed his hoost i dyuers batayles wt iiij .C. knyghtes newe dubbed on y• one syde of him. And syr Henry duke of Lan castre vnderpeas & trewse went to y• ga tes of y• cite / proferyng them y• wolde a∣byde a batayle in y• felde vnder suche cō∣dicions y• yf y• ng of Englōd were ouer comē there (as god forbede it shold) that thā he shold neuer chalenge y• kyngdom of Fraūce. And there he had of them but shorte & scorneful answere / & came & told it to the kyng & his lordes what he had herde & what they sayd. And than went forth the newe knyghtes wt many other making assaut to y• cite & they destroyed the subbahes of y• cite. And whyle those thynges were in doynge y• Englysshmē made thē redy to be auenged on y• shame & despite y• was done y• yere at winchelse & ordeined y of .lxxx. shyppes of mē of London & of other marchaūtes & xiiij M. men of armes & archers and went & serched and mmed the see / and manly they toke & helde the yle of Cau. Whe gand many other men of y• same coūtre by the for theyr see costes▪ And y• king graūted them. And on y• mo∣rowe after y• of cester y• kynge ned hym to his hoost towarde Orly destroyenge & wastyng all y• coūtre by y• way / & as they went thyderward there fel on them suche a tēpest y• none of our n you neuer herde suche / through y• whiche of our men & theyr horses theyr as it were through were slayn & perysshed were full grete / y• kyng not moche of his people / but went forth on theyr viage y• they had begon / wherfore about y• feest of Philip & Iacob in May fast by Carnoen̄ y• foresayd lordes of ce metynge there wt the king of Englōde a peasyble accorde & a certayn cōdicyons & graūtes gadr and wryten togyder to last but discretly made / & to bothe y• ynges table & to theyr realms / bothe sent of Charles gouernour of Fraūce & Parys of writen & the .xv. daye of May they ffred & to the kyng of Englonde / requyryng his grace in all thynges wryten y• he wolde them / & holde them fyrme & stable to them & to theyr heyres for euermore the forth. The whiche thynges & artycles whā kyng Edward had seen them / he graūt to them / so that both partyes shold be swor on goodes body & on y• gospels y• the foresayd coue∣naūt shold be stablysshed & so they accor¦ded gracyolisly. Therfore there were or∣deyned & dressed on euery side barōs twp baronets & two knyghtes to admyt & recoylle the othes of y• lorde Charles te gent of Fraūce / & of syr Edwarde y• fyrst sone & heyre of king Edward of Englōde And y• .x. daye of May there was songen a solemne masse at Parys / & after the thyrde Agn{us} de sayd wt dona nobis pacē presence of y• foresayd men y• were or∣deyned to admytte & receyue y• othes & of all other y• there might be. Tho Charles layde his tyght hande on y• patent with goddes body: & his lyft hande on y• masse boke & sayd. We N. swere on goddes bo dy & the holy gospels y• we shall truly & stedfastly helde toward vs y• peas & y• ac corde made bytwene y• two kynges / & in no manes to do y• cōtrary / & there amōge all his lordes for more loue & strength of wytnes he deled & departed the of the crowne of Chryst to y• knyghtes of englōde / & they curtysly toke theyr leue And y• fryday next y• same othe in {pro}sence of y• foresayd knightes & of other worthy men prynce Edwarde made at Louers. Afterward doth kȳges & theyr sones & most noble men of bothe realmes / y• same yere made y• same othe. And for to strength all these thȳges aforesayd / the kyng of Englonde ared y• gretest men of Fraūce / & had his askyng / y• is to say .vj. dukes .viij. erles .xij. lordes all noble ba∣rōs & worthy knyghtes. And whā y• pla¦ce & tyme was assigned in whiche bothe theyr coūseyl shold come togider all y• foresayd thȳges bytwene thē spoke for to ratify & make firme & stable / y• kȳg of englōde anone went toward y• see & at Hounlet began to sayle / leuynge to his hostes y• were lefte behynde hȳ bycause of his absence moche heuynes. And af∣ter the .xix. daye of Maye he came in to Englōde / & went to his palays at West∣mynster on saynt Dunstans daye / & the thyrde daye after he vysyted Iohn the kyng of Fraūce that was in the toure of London / & delyuered hym frely from all maner of prison / saue fyrst they were ac∣corded of .iij. millyons of floreyns for his raimsom / and the kynge cōforted hym & chered hym in all places with all solace & myrthes that longeth to a kyng in his goynge homewarde. ¶ And the .ix. daye of Iuly in y• same yere this same Iohn kynge of Fraūce y• afore laye here in ho∣stage went home agayne in to his owne londe to treate of those thinges & other y• longed & fallen to the gouernaūce of his realme. ¶ And afterward mette & came togyder at Calays bothe y• two kynges with bothe theyr coūseyles about all h lowen tyde / & there were shewed the con dicyons & the poyntes of the peas / & of y• accorde of bothe sydes wryten / & there wtout ouy with sayenge of bothe sydes gracyously they were accorded / & there was done and songen a solempne masse And after the thyrde Agnus dei vpon goddes body & also vpon the masse boke bothe the kynges & theyr sones and the gretest lordes of both realmes & of theyr coūseyles that there were present / & had not sworne before the foresayd othe that they had made & tytelled bytwene them they behyght to kepe and all other coue∣naūtes y• were bytwene them ordeyned. ¶ And in this same yere men / beestes / trees & houses with sodeyn tempest and stronge lyghtenynge were perysshed / & the deuyll appered bodyly in mannes ly kenes to moche people as they went in dyuers places in the countrees / & spake to them in that lykenes. Bynge of his regne Chryst∣in asse in the of y• saynt Paule hlde his West∣mynster / in y• whiche parlyament was put forth & shewed y• accorde y• treatys that was stablysshed & bytwene the two kynges / whiche accorde, pleased to moche people / & therfore y y• kynges cōmaūdemēt there were & come togyder in Westmynster chirche y• fyrst sonday of let / that is to saye / the second kal of February the foresayd Englysshe men & Frenssomen / where was songe a solempne masse of y• Crinite of the arche bysshop of Caunterbury mayster Sy∣mond Islepe. And whan Agn{us} dei was done the king beynge there wt his sones & also y• kynges sones of Fraūce & other noble & grete lordes with candellyght & crosses brought forth / & al that were not sworne before / swore that same y• was wryten vpon goddes body & on y• masse boke in this wyse. We N. and N. swere vpon goddes body & on y• holy gospelles stedfastly to holde & kepe toward vs the peas & the accorde made bytwene y• two kynges & neuer for to do y• cōtrary. And whan they had thus sworne / they toke theyr crosses y• theyr othes were compre heded in to y• notaryes. And this same yere it fort vpon the Acēcyon euen about mydday was seen y• eclypse of the / & there folowed suche a drought / that for defaut ofayne there was grete brnnynge ofcore fruyte & . ¶ And in the same moneth the .vj. of Iune there fell a sanguyne rayn almoost ly∣ke blode at Burgoyne. And a sanguyne crosse from morow vnto pryme appered and was seen at Boloyn in the yre / the whiche many men sawe / & after it me∣ued & fell in y• myddes of the see. ¶ And in the same tyme in Fraūce & Englonde & many other londes as they that were in playne coūtrees & desert bare wytnes sodeynly there appered two castels / of y• whiche wente out two hostes of armed men. And that one hoost was clothed in whyte / & that other in blacke / & whan batayle bytwene them was begon / the whyte ouercame the blacke / & anone af∣ter the blacke toke herte to them & ouer∣came the whyte / & after that they went agayn i to theyr castels / & than y• castels & all the hoost vanysshed awaye. ¶ And in the same yere there was a grete & an huge pestilēce of people & namely of men whose wyues as women out of gouer∣naūce toke husbādes as well straūgers as other lewde & symple people / y• whi∣che forgetynge theyr honour & worshyp & birth coupled & maried them wt them y• were of lowe degre & lytell reputacyon. ¶ In this same yere died Henry duke of Lancastre / & also in this yere Edwarde prynce of Wales wedded the coūtesse of Kēt y• was syr Thomas wyfe of Holand the whiche was departed somtyme & de uorced fro y• erle of Salysbury for cause of y• fals knyght. And about this tyme began & rose a grete cōpany of diuers na cyōs gadred togider / whose leders were Englysshmen wtout ony heed / y• whiche dyd moche harme in y• party of Fraūce. And not longe after there arose an other cōpany of dyuers nacions / y• was called the whyte cōpany y• which in y• partyes of Lombardy dyd moche sorowe. ¶ The same yere syr Iohn of Gaunt the sone of king Edward y• thyrde was made duke of Lancastre by reason and cause of his wyfe that was the doughter & heyre of Henry somtyme duke of Lancastre. AAd in the .xxxvij. yere of kynge Edward the .xv. day of Ianyuer that is to saye / on saynt Mauryce daye about euensongtyme there arose & came suche a wynde out of y• south wt suche a fyersnes & strength that it brast & blewe downe to y• groūde high houses & strōge buyldynges / toures / chirches & steples & other stronge places / & all other strōge werkes y• stode styll were shaken therwt that they ben yet & shall euermore be the febler & weyker whyle they stande. And this wynde lasted wtout ony ssyng. vu dayes cōtinually. And anone after there folowed suche water in hey tyme & in y• haruest tyme that al felde werkes were gretly letted & left vndone. ¶ And in the same yere prynce Edwarde toke y• lord∣shyp of Guyen / & dyd to kyng Edwarde his fader homage & fraute therof / & wēt ouer see in to Gascoyn with his wyfe & chyldren. ¶ And anone after kynge Ed∣ward made syr Leonell his sone duke of Clarence / & syr Edmonde his other sone erle of Cambrydge. ¶ And in y•. xxxvii. yere of his regne it was ordeyned in the parlyament that men of lawe bothe of y• chirche & tēporall lawe sholde fro y• tyme forth plete in theyr moder tongue. And in y• same yere came in to Englonde thre kynges / y• is to saye / y• kyng of Fraūce y• kyng of Cypres / & y• kyng of Sectionde bycause to visyte & to speke wt the kynge of Englonde. And after they had bē here lōge tyme / two of them went home in to theyr owne coūtrees & kyngdomes / but the kyng of Fraūce through grete seke∣nes & malady that he had abode styll in Englonde. ¶ And in y• .xxxix. yere of his regne was a stronge & grete frost / & that lasted lōge / that is to saye fro say An∣drewes tyde to the .xiiij. kal. of Apryll y• the tylthe & sowynge of the erth & other suche felde werke & hande werkes were moche let & lefte vndone for colde & hard∣nes of y• erth. And at Drray in Brytayn was ordeyned a grete deedly batayle by¦twene syr Iohn of Moūford duke of Bri¦tayn & syr Charles of Bloys / but y• victo¦ry fell to the foresayd syr Iohn through helpe & socour of y• englysshmen / & there were taken many knightes & squyers & other men y• were vnnombred / in y• whi∣che batayle was slayne Charles hȳselfe with all y• stode about hym / & of y• Eng∣lysshmen were slayne but .vii. ¶ And in this yere dyed at ye Sauoy Iohn y• king of Fraūce / whose seruyce and exequyes kynge Edwarde let ordeyn & dyd in dy∣uers places worshypfully to be done / & at Douer ordeyned hym worthely to be ledde wt his owne costes & expences / & fro thens he was fet in to Fraūce / & buryed at saynt Denys. ¶ In y• .xl. yere of king Edwarde the .vij. kal. of Feueryer was borne Edward prynce Edwardes sone / the whiche whā he was .vii. yere of age dyed. And in the same yere it was ordey¦ned y• saint Peters pens fro y• tyme forth sholde not be payed / y• whiche kyng yuo somtyme kyng of Englōde of y• coūtre of westsaxons / y• began to regne the yere of our lord god .vi. C .lxxix. fyrst graūted to Rome for y• scole of Englonde there to be cōtynued. ¶ And in this same yere fel so moche rayne in hey tyme ye it wasted & destroyed bothe corne & hey. And there was suche debate and fyghtyng of spa∣rowes by diuers places in these days / y• men foūde innumerable deed in y• feldes as they went. And there fell also suche a pestylence / y• neuer was seen suche in no mannes dayes y• than lyued / for men ye went to bedde hole and soūde / sodeynly they dyed. ¶ Also ye tyme a sekenes that men call y• pockes slewe bothe men & wo¦men through theyr enfectyng. ¶ And in the .xli. yere of king Edward was borne at Burdeux Rychard the seconde sone of prynce Edward of Englonde / y• whiche Rychard kynge Rycharde of Amorican heued at the fontstone / after whome he was called Rychard. And this same Ry¦chard whan his fader was deed & kyng Edward also / he was crowned kyng of Englond the .xl. yere of his age through right lyne & herytage / & also by y• comyn assent & desyre of the comynalte of the re∣alme. ¶ Aboute this tyme at kyng Ed∣wardes cōmaūdemēt of Englōde whan all the castels & townes were yelded to hym y• were holden in Fraūce by a grete cōpany assembled togyder syr Bartram Claykyn a noble knyght & a good war∣ryour went & purposed hȳ to put Piers kynge of Spayne out of his kyngdome with helpe of y• moost party of y• foresaid grete cōpany / trustynge also vpon helpe and fauour of y• pope / for as moche as it came to his ere y• the same Pyers sholde lede & vse a synfull lyfe / y• whiche Piers smyttē wt drede of these tydynges fledde in to Gascoyn to prynce Edwarde for to haue socour of hym. And whan he was fledde out of Spayne / Henry his broder that was a bastard by assent of y• moost partye of Spayne / & through helpe of y• ferefull company y• I spake of fyrst was crowned king of Spayne / & the nōbre of that same cōpany was rekened and set at the nombre of .lx. M. fyghtynge men. ¶ This same yere in y• moneth of Iune there came a grete company & a nauy of Danes / and gadred them togyder in the north see / purposyng to come in to Eng∣londe to reue & robbe & also to slee with whome they encoūtred & mette in y• see. Maryners & other good fyghtyng men of the coūtre dysperpled them. And they ashamed went home agayne in to theyr owne coūtre / but amonge all other there was a buistous vessel & a strōge of theyr nauy yt was ouersayled by the Englyssh¦men & was perysshed & drowned / in the whiche ye stewarde & other grete men of Dēmarke were takē prisoners / & ye king of Englōde & his coūseyle prisoned them the whiche lordes ye Danes afterwarde came & sought all about for to haue had them agayn wt theyr goodes yt they had lost / & they not well apyed ne pleased of the answere yt they had there / returned home wardes agayn / leuynge behynde them in theyr Innes pryuely wryten in scrowes and on walles. Yet shal Danes waste y• wanes. Than happed there an Englysshe wryter & wrote agaynst the Dane in this maner. Here shall Danes fette theyr banes. ¶ This tyme Pyers kyng of Spayne wt other kinges / yt is to saye / the kyng of Nauerne & the kyng of Malog beynge meanes wēt bytwene & prayed couseyle & helpe of syr Edward the prince / through whose coūseyle whā he had vnderstande theyr artycles & de∣syre yt he was required of ye kynges / loth he was & ashamed to saye nay & cōtrary them / but neuertheles he was agast lest it shold be ony preiudyce agaynst ye pope & longe tyme taryed them or yt he wolde graūt or cōsent therto / tyll he had better coūseyle & auysemēt wt good deliberacyō of kynge Edward his fader. But whan he was wt euery dayes & cōtynuall bese∣chyng of many noble men requyred and spokē to / & wt many prayers sent & made bytwene them. Than prynce Edwarde sent to his fader bothe by complaynyng lettres & also by cōfortable cōteynyng all theyr suggestions & causes wt all ye other kynges epystles & lettres for to haue cō∣fort & helpe of ye wronges not onely done to ye kyng of Spayne but also for suche thynges as myght fall to other kynges Also yf it were not the sooner holpen & a∣mēded through ye dome & helpe of knight hode to them yt it ased & desyred. The whiche lettre whā ye kyng & his coūseyle had seen suche a kynges spoylyng & rob¦byng wt moche meruayle / & sent agayne cōfortable lettres to prynce Edward his sone & to ye other foresayd kynges / & war¦ned them to arme & ordeyne thē agaynst that mysdoer / & to stande them by the helpe of god that were suche enemyes to kynges. Whan this noble prynce had re¦ceyued these lettres hȳselfe with ye other kynges before sayd all theyr coūseyle cal¦led togider or yt he wold vndertake ye qua¦rel / he bside & knytte fore ye kyng yt was deposed wt a grete othe / yt is to saye / yt he shold euer after maynteyn the ryght by∣leue & fayth of holy chirche / wt all theyr mynystres ryghtes & lybertees to defen¦de frō all theyr enemyes & all euyls / & al that were there agaynst bytterly to pu∣nysshe & destrouble / & all ye ryghtes liber¦tees preuyleges of holy chirche encreace & maynteyn / & amende all thynges yt be wrongfully taken & borne a∣way by hym or by other bycause of hym hastely to restore agayn / & to dryue & put out ssyns & all other peo¦ple out of his kyngdom wt al his strēgth & power / & suffre admytte none suche for no maner thȳge ne cause to dwel ther¦in▪ nd yt whan he had takē a chris wo¦mā he shold neuer come in to none other womans bedd / ne none other mannes wyfe to defoule. All these foresayd thyn∣ges truly to kepe cōtynue & fulfyll as all his lyftyme he was boūde by othe afore / in presnce & wytnes of those kynges wt other dryes. And than that gracyous prince Edwarde vndertoke ye cause & the quarel of ye kyng yt was depo¦sed / & behyght hym with the grace of al¦mighty god to restore hym agayn to his kyngdome / & let ordeyn & gadre togyder forth¦wt in all haste his nauy wt men of ar¦mes for to warre & fyght in his foresaid cause. ¶ And in this tyme vpon sand of the scottes see that many a man it sawe thre dayes togyder there were seen two Egles / of the whiche y• one came out of y• south / & y• other out of y• north / & cruelly & strongly they fought & wrastled togy∣der / & the south Egle fyrst ouercame the north Egle & al to rent hym wt his byll & his clawes that he shold not rest ne take no breth. And after the south Egle slewe home to his own costes. And anone after there folowed & was seen on the morowe afore y• sonne rysyng & after in y• last day of October saue one daye many sterres gadred togyder on aepe fell down to y• erth / leuynge behynde them fyry bemes in maner of lightnynge / whose flambes brent & cōsumed mennes clothes & men∣nes heere walkyng on y• erth as it was seen & knowen of many a mā. And yet y• northeren wynde y• is euer redy & desty∣nate to all yll fro saynt Katherynes euen tyll .iij. dayes after lost grete good wtout nōbre vnrecouerable. And i y• same days there fell & came also suche lyghtnynge thonder / snowe & hayle / that it wasted & destroyed men / beestes / houses & trees. IN the yere of our lord a. M. CCC lxvij. & of kynge Edward .xlij. the thyrde day of Apryll there was a strōge batayle & a grete in a large felde called Priazers fast by the water of Nazers in Spayne bytwene syr Edward y• prynce & syr Henry of Spayne / but the vyctory fell to prynce Edward by y• grate of god. And this same prynce Edwarde had wt hym syr Iohn duke of Lācastre his bro¦der / and other worthy men of armes a∣bout the nombre of .xxx. M. And y• kyng of Spayne had on his syde men of dy∣uers nacyons to y• nombre of an hondred thousande & moo / wherfore the sharpe∣nes and fyersnes of his aduersary with his full buystous & grete strength made and droue the ryghtfull party abacke a grete waye / but through y• grace of god almyghty passyng ony manes strength that grete hoost was disparpled myght fully by y• noble duke of Lancastre & his boost or that prince Edward came nygh hym. And whan Henry bastarde sawe that / he turned with his men in so grete haste & strength to flee / that a grete com¦pany of them in the foresayd flode and of the brydge therof fell downe and perys∣shed. And also there were taken the erle of Dene and syr Bartram Cleykyn that was chefe maker & causer of the warre and also cheftayne of the vauntward of the batayle with many other grete lor∣des and knyghtes to the nombre of two thousande / of whome two hondred were of Fraūce / & many also of Scotlōde. And there were felled in the felde on our ene∣myes syde of lordes and knyghtes with other people to the nombre of vi. M. and moo / and of Englysshe men but a fewe. And after this y• noble prynce Edwarde restored y• same Pyers to his kyngdom agayne / the whiche Pyers afterwarde through trechery & falsnes of y• foresayd bastard of spayne as he sate at his meet he was strangled & dyed. But after this vyctory many noble and hardy men of Englonde in Spayne through the fluxe and dyuers other sekenesses toke theyr deth. ¶ And also in the same yere in the Marche was seen stella cometa bitwene the north costes and the west / whose be∣mes stretched toward Fraūce. ¶ And in the nexte yere folowynge of kynge Ed∣wardes regne .xliii. in Apryl syr Leonel kyng Edwardes sone that was duke of Clarence went toward Myleyn with a chosen meyny of y• gentyls of Englonde for to wedde Galois doughter and haue her to his wyfe / by whom he shold haue halfe y• lordshyp of Myleyn. But after y• they were solemply wedded / & aboute y• natiuite of our lady y• same duke of My∣leyn dyed. And in y• same yere y• frensshe men brake y• peas & trewse rydyng on y• kynges groūde & lordshyp of Englonde in the shyre & coūtre of Poūtyfe / & toke & helde castels & townes: & bare y• englyssh men on honde falsly & subtylly that they were cause of brekyng of y• trewse. And in this yere dyed y• duchesse of Lācastre / and is buryed in saynt Paules chirche. ¶ The .xliiii. yere of y• regne of kyng Ed¦ward was the gretest pestylence of men & of grete beestes / & by y• grete fallyng of waters y• fell at y• tyme / there fell grete hyndrynge & destroyenge of corne / in so moche y• the nexte yere after a busshell of whete was solde for .xl. pens. And in the same yere about y• last ende of Maye the king held his parliamēt at Westminstre in whiche parliamēt was spoken of the othe & trewse y• was broken bytwene hȳ & the kynge of Fraūce / & how he myght best be auenged vpon his wronge. In y• same yere on y• Assumpcyon of our lady dyed quene Philip of englōde a ful noble lady & a good woman / & at westmynster worshipfully is buryed. And about myd somer the duke of Lancastre & the erle of Herford wt a grete company of knightes wēt in to Fraūce where they gate them but lytel worship / for there was a grete hoost of the Frensshmen vpon Calkhull brydge / & an other hoost of englysshmen fast by y• same brydge y• longe tyme had lyued there / & many worthy & grete men of the englysshmen ordeyned & gaue coū¦seyle for to fight and gyue batayle to the frensshmen / but y• foresayd lordes wold not consent therto for no maner thynge. ¶ Anone after it happed that the erle of warwik came thyderward for to warre And whan y• frensshmen herde of his co∣ming / or that he came fully to londe they left theyr tentes pauylyons wt at theyr vitayles & fled pryuely away. And whā the erle was comen to londe wt his men he went in all haste toward Normandy & destroyed y• yle of Caux wt strengthe of swerde & through fyre. But alas ī his re¦turnynge to Englond agayn at Calays he was taken wt sekenes of pest & dyed / not leuyng behynde him after his dayes so noble a knyght of armes. In whiche tyme regned & warred the noble knyght syr Iohn Hawkewod y• was an englysshman borne / hauynge wt hym at his gouernaunce y• whyte cōpany afore sayd / the whiche one tyme agaynst holy chirche / & an other tyme agaynst lordes warred & ordeyned grete batayles & re in the same coūtre he dyd many mer∣uaylous thȳges. ¶ And aboute y• syon of saynt Paule y• kyng whā e had ended & done y• enterynge & grete costes & rialtees about y• sepul and buryenge of quene Philip his wyfe he helde a parliamēt at westmynster in whiche parliamēt was asked of y• a thre yeres dyme / y• is to say / a g me to be payed .iii. yere duryng. And the clergy put it of & wolde not graūt it vnto Ester next comyng / & than they graūted wel y• in .iii. yere by certayn termes that dyme sholde be payed / & also of y• lay was a .iii. yeres .xv. graūted to y• kyng. ANd in the .xlv. yere of kyng Ed∣ward in y• begynnynge he wh vnwyse coūseyle & vndiscrete borowed a grete some of golde of y• prelates lordes / marchaūtes & other ryche men of his re∣alme / sayenge y• it shold be spent in defen¦dyng of holy chirche & of his realme. Ne¦uertheles it pfyted no thynge / wherfore about mydsomer after he made a grete hoost of the worthiest men of his realme amonge whome were some lordes / ye is to saye / the lorde Fitz water / & the lorde Graunson / & other worthy knyghtes / of whiche knightes the kyng ordeyned syr Robert Knolles a proued knyght & well assaied in dedes of armes for to be gouer¦nour / and that through his coūseyle all thynge shold be gouerned & dressed. And whā they came in to Fraūce / as lōge as they dwelled & helde them hole togyder the frensshmen durst not fall vpon them And at ye last about ye begȳuynge of wyn¦ter for enuy & couetyse that was amōge them & also discord / they sondred them & parted in to dyuers cōpanyes vnwysely & folisshly. But syr Robert Knolles & his men went & kepte them safe wtin a castel in Brytayn. And whan the frensshmen sawe yt our men were deuyded in to dy∣uers cōpanyes & places / not holdyng ne strēgthyng them togider as they ought to do / they fell fyersly on our men / & for ye moost party toke them or slewe them / & those yt they myght take led wt them pry¦soners. ¶ And in ye same yere pope Ʋr∣ban came fro Rome to Auinyon bycause that he shold accorde and make peas by∣twene ye kynge of Fraūce & the kynge of Englonde for euermore. But alas or he began his treatyse he dyed wt sekenes ye xxj. day of December / & was buryed as for ye tyme in ye cathedral chirche of Auin yon fast by the hye awter. And the nexte yere after whā he had lyen so his bones were taken out of ye erth & buryed newe in ye abbey of saynt Ʋictory fast by Mar cile / of ye whiche abbey he was somtyme abbot hymself. And in bothe places yt he was buryed in there be many grete my∣racles done & wrought through ye grace of god to many a mānes helpe & to ye wor¦shyp of almyghty god. ¶ After whome folowed next & was made pope Gregory cardynall deken / that before was called Piers Roger. ¶ In this same yere ye cite of Lymoge rebelled & faught agaynst ye pryuce as other cytees dyd in Guyen for grete taxes / costages / & raūsoms yt they were put & set to by prȳce Edward / whi¦che charges were importable & charge∣able / wherfore they turned fro hym & fel to ye kynge of Fraūce. And whan prynce Edward sawe this: he was sore chafed & greued / & in turnyng homeward agayn in to Englonde with sore scarmysshes & fyghtyng & grete assautes fought with them / & toke ye foresayd cite & destroyed it almoost to ye groūde / & slewe al that were foūde in ye cite. And thā for to say ye sothe for dyuers sekenes & maladyes yt he had & also for defaute of money yt he myght not withstande ne tary on his enemyes he hyed hym agayn in to Englōde wt his wyfe & meyny / leuyng behynde hym in Gascoyn the duke of Lancastre & syr Ed¦mōd erle of Cambridge wt other worthy and noble men of armes. ¶ In the .xlvj. yere of kyng Edward at the ordinaūce & sendyng of kynge Edward / the kyng of Nauerne came to hym to Claringdon to treate wt hym of certayne thynges tou∣thynge his warre in Normandy / where kyng Edward had lefte certayn lyeges in his stedetyl he came agayn. But king Edward might not spede of that that he asked hym. And so ye kynge of Nauerne with grete worshyp & grete gyftes toke his leue & went home agayn. ¶ And a∣bout the begynnynge of Marche whan the parliamēt at Westmynster was be∣gon thē kynge asked of the clergy a sub∣sydy of .l. M. poūde / ye whiche by a good auysement & by a generall conuocacyon of the clergy it was graūted & ordeyned that it shold be payed & reysed of the lay fee. And in this parlyament at ye request & askynge of the lordes in hatred of men of holy chirche / the chaunceler & the tre∣sourer that were bysshops / & the clerke of the preuy seale were remeued and put out of theyr offyce / & in theyr stede were seculer men put in. And whyle this par∣lyament lasted there came solempne em¦bassatours fro ye pope to treate with the kynge of peas / & sayd yt the pope desyred to fulfyll his predecessours wyll / but for all theyr comynge they spedde not. He .ix. daye of Iune kynge Ed∣ward in ye .xlvij. yere of his regne helde his parlyamēt at Wynchestre / & it lasted but .viij. dayes / to whiche parlya¦ment were sompned by wryte of men of holy chirche .iiij. bysshops & .iiij. abbots wtout ony moo. This parlyament was holden for marchaūtes of Londō / of Nor wyche / and of other dyuers places in dy¦uers thȳges & poyntes of treason yt they were defamed of / yt is to saye / that they were rebell & wold aryse agaynst ye kyng ¶ This same yere ye duke of Lācastre & the erle of Cambrydge his broder came out of Gascoyne in to Englonde / & toke & wedded to theyr wyues Peters dough∣ters somtyme kyng of Spayne / of whi∣che two doughters ye duke had yt elder / & the erle ye yonger. And yt same time there were sent two cardynals fro ye pope / yt is to saye an Englysshe cardinall & a cardy¦nall of Parys to treate of peas bytwene these two realmes / whiche whan they had ben bothe lōge eche in his {pro}uynce & coūtrees fast by tretynge of the foresayd peas / at y• last they toke wt them ye lettres of procuracy & went agayne to Rome wt∣out ony effect of theyr purpose. In this yere there was a strōge batayle on ye see bytwene Englysshmen & Flemynges / & the Englisshmen had the victory / & toke xxv. shyppes wt salte / & seynge & drow∣nyng all ye men yt were therin vnwyting them yt they were of ye countree / & moche harme sholde haue fallen therof had not peas & accorde soone be made bytwene them. ¶ This yere ye frensshmen besye∣ged ye towne of Rochell / wherfore ye erle of Penbroke was sent in to Gascoyn wt a grete cōpany of men of armes for to de∣stroye ȳ syege which passed ye see & came safe to ye hauen of Rochell / & whan they were there at ye hauens mouth or yt they myght entre / sodeynly came vpon them a stronge nauy of Spanyerdes whiche ouercame ye Englysshmen in moche ble∣mysshynge / hurtyng & sleynge of many people / for as moche as ye Englysshmen were not than redy for to fyght ne war∣ned of thē. And as ye Spanyerdes came vpon them all the Englysshmen eyther they were takē or slayne / and. r. of them were sore woūded to the doth & al ther shyppes brent / & there they toke ye erle wt a grete tresour of the realme of Eng & many other noble men also on my mer euen ye whiche is sat Etheldredes day / & ledde them wt them in to Spayn And of this myschefe was no grete w der / for this erle was a full luer as an open lechour. And also in a certae parlyament he stode & was agaynst the ryghtes & fraūchyses of holy chirche & also he coūseyled ye kynge & his co that they shold aske more of men of holy chirche than other {per}sones of the lay fee. And for the kynge and other men of his counseyle accepted and toke rather euyll opynyons & causes agaynst men of holy chirche than he dyd for to defende and maynteyne the ryght of holy chirche, t was after seen many tymes for lacke of fortune and grace they had not so grete victory ne power against theyr enemyes as they dyd before. ¶ This same yere ye kyng wt a grete hoost entred the see to re∣meue the syege of Rochell / but ye wynde was euer contrary to hym / & suffred hȳ not longe tyme to go ferre fro the londe / wherfore he abode a certayn tyme vpon ye see costes abyding after a good wynde & yet came it not. So at the last he came thens wt his men to lonoward agayn / & anone as he was on lōde ye wȳde turned & was in an other coste thā it was afore. SOone after in the .xlviij. yere of ye regne of kyng Edward the duke of Lancastre wt a grete power went in to Flaūdres and passed by Parys through Burgoyn & through all Fraunce tyll he came to Burdeux wtout ony maner with standyng of ye frensshmen / & he did them but lytel harme / saue he toke & raūsoned many places & townes & many men: & af¦ter let them go frely. ¶ The same yere ye kyng sent certayne embassatours to the pope / prayenge hym yt he shold leue of & not medle in his courte of the kepynges & reseruacyons of benefyces in Englōde & yt those yt were chosen to bysshops sees & dignitees frely & with full myght ioye & haue & be confermed to ye same of theyr metropolytans & archebisshops as they were wont to be of olde tyme. Of these poyntes & of other touchyng ye kȳg & his realme / whā they had theyr answere of the pope / the pope enioyned them yt they shold certyfy hym agayn by theyr lettre of ye kynges wyll & of his realme or they determyned ought of ye foresayd articles ¶ In this same yere dyed Iohn ye arche¦bysshop of Yorke / Iohn bysshop of Ely / William bysshop of worcestre / in whose stedes folowed & were made bysshops by auctorite of ye pope / mayster Alexander Neuyll to the archebysshopryche of Yor∣ke / Thomas of Arundell to the bysshop∣ryche of Ely / & syr Henry wakefelde to ye bysshopryche of worcestre. In ye whiche tyme it was ordeyned in ye parlyament that all cathedrall chirches sholde ioye & haue theyr eleccyons hole / & that ye kyng fro yt tyme afterwarde sholde not wryte agaynst them yt were chosen / but rather helpe them by his lettres to theyr cōfyr∣macyon. This statute dyd moche {pro}fyte And in this parliament was graūted to the kynge a dyme of the clergy & a .xv. of lay fee. ¶ In the .xlix. yere of kyng Ed∣ward dyed mayster Willyam wytlesey archebysshop of Caunterbury / and the monkes of ye same chirche asked & desy∣red a Cardynall of Englonde to be arche¦bysshop / & therfore ye king was agreued & purposed to haue exiled ye monkes of ye same hous. And they spent moche good or they myght haue the kynges grace & his loue agayn / but yet wold ye king not cōsent to theyr eleccyon of ye cardinall / ne of ye pope also ne his cardynals. ¶ And at ye begynnynge of August it was trea¦ted & spoken at Bruges of certayn poyn∣tes & artycles hangyng bytwene ye pope & the kyng of Englonde / & this treatyse lasted almoost two yere. At yt last it was accorded bytwene them yt the pope fro ye tyme forth sholde not vse ne dele with ye reseruacyons of benefyces in Englonde and that ye kyng sholde not graūte ne let no benefyces by his wryte that is called Quare impedit. But as touchynge the eleccyon abouesayd there was no thȳge touched ne done. And that was wyted & put vpon certayne clerkes the whiche rather supposed & hoped to be auaunced and promoted to bysshopryches whiche they desyred & coueyted by the courte of Rome rather thā by ony other eleccions. ¶ This same yere about Candelmasse there mette togyder at Bruges many noble & worthy men of bothe sydes & re∣almes to treate of peas bytwene the two kynges. And this treatyse lasted .ij. yere wt grete costes & large expenses of bothe partyes. And at ye last they went & depar¦ted thens wtout ony accord or effect. The nexte yere after the .l. yere of kynge Ed∣ward / the .iiij. non̄. of Maye beynge yet voyde & vacaunt ye archebysshopryche of Caūterbury mayster Symond sudbery bysshop of London was made archebys¦shop: & mayster William Courtney that was bisshop of Herford was than made bysshop of Londō / & ye bisshop of Bangor was made bysshop of Herford. And this same tyme in a certayne treatyse & spe∣kyng of peas trewse was takē bytwene Englonde & Fraūce fro mydsomer to the nexte mydsomer after. And aboute ye be∣gynnynge of Apryll ye duke of Brytayne wt many erles / barons & worthy lordes & men of Englonde went ouer see in to Bri¦tayne where he had all his lust / desyre & purpose ne had ye foresayd trewse ben so soone takē whiche letted them. ¶ This same tyme ye yle of Cōstantyne where yt the castel of saȳt Sauyour is in / yt longe tyme was fought at / & besyeged of the frensshmen was than yolden to them wt all the appertenaūces / to grete harme & hyndrynge of ye realme of Englond. And this same yere there were so grete & so passyng betes & therwtall a grete pesty∣lence in Englonde & in other dyuers par¦tyes of the worlde yt it destroyed & sewe violently & strongly bothe men & womē wtout nōbre. ¶ This same yere dyed syr Edward ȳ lord spencer a worthy knight & a bolde / & in ye mynster of Teukesbury worshipfully is buryed. And lastȳg this pestilence ye pope at ye instaunce & prayer of an englysshe Cardynall graūted to all people yt dyed in Englonde yt were sory & repentaūt for theyr synnes & also shryu full remyssyon by two bulles vnder lede vj. monethes thā next to last. ¶ In this same yere ye erle of Penbroke was taken and raūsoned by Btam Claykyn by∣twene Parys & Calays as he came to∣ward Englond vpon saynt Etheldredes daye / the whiche saynt as it was said ye erle oftentymes had offended / & within a lytell whyle after he dyed. And in No∣uēber nexte after there mette at Bruges the duke of Lancastre & ye duke of Angeo with many other lordes and prelates of bothe realmes for to treate of peas. NOt lōge after the .lj. yere of kyng Edwardes regne he let ordeyn & holde at Westmynster the gretest parlia¦ment yt was seen many a yere afore. In the whiche parlyament he asked of the comynalte of ye realme as he had done a∣fore a grete subsidy to be graūted to him for defendyng of hym & his realme. But the comyns answered ye they were so of day by day greued & charged wt so many talages & subsidyes yt they might no lon¦ger suffre suche burthens & charges / & ye they knewe & wyst well ynough that ye kyng had ynough for sauynge of hym & his realme / yf ye realme were wel & truly gouerned / but ye it had ben so longe gouerned by yll offyeers / that ye eame myght neyther be plenteous of chafer & marchaūdyse ne also wt rychesse. And in these thynges they profred themselfe / yf the kynge wolde certaynly to pre and standeby. And yf it were foūde & preued afterwarde that ye kyng had nede / they wold gladly euery man after his power and state hym helpe and lne. And after this were publysshed & shewed in ye par∣lyamēt many playntes and defaes of dyuers officers of y• realme / & namely of the lorde Larimer the kynges chamber∣layn bothe to y• kyng & oke to the realme And also at the last there was spoken & treated of dame Alyce Pers for the grete wrōges & euyll gouernaūce y• was done by her coūseyle in y• realme / the whiche dame Alyce Pers the kynge had holden longe tyme to his lemman / wherfore it was the lesse wonder though through y• fraylte of y• womans excityng & her ste∣rynge he cōsented to her lewdnes & euyll coūseyle / the whiche dame Alyce & also y• lorde Larimer & other suche y• meued the kynge to euyll gouernaūce agaynst his profyte & the realme also / al y• comynalte asked & desyred y• they shold be remeued & put away / & in theyr stedes wyse men & worthy that were true & well assayed & proued / & of good gouernaūce shold be put in theyr stedes. So amonge al other there was one among the comyns that was a wyse knight & true & an eloquent mā / whose name was Piers de la mare And this Piers was chosen to be spekee for the comyns in y• parlyament. And for this same Pyers tolde & publysshed the trouth & rehersed the wronges agaynst the foresayd dame Alyce & other certayn persones of y• kȳges coūseyle as he was bydden by the comyns / & also trustynge moche to be supported & maynteyned in this mater by helpe & fauour of y• prynce anone as y• prynce was deed / at the in∣staūce & request of y• foresaid dame Alyce this Piers de la mare was iudged to per¦petuall prison in y• castel of Notyngham in y• whiche he was .ij. yere. And in y•. vj kal. of Iuly lastyng y• same parlyament dyed prynce Edward kyng Edwardes fyrst sone / y• is to saye / on trinite sondaye in worship of whiche feest he was wont euery yere where y• euer he were in the worlde to hold & make y• moost solēpnite that he myght / whose name & fortune of knyghthode (but yf it had bē of another Hector) all men bothe chrysten & hethen whyle y• he lyued & was in good poynt wondred moche & drad hȳ wonders sore whose body is worshypfully buryed in Chrystchirche at Caūterbury. ¶ And in this same yere y• men & y• erles tenaūtes of warwik arose malycyously agaynst y• abbot & couēt of Euesham & theyr tenaū∣ces / & destroyed y• abbey & y• town / & woū¦ded & bet theyr mē & slewe many of them & went to theyr maner places & dyd mo∣che harme / & brake downe theyr parkes & closes & slewe theyr wyld beestes & cha∣ced them / brekyng theyr fyssh pondes he des / & let y• water of theyr pōdes stewes & ryuers ren out & toke y• fysshe & bare it wt them / & dyd them all y• sorowe y• they myght / so ferforth y• they had destroyed perpetually y• abbey wt al theyrmēbres & appertenaūces but yf the kyng y• sooner had not holp it & taken hede therte / & therfore y• kyng sent his lettres to y• erle of warwik / chatgyng & cōmaūdyng hȳ y• he sholde siynt redresse & amende those euyl boers & brekers of his peas / & so by meanes oflordes & other frendes y• peas was made bytwene them / & for this hur lyng as it was sayd y• kyng wold not be gouerned at y• time by his lordes y• there were in y• parliamēt / but he toke & made his sone the duke of Lācastre his gouer∣nour of y• realme / the which stode so styll as gouernour tyll y• tyme that he dyed. ¶ The same yere after Candelmas or y• parlyament was done the kyng asked a subsydy of y• clergy & of y• lay le / & it was graūted hym / y• is to say y• he shold haue of euery persone of y• lay le / bothe man & woman that passed .xiiij. yere of age. iiij pens / out take poore beggers that were knowen openly for nedy poore beggers. And that he shold haue of euery man of holy thirche y• was benefyced or promo∣ted .xij. pens / & all other y• were not pro∣ted. iiij. pens / out take the .iiij. ordres of the freres beggers. ¶ This same yere after Mighelmasse Rychard prynce Ed¦wardes sone was made prȳce of Wales to whome y• king gaue also the duchy of Cornewayle wt the erledome of Chestre. And aboute this tyme the Cardynall of Englonde the fourth daye before Mary Mawdeleyns daye after dyner sodeinly was stryken wt a palsey & lost his speche and on Mary Mawdeleyns daye dyed. BYght anone after ī the .lij. yere of kyng Edward in the begȳnynge of October pōpe Gregory y• .xj. brought and remeued his courte with hym from Auinyon to Rome. ¶ And the .xij. day of Apryll Iohn Monsterwarth knyght at London was drawen & hanged & than quartred & sent to foure chefe townes of Englōde / & his heed smittē of & set vpon Londō brydge. For this Iohn was full vntrue to y• kyng & to the realme & coue∣tous & vnstable / for he toke oftentymes grete sōmes of money of the kyng & his counseyle for men of armes wages that he sholde haue payed them / & toke it to his owne vse / & he drad that at y• last he shold be shent & accused for y• same cause & fledde pryuely to y• kynge of Fraūce / & was sworne to hym & became his man and behyght hym a grete nauy out of Spayne to cōfusyon and destroyenge of Englōde. But y• ryghtfull god to whom no preuite is vnknowen / suffred hȳ first to be shent & spylte or y• he so traytoursly & falsly betrayed his lyege lord y• king of Englonde & his people in his realme / in the which groūde this same Iohn was borne / & wyckedly through batayle de∣stroyed or he brought aboute his cursed purpose. ¶ In y• feest of saynt Gregory nexte after kynge Edward gaue to Ry∣charde of Burdeux his heyre that was prynce Edwardes sone at Wyndsore the ordre of knyghthode & made hȳ knyght / the whiche kyng Edward whan he had regned .lj. yere & more / y• .xj. kal. of Iune he dyed at Shene / & is buryed worshyp fully at westmȳster / on whose soule god haue mercy. This kyng Edward was forsothe of a passyng goodnes & full gra¦cyous among all the worthy men of the world / for he passed & shone by vertue of grace gyuē to hym frō god aboue all his p̄decessours y• were noble men & worthy & he was a well herted man & an hardy for he drad neuer no myshappes ne bar∣mes ne euyl fortune y• myght fall a noble warryour & a fortunate / for both on lōde & see & in al batayles & assembles wt a pas¦sing glory & ioy he had y• victory / he was meke / benigne / homely / sobre & soft to al men as wel to strangers as to his owne subiectes & to other y• were vnder his go∣uernaūce / he was deuout & holy both to god & holy chirche / for he worshipped hol¦pe & maynteyned holy chirch & theyr my¦nistres wt al maner reuerēce / he was tre table & well auysed in rēporall & worldly nedes / wyse ī coūseyle / & discrece & meke to speke wt / ī his dedes & maners gētyl & well taught / hauȳg pite on them y• were in disease / plenteous in gyuyng e bene∣faytes & almes / besy & curyous in buyl∣ding / & lyghtly he bare & suffred wrōges & harmes / & whan he was gyuē to ony occupacyō he left all other thynges for y• tyme & tended therto / semely of body & a mene stature / hauyng alway to hygh & to lowe a good chere. And there sprōge & shone so moche grace of hym y• what mā had behold his face / or had dremed of hȳ he hoped y• daye y• al thynge shold hap to hym ioyfull & lykyng. And he gouerned his kingdom gloriously vnto his age / he was large in gyuyng & wyse in expēces he was fulfylled with al honeste of good maners & vertues / vnder whom to lyue it was as for to regne / wherfore his fa∣me & his loos spronge so ferre y• it came in to hethynnesse & Barbary / shewynge & tellynge his worthynes & manhode in all londes / & y• no londe vnder heuen had brought forth so noble a kyng / so gentyll & so blissed / or might reyse suche another whā he was deed. Neuertheles lechery & meuynge of his flesshe haūted hym in his age / wherfore the rather as it is to suppose for vumesurable fulfyllynge of his lust his lyfe shorted the sooner. And hereof take good hede lyke as his dedes bereth wytnes / for as in his begȳnyng all thynges were Ioyfull and lykyng to hym & to all people. And in his myddle age he passed all people in hygh Ioye / worshyp & blyssednes. Ryght so whan he drewe in to age drawyng downward through lechery & other synnes lytell & lytell all those Ioyfull & blyssed thynges and prosperyte decreased & myshapped / and unfortunate thynges and vnprofy∣table harmes with many euyls began for to sprynge / and the more harme is / it contynued longe tyme after. CLemens y• syxth was pope after Benedict .x. yere. This mā in na∣me & dede was vertuous / & many thyn∣ges y• Benedict was rigous in / he made easy / & certeyn that he depryued he resto¦red / & the rygousnes of y• fayth of Bene∣dict was laudable / but moche more lau∣dable was y• mekenes of Clemēt. This man was a noble prechour / & many ser∣mōs he gadred / & let no man passe from hym but he gaue hym good coūseyle / & decessed a blissed man. ¶ Karolus y• .iiij. was emperour after Lodewyk .xxxj. ye∣re. This mā was kyng of Beme a wyse man & a myghty / & this mā was chosen emperour by y• cōmaūdement of Clemēt Lodewyk beynge alyue in his contema∣cy / & bycause he asked mekely the popes blessynge and to be crowned of hym / as other good kynges did / therfore he was protected of god / & preuayled ouer al his enemyes / & many fauourable lawes he made to spirytuall men / the whiche yet are called Karolma. At y• last he decessed a ryche mā in vertue & goodes. ¶ Inno centius the .vj. was pope after Clement x. yere / and he was a grete louer of rely∣gyous men / & he foūded a monastery in Fraūce of y• ordre of Cartusiens / & was a grete canonyst. ¶ Vrban{us} the .v. was pope after Innocēt. This man was ab∣bot of Missolens of y• ordre of saȳt Benet a doctour / & is takē for a saynt. He made the crosse to be preched agaynst y• turkes And he made a passage to y• turkes. And to hym saȳt Brigyt was sent frō Chryst for the cōfirmacyon of theyr rule / & than he was poysoned & decessed. ¶ Gregory the .xj. was pope after hym .viij. yere. This Gregory dyd lytell / & after him fo¦lowed y• tribulacyon y• our lorde shewed to saynt Brigit for the synne of y• clergy. ¶ Wenselans sone to Karolus aforesaid was emperour .xiiij. yere / and he was a chylde / and was chosen whan his fader was on lyue / but he toke no kepe of the empyre. And whā he was warned ma∣ny tymes to take hede vnto it and wold not / he was deposed. For he gaue all his delyte and lust vnto lechery / & the ende was without honour / for he went gret∣ly from the maners & the vertues of his noble fader. And he was crowned with the imperyall dyademe / & the wysdome of his fader passed in to Sygysmūd his broder / as after it shall appere. ¶ Vrba∣nus was pope after Gregory .vj. yere. This Vrban was chosen in the Cite of Rome by strength of y• Romayns / but y• cardynals dyd that for drede & not wyl∣lyngly / wherfore they fledde to y• Cite of Fūdorū. And they sayd that he was not pope / & chose in his place syr Roberte of Gebennys the same yere / whiche was called Clement the .vij. ¶ Nota. ¶ And here began the .xxij. stryte in the chirche And it was more worse than euer was ony other before. For it was so subtyll / y• the wysest men that were & the best con∣scyenced coude not discerne with whom it was best to saye and holde. And this stryfe dured .xl. yere wt a grete sclaundre vnto al the clergy / and grete peryll vnto mennes soules for heresyes & other euyl thȳges y• whiche were brought in than In so moche that there was no doctryne in the chirche for mysdoynge. And ther∣fore from this Vrban the .vij. vnto Mar¦tyn I knowe not who was pope. The feest of the vysytacyon of our lady was ordeyned by Vrban the .vj. after y• forme of the sacrament of the awte for a peas and an vnite for to be had amonge them through the merytes of our blissed lady. ¶ Bonifaci{us} the .ix. was pope after Vr∣ban .xv. yere. This Bonyface was cho∣sen at Rome in the stede of Vrban / & the stryfe contynued / for Benedictus was chosen in Auinyon in y• place of Clement and was called Petrus deluna / and he duced to the coūseyle of Constantyneys / and than he wolde not obey / but euer a∣bode obstynate. And at y• last he decessed in the kyngdome of Aragon. And he cō∣inaūded his cardynals to chose an other pope / the whiche they dyd anone. And they set vp an ydoll and named hym Cle¦ment / but they profyted not. ¶ And after kynge Edward the thyrde that was borne at wyndsore regned Ry¦chard of Butdeux that was prynce Ed∣wardes sone of Wales / whiche prynce Edward was kynge Edwardes sone. ANd after y• good kyng Edward the thyrde y• was borne at wynd sore regned Rychard y• second that was the good syr Edwardes sone prynce of Wales / the whiche kyng Rychard was borne in the cite of Burdeux in Gascoyn and was crowned at Westmynster in y• xj. yere of his age. And in y• seconde yere of his regne for y• debate y• was bytwene the lorde Latymer & syr Raufe Feryecs knyght that were agaynst Hawell and Shakell squyers / for y• prysoner y• was taken in Spayne by these two squyers / the whiche prysoner the lord Latimer & syr Raufe Feryers wolde haue had / the whiche prysoner was the erie of Dene that they toke in the batayle of Spayne wherfore these two lordes came in to the chirche at Westmynstre / and foūde this one squyer heryng a masse besyde saynt Edwardes shryne / and there they slewe hym the which was called Hawell / and Shakell was arested & put in to y• toure of London / & there he was longe tyme for he wold not delyuer the crle of Dene his prisoner vnto these two lordes by syr Aleyn Buxhyll constable of the toure / & by syr Raufe Feriers one of his aduersa∣ryes / tyll the kynge had graunted hym grace. ¶ In the thyrde yere of kyng Ry¦chard came the Galays of Fraunce in to Englonde vnto dyuers portes / & brent & robbed & slewe moche people of Englōde that is to saye / at Wynchelsee / Rye / and Hastynges / Portesmouth / Hāton / Scor more & Grauesend / and they dyd moche harme & went home agayne. ¶ And in this same yere was a parliamēt holden at Westmynster / and at that same par∣lyament was ordeyned that euery man woman & chylde that were of the age of xiiij. yere and aboue throughout all the realme poore folke & other sholde paye to the tallage .iiij. pens. Wherfore came & befell afterwarde grete myschefe & mo∣the disease to all the comynalte of the re∣alme. ¶ And in the .iiij. yere of kyng Ry chardes regue ye comyns arose vp in dy∣uers partyes of the realme / & did moche harme / the whiche tyme they called the hurlyng tyme. And they of Kent and of Essex made them two chefetaynes for to rule & gouerue the company of Kent & of Essex / that one was called Iacke strawe & that other Watte Tyler / & they came and assembled them vpon blacke heth in Kent. And on Corpus Christi daye after they came downe in to South werke / & brake vp the prison hous / that is to saye the kynges benche & the Marchalsee / & delyuered out all the prysoners. And so the same daye they came in to London & there they robbed the people / and slewe all the alyens that they myght fynde in the cite & aboute the cite / and despoyled all theyr goodes & made hauoke. And on the frydaye nexte folowynge that was in the mornynge they came to the toure of London / and the kyng beynge therin they fette out of ye toure the archebisshop of Caunterbury syr Edmond Sudbery and syr Robert Halys hospitaler pryour and mayster of saynt Iohns hous / and a whyte frere that was confessour vnto kynge Rychard / & brought them to the toure hyll / and there they smote of theyr heedes / and came agayne to Londō and slewe moche people of the cite. And than they went vnto the dukes place of Lan∣castre beyonde saynt Mary of ye stronde that was called the Sauoy / and there they deuoured & destroyed al the goodes that they myght fynde therin / and bare them awaye / & than brent vp the place. And than afterward they went to saynt Iohns without Smythfelde and there they destroyed all the goodes and brent vp that hous. And after they wente to Westmynster and to saint Martyns the graūde / and made them to go out of the sentwary all that were within for ony maner of gylt. And than they came vnto the temple and to all the other Innes of men of lawe / & despoyled them & robbed them of theyr goodes / & also toke theyr bokes of lawe. And than they came to London & brake vp the pryson of New∣gate / & droue out all y• prisoners felons & other / and of bothe Counters & all y• peo¦ple that were within them / & destroyed all the bokes of the Counters. And thus they cōtynued bothe saterday & sondaye vnto the monday nexte after in all theyr malyce & wyckednes. And than on mon daye kynge Rychard with his lordes yt were wt hym yt tyme / & with the Mayre of London Wyllyam Walworth yt was that tyme came with the aldermen & the comyns of the Cite / and they came in to South werke to here & to knowe the in∣tencion of these rebelles & mysgouerned people. And this Iacke strawe than ma∣de a crye in the felde that all ye people of accorde sholde come nere & here his cla∣mours and his crye & his wyll. And the lordes & the Mayre & the aldermen with the comynalte hauynge indignacyon of his couetyse & falsnes and his foule pre∣sumpcyon. Anone Willyam Walworth that tyme beynge Mayre drewe out his knyfe & slewe Iacke strawe / and anone ryght there smote of his heed / and set it vpon a spere / & so it was borne through Londō & set vpon Londō brydge. Anone these rysers & mysgouerned men were clene vanysshed as it had not ben they. And than the kyng of his grete goodnes & by prayer of his lordes made there .vj. knyghtes of good & worthy men of ye cite of London / yt is to saye / Wyllyam Wal∣woorth at y• tyme Mayre & slewe Iacke strawe y• second was Nicolas Brembre and the thyrde Iohn Philipot / and the fourth Nicolas Twyford / and the fyfth Robert Laundes / and the syth Robert Gayton. And than the kynge wt his lor∣des & knyghtes returned agayne to the toure of London / & there he rested hym tyll this people were better seced & set in rest & peas. And than by {pro}cesse of tyme as they might take & gete these rebelles & rysers they henge them vpon the next galous through out euery lordshyp in y• realme of Englond by .xl. & by .xxx. by .x. & by .xij. euer as they myght be goten & takē in ony partyes. ¶ And in y• .v. yere of kynge Rychardes regne was y• grete erth quake / & was generall throughout the worlde the wednesdaye after whyt∣sondaye in ye yere of our lorde. M .CCC .lxxxxj. wherfore all maner people were sore agast & aferde longe tyme for drede of vengeaunce yt our lorde shewed & dyd. ¶ And in the .vi. yere of kynge Rychard syr Henry Spēser bysshop of Norwiche went with a Croiserie ouer the see in to Flaundres / & there they gate y• towne of Grauenyng & the towne of Burburgh / Dūkerk & Newport / & there they laded & fraughted .lj. shyppes wt pyllage for to haue comen in to Englōde wt these shyp∣pes & goodes. And ye bysshop of Norwy∣che & his coūseyle let bren these shyppes with all ye pyllage in ye same hauen in to harde asshes. And at Dūkerk was done a batayle bytwene the Flemynges & the Englisshmen. And at that batayle were salyne a grete multytude of Flemynges And than went the bysshop with his re¦tynue to ypers / and besyeged it a longe tyme / but it myght not be goten / and so lefte that syege & came agayn in to Eng∣londe. For our Englysshmen were fouly destroyed / & many dyed of y• flyx. ¶ And in this same yere came quene Anne in to Englonde for to be spoused to kynge Ry∣charde. And her fader was emperour of Almayn & kyng of Beme. And with her came y• duke of Tassy her vncle / & many other worthy lordes & knyghtes of her coūtre of Beme & of other duche tōgues to do her reuerence & worshyp. And syr Symond Beuerle a worthy knight of y• garter & other knyghtes & squyers that were y• kynges embassadours brought her in to Englonde / & so forth to London And the people of the cite / that is to saye the Mayre & y• aldermen & all y• comyns rode agaynst her to welcome her / & eue∣ry man in good araye / & euery crafte wt his mynstralsy in the best maner mette with her on the blacke heth in Kent / & so brought her vnto London through y• ci∣te / and so forth to Westmynster vnto the kȳges palays. And there she was spou∣sed vnto kyng Rychard well & worthely in the abbey of Westmynster / and there she was crowned quene of Englōd. And all her frendes that came with her had grete gyftes & were wel cherysshed and refresshed as longe tyme as they abode there. ¶ And in y• same yere there was a batayle done in the kynges palas at Westmȳster for certayn poyntes of son of sir Iohn Ansley knight defendaūt and Carton squyer the appellaunt. But this sir Iohn Ansley ouercame this Car ton / & made hym to yelde hym within y• lyste. And anone was this Carton des∣poyled of his harneys & drawen out of y• lystes / & so forth to Tyburne & there he was hanged for his falsnes. ¶ And in y• viij. yere of the regne of kynge Rychard syr Edmonde of Langley erle of Cam∣brydge y• kynges vncle went in to Por∣tyngale with a fayre company of men of armes and archers / in strengthynge and helpynge the kynge of Portyngale agaynst the kynge of Spayne and his power / & there the kynge of Portyngale had the victory of his enemyes through helpe and conforte of our Englysshmen. And whan the iourney was done y• erle of Cambrydge came home agayn with his people in to Englonde in haste / blys∣sed be god & his blyssed gyftes. Amen. ¶ And this same yere kynge Rycharde helde his Chrystmasse in the manoyr of Eltham. ¶ And the same yere y• kyng of Armony fledde out of his owne londe & came in to Englonde for to haue helpe & socour of our king agaynst his enemyes that had dryuen hym out of his realme. And so he was brought vnto the kynge to Eltham there as the kynge helde his ryall feest of Christmasse. And there our kyng welcomed hym & dyd hym moche reuerence & worshyp / and cōmaūded all his lordes to make hym all y• chere that they coude. And than he besought the kynge of his grace & of helpe and of his cōforte in his nede / & that he myght be brought agayn to his kyngdom & londe for the Turkes had destroyed the moost parte of his londe / and how he fledde for drede / and came hyder for socour & helpe And than the kyng hauynge on hȳ pyte and compassyon of his grete myschefe & greuous dysease / anone he toke his coū∣seyle & asked what was best to do. And they answered & sayd / yf it lyked hym to gyue hym ony good / it were well done / and as touchynge his people for to tra∣uayle so ferre in to out loudes / it were a grete Ieopardy. And so the kynge gaue hym golde & syluer & many other ryche gyftes & iewels & betaught hym to god / and so he passed agayn out of Englonde ¶ And this same yere kyng Rychard wt a royall power went in to Scotlonde for to warre vpon the Scottes for the fals∣nes & destruccyon that the Scottes had done to the Englysshmen in y• marches. And than the Scottes came downe to y• kyng for to treate with hym & with his lordes for trewse as for certayne yeres. And so our kyng & his coūseyle graūted them trewse for certayne yeres / and our kyng turned hym agayn in to Englōde. And whā he was comen to Yorke there he abode and rested hym. And there syr John Holand the erle of Kentes broder slewe the erles sone of Stafford and his heyre with a dagger in the cite of Yorke wherfore the kynge was sore anoyed & greued / and remeued thens and came to London. And the Mayre with the alder men & the comyns with all y• solempnite that might be done rode agaynst y• kyng and brought him royally through y• cite and so forth to westmynster to his owne palays. ¶ And in the .ix. yere of kynge Rychardes regne he helde a parliament at Westmynster / and there he made two dukes and a markeys / and .v. erles. The fyrst that was made duke was the kyn¦ges vncle sir Edmond of Langley erle of Cambrydge / and hym he made duke of yorke. And his other vncle syr Thomas of wodstok that was erle of Bokȳgham hym he made duke of Glocestre. And syr Leonner that was erle of Oxforde hym he made markeys of Deuelyn. And Hen¦ry of Balynbroke the dukes sone of Lan¦castre hym he made erle of Derby. And syr Edward y• dukes sone of Yorke hym he made erle of Rutlonde. And syr John Holand y• was the erle of Kentes broder hym he made erle of Huntyngdon. And syr Thomas Mombray hym he made erle of Notyngham and erle Marshall of Englonde. And syr Mychell de la pole knyght hym he made erle of Suffolk & chaunceler of Englonde. And the erle of the Marche at y• same parlyament hol∣den at Westmynster in playne parlya∣ment amonge all the lordes and comyns was {pro}claymed erle of the Marche and heyre parent to the crowne of Englonde after kynge Rychard / the whiche erle of the Marche went ouer the sce in to Ir∣londe vnto his lordshyps and londes / for the erle of Marche is erle of Vlster in Ir¦londe and by ryght lygne and herytage. And there at the castell of his he lay that tyme / & there came vpon hȳ a grete mul¦tytude in busshmentes of wylde Iryssh men for to take & destroye hym. And he came out fyersly of his castell with his people & manly fought wt them / & there he was take & hewen all to peces / & so he dyed / vpon whose soule god haue mercy ¶ And in the .x. yere of kyng Richardes regne the erle of Arundell went to the see with a grete nauy of shyppes enarmed with mē of armes & good archers. And whā they came in y• brode see they mette with the hole flete y• came wt wyne laden frō Rochell / the whiche wyne were ene∣myes goodes / & there our nauy set vpon them & toke them all / and brought them to dyuers portes & hauens of Englonde and some to London / & there ye myght haue had a toune of Rochell wyne of the best for .xx. shyllynges sterlynge / and so we had grete chepe of wyne in Englōde that tyme thanked be god almyghty. ANd in y• regne of kyng Richarde the .xj. yere the fyue lordes arose at Ratcote brydge in the destruccion of y• rebelles y• were y• tyme in all the realme. The fyrst of y• fyue lordes was syr Tho∣mas of wodstok the kȳges vncle & duke of Blocestre. The seconde was syr Ry∣chard erle of Arundell. The thyrde was syr Richard erle of warwik. The fourth was syr Henry Bolynbroke erle of Der∣by. The fyfth was syr Thomas Mom∣bray erle of Notyngham. And these .v. lordes sawe the myschefe & mysgouer∣naūce & the falsnes of y• kynges coūseyle wherfore they that were y• tyme chefe of the kynges coūseyle fled out of this lōde ouer y• see / that is to saye / syr Alysaūder Neuell the archebysshop of Yorke / & syr Roberte Lewer markeys of Deuelyn & erle of Oxford / & syr Mychell de la Pole erle of Suffolke and chaunceler of Eng∣londe. And these thre lordes went ouer y• see / & neuer came agayne / for there they dyed. And than these fyue lordes aboue sayd made a parliamēt at Westmynster And there they toke syr Robert Tresiliā the Iustyce / and syr Nycholl Brembre knyght & citezyn of London / & syr Iohn Salysbury a knyght of y• kynges hous∣holde / & Vske sergeaunt of armes / & ma¦ny moo of other people were taken and iudged to deth by the counseyle of these fyue lordes in that parlyament at West∣mynster / for the treason y• they put vpon them / to be drawen from y• toute of Lon¦don throughout the Cite / and so forth to Tyburne / & there they shold be hanged and theyr throtes to be cutte / and thus they were serued & dyed. And after that in this same parliamēt at Westmynster was syr Symond Beuerley that was a knyght of the garter / & syr Iohn Beau∣champ knyght that was steward of the kinges houshold / & syr Iames Berners were foriudged to deth / & thā they were ledde on fote to the toure hyll and there were theyr hedes smytten of and many other moo by these .v. lordes. ¶ In this same parlyament and in the. . yere of kynge Rychardes regne he let trye & or∣deyne a generall Iustes that is called a turneymēt of lordes knightes & squyers And these Iustes and turneyment were holden at Londō in smythelde of all ma¦ner of straūgers of what londe or ceūtre that euer they were / & thyder they were ryght welcome / & to them & to all other was holden open housholde & grete feest & also grete gyftes were gyuen to al ma¦ner of straungers. And of y• kynges syde were al of one sute theyr cos theyr ar¦mure / sheldes / hors trappures / and all was whyte hertes wt crownes aboute theyr neckes / & chaynes of gold hāgyng thervpon / & the crowne hangynge lowe before the hartes body / the whiche hart was y• kynges lyueray y• he gaue to lor∣des & ladyes / knyghtes & squyers for to knowe his housholde from other people. And in this feest came to y• Iustes .xxiiij. ladyes & ledde .xxiiij. lordes of the garter with chaynes of gold & all y• same sutes of hartes as it is before sayd frō y• toure on horsbacke through the cite of London in to smythfelde where as y• iustes shold be holdē. And this feest & iustes was hol¦den generally for all those y• wolde come thyder of what lōde or nacyon that euer they were. And this was holdē duryng xxiiij. dayes of y• kynges costes / & these xxiiij. lordes to answere al maner people that wolde come thyder. And thyder ca∣me the erle of saynt Paule of Fraunce / & many other worthy knightes wt hym of dyuerse partyes full worthely arayed. And out of Hollande & Henaud came the lorde Ostreuaunt y• was the dukes sone of Holland / & many other worthy knigh¦tes wt hym of Holland full well arayed. And whā this feest & iusting was ended the kynge thanked these straūgers / and gaue them many ryche gyftes. And thā they toke theyr leue of y• kyng & of other lordes & ladyes & went home agayn in to theyr owne coūtrees wt grete loue & mo∣che thanke. ¶ And in y• .xiij. yere of kyng Rychardes regne there was a batayle done in y• kynges palays at westmȳstre bytwene a squyer of Nauerne y• was wt kyng Rychard / & another squyer y• was called Iohn walshe for poyntes of trea∣son y• this Nauerne put vpō this walsh man. But this Nauerne was ouercomē & yelded hym creaunt to his aduersary / & anone he was despoyled of his armure & drawen out of the palays to Tyburne and there was hanged for his falsnes. ¶ And in y• .xiiij. yere of kyng Richardes regne syr Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lan∣castre went ouer see into Spayne for to chalenge his ryght y• he had by his wy∣ues tytell vnto y• crowne of Spayne wt a grete hoost of people / & he had wt hym y• duchesse his wyfe & his thre doughters in to Spayne / & there they were a grete whyle. And at y• last y• kyng of Spayne began for to treate with y• duke of Lan∣castre / and they were accorded togyder through bothe theyr counseyles in this maner / that the kyng of Spayne sholde wedde the dukes doughter that was y• ryght heyre of Spayne / & he shold gyue vnto the duke golde & syluer y• were cast in to grete wedges: & many other iewels as moche as .viij. charyottes myght ca∣ry. And euery yere after during y• dukes lyf & the duchesse his wyfe .x. M. marke of golde / of whiche golde the auenture & charges sholde be to them of Spayne / & yerely brynge to Bayon to the dukes as∣sygnes by surete made. And also y• duke maryed another of his doughters to the kynge of Portyngale y• same tyme. And whan he had done thus he came home agayn into Englonde / & y• good lady his wyfe also / but many worthy men dyed of the flix. ¶ In the .xv. yere of kyng Ry¦chardes regne he helde his Christmasse in y• manoyr of wodstok / & there y• erle of Penbroke a yonge lorde & tender of age wolde lerne to Iust wt a knyght y• was called syr Iohn of saynt Iohn / & rode to gyder in y• parke of wodstok. And there this worthy erle of Pēbroke was slayne with y• other knyghtes spere as he cast it from hym whan they had coupled / & thus this good erle made there his ende and therfore the kyng & the quene made moche sorowe for his deth. ¶ And in the xvj. yere of king Richardes regne Iohn Hende beynge y• tyme Mayre of Londō and Iohn Walworth & Henry Vanner beynge sheryues of London / that same tyme a bakers mā bare a basket of hors∣brede into Fletestrete towarde an hostry and there came a yonge man of the bys∣shops of Salysbury that was called Ro¦mayn / & he toke a hors lofe out of y• bas∣ket of y• bakers / & he asked hym why he dyd so. And this Romayn turned agayn & brake the bakers heed / & neyghbours came out & wolde haue arested this Ro∣mayn / & he brake from them & fledde to his lordes place / and the cōstable wolde haue had hym out / but y• bysshops men shette fast the gates / & kepte the place y• no man myght entre. And than moche more people gadred thyder / & sayd that they wold haue hȳ out / or els they wold brenne vp y• place & all that were therin. And thā came the Mayre & sheryues wt moche other people & cessed y• malice of y• comyns / & made euery man to go home to theyr houses & kepe y• peas. And this Romayns lorde y• bysshop of Salysbury mayster Iohn Waltham that at y• tyme was tresourer of Englonde went to syr Thomas Arundel archebysshop of Caū∣terbury & chaūceler of Englond / & there the bysshop made his cōplaynt vnto the chaunceler vpon the people of the cite of Londō. And than these two bysshops of grete malice & vengeaūce came vnto the kynge at Wyndsore & made a grete com¦playnt vpō the Mayre & sheryues. And anone all y• cite afterward came before y• kyng & his coūseyle / & they cast vnto the cite a greuous hert & wonders grete ma¦lyce. And anone sodeynly the kynge sent for y• Mayre of Londō & the sheryues / & they came to hȳ in y• castell of Wyndsore And the kyng rebuked the Mayre & she∣ryues ful foule for the offence y• they had done agaynst hym & his offycers in his chambre at Londō / wherfore he deposed & put out the Mayre & bothe sheriues / & this was done .xiiij. dayes before y• feest of saynt Iohn baptyst. And than y• kyng called to hym a knyght that was called syr Edward Dalingrigge / & made hym wardeyn & gouernour of y• cite & cham∣bre of London / & ouer all his people ther¦in. And so he kepte that offyce but foure wekes bycause that he was so gentyll & tendre to the citezyns of London / wher∣fore the kynge deposed hym / & made syr Bawdewyn Radyngton knyght y• was Controller of the kynges houshold war¦deyn & gouernour of his chambre and of his people therin / and chose to hym two worthy men of the cite to be sheryues wt hym to gouerne & kepe y• kynges lawes in the cite / that one was called Gylbert Mawfelde / & y• other Thomas Newen∣ton sheryues. And than the Mar two sheryues & all y• aldermen wall worthy craftes of London went to the toure of London / & there came the Constable of the toure / and gaue the Mayre & sheryues theyr othe & charge as they sholde haue takē in y• cheker of Westmynster in y• kynges courte of his Iustyce & barons of the escheker & than went they home agayne. And than the kyng & his coūseyle for y• grece malyer & despyte y• they had to y• cite of Londen re¦meued all his courtes frō Westmynster vnto the cite of yorke / that is to saye the chaūceler / the escheker / the kynges br∣che / & the comyn place & there they held all these courtes of lawe fro dsmer y• is to say / the feest of saynt Iohn bapryst vnto y• feest of Chrystmasse next comyng And than the kynge & his coūseyle it not so {pro}fytable there as it was at Lon∣don. Than anone he remeued if agayne to London & so to westmynster for grece ease of his offycers and auarage to the kynge and al the comyns of the realme. And whan the people of London sawe knewe y• these courtes were come aga and the kyng & his people also / than the Mayre & the aldermen with y• chefe co∣myns of the cite let gadre a grete somme of golde of all the comyns of the cite / and ordeyned & made grete rialtees agaynst his comynge to London for to haue his grace & good lordshyp / and also theyr ly∣bertees & fraūchyses graūted to them a∣gayne as they were wont to haue afore tyme. And through grete instaunce and prayer of the quene & of other lordes & la¦dyes the king graūted them grace. And this was done at Shene ī sothery. And than y• kynge wtin two dayes after came to London. And the Mayre of the cite wt the sheryues aldermen & all the worthy men of the cite afterwarde rode agaynst hym in good aray to y• heth on this syde the manoyr of Shene / humbly & meke∣ly submyttynge them wt all maner obey saūce vnto hȳ as they ought to do. And thus they brought y• kynge & the quene to London / & whan the kynge came to y• gate of London brydge / there they pre∣sented hym with a mylke whyte stede sadled & brydled & trapped with cloth of golde and reed partyed togyder. And the quene a palfrey all whyte in the same a∣raye trapped wt whyte & reed / & all the cōdytes of London ranne wt wyne bothe whyte and reed / for all maner people to drynke who wolde. And bytwene saynt Paule and the crosse in chepe there was made a stage a ryall standyng on hye / & therin were many aūgels with dyuers melodyes & songes. And than an aūgell came downe from the stage on hygh by a vyce & set a crowne of gold pyght with ryche perles & precyous stones vpon the kynges heed / & an other vpō the quenes heed. And so y• citezyns brought y• kyng and y• quene to Westmynster in to theyr palays. And than on the moro we after y• Mayre & the sheryues & the aldermen of London came vnto the kynge to his pa∣lays at westmynster & presented hym wt two basyns of syluer & ouer gylted ful of coyned golde the somme of .xx .C. poūde prayenge hȳ of his hygh mercy & grace and lordshyp & specyall grace that they myght haue his good loue with the ly∣bertees & fraūchyses lyke wyse as they were wont for to haue before tyme / and by his lettres patentes and his chartre confyrmed. And y• quene & other worthy lordes & ladyes fell on theyr knees & be∣sought y• kynge of grace to rōfyrme this Than the kynge toke vp the quene and graunted her all her askynge. And than they thāked y• kynge & the quene & went home agayne. ¶ And in the .xvj. yere of kynge Rychardes regne certayn lordes of Scotlonde came in to Englonde for to gete worshyp as by fayte of armes. And these were ye persones / the erle of Marre & he chalenged y• erle Marshall of Eng∣lōde to Iust with hym certayn poyntes on horsbacke with sharpe speres / & they rode togyder as two worthy knyghtes & lordes certayne courses / but not y• full chalenge that y• scottysshe erle made / for he was cast downe bothe hors & man / & two of his rybbes broken wt the fall / & so he was borne thens out of Smythfelde home to his inne / & within a lytell tyme after he was caryed home in a hors lyt∣ter / & at porke he dyed. And syr William Darell knyght & the kynges banerer of Scotlond than made an other chalenge wt syr Piers curtayn knight & y• kynges banerer of Englonde of certayn courses yet on horsback in y• same felde / & whan he had rydden certayn courses & assayed he myght not haue the better / he gaue it ouer & wolde no more of his chalenge wt syr Pyers courtayn knyght & y• kynges banerer of Englonde / & turned his hors & rode to his inne. And one Cokborne a squyer of Scotlonde chalenged syr Ny∣choll Hawberke knyght of certayn cour∣ses yet wt sharpe speres / & rode .v. cour∣ses togyder / & at euery course y• Scotte was cast downe bothe hors & man. And thus our Englysshe lordes thanked be god had the felde. ¶ In the .xvij. yere of kyng Rychardes regne dyed the good & gracious quene Anne that was wyfe to kyng Richard in the manoyre of Shene in the shyre of Surrey on whytsondaye And than was she brought to London & so to Westmynster / & there was she bu∣ryed and worthely entered besyde saynt Edwardes shryne / vpon whose soule al∣myghty god haue pyte & mercy IN the .xx. yere of kyng Rychardes regne he went ouer see to Calays with dukes / erles / lordes and barons / & many other worthy squyers with grete araye and comyn people of the realme in good araye as longed to suche a kynge & prȳce of his nobley and of his owne per∣sone to do hym reuerence & obseruaunce as ought to be done to theyr lyege lorde & so myghty a kynge & emperour in his owne / to abyde & receyue there that wor¦thy & gracyous lady that sholde be his wyfe a yonge creature of .xix. yere of age dame Isabell the kynges doughter of Fraūce / & many other worthy lordes of grete name / bothe barons & knyghtes / with moche other people that came to y• towne of Grauenynge and two dukes of Fraūce / that one was the duke of Bur∣goyn / and that other the duke of Barre that wold no ferther lesse than they had pledges for them. And than kynge Ry∣charde delyuered two pledges for them to go safe and come safe his two worthy vncles / the duke of Glocestre & the duke of Yorke / & these two went ouer y• water of Grauenyng & abode there as for pled∣ges vnto y• tyme that the maryage & the feest was done & that these two dukes of Fraūce were comen agayn vnto▪ Graue∣nynge water. And than these two wor∣thy dukes came ouer y• water at Graue∣nyng & so to Calays with this worshyp full lady dame Isabell y• was y• kynges doughter of Fraūce / and with her came many a worthy lord & lady & knyghtes & squyers in y• best araye that myght be And there they met wt our meynr at Ca¦lays whiche welcomed her & her meyny wt grete reuerence / & so brought her in to the towne of Calays / & there she was re¦ceyued wt all the solempnite & worshyp y• might be done to suche a lady. And than they brought her to y• kyng / & the kynge toke her & welcomed her & all her fayre cōpany / & made there a grete solempnite And than y• kyng & his coūseyle asked of the frensshe lordes whether all the coue∣naūtes & forwardes wt the cōposycyon y• were ordeyned & made on bothe partyes shold be truly kepte & holdē bySpan thē And they sayd ye / & there they swore & toke theyr charge vpon a boke and made theyr othe well & truly it to holde i al ma¦ner poyntes & couenaūces wtout cōtradic cyō or delay in ony maner wyse. And thā was she brought to saȳt Nicolas chirche in Calays / & there was worthely wed∣ded wt the moost solempnite y• ony kyng or quene myght be / wt archebysshops & bysshops & all y• mynystres of holy chir∣che. And than they were brought to the castell & set to meet / & were serued wt all delycasy of ryall metes & drȳkes plente∣ously to all maner of straūgers & al other & no creature warned y• feest / but al were welcome / for there were grece halles & tentes set vpon y• grene wtout y• castell to receiue al maner of people / & euery office redy to serue thē all. And thus this wor∣thy mariage was solemply done & ended with all ryalte. Than these two dukes of Fraūce with theyr people toke theyr leue of the kynge & of the quene & wente agayne vnto Grauenynge water. And there the Frensshe lordes / that is to saye the two dukes & all theyr folke were co∣men ouer the water to Grauenyng / and there they mette / & euerichoue toke leue at other / & so they departed / & our lordes came agayne to Calays / & the Frensshe lordes wente ouer the water / & so home in to Fraunce agayne. And anone after the kyng made hym redy with ye quene and all his lordes & ladyes and all theyr people with them & came ouer ye see in to Englonde / and so vnto London. And the Mayre and the sheryues with all the al∣dermen & worthy comyns rode agaynst them vnto the blacke heth in Kent / and there they mette with the kyng and the quene / & welcomed them & that in good araye / and euery man in the clothyng of his craft & theyr mynstrels before them And so they brought them to saynt Geor ges barre in Southwerke / & there they toke theyr leue. And the kynge and the quene rode to Kenyngton / and than the people of London turned home agayn / & in turnynge agayne to London brydge there was so grete prese of people bothe on hors & on fote / that there were deed on the brydge .xi. persones of men & wo∣men and chyldren / on whose soules god haue mercy & pyte Amen. And than af∣terwarde the quene was brought to the toure of London / and there she was all nyght / & on ye morowe she was brought through the cite of London / and so forth to Westmynster / & there she was crow∣ned quene of Englonde / & than she was brought agayne vnto ye kynges palays and there was holden open courte and a ryall feest at her crownacyō of all maner people that thyder came. And this was done the sondaye nexte after the feest of saynt Clement / in the .xx. yere of kynge Rychardes regne. ¶ And than the .xxv. daye of August nexte after by euyll exci∣tacyon & fals coūseyle and grete wrath & malyce that the kynge had of olde tyme to his vncle the good duke of Glocestre & to the erle of Arundell / & to ye erle of war wyk. Anone the kyng by his euyll exci∣tacyon & his euyll counseyle and malyce late in the euenynge on the same daye a∣boue sayd maedy wt his strength and rode in to to ye towne of Chel∣melord / and o came to Plasshe sodeyn∣ly there syr Thomas of Wodstok ye good duke of Glocestre laye. And ye good duke came anone to welcome the kynge. And the kynge arested ye good duke hymselfe his owne body / & so he was ladde down to the water / & anone put in to a shyppe and had to Calays / & brought in to ye ca∣pytayns warde to be kepte in holde by ye kynges cōmaundement. And that tyme the erle Marshall was capytayn of Ca∣lays. And anone after by cōmaūdement of the kynge & by his fals coūseyle / com∣maūded yt capytayn to put hym to deth. And anone certayn yemen that had the good duke in kepyng toke theyr coūseyle how that they sholde put hym to dethe. And this was theyr appoyntment / that they shold come vpon hȳ whan he were in his bedde & a slepe on a fether bedde / & anone they boūde hym hande & fote and charged hym for to lye styll. And whan that they had done thus / they toke two towelles / & made on them two rydynge knottes / & cast the towelles aboute his necke / & than they toke the fether bedde that laye vnder hym & cast it vpon hym and than they drewe theyr towelles eche wayes / & some laye vpon ye fether bedde and vpon hym vnto the tyme yt he was deed / bycause yt he sholde make no noyse And thus they strangled this worthy duke vnto ye deth / vpon whose soule god for his hygh pyte haue mercy. Amen. ¶ And whan the kyng had thus arested this worthy duke & his vncle and sente hym to Calays he came agayn to Lon∣don in all ye haste with a wonders grete nōbre of people. And as soone as he was comen he sent for y• erle of Arundell / & for the good erle of warwyk. And anone as they came he arested them hymself / and syr Iohn Cobham and syr Iohn Cheyn knyghtes he arested them in yt same ma ner tyll he made his parliamēt / & anone they were put into holde / but the erle of Arundell went at large vnto the parly a ment tyme / for he foūde sufficient surety to abyde the lawe / & to answere to all ma ner poyntes that ye kynge & his coūseyle wolde put vpon hȳ. ¶ And the .xxi. yere of kynge Rychardes regne he ordeyned hȳ a parlyament at Westmynster whi∣che was called yt grete parlyament. And this parliament was made for to iudge these thre worthy lordes & other moo as them lyst at that tyme. And for yt iudge∣ment the kyng let make in all the haste a long hous & a large of tymbre ye whiche was called an hall / & couered with tyles ouer / & it was open all aboute on bothe sydes & at the endes / yt all maner of men myght se throughout / & there the dome was holden vpon these foresayd lordes & iudgemet gyuen at this foresayd par∣lyament. And for to come to this parlya∣ment the kyng sent his wrytes to euery lorde / baron / knyght & suyer in euery shyre throughout Englonde / that euery lorde sholde gadre & brynge his retynue with hym in as shorte tyme & in the best araye yt they myght gee / in mayntey∣yage & strengthinge of ye kyng agaynst them yt were his enemyes / & that this were done in all the haste & come to hym payne of deth. And the kyng hymself sent into Cl shyre to chetaines of ye tree / & they gadred & brought a grete and an huge multytude of people bothe of knyghtes & uyers & pryncypally of yemen of Chestershyre / whiche yeten & archers the kyng toke to his own courte and gaue them bowge of courte & good wages to be kepers of his owne body bothe by nyght & by daye aboue al other persones & moost loued & best trust / the whiche soone afterward turned ye kyng to grete losse & shame / hyndrynge & his vtter vndoynge & destruccion as ye shall here afterwarde. And that tyme came sir Henry of Derby with a grete meyny of men of armes & archers. And ye erle of Rutlonde came with a stronge power of people bothe of men of armes & archers The erle of Kent brought a grete power of men of armes & archers / the erle Mar shall came in the same maner / & the lord Spenser in the same maner. The erle of Northumberlonde and sir Henry Pe his sone / & syr Thomas Pety the erles broder / all the worthy lordes brought a fayre meyny & a strōge power / and eche man in his best aray / & the duke of Lan∣castre & the duke of yorke came in ye same maner with men of armes & archers fo∣lowyng ye kyng / & syr Willyam Srope tresourer of Englonde came in the same maner. And thus in this araye came all the worthy men of this londe vnto our kyng / & all this people came to London in one daye / in so moche yt euery lane in London & in the subbarbes were full of them lodged / and .x. or. x. myle a∣bout London euery waye. And this peo ple brought the kyng to Westmynster went home agayne to theyr lodgyngs bothe hors & man / & than on ye monday the .xii. daye of September ye pa began at Westmynster whiche was cal led yt grete parlyamēt. And on yt frydaye next after ye erle of Adell was brought in to the parlyamēt amonge all ye lordes and yt was on saynt Mathewes day the apostle and euangelist / there he was for iudged vnto the deth in this hall yt was made in ye palays at Westmynster. And this was his iudgement. He shold go on fote wt his handes boūde behynde hym from ye place that he was iudged in / & so forth through the cite of London vnto ye toure hyll / & his heed to be smytten of / & so it was done in dede in the same place. And .vl. of the gretest lordes that sate on his iudgement rode with hym vnto the place there he was done to dethe / & so to se that ye execucyon were done after the dome / & by the kynges cōmaundement with them wente on fote men of armes & archers a grete multytude of Chestre shyre men / in strengthynge of ye lordes yt brought this erle to his dethe / for they were in drede leest ye erle sholde be resco∣wed & taken from them whan they ca∣me in to London. Thus he passed forth through the Cite vnto his deth / & there he toke it full pacyently / on whose soule god haue mercy Amen. And than came the Austyn freres & toke vp ye body & the heed of this good erle / & bare it home to theyr place / & buryed him in theyr quere And on yt morow after was syr Rychard erle of warwik brought in to the parlya ment there as the erle of Arundell was for iudged / & they gaue the erle of war∣wyk the same iudgemēt that ye foresayd erle had / but the lordes had compassyon on hym bycause he was of more greter age / and released hym to perpetuall pry son / & put hym in the yle of Man. And than on the mondaye nexte after ye lorde Cobham of Kent and syr Iohn Cheyn knyght were brought also in to the par∣lyament in to the same hall / & there they were iudged to be hanged and drawen / but through the prayers and grete in∣staunce of all the lordes that iudgement was forgyuen them / and released to per petuall pryson. ¶ And this same tyme was Rychard Whyttyngdon Mayre of London / and Iohn Wodecocke & Wyl∣lyam Askam sheryues of London. And they ordeyned at euery gate of London durynge this same parlyament stronge watche of men of armes & archers / and through out euery warde also. And the kynge made .v. dukes & one Markeys & foure erles / & the fyrst of them was the erle of Derby / and he was made duke of Herford / and the seconde was the erle of Rutlonde / & he was made duke of Awe∣marle / & the thyrde was the erle of Kent and he was made duke of Surry / & the fourth was the erle of Huntȳgdon / & he was made duke of Excestre / & the fyfth was the erle of Notyngham / & he was made duke of Northfolk. And the erle of Somerset was made Markeys of Dor set / & the lorde Spenser was made erle of Glocestre / & the lorde Neuyll of Raby was made erle of Westmerlonde / & syr Thomas Percy was made erle of Wor∣cestre / & syr Willyam Scrope that was tresourer of Englonde was made erle of Wylshyre / & syr Iohn Montagu erle of Salisbury. And whan ye king had thus done he helde the parlyamēt & ryall feest vnto all his lordes & to all maner of peo∣ple that thyder wolde come. ¶ And this same yere dyed syr Iohn of Gaūt ye kyn∣ges vncle & duke of Lancastre in the bys∣shops Inne in Holborne / & was brought fro thens to saynt Paule / & there ye kyng made & helde his enteremēt well & wor∣thely with al his lordes in the chirche of saynt Paule in London / & there he was buryed besyde dame Blaūche his wyfe that was doughter & heyre vnto ye good Henry yt was duke of Lte. ¶ In ye same yere there fell a cyon bytwene the duke of Herford & ye duke of Norfolke in so moche y• they waged batayle & cast down theyr gloues / & than they were ta ken vp & ensealed / & the batayle ioyned & the daye set / & the place assygned where and whan / & this sholde be at Couentre And thyder came the kyng wt all his lor des at that day / & was set in the felde / & than these two worthy lordes came into ye felde well & clene armed & well arayed with all theyr wepen & redy to do theyr batayle / & were redy in ye place to fyght at vtteraūce. But ye kyng had them cesse & toke the quarell in to his handes. And forth with ryght there present exiled the duke of Herford for terme of .x. yere / & the duke of Norfolke for euermore. And syr Thomas Arundell archebisshop of Caū terbury was exiled yt same tyme for euer & deposed out of his see for malyce of the kyng. And anone these thre worthy lor∣des were cōmaunded & defended ye kyn∣ges realme. And anone they gate them shyppes at dyuers hauens & went ouer the see in to dyuers lōdes eche his waye And ye duke of Norfolke went to Venise & there he died / on whose soule god haue mercy Amen. And than kynge Rychard made a clerke of his syr Roger Walden arche bysshop of Caūterbury. ¶ And in the .xxij. yere of kynge Richardes regne by fals coūseyle & ymaginacyon of coue∣tous men that were aboute hym were made & ordeyned blancke chartres / and made them to be ensealed of al maner ry the men throughout ye realme / in so mo∣che yt they compelled diuers people to set theyr seales therto. And this was done for grete couetyse / wherfore al good her∣tes of ye realme were clene turned away fro ye kyng for euer after. And that was vtter destruccyon & ende to hym yt was so hygh & so excellent a prynce & kyng / & through couetous & fals coūseyle falsely betrayed. Alas for pyte ye suche a kynge myght not se. And than kynge Rychard set his kyngdome and his ryall londe of Englonde to ferme vnto foure persones whiche were these / syr Wyllyā Scrope erle of Wylshyre & tresourer of Englond & syr Iohn Busshe / & Henry Grene / & syr Iohn Bagot knyghtes / whiche turned them to myschefe & deth within a lytell tyme / as ye shall fynde here afterwarde wryten. ¶ And than kyng Rychard ma de grete ordynaūce & went hymself ouer see into Irlonde & many grete lordes wt hym with grete hoostes for to strength theyr kynge / wt men of armes & archers & moche grete stuffe & ryght good ordy∣naūce as longed vnto warre. And or he passed ouer ye see he ordeyned & made Edmond of Langley his vncle ye duke of Yorke his lewtenaū of Englonde in his absence / with the gouernaūce & coūseye of these .iiij. knyghtes yt had taken Eng∣londe to ferme of the kyng. And than he passed the see & came in to Irlonde and there he was well & worthly receyued And these rebelles that ben called Irysshmen came downe to the kynge & yelded them to him bothe body & godes all at his owne wyll / & swore vnto to be his lyege men / & there dyd to hym homage & feaute & good seruyce & thus he cōquered ye moost parte of Irlende in a lytell tyme. And whyle that kyng chard was thus in Irlonde syr Henry of Bolyngbroke erle of Derby that ye kyng had made before duke of Herford y• che duke the kyng had exiled out of this londe was comen agayn in to Englonde for to chalenge ye dukedom of Lancast as for his right & true herytage. And he came downe out of Fraūce vnto alays And there mette hȳ syr Thomas Arun∣dell yt was archebysshop of that was exiled out of Englond & wi hym came the erle of Arundel his so & heyre the whiche was in kepynge of syr Iohn shelley knight somtyme wt he erle of Huntyngdon & wt the duke of Excestre the whiche was tho in the castell of gate in Sussex & there he stale awaye & came to Calays / & there he was well & worthely kepte tyll these other two lor∣des were comē to Calays. And thā this worthy duke & the archebysshop of Caū¦terbury Arundell shypped in ye hauen of Calais / & drewe theyr course northward & arryued in Yorkshyre at Rauensporne fast by Wydelyngton / & there he came & entred fyrst the londe / & two lordes with hym and theyr meyny. And than moche people of the realme that herde of his co¦mynge & knewe where yt he was / anone they drewe vnto hym & welcomed these lordes / & so couraged them in all maner thynge / and passed forth in to the londe and gadred moche people to them. And whan kyng Rychard herde & wyst that these two lordes were comen agayne in to Englonde and were londed. Than the kynge lefte his ordynaūce in Irlonde & came in to Englondward in all the haste that he myght / and came to the castell of lyut / and there he abode for to take his counseyle & what myght be done / but to hym came none. And whā syr Thomas Percy erle of Worcestre yt was ye kynges steward wyst and knewe this / anone he came in to the hall amonge all ye people / and he brake the yerde of ye ryall kynges housholde / & anone euery man was dis∣perpied & went his waye & forsoke theyr mayster & souerayn lorde / and lefte hym alone. And thus was kynge Rycharde brought downe & destroyed / & stode hym selfe alone without comforte or socour or ony good counseyle of ony man / alas for pite of this ryall kyng. And anone came tydȳges that syr Henry of Boling broke was vp with a stronge power of people and that all ye squyers of Englonde rey∣sed vp the shyres in strengthyng of hym agaynst kyng Rychard. And thus soone he was comen out of the North coūtree to Brystowe / & there he mette with syr Wyllyam Scrope erle of Wylshyre and tresourer of Englonde / & with syr Iohn Busshe and syr Henry Grene / and Iohn Bagot / but he escaped frō them & went ouer the see in to Irlonde. And these thre knyghtes were taken and theyr herdes smytten of. And thus they died for theyr fals couetyse. And than was kynge Ry∣chard taken and brought vnto the duke And anone ye duke put hȳ in fast warde and stronge holde vnto his comynge to London. And than was there a rumour in London & a stronge noyse that kynge Rychard came to Westmynster / and the people of London ranne thyder & wolde haue done moche harme & hurte in theyr woodnes / had not ye Mayre & aldermen and other worthy men cessed them with fayre wordes / and turned them home a∣gayne to London. ¶ And there was syr Iohn Slake dene of the kynges chapell of Westmynster taken & brought to Lon¦don / & put in pryson in Ludgate. And af¦ter that Iohn Bagot was taken in Ir∣londe & brought to London / & put in pri∣son in Newgate / there to be kepte and a∣byde his answere. ¶ And soone after the duke brought kynge Rycharde pryuely to London / & put him in the toure vnder sure kepynge as a prysoner. And than came the lordes of the realme wt al theyr coūseyle vnto ye toure to kynge Rychard & sayd to hym of his mysgouernaunce & extorcion that he had done / made & ordey¦ned to oppresse all ye comyn people / & also to all the realme. Wherfore all ye comyn people of ye realme wolde haue hym de∣posed of his kyngdome. And so he was deposed at that tyme in the toure of Lon¦don by all his lordes counseyle & comyn assent of all ye realme. And than he was put from ye toure vnto ye castell of Ledes in Kent / & there he was kepte a whyle / and than he was had from thens vnto ye castell of Pounfret in the North countre to be kepte in prison / & ryght soone after there he made his ende. And than whan kyng Rychard was deposed & had sy∣gued his crowne & his kyngdom & was kepte fast in holde. Than al the lordes of the realme with the romyns assent & by accorde chose this worthy lorde syr Hen∣ry of Bolyngbroke erle of Derby / duke of Herford & duke of Lancastre by ryght lyne & herytage / and for his ryghtfull manhode that ye people foūde in him be∣fore all other they chose hym & made hȳ kynge of Englonde amonge them. INnocen the .vij. chosen po¦pe at two yere. And than Grgory the .xij. was after hȳ xij. yere euet was debate. Than was Alexander chosen in ye coūsoyle of ysan & he was called syr & Ptrus de Canadia & so was put & ryferd sryfe / euery choe of those thre sayd he was pope: Than was there a counseyle at ysn where they began to make a cōcorde / and there they deposed ye two / & the thyrde stode / & so was worse diuisyon made than before For that they ordeyned preuayled not. ¶ Robert was emperour after Wense∣lans .ix. yere. This mā was duke of Ba¦uary & erle of Palatyn / a iust man and a good / & was crowned of Bonifate the. ix This man entred ytaly wt a grete hoost of Almayns agaynst Iohn the duke of Galias / but he returned wt a grete woū∣de / & was a thynge iust that he suffred by iustyce diuyne. ¶ Iohn the .xxiij. suc¦ceded Alexander .iiij. yere / & fyrst he be∣gan well for an vnite / & he was in ye coū∣seye Constance / & offred hȳ to resigne the poperyche / & after secretly & vntruly he fledde awaye / but it {pro}fyted hym not / for he was taken & cōstrayned to peas / & was made a cardynall / & buryed at Flo∣rens. ¶ Sigismundus was emperour after Robert .xxvij. yere / & he was sone to Kaolus & kynge of Vngary & moost chrysten prynce / and he was so deuoute to god that he deserued to be canonysed. This man holpe ye chirche through his meruaylous prudence and wytte / for he spared no labour ne no thynge yt he had tyll he had made a full peas amonge the clergy. And he had. x. batayles agaynst the Turke / & euer he had ye ry. And what more / all thynge yt euer was wry¦ten in ouynge to Constantyne / Theodo∣sio / Katlo / tto / may truly be wryten of hym. And he was crowned in Vnga∣ry / and decessed a blyssed man. ¶ Of syr Henry of Bolyng broke erle of Derby that regned after kyng Ry∣charde / whiche was the fourth Hen∣ry after the conquest. ANd after kynge Rychard the se∣conde was deposed & out of his kingdom / the lordes & the comyns al one assent & all other worthy men of the realme chose syr Henry of Bolyng broke erle of Derby sone & heyre of Iohn uke of Lancastre for his worthy manhode yt often tymes had ben founde in hym & in dedes preued / vpon saȳt Edwardes day the confessour he was crowned kynge of Englōde at Westmynster by assent of all the realme nexte after the deponge of kyng Richard. Thā he made Henry his eldest sone prȳce of Wales & duke of Cor¦newayle & erle of Chestre. And he ma syr Thomas of Arūdell archbysshop of Caūterbury agayne as he was before. And syr Roger Walden ye kyng Rychard had made archebysshop of Caūterbury he made bysshop of London / for ye yme it stode voyde. And he made ye erles sone of Arundell that came wt hym ouer ye see frō Calays in to Englonde erle of Arun∣dell as his fader had ben / & put hym in possessyon of all his londes. And he ma∣de homage & feaute vnto his lyege lorde the kynge as all other lordes had done. And than anone dyed kynge Rychard in the castell of Pounfret in the north coun∣tree for there he was famysshed to deth by his keper / for he was kept there .iiij. or .v. dayes from meet & drynke / & so he made his ende in this world. Yet moche people in Englonde and in other londes sayd yt he was on lyue many a yere after his deth. But whether he were alyue or deed the people helde theyr fals opinyon & byleue that many had / & moche people came to grete myschefe & foule dethe as ye shal here afterward. And whan kyng Henry wyst & knewe yt he was deed / he let ere hym in the best maner / & closed it in a fayre chest wt dyuers spyceryes and baoes / & closed hym in a lynnen cloth all saue his visage / & that was left open that all men myght se his persone from all other men. And so he was brought to London with torche light brennynge to saint Paules chirche / & there he had his masse & his Dirige wt moche reuerēce & solempnite of seruyce. And whā all this was done / he was brought from saynt Paules in to the abbey of Westmynster & there he had al his hole seruyce agayn And from Westmȳster he was brought to Langley / and there he was buryed / on whose soule god haue mercy Amen. ¶ And in ye fyrst yere of kynge Henryes regue he helde his Chrystmasse in ye ca∣stell of Wyndsore. And on .xij. euen came the duke of Awemarle vnto the kynge & colde hym that he & the duke of Surrey & the duke of Excestre / & the erle of Sa∣lisbury / & ye erle of Glocestre / & other moo of theyr affynite were accorded to make a mommynge vnto ye kynge on .xij. daye at nyght / & there they purposed to slee ye kyng in the reuelyng. And thus ye duke of Awemarle warned ye kyng. And than the kyng came to London pryuely in all the haste yt he myght to gete hym helpe socour & cōforte and coūseyle. And anone these other yt wolde haue put ye kynge to deth fledde in all the haste yt they myght for they knewe well that theyr coūseyle was bewrayed. And than fledde ye duke of Surrey & the erle of Salysbury wt all theyr meyny vnto ye towne of Chichestre And there the people of the towne wold haue arested them / and they tolde not stande to theyr arestyng / but stode at de∣fence & fought manly. But at ye last they were ouercomen & takē. And there they smote of the dukes heed of Surrey & the erles heed of Salysbury / & many other moo / & there they put theyr quarters in to sackes & theyr heedes on poles borne on hye / & so they were brought through the cite of London to London brydge / & there these heedes were set vpon hygh / & theyr quarters were sent to other good townes and cytees of Englonde / and set vp there. ¶ At Oxford was takē Bloūt knyght / & Benet Cely knyght / and Tho¦mas Wyntersell squyer / and there were byheded & quartred / and the knyghtes hedes were set vpon poles & brought to London & set vpon ye brydge / & the quar¦ters sent forth vnto other good townes. ¶ And in ye same yere at Prittelwell in a myll in Essex there syr Iohn Holand the duke of Excestre was taken with the co¦myns of the countree / and they brought hym from the myll vnto the Plasshe / & to the same place ye kynge Rycharde had arested syr Thomas of Wodstok ye duke of Glocestre / and right there in the same place they smote of ye dukes heed of Ex∣cestre / and brought it to London vpon a pole / & it was set vpon London brydge. ¶ And in ye same yere at Brystowe was taken the lorde Spenser that kyng Ry∣charde had made erle of Glocestre / & the comyns of the towne of Brystowe toke hym and brought hym in to the market place of the towne / and there they smote of his heed / & sente it to London / & there it was set vpon London brydge. ¶ And in this same yere was syr Bernard Bro¦keys knight taken & arested & put in the coue of London / and syr Iohn Shelley knyght / & syr Iohn Mawdelyn and syr Willyam Feribe persones of kynge Ry∣chardes / & they were arested & put in to the coue of London. And thyder came ye kynges Iustices and sae vpon them in the oure of London / & there they were dampned all .iiij. to deth / & ye dome was gyuen to syr Bernard Brokeys that he sholde go on fote from the oure through the cite of Londō vnto Tyburne / & there to be hāged / & after his heed smytten of / & syr Iohn Shelley knyght / & syr Iohn Mawdelyn & syr Willyam Feribe {per}sons were drawen through out ye cite of Lon∣don to Tyburne / & there they were han∣ged / & theyr hedes smytten of and set on Londō brydge. ¶ And in this same yere kyng Henry sent quene Isabell home a∣gayn in to Fraūce / yt whiche was kyng Rychardes wyfe / & gaue her golde & syl¦uer & many other Iewels / & so she was discharged of all her dowry & sent out of Englōde. ¶ And in ye second yere of kyng Henry ye fourth was syr Roger Claring ton knyght & two of his men / & ye pryour of Laūde & .viij. freres mynours & some maysters of dyuinite & other for treason that they wrought agaynst the kynge / were drawen & hanged at Tyburne all xij. persones. ¶ And there began a grete discencion & debate in ye coūtre of Wales bytwene ye lorde Grey Rihen & Owen of Glender squyer of Wales / & this Owen arered a grete nombre of Walsshmen / & kepte all that coūtre about ryght strong¦ly & did moche harme / and destroyed the kynges townes & lordshyppes through out al Wales / & robbed & slewe ye kynges people bothe englisshe & walsshe / & thus he endured a .xij. yere largely / & he toke the lorde Grey Rihen prysoner / & kepte hym fast in holde tyll he was raūsomed of prysoners of the marche / & kepte hym longe tyme in holde. And at the last he made hȳ to wedde one of his doughters & kepte hym there styll with his wyfe / and soone after he dyed. And than kyng Henry knowynge this mischefe / destruc ciō & treason yt this Owen had wrought anone he ordeyned a strōge power of mē of armes and archers and moche other stuffe that longed to warre / for to abate & destroye ye malyce of this fals Walsshe¦man. And than the kyng came in to Wa¦les with his power for to destroye this Owen & other rebelles fals Walsshmen And anone they fledde in to ye moūtayns and there myght the kynge do them no harme i no maner wyse for ye moayns And so the kyng came agayn in to Eng∣londe for lesynge of moo of his people / & thus he spedde not there. ¶ And in this same yere was grete scarsete of where in Englond / for a quarter of where was at xvj. shyllynges. And there was mar∣chaundyse of Englonde sent in to Prure for where / & anone they had laden and fraught shyppes ynough / & came home in safete thāked be god of all his gyftes. ¶ And in the thyrde yere of kynge Hen∣ryes regne there was a sterre seen in the firmament yt shewed hymselfe through all the worlde for dyuers tokens yt sholde befall soone after / the whiche sterre was named by clergy Stella cometa. And on saynt Mary Mawdeleyns daye next fo∣lowyng in ye same yere was ye barayle of Shrowesbury / & thyder came sir Henry Percy ye erles sone of Northumberlonde with a grete multitude of men of armes & archers / & gaue a barayle to kyng Hen¦ry the fourth / through ye fals & wycked oūseyle of syr Thomas Percy his vncle erle of Worcestre / & there was sir Henry Percy layne / & ye moost parte of his peo¦ple in ye felde / & syr Thomas Percy takē and kepte fast in holde two days yll the kyng had set rest amonge his people on bothe sydes. And thā syr Thomas Per∣cy was iudged to be drawen & hanged & his heed smytten of for his false treason at Shrowesbury / & his heed brought to London & set on ye brydge. And the other people yt there were slayne on bothe par∣tyes the kynge let bury. And there was slayne on ye kynges syde in ye batayle the erle of Stafford & syr Walter Bloūt in ye kynges cote armure vnder ye kynges ba¦ner / & many moo worthy men / on whose soules god haue mercy Amen. ¶ And in the fourth yere of kynge Henryes regne came the emperour of Cōstantynople wt many grete lordes & knyghtes & moche other people of his coūtre into Englonde to kynge Henry with hym to speke & to disporte / & to se ye good gouernaūce & con¦dicions of our people / & to knowe ye cōmo dytees of Englonde. And our kyng wt all his lordes goodly & worshypfully recey∣ued & welcomed hym & all his meyny yt came wt hym / & dyd hym all ye reuere & worshyp yt they coude & myght / & anone the kyng cōmaūded al maner offycers yt he shold be serued as ryally as it longed to suche a worthy lord & emperour vpon his owne cost / as longe as he & his men were in Englond. ¶ In this same yere came dame Iane ye duchesse of Brytayn into Englonde: and londed at Falmouth in Cornewayle / and from thens she was brought to ye cite of Wynchestre / & there she was wedded vnto kynge Henry the fourth / in the abbey of saȳt Swythyus with all ye solempnite yt myght be done & made. And soone after she was brought from thens to Londō. And the Mayre & the aldermen wt the comyns of the cite of Londō rode agaynst her & welcomed her & brought her through ye cite of London to Westmynster / & there she was crow∣ned quene of Englonde / & there ye kynge made a ryall & a solempne feest for her & for all maner men yt thyder wolde come. ¶ And in this same yere dame Blaūche the eldest doughter of kyng Henry was sent ouer see wt the erle of Somerset her vncle & with mayster Rychard Clyfford than bysshop of worcestre / & with many other worthy lordes & ladyes & worthy squyers as longed to suche a noble kyn∣ges doughter & came vnto Coleyn. And thyder came the dukes sone of Barre wt a fayre cōpany & receyued this worthy lady / & ye bysshop of Worcestre wedded & sacred them togyder / as holy chirche it wold. And there was made a ryall feest & a grete iustyng in the reuerence & wor∣shyp of them & all people yt came thyder. And whan this maryage and feest was done ye erle & ye bysshop & all theyr meyny toke theyr leue of the lorde & lady & came home agayne in to Englonde in safete thanked be god. ¶ And in the .v. yere of kyng Henryes regne the lorde Thomas his sone went euer see & the erle of Kent & many other lordes & knyghtes wt men or armes and archers a grete nombre to chastyse the rebelles that afore had done moche harme to our englysshmen & mar¦chauntes / & to many townes & portes in Englonde on the see costes. And the lord Thomas ye kynges sone came into Flaū¦dres before a towne that is called Scluse amōge all ye shyppes of dyuers nacyons that were there / & after there they rode with theyr shyppes amonge them / and went on londe & sported them there two dayes / & came agayn to theyr shyppes & toke the brode see / & there they mette wt thre Carackes of Gene / yt were laden wt diuers marchaūdyses & well manned / & they fought togider longe tyme / but the englysshmen had ye victory / & brought ye Carackes into the Cambre before Wyn chelsee / and there they anted all these goodes / and one of these Carackes was sodeynly brent there. And the lordes and theyr people turned them home agayne & went no ferther at y• tyme. ¶ And in ye same tyme Serle yeman of kynge Ry∣chardes robes came into Englonde out of Scotlonde / & tolde to dyuers people yt kyng Rychard was onlyue in Scotlōde & so moche people byleued his wordes / wherfore a grete parte of the people of ye realme were in grete errour & grutchȳg agaynst the kyng through informacyon of lyes & fals lesynges yt this Serle had made. For moche people trusted & byle∣ued in his sayenge. But at ye last he was taken in the northcoūtre / & there by lawe iudged to be drawen through euery cite & good burgh towne in Englōde / & so he was serued / & at ye last he was brought to London to ye gyld hall before ye Iustice & there he was iudged for to be brought to ye Toure of London / & there to be layd on a hurdell / & thā to be drawen through the cite of Londō to Tyburne / & there to be hāged & than quartred / and his heed smytten of & set on Londō brydge / & his quarters to be sent to foure good townes of Engloude & there set vp / & thus was he rewarded for his fals treason. ¶ And in the syxth yere of kyng Heuryes regne the erle of Marre of Scotlōde by safecon duyte came into englōde to chalenge syr Edmond erle of Kent to certayn courses of warre on horsbacke. And so this cha∣lenge was accepted & graūted / & ye place taken in smythfelde at Londō. And this erle of Marte came proudly in to ye felde as his chalenge asked. And anone came in the erle of Kent & rode to the Scotte / & manfully rode togyder wt sharpe speres dyuers courses / but ye erle of Kent had ye felde / and gate hym moche worship and thanke of all maner men for his manfull dedes. ¶ And in ye .vij. yere of kyng Hen¦ryes regne syr Richard Scrop archebys shop of Yorke & ye erle Marshall of Eng∣londe gadred vnto them a stronge power agaynst kyng Henry. And the kyng he∣rynge therof in all the haste yt he myght came with his power Northward / and mette with them at Yorke / & there were these two lordes taken & brought to the kyng. And anone the iudges were set & these two lordes brought forth / & there they were iudged to deth / & bothe theyr hedes smytten of / and there they made theyr ende / on whose soules god for his pyte haue mercy Amē. And whan this was done the kyng came to London a∣gayn / & there rested hym. Anone god of his grete goodnes wrought and shewed many grete myracles for this worthy clerke archebysshop of Yorke that thus was done to deth. ¶ And in ye .viij. yere of kynge Henryes regne dame Luce the dukes syster of Mylen came in to Eng∣londe & so to London / & there was wed∣ded to syr Edmond Holland erle of Kent in the pryory of saynt Mary ouereys in South warke with moche solempnite & grete worshyp. The kynge was there hymselfe & gaue her at ye chirche dore / & whan they were wedded & masse was done / the kyng his owne {per}sone brought & lad this worthy lady in to ye bysshops place of Winchestre / & there was a won¦ders grete feest holden to all maner peo∣ple yt wold come. ¶ And ye same yere syr Robert Knolles knyght a worthy war∣ryour dyed at his manoyr in Norfolk / & frō thns he was brought to London on a hors bere wt moche torche light / & so he was brought to ye whyte freres in flete strete / & there was done & made for hym a solempne feest & a ryall enterment for those yt thyder wold come bothe ryche & poore / & there lyeth buryed by dame Cō∣stance his wyfe in ye myddes of the body of the chirche / on whose soule god haue mercy Amē. ¶ And in this same yere sir Thomas Rampston knyght Constable of the Toure of London was drowned at London brydge as he came fro West∣mynster inwardes to ye toure in a arge & all through lewdnes. ¶ And in ye same yere dame Philyp the yonger doughter of kyng Henry was ladde ouer see with syr Richard the dukes broder of Yorke / & syr Comond Courtney bysshop of Nor∣wiche / & many other lordes / knyghtes & squyers / ladyes & gentylwomen that ap¦perteyned to suche a kinges doughter / & came in to Denmarke. And the kyng re¦ceyued this worthy lady for his wyfe / & welcomed these worthy lordes / & did vn¦to them moche worshyp / and they were brought to a towne yt was called Londō in Denmarke / and there was this lady wedded and sacred to the kynge of Den∣marke / Norway & Swethen / and there was crowned quene of Denmarke with moche solempnite / & there was made a ryall feest. And whan this feest and ma∣ryage was done & ended / these lordes & ladyes toke theyr leue of the kynge & the quene & came agayne in to Englonde in safete thanked be god. ¶ And in the. viij yere of kyng Henryes regne there was a man yt was called the Walsshe clerke / and he appeled a knight yt was called sir Percyuall Snowdon of treason / & there they were ioyned to fight to ye vtteraūce within lystes / & the daye & place & tyme assigned & lymyted to be done & ended in Smythfelde / at whiche daye those two persones came in to ye felde & fought sore & myghtely togyder. But at the last the knyght ouercame the clerke / & made hȳ to yelde hym creaūt of his fals empeche¦ment yt he had sayd on hym / & than was he despoiled of his armure & drawen out of the felde to Tyburne / & there he was hanged / & the knyght takē to grace / and was a good man. ¶ In this same yere syr Henry erle of Northumberlōde & the lorde Bardolf came out of Scotlonde / in preiudyce & destruceyon of kynge Henry wherfore they of the Northcoūtre arose vpon them & fought wt them & discōfited them: & toke them & smoe of their hedes & quartred theyr bodyes / & sent the heed of the erle & a quarter of ye lorde Bardolf to Londō / and there they were set vpon Loudō brydge for fals treason that they had purposed agaynst ye kyng. ¶ And in the .ix. yere of kyng Henryes regne was syr Edmond Holland erle of Kent made Amyrall of Englonde for to kepe ye see / & he went to the see wt many ryal shyppes that were ful well arayed & apparayled and enarmed with many a good man of armes & archers / and of good defence of warre in the kynges name of Englonde and so he londed at the last in the coste of Brytayn in the yle of Briak with al his folke / & he besyeged the castell & assauted it / & they withstode hym with grete de∣fence & strength. And anone he layd his ordynaunce / & in the layenge of a gonne there came a quarell and smote the good erle Edmond in the heed / & there caught he his deth Woūde / but yet they left not tyll that they had goten the castell & all that were therin / & there this good lord dyed / vpon whose soule god haue mercy amen. And than his meyny came home agayne in to Englonde wt the erles body and was buryed amonge his aūcestres right worthely. ¶ And in the same yere was a grete frost in Englōde that ured xv. wekes. ¶ And in the .x. yere of kyng henryes regne the fourth came the Se∣esshall of Henaud with other meyny in to Englonde to seke auentures & to gete them worshyp in dedes of armes bothe on horsbacke & on fote at all maner poyn¦tes of warre. And ye Senesshall chalen∣ged ye erle of Somerset / & the erle delyue red hȳ full manfully of al his chalenges and put his aduersary to the worst in al poyntes / & wan there grete worship & ye degre of ye felde. And on ye nexte day after came in to ye felde an other man of armes of the Senesshals party / & agaynst him came syr Rychard of Arundel knyght / & the Henaud had ye better of hym on fote in one poynt / for he brought hym on his knee. And on the thyrde daye came in an other man of armes in to ye felde / and a∣gaynst hym there came syr Iohn Corne wayle a knyght / & manly & knyghtly he quytte hȳ in all maner poyntes agaynst his aduersary / & had ye better in ye felde. And on the fourth daye came an other man of armes of Henaud in to the felde / & agaynst him came syr Iohn Chaynes sone / & manly quytte hym agaynst his aduersary / for he cast hors & man in to ye felde. And the kynge for his manhode at that tyme dubbed hym knyght. And on the fyfth daye there came an other man of armes of the Henaudes party in to ye felde / & to hym came syr Iohn stewarde knight / & manfully he quytte him there in all maner poyntes / & had the better. And on ye syxth daye after came an other Henaud / & to hym came Willyam Por∣ter squyer / & manfully he quytte hym / & had the better in ye felde. And the kynge dubbed hym knyght ye same tyme. And on the seuenth daye after came an other man of armes of Henaud in to the felde / & to him came Iohn Standisshe squyer and manfully he quytte hym on his ad∣uersary / & had the better of hym in the felde / and ye kynge dubbed hym knyght the same daye. And on ye same day came an other man of armes of Henaud / and to hym came a squyer of Gascoyne / and proudly and māly he quytte hym on his aduersary / & had the better of hym / and anone the kynge dubbed hym knyght. And on the .viij. day came in to the felde two men of armes of Henaud / & to them came two sowdyours of Calays whiche were bretherne yt were called Burghes and well & manly quytte them on theyr aduersaryes / & had the better in ye felde. And thus ended ye chalenges with ma∣ny grete worshyppes. And the kynge at the reuerence of these worthy strafigers made a grete feest / and gaue them ma∣ny riche gyftes. And thā they toke theyr leue and went home agayne in to theyr owne countree. ¶ And in the. x. yere of kynge Henryes regne the fourth there was a grete batayle done in smyth felde bytwene two squyers / that one was cal¦led Glocestre that was appellaunt / and Arthur was the defendaūt / and well & manly they fought togyder longe tyme And the kynge for theyr manfulnes and of his grace toke theyr quarell in to his handes / and made them to go out of the felde at ones / & so they were deuyded of theyr batayle / and the kyng gaue them grace. ¶ And the .xij. yere of kyng Hen∣ryes regne the fourth ysdie a squyer of Wales that was a rebell a ryser & sup∣porter to Owen of Glendre / whiche dyd moche destruccyon to the people of Wa∣les was taken & brought to London / & there he came before the Iustyees / and was dampned for his treason / & than he was layde on an hurdell and so drawen to Tyburne through the cite / & there he was hanged & let downe agayne / & his heed smytten of / and the body quartred and sent to foure townes / & his heed set vpon London brydge. ¶ And in the. xiij yere of kynge Henryes regne tho dyed syr Iohn Beauford ye erle of Somerset that was capytayne of Calays / & was buryed at the abbey of the Toure hyll on whose soule god haue mercy Amen. ¶ And in the same yere the lorde Tho∣mas kyng Henryes sone wedded ye coū∣tesse of Somerset. ¶ And in this same yere came the embassadours of Fraunce in to Englonde fro the duke of Burgoyn vnto the prynce of Englonde kyng Hen∣ryes sone & heyre for to haue helpe and socour of mē of armes & archers against the duke of Orlyaunce. And than went ouer see the erle of Arundel / syr Gylbert Vmfreuyll erle of Kent / & the lorde Cob∣ham syr Iohn Oldcastell / & many other good knyghtes & worthy squyers & men of armes & good archers in to Fraūce / & came to Parys to ye duke of Burgoyn / & there he receyued & welcomed these eng¦lysshe lordes & all the other meyny. And than it was done hȳ to wyte yt the duke of Orlyaūce was comen to saynt Clowe fast by Parys wt a grete nombre of men or armes & arbalastres / & thyder went our Englysshmen & fought with them / & gate y• brydge of saynt Clowe / & there they slewe many Frensshmen and arba∣lastres / & the remenaūt fledde & wold no longer abyde. And thā our englysshmen came agayn to Parys / & there they toke theyr leue of ye duke & came safe agayne in to Englonde / and the duke gaue them grete gyftes. And anone after ye duke of Orlyaūce sent embassadours in to Eng∣londe to kyng Henry the .iiij. besechinge him of his helpe and socour agaynst his deedly enemy ye duke of Burgoyne. And than the kynge made Thomas his sone duke of Clarence & his other sone Iohn duke of Bedforde / & his other sone Vm∣frey duke of Glocestre / and syr Thomas Beauford erle of Dorset / and the duke of Awemarle he made duke of Yorke. And than ye kyng ordeyned his sone syr Tho∣mas duke of Clarēce / sir Thomas beau¦ford erle of Dorset / & syr Iohn Cornwyll with many other lordes knyghtes and squyers & men of armes & archers for to go ouet see in to Fraūce in helpynge and strengthynge of the duke of Orlyaunce. And these worthy lordes wt theyr rety∣nue shypped at Hamton & sayled ouer y• see in to Normādy / & londed at Hogges. And there mette wt them y• lorde Hambe at theyr londynge with .vij. M. men of armes Frensshmen & thre sergeaūtes of armes with them / & all were put to flyght / & of them were takē. vij .C. men of armes &. iiij .C. horses / without those that were slayne in the felde. And so they rode forth through out all Fraūce & toke castles & townes & slewe many Frensshe¦men that withstode them / and toke ma∣ny prysoners as they rode / and so they passed forth tyll they came to Burdeux and there they rested them a whyle and set the countree in peas / & rested tyll the vyntage were redy to sayle. And than ye duke with his meyny came home in to Englond in safete thāked be god. ¶ And in the same yere was the kynges coyne chaunged throughout Englonde by the kynge & his coūseyle / that is to saye / the noble / halfe noble / & ferthynge of golde. ¶ And in the .xiiij. yere of kyng Hērpes regne the fourth / he let make galays of warre / for he hoped to haue passed the grete see / & so forth to Ierusalem / & there to haue ended his lyfe / but god vysyted hym soone after wt infirmite & grete seke¦nes / that he myght not well endure no whyle / so seruently he was taken and brought in bed at Westmȳster in a fayre chambre. And as he lay in his bed he as∣ked his chamberlayne what he called ye chambre yt he lay in. And he answered & sayd Ierusalem. And than he sayd yt the prophecy sayd yt he shold make an ende & dye in Ierusalē. And than he made hym redy vnto god and dysposed all his wyll And soone after he died / & was caried by water frō Westmynster in a barge vnto Feuersham / & frō thens he was caryed to Caūterbury by londe wt moche torche lyght brennynge in to ye abbey of Chryst∣chirche / & there he was entered & buryed besyde saint Thomas of Caūterburyes shryne. And thus ended ye worthy kyng Henry about mydlent sondaye / in ye yere of our lorde a. M .CCCC. and .xiij. vpon whose soule god haue mercy. Amen. MArtyn y• .v. was pope after Iohn xiiij. yere. This mā was chosen by the concyle of Constance / & the other were deposed y• stroue / & so came peas in the chirche the whiche longe tyme afore was desyred & necessary for y• defence of the fayth. This was y• myghtyest pope that euer was of ryches / & a grete iudge He edifyed townes / walles / stretes / & he destroyed heresyes / & he did moche good through the noble prynce Sygysmund. And he gadred moche money for to gete y• holy londe agayn / but deth came vpon hym & letted hym / & he made a coūseyle afore his deth for that mater / & there he decessed. ¶ Eugenius was pope after Martyn .xvii. yere. This Eugeny was chosen peasybly after the deth of Mar∣tyn / & no man doubted but he was pope But shortly after he was expulsed from Rome / for it was so that he fledde naked Also he was cited to the concyle of Basi∣lieus & deposed / but he charged hym not And for that began ye stryfe agayne / the whiche stode to his deth / & those that fa¦uoured him sayd he was worthy moche louynge / & the contrary sayd those that were agaynst hym / but what someuer he was after he had taken the dignite vpon hym / afore he was of grete absty∣nence & of good fame / & that he dyd after that I leue to the iudgement of god. ¶ Of kynge Henry the fyfth that was kynge Henryes sone. ANd after the deth of king Henry the fourth regned kynge Henry his sone that was borne at Monmouth in Wales / that was a worthy kyng & a gracyous man and a grete conquerour. And in ye fyrst yere of his regne for grete loue and goodnes he sent to the fres of Langley there as his fader had do bury kynge Rychard the seconde / and let take his body out of the erth agayn / & dyd do brȳge it to Westmynster in a ryall chare couered with blacke veluet and baners of dyuers armes about / & all the horses drawing y• chare were trapped in blacke and beten with dyuers armes / & many a torche brennynge by all the waye tyll he came to Westmynster / & there he let make for hym a ryall and a solempne en∣terement / & buryed hym by quene Anne his wyfe / as his owne desyre was / on y• ferther syde of saynt Edwardes yne in y• abbey of saynt Peters of Westmyn∣ster / vpon whose soule god haue mercy. ¶ And in this same yere were certayne lollers taken & fals heretykes yt had pur¦posed through false treason for to haue slayne our kyng / & for to haue destroyed all the clergy of y• realme / & they myght haue had theyr false purpose. But our lorde god wolde not suffre it / for in haste our kynge had warnynge therof & of all theyr fals ordinaūce & werkyng / & came sodeynly with his power to saȳt Iohns without sinythfelde / & anone they toke a certayn of the lollers & fals heretykes / & brought them to ye kynges presence and there they tolde all theyr fals purpose & ordynaūce how they wolde haue done & wrought / yf they myght haue regned & had theyr wyl / & there they told whiche were theyr capytayns & gouernours / & than ye king cōmaūded them to the toure of Londō: & than toke moo of them bothe win ye cite & wtout / & sent thē to Newgate & to bothe Coters. And than they were brought in examinacion afore ye clergy & the kynges Iustyces / & there they were cōuicte for theyr fals heresy / & dampned before y• Iustyee for theyr fals treason / & this was theyr iudgemet / yt they sholde be drawen frō ye toure of London to saint Giles felde / & there to be hanged & brent on ye galowes. Also there was taken syr Roger Acton knyght for heresy & eke for treason agaynst ye kyng & ye realme / & he came afore y• clergy & was cōuict for his heresy to be brent / & dampned before the Iustyces to be drawen from the toure of London through the cite to saynt Giles felde / & to be hanged & brent. ¶ And in ye seconde yere of kynge Henryes regne he held a coūseyle of all ye lordes of ye realme at Westmȳster / & there he put hym this demaūde / & prayed & besouhgt them of theyr goodnes & of theyr good coūseyle & good wyll to shewe hym as touchyng ye tytell & the right yt he had to Normandy Gascoyn & Guyen / the whiche ye king of Fraūce whelde wrongfully & vnryght∣fully / y• whiche his auncestres before hȳ had by true tytell of cōquest & right hery¦tage / the whiche Normādy / Gascoyn & Guyen ye good kyng Edward of Wynd∣sore & his auncestres before hym had hol¦den all theyr lyf tyme. And his lordes ga¦ue hym coūseyle to sende embassadours to the kyng of Fraūce & his coūseyle yt he shold gyue vp vnto hym his ryght hery¦tage / yt is to saye Normandy / Gascoyn & Guyen / y• whiche his predecessours had holden afore hȳ / or els he wold it wynne with strengthe of swerde in shorte tyme with ye helpe of almighty god. And than the Dolphyn of Fraūce answered to our embassadours & saydi this maner / that the kyng was ouer yonge & to tender of age to make ony warre as agaynst hȳ / & was not lyke yet to be a good warryour to do & make suche a cōquest there vpon hym. And somwhat in scorne & despyte he sent to hȳ a tonne full of tenes balles bycause he shold haue somwhat to playe withall for him & for his lordes / for that wolde become hym better than to mayn¦tayn ony warre. And than anone our lor¦des yt were embassadours toke theyr le∣ue & came in to Englonde agayne & tolde the kynge & his couseyle of the vngoodly answere yt they had of the Dolphin / & of the present y• whiche he had sente to our kynge. And whan the kynge had herde theyr wordes & y• answere of y• Dolphyn he was wonders sore agreued & ryght euyll apayed towarde the frensshmen & towarde the kynge & the Dolphyn / and thought to auēge hym on them as soone as god wold sende hym grace & myght And anone let make tenes balles for the Dolphyn in all y• haste that he myght / & they were grete gonstones for the Dol∣phyn to playe withall. And than anone the kynge sent for all the lordes & helde a grete coūseyle at Westmynster / & told to them the answer yt they had of the Dol¦phin & of his worthy present yt he sent to hym & to his lordes to playe wtall. And there ye kyng & his lordes were accorded that they shold be redy in armes wt theyr power in the best araye yt myght be done and gete all the men of armes & archers that myght be goten / & all other stuffe yt longed to warre / & to be redy wt all theyr retynue to mete at Southhampton by Lāmasse nexte folowynge without ony delaye / wherfore ye kynge ordeyned his nauy of shyppes with all maner stuffe & vytayle that lōged to suche a warryour of all maner ordynaunce in the hauen of Southhampton to ye nombre of .CCC. and .xx. sayles. And thā fell there a grete dysease and a foule myschefe. For there were thre lordes whiche that the kyng trusted moche on / & through false coue∣tyse they had purposed & ymagined the kynges deth / & thought to haue slayne hym & all his bretherne or he had taken the see / whiche thre lordes were named thus / syr Rycharde erle of Cambrydge broder to ye duke of yorke / ye seconde was the lord Scrope tresourer of Englōde / y• thyrd was sir Thomas Gray knyght of the North coūtree. And these thre lordes aforesayd for lucre of money had made a promesse vnto y• Frensshmen for to haue slayne kyng Henry the fyfth and all his bretherne by a false trayne sodeynly or they had ben ware. But almyghty god of his grete grace helde his holy hande ouer them & saued them from these pe∣rillous meiny. And for to haue done this they receyued of y• frensshmen a millyon of gold / & that was there openly proued And for theyr fals treason they were all thre iudged to deth / & this was y• iudge∣ment / that they sholde be ladde through Hampton / & without northgate there to be heded. And thus they ended theyr ly∣ues for theyr fals couetyse and treason. And anone as this was done the kynge & all his meyny made them redy & went to shyppe and sayled forth with .xv. hon∣dred shyppes / & arryued within Seyne at Kydecause vpon our ladyes euen the Assumpcyon in Normandy wt all his or∣dynaūce / & so went forth to Harflet / & he besyeged the towne all about by londe & also by water / & sent to the capytayne of the towne & charged hym to delyuer the towne. And ye capytayne sayd that he de¦lyuered hym none / ne none he wolde hȳ yelde / but badde hym do his best. And than our kyng layde his ordinaūce vnto the towne / that is to saye / gonnes / engy¦nes & tripgettes / and shotte & cast at the walles & eke at the towne / & cast downe bothe toures & towne & layde them on y• erth / & there he played at the tenes with his hard gonne stones. And they y• were with in y• towne whan they sholde playe theyr songe was well away & alas that euer ony suche tenes balles were made / & cursed al tho y• warre began / & y• tyme that euer they were borne. ¶ And on the morowe y• kyng let crye at euery gate of the towne that euery man shold be redy on the morowe erly to make assaute to y• towne. And Willyam Boucher & Iohn Graūt with .xij. other worthy burgeses came to the kyng & besought hym of his ryall pryncehode & power to withdrawe his malyce & bestruccyon that he dyd to them / and besought hym of .viij. dayes respyte & trewse yf ony rescowe myght come to them / & els to yelde vp ye towne to hym wt al theyr goodes. And than the kyng sent forth y• capytayne & kepte the remenaūt styll wt hym. And y• lord Gau∣corte yt was capytayne of y• towne went forth to Roen in all ye haste vnto the Dol∣phyn for helpe & socour / but there was none ne no man of rescowe / for the Dol∣phyn wold not abyde. And thus this ca¦pytayne came agayne vnto the kynge & yelded vp ye towne / & delyuered hym the keys. And than he called his vncle ye erle of Dorset & made hym capytayne of the town of Harflet / & deliuered him y• keys & bad hȳ go & put out all y• frēsshe people bothe men womē & children / & stuffe his town of Harflet wt englysshe people. And than ye kyng sent in to Englōde & let crye in euery good town of Englōde / y• what crafty mā wold come thyder & enhabyte hym there in y• town he shold haue s & houshold to hȳ & to his heyres for euer more. And thyder went many marchaūtes & crafty mē / & enhabyted them there to strength the towne / & were welcome. And whā y• kyng sawe y• this town was well stuffed bothe of vytayles & of men / this worthy prince toke his leue & went toward Calays by lond / & y• frensshmen herde of his comynge / they thought for to haue stopped hȳ his waye y• he sholde not passe that waye / in all y• haste y• they myght brake al y• bridges where as ony passage was for hors & man / in so moche that there myght no man passe ouer the ryuers neyther on hors ne on foe / but yf he shold haue bendrowned. And therfore our king wt all his people went & sought his way ferre vp toward Paris / & there was all y• ryall power of Fraūce assem∣bled & redy to gyue hym batayle / & for to destroye all his people. But almyghty god was his guyde & saued hȳ & all his meyny / & defended hym of his enemyes power & purpose thanked be god y• saued so his owne knyght & kyng in his ryght full tytel. And than our kyng beholdyng & seynge y• grete multytude & nombre of his enemyes to withstande his waye & gyue hym batayle. Than the kyng wt a meke herte & a good spiryte lyfte vp his handes to almyghty god / & besought hȳ of his helpe / & y• daye to saue his true ser¦uaūtes. Than our kynge gadred all his lordes & other people aboute & bad them al to be of good chere / for they shold haue a fayre & a gracyous victory & the better of all theyr enemyes / & prayed them to make thē redy to y• batayle / for he wolde rather dye y• daye in the felde / than to be taken of his enemyes / for he wold neuer put y• realme of Englonde to raūsom for his persone. And y• duke of Yorke fell on his knees & besought y• kyng of a bone / y• he wold graūt hym yt daye y• vaūtward in his batayle / & the kyng graūted hym his askyng / and sayd gramercy cosyn of Yorke / & prayed hym to make hym redy. And than badde he euery man to ordeyn hym a stake of tree & sharpe bothe endes that y• stake myght be pyght in y• erth a slope / that theyr enemyes shold not ouer come them on horsback / for yt was theyr fals purpose / & arayed them for to ouer ryde our meyny sodeynly at the fyrst co∣myng on of them at y• first brunt. And al the nyght before y• batayle y• frensshmen made many grete fyers & moche reuell with howting & showting / & played our kyng & his lordes at y• dyse / & an archer alwaye for a blanke of theyr money / for they wend al had bē theyrs. The morne ose y• daye gan sprynge / & the kyng by good aduyse let araye his batayle & his wynges / & charged euery man to kepe them hole togyder / & prayed them all to be of good chere. And whā they were re∣dy he asked what tyme of ye daye it was & they said pryme. Than sayd our kyng now is good tyme / for al englōd prayeth for vs: & therfore be of good chere & let vs go to our iourney. And thā he sayd wt an hye voyce / in the name of almighty god & saynt George auaūt baner / & saynt Ge¦orge this day thyne helpe. And than the Frensshmen came pryckynge downe as they wold haue ouer rydden all our mey¦ny / but god and our archers made them ryght soone to stomble / for our archers shotte neuer arowe amysse / but it perys∣shed & brought to ye groūde bothe hors & man / for they shotte yt daye for a wager. And our stakes made them toppe ouer terue eche one ouer ouer / y• they laye on hepes two speres length of heyght. And our kyng wt his meyny & with his men of armes & archers yt thacked on them so thycke with arowes & layde on wt stakes And our kyng with his handes fought manly y• daye. And thus almyghty god & saynt George brought our enemyes to groūde / & gaue vs that daye the victory There were slayne of frensshmen yt daye in ye felde of Agincourt m than .xi. M. Without prysoners yt were takē / & there were nombred that daye of Frensshmen in the felde moo than syxe score. M. But god that daye fought for vs. And after came there tydynges to our kynge that there was a newe batayle of frensshmen ordeyned redy for to stele on hym & came towardes hym. And anone our kyng let crye that euery man sholde slee his pry∣souers that he had taken / & anone araye the batayle agayne redy to fyght with the Frensshmen. And whan the Frenssh¦men sawe that our men kylled downe theyr prysoners / than they withdrewe them & brake theyr batayle and al theyr araye. And thus our kyng as a worthy conquerour had that daye the victory in the elde of Agincourt in Pycardy. And than our kynge returned agayn where as the batayle was / for to e what peo∣ple were slayne of Englysshmen / and yf ony were hurte y• they myght be holpen And there were deed in y• felde the duke of Barry / the duke of Alaūson / the duke of Braband / the erle of Nauerne thefe constable of Fraūce / and .viij. other erles and the archebysshop of Saunce / and of good barons an .C. and mo / & of worthy knyghtes of grete alyaunce of cote ar∣mures .xv. hōdred. And of Englysshmen were deed yt daye the good duke of Yorke and the erle of Suffolke / and of all other Englysshmen there were not deed pas∣syng .xxvi. bodyes thanked be god. And this batayle was on a frydaye / whiche was saynt Crispyne & Crispinians day in the moneth of October / & anone the kynge cōmaūded to bury them / and the duke of Yorke to be caryed forth wt hym & the erle of Suffolke. And there were prysoners y• duke of Orlyaūce / the duke of Burbon / the erle of Vendome / the erle of Ewe / the erle of Richemond & syr But sigaūt marsha f Fraūce / & many other worthy lordes were taken there in this batayle of Agincourt & were brought to the towne of Calays / & so ouer the see wt the kyng in to Englonde & londed at Do¦uer in Kent wt all his prysoners in safete thanked be almyghty god / & so came to Casterbury & offred at saynt Thomas shryne. And so forth he rode through the ore of Kent the next waye to Eitham & thre he rested tyll that he wolde come to London. And than the Mayre of Lon¦don / the aldermen & sheryues wt all y• co∣muners & craftes came to y• blacke eth well & worthely arayed to welcome our kyng with dyuers melodyes / & hanked almyghty god of his gracyous vyctory that he shewed for hym. And so y• kyng & his prisoners passed forth by them ty he came to saynt Thomas of wateryng / & there mette wt hym all religyous men wt processyon & welcomed hym. And so the kyng came rydyng with his prysoners through y• rite of Londō / where as was shewed many a fayre syght at all yt con∣dythes & at yt crosse in chepe as in heuen¦ly araye of aūgels / archaūgels / patriar∣kes / prophetes & virgyns / wt diuers me∣lodyes sensyng & syngynge to welcome the kynge / & all the condthes eynge with wyne / & the kynge passed forth to saynt Paules / & there mette wt hȳ. . bysshops reuested & mytred wt sensers to welcome the kynge / & there they songe for his gracyous victory e deū auda∣mus. And there the kyng offred / & after toke his hors & rode to Westmynster / & than the Mayre toke his leue of y• kyng & rode home agayne. ¶ And in y• thyrde yere of kyng Hēryes regne y• fyfth came the emperour of Almayn kyng of Rome & of Hungry in to Englonde / & so to y• e of London. And the Mayre & the alder∣men wt the sheryues & worthy craftes of London by the kynges cōmaundement mette wt hym on the blacke heth y• best aray that they coude on horsbacke. And there they welcomed hym & brought hȳ to London with mhe honoure & grete reuerence. And at saynt Thomas of w¦terynge there mette wt hym the kyng wt all his lordes in good araye. And there was a worthy metyng bytwene y• empe¦rour & kyng Henry y• fyfth / & there they kyed togyder & embraced eche other / & than y• king toke y• emperour by y• hande & so they came rydyng through y• te of Londō vnto saynt Paules / & there they yghted & offred / & all y• bysshops stode reested wt sensers in theyr handes sen∣synge to them. And than they toke theyr horses & rode to Westmynster. And the kynge lodged the emperour in his owne palays / and there he rested hym a grete whyle / & all at y• kynges cost. And soone after came y• duke of Holland in to Eng∣londe to come & se y• emperour & speke wt hym & wt our kyng Henry of Englonde / & he was worthely receyued & lodged in the bysshops Inne of Ely / & all at y• kyn∣ges cost. And whan the emperour had well rested him & seen y• londe in dyuers partyes & knewe the cōmodytees / than by processe of tyme he toke his leue of the kynge / but or he wente he was made a knyght of the garter / & receyued & ware the lyuerey. And thā he thanked y• kyng & all his lordes. And than the kyng & he went ouer y• see to Calays & abode there longe tyme to haue an answere of the frensshe kynge / & at the last it came and pleased hȳ ryght nought. And so y• em∣perour toke his leue of y• kynge & passed forth in goddes name / & our kyng came ouer agayn in to Englonde in all y• haste that he myght / & y• was on saynt Lukes euen that he came to Lambeth / & on the mondaye nexte after he came in to y• par¦lyament at Westmynster. ¶ In y• same yere was a grete derth of corne in englon¦de / but thāked be god it lasted not longe. ANd in the fourth yere of kynge Henryes regne y• fyfthe he helde his parlyament at Westmynster in y• be gynnynge of October / & lasted to the pu¦ryficacyon of our lady than nexte after. And there was graunted vnto hym to maynteyn his warres bothe of y• spiry∣tualte & of the temporalte an hole taxe & dieme. And than anone y• kyng prayed all his lordes to make them redy for to strength hȳ in his ryght. And anone he et make a newe retynue / & charged all men to be redy at Hamton in whyt∣ weke nexte after without ony delay. And there the kyng made y• duke of Bed¦ford protectour & defender of his realme of Englonde in his absence / & charged hym to kepe his lawes and maynteyne bothe spirituall & temporall. And whan the kyng had thus done & set all thynge in his kynde / on saynt Markes daye he toke his hors at Westmynster & came ry¦dyng to Paules / & there he offred & toke his leue / & so rode forth through y• ite ta¦kyng his leue of all maner of people / as well of poore as of riche / prayenge them all in generall to praye for hȳ. And so he rode forth to saynt Georges / & there of∣fred & toke his leue of the Mayre / char∣gynge hym to kepe well his chambre. And so he rode forth to Hamton / & there abode tyll his retynue were redy & comē for there was all his nauy & shyppes wt his ordynaūce gadred togyder and well stuffed as longed to suche a ryall kynge with all maner of vytayles for suche a ryall cōpany as wel for hors as for man as longed for suche a warryour / that is to say gōnes / tripgites / engynes / sowes bastyles / brydges of lether / scalyng lad∣ders / malles / spades / shouelles / pykes / paueys / bowes & arowes / bowstringes & tonnes / chestes & pypes full of arowes as neded for suche a worthy warryour that no thynge was to seche whā tyme came / thyder came to hȳ shyppes laden with gonnes & gonpowdre. And whan this was redy & his retynue came / the kyng & all his lordes wt all his ryal hoost went to shyppe & toke y• see & sayled in to Normādy / & londed at ouke vpo Lā∣masse daye than nexte after / & there he made .xlviij. knyghtes at his londing / & than y• kynge heryng of many enemyes vpon the see / that is to saye .ix. grete Ca∣rakes / hulkes galeys & shyppes y• were comyng to destroy his nauy. And anone he cōmaūded y• erle of marche to be chee chefetayne / & many other worthy lordes to dethe for treason. And so he was to the Cour agayn / and there he layd vpon an hurde and drawen through the Cite to saynt yles felde / & there was made a newe payre of ga∣s and a stronge heyn and a coller of yren for / & there he was hange and bret o the galow n all for his es and his fals opynyons. ANd in the .vi. ye of kyng Hen∣ryes ogne the fyfth he sent his Beaford du of x with a ayre cōpany of men of ar∣es & archers before the of / & there displayed his / and sent his hdes vnto the tow & hadde them that cite vnto our king theyr lyege lorde. And they sayd he toke them no for o / he sholde haue the but yf it bought and proued with theyr handes / for other answere wolde they . And there du good of the groside all there out of o o ames bothe on hor & on out with them and & there taken and y. ▪ sones o good . nd to the towne. And the kyng with his lordes were lodged in the Charter∣hous / and grete strength about them / & that was in the est parte of y• te. And the duke of Clarence lodged hym at the west ende of the in a waste abbey be¦fore the porte Caux. And the duke of Ex∣cestre with his meyny on the north syde before the porte Beauuoysyn. And by∣twene the duke of Clarence and the du∣ke of Excestre was y• erle Marshall lod∣ged with moche solke & a stronge power before the castell gate. And than was y• erle of Ormonde / the lorde Haryngton / and also the lorde with theyr re∣tynue and company nexte to hym. And than Iohn Core wayle with ma∣ny other noble knyghtes and squyers of name with all theyr retynue saye with the noble duke of Clarē. And from the duke of Excestre towardes the kynge were lodged the lorde oos / and the lor∣de Wyllybe / with the lorde Phehew / and syr Wyllyam Porter knyght / with all theyr retynue before the port of say Hylry. And than was the erle of Mor∣n with all his retynue ldged in the abbey of saynt athers. And the rle of alysry with his retynue laye on that other syde of saynt atherynes. And syr Iohn Gray knyght was lod∣ged at the abbey that is called le mon d saynt Myhl. And syr Philip knyght the kynges tresourer was lod∣ged bytwene the water of eyn and the abbey / and kepte the warde vnder the hyll. And the baron of Carowe was lodged vnder the watr syde for to kepe the passage. And Ien the squyer laye nexte hym on the water syde / and these two squyers kepte maly the water of yne / and often tymes fought with theyr enemyes. And on that other syde of yne laye the rle of Huntyngdon / mayster the erles ne of West∣erlonde / & syr Gylbert of Kent / & syr Rychard erle of Arundell / & the lorde Feryers with theyr retynue before the porte du pount / & eche of these lordes had stronge ordynaunce / and the kynge dyd make at Poūt de larche ouer the water of Seyne a stronge & a mygh¦ty chayne of yren / & put it through grete pyles fast pyght in the grounde / & that went ouer the ryuer of Seyne / that no vessell myght passe in no wyse / & about that cheyne the kyng let make a brydge ouer the water of Seyne / that men and hors & all other catyage myght go to & fro at all tymes whan nede were. And than came y• erle of warwik & had goten Dounfrout to kyng Henry of Englonde And anone y• kynge sent the erle of War wyk to Cawdebecke to besyegit. And whan he came before the towne he sent his herawdes to the capytayne & hadde hym yelde vp the towne vpon payne of deth / and anone he layde his syege. And the capytayne besought the erle that he myght come to his presence and it plea∣sed hym and speke with hym. And so y• good erle graūted hym for to come. And than he came out / & foure other burgey∣ses came with hym / & entreated so with this erle that this same towne was vn¦der composicyon / to do as y• ete of Boen dyd. And the erle graunted & consented therto vpon this condicyon / that y• kyn∣ges nauy of Englonde with his ordy∣naūce myght passe vp by them in safet without ony maner of lette or dystur∣baunce / and to his composicyon they set to theyr seales / and the shyppes passed vp by them in safete and came before the cite of Boen vnto an hondred shyppes / & there they cast theyr ankers / and than this cite was vesyeged bothe by londe by water. And whan all this was done and the shyppes comen vp / than came y• of warwyk agayne to the kynge / & hym yene the abbey of saynt Kathet ys & the kyng / tyll that the ab∣bey entreated / & so was the kyng. And than he & lodged hym before the uylle / & than was the erle of ry rōmaded by the kyng redy to ryde / but there ty∣dynges & made hym to abyde / & so he re¦turned agayne & lodged hym besyde the erle of Huntyngdon tyll that the syege was ended▪ And than came the duke of Glocestre the kynges brother from the syege of Shyrough y• whiche he had wonne & goten and stuffed agayn to the kynges beh & profyte vnto y• of Englonde. And whan he was comen to the kynge before ▪ as one he lod∣ged with grete ordynaūce before y• porte saynt Hylary / the towne and his enemyes than our other lay . . es of lengthe / within of qua∣rell / & with hym laye y• of & the lorde of with all theyr retynue & strange ordy / & & proudly theyr ene∣myes / euer they yssued out of the ite. And than came the pryour of Kyl∣mayn of the see to y• kyng with a fayre yny of men of armes af ter theyr own guyse / to y• nobr of▪ xv .C. / & y• kyng welcomed them & made them good che∣re. ¶ And than the kynge that the Dol∣phyn of yn wolde come with a stronge cyons & entre on y• syde of y• bycause that there y• & playn therfore y• kyng assigned the pryour of Kylmay wt his / & lodged hym on y• north syde of y• hoost for to stop theyr passage / & was y• foreth of Lyons / & of this ordinaūce they were go to y• see y• his uy ne his londe party for his vsage. y• his to & y• see / & y• see co y• no mane of enemy route vpon y• see. And a∣none y• kyng his to y• ∣pytayn of / & charged hym to de∣lyuer hym his his towne / or he wolde neyther leue thylde a∣lyue. And anone y• capytay burgeyses of the towne brought y• ys vnto the kyng & besought . And the kynge delyuered the to Iohn Kekeley & made hym capytayn / & ded hym to put out all y• Fren men bothe of the castell & of he towne. there besyde was the castell of Lo∣ / & hyder the kyng sent y• ma with a fyre company & y• / & was & brought them to the kyng / the kyng agayn / & y• of Louers & of all y• longe / & ged hym to all the Fmen. And than y• kynge helde his waye to Cane / that was a stronge downe an a yre / & he sent his to y• capytayn & ged hym y• his or he wolde gete th strength of hande. And they hym▪ . counseyle the to all about. And duke of was en∣tred in to the towne & slewe downe ryght he came to y• kyng / & spared neyther man ne chylde / & euer they cryed a Cla∣tente a Clatence and saynt George. And there was dd on the walles on y• kyn∣ges syde a worthy man that was called Springes / the whiche y• kyng to be butyed in y• abbey of Cane fast William cōquerour / on whose soule god haue mercy amē. And than y• kyng came in to the towne wt his broder the duke of Clarete and many other worthy lordes with moche solempuite & myrthe. And than the kyng cōmaūded y• capytayn to delyuer h his castell. And he besought the kyng to gyue hym .xiiij. dayes of spyte yf ony restowe wolde come / yf none wold come to delyuer hym y• keys & the castell at his cōmaundement. And vnder this compo was y• towne & the castell of Baycus / wt other townes / fortresses & villages vnto the nombre of iiij. Vpon y• yll before y• castell of Cane our kynge yght all his / y• owne as moche as Cane. And that tyme came tydynges y• no rescowe wold come there. And so at y• .xiiij. dayes ende the capytayn of the castell came out & de lyuered y• keys & the castell to our kyng, and Bayeus and the other .xiiij. townes were delyuered to hym also. And anone the kyng delyuered the keys to the duke of Clarēce / & made hym capytayn bothe of the towne & also of the castell / & made hym capytayn of Baycus and of all the other townes also. And so he the towne & the castell / & there he held sayne orges fest / & there he made. x. knigh tes of the hath / there was syr Lowys Robersart / Salin / Chayny / Mougome y / many other worthy men. And the kyng cōmaunded them for to put out all the Frensshmen & women / & no man so hardy to defoule ny woman / no take no maner of good awayt fr them / but let them passe ī peas on payne of deth. And there passed out of the towne in one daye moo than .xv .C. women. And the kyng let stuffe the towne & castell wt Englyssh men / & ordeyned there two capytaynes / one for the towne / & an other for y• castell & charged them vpon theyr lyues for to kepe well the towne & the castell. And or that our kynge went thens he gate Fa∣leys Newelyn / & layde a syege to Shyr burgh / & that syege layde y• duke of Glo testre with a stronge power & a myghty and by processe of tyme gate it / & made there a capytayne of y• same towne. And this same tyme y• erle of Warwik layde a syege vnto Dounfront & gate it / & put therin a capytayne. ¶ And for to speke more of the erle of Marche that y• kynge ordeyned tho to scomme the see & to kepe the costes of Englonde for all maner of enemyes / the wynde arose vpon them, that they wende all to haue ben lost / but through the grace of god almyghty and good gouernaūce they tode afore the of Wyght all y• storme. And there were lost two carackes & two balyngers with marchaūdyse & other grete goodes & all the people y• were within them. And an other caracke droue before Hamton / and threwe his mast ouer the walles of the towne / and this was on saynt Barthyl∣mewes daye. And whan all this storme was cesed this worthy erle of Marche toke his shyppes wt his meyny / & wente to the see & londed in Normandy at Hog¦ges / & so rode forth towarde the kyng / & euer as he came the frensshmen fledde. And there came vnto them an Anthony pygge & folowed y• hoost all y• waye tyll they came to a grete water / & there they drad to haue bendrowned / for the water closed them so y• they myght no where gete out. But at the last almyghty god this pygge brought them out all safe there they caught a guyde y• knewe all the countree aboute / brought them through a sade / and so in to an yle / and there they many pry∣soners in theyr waye toward the kynge in theyr iourney / and so they came vnto Cane. And there y• kyng welcomed him & toke his iourney to Argenten / & than anone it was yolden vnto the kyng / and they had theyr lyues & went theyr way And than our kynge remeued & went to a stronge towne that was called Cese / & there was a fayre mynster / & they yel∣ded it anone vnto the kynge. And than the kyng went from thens to Alaunson and wanne the towne & the bridge. And the kynge sente the erle of warwyk to towne that was called Belesme with a grete and a stronge power / & anone they yelded it / & put them all in to the kynges good grace & mercy / & so dyd many mo stronge townes & castelles that were in those partyes. And frō thens they went in Perche / & anone it was yelded vnto the bothe the towne & the castell / & bodyes, & goodes at the kyn¦ges good grace. And so the kyng gate & cōquered all y• townes & castelles / pyles strēgthes abbeys vnto Poūt de larche & from thens vnto y• cite of Boen. ¶ And in the fyfth yere of kyng Henryes regne the fyfth / syr Iohn Oldeastel y• was the lorde Cobham was arested for heresy / & brought to y• Coure of London / & anone after he brake the Coue and went in to Wales / & there kepte hym ge tyme. And at y• he lorde Po toke hym but he stode grete defence longe tyme & was sore woded or he wolde be taken & to the lorde man brought hym out of Wales to London wher & so he was brought to Westmynster / & there was examined of certayn poyntes that were ut on / & he sayd not nay / and so he was conuicte of the clergy for his heresy / ned before the Justy∣full glad / & so they went forth in haste & kepte y• groūde & the place y• the kynge & his coūseyle had assigned / & they quytte them as good warryours to theyr kyng ¶ Now wyll I tell you whiche were y• chefe capytaynes & gouernours of y• cite of Roen. Mon syr Guy butler was chefe capytayn bothe of y• cite & of the castel / & Mon syr Termegan he was capitayn of port de Caur. Mon syr de la Roche was capitayn of y• disners. Monsyr Anthony was lewtenaunt to Mon syr Guy But∣ler. Henry Chantfien was capytayne of the porte de la pount. Iohn Mantreuas was capytayne of the porte de la castel. Monsyr de Preaux was capytayne of the porte of saynt Hylary. The bastarde of Tyne he was capytayne of the porte Martenuylle. And graūd Iakes a wor¦thy war your he was capytayne of all men of warre / and he was gouernour outward bothe on horsbacke and on fote of al men of armes whā they yssued out of the cite of all y• portes he them arayed as they sholde encountre wt our meyny. And eche of the capitaynes ladde .v. M. men of armes / and some moo. And at y• fyrst comynge of our kynge there were nombred by herawdes vnto .CCC. M. of men and women and chyldren / what yonge & olde. And amonge all these was many a manfull man of his handes / & so they preued them whan they yssued out of the cite bothe on horsbacke and on fote / for they came neuer at one gate out alone / but at thre or foure gates / and at euery gate two or thre thousand of good mēnes bodyes armed and manfully en∣countred wt our Englysshmen / & moche people slayne dyuers tymes wt gonnes / quarelles & other ordynaunce. And this syege dured .xx. wekes / and euer they of the towne trusted to haue ben reswed / but there came none. So at the last they kepte so longe the towne that there dyed many a thousande within the towne for defaute of meet of men & women & chyl∣dren / for they had eten theyr horses / dog¦ges and cattes that were in the towne. And oftentymes y• men of armes droue out the poore people at the gates of the towne for spendyng of vitayles / & anone ou Englysshmen droue them in to the towne agayne. So at the last the capy∣tayne of the towne sawe the myschefe / & that they were not rescowed / & also the scarsete of vytayle / and that the people dyed for defaute of meet euery daye ma∣ny thousandes / & also sawe yonge chyl∣dren lye lyke as they had souked theyr moders pappes and were deed. Than anone they sent to the kyng besechynge hym of his grace & mercy / and brought the keys of the towne vnto y• kyng & de lyuered the towne to hym / & all the sou∣dyours voyded the towne wt they horses & harneys / & the comyns of y• towne for to abyde & dwell styll in y• towne / yerely to paye to hȳ & to his successours for all maner customes & ee fermes & quater∣mes. And than the kyng entred into the towne / & rested hym in the castel tyll the towne was set in rule & in gouernaūce. ANd anone after that Roen was goten / Depe & many other tow∣nes in base Normandy gaue them ouer without stroke or syege whan they vn∣derstode y• the kyng had goē Ron. Also this yere had ben a peas made & sworne bytwene y• duke of Burgoyn & the Dol∣phyn / whiche were sworne on goddes body that they sholde loue & assyst he other agaynst theyr enemyes. And after this cōtrary to this othe / the duke Iohn of Burgoyne was slayne and pyteously murdred in the presence of the Dolphyn wherfore ye frensshmen were gretly de∣uyded / and of very necessyte laboured to haue a treaty with ye kyng of Englonde For the kyng of Englonde wanne dayly of them townes / castelles and fortresses. ¶ Also this same yere was quene Iane arested & brought in to ye castell of Ledes in Kent. And one frere Randolf a doctour of diuinite her confessour whiche after∣warde was slayne by the persone of the Toure fallyng at wordes & debate. And after quene Iane was deliuered. ¶ And in the .vij. yere bothe ye kynge of Fraūce and of Englonde were accorded / & kyng Henry was made heyre and regent of Fraunce / & wedded dame Katheryn the kynges doughter of Fraūce at Troyes in Champayn on Trite sondaye. And this was made by the meane of Philip newe made duke of Burgoyne / whiche was sworne to kyng Henry for to auēge his faders deth & was become englysshe And than ye kynge with his newe wyfe went to Paris / where he was ryally re¦ceyued. And from thens he went wt his lordes & the duke of Burgoyn and many other lordes of Fraunce & layde syege to diuers townes of Fraūce that helde of ye Dolphyns party & wanne them. But ye towne of Melune helde longe tyme / for therin were good defenders. ¶ In the viij. yere ye kyng & ye quene came ouer see & londed on Candelmasse daye in ye mor∣nyng at Douer. And the .xiiij. day of Fe∣ueryer ye kyng came to Londō / & the. xxj daye of ye same moneth ye quene came / & the .xxiiij. daye of ye same she was crow∣ned at Westmynster. ¶ Also ye same yere anone after eester ye kyng helde a parlya ment at Westmynster / at whiche parlia ment it was ordeyned yt the golde in eng¦lysshe coyne sholde be weyed / & none re∣ceyued but by weyght. ¶ And anone af¦ter hytsontyde the kyng sayled to Ca∣lais & passed so forth into Fraūce. And in Marche the .xxij. daye before the kynge came ouer / ye duke of Clarēce was slayne in Fraūce / & diuers other lordes takē pri¦soners / as the erle of Huntingdon / ye erle of Somerset wt dyuers other / & all was bycause they wold not take none arthers with them / but thought to haue ouer∣comen ye frensshmen themselfe without archers / & yet whan he was slayne the archers came & rescowed the body of the duke / whiche they wold haue caryed wt them / god haue mercy on his soule / he was a valyaūt man. And the same yere bytwene Chrystmasse & Cādelmasse the towne of Melun was yolden to ye kynge ¶ In the .ix. yere on saynt Nicolas day in Decēber was borne Henry y• kynges fyrst begoten sone at Wyndsore / whose godfaders at the font stone was Henry bysshop of Wynchestre / & Iohn duke of Bedford / & the duchesse of Holland was godmoder / & Henry Chicheley archebis∣shop of Caūterbury was godfader at cō firmynge. ¶ And in the .x. yere ye cite of Meaux in Brie was goten / whiche had longe ben besyeged. And this same yere the quene shypped at Hampton & sayled ouer to the kynge in Fraūce / where she was worshipfully receyued of ye kyng / & also of the kyng of Fraūce her fader / & of her moder. And thus kyng Hery Wanne fast in Fraūce & helde grete estate / & sate at diner at a gretefeest i Paris crowned & the quene also / whiche had not bē seen before / & all people resorted to his courte but the kyng of Fraūce helde none estate ne rule / but was left almost alone. ¶ Al∣so this yere ye wethercocke was set vpon Paules steple at London. And this yere in the moneth of August ye kynge wexed seke at Boys de Vincene / & whā he sawe he sholde dye he made his testamēt / & or∣deyned many noble thinges for his soule and deuoutly receyued al cheryghtes of holy chirche / in so ferforth that whan he was anoynted he sayd the seruyce with the preest / & at the verse of the psalme of iserere mei deus. that was Benigne fac dn̄e in bona volūtate tua syon: vt edi∣ficētur muri hierusalem. he badde tary there and sayd thus. O good lorde / thou knowest that myn entent hath ben / & yet is / yf I might lyue to reedifye ye walles of Ierusalem. And than the preest proce ded forth & made an ende. And anone af∣ter this moost noble prince & victoryous kyng floure in his tyme of chrysten chy∣ualry / whome all the worlde doubted / gaue his soule in to the handes of god & dyed & made an ende of his naturall lyfe at the foresayd Boys de Vincēne besyde Parys the .xxxvj. yere of his age / vpon whose soule god haue mercy. Amen. Than was the body enbawmed & cered & layde in a ryall chare / & an ymage lyke to hym was layde vpon the corps open with diuers baners / & horses couered ry chely wt the armes of Englōde & Fraūce & also the olde armes of saynt Edwarde saynt Edmond & other / with grete mul∣tytude of torches / with whome went ye kynge of Scotlond & many other lordes whiche accōpanyed the body tyl it came vnto Westmynster by London in Eng∣londe. And in euery towne by ye waye he had solempnely his Dirige on the euen and masse on the morow / & moche almes was gyuē to poore people by the waye. And the .vij. daye of Nouember after ye corps was brought through London wt grete reuerence and solempnite to West∣mynster where as he now lyeth / it was worshipfully buryed / & after was layde on his tombe a ryal ymage lyke hymself of syluet & gylt / whiche was made at ye ost of quene Katheryn. And thus ended and is entered & buryed the noble kynge Henry the fyfth / on whose soule and all thrysten soules god haue mercy. HEre is to be noted that this kynge Henry ye fyfth was a noble prynce after he was kynge & crowned / how be it before in his youth he had ben wylde recheles & spared nothynge of his lust ne desyres / but accomplyhed them af∣ter his lykyng. But as soone as he was crowned / anoynted and sacred / anone so∣deynly he was chaūged in to a newe mā & set all his entent to lyue vertuously in maynteynynge of holy chirche / destroy∣enge of heretykes / kepyng Iustyce & de∣fendyng of his realme & subgeetes. And for as moche as his fader had deposed by his labour the good kyng Rychard / & pyteously made hym to dye / & for the of∣fence done to him agaynst his legeaunce he had sent to Rome to be assoyled therof For which offence our holy fader ye pope enioyned hym to make him to be prayed for perpetually / & lyke as he had done to be taken frō hym his naturall lyfe / ther∣fore he sholde do foūde .iiij. tapers to bren perpetually about his body that for the extynccyon of his bodyly lyfe his soule may euer be remembred & lyue in heuen in spirituall lyfe. And also ye he shold eue∣ry weke on the daye as it came about of his deth haue a solēpne masse of Requi & on the euen afore a Dirige with .ix. les∣sons / & a dole to poore people alway on ye daye of .xj. shyllynges & .viij. pens to be deled peny mele / & ones in ye yere at his annyuersary his enteremēt to be holden in the moost honest wyse / & to be deled ye daye .xx. poūde in pens to poore people & to euery monke .xx. shyllynges / whiche all these thinges perournted this noble kynge for his fader. For kyng Henry the fourth his fader perfourmed it not du∣rynge his lyfe / whome as it was sayd god touched and was a lepre or he dyed. ¶ And than this noble prynce let do call all the abbottes & pryours of saynt Be∣nettes ordre in Englonde / & had them in the chapter hous of Westmȳster for the reformacion of the ordre / wherin he had comynycacyon / & also with bysshops & men of the spiritualte / in so ferforth that they doubted sore ye he wolde haue had ye temporaltees out of theyr hādes / wher∣fore by the aduyse / labours & procuryng of the spiritualte encouraged the kynge for to chalenge Normādy & his ryght in Fraūce / to the entent to set hym a werke there / that he shold not seke occasyons to entre in to suche maters. And al his lyfe after he laboured in ye werres in conque ryng a grete parte of ye realme of Fraūce that by the agrement of the kyng Char¦les he had all the gouernaunce and rule of the realme of Fraunce / & he was pro∣claymed regent & heyre of Fraunce. And so notwithstandynge for all this grete warre that he had / yet he remembred his soule / and also that he was mortall and must dye / for whiche he ordeyned by his lyfe tyme the place of his sepul∣ture where he is buryed / and there is euery daye thre masses perpetually son∣gen in a chapell ouer his sepulture / of whiche the myddle masse and the fyrst & the last masse shall be as it is assygned by hym / as it appereth by these verses folowynge. ¶ And yet the noble kyng Henry ye fyfth foūded two houses of religyon / that one is called Syon besyde Braynford of the ordre of saynt Brigitte bothe of men and women. And on ye other syde of the riuer of Tamyse a hous of monkes of Char∣terhous / in whiche two places he is con¦tynually prayed for nyght and daye / for euer whan they of Syon resteth they of the Charterhous do theyr seruyce / & in lyke wyse whan they of ye Charterhous resteth the other gothe to / and by ryn∣gynge of the belles of eyther place eche knoweth whan they haue ended theyr seruyce / whiche be nobly endowed / & do dayly there grete almes dedes / as in the Charterhous certeyn chyldren be foūde to scole: & at Syon certeyn almes gyuen dayly. And yet besyde all this he foūded a recluse whiche shall be alway a preest to praye for him by ye sayd Charterhous which preest is sufficiently endowed for hȳ & a seruaūt. Loo here may all prȳces take ensample by this noble prynce that regned so lytell tyme / not fully .x. yere / & dyd so many noble actes as well for his soule to be perpetually prayed for / as in his worldly cōquestes / & he beynge ī his most lusti age despised & eschewed synne & was a grete iusticer / in so moche yt al ye prynces of christēdom drad hym & also of & e in him fe yf god to ha∣ue watred o ȳ & to knowe the ay of other & all ȳ passages in ye iourn nyght of named syr Hugh de L vnto Ieru sall / but or he etur he dyed at Boy de in the .xxxvj. yere of his age on whose soul Ie haue mercy. Amē. the .v. was pope whan Eu∣geny was deposed .ix. yere. This Felix was of Sauoye prynce & an olde man / and he sawe his childes childe. This man whā he lyued an holy lyfe was chosen pope of the con∣cyle of Basyle / & Eugeny was deposed / & there was stryfe longetyme / & he had no grete obedyence for the deposicyon of Eugeny. And at ye last Eugeny decessed & than Felix resygned to Nycolas for fa∣uour of peas to be had / & he was made legate of fraūce & cardynall of Sabian{us} ¶ This was the .xxiij. bytwene Eugeny & / & i . xv. ȳere / & this was a newe cause & seen be∣fore / for ye concyle of Basyle deposed Eu∣geny ye very pope / & thee was no more for he obeyed not the derees of the con∣cyle of Constantynople as they sayd / ne he charged not to obey the concyle of Ba¦syle / but he sayd rather ye cōtrary sholde be done than so as they dred. Wher∣fore there arose a grete altercacyon in ye mater. For some sayd one waye / & some another / & coude not accorde vnto this daye / for yt one partye sayd ye the concyle was aboue the pope / & an other partye sayd ye cōtrary / ye the pope was aboue ye concyle / but they lefte it vndetermyned / & therfore god must dyspose for the best. ¶ Albert was emperour after Sygys∣monde one yere. This Albert was duke of Austre & neuewe to Sygysmonde / & therfore he was kynge of em and of Vngry for his doughter / for other heyre he left none. This man was emperour of Almayne / but anone he was poyso∣ned & dyed / and he was in all thynges a vertuous man / yt all men said he was a president to all kynges. ¶ Fredericus y• thyrde was emperour after hym. This Frederyk was duke of Osteryke / & cho∣sen Emperour of Almayne / but it was longe or he was crowned of the pope for diuision. At the last there was made an vnite / & he was crowned with grete ho¦nour of the pope in ye cite / & was a peasy ble man & a quyete / & of synguler pit / & he hated not the clergye / he wedded the kȳges doughter of Portyngale / & in his tyme whyles that he regned he made a grete cōuocacyon of prynces in Rasp∣na / for ye incours of ye Turkes / & shewed vnto them yt now within this .xx. yere chrystēdome was made lesse. ij .C. myle & he warned them yt they sholde be redy to resyst hym. And the imperyall cite of Cōstantynople was taken ye same tyme of y• misyleuynge Turkes / & betrayed by a Ianuens / whome for his labour ye Turke made a kyng as he {pro}mysed b / & the fourth day he called hym / & dyd d hange hȳ for his deceyt to his mayster. And there was grete sorowe & wepyng amonge ye chrysten people for ye losse of yt noble cite / for many a christen man was slayne / & innumerable were sold / & ye em¦perour was slayne / & for enuy ye Turke caused his heed to be smytten of whā he was deed / & almoost al ye fayth in ye lōde of greke fayled. ¶ Nycolas the .v. a Ia nuens was pope after Felix .viij. yere. This Nycolas was chosen at Rome in the place of Eugeny: & yet y• strife henge styll / & a lytell & a lytel they obeyed hym And al men meruayled that a man of so poore a nacyon shold obtayne agaynst y• duke of Sauoye ye whiche was cosyn & alyed almoost to all the prynces of chry∣endome & euerychdue left hym. Than in the yere after there was a peas made & Felix resygned / for it pleased our lorde his name to be gloryfyed by an obiect of the worlde as was y• Ianuens in com∣paryson to the duke the pope. This Ny¦colas was a mayster in diuinite and an actyfe man / & a ryche man in conceytes and many thynges that were fallen he buylded agayn / & all y• walles of Rome he renewed for drede of the Turke. And there was a verse made of this vnite / & publysshed in the cite. ux fud sit mun dot cessit Felix Nicolao. And that in the yere of our lorde. M .CCCC .xlix. The yere of grace with a grete deuocyō was confermed / & innumerable people went to the apostles setes. AFter king Henry y• fyfth regned Henry his sone but a childe / and not fully one yere of age / whose regne began the fyrst daye of September in y• yere of our lord. M .cccc .xxij. This kyng beynge in his cradell was moche doub∣ted & drad bycause of the grete conquest of his fader / & also the wysdome & guy∣dyng of his vncles the duke of Bedford and the duke of Glocestre. ¶ This yere the .xxi. daye of October dyed Charles the kynge of Fraūce / & lyeth buryed at saynt Denys. And than was y• duke of Bedford made regent of Fraūce. And y• duke of Glocestre was made protectour & defendour of Englonde. ¶ And y• fyrst daye of Marche after was syr William Tayllour preest degraded of his preest∣hode / & on y• morowe after he was brent in smythfelde for heresye. ¶ This yere syr Iames Stewarde kynge of scottes maryed dame Iane the duchesse dough te of Clayence whiche by he fyrst hus the erle a saynt Mary yere the .xvij. dae of rnoyle of Bedford regent of & the duke of Alaunson whiche was a grete ba∣tayle. The duke of his▪ syde the erle of & the lorde Talbot & all the power y• they coude ma kepte. And also many with moche people of th duke yns And on th was the duke of Alaūson / the duke of the erle of Douglas ha / wt many lordes of Fraūce / & a grete compa¦ny of scottes & armynackes. And than y• erle Douglas called y• duke of Bedforde in scorne Iohn wt the leden swerde. And he sente hym worde agayne y• he sholde fynde y• daye y• his swerde was of style. And so y• yned on bothe sydes & fought me y• no man wyst who sholde haue y• better a grete whyle / but at y• last as god wold y• victory fell vnto y• englysshe party / for there were slayne the erle Douglas whiche a lyteil before was made duke of Turō / y• erle of Bou ghā / y• erle of Almarre / y• erle of Tounar the erle of Vaūtedor / & y• vycoūte of Ner bonne / whiche was one of them y• slewe duke Iohn of Burgoyn knelyng before the Dolphyn / & many m vnto y• nom∣bre of .x. M. & moo. And there was takē prysoners y• duke of Alaūson and many other lordes & gentylle of Fraūce / but scottes y• daye were slayne downe right the substaūce of them all. ¶ The thyrde yere of kynge Henry the syxth the duke, of Glocestre maryed the duchesse of Hol∣lande / and went ouer see with her in to Henaud for to take possessyon of his wy ues enherytaūce / where he was honou rably receyued and taken for lord of the londe. But soone after he was fayne to returne home agayne in to Englonde / & lefte his wyfe & all his tresour y• he had brought wt hym in a town that is called Mouns in Henaud / whiche promysed for to be true to hym. Notwithstādyng they delyuered the lady vnto y• duke of Burgoyn / whiche sent her to Gaunt / & from thens she escaped in a mānes clo∣thȳge & came in to zelande to a towne of her owne called Sirixze / & frō thens she wente to a towne in Hollande called the Gowe / & there she was stronge ynough and withstode y• foresayd duke of Bur∣goyne. ¶ And soone after y• duke of Glo∣cestre sent ouer see in to zelande the lord Fitz water with certayn men of warre and archers for to helpe & socour y• fore∣sayd duchesse of Hollāde / whiche londed at a place in zelande called Brewers ha∣uen / where the lordes of y• coūtree came downe & fought with hym / & in conclu∣syon he was fayne to withdrawe hym & his company to y• see agayne. But yet he slewe & hurte dyuers lordes & moche people of the same coūtree / & so returned home agayn in to Englonde wt his com∣pany / & preuayled no thynge. ¶ And al∣so this same yere y• erle of Salesbury / y• erle of Suffolke / y• lorde Wyllybe / & the lorde Scales with theyr retynue layde syege to the cyte of Mauns / the whiche cyte was yolden to them wt many other stronge townes & castels to y• nombre of xxxvj. ¶ This tyme all Normandy & a grete parte of Fraunce vnto Drlyaunce was vnder the obeyssaūce of y• kynge of Englonde / & all the remenaūt of Fraūce was in grete trybulacyon & myschefe. IN the fourth yere y• same nyght y• the mayre of Londō Iohn Couen¦tre had taken his charge / was a grete watche in London for a fraye that was bytwene y• bysshop of Wynchestre & the duke of Glocestre protectour. &c. For the mayre wt the people of y• cite wold abyde by the duke of Glocestre as protectour & defendour of y• realme. But by labour of lordes that went bytwene / & in especyal by the labour of y• prynce of Portyngale there was a poyntement taken y• there was no harme done. ¶ And after y• ba∣tayle of Vernoyle in Perche the duke of Bedford came ouer in to Englonde. And on whytsonday this same yere at Ley∣cestre he dubbed kynge Henry knyght. And forth with y• sayd kyng Henry dub∣bed all these knyghtes whose names fo¦loweth / y• is to wyte / syr Rycharde duke of Yorke / also y• sone & heyre of y• duke of Norfolke / the erle of Oxford / the erle of westmerlonde / the sone & heyre of y• erle of Northumberlond / y• sone & heyre of y• erle of Vrmond / y• lord Roos / syr Iames butteler / the lord Matrauas / syr Henry gray of Tankeruile / syr Williā Neuyl / lord Fawconbrygge / syr George Neuyl lorde Latymer / the lorde welles y• lorde Berkle / y• sone & heyre of y• lord Talbot / syr Rafe gray of werk / syr Robert eer / syr Rychard gray / syr Edmond Honger ford / syr Robert winkfeld / syr Iohn but ler / syr Raynold Cobhā / syr Iohn pash∣ley / syr Thomas Tunstal / syr Iohn chi diok / syr Rafe langford / syr williā drury syr william ap Thomas / syr Rycharde Carbonell / syr Rycharde wydeuyle / syr Iohn shridelow / syr William cheyn / syr William babyngton / syr Iohn tune / syr Gylbert Beauchamp. ¶ Also in the .v. yere the duke of Bedford wt the duchesse his wyfe wente ouer see to Calays / & a lytel before went ouer Henry bysshop of wynchestre. And on our lady daye An∣nūciacion in our lady chirche at Calays the bysshop of Wynchestre whan y• he had songen masse was made Cardinall and he knelynge before the hygh awter the duke of Bedford set y• hatte vpon his heed / & there were his bulles redde / as well of his charge as of the reioycynge of his benefyces spirytuall & temporall. ¶ And this same yere was grete haboū daūce of rayne / that the substaūce of hey & also of corne was destroyed / for it ray∣ned almost euery other day. ¶ And this same yere y• good erle of Salysbury syr Thomas Montague layde syege vnto Orlyaūce / at whiche syege he was slay ne with a gonne y• came out of y• towne / on whose soule god haue mercy / for syth that he was slayne englisshe men neuer gate ne preuayled in Fraunce / but euer after began to lese lytell & lytell / tyll all was lost. ¶ Also this same yere a Bry∣ton murdred a good wydowe in her bed without Algate / whiche wydowe foū∣de hym for almes / & he bare awaye all that she had. And after this he toke the gyrth of holy chirche at saynt Georges in south warke / & there toke the crosse & forsware this londe. And as he went it happened y• he came by the place where he dyd this cursed dede in y• subbarbes of London / & the women of the same pa¦rysshe came out with staues and canell dung & slewe & made an ende of hȳ there Notwithstandynge y• constables & ma∣ny other men beynge present for to kepe hym / for there were many women and had no pyte. ¶ Also this same yere the duke of Norfolke wt many gentylmen & yemen toke his barge the .viij. daye of Nouember at saynt Mary auerays for to haue gone through London brydge / & through mysguydyng of the barge / it ouerthrewe on y• pyles / and many men were drowned / but y• duke hȳself wt two or thre lept vpon y• piles & so were saued with helpe of men that were aboue the brydge with castynge downe ropes / by the whiche ropes they saued themselfe. ¶ This same yere on saynt Leonardes daye kyng Henry beynge .vij. yere olde was crowned at westminster / at whose crownacyō were made .xxxvj. knyghtes This yere on saynt Georges day he pas¦sed ouer y• see to Calays toward Fraūce ¶ Aboute this tyme & afore the realme beynge in grete mysery & trybulacyon / the Dolphyn wt his party began to ma∣ke warre & gate certayn places / & made distresses vpon englyshmen by y• meane of his capytayns / y• is to saye / la Heer & Poton de seyntraylles / & in especyall a mayde whiche they named la pucelle de dieu. This mayde rode lyke a man / and was a valyaūt capitayn amonge them & toke vpon her many grete enterprises in so moche y• they had a byleue for to ha¦ue recouered all theyr losses by her. Not¦withstādyng at y• last after many grete feates / by y• helpe & prowesse of syr Iohn Luxemburgh whiche was a noble ca∣pytayn of y• duke of Burgoyns & many englysshe men pycardes & burgonyons whiche were of our party before y• tow∣ne of Compyne the .xxiij. daye of Maye the foresayd pucelle was takē in y• felde armed lyke a man / & many other capy∣tayns wt her / & were all brought to Roen & there she was put i pryson / & there she was iudged by y• lawe to be brent. And than she sayd y• she was wt childe / wher by she was respyted a whyle. But in cō clusyō it was foūde y• she was not with chylde / & than she was brent in Roen / & the other capitayns were put to raūson & entreated as men of warre ben acusto¦med. ¶ And this same yere about Can∣delmasse Richard hunder a woll packer was dampned for an heretike & brent at Toure hyll. ¶ And aboute mydlent syr Thomas Baggeley preest & vycarye of Mauen in Essex besyde walden was dis¦graded & dāpned for an heretyke & brent in smythfelde. ¶ And also in y• same yere whyles the kynge was in Fraūce there were many heretykes & loulars y• had purposed to make a risyng / & cast bylles in many places. But blyssed be god the capytayne of them was taken / whose name was Williā Maūdeuyll a weuer of Abyndon & baylyf of the same towne whiche named himselfe Iacke Sharp of wigmoreslonde in wales. And after∣warde he was byheded at the foresayd Abyndon in the whytsone weke on the tewesday. ¶ This same yere y• .vj. daye of December kynge Henry the .vj. was crowned kyng of Fraūce at Parys in y• chirche of our lady wt grete solempnite / there beynge present the Cardynall of Englonde / the duke of Bedford / & many other lordes of Fraunce & of Englonde. And after this crownacyon & grete feest holden at Parys / the kyng returned frō thens to Roen / & so towarde Calays / & the .ix. daye of February lōded at Douer whome all the comyns of Kent mette at beramdoun bytwene Caūterbury & Do¦uer all in reed hodes / & so came forth tyll he came to y• blacke heth / where he was mette with the Mayre Iohn welles wt all the craftes of London / clothed all in whyte / & so they brought hȳ vnto Lon∣don the .xxj. daye of the same moneth. ¶ And this same yere was a restraynt of the wolles of Calays made by y• sou∣dyours / bycause they were not payed of theyr wages / wherfore y• duke of Bed∣ford regent of Fraūce beynge than capy∣tayne came to Calays the tewesdaye in the eester weke. And on the morowe af∣ter many soudyours of the towne were arested & put in to warde. And in y• same weke he rode to Terewyn / and by the meane of y• bysshop of Terewyn he wed¦ded the erles doughter of saynt Poule / & came agayne to Calays. ¶ And the .xj. baye of Iune on saynt Barnabees daye there were foure soudyours of Calays that were chefe causers of the restraynt heded / that is to wyte / Iohn Maddeley Iohn Lunday / Thomas Palmer / and Thomas Talbot / & an hondred and .x. banysshed the towne that same tyme / and before were banysshed an hondred and .xx. soudyours. And on mydsomer euen after came the lord regent and his wyfe to London. ABoute this tyme pope Martyn dyed / & after hym Eugenye the fourth was pope. This mā was prasy¦bly chosen in Rome by the Cardynalles and was very & indubytate pope. But shortly after he was put & erpulsed out of Rome / in suche maner that he was fayne to flee naked. In this same tyme was the concyle of Basylye / to whiche concyle he was tho cyted to come. And bycause he came not / they deposed hym But he rought not ne set not therby but gate the cyte of Rome & abode styll pope xvij. yere. ¶ This yere about whycson tyde the heretykes of Praghe were de∣stroyed. For at two Iourueys were de∣stroyed of them moo than .xxij. M. with theyr capitaynes / that is to wyce Pro∣capius / Saplico / and Lupus presbyter Also there was taken on lyue mayster Peers clarke an englyshman & an here∣tyke. ¶ Also this same yere was a grete frost & a stronge durynge .xj. wekes for it began on saynt Katheryns euen and lasted vnto saynt Scolasticaes daye in February. In whiche tyme y• vyntage that came fro Burdeur came on shoters hyll. ¶ This yere was the counseyle of Arras / and a grete trayte bytwene the kyng of Englonde & the kyng of Fraūce where was assembled many grete lor∣des of bothe partyes / at whiche coun∣seyle was offred to ye kyng of Englonde grete thynges / by the meane of a legate that came fro Rome whiche was cardy¦nall of saynt crosse / whiche offers were refused by the Cardynall of Englonde & other lordes that were there for ye kyng Wherfore ye duke of Burgoyne whiche longe had ben englysshe sworne / forsoke our partye and returned frensshe by the meane of the foresayd legate / & made a peas with ye frensshe kyng / receyuynge of the kyng for recompensynge of his fa¦ders deth ye coūte of potou / the lordshyp of Macon / with moche other as is spe∣cyfyed in the sayd treaty. And so our em¦bassadours came home agayn in worse case than they wente out. For they lost there the duke of Burgoyn whiche had ben with his burgonyons & picardes a synguler helpe in all ye conquest of Nor∣mandy & of Fraūce. ¶ This same yere was a grete batayle on the see bytwene the Ienewes & the kynge of Aragon / of whiche batayle yt Ienewes had ye victo¦ry / for they toke ye kynge of Aragon / the kynge of Nauerne / & the grete mayster of saynt Iames in Galyse / with. iij .C. knyghtes & squyers & moche other peo∣ple. And this was on saynt Dominyks daye. ¶ And this same yere were seen thre sonnes at ones / & anone folowed ye threfolde gouernaūce in ye chirche / that is to wyte / of Eugeny / of the concyle / and of neutralite. ¶ Also this same yere M .CCCC .xxxiiij. was a passing grete wynde / by whiche steples / houses / and trees were ouerthrowen. ¶ About this tyme was an holy mayde in Holland cal¦led Lidwith / whiche lyued onely by my¦racle / not etyng ony meet. ¶ This yere the duke of Burgoyn began his ordre at Lyle of the golden Flees / & ordeyned cer¦tayne knyghtes of ye same ordre / & made statutes & ordynaūces moche according vnto the ordre of the garter. ¶ Also this same yere the frenshmen had enterpry∣sed to haue stolen Calays in ye fysshinge tyme / for many botes of fraūce had safe condytes to come to Calays for to take herynge. And the soudyours of ye towne had a custom to come to ye chirche & leue theyr staues standyng at ye chirche dore whiche staues the frenshment that were arayed lyke fisshers had purposed to ha¦ue taken / and so for to haue wonne the towne / but one of them laye with a co∣myn woman ye nyght before / & he tolde to her theyr counseyle. And she on yt mo∣rowe tolde it to the lewtenaunt / whiche forth with cōmaūded yt euery man shold kepe his wepen in his hande / sakeryng tyme and other. And whan the frensshe men {per}ceyued this that they were mys∣poynted / they sayled streyght to Depe / and stale and toke that towne. ¶ And on Newyeres euen after they toke Harflet And thus the englyshmen began to lese a lytell and a lytell in Normandye. THis yere through all Englonde was a grete noyse how the duke of Burgoyne wold come & besyege Ca∣lays / wherfore ye erle of Mortayn with his army yt he had for to haue gone wt in to fraūce was contremaūded & charged that he shold go to Calays / whiche was at that tyme well vitayled & māned / for syr Iohn Ratclife was lewtenaūt of the kyng in ye towne / & the baron of Dudley lewtenaūt of the castel. And the .ix. daye of Iuly the duke of Burgoyn with all ye power of flaūdres & moche other people came before Calays / and set his syege about the towne / & euery towne of flaū∣dres had theyr tentes by themselfe. And this syege endured thre wekes. In the meane whyle the duke of Glocestre be∣ynge {pro}tectour of englonde toke ye moost parte of the lordes of englond and went ouer the see to Calays for to rescowe the towne / or to fyght with the duke & his hoost yf they wolde abyde. This tyme London & euery good towne in englond sent ouer the see to this rescowe certayn people well arayed of the best & chosen men for the warre. And the seconde day of August the foresaid duke of Glocestre arryued at Calays with all his armye and .v. hondred shyppes & mo. And the duke of Burgoyne & all his hoost yt laye in the syege / as soone as they espyed the sayles in the see / before they approched Calays hauen / sodeynly in a mornynge departed from ye syege / leuyng behynde hym moche stuffe & vytayle / and fledde in to flaundres & pycardye. And in lyke wyse dyd the syege yt lay before Guynes where as they of Guynes toke the grete gonne of brasse called Dygeon / & many other grete gonnes & serpentynes. And whan the duke of Glocestre was arry∣ued wt all his hoost / he went in to flaun∣dres / and was there .xij. dayes and dyd but lytell harme / excepte that he brent two fayre vyllages Poperynge & Belle and other houses whiche were of noo strength / & so he returned home agayne ¶ And this same yere ye kynge of Scot¦lōde besyeged Rokesburgh with moche people. But syr Rafe Gray departed frō the castel and ordeyned for rescowe. But as soone as the kynge of Scotlonde vn∣derstode of his departynge / sodeynly he brake his syege & went his waye / and lefte moche ordynaunce behynde hym / where he gate no worshyp. ¶ In this same yere the seconde daye of Ianuary quene Katherin whiche was ye kynges moder & wyfe to kynge Henry the fyfth dyed & departed out of this worlde / and was brought ryally through London / and so to westmynster / & there she lyeth worshipfully buryed in our ladyes tha∣pell. ¶ Also this yere the fourth daye of Ianuary fell downe the gate with the toure on it on London brydge towarde Southwarke with two arches & all yt stode theron. ¶ This same yere was a grete treaty holden bytwene Graueling & Calays bytwene the kyng & the duke of Burgoyn / where for the kyng was ye Cardinall of Englonde / the duke of Nor¦folke / & many other lordes. And for the duke of Burgoyn was the duchese ha∣uynge full power of her lorde as regent & lady of his londes / where was taken by the aduyse of bothe partyes an absti¦nence of warre for a certayne tyme in ye name of ye duchesse & not of the duke by∣cause he had gone from his othe & lege∣aūce that he had made to kynge Henry / therfore the kyng neuer wold wryte no appoynt to haue to do with hym after but all in the duchesse name. ¶ Also this same yere quene Iane dyed the seconde daye of Iuly / whiche had ben wyse to kynge Henry the fourth / & was caryed fro Bermondsey to Caūterbury where she lyeth buryed by kyng Hēry her hus∣bonde. ¶ This same yere dyed all ye ly∣ons in the Toure of Londō the whiche had not ben seen many yeres before. IN the .xvi. yere of kynge Henry dyed Sygysmonde Emperour of Almayn & knyght of the garter / whose enteremēt ye kyng kept at saynt Paules in London ryally / where was made a ryall herse / and the kynge in his estate cladde in blewe was a euen at Dirige & on ye morow at masse. &. ¶ And after hym was electe & chosen Albert duke of Ostryche whiche had wedded Sygis∣mondes doughter for to be Emperour. This man was taken & receyued to be kyng of Beme and Hungary bycause of his wyfe yt was Sygismondes dough∣ter / whiche lefte none other heyre after hym. This Albert was emperour but one yere / for he was poysoned / & so dyed Some saye he dyed of a flix / but he was a vertuous man & piteful / so moche yt all the people that knewe hym sayd that ye worlde was not worthy to haue his pre¦sence. ¶ This yere one Owen a squyer of wales a man of lowe byrth (whiche had many a day before secretly wedded quene Katheryn / & had by her .iij. sones & one doughter) was taken & cōmaūded to Newgate to pryson by ye duke of Glo¦cestre {pro}tectour of the realme. And this yere he brake the prison by the meane of a preest that was his chapelayn / & after was taken agayn by my lorde Bemond & brought agayne to Newgate / & after∣ward delyuered at large / & one of his so¦nes afterward was made erle of Ryche¦mond / & an other erle of Penbroke / & the thyrde a monke of westminster / whiche monke dyed soone after. ¶ This same yere also on Newyeres day at Baynar∣des castell fell downe a stake of wode so∣deynly at after none and slewe thre men myscheuously / & foule hurt other. ¶ Al∣so at Bedford on a sherthursdaye were xviij. men murdred wtout stroke by fal∣lyng downe of a stayre as they came out of ye comin hall / & many sore hurt. ¶ In the .xviij. yere syr Richard Beauchamp the good erle of warwyke dyed at Roen he beynge ye tyme lewtenaūt of ye kynge in Normādy / & frō thens his body was brought to warwyke / where worshyp∣fully he lyeth in a new chapel on ye south syde of ye quere. ¶ Also this yere was a grete derth of corne in all englonde / for a busshel of where was worth .xl. pens in many places of englond / & yet had they not ynough / wherfore Steuen Brown that tyme Mayre of London sente in to Pruce and brought to London certayne shippes laden wt rye / whiche did moche good to ye poore people / for corne was so scarce in englōde yt in some places of eng¦londe poore people made them breed of ferne rotes. ¶ This yere ye generall con¦cyle of Basilie deposed Eugenye / & they chose Felix yt was duke of Sauoy / & thā began ye scysme whiche endured vnto ye yere of our lord. M .cccc .xlviij. This Fe¦lix was a deuout prȳce & sawe his sones sone / & after lyued an holy lyf / and was chosen pope of ye concyle of Basile / & Eu∣geny deposed. And so ye scysme was lōge tyme / & this Felix had but lytel obediēce bycause of ye neutralite / for ye moost part & wel nygh all christēdom obeyed & repu¦ted Eugeny for very pope: god knoweth who was very pope of them bothe / for bothe occupyed during Eugenyes lyfe. ¶ This yere syr Richard wyche vicare of Hermete sworth was degraded of his preesthode at Paules & brent at tour hill as for an heretyke / on saynt Botulphes day / how wel at his deth he died a good christē mā / wherfore after his deth mo∣che peple came to ye place where he was brent & offred & made a hepe of stones / & set vp a crosse oftre & held hȳ for a saynt tyl ye mayr & shreues by ye kȳges cōmaū¦dement & bysshops destroyed it / & made there a dung hil. ¶ Also this yere ye shre¦ues of Londō fet out of saȳt Martyns ye grād .v. {per}sones / which afterward were restored agayn to ye sentwary by ye kyn∣ges Iustyces. ¶ After Albert ye thyrde Frederyk was chosen emperour. This Frederyk duke of Osteryke was longe emperour / & dyfferred to be crowned at Rome bycause of the scysme / but after ye vnite was had / he was crowned wt the imperyall dyademe with grete glory & triūphe of pope Nicolas ye fourth. This was a peasyble mā / quyete & of singuler pacience / not hatyng ye chirche / he wed∣ded ye kynge of Portyngales doughter. IN this yere Elenore Cobham du∣chesse of Glocestre was arested for certayn poyntes of treason layd agaynst her / where vpon she was examyned in saint Stephens chapel at westmynster before ye archebysshop of Caūterbury / & there she was enioyned to open penaūce for to go through chepe berynge a taper in her hande / & after to perpetual prison in the yle of Man / vnder the kepynge of syr Thomas stanley. Also yt same tyme was arested mayster Thomas South∣well a chanon of westmynster / mayster Iohn Hume a chapelayn of the sayd la∣dy / mayster Roger Bolyngbroke a clar∣ke vsyng nygromancy / & one Margery iourdemayn called ye wytche of Eye be∣syde westmynster. These were arested as for beynge of coūseyle wt the sayd du∣chesse of Glocestre. And as for mayster Thomas southwell he dyed in ye Toure the nyght before he sholde haue ben rey∣ned on ye morow. For he hymselfe sayd yt he sholde dye in his bedde / & not by iusty¦ces. And in the .xx. yere mayster Iohn Hume and mayster Roger Bolingbroke were brought to ye gylde hall in London & there before ye Mayre ye lordes & thee Iustyces of Englonde were reyned and dampned bothe to be drawen hanged & quartred / but mayster Iohn Hume had his chartre & was pardoned by ye kyng / but mayster Roger was drawen to Ty∣burne / where he cōfessed yt he dyed gylt∣les / and neuer had trespaced in that he dyed for. Notwithstādyng he was han¦ged heded and quartred / on whose soule god haue mercy. And Margery iourde∣mayn was brent in smythfelde. ¶ Also this yere was a grete fraye in London in Flete strete by nyght tyme / bytwene men of courte & men of London / and dy∣uers men slayne & some hurt / & one Her∣botell was chefe causer of ye mysgouer∣naunce & fraye. ¶ Also this yere at cho∣synge of ye Mayre of Londō the comyns named Roberte Clopton & Raulyn Hol∣lande tayllour. And ye aldermen toke Ro¦bert Clopton & brought hym at ye ryght hande of ye Mayre as ye custome is. And than certayne tayllours & other hande crafty men cryed nay nay not this man but Raulyn Hollād / wherfore y• Mayre that was Padysly sent them yt so tryed to Newgate / where they abode a grete whyle and were punysshed. ¶ In this same yere were dyuers embassadours sente in to Guyan for a maryage for the kynge for ye erles doughter of Armyna the whiche was concluded / but by the meanes of ye erle of Suffolk it was let & put aparte. And after this ye sayd erle of Suffolk went ouer see in to Fraunce & there he treated ye mariage bytwene the kynge of Englōde & ye kynges doughter of Cecyle & of Iherusalem. And ye neere yere that mariage was fully concluded by whiche maryage the kyng sholde de∣lyuer to her fader the duchy of Ango & the erledom of Mayne whiche was the key of Normādy. Than departed ye erle of Suffolke wt his wyfe & diuers lordes and knyghtes in the moost ryall estate yt myght be out of Englonde with newe shares & palfreys whiche wēt through Chepe / and so went ouer the see / and re∣ceyued her / & sythen brought her in the lent after vnto Hampton / where she lon¦ded & there was ryally receyued. ¶ And on Candelmasse euen before by a grete tempest of thondre & lyghtnynge at af∣ter none Paules steple was set on fyre in the myddes of y• shafte in the tymbre / whiche was quenched by force of labour & specyally by y• morowmasse preest of y• Bowe in chepe / whiche was thought impossyble / saue onely the grace of god. ¶ This yere was y• erle of Stafford ma¦de & create duke of Buckyngham / y• erle of warwyk duke of warwyk / the erle of dorset markys of dorset / & ye erle of Suf∣folke was made markys of Suffolke. THis yere kyng Henry maryed at South wyk quene Margarete / and she came to London the .xviij. daye of Maye / & by the waye all the lordes of Englonde receyued her worshipfully in dyuers places / & in especyal the duke of Glocestre / & on the blacke heth ye mayre with the aldermen / and all ye craftes in blewe gownes browdred with ye deuyse of theyr crafte / yt they might be knowen mette with her wt reed hodes & brought her to London / where were dyuers pa∣gentes & countenaūces of dyuers hysto∣ryes / shewed in dyuers places of ye cyte ryally and costly. ¶ And the .xxx. day of Maye the foresayd quene was crowned at westmynster. And there was Justes thre dayes durynge within ye sentwary before the abbey. ¶ This yere ye pryour of Kylmayn appeled ye erle of Vrmond of treason / whiche had a daye assygned to them for to fyght in smythfelde / & the lystes were made and the felde dressed. But whan it came to poynt / the kynge cōmaunded yt they sholde not fyght / but toke ye quarell in to his hande. And this was done at the instaūce & labour of cer¦tayne prechours & doctours of London as mayster Gylbert worthyngton per∣sone of saynt Andrewes in holborne and other. ¶ Also this yere came a grete em bassadour in to Englonde out of Fraūce for to haue concluded a perpetuall peas but in cōclusyon it turned vnto a trewse of a yere. ¶ About this tyme dyed saynt Barnardyn a gray frere / whiche began the newe reformacyon of y• ordre in ma∣ny places / in so moche that they yt were reformed ben called Obseruantes / whi∣che Obseruātes ben gretly encreaced in ytalye & in Almayne. This Bernardyn was canonysed by pope Nicolas the .v. in the yere of our lorde. M .cccc .l. Ioh̄es de Capistrano was his dyseyple / whi∣che {pro}fyted moche to ye reformacyon of y• ordre / for whome god hath shewed ma∣ny a fayre myracle. ¶ Also here is to be noted y• from this tyme forwarde kyng Henry neuer profyted ne went forward but fortune began to turne from him on all sydes / as well in Fraūce / Normādy / Guyen / as in Englond. Some men hol∣de opynyon that kynge Henry gaue cō∣myssyon plenarly to syr Edwarde Hull / syr Robert Roos dene of saynt Seuery∣nes / & other / to conclude a maryage for hym with y• erle of Armynakes syster / whiche was {pro}mysed as it was sayd & cōcluded / but afterward it was broken & he wedded quene Margarete as afore is sayd / whiche was a dere maryage for the realme of Englonde. For it was knowē veryly that for to haue her was delyuered the duchy of Angeo & the erle dom of Mayne / whiche was the key of Normandy for the frensshmen to entre. And about this y• sayd Markys of Suf¦folke asked in playne parlament a .xv. & an halfe to fetche her out of fraūce. Loo what a mariage was this / as to y• com¦parison of ye other mariage of Armynak For there shold haue bē delyuered so ma¦ny castels & townes in Guyan / & so mo∣che golde shold haue ben gyuen wt her / y• all englonde shold haue ben therby enry / but fell / wherfore ought bycause of / for maryage of ∣rets w hath englōde had / by losyng of Normandy & Guyan / nge of agaynst theyr pry lordes / what lordes / what murdre & sleynge of them / what feldes & many y• a man hath his / cōclu∣cyon y• kyng de / & the quene wther sone yne to in to Scotland / & from thens in to Fraūce / & so to y• she came fyrst fro. Many men dem that the brekynge of ye kynges promesse to the syster of ye erle of Armynak was cause of his grete losse & aduersite. IN the .xxv. yere of Kynge Henry was a parlyamēt a Bury called saynt Edmondes Bury / about whiche was cōmaūded all the comyns of ye coū∣tree to be there in theyr moost best de syble araye for to wayte vpon ye Kynge. To whiche parlyament came the duke of Glorestre Vmfrey the Kynges vncle whiche had ben proetour of englonde all the noneage of ye kyng. And a ter as he was in his lod was a∣rested by y• vycoūte be of englond / who me act y• duke of Buckyngham / & m lordes. And forthwt all his seres were com¦maūded to departe frō him / &. xxxi. of y• chefe of them were a sent to dy∣uers pry / & after this say a∣rest y• sayd duke was on y• on whose soule god haute mercy. But how he dyed & in what maner th∣taynte is not knowē / some sayd he dyed for sorowe / some sayd he was murdred bytwene two feder beddes / some sayd y• a spytte was put in his foūdament / but how he dyed god knoweth / to whom no thynge is hyd. And thus deed he was layde open yt all men myght se him / & so bothe lordes & knightes of y• shyre with burgeyses came sawe hȳ lye deed / but woūdene token coude they not perceyue how he dyed. Here may m marke what this worlde is. This duke was a noble man & a grete clerke / & ruled worshyp∣fully y• realme to ye Kynges behofe / & ne∣uer coude be foūde faute in hȳ / but uy of them yt were gouernours & had {pro}my sed ye duth y of Angeo & the dome of Mayne causen ye destruccyon of this no∣ble man / for they drad yt he wolde haue empesshed y• delyueraunce / & after they sent his body to saint Albons wt certayn lyghtes to be buryed / & so syr Geays of Clefton had than ye charge to cōuay y• corps / & so it was buryed at saynt Al∣bons in the abbey. And fyue persones of his housholde were sente to London / & there were they reyned & Iudged to be drawen & hanged and also quartred. Of whom y• names were / syr Roger cham∣berlayn a knyght / Mydelton a squyer / Herbard a squyer / Arthur a squier / & Ri∣charde Nedhā / whiche .v. {pro}sones were drawē fro ye toure of Londō through che pe to tyburne / & there āged & let downe quycke / & than stryped to haue bheded & quarted / & than y• Markys of Suffol∣ke she wed there for them y• kynges par∣don vnder his grete seal so they were pardoned of the remenaūt of the execu∣cyon / & had theyr lyues / & so they were brought agayne to London / and after frely deliuer to. Thus began grete trou¦ble in this realme of Englonde for the deth of this noble duke of Glocestre / and an the comyns of y• realme began for to murmure for it / and were not content. ¶ After ye pope Eugeny was deed Ny∣colas the .v. was electe pope. This Ny∣colas was chosen for Eugeny yet han∣gynge ye eysme / notwtstandyng he gate the obedyence of all chrystē realmes / for after he was electe and sacred pope / cer∣tayn lordes of fraūce & of englonde were scut in to Sauoy to pope Felix / for to en∣treate hym to sease of ye papry. And by the specyall labour of y• bysshop of Nor∣wyche and the lorde of saynt Iohns he seased y• seconde yere after y• pope Nyco∣las was sacred / & y• sayd Felix was ma de legate of fraūce & cardynal of Sauoy And he resygned y• hole papay to Nyco¦las / & after lyued an holy lyfe & dyed an holy man / & as it is sayd almyghty god sheweth myracles for him. This was y• xxiij. scysme bytwene Eugeny & Felix / & dured .xvj. yere. The cause was this / ye generall concyle of Basyle deposed Eu∣geny whiche was onely pope & induby tate / for as moche as he obserued not & kept ye decrees & statutes of ye concyle of Constance / as it is sayd before / neyther he cought not to gyue obedyence to ye ge¦nerall concyle in no maner wyse / wher∣fore arose a grete alteracion amōge wry¦ters of this mater (pro et cōtra) whiche can not accorde vnto this day / one party sayth yt the concyle is aboue ye pope / & y• other party sayth nay / but ye pope is a∣boue y• cōcyle. God blissed aboue al thȳge gyue & graūte his peas in holy chirche spouse of Chryst. Amen. This Nicolas was of Iene comē of lowe degree / a do∣ctour of dte / an actyf man / he reed∣fyed many places y• were broken & ruy∣nous / & dyd do make a wall about y• pa∣lays / & made y• wall newe about Rome for drede of y• turkes. And y• people won gretly meruayled of y• ceasynge & of pope Felix to pope Nyco¦las / consyderynge that was man of so ly was of to all t m chrysten / wherefore there was a verse publysshed / as is sayd. IN the yere of Henry. xxvi beynge tre Fraūce & Englonde / a knyght of ye englysshe par∣tye named syr Frāceys Aragonois toke a towne in Normandy Fogyers agaynst the trewse / of whiche takynge began moche sorow & losse / for this was the occasion by y• whiche the frenshmen gate all Normādy. ¶ About this tyme the cite of Cōstantynople / whiche was the imperyal cite of all grece was taken by the Turkes infydeles / whiche was betrayed as some holde opynyon / & the emperour taken & slayne / and the ryall chirche of saynt Sophia robbed & spoy∣led / & the s & ymages & the rode drawen aboute y• stretes / whiche was done in despyte of the chrysten fayth / & soone after all chrystē fayth in Grece pe∣risshed & ceased. There were many chri¦sten men slayne / & innumerable solde & put in captiuite. By the takynge of this cite the Turke gretly was enhaūced in pryde / & a grete losse to all christendom. ¶ In the .xxviij. yere was a parlyamēt holden at Westmynster / and frō thens adiourned to the blacke freres Lon∣don / & after Christmas to Westmynster agayne. ¶ And this same yere Roerte of Cane a man of the west coūtree a fewe shyppes toke a grete flete of ship¦pes comyng out of ye ay laden wt whiche shyppes were out of prince / ū¦ders / / : & brought them to Hmpton / wherfore the march aun∣tes of Englōde beyng in Flaūdres were arested in Bruges / Ipre / & other places & might not be deliuered theyr dettes disch uged tyll they had made apoynt∣ment for to paye y• of those shyp∣pes / whiche was payed by y• marchaū∣tes of the staple euery peny. And in lyke wyse the marchūtes & goodes beynge in Da were also arested / and made grete amendes. ¶ This same yere the frensshmen in a mornyng toke by a tray¦ne the towne of Pount de larche / & ther∣in the lorde Fauconbrydge was takē pri¦soner. And after y• in Der Rom was taken & lost / beynge therin syr Edmond duke of Somerset / the erle of Shrewes∣bury / whiche by a poyntment left pled∣ges / & lost all Normādy & came home in to Englonde. And duryng y• sayd parlia¦ment y• duke of Suffolke was arested / & sent in to y• Coure / & there he was a mo∣neth / & after the kyng did do fetche hym out / for whiche cause all y• comyns were in a grete rumour / what for the delyue∣raūce of Angeo & Mayn / & after lesynge of all Normādy / & in especyall for y• deth of y• good duke of Glocestre / in so moche in some places mē gadred & made them capytayns / as Blewberde & other / whi¦che were taken & put to deth. And than the sayd parlyament was adiourned to Leycestre. And thȳder y• kynge brought wt hym y• duke of Suffolk. And when y• comyns vnderstode y• he was out of the Coute & comen thyder / they desyred for to haue execucion on them y• were cause of the delyueraūce of Normandy / & had ben of the deth of the duke of Glo∣cestre / & had solde Gascoyn & Guyen / of whiche they named to be gylty y• duke of Suffolke as chefe / the lorde Saye / y• bysshop of Salisbury / yell & many mo. And for to appease the comyns the duke of Suffolk was exiled out of Eng∣londe for .v. yere. And so duryng the par¦lyament he went in to Norfolke / & there toke shyppyng for to go out of y• realme of Englonde in to Fraūce. And this yere as he sayled on y• see a shyppe of warre called the Nycolas of the toure mette wt his shyppe & foūde hym therin / whome they toke out & brought hym in to theyr shyppe to the mayster & to the capytayn & there he was examyned & at y• last iud¦ged to deth. And so they put hym in a ca¦ban & his chapelayn wt him f to shryue hym. And ye done they brought hȳ in to Douer rode / & set hȳ in to y• bote / & there smote of his heed / & brought y• body on londe vpon ye sandes / & set ye heed therby And this was done ye fyrst day of Maye Leo what auayled hym all his ∣raūte of Normādy &c. And here ye may here how he was rewarded for ye deth of the duke of Glocestre. Thus began so∣rowe vpon sorowe / & deth for deth. THe yere of our lorde. M .cccc. & .l. was the grete grace of ye Iubile at Rome / where was grete pardō / in so moche y• from all places in chrystendom grete multytude of people resorted thy∣der. ¶ And this yere was a grete assem¦ble & gaderynge togyder of the comyns of Kent in grete nombre / & made an in∣surreccyon / & rebelled agaynst the kyng and his lawes / and ordeyned them a ca∣pytayne called Iohan Cade an Irysshe man / whiche named hymselfe Morty∣mer / cosyn to ye duke of yorke. And this capytayn helde these men togyder / and made ordynaunces amonge them / and brought them to the blacke hth / where he made a byll of pyons to the kyng and his counseyle / & shewed what ∣tyes and oppressyons the poore comyns suffred / & all vnder colour for to come to his aboue / & he had a grete multytude of people. And the .xvii. day of Iune the kynge & many lordes / capytayns & men of warte went towarde hym to y• blacke heth. And whan the capytayne of kent vnderstode the comynge of the kynge wt so grete puyssan̄ce / he withdrewe him & his people to Seuenoke a lytell village. And the .xxviij. daye of Iune he beynge withdrawen & gone / the kynge came wt his army set in ordre & embatayled to y• blacke heth. And by aduyse of his coun∣seyle sent syr Vmfrey Stafford knyght and Willyam Stafford squyer two va∣lyaūt capytaynes / with certayn people for to fyght with y• capytayne / & to take hym & brynge hym & his accessaryes to the kyng / whiche went to Seuenoke / & there the capytayn with his felawshyp mette wt them / & fought agaynst them / and in cōclusyon slewe them bothe / & as many as abode & wolde not yelde them were slayne. Durynge this scarmysshe fell a grete varyaūce amonge the lordes men & comyn people beynge on blacke heth agaynst theyr lordes & capitaynes sayenge playnly y• they wolde go vnto y• capytayn of kent / to assyst & helpe hym but yf they myght haue execucyon on y• traytours beynge about y• kynge / wher to the kynge sayd naye. And they sayd playnly that the lord Saye tresourer of Englonde / & the bysshop of Salysbury / the baron of Dubby / the abbot of Glo∣cestre / Danyell / and Treuilian & many to were traytours & worthy to be deed Wherfore to please the lordes meyny & also some of y• kynges hous y• lord Saye was arested & sent to y• toure of London. And than y• kynge heryng tydynges of the beth & ouerthrowynge of the Staf∣ / he withdrewe hym to London / & to elyngworth / for y• kyng lordes burst not trust theyr owne housholde men. ¶ Than after that the capytayne had had this victory vpon y• Staffordes / anone he toke sallet and his brigandynes full of gylte nayles / also his and Arayed hym lyke a lorde and capy∣tayne / and resorted with all his and also moo than he had before to the blacke hethe agayne. To whome came the archebysshop of Caunterbury / and the duke of Bokyugham to the blacke hethe / and spake with hym. And as it was sayd they foūde hym wytty in his talkyng and in his request. And so they departed. And the thyrde daye of Iuly he came & entred into London with all his people / and there dyd make cryes in the kynges name and in his name / that no man sholde robbe ne take no maner of goodes but yf he payed for it. And came rydynge through the cite in grete pryde and smote his swerde vpon Londō stone in Canmyk strete. And he beynge in the rite sent to the toure for to haue the lorde Saye / & so they fette hym & brought hȳ to the Gyldhall before the Mayre & the aldermen / where y• he was examyned. And he sayd he wolde & ought to be iud∣ged by his peres. And y• comyns of Kent toke hym by force fro the Mayre & offy∣cers y• kepte hym / & toke hym to a preest to shryue hym / & or he myght be halfe shryuen they brought hym to the stan∣dard in Chep: & there smote of his heed on whose soule god haue mercy. Amen. And thus dyed the lord Saye tresourer of Englōde. After this they set his heed vpon a spere / & bare it all about the cite. And y• same day about myle ende mer was vyheded. And the daye before at after none the capytayne with a cer∣tayne of his men went to Philyp Mal∣pas hous / & robbed hym / & toke awaye moche good. And from thens he went to saynt Margarete patyns to one whiche of theyr were with her∣ man wyse. London myn myghty god is to yf he had not robbed myght ferre or he kynge & all the lordes of y• realme of Englonde were parted / excepte the lorde Seales that the oure of London. ¶ And the of a South werke. And the after the May of London wt the lderme comyns of y• cōcluded to the capytayn & his oost / & sent to the lorde Scales to the Coure / & a capytayne of Nor / that they walde y• nyght assayle the captayne them of kent. And so they dyd / & came to Londō brydge or the capytayne had any knowlege therof / & there they fought with them that kepte the bryoge. And the men went to h came to the bridge & shotte and fought wt them / & gate the bridge / & de them of Londō to / & slewe ma∣ny of them / & this all the nyght & fro the clocke on y• moro we last they brent y• awe brydge many of of London were . In whiche Sutton an as slayne / Roger Neysnt & ogh & many other. And af∣ter the of Englonde sene to the capytayne a paron generall / for hym & for all his myuy. And than they departed from South euery man his owne hous. they were all departed & gone / there were procla∣macyons made in ent / Southsex and other places / that what man coude take the capitayn quycke or deed shelde haue a thousande marke. And after this / one Alexander Iden a squyer of kent toke hym in a garden in Southsex. And in y• takynge Iohn Cade the capytayn was slayne / and after byhded / & his heed set on London brydge. And than anone af∣ter the kynge came in to kent / & dyd do syt his Iustyees at Caunterbury / & in∣quyred who were chefe causers of this ins. And there were. . men iudged to deth in one daye / & in other pla¦ces oo. And fro thens the kynge went in to Southsex & in to the west / where alytell before was y• bys∣shop of Salysbury. And this same yere were so many iudged to deth / that. hedes stode vpon Londō bridge at ones. IN the .xxx. ere of y• kynge y• duke of yorke came out of the marche of Wales with the erle of Dshyre and the lorde Cobham and a grte puys∣saunce for reformacyon of certayne ∣tyes & wronges / & also to haue Iustre vpon certayne lordes beynge aboute the kynge / and toke a feide at Brentheth be∣syde Dartforde in Kent / whiche was a stronge felde / for whiche cause the kyng with all the lordes of y• onde went vnto the blacke heth with a grete & a stronge multytude of people armed & ordeyn for the warre in y• best wyse. And whan they had mustred on the beth / certayne lordes were tho sent to hym for & make apoyntment with him / were the bysshop of Ely / the bysshop of W the erles of Salysbury & . And they concluded that the duke of Somerset shold be had to warde and to answere to suche artycles as the duke of yorke sholde put on hym / & than the duke of yorke sholde breke his felde & come to the kynge / whiche was all pro∣mysed by the kynge. And so the kyng cō maūded y• the duke of Somerfet sholde be had into warde. And than y• duke of yorke brake vp his felde and came to the kyng. And whan he was come cōtrary to the promyse afore made / the duke of Somerset was present in y• filde away∣tynge and chefe aboute the kynge / and made the duke of yorke tyde before as a prysoner through London / & after they wolde haue put hȳ in holde. But a noyse arose y• the of Marche his sone was comynge with .x. M. men toward Lon∣don / wherfore the kyng & his counseyle feted. And than they concluded that the duke of yorke shold departe at his owne wyll. ¶ Aboute this tyme began grete dyuysyon in Spruce bytwene the grete mayster & the knyghtes of the duche or∣dre / whiche were lordes of y• coūtree / for the comyns & townes rebelled agaynst the lordes / & made so grete warre that at the last they called y• kynge of Pole to be theyr lorde / the whiche kynge came & was worshypfully receyued / and layde syege to y• castell of Marienburgh / whi∣che was y• chefe castell of strength of all the lorde / & wanne it / and droue out the mayster of Dnske / & all other places of that londe. And so they y• had ben lordes many yeres lost all theyr seygnourye & possessyons in those londes. ¶ And in y• yere of the incarnacyon of our lorde. M. . iij. on saynt Edwardes daye / y• que∣ne Marg was delyuered of a fayre / whiche was named Edwarde. ¶ That same daye Iohn Norman was to be Mayre of London. And the daye that the whiche that tyme they er in . ¶ vnderstande to the promyse of the / & also the conclu∣syons taken y• kyng & the duke of yorke at Bth / the duke of So∣merset went / but abod a∣boute y• kynge / & had grete rule / & anone after he was made capytayn of Calays and ruled the kynge & his alme as he wolde / wherfore y• grete lordes of th alme / & also y• comyns were not . For whiche cause y• duke of of Warwyk / y• of Salysbury / many knyghtes & squyers / and moche other people came to remeue y• said duke of Somerset & other fro y• kynge. And kyng heryng of theyr comyng / thought by his coūseyle to haue gone westwarde & not for to haue mette wt them / & had wt hym the duke of Somerset / the duke of Bokyngham / y• of Stafford / y• of Northumberlonde / y• lord Clyfford / & many other. ¶ And what tyme that the duke of yorke & his vndersto∣de that the kyng was departed these lordes from London / anone he chaūged his waye & costed the coūtre / came to saynt Albons the. xxii. of Maye / & there mette wt the kynge / to whome the king sent certayn lordes / & desired to kepe the peas & departe / but syon whyle they treated on y• one syde y• erle of Warwyk wt the March and other entred y• towne on that other syde / & sought agaynst the kynge & his par∣tye / & so began the batayle & whiche enduted a grete whyle. But in conclusyon the duke of yorke o and had the victory of that ourney. In of Somer / y• lord / & of estate / whiche was in y• by London in whiche the of orke was made of / and the of W and the erle of Salysbury Chauncelet of Englonde. And all suche persones as had the rule before aboute y• kyng were sit aparte / and myght not rule as they dyd before. ¶ And this same yere dyed pope Nycolas the fyfth. And after hym was Calixt y• thyrde. This was a Catalane / and the art of hym shall be shewed here after. ¶ In this same fell Londō agaynst by∣cause a yo man toke from the was sent for to come before Mayre & the ldermen / & there for the offence he was ōmytted to warde. And th the Mayre departed from the for to go home to his / but in Chepe the yonge men of y• for the prentyses in Chee was / & from wherfore the Mayre and the ldermen come with the honest people of the Cite and droue them thens / and some of them that had stolen to Newgate. And whan y• yonge man y• was by his elawes sawe this grete rumour / af fraye & robbery enswed of his fryst me∣uynge to the Lombarde / departed and wente to Westmynster to sent wary / or had cost hym his lyfe. For anont af¦ter came downe an Oyer determined for to do iustyce on all them that so ebelled in the Cite agaynst the Lombardes / on whiche sate with the Maye that tyme Willyā Marow / y• duke of Boam & many other lordes for to se exe dont. But the comyns of the ly made them redy and dyd arme them in theyr houses and were in purpose to haue rongen the comyn bell / whiche is called home bell / but they were sadde men whiche came to y• knowlege of the duke of Bokyngham & other lor∣des / and incōtynent they arose for urst no lenger abide / for they that the hole Cite wolde haue rysen a∣gaynst them. But yet neuerthelesse or thre of y• Cite were iudged to doth for this robbery / & were hāged at ¶ And anone after y• kynge & the quene & other lordes rode to Couentre & with¦drewe them from London for this cause And a lytell before y• duke of yorke was sent for to / & there was dis¦charged of the prot & the of Salysbury of his C & after this they were sent for by y• scale for to come to / where they were almoost & y• erle of war∣ also / and sholde haue ben destroyed yf they had not seen well to. THis yere were taken foure grete fysshes bytwene Ereth & Londō that one was called Mors marine / the seconde was a swerde fysshe / & the other twayne were whales. ¶ In this same yere for certayne frayes done in ye north countree bytwene the lorde Egremond & the erle of Salysburyes sones / the sayd lorde Egremond whom they had taken was condēpned in a grete somme of mo∣ney to ye sayd erle of Salysbury / & ther∣fore he was commytted in to pryson in Newgate in London / where whan he had ben a certayne space he brake ye pry∣son / & thre prisoners wt hym / & escaped & went his waye. ¶ Also this yere ye erle of warwyk & his wyfe went to Calays with a fayre felawship & toke possessyon of his offyce. ¶ Aboute this tyme was a grete reformacyon of many monaste∣ryes of relygyon in dyuers partyes of ye worlde / whiche were reformed after the fyrst institucyon / and cōtynued in many places. ¶ This same yere was a grete batayle in ye marches bytwene the londe of Hungry and Turkey at a place called Septedrad / where innumerable turkes were slayne more by myracle than by mannes hande / for onely ye hande of god smote them. Saint Iohn of Capistrane was there present / & {pro}uoked ye chrysten people beynge than aferde for to pursue after ye Turkes / where an infynyte mul¦tytude were slayne & destroyed. And the Turkes sayd yt a grete nombre of armed men folowed them / yt they were aferd to turne agayn / & they were holy aūgels. ¶ This same yere ye prysoners of New gate in London brake theyr pryson / and wente vpon the ledes & fought agaynst them of the cite / & kepte the gate a longe whyle / but at ye last the cite gate ye prison on them / & than they were put in fetters & ens / & were sore punysshed in ensam of other. ¶ In this yere also there was a grete erthquake in Nples / in so moche that there perisshed .xi. M. people that sanke therein to the eth. ¶ Also in the yere .xxxvj. saynt Osmond sometyme bisshop of Salisbury was anonysed at Rome by pope Calixt / & the .xvj. daye of Iuly he was translated at Salysbury by the bysshop of Caunterbury & many other bysshops. ¶ And in August after syr Pers de Bresay Senesshall of Nor∣mandy with the capytayn of Dep and many other capytayns & men of warre went to the see with a grete Nauy / and came in to the downes by nyght. And on the morow ely before daye they londed & came to Sandwiche / bothe by londe & water / & toke ye towne / & ryed & despoy led it / & oke many prysoners / & lefte the towne all bare / whiche was a ryche pla¦ce & moche good therin / & ladde wt them many ryche prisoners. ¶ In this same yere in many places of Fraūce / Almayn Flaidres / Hollande & / chyldren gadred them togider by grete cōpanyes for to go on pylgrymage to saynt My∣ghels moūt in Normādy / whiche came fro ferre coūtrees / wherof y• people mer∣uayled. And many supposed that some wicked spiryte moued them to do so / but it dured not longe bycause of the longe waye / & also for lacke of vytayle as they went. ¶ In this yere Reynold Pecocke bysshop of Chestre was ode an herety ke / & the thyrde daye of was at Lamth of the archebysshop of / and many other bysshops / doctours & lordes all / & his okes . ¶ Ye haue herde before or des were at saynt / wh fore was alway a grutchyge & rth had by the heyres of them that wh slayn agaynst the duke of yorke / the re of Warwycke / and the of ∣ry / wherfore the kynge by the of his coūseyle sente for them to London to whiche place the duke of Yorke came the .xxvj. daye of Ianuary with .iiii .C. men / & lodged hȳ at Baynardes castell in his owne place. And ye .xv. daye of Ia¦nuary came the erle of Salisbury with v .C. men / & was lodged in therber his owne place. And than came the duke of Excestre & of Somerset wt. viij .C. men / & laye wtout temple barre. And ye erle of Northumberlond / the lorde Egremond and the lorde Clifford with .xv .C. men / and lodged wtout the towne. ¶ And the Mayre yt tyme Geffray Boloyne / kepte grete watche with ye comyns of ye cite / & rode aboute the cite by Holborne & Flete strete with .v. M. men well arayed & ar¦med for to kepe ye peas. ¶ And the .xiiij. daye of February the erle of Warwyk came to London frō Calays well beseen & worshypfully with. vj .C. men in reed Iackettes broddred with a ragged staffe behynde & before / and was lodged at the gray freres. ¶ And ye .xvij. daye of Mar¦che ye kyng & the quene came to London. And there was a cōcorde & a peas made amonge these lordes / & they were set in peas. And on our ladyes day in Marche in the yere of our lorde. M .cccc .lviij. the kyng & the quene & all these lordes went on processyon at Paules in London / and anone after the kyng & the lordes depar¦ted. ¶ And ī this yere was a grete fraye in Flete strete bytwene men of courte & men of the same strete. In whiche fraye the quenes atturney was slayne. ALso this same yere as the erle of Warwyck was at counseyle at Westmynster / all the kynges housholde meyny gadred them togyder for to haue slayne the erle / but by the helpe of god & his frendes he recouered his barge / and escaped theyr euyll enterpryse / how well the cokes came rennynge out wt spyttes and pestels agaynst hym. And the same daye he rode toward Warwyk / & soone after he gate hym a cōmyssyon & wente ouer see to Calays. ¶ Soone after this the erle of Salysbury comynge to Lon∣don was encoūtred at Blorheth wt the lord Awdley & moche other people ordy ned for to destroye hym. But he hauyn knowlege yt he sholde be mette wt was accompanyed wt his two sones syr Tho∣mas & syr Iohn Neuyll / & a grete shyp of good men. And so they fought to gyder / where ye erle of Salysbury wa the felde / & the lorde Awdley was & many gentylmen of Chessh & mo∣che people hute. And ye erles two sones were hurte / & goynge homeward after∣ward they were taken & had to Ch by the quenes meyny. ¶ After Pius was pope / & was chosen this yere M .cccc. & .lviij. and he was called before Eneas an eloquent man and a poete reate. He was embassadour of the empe rours afore tyme. And he wrote in ye seyle of Basyle a noble treaty for ye rite of the same. Also he canonysed Katheryne of Senys. This pope ordey ned grete indulgence & pardon to them ye wolde go & warre agaynst the Turke & wrote an epystle to the grete Turke ∣hortynge hȳ to become chrysten. And in the ende he ordeyned a passage agaynst the Turke at Ankone to whiche moche people drewe out of all partyes of chry∣stendome / of whiche people he sent ma∣ny home agayne / bycause they suffysed not. And anone after he dyed at the sayd place of Ankone the yere of our lord. M .cccc .lxiiij. the .xiiij. daye of August. THe duke of Yorke / ye erles of war∣wyk & of Salysbury sawe ye go∣uernaūce of ye realme stode moost by the quene & her coūseyle / & how ye grete pryn¦ces of ye londe were not called to coūseyle but set aparte / & not onely so / but it was sayd through the realme that those said lordes sholde be destroyed vtterly / as it opēly was shewed at Bloreheth by them that wolde haue slayne ye erle of Salys∣bury. Than they for saluacyon of theyr lyues / & also for ye comyn wele of the re∣alme thought to remedy these thynges assembled them togider wt moche people & toke a felde in ye west coūtre / to whiche the erle of Warwyk came fro Calays wt many of ye olde sowdyours / as Andrewe Trollop & other / in whose wysdome as for ye warre he moche trusted. And whā they were thus assembled & made theyr felde / the kyng sent out his cōmyssyons & preuy seales vnto all ye lordes of his re∣alme / to come & wayte on hym in theyr moost best defensable aray. And so euery man came in suche wise yt the kyng was stronger & had more people than ye duke of yorke & ye erles of warwyk & of Salys¦bury. For it is here to be noted that eue∣ry lorde in Englonde durst not disobey ye quene / for she ruled peasybly all yt was done about ye kyng / whiche was a good & a well disposed man. And thā whan ye kyng was comen to the place where as they were / the duke of yorke & his felaw shyp made theyr felde in ye strōgest wyse & purposed verily to haue bydē & fought but in ye nyght Andrewe Trollop & all ye olde sowdyours of Calays wt a grete fe∣lawshyp sodeynly departed out of ye du∣kes hoost / & wente streyght to ye kynges feld / where they were ioyously receyued for they knewe ye entent of ye other lordes & also ye maner of theyr felde. And than ye duke of yorke wt the other lordes seynge them deceyued / toke a coūseyle shortly in the same nyght / & departed from ye felde leuynge behynde them the moost party of theyr people to kepe ye felde tyll on the morowe. Than the duke of Yorke wt his second sone departed through wales to∣ward Irlonde / leuynge his eldest sone yt erle of Marche wt the erles of warwik & of Salysbury / whiche rode togyder wt thre or foure persones streyght in to De¦uenshyre / & there by helpe & ayde of one Denham a squyer gate for thē a shyppe which cost .xj. score nobles / & wt the same shyppe sayled frō thens ī to Garnesey / & there refresshed them / & fro thens sayled to Calais / where they were receyued in to ye castell by yt posterne or they of ye tow¦ne wyst of it. And the duke of Yorke toke shyppynge in Wales & sayled ouer in to Irlonde / where he was well receyued. THan kynge Henry beynge wt his hoost in ye felde not knowynge of this sodeyn departynge / on the morowe foūde none in ye felde of ye said lordes / sent out in all ye haste men for to folowe & pur∣sue after to take them / but they met not with them as god wolde. And than the kyng went to Ludlowe / & despoyled the castell & the towne / & sent the duchesse of yorke & her children to ye duchesse of Bo∣kyngham her syster / where as she was kepte longe tyme after. And forth wt the kyng ordeyned the duke of Somerset to be capytayn of Calays. And these other lordes so departed as afore is sayd were proclaymed rebelles & grete traytours. Than ye duke of Somerset toke to hym all ye sowdyours yt departed from ye felde and made hym redy in all the haste to go to Calays & take possessyon of his offyce And whan he came there he foūde ye erle of warwik therin as capitayn / & ye erles of Marche & of Salysbury also / & than he londed by Scales & went to Guynes and there he was receyued. And it fortu¦ned that some of tho shyppes that came ouer with hȳ came in to Calays hauen by theyr free wyll / for ye shypmen ought more fauour to ye erle of warwik than to the duke of Somerset / in whiche shyp∣pes were taken dyuers men / as Ienyn Finkhyl / Iohn felow / Kaylles & Purser whiche were byheded soone after in Ca∣lays. ¶ And after this came men dayly ouer the see to these lordes to Calays / & began to wexe stronger & stronger / and they borowed moche good of the staple. And on yt other syde ye duke of Somerset beynge in Guynes gate people to hym / whiche came out & scarmysshed wt them of Calays / & they of Calays with them whiche endured many dayes. Duryng this scarmysshynge moche people came ouer dayly vnto these lordes. Than on a tyme by ye aduyse & counseyle of ye lordes of Calays sente ouer mayster Denham with a grete felawshyp to Sandwyche whiche toke the towne / & therin ye lorde Ryuers & ye lord Scales his sone / & toke many shyppes in the hauen / & brought them all to Calays / wt whiche shyppes many maryners of theyr free wyl came to Calays to serue the erle of Warwyk. And after this the erle of warwyk by ye aduyse of the lordes toke al his shyppes & māned them well & sayled hȳselfe in to Irlonde for to speke wt the duke of Yorke & to take his aduise how they shold entre in to Englonde. And whan he had ben there & done his crandes / he returned a∣gayn toward Calays / & brought wt hym his moder ye coūtesse of Salisbury. And comynge in ye west countre vpon the see the duke of Excestre admyral of englōde beynge in ye grace of dieu accōpanyed wt many shippes of warre mette wt the erle of warwyk & his flete / but they fought not / for ye substaūce of ye people beynge wt the duke of Excestre ought better wyll & fauour to ye erle of warwik than to hym & they departed & came safe to Calays. ¶ Than ye kȳges coūseyle seynge yt these lordes had gotē those shyppes fro Sand wyche & taken ye lord Ryuers & his sone ordeyned a garnyson at Sandwyche to kepe ye towne / & made one Moūford cap tayn of ye towne / & yt no mā ne v marchaūt yt shold go to Flaūdres go to Calais. Thā they of Calais this / made out mayster Denham & ma∣ny other to go to Sandwyche & so the dyd / & assayled the towne by water & by londe / & gate it / & brought the capytayn ouer see & smote of his heed / & yet dayly men came ouer to them fro all partyes. ANd after this ye foresayd erles of Marche / warwyk & Salisbury came ouer to Douer with moche people & there lōded / to whom al ye coūtre drewe & came to Londō all armed & for to let ye lordes of ye kȳges coūseyle knowe theyr treuth & also theyr entent assembled thē & tolde them yt they entēded no harme o the kynges {per}sone saue yt they wolde put from hym suche {per}sones as were aboute hym. And so departed frō London with a grete puyssaūce toward Northamton where the kyng was accōpanyed with many lordes / & had made a stronge felde without ye towne. And there bothe par∣tyes me & was fought a grete batayle. In whiche batayle were slayne ye duke of Bokyngham / y• erle of Shrewesbury the vycoūt Beamond / y• lord Egremond & many knightes & squyers & other also & the kynge hymselfe was taken in the felde / & afterwarde brought to London. And anone after was a parlyament at Westmynster / durynge whiche parlya∣ment the duke of Yorke came out of Ir∣londe with the erle of Rutlonde / rydyng with a grete felawshyp in to the palays at westmynster & toke y• kynges palays And came in to y• parlyamēt chambre & there toke y• kynges place / & claimed the crowne as his {pro}pre enherytaūce & right & cast forth in wrytyng his tytell / & also how he was ryghtfull heyre / wherfore was moche to do / but in cōclusion it was appoynted & cōcluded that kyng Henry sholde regne & be kyng duryng his natu¦rall lyfe / for as moche as he had bē kyng so longe & was possessed / & after his deth the duke of Yorke sholde be kynge / & his heyres kynges after hym / & forth with sholde be proclaymed heyre apparaūt / & sholde also be {pro}tectour & regent of Eng∣londe duryng the kynges lyfe / wt many other thynges ordeyned in y• same par∣lyament / & yf kynge Henry durynge his lyfe went from his appoyntment or ony artycle cōcluded in y• sayd parliamēt / he shold be deposed / & the duke shold take y• crowne & be kynge. All whiche thynges were enacted by y• auctorite of the same / at whiche parlyament y• comyn hous comonyuge & treatyng vpon y• tytel of y• sayd duke of Yorke / sodeynly fell downe the crowne whiche henge than in y• myd des of y• sayd hous / whiche is y• frayter of the abbaye of Westmynster / whiche was taken for a prodyge or token that y• regne of kynge Henry was ended. And also y• crowne whiche stode on y• hyghest toure of the steple in the castell of Douer fell downe this same yere. THan for as moche as y• quene wt y• prynce her sone was in y• north & absent her fro y• kyng / & obeyed not su∣che thynges as were cōcluded in y• par∣lyament / it was ordeyned y• the duke of Yorke as protectout shold go northward to brynge in y• quene / & subdue suche as wolde not obey / wt whom went y• erle of Salysbury / syr Thomas Neuyl his so∣ne / wt moche people. And at wakefeld in Chrystmasse weke they were all ouer∣throwen & slayne by lordes of the quenes party / yt is to wyte / y• duke of Yorke was slayne / the erle of Rutlond / syr Thomas Neuyll & many moo / & y• erle of Salisbu¦ry was taken & other / as Iohn Harowe of London capitayn & ruler of y• fotemen & Hanson of Hull / Whiche were brought to Poūfret / & there after biheded & theyr hedes sent to Yorke & set vpon the gates And thus was y• noble prynce y• duke of Yorke slayne / on whose soule god haue mercy. And this tyme y• erle of Marche beynge in shrowesbury heryng of y• deth of his fader / desyred ayde of the towne to auēge his faders deth / & fro thens went to wales / & at Cādelmas after he had a batayle at Mortymers crosse agaynst y• erle of Penbroke & of wylshyre / where y• erle of Marche had y• victory. Than the quene wt those lordes of the north after yt they had dystressed & slayne the duke of Yorke & his felawshyp came southward wt a grete multytude of people for to co∣me to y• kynge & vndo suche conclusyons as had ben takē before by y• parliament. Agaynst whose comynge y• duke of Nor folke / the erle of warwyk wt moche peo∣ple & ordynaūce went to saynt Albons / & lad kyng Henry wt them / & there encoū∣tred togider in suche wyse & fought / so y• the duke of Norfolke & y• erle of warwik with many other of theyr party ledde & lost y• iourney / where y• king Henry was taken by y• quene & prynce Edwarde his sone / whiche two had goten that felde. Than y• quene & her party beynge at her aboue sent anone to Londō / which was on asshewednesdaye y• fyrst daye of lent for vytayle / for whiche y• Mayre ordey∣ned by y• aduyse of y• aldermen y• certayn cartes laden wt vytayle sholde be sent to saynt Albons to them. And whan y• car∣tes came to crepylgate / the comyns of y• cite y• kepte the gate toke y• bytayle fro y• cartes & wold not suffre it to passe. Thā were there certayn aldermen & comyns appoynted to go to Bernet to speke with the quenes coūseyle / for to entreate y• the northeren men sholde be sent home in to theyr coūtre agayn / for y• cite of London drad fore to be despoyled yf they had co∣men. ¶ And duryng this treaty tydyn∣ges came that the erle of Warwyk had mette with y• erle of Marche on Cottes∣wolde comynge out of Wales wt a grete meyny of walsshmen / & that they bothe were comynge to London ware. Anone as these tydynges were knowen y• trea∣ty was broke / tor y• kyng / quene / prynce & all y• other lordes y• were wt them depar¦ted fro saynt Albons nothwarde wt all theyr people / yet or they departed thens they dyheded y• lord Boyle & syr Tho∣mas whiche take in y• iour¦ney done on . ¶ Than y• duch of Yorke beynge at London de∣ryng of y• losse of y• felde of saynt Albons whiche went to ght. ¶ And philip malpas che marchaūt of London / Thomas Vaghan squyer / many other of y• comynge of y• quene to Lon¦don / toke a shyppe of Andwerpe to haue gone in to land / on y• other cost were taken of one Colompne a Frenssheman a shyppe of warre / & he toke them pry∣soners / and brought them in to Fraūce / where they payed grete good for theyr raunsom / & there was moche good and rychesse in that shyppe. THan whan y• erle of Marche & y• erle of warwyk had mette togy∣der on Cotteswolde / incōtynent they cō∣cluded to go to London / and sent worde anone to y• Mayre & to the cite that they wolde come. And anone y• cite was glad of theyr comynge / hopyng to be releued by them / & so they came to London. And whan they were comen & had spoken wt the lordes & estates beynge there / cōclu∣ded for as moche as kynge Henry was gone wt them northwarde / y• he had for∣feyted his crowne & ought to be deposed accordyng vnto the actes made & passed in the last parlyament. And so by the ad∣uyse of the lordes spirytuall & temporall than beynge at Londō / the erle of Mar∣che Edward by y• grace of god eldest sone of Rycharde duke of Yorke / as ryghtfull heyre and nexte enherytour to his fader the fourth daye of Marche / the yere of out lord god. M .CCCC .lix. toke posses∣syon of the realme at Westmerlonde in y• grete hall / & after in y• chirche of y• abbey & offred as kyng wt the cptre royall. To whome all y• lordes spirytuall & tēporall dyd homage as to theyr souerayn lord & kyng. And forthwith it was {pro}claymed through y• cite kyng Edward the fourth of y• name. And anone after y• kynge rode in his ryall estate northwarde wt all his lordes to subdue his subgectes y• tyme beynge in the north / & for to auenge his deth. And on Palmesondaye af∣ter he had a grete batayle in y• north coū∣tree at a place called Cowton / not ferre from Yorke / where with y• helpe of god he gate y• felde & had the victory / where were slayne of his aduersaryes .xxx. M. men and moo / as it was sayd by them that were there. In the whiche batayle were slayne y• erle of Northumberlonde the lorde Clifford / syr Iohn Neuyll the erle of Westmerlondes broder / Andrewe Trollop / and many knightes & squyers ¶ Than kyng Henry that had bē kyng beynge with y• quene and the prynce at Yorke heryng the losse of that felde / and so moche people slayne & ouerthrowen / anone forth with departed all thre with the duke of Somerset / the lorde Roos & other towarde Scotlōde. And the nexte daye after kynge Edward with all his army entred in to Yorke / and was there proclaymed kyng & obeyed as he ought to be. And y• Mayre / aldermen & comyns swore to be his iyege men. And whā he had taryed a whyle in the north / & that all y• northcoūtree had turned to hym he returned southwarde / leuynge behynde hym the erle of Warwyk in those par∣tyes to gouerne and rule that countree. ¶ And aboute mydsomer after the yere of our lorde. M .cccc .lx. and the fyrst yere of his regne he was crowned at West∣mynster / & anoynted kyng of Englonde hauynge possessyon of all the realme. CAixtus the thyrde was pope af∣ter Nycolas thre yere and .v. mo∣nethes. This Calixte was an olde man whan he was chosen pope / & was cōty∣nually seke / ne he myght not fulfyll his desyre whiche he entēded to do agaynst the Turkes / for dethe came vpon hym. He was chosen pope in y• yere of our lord . .lv. And he dyed the syxth day af he had istytued the trāsfiguracyon of our lorde god. He also cnonysed saynt Vincent a frere precher. And there was a grete reformacyon of many monaste∣ryes in dyuers partyes of the worlde / & these reformacions were made many ty mes / but almoost none abode / but they returned agayne as they were afore by successyon of tyme after y• deth of y• wor∣shypfull faders. The feest of the Trans∣fyguracyon was ordeyned of Calixt for the gyft of grace of y• meruaylous victo∣ry done agaynst the Turke in Hungary on saynt Sixtus daye. M .cccc. lij. For there was a meruaylous victo gyuen to christen men in Hungary agaynst the grete Turke / & there he lost many a mā & fledde shamefully for drede of his ene∣myes / & no man folowed by / but alone y• hand of god fered the Turke & his hoost on saynt Calixtes day. Saynt Iohn de Capistrano was there seen present / & he prouoked the people that were aferde to folowe the myshyleuynge Turkes / and there fell a grete on them / for the Turkes sayd y• there was so grete a nombre of knyghtes that folowed them that th they durst loke backwarde and therfore they fledde & leste all theyr tresour behynde them / & they were ho∣ly aungelles that caused them to flee. ¶ Nota. ¶ Prynters of bokes were this tyme myghtely multiplyed in Ma gcie & through out y• worlde / & there began fyrst, & helde theyr / & this tyme many mn begā to be more subtyll incraftes & er th euer they were afore. y• second was pope after▪ lixt .vi. yere. This {us} was cho∣sen in the yere of our lorde▪ .cccc. ▪ & he was called E as an ▪ & a grete oratour / a laurente porte & afore he was y• emperours embassadour / & in y• cōcyle of Basyle he wrote a noble trea∣tyse for y• auctorite of y• same. This man desyred to haue a passage to the Turke And moche people of dyuers countrees came to Rome / & he gaue them his bles∣synge & sent them home agayn / for they were not sufficyent for y• Turkes hoost / and after he decessed. PAulus a venicyan was pope af∣ter Pius .vij. yere This Paulus was chosen in the yere of our lord Iesu Chryst. M .cccc. and .lxiiij. And anone he alowed the feest of the Presentacyon of our lady as Pius dyd. This man was a taught man in ryght wysnes / and he sayd it was better to make fewe thyn∣ges & kepe them stedfastly / than for to make many & soone reuoke them. And he made a grete palays at saynt Mar∣kes / & he decessed or that he had ended it in the yere of our lorde Iesu Chryst. M .cccc. & .lxxi. ¶ Leodin̄. the londe of Luke was oppressed with many tribulacyōs and after in the yere of our lorde Iesu Chryst. M .cccc. & .lxviij. vtterly it was destroyed by Charles the duke of Bur∣goyne / the whiche wedded dame Mar∣garete syster to kyng Edward y• fourth of Englonde. Also the same duke Char∣les entred in to the londe of Geldre / & con quered it all. ¶ The yere of grace was also chaūged by pope Paule for fauour of mannes soule frō .xxv. yere vnto .xxv. yere. And bycause y• cursednes haboun∣ded so sore / grace habounded as sore. SIxtus the fourth a Geneuoys & a rere mynour was pope after Paule. This man was generall in the ordre of y• free mynours or he was car∣dynall. And he was chosen in the yere of our lorde god. M .cccc .lxxj. and was cal∣led Frāciscus de Sanona / of good fame and vertuous. He was chosen cardynall without his knowlege tyll he was ma∣de. And the same yere that he was cho∣sen pope / the Turke had taken frō chry∣sten men two empyres and .iiij. kyngdo∣mes .xx. prouynces / and two hondred ∣tees / and had destroyed men & women without nombre. And that meued the pope that he sholde dyspose hym to go to withstande hym. And for an army to be made against the Turke / the pope gaue grete indulgences of pardon of the trea∣sour of the chirche vnto all chrysten re∣almes / that he myght ordeyn some trea sour to withstande that mysbyleuynge Turke. And in the realme of Englonde Iohn abbot of Abyngdon was the po∣pes legate to dispose this godly treasour of the chirche vnto euery faythfull man that was disposed / and that wolde ab themselfe to receyue it. ¶ Thus endeth the Cronycles of Eng∣londe with the fruyte of tymes / compy∣led in a boke. And was fyrst imprynted by one somtyme scole mayster of saynt Albons / on whose soule god haue mer∣cy Amen. And now lately imprynted at London / and dilygently amended in dy∣uers places where as ony faute was / in Flete strete / at the sygne of the Sonne / by me Wynkyn de Worde / in the yere of our lorde god. M .CCCCC .xxviij. the ix. daye of Apryll. FIrste (as Galfridus sayth) this lōde was called Albyon after y• name of Albyne y• el∣pest doughter of Dio clesyan / & had .xxxij. systers / & they were the fyrst that enhabyted this londe / and bycause she was the eldest syster / she na¦med this londe Albyon after her owne name as the cronycles reherseth. Other saye that this londe was named Albion as it were y• whyte lōde of whyte rockes about the clyues of y• see y• were seen fro ferre. Afterward Brute conquered this londe & called it Brytayn after his owne name. And thā saxons or Englysshmen conquered this londe & called it Anglia y• is Englonde. Or it is called Anglia of a quene y• owed this lōd y• was named An∣gela / & was a noble dukes doughter of the Saxons. Or as ysid sayth Ethi .xv. Anglia hath y• name as it were an angle & a corner of the worlde. Or els as Beda sayth li .j. Saȳt Gregory sawe englisshe children to sell at Rome / & he accorded to the name of the londe and said / they ben sothly aungels / for theyr faces shyne as aungels / for the noblete of y• londe shone in the childrens faces. ¶ Alfre. The Bri¦tysshe Anglia is called the other worlde and for grete plente of all good the grete Charles called it his owne chambre. ¶ Solinus. The edge of y• frensshe clyf sholde be the ende of the worlde / yf the ylonde of Brytayn ne were not / whiche is worthy to haue the name of an other worlde. ¶ Alfre. This ylonde is called insula for it is in salo / that is the see / & is beten of with dyuers course of waters with stremes & with wawes of the see. THis Britayn is acounted a noble londe bothe in our storyes & also in the storyes of Grekes / & is set agaynst Germania / Gallia / Fraūce / & spayne by twene y• north & y• west & y• see bytwene. This londe is fyfty myle from the clyf of the men that be called morini gessorico. ¶ Beda li .j. And for this ylonde lieth vn¦der the north heed of y• worlde / & it hath lyght & bright nyghtes in y• somer tyme so y• oftentymes at mydnyght men haue questyons & doubte whether it be euen∣tyde or dawnynge / y• is for y• tyme of the yere y• the sonne goth not ferre vnder the erth by nyght but passeth by y• north sy∣de & cometh soone in to y• eest agayn. And therfore in y• somer ben theyr dayes full lōge of .xviij. houres / & y• nyghtes of .vj. houres. And after in y• wynter ben longe nyghtes of .xviij. houres & shorte dayes of .vj. houres. Also in Armenia / Macedo nia / Italia & in other lōdes of y• same line the longest daye & lōgest nyght also is of xv. houres / & the shortest day or nyght is of .ix. houres. ¶ Plim{us} in meroe. That ylonde is chefe of blacke men / there is y• lōgest day .xij. houres. In Alexandry in Egypte of .xiij. houres / in Ytalye of .xv. houres / in Brytayn of .xviij. houres / in the ylonde named Tyle all the .vj. somer monethes is daye / & all the .vj. wynter monethes is nyght. ¶ Isid .li .xiij. Bry¦tayn is set wtin Occean as it were wtout the worlde / & is set agaynst Fraūce and Spayne. ¶ Giraldus. Brytayn is end∣lōge & larger in y• myddle thā in y• endes ¶ Orost{us}. Brytayn stretcheth in length out of y• south ī to y• north / & in y• southest it hath Fraūce / in y• south Spayne in y• north Norway / & in y• west Hberna y• is Irlonde / whan shypmen passe the next clyf of y• lōde they se a cite y• hyght mouth. Beda li .j. y• cite is now called of Englysshmen Reptacestre. ¶ Solinus. Brytayne is. viij .C. myle of length & it be met from y• clyf of Tornes to y• angle of Calidon. ¶ Alfre. That is from Pen∣withstrete .xv. myle beyonde Myghels stowe in Cornewayle vnto Carnes y• is beyonde Scotlonde / & Brytayn is more than. ij .C. myle brode frō Meneuia y• is the vttermest place in Wales vnto Ya∣mouth ī northfolke. ¶ Beda. Onely out take y• longest out shotyng of diuers fore londes with the whiche Brytayn is all about .xlviij. sythe .lxx. thousande pace. AS Fraūce passeth Brytayne / so Brytayn passeth Irlonde in fay¦re weder and noblee / but not in helthe. ¶ Beda lib .i. For this ylonde is best to brȳge forth trees & fruytes / Rutherne & beestes / & wyne groweth therin in some places. The londe hath plente of fowles and of beestes of dyuers maner of kynde The londe is plenteous and the see also. The londe is noble / copyous / & ryche of noble welles and ryuers / with plente of fysshe. There is grete plente of small fysshe of samon & of eles. ¶ Wilhel. de pon .li .iij. So y• the people in some place fede theyr syne with fysshe. Beda li .j. There ben oftentymes taken dolphyns see calues and baleyne grete fysshes as whales kynde / and dyuers maner shel∣fysshe / amonge y• whiche shelfysshe ben muscles that wtin them haue Margery perles of al maner of colour and hewe of rody & reed purpure & of blewe / & specy∣ally & moost of whyte. There is also plen¦te of shelfysshe y• men dye therwith fyne reed / y• reednes therof is wonders fayre and stable / & stayneth neuer with colde ne with hete / with wete ne with drye / but euer the older y• colour is the fayrer. There bē also salt welles & hote welles therof rennynge stremes of hote bathes departeth in to dyuers places according for man & woman of all maner age olde or yonge. ¶ Basilius sayth. That y• wa¦ter that tenneth & passeth by vaynes of certayn metall taketh ī his course grete hete. This ylonde is plenteous of vay∣nes of metalles / of bras / of yren / of leed / of tynne / & of syluer also. ¶ Plim{us} li .vj. ca .vj. In this ylonde vnder the turfe of the lōde is foūde good merle / the thryfty of the farnes dryeth hȳself therin. So y• euer the thycker y• felde is merled y• bet∣ter corne it wyll bere. There is also an other maner whyte merle y• the londe is the better .lxxx. yere y• therwith is mer∣led. ¶ Solin{us}. In this ylonde groweth a stone that is called gagates / yf ye wyll knowe his fayrnes / it is blacke as gem∣mes ben / yf ye wyll knowe his kynde / it brenneth in water / & quencheth in oyle / and as to his myght / yf the stone be fro∣ted & chafed it holdeth what hȳ nigheth as Succuns a stone that is so named. ¶ Ynd. li .xv. There ben shepe that bere good woll. There ben many hartes and wylde beestes & fewe wolues / therfore shepe ben the surer wtout kepyng lefte in the felde. ¶ . In this ylonde also ben many citees & townes fayre & noble and ryche / many grete ryuers & stremes wt grete plēte of fysshe / many fayre wodes & grete / with ryght many beestes came and wylde. The erth of that londe is co∣pyous of metall oor / & of salte welles / of quarreys of marble of diuers maner sto¦nes / of reed / of whyte / of softe & of harde of chalke & of whyte lyme. There is also whyte claye & reed for to make pottes / crockes / stenes & other vessell / and brent tyle to couer the houses & chirches / as it were in the other samia / that is named samos also. Flaūdres loueth well y• woll of this londe / & Hollonde the skylles and felles of al maner beestes. Guyen y• yren & the leed. Irlonde the oor & the salt. All Europa loueth & desyreth y• whyte me∣tall of this londe. ¶ Alfre. Britayn hath ynough of al mater y• there nedeth to bie & sell / or is nedefull to mannes vse / there lacketh neyther salte nor yren. Therfore a versefyour in his metre prayseth this londe in this maner. Englond is a good londe fruytful of woll / but it is a corner. Englonde is full of playe / free men well worthy to playe / free men / free tongues free hertes / & free ben all theyr thynges / theyr handes is more free & better than theyr tōgue. Also Englōde is beauteous of londe / floure of londes all aboute / that lōde is full payed wt fruyte & good of his owne / that londe releueth straunge men that hath nede therto. And whā hunger greueth other londes / that londe fedeth them. That londe bereth fruyte & corne grete plente ynough. That londe is well at ease as lōge as men lyue in peas / eest & west in eche londe ben wel knowen the hauens of Englōde. Theyr shyppes foū¦des & ofte helpeth many londes. Theyr meet & money men haue there more co∣myn alway. And for to lerne men gladly gyue gyftes. In londe & stronde / wyde speketh men of Englonde. Londe hony mylke chese this ylonde therof shall bere the pryce. This ylonde hath no nede of other londes / al lōdes must seke helpe at this alone. Of the lyking of theyr woun might wonder kyng Salomon. The ry¦ches y• there is an / wold desire Octauiā. IN Brytayn ben hote welles well arayed & adressed to y• vse of man∣hode / maystresse of those welles is the grete spiryte Minerua. In her hous the fyre endureth alway that neuer chaun∣geth in to asshes / but there y• fyre slaketh it chaūgeth in to stone clottes. ¶ Alfre. In Brytayn ben many wonders / neuer theles foure ben moost wonderfull / the first is at Pecton / there bloweth so stron¦ge wynde out of the chynes of the erthe that it casteth vp agayne clothes y• men cast in. The second is at Stonehenge be¦syde Salysbury / there ben grete stones & wonders huge / & bē rered on hygh as it were gates set vpon other gates. Ne∣uertheles it is not knowen clerely ne ap∣perceyued how & wherfore they ben so arered and so wonderfully hanged. The thyrde is at Cherdhoke / there is a grete holownes vnder y• erth / often many men haue walked therin / & haue seen ryuers & stremes / but no where can they fynde none ende. The fourth is / that rayne is seen reysed vpon hylles / & none spronge about in the feldes. Also there is a grete ponde that conteyneth .lx. ylondes coue∣nable for men to dwell in / that ponde is becleped about wt syxe score roches / and vpon euery roche an egles nest / and thre score ryuers renne in to y• ponde / & none of them all ren in to y• see but one. There is a ponde closed aboute wt wall of tyle & of stone. In that ponde men wasshe and bathe ryght sore / & euery man feleth the water hote or colde ryght as he wyll hȳ selfe. There ben salte welles ferre from the see / & ben salte all y• weke longe vnto saterdaye at none / & fresshe fro saterday at none vnto mondaye. The water of these welles whan it is soden turneth in to small salte fayre & whyte. Also there is a ponde / the water therof hath won∣ders werkynge / for though all an hoost stode by the ponde & turned theyr faces thyderwarde / the water wolde drawe them violently towarde y• ponde & wete all theyr clothes / and so sholde a hors be drawen in the same wyse. And yt y• face be turned awaye fro the water / the wa¦ter noyeth not. There is a well that no streme renneth fro neyther therto / & yet foure maner of fysshe ben taken therin / that well is but .xx. fote longe . . fote brode / & not depe but to the knee / & closed with hye bankes on euery syde. In the coūtree about Wynchestre is a denne or a caue / out of that caue bloweth alwaye a stronge wynde / so that no man may endure to stande to fore y• denne or cane. ¶ There is also a ponde y• turneth tree in to yren yf it be therin a yere / & so trees ben shapen in to whetstones. Also there is in the toppe of an hyll buryels / euery man that cometh & meteth that buryell he shall fynde it euen of his owne length & mesure. And yf a pylgrym knele ther∣to / anone he shall be all fresshe & fele no grefe of werynes. ¶ Gir. in top. Fast by the mynstre of wymburney (that is not ferre fro Bathe) is a wode that bereth moche fruyte / yf the trees of that wode fall in to water or groūde that is nygh & lye there all a yere / the trees turne in to stones. ¶ Gir. in itinere. Vnder y• cite of Chestre renneth the ryuer Dee / that now departeth Englōde & wales. That riuer chaūgeth eueri moneth his sordes as men of that coūtre tell / & leueth often the chanel / but whether y• water drawe more towarde Englonde or toward Wa¦les / to what syde y• it be / that yere men of that syde haue y• worst ende & be ouer set. And men of that other syde shal haue better ende & ben at theyr aboue. Whan the water so chaungeth his course it bo deth suche happes. This riuer Dee ren neth & cometh out of a lake that hyght Pymblemere. In this ryuer is grete plente of samon / neuertheles in the lake is neuer samon founde. ¶ Wilhel. dere. le .ij. Take hede how grete lyght and bryghtnes hath ben shewed vpon Eng∣lysshmen syth they fyrst turned to ryght byleue. So y• of no men in ony prouynce ben foūden so many hole bodyes of men after theyr dethe / in lykenes of euerla∣stynges that shall be after the daye of dome / as it well semeth in these holy sayntes Etheldrede / Edmond the kyng / Elphege / Edgar / Cuthberte / and saynt Edward / & many other / I trowe that it be done by a specyall grace of almyghty god / for the nacion that is set as it were without the worlde sholde take hede to buryenge of bodyes wtout corrupcyon & rottynge / and ben the more bolde and stedfast for to trust vpon the fynall ary∣syng of deed bodyes for to last euermore after the daye of dome. AFter the fyrst Brutes tyme the ylonde of Brytayne began for to haue the pryncypall partyes / that ben Loegria / Cambria that is Wales / & Al∣bania that is now Scotlonde. Loegria hath that name of Locrinus that was es eldest sone / & hyght Loegria as it were Locrinus londe. But now Loe∣gria is called Englonde. The boundes & markes were therof somtyme y• frensshe see bothe by cest & by south. ¶ Beda li .j. ca .ij. And by north two armes of the see that breketh ferre in to the londe eyther agaynst other / but they reche not togy∣der. The eest arme of those twayne be∣gynnynge aboute a two lytell myle fro y• mynstre of Ebburcurynge. In the west syde of Penulton in y• arme is a towne y• is called Guydy / the west arme of these twayne hath in the ryght syde a stronge cite that hight Alcliud / whiche in theyr language is called Clyntstone / and stan∣deth vpon a ryuer y• is called Clynt also. ¶ R. Some men wolde mene that Loe∣gria endeth at Humbre / & stretcheth no ferther northwarde. The seconde party of Brytayn is called Albania y• is Scot∣londe / & hath that name of Albanactus Brutes sone / & stretcheth fro y• foresayd two armes of y• see northward vnto y• see of Norway. Neuertheles the south par¦tyes of Albania where as Pictes dwel∣led somtyme / that lyeth from y• water of Twede vnto the scottysshe see. All y• lon∣ged somtyme to y• kingdom of Northum¦berlonde Brenycorne the north syde of Northumberlonde fro the fyrst tyme of Englysshe kynges to y• tyme whā Kyna dius kyng of Scotlond y• was Alpinus sone dyd away y• Pictes / & so ioyned that coūtre to y• kyngdom of Scotlonde. The thyrde party of Britayn is Wales Wal¦lia that hyght Cambria also / & hath y• name Cambria of Cambre Brutes sone for he was prȳce of wales. In y• eest syde Seuarne somtyme departed bytwene Englonde & Wales. But in y• north syde the ryuer of Dee at Chestre / and in the south the ryuer y• is named Vaga at the castell of Strygelyn departeth Englōde & wales. Also kynge Offa for to haue a dystynccyon for euermore bytwene the kynges of Englonde & of wales / made a longe dyche y• stretcheth forth out of the south syde by Bristowe vnder the hylles of wales Seuarne & Dee almoost to the hedes & vnto y• mouth of y• ryuer of Dee beyonde Chestre fast by the castell it ren∣neth bytwene Colehyll & the mynstre of Basyngwerke in to y• see. This dyche is yet in many places seen. In saynt Ed∣wardes tyme walshmen shold not passe that dyche wt wepen vpon a grete payne And that was at y• erle Haroldes procu∣rynge / as it shall be sayd here after. But now in eyther sydes bothe of that halfe and of this halfe y• dyche / & specyally in the shyres of Chestre / of Shrowesbury and of Herford in many places ben Eng¦lysshmen & walshmen medled togyder. BRytayne hath thre ylondes that ben nygh and longynge therto al without y• ylondes Orcades / as it were answerynge to the thre chefe partyes of Brytayn. For the yle of wyght lōgeth & lyeth to Loegria that is Englonde. The ylonde Mon that is called Angleseia al∣so longeth to Wales. And y• ylonde Eu∣bonia that hath two other names / & is called Meneuia & Man also / whiche lon¦geth to Scotlōde. And all these thre ylon¦des / Wyght / Mon / & Man ben almoost alyke moche & of quantite / of the whiche thre alarowe foloweth our speche. ¶ Be da li .j. ca .iij. Claudius sent Vaspasian{us} and Vaspasianus wanne Wyght / and Wyght stretcheth out of the eest in to y• west .xxx. myle longe / & out of the south in to the north .xij. myle / and is in y• eest syde .vj. myle fro the south clyf of Bry∣tayne / & thre myle in y• west syde. ¶ Be∣da li .iiij. ca .v. The mesure of this ylond as Englysshmen gesse / is a thousande housholdes & two hondred. ¶ Git. in iti∣nere. Mon that is called Angleseia also is departed from northwales by a short arme of the see as it were two myle bro∣de. In Mon ben .CCC. townes & .xliij. and ben accōpted for candredes that ben two hondredes. The ylond is as it were xxx. myle longe / & .xij. myle brode. Can∣dredus is so moche londe as conteyneth an hondred townes / that name Candre∣dus is made out of two languages / of Brytysshe & of Irysshe. In praysyng of this ylōde walshmen were wont to saye a prouerbe and an olde same. Mon Man kembry / that is to say in englysshe / that londe is so good / that it semeth y• it wold fynde corne ynough for all y• men of Wa∣les. Therfore Virgils verses may be ac∣cordynge therto / as moche as gnawes / beestes longe Inneth dawes / so moche efte bryngeth colde dewe in a nyght. In that arme of the see that departeth this londe & northwales / is a swalowe that draweth shyppes to it that sayleth by / & swaloweth them in ryght as doth Cyl∣la & Caribdis y• ben two peryllous pla∣ces in the see of myddle erthe. Therfore men may not sayle by this swalowe but slyly at a ful see. ¶ R. Of the meruayles and wonders of the ylonde of Mon thou shalte fynde in the chapytre of Wales. ¶ Gir. in itinere. The thyrde ylonde y• is called bothe Eubonia & Menea that is Man standeth in the myddle bytwene y• Irysshe vlstere & y• scottysshe galleway as it were the nauell of the see. ¶ Beda li .ij. ca .ix. This ylonde Man cōreyneth as it were two ylondes. The fyrste is southward the more coūtre / & the better corne londe / & cōteyneth .ix .C. & .lx. hous∣holdes. The seconde conteyneth y• space of .CCC. and moo as Englysshmē gesse. ¶ Giral. in top. Somtyme was stryfe whether this ylonde Man shold long to Britayn or to Irlond / & for as moche as venymous wormes that were brought thyder lyued there / it was iudged that the ylonde of Man sholde longe to Bry∣tayn. ¶ R. In that ylonde is sortylege & wytchecraft vsed. For women there sell to shypmen wynde / as it were closed vn¦der thre knottes of threde / so that ye more wynde he wyll haue / ye moo knottes he must vndo. There often by daye tyme men of that londe se men that ben deed tofore hande byheded or hole / and what dethe they dyed. Alyens set theyr feet vpon the feet of men of that londe for to se suche syghtes as ye men of that londe done. ¶ Beda li .ij. Scottes dwelled first in this ylonde. ¶ Thanatos that is Te∣net / and is an ylonde besydes Kent / and hath that name Thanatos of deth of ser¦pentes / for there be none / and the erthe therof sleeth serpētes borne in other lon∣des. There is noble corne londe & ryght fruytfull. It is supposed that this ylon∣de was halowed & blyssed of saynt Au∣styn the fyrst doctour of Englysshmen / for there he arryued fyrst. MOliuncius was the .xiij. kynge of Brytons / and was the fyrst that gaue them lawe. He ordeyned that plowmen folowes / goddes temples and hygh wayes that lede men to cytees & townes sholde haue y• fredome of colour so that euery man that wente to ony of them for socour or for trespace yt he had done / sholde be safe for pursute of all his enemyes. But afterward for the wayes were vntertayne / and stryfe was had / therfore Belinus the kynge that was ye foresayd Moliuncius sone / for to put a∣waye all stryfe and doubte / made foure hygh kynges wayes / preuyleged with preuylege & fredom. And the wayes through the ylonde. The fyrst and gretest of the foure wayes is called Fosse / and stretcheth out of the south in to the north / and begynneth from ye cor∣ner of Cornewayle and passeth forth by Deuenshyre by Somerset / and forth be∣sydes Tetbury vpon Cotteswold besyde Couentre vnto Leycestre / and so forth by wylde playnes towarde Newarke / and endeth at Lyncolne. The seconde chefe kynges hye waye is named wat∣lyngstrete / and stretcheth thwarte ouer Fosse / out of the southeest in to the north west / & begynneth at Douer / & passeth by the myddle of Kent ouer Temse be∣syde London by Westmynster / and so forth by saynt Albons in the west syde by Donstable by Sratford by Towce∣tre / by Wedom / by south Lylleborne / by Atheryston vnto Gylbertes hyll / yt now is called wrekene / & forth by Seuarne / and passeth besydes Wrokcestre / & than forth to Stratton / and so forth by the myddle of Wales vnto Cardykan / and endeth at the Irysshe see. The thyrde waye is called Erynnugestrete / & stret∣cheth out of the westnorth west in to the eestsoutheest / & begynneth in Meneuia that is saynt Dauids londe in west Wa¦les / & stretcheth forth vnto Southam∣ton. The fourth is called Rikenyldstrete & stretcheth forth by Worcestre / by Wy∣combe / and by Birmyngeham by Lech∣felde / by Derby / by Chestrefelde / by Yor¦ke / and forth vnto Tynmouth. THere bē thre famous ryuers ren∣nȳge through Britayn / by ye whi¦che thre ryuers marchaūtes of beyonde the see comen in shyppes in to Brytayn well nygh out of all maner of nacyons & londes. These thre ryuers ben Temse / Seuarne / & Humbre. The see ebbeth & floweth at these thre ryuers / and depar∣teth the thre prouinces of y• ylonde / as it were the thre kyngdomes asondre. The thre partyes ben Loegria / Cambria / & Northumbria / that is myddle Englōde wales & Northumberlonde. ¶ R. This name Tamyse semeth made one name of two names of two ryuers / that ben Tame & yse / for the ryuer of Tame ren∣neth besydes Dorchestre & falleth in yse / therfore all y• ryuer fro y• fyrst heed vnto the eest see is named Tamyse or Temse. Temse begȳneth besyde Tetbury / that is .iij. myle by north Malmesbury / there the Temse spryngeth of a well that ren∣neth eestwarde & passeth the Fosse / & de∣parteth Glocestre shyre & wylshyre / and draweth with hym many other welles and stremes / and wexeth grete at Gre∣cestre / and passeth forth than towarde Hampton / & so forth by Oxford / by wal∣lynforde / by Redynge / and by London. ¶ Wilhel. de pon. ca .ij. At the hauen of Sandwytche it falleth in to the eest see / and holdeth his name .xl. myle beyonde London / & departeth in some place Kent and Essex / westsex & Mercia / that is as it were a grete dele of myddle Englonde ¶ R. Seuarne is a ryuer of Brytayn / & is called Haberne in brytysshe / and hath that name Haberne of Haberne y• was Estryldes doughter. Guendolon y• que∣ne drowned this Haberne therin / ther∣fore the brytons called y• ryuer Haberne after y• woman y• was drowned therin / but by corrupte latyn it is called Sabri∣na / Seuarne in englysshe. Seuarne be∣gynneth in the myddle of Wales / & pas∣seth fyrst towarde y• eest vnto Shrowes∣bury / & than turneth southwarde vnto Brygnorth / worcestre & Glocestre / & fal∣leth in to the west see besydes Brystowe and departeth in some place Englonde & Wales. ¶ Wilhel. de pō .li .iij. Seuarne is swyfte of streme / moche fysshe is ther in / woodnes of the swolowynge & of the whyrlynge water casteth vp & gadre to hepe grete hepes of grauell. Seuarne ofte aryseth & ouerfloweth the bankes. ¶ R. Humbre hath that name of Hum∣bre kyng of Hunes / for he was drowned therin / & renneth fyrst a croke out of the south syde of yorke / & than it departeth the prouynce of Lyndesey y• longed som∣tyme to the Merces from the other coū∣tre Northumberlonde. Trent and Ous renne in to Humbre and make the ryuer full grete. ¶ Treuisa. The Merces we∣re men as it were of myddle Englonde / as it shall be sayd here after. THe kyngdome of Brytayne was somtyme made fayre wt .xxviij. noble citees wtout ryght many castelles that were walled wt coures / with gates and wt barres strōgly buylded. ¶ Afre. These were y• names of the citees. Car lud y• is London. Caerbranke y• is Yorke Caerkent that is Caūterbury. Caergo∣raukon that is Worcestre. Caerlirion y• is Leicestre. Caerclon that is Glocestre. Caercolden that is Colchestre. Carrey that is Chychestre / saxons called it som∣tyme Cissoncestre. Caercery that is Cir cestre. Caerguent that is Wyncheste. Caergraūte y• is Cambrydge. Caerleyll that is Lugubalia & Karlyll. Caerporis that is Porchestre. Caerdrom y• is Dor∣chestre. Caerludeoit that is Lyncolne & Lyndecolin. Caermarthyn that is Mer¦lyns cite. Caersegent that is Sicestre & is vpon Temse not ferre from Redyng. Leon that is Caerlegyon also / & hyght fyrst legecestre & now is named Chestre. Caerbathon that is Bache / & hight som¦tyme Athamannus cite. Caerpaladour that is Septon / y• now hyght Shaftes∣bury. ¶ R. Other citees ben foūde in cro nycles for vnderstandynge of storyes / of whom it shall folowe. ¶ Whel. de pon. London is a ryall and a ryche cite vpon Tamyse / of burgeyses / of riches of mar¦chauntes / of chaffre and marchaūdyse. Therfore it is that somtyme whā derth of vytayles is in all Englonde / comyuly at Londō it is best chepe / bycause of the byers & sellers y• ben at London. ¶ Gau¦fre. Brute y• fyrst kyng of Brytons buyl∣ded & dyfyed this te of London y• fyrst cite / in remembraūce of the cite of Troy that was destroyed / and called it Troy neweth & Trinouantū / yt is newe Troy Afterward kyng Lud called it Caerlud after his own name / therfore y• Brytons had indignayon as Gyldas telleth. Af∣terward Englysshmen called y• cite Lon¦don / & yet after that Normans called it Londres / & is named in latyn Lōdoa. Rudhudibras kyng Leyles sone was y• vu. kyng of Brytons / he buylded Caū∣terbury the chefe cite of Kent / & called it Caerkent. Afterward Englysshmen cal¦led it Doroernia / but yt is not Douer yt standeth vpon y• clif of y• frensshe see / & is frō this Douer .xii. englysshe myle. Af∣terward this Dorobera was & is cal∣led Caūterbury. The same king Rudhu¦dibras buylded Wynchestre / & called it Caerguent / & after Englysshmen called it went / & wynchestre after the name of one Wyne an Englysshman yt was bys∣shop there. All westsaxon was subiecte to hȳ / the same kyng buylded Paladour that is Septon yt now is called Shaftes¦bury. Britons tellen yt an egle {pro}heyed there somtyme. Bladud Leyles sone a ygromancer was the .ix. kyng of Bry∣tons / he buylded Bathe / & called it Caer¦bathon. Englisshmē called it after Atha∣mannus cite. But at y• last men called it Bathonia y• is Bathe. ¶ Wilhel. de pō. .ij. In this cite welleth vp & springeth baths / & men wene y• Iulius Ce∣zar made there suche bathes. ¶ R. But Gaufre. monemutensis in his brytysshe boke saith yt Bladud made those bathes bycause William hath not seen that bry¦tysshe boke wrote so by tellynge of other men / or by his own gessyng as he wrote other thynges not best auysedly. Ther∣fore it semeth more sothly that Bladud made not y• hote bathes / ne Iuli{us} Cezar¦dyd suche a dede / though Bladud buyl∣ded & made the cite / but it accordeth bet∣ter to kyndly reason yt the water renneth in the erth by vaynes of brymstone & sul¦phur / & so it is kyndly made hote in that course & spryngeth vp in dyuers places of y• cite. And so there ben hote bathes yt wasshen of teters / sores & scabbes ¶ Tre¦uisa. Though mē might by crafte make hote bathes for to endure longe ynough this accordeth well to reason & to philo∣sophy y• treateth of hote welles & bathes that ben in diuers londes / though y• wa¦ter of this bath be more troubly & sourer of sauour and of smell than other hote bathes ben that I haue seen at Acon in Almayn. And eyges in Sauoye whiche ben fayre & clere as ony well streme / I haue ben bathed therin & assayed them. ¶ R. Claudi{us} Cezar maryed his dough¦ter to Aruiragus kyng of Britōs. This Claudius Cezar buylded Glocestre in y• wedding of his doughter. Britōs called this cite fyrst after Claudius name / but afterward it was called Glocestre after one Gloria whiche was duke of y• coūtre & stādeth vpon Seuarne in y• marche of Englōde & wales. Shrowesbury is a ci∣te vpon Seuerne in y• marche of englōde & wales / & is set vpon y• toppe of an hyll & it is called Shrowesbury of shrobbes & fruyte yt grewe there somtyme o yt hyll. Brytons called it somtyme Pengwerne that is y• heed of a fayre tree. Shrowes∣bury was somtyme y• heed of Powesye that stretcheth forth toward ouer y• myd¦dell of wales vnto ye Irysshe see. Notyn∣gham standeth vpon Trent / & somtyme hyght Notyngham yt is ye wonnynge of dennes / for ye Danes dwelled there som∣tyme & dygged dennes and caues vnder harde stones & rockes & dwelled there. ¶ R. Lyncolne is chefe of ye prouynce of Lyndesey / & was called somtyme Caer∣ludcoit / & afterwarde Lyndecoln. It is vncertayne who buylded fyrst this cyte but yf it were kȳg Lud: & so it semeth by menynge of ye name / for caer is britysshe & is to saye a cite / & coit is a wode / & so it semeth yt Caerludcoit is to saye Luddes wode towne. Kȳg Leir was Bladuddes sone & buylded Leycetre / as it were in ye myddle of Englonde vpon ye ryuer Sos and vpon Fosse the kynges hye waye. yOrke is a grete cite in eyther syde of ye water of Ouse that semed as fayre as Rome vnto the tyme that kyng Willyam had wt brennynge & fyre defou¦led it & the coūtree aboute / so that a pyl∣grym wolde now wepe and he sawe it / yf he had knowen it tofore. ¶ Gaufre. Ebrancus the .v. kyng of Britons buyl∣ded yorke & called it after his own name Caerbranke. He buylded also two other citees / one in Scotlōde & is called Eden∣burgh / & an other toward Scotlonde in the ende of Englonde & is called Alcliud. ¶ R. Edenburgh is a cite in the londe of Pictes bytwene ye ryuer of Twede & the scottysshe see / & hyght somtyme ye castell of Maydens / & was called afterwarde Edenburgh of Edan kynge of Pictes / yt regned there in Egfridus tyme kyng of Northūberlonde. Alcliud was somtyme a noble cite / & is now well nygh vnkno∣wen to all Englysshmen. For vnder the Brytons & Pictes & Englysshmē it was a noble cite to ye comynge of the Danes. But afterward about ye yere of our lorde viij .C .lxx. it was destroyed whan ye da∣nes destroyed the coūtree of Northum∣berlonde. But in what place of Britayn that cite Alcliud was buylded / auctours tell diuersly. Beda li .j. sayth that it was buylded by west that arme of ye see that departeth bytwene the Britons and the Pictes somtyme there Seuer{us} famous wall endeth westward / and so it semeth by hym that it is not ferre frō Calell for that cite is set at the ende of the wall. Other wryters of storyes wryte that ye cite of Alcliud is that cite that now is cal¦led Aldburgh / yt is to saye / an olde tow∣ne / & standeth vpon the ryuer Ous not ferre fro Burghbrigge / that is .x. myle westward out of yorke / & it semeth that he preueth that by Gaufride in his boke of dedes of Brytons / he wryteth yt ∣durus kynge of Britons was lodged at the cite of Alcliud bycause of soae and huntynge / & founde his broder Argaon maskynge in a wode nygh there b that hyght Calatery / but that wd ¦latery whiche is Calters in recheth almoost to yorke / and streth towarde ye north by Aldburgh by space of .xx. myle / ye moost of that wode is now throwen down & the tylled. Other men wolde suppose yt Al¦cliud was that cyte that now is called Burgham in the north coūtree of w¦ merlonde fast by Comberlond and stan¦deth vpon ye riuer Eden the cite is wondersly seen. Deme ye now where it is buylded. ¶ Tresa. It is not harde to assoyle yf men take hede that many townes bere one name as Cartag in Af¦frica & Cartago in spayne. Newporte in wales & Newport in ye parysshe of Bar∣keley / Worten vnder egge & worton pas∣seth / wywar wyk payne & wyk in ye pa¦rysshe of Barkeley / & two shyre townes eyther is called Hampton / as South∣ampton & Northampton so it semeth by the storyes that one Alcliud was in York shyre / an other in westmerlōd / & one fast by the ryght syde of y• west arme of y• see that departeth Englonde & Scotlonde / But yt Alcliud was a ryght stronge cyte as Beda sayth / & y• cyte standeth fast by a ryuer yt is called Cliud / & there is not suche a ryuer in Yorkshyre nor in West∣merlonde as men of the coūtree tell me. Some men saye that the ryuer Cliud is now named Sulwatche. Sulwatche is but .v. fro Caerleyll / whiche is a ci¦te in y• oūtre of north Englond toward y• north west / & hath an other name / whi∣che is Luguball. Leyll the .vij. kynge of Britōs buylded Caerleyll. ¶ R. In this cite is som what of yt famous wall that passeth Northumberlond. ¶ Wihel. de pon. In this cite is yet a thre chambred hous made of vawte stones that neuer myght be destroyed wt tempest of weder¦ne wt brennynge of fyre. Also in y• coūtree fast by westmerlonde in y• front of a thre chambred place is wrytē in this maner Mar ictori. what this wrytyng is to saye I doubte somwhat / but yf it were so yt some of y• Combres laye there som∣tyme whan y• consull Mari{us} had put hȳ out of taly. But it semeth better yt it is wryten in mynde of Mari{us} kyng of Bri¦tons yt was Aruitag{us} sone. This Mari{us} ouerame in that place Rodryk kynge of Pictes / so sayth Gaufre in his brytysshe oke / William malmesury sawe neuer y• boke. At Hagulstaldes chirche is a pla¦ce .lxxx. myle out of york northwestward the place is as it were destroyed / so saith Wihel .li .iij. de pon▪ That place longed somtyme to y• bisshopriche of York / there were somtyme houses wt vyce arches & bautes in y• mane of Rome / now yt place is called Hestoldesham & Heglesham also Beda . . ca. . saith that y• place is fast by y• longe wall of the werke of Rome in the north halfe. ¶ R. There is difference bytwene the prouynce of Lindefar & the chirche Lindefarne. For the prouynce of Lyndefar & Lyndesey is all one / & lyeth by eest Lyncolne / & Lincolne is the heed therof / of the whiche sayth Beda li .iiij. ca .xj. that Sexuulfus was first bisshop there. But Beda lib .iiij. ca .xxiij. sayth y• Lyndefar chirche is an ylond yt is called holy ylonde in the ryuer of Twede nexte Barwyk. And so it is gadred of Bedaes sawes yt Twede renneth in to y• famous arme of y• see y• now departeth Englyssh men & Scottes in y• eest halfe / & in that arme bē thre ylondes / yt one is Maylros that now is called Menros. Thā about toward the west is Lyndefarne chirche that is called holy ylōde. Than ye thyrde is aboue vpward / & is the yloude Fare & is called also Feruy ylonde. Than vp∣warde aboue that two myle is a ryall ci¦te vpon y• brynke of Twede whiche som tyme hight Bebamburgh yt is Bobbes cite / & now is called Bamburgh / & hath a ryght stronge castell. ¶ Gir. in itinere Two ytees there ben eyther is called Caerlegyon & Caerleon also / one is De∣ecia in south wales that is called Ca∣eruske / also there the ryuer of Vske fal∣leth in to Seuerne fast by Glamorgan. Bellin{us} king of Britons somtyme buyl∣ded that cite / & was somtyme the chefe cyte of Demecia in south wales. After∣warde in Claudius esars tyme it was called y• cite Legyons whan at y• prayer of Genius the quene / Vaspasianus and Aruirag{us} were accorded / & Legyons of Rome were sent in to Irlonde / tho was Caerleon a noble cyte & of grete auctori∣te / and by the Romayns ryally buylded and walled about with walles of brent tyle. Grete noblesse yt was there in olde tyme is there yet in many places seen / as the grete palayses / gyaūtes toures / noble bathes / eleef of y• temples places of the atrees / that were places hygh & ryall to stande and syt in / and to beholde about. The places were yally closed wt ryall walles that yet sodele standeth yght nygh close. And within y• walles and without is grete buyldynge vnder¦erth / water cōduytes and wayes vnder¦erth / & stewes also y• shalte se wonderly made wt strayte syde wayes of brethyng that wonderly cast vp hete. In this cite were somtyme thre noble chirches / one was of saynt Iulius y• martyr / & therin a grete company of virgins. That other was of saynt Aaron that was of y• ordre of blacke chauons / yt chirche was ryght nobly aourned. The thyrd chirche was the chefe moder chirche of all Wales / & the chefe see. But after warde y• chefe see was turned out of that cite in to Mene∣uia / that is saynt Dauids londe in west wales. In this Caerleon was Amphi∣bal{us} borne yt taught saynt Albon. There y• messengers of Rome came to grete Ar∣thurs courte / yf it is leull to byleue Tre¦uia / yf Girald{us} was in doubte whether it were lefull to byleue or not▪ it were a wonder shewynge as men wolde wene for to haue euermore in mynde & euer be in doubte yf all his okes were suche / what lore were therin / & namely whyle he maketh none euydene / for in neyther syde he telleth what ineueth hym so to saye. ¶ R. There is an other cite of Le∣gyons there his Cronyeles were betra∣uayled as it is clerely knowen by y• fyrst thatre of this boke. ¶ Truisa. That is to vnderstande in the layn wrytyng. For he y• made it in latyn turned it not in to Englisshe in y• same place that it was first in layn. The vnderstandyng of hȳ that made this Cronyles is thus wry∣ten in latyn in y• begȳnynge of this boke Presentem Cronican compauit fratr Ranulph{us} Cestrens monachus. That is to say in Englisshe. Broder Ranulph mone of Chestre compyled & made this boke of the Crnyes. ¶ . The cite of Legions that is Chestre tandeth in the Marche of Englonde toward Wales by twene two armes of the see y• named De & Mersee. This cite in tym of Bry∣tons was heed & chefe cite of a¦cia / that is Northwales. The oūder of this cite is vnknowen. For who y• eeth the foūdementes of y• grete ones wold rather wene y• it were Romayns weke or werke of gyauntes / than it were by werkynge of Britons. This som¦tyme in Britysshe spche hyght Ca leon / Legecestria in latyn / & Chestre Englysshe / & y• cite of Legyons also. For there laye a wynter y• legyons of knygh¦tes that Iulius Cezar sent for to wynne Irlond. And after Claudius Cezar sent Legyons out of that cite for to wnne y• ylonde yt he called Orades. What euer Wyllyam Mamesbury by tellnge of other men mente of this cite. This hath pte of lyuelode / of come of esshe of fysshe / & speyally of pryce of samon. This cite yueth grete marchase and sendeth out also. Also nygh this cite ben salt welles / metall & . Northum∣brers destroyed this cite somtyme. But afterward Eleda lady of M ¦ded it agayn / & made it moche mor. In this same cite ben wayes vnder the with vawtes & stone werke wonderly wrought / thre chambre werkes / grete stones grauen with olde mēnes names therin. There is also Iulius Cars na¦me wonderly grauen in stone and other noble mnes also wt the wrytyng about. This is the cite that Etheide kyng of Northumberlonde destroyed / and we there fast by nygh two thousande mon∣kes of the mynster of Bangor. This is the cite that kynge Edgar came thyder somtyme wt .vij. kyge y• were ug to hym. I metre breketh out in this ma∣ner in prayyng this cit. Chestre▪ castell towne / as it were / name taketh of a ca∣stell. It is vnknowen what man buyl∣ded this cite now. Tho legecestria chees hyght now towne of Legyones. Now Waisshe and Englisshe holde this cite of grete pryce. Stones on walles semeth werke Hercules all. There longe with myght / to dure yt hepe is hyght. Saxon small stones / set vpon grete ben at ones. There vnder grounde / lotynge double voute is foūde. That helpeth wt sondes many men of westerne londes. Fysshe flesshe and corne lowe / this Cite towne hath ynowe. Shyppes & chaffare / see water brȳgeth ynough thare. Godestal there is / that was Emperour or this. And forth Henry kynge / erthe is there dwellynge. Of kynge Haralde / powder is there yet y halde. Bachus and Mer∣curius / Mars and Venus. Also Lauer∣na / Protheus and Pluto / regne there in the towne. ¶ Treuisa. God wote what this is to mene / but poetes in theyr ma∣ner speche fayne as though euery kynde crafte & lyuynge had a dyuers god eue∣ryche from other. And so they fayned a god of batayle & of fyghtyng & called hȳ Mars / and a god of couetyse & richesse & marchaūdyse / & called hym Mercurius And so Bachus is called god of wyne. Ʋenus goodesse of loue & beaute. Lauer ua god of theire & of robbery. Protheus god of falshede & of gyle / & Pluto god of hell. And so it semeth that these verses wolde mene that these foresayd goddes regne & ben serued in Chestre. Mars wt fyghtyng & cockynge. Mercurius with couetyse & rychesse. Bachus with grete drȳkyng. Venus wt loue lewdly. Lauer∣na wt thefre & robbery. Procheus wt fais∣hede & gyle. Thā is Pluto not vnserued that is god of hell. ¶ R. There Babylon lore / more myght hath trouth the more. TAke hede that Englonde contey∣neth .xxxij. shyres & prouynces / yt now ben called erledomes / reserued Cor∣newayle & yt ylonde. ¶ Alfre. These ben the names of yt erledomes & shires. Kent Southsex / Sothery / Namshyre / Barok shyre that hath his name of a bare oke yt is in the forest at wyndsore / for at yt bare oke men of that shyre were wōt to come togyder and make theyr treatyes / and there take coūseyle & aduyse. Also Wyl∣shyre that hight somtyme the prouynce of Semerā / Somerset / Dorset / Deuen shyre / that now is called Deuonia in la∣tyn. These .ix. south shyres the Tamyse departeth frō the other dele of Englonde which were somtyme gouerned & ruled by the westsaxons lawe. Eestsex / Myd∣delsex / Southsex / Northfolke / Herford shyre / Huntyngdon shyre / Northamton shyre / Cambrydge shyre / Bedfordshyre / Bokȳgham shyre / Leycestre shyre / Der by shyre / Notyngham shyre / Lyncolne shyre / Yorkeshyre / Durham shyre / Nor∣thumberlonde / Caerleylshyre / wt Cum∣berlonde / Appelbyshyre / with Westmer londe / Lancastre shyre that conteyncth fyue lytell shyres. These .xv. North and Eest shyres were somtyme gouerned & ruled by the lawe called Mercia in latyn & Marchene lawe in Englysshe. It is to wyte that Yorke shyre stretcheth from yt ryuer of Humber vnto yt ryuer of Teyse And yet in Yorke shyre ben .xxij. hondre∣des / hondred & candrede is all one. Can∣drede is one worde made of walssue and Irysshe / & is to menynge a coūtree that conteyneth an hondred townes / & is also in Englysshe called wepentake / for som∣tyme in the comynge of a newe lorde te∣naūtes were wont to yelde vp theyr we∣pen in stede of homage. Durhamshyre stretcheth frō the ryuer of Teyse vnto yt riuer of Tyne. And for to speke properly of Northumberlond it stretcheth fro the ryuer of unto the ryuer of Tode That is in ye begynnyngs of ScotlondeTha y y• cotree of Northmberlonde that was somtyme from umber unto Twee be now accounted for one shyre & one / as it was yine. Than ben in Englond but .xxii. shyres / but yf the countre of Northumberionde be de∣parted in to .vi. shyres yt ben Euerwyke shyre / Durhamshyre / Norchumberlōde Cuerleilshyre / Appelbyshyre / Laucastre shyre / than ben in englōde .xxxvi. shyres without Cornewayle / & also without yt ylondes. Kynge William made all these prouynces and shyres to be descryued & meue. Than were foūden .xxxvi. shyres and halfe a shyre. Townes .iii. M. and soure score. Parysshe churches .xivi. M. and two. knyghtes fees .ixxv. thousan∣de / wherof men of religyon haue .xxvij. thousande and .xv. any ghtes fees. But now the wodes ben hewen towne and the londe newe tylled / and made moche more than was at that tyme / and many townes & vyllages buyiden / & so there be many moo vyllages & now than were at that tyme. And where as afore is wryten that Cornewayle is not fet amonge the shyres of Englonde / it may stande amonge them well ynough for it is neyther in wales nor in Scot∣londe / but it is in Englonde / & it loyneth vnto Deuenshyre / & so may there be ac∣counted in Englonde .xxxvii. shyres and an hath with the other shyles. OVnwall that hight Moina{us} also made fyrste aes in Bry∣tayne / ye whiche is lawes / & were vnto Willyam Conques his that lede men therto / and powe men so∣lowes sholde haue preuylege & fredome for to saue all men that wolde flee therto for sorour and refuge. Than afterward Mercia quene of Brytous yt was Gwyl telinus wyfe / of her the prouynce had yt name of Mercia as some men suppose. She made a lawe full of wytte & reason and was called Merchene lawe. ¶ Gyis das that wrote the Cronyeles and hysto ryes of the Brytons / turned these two lawes out of Brytons speche in to laryn. And afterward kynge Aluredus turned all out of latyn in to Saxons speche / and was called Merchene lawe. Also yt same kynge Aluredus wrote in Englysshe / & put to another lawe yt hyght westsaron lawe. Than afterwarde Danis were lordes in this londe / & so came forth the thyrde lawe that hyght Dane lawe. Of these threlawes saynt Edward yt thyrd made one comyn lawe / that yet is called saynt Edwardes lawe. I holde it will done to wryte & expowne many termes of these lawes. Myndebruch hurtyng of honour & worshyp. In irenssbe blescur de honnour. Burbruck in frenside dies∣chur de tourt ou de cioys. Grithburche brekyng of peas. Mylkennynge chaun∣gynge of speche in courte. Sbewynge set tynge forth of marchaundyse. Ham∣sokne or Hamfare a rere made in hous / forstallynge wronge or bette downe in yt kynges hye waye. Frith soken surete in defēce. Sak forsayte. Soka sure of court and therof cometh Soken. Theam sure of bondmen fyghrynge wytee. Amerse∣ment for fyghtyng. Blodemytte. ∣sement for shedynge of blode. Flyt amendes for sheoyng of blode. Leyr wyt amendes for lyenge by a boud woman. yere amendes for trespace. Scoe a gaderynge to werke of bayllyes. Ny∣dage tayllage for dydes of londe. Danes sholde tayllage gyuen to yt Dauts that was euery bona taterre. That is euery exe londe thre pens. A wepentake and an hondred is all one / for the countree of townes were wonte to gyue vp wepen in the comynge of a lorde. Lestage custo∣me chalenged in chepynges fames / and stallage / custome for standyng in stretes in fayre tyme. THe kyngdome of Brytayne stode without departynge hole and all one kyngdome to the Brytons / from the fyrst Brute vnto Julius Cezars tyme / and fro Julius Cezars tyme vnto Se∣uerus tyme this londe was vnder try∣bute to yt Romayns. Neuerthelesse kyn∣ges they had of yt same londe frō Seue∣rus vnto the last prynce Gracian succes∣sours of Brytayn fayled / and Romayns regned in Brytayn. Afterwarde the Ro∣mayns lefte of theyr regnynge in Bry∣tayne / bycause it was fetre from Rome and for grete besynes that they had on yt other syde. Than Scottes and Pietes by mysledynge of Maximus the tyraūt pursued Brytayn / & warred there with grete strengthe of men of armes longe tyme / vnto the tyme that the Saxons came at the prayenge of the Brytons a∣gaynst the Pictes / & put out Gurmond the Irysshe kyng with his Pictes / and the Brytons also with theyr kynge that hight Careticus / and droue them out of Englond into Wales. And so yt Saxons were vyctoryous / & euery prouynce af∣ter his strength made hym a kyng. And so departed Englonde in to seuen kyng∣domes. Neuerthelesse afterwarde these seuē kyngdomes euerychone after other all in to one kyngdome. All hole vn the prynce Adelstoue. Neuerthelesse nes pursued this londe fro Adei∣ tyme that was Alurents fader vnto the thy abouts au .C .lxx. lly therin .xxil. re And after hym Haralde hlde the kyng∣dome .ix. mouethes. And after hym. Nor mans haue regned vnto this tyme / but how longe they shall regue he to whome no thynge is vnknowen. ¶ Of yt foresayd seuen kyngdomes & theyr markes mares & boundes / whan they began / & how longe they endured / here shall I somwhat shortly tell. ¶ Alfre. The fyrst kyngdome was yt kyngdome of Kent / yt stretcheth fro the eest Occean vnto yt ryuer of Tamyse. There regned the fyrst Engystes / & began to regne by the accountynge of Dionyse the yere of our lorde A .C .lv. that kyngdome dured iii .C .lviij. yere .xv. kinges / vnto yt tyme that kynge Baldrede was put out / and Egbert kynge of westsaxon ioyned that kyngdom to his owne. The second kyng dome was at Southsaxon / that had in the eest syde kent / in the south the see & the yle of wyght / in the west Hamshyre & in the north sothery / there Ella regned fyrst wt his thre sones / & began to regne the yere after the comynge of yt Angles euen .xxx. But that kyngdome within shorte tyme passed in to the other kyng∣domes. The thyrde kyngdome was of Eestsaxon / & bad in the eest syde the see / in the west the coūtree of London / in the fouth Temse / & in yt north Southfolke. The kynges of this coū of westsaron fro the first Sebertes tyme vnto yt tyme of the Danes were .x. kynges / the whi∣che were subgecte somdele to other kyn∣ges. Neuerthelesse ot est & longest they were vnder the kynges of Merci / & to the tyme y• Egbert the kynge of west∣saxon ioyned y• kyngdome was to his owne. The fourth kyngdome was of Eest gles / & conteyneth Northfolke & South folke / and hath in the east syde and in the north syde the see / & in y• north west Cam bridge shyre / in y• west saynt Comondes dyche & Herfordshyre / & in y• south Essex. And this kyngdom duted vnder twelue kynges / vnto the tyme y• kyng Edmond was slayne. And than the Danes toke wrongfully both the kyngdomes of eest Angles and of eest Saxon. Afterwarde the Danes were put out and dryuena∣waye / or made subgecte. And than the elder kynge Edwarde ioyned bothe the kȳgdomes to his orane. The fyfth kyng dome was of westsaxon / & dured longest of all these kyngdomes / & had in the eest syde fouthsaxon / in the north Tamyse / in the south & in the west the see Occean In that kyngdome regned Serdryk wt his sone Kenryke / & began to regne the yere of our lorde god .v .C. and .xix. and than after the comynge of Angles .lxxi. so sayth Denys the other kyngdomes passed in to this kyngdome. The syxth kyngdome was of Mercia / & was gre∣test of all. The markes & the meres ther of were in the west syde of the ryuer De faste by Chestre / and Seuarne faste by Shrowesbury vnto Brystowe / in y• eest the eest see / in the south Tamyse vnto London / in the north the ryuer of Hum∣ber / and so westwarde and downwarde vnto the riuer Mersee vnto the corner of wyrhall / there Number falleth in to the west see. Penda Wyvves sone regned fyrst in this kyngdome in the yere of our lorde Jesu Chryst .vi. C .xxvi. soo sayth Denys / and fro the comynge of Angles an hondred .lxxv. yere. This kyngdome dured vnder .xviii. kynges aboute two hondred .lxiij. yere / vnto y• last Colwulfe the Danes vetoke y• kyngdome to kept whan Burdred the kyng was put out / but the elder Edward the kyng put out the Danes / and ioyned the kyngdom of Mercia to his owne kyngdome. Neuer∣thelesse at the begyunynge this kyng∣dome of Mercia was departed in to thre In west Mercia / in myddell Mercia / & eest Mercia. The .vij. kyngdome was Northamhymbro{rum} / yt is the kyngdome of Northumberionde / the meres & mar∣kes therof were by west & by cest the see of Occean / by south yt tyuer of Humber / and so downward toward the west by yt ende of the shyres of Notyngham and of Derby vnto the ryuer of Merses / and by north the Scottes see / that hyght forth in Scottes / weres in Britysshe / y• Scot tysshe see in Englysshe. This kyngdom of Northumberlonde was fyrst deied in two prouynces. That one was y• south syde & hyght Deyra / & that other was y• north syde & hyght Brenicia / as it were two kyngdomes / & the ryuer departed these two kyngdomes that tyme / for the kyngdome of Deyra was from y• ryuer of Humber vnto the ryuer of Tyne. The kyngdome of Brenicia was fro Tyne to the Scottysshe see. And whan Pirres dwelled there as Beda sayth li .iij. ca .ii. That Ninian y• holy man cōuetted men of the south syde. Ida the kynge regned there fyrst / & began to regne the yere of our lorde .v .C. & .xlvij. so sayth Denys. In Deyra regned kyng Elle the yere of our lorde .v. C .xlix. These two kyngdo∣mes were other whyle (as it is sayd) de∣parted bytwene two kinges / & somtyme all hole vnder one kyng / and dured as it were .xx. Englysshe kynges .CCC .xxi. yere. At y• last Osbartus and Elle were slayne in the .ix. yere of theyr kyngdome the Danes slewe them / & Northumber∣londe was voyde wtout kynge .viii. yere Than afterwarde the Danes regned in Northumberlonde .xxxvi. yere / vnto the onynge of y• kyngdome. Adeistone made subgecte the kynges / Danes / scottysshe & walsshe / & regned fyrst alone in Eng∣longe / & helde y• kyngdome of Englonde all hole and all one kyngdome / that was the yere of our lorde. viij .C .xxviij. That tyuer of Meree was somtyme marke & mere bytwene the kyngdome of Mercia and the kyngdome of Northumberlond that may be shewed in two maners / first by this properte of this Mersee / that is as moche to saye as a see y• is a boūde & a mere / for it departeth one kyngdome frō an other. Also it is wryten in Cronycles of Henry & Alfrede y• kyng Edward y• el∣der fastned a castell at Mācestre in Nor∣thumberlond / but y• cite Mācestre is fro the tyuer of Mersee scarsely thre myle. IVrius was the fyrst kyng chry∣stened of y• Brytons / in his tyme were thre archebysshoppes sees in Bry∣tayne / oue was at London / an other at yorke / & the thyrde at Cacrusk the cite of Legyōs in Glamorgan / that cite is now called Caerleon. To these archebisshops sees were subgete .xxviij. bysshops / & were called Flammes. To the archebys∣shops see of Londō was subgecte Corne wayle & all myddell Englōde vnto Hum¦ber. To yorke all Northumberlonde frō the bowe of Humber with all Scotlōde. To Caerleon all Wales / there were in wales .vij. bisshops / & now ben but .iiij. Tho Seuarne departed Englonde and Wales. ¶ Withel. de pon. lib .iij. But in the Saxons tyme / though saynt Grego¦ry had granted London the preuilege of the archebysshops see / neuertheles saint Austyn that was sent in to Englonde by saynt Gregory turned y• archebysshops e out of London in to Caūterbury. Af∣ter saynt Gregoryes days at y• prayer of kyng Ethebryght & citezyns & burgey∣ses of cauterbury / there y• archebisshops see hath vnto now / saue that in y• tyme Offa kyng of Mercia was men of Caunterbury / & bena them y• worship / & worshypped Adulphe bisshop of Lychfeld wt the archbisshops pall by assent of Adrian y• pope vpon case by gyftes sent. Neuertheles vnder Ke∣nulphe y• kyng it was restored to Caun∣terbury agayn. The worshyp of y• see of yorke hath dured there alway & yet du∣reth / though Scotlond be withdrawen fro his subgeccion by passynge of tyme. ¶ Gir. in it inere li .j. The archebisshops see was turned out of Caerleon i to Me∣neuia / that is in y• west syde of Demii vpon the Irysshe see in saynt Dauyds tyme vnder kynge Arthur. From saynt Dauyds tyme vnto Sampsons tyme were in Meneuia .xxiij. archebysshops. Afterward fell a pestylence in all Wales of y• yelowe euyll / y• is called the Iaūdys And thā Sampson y• archebysshop toke with hym y• pall & went in to Brytayne Armonica y• lesse Brytayn / & was there bisshop of Dolensis / from y• tyme vnto y• fyrst Hentyes tyme kynge of Englonde were at Meneuia whiche is called saint Dauids .xxi. bysshops all without pall / whether it were for vncunnynge or for pouerte. Neuertheles alway fro y• tyme the bysshops of Wales were satted of y• bysshop of Meneuia of saynt Duyds / & the bysshop of Meneuia was sacred of y• bysshops of Wales as of his suffrigans & made no {pro}fessyon ne subgecciō to none other chirche. Other bysshops y• came afterwarde were sacred at Caūterbury by cōpellyng & hest of y• kynge / in token of y• sacrynge & subgeccyon / Boniface ar¦chebysshop of Caūterbury y• was legate of the Crosse songe in euery Cathedrall chirche of Wales solempnely. Amas he was y• fyrst archbisshop of Caūterbury that so did in Wales / & that was done in the second Henryes tyme. ¶ . But now ben but two prymates in all Englonde / of Caunterbury & of Yorke. To the pry∣mate of Caunterbury ben subgecte .xiij. bysshops in Englonde and .iiij. in wales The prymate of yorke hath but two suf frigans in Englonde / y• ben y• bisshops of Caeryl & of Durham. Of all these sees and chaungynge of theyr places I shall shewe you here folowyng. Take hede in the begyunynge of holy chirche in Eng∣lōde bysshops ordeyned theyr sees ī lowe places & symple y• were ounable for cō templacyon / for prayers & deuocyō. But in Willyam conquerours tyme by dome of lawe canon it was ordeyned that bys∣shops come out of small townes in to grete tees / therfore was y• see of Dor chestre haūged to Lyncolne. Lychfelde to Chestre. Tetford to Norwiche. Shyr borne to Salysbury. Welles to Bathe. Cornewayle to Excestre / and Selesey to Chychestre. The bysshop of Rochestre hath no parysshe / but he is the archebys¦shops chapelayn of Caūterbury. Sith y• see of Caerbury was first ordeyned by saȳt Austin / it chaūged yet neuer his pla¦ce. Chichestre hath vnder hȳ onely Sus∣sex & y• yle of wyght / & had his see first in Selesey in the tyme of the archebysshop Theodore / & y• see dured there .ccc .xxxiii. yere vnder .xx. bysshops fro y• fyrst Wil∣frede vnto y• last Stygande at y• cōmaū∣dement of kynge Wyllyam conquerour chaūged y• see fro Selesey to Chichestre. HAue mynde that all y• prouynce of westsaxon had alway one bisshop fro y• begȳnynge vnto Theodorus tyme by graūt of king I kyng of westsaxon the fyrst Birinus ordyned a see at Dor∣chestre that is a symple towne by south Oxforde besyde Walyngford bytwene y• metynge togyder of emse and Came. Whan Birinus was deed / kenwaltus the kynge ordeyned a see at Wynchestre as his aber had putposed / there Agyl∣bert a Fresshman was fyrst bysshop of all the prouince of westsaxon / fro y• tyme thecite & the see of Dorchestre peyned to the {pro}uynce of Mercia / y• cite standeth within Temse / & the Temse departeth bytwene Mercia & westsaxon. After that Agilbert was put out of Wynchestre / y• tho hyght Wynton / than was there an Englysshe bysshop y• was calle Wyne. Some men suppose y• this cite hath the name of this Wyne / and is called Wyn∣chestre / as it were wyne cite. At y• last he was put out / & after hym came Leuthe∣rius y• foresayd Agberts neuewe. After Leuthert{us} Hedda a whyle was bysshop there / whan he was deed Theodorus y• archebysshop ordeyned two bysshops to the {pro}uince of westsaxon. D at wyn¦chestre / to hȳ were subgect two coūts Southery & Southamshyre / & to hym were subgecte .vi. oūtrees / Barkshyre / wylshyre / Somerset / Dorsetshyre / D uenshyre & Cornewayle. ¶ . It semeth by this that westsaxon cōyned Southery / Southamshyre / Dorshy¦re / Deuenshyre / & Cornewayle. ¶ W∣hel. Afterward in elder Edwardes tyme to these two sees were ordeyned by com∣maūdemēt of Formosus y• pope .iij. other sees / at welles for Somerset / at kyrton for Deuenshyre / & at saynt Germayn for Cornewayle. Not longe afterwarde the syxth see was set at bury for wyl¦shyre. At y• last by cōmandement of kyng Willyam conquerour all these sees (sau wynchestre) were turned & chaūged out of small townes in to grete Cytees / for Shyrborne and Kammesbury were tur¦ned in to Salysbury. Now to that see is subgecte Barkshyre / wylshyre & Dorset The see of welles was turned to Bathe therto is now subgecte all Somers. The sees of Kyrton and of Cornewayle chaūged to Excestre / therto is sub∣ & Cornewayle. IT it knowen that the erst Saxons alway fro the begyunynge to now were subgecte to the bysshop of London But y• prouynce of st Angles that con∣teyneth Norfolke and Suffolke had one bysshop at Donwyk / the bysshop hyght Felix / & was of Bugoyne / & was bys∣shop .xvij. yere. After hȳ Thomas was bysshop .v. yere / after hȳ Boniface. xvi. yere. Than Bysy afterward was ordey¦ned by Theodorus / & ruled the prouynce whyle he might endure by hȳselfe alone After hym vnto Egbertes tyme kynge of Westsaxon an .C .xliij. two bysshops ruled that prouynce / one at Donwyk / & an other at Elyngham. Neuertheles af∣ter Ludecans tyme king of Mercia lefte and was onely one see at Elyngham vn¦to the fyfth yere of William conquerour whan Herfastus the▪ xxiij. bisshop of the estrene chaūged his see to Tetford / and his successour Herbertus chaunged the see fro Tetford to Norwytche / by y• leue of kynge Wyllyam the reed. The see of Ely that is nygh therto the fyrst kynge Henry ordeyned the .ix. yere of his regne and made subgecte therto Cambrydge shyre / that was tofore a parte of the by¦shopryche of Lyncolne / and for uytyng therof he gaue to y• bysshop of Lyncolne a good towne called Spaldynge. HEre take hede y• as the kyngdome of Mercia was alway gretest for the tyme / so it was deled in moo bysshop tyches / and specyally by grete herte by kynge Offa / whiche was .xl. yere kyng of Mercia / he chaūged y• achebysshops see fro Caunterbury to Lythfelde by as∣st of Adryan the pept. Than th pro∣ of Mercia and of Lindeat in the first begynnynge of theyr in kynge wulfrans tyme had one bys∣shop of Lychfelde / the fyrst bysshop that was there hyght Dwyn / the seconde hight Celath / & were bothe Scottes / af¦ter them y• thyrde Trumphere / y• fourth Iarmuanus / the fyfth Chedde. But in Edelfredes tyme that was Wulfrans broder whan Chedde was deed / Theo∣dorus the archebysshop ordeyned there wynfrede Cheddes deken. Neuertheles apud Hyndon after that for he was vn∣buxom in some poynt / he ordeyned there Sexwulf abbot of Medamstede that is named Burgh. But after Sex wulfes fourth yere / Thus y• archbysshop ordeyned .v. bysshops in the prouynce of Mercia / & so he ordeyned Bosell at Wor∣cestre / Cudwyn at Lychfelde / y• foresayd Sexwulfe at hestre / Edelwyn at Lyn¦desey at the cite Sidenia: & he to EWord mnke of the abbey of Hylde a whythy and made hym bysshop of Dorchestre e syde Oxford. tho hyght this Dorch estre Dorkynge / & sh y• sce of y• longed to west∣saxon / in saynt Birynes tyme longed to Mercia frō Thorus y• archebisshops tyme Ethelred kynge of Mercia had de∣stroyed kent / this bysshop Sexwulfe toke Pirtas bysshop of Rochestre y• came out of Kent & made hym fyrst bysshop of Herford. At y• last whan Sexwulfe was deed Hedda was bisshop of Lychfelde af¦ter h wylfred flemed out of Northū∣berlōd was bisshop of Chestre / neuerthe es after two yere Alfred kȳg of North berloude dyed & wylfred turued agayne to his owne see Hagustalden / & so Hedda helde bothe y• bysshopriches of Lichfelde & Ehestre. After h came Albyn y• hyght worlso / & after ȳ came thre bysshops. Tortant Chestre / witta at Lychfelde / & Eata was yet at dorchestre. A his eth bisshops of Lyndsey held his see .ccc. iij yere vnto emigi{us} chaūged y• see to Lyn¦coln by leue of y• fyrst king william. But in ogars tyme bysshop Leofwin{us} wy∣ned bothe bisshopryches togider of Che∣stre & Lyndeffar whyle his lyf endured. AT Yorke was one see for all the prouynce of Northumberlode. Paulmus helde fyrst y• see / & was ordey¦ned of y• bysshop of Caūterbury / & helde that see of Yorke .vii. yere. Afterwarde whan kyng Edwyn was slayne & thyn∣ges were dystroubled / Paulinus weat awaye thens by water in to Kent from whens he came fyrst / & oke wt hym the pall. ¶ Withel .li .iii. And so the bysshop ryche of yorke ceased .xxx. yere / & the vse of y• pall ceased there an .C .xxv. yere / vn to that Egbert y• bysshop y• was the kyn¦ges broder of y• lōde recouered it by aucto rice of y• pope. ¶ . Whan saynt Oswold regned Aydanus a Scatte was bysshop in Brenicia / that is y• north syde of Nor∣thumberloude / after hym Finiau{us} / after hym Salmanus. ¶ Wilhel. vbi s. At y• last he went in to Scotlonde wt grete in∣dignacyon / for wilfred vndertoke hȳ / for he helde vnlawfully eester day .xxx. yere After y• Pais was gone from thens Wylfrede was made bysshop of yorke. ¶ Beda li .iiii. But whyle he dwelled lon¦ge in Fraūce about his sacrynge at excy¦tynge of qua / y• were they that helde ster daye the .xiiii. daye of y• mone. Chedde was takē out of his abbey of Listynge & wrongfully put out into y• see of york by assent of kyng Oswy. But thre yere afterward Theoderus y• arche bysshop dyd hym awaye / & assygned by to the uynce of Mercia / & restored wyl frede to y• s yorke. But after bycause of wrath y• was bytwene hym & y• kyng Egfryde was put out of y• see by Theo∣dorus helpe y• archebysshop / y• was cor∣rupte with some maner mede / this was done after that wilfred had be bysshop of yorke / & Cumbert at Hagustalde chie he / & Eata at Lyndeffat chirche / y• now is called holy ylonde in y• riuer of Twede Aydanus foūde fyrst y• see. And Theodo rus made Eadhedus bysshop of Repoun that was comen agayn out of Lyndesey Wilfred had bē abbot of Repoun. Theo∣dorus sente Trunwynus to the londe of Pictes in the endes of Englonde fast by Scotlōde in a place y• hyght Candida a sa / & whyterne also / there saynt Huan a Bryton was fyrst foūder and doctour. But all these sees outtake yorke fayled lytell lytell / for y• see of Cando caa / y• is Galleway that tho longed to Englōde & dured many yeres vnder .x. bysshops vnto y• it had no power by destroyenge of the Pictes. The sees of Hagustaide & of Lyndeffar was somtyme all one vndre ix. bysshops aboute .lxxxx. yere / & durrd vnto y• comynge of the Danes. In that tyme vnder Hyngar & Hubba Ardu the bysshop went longe aboute with sayne Cutbertes body vnto kyng Aluredes ty¦me kynge of westsaxon / & the see of Lyn deffar was set at Kunegestre y• is called Kunyngy sourgh also / that place is cal∣led now Vbbesford vpon wede. At the last the .xvii. yere of kyng Egberr kynge Edgars sone / that see was chaunged to Dutham / & saynt Cutbertes body was brought thyder by y• doynge of Edmond the bysshop / & fro y• tyme forwarde y• sees of Hagustalde & Lyndeffar fayled vtter∣ly. The fyrst kynge Henry in the .ix. yere of his regne made the newe see at Caer∣leyll. The arche byssop of Caūterbury hath vnder hym .xiii. bysshops in Eng∣londe / & .iiii. in wales / he hath Rochestre vnder hym / & y• see hath vnder by a part in Kent alone. London hath vnder hym Essex / Myddelsex a halfe Act fordshyre. Chychestre hath vnder hym Southse / and the yle of wyght. Wynchestre hath vnder hym Hamshyre & Southery. Sa¦lysbury hath vnder h Barkshyre / Wyl¦shyre / Dorset. Exre hath vnder hym Deuenshyre & Cornewayle. Bothe hath vnder hym Somerletshyre alone. Wor∣testre hath vnder hym Glocestreshyre / Worcestreshyre / & halfe Warwykshyre. Herford hath vnder hym Herfordshire & some of Shropshyre. Chestre is bysshop of Couētre & of Lychfelde / & hath vnder hȳ Chestreshyre / Staffordshyre / Derby¦shyre / halfe Warwykshyre / and some of Shropshyre / & some of Lancastreshyre fro the ryuer of Mersee vnto y• ryuer Ry¦pyll. Lyncolne hath vnder hym the pro∣uynces y• ben bytwene Temse & Humber that ben the shyres of Lyncolne / of Ley∣cestre / of Northamton / of Hunt yngdon / of Bedford / of Bokyngham / of Oxforde and halfe Herfordshyre. ly hath vnder hȳ Cambrydgshyre outtake Merlonde. Norwyche hath vnder hym Merlonde / Norfolk & Suffolk. Also y• archcbysshop of Caūterbury hath foure suffrigans in wales that ben Landaf / saynt Dauyes Bangor / & saynt aph. The archebys∣shop of yorke hath now but two bisshops vnder hym / y• is Durham & Caerleyll. ¶ . And so ben but two prymates in Englonde / what of them shall do to the other / & in what mener poynt he shal be obedyent & vnder hym / it is fully contey¦ned within about y• yere of our lord god M .lxxij. tofore y• fyrst kynge Willyam & the bysshops of Englonde by cōmaunde¦ment of y• pope the cause was handled & treated bytwene the foresayd prymates & ordeyned & demed that the prymate of Yorke shal be subgecte to the prymate of Caūterbury in thynges y• lngen to the worship of god & to y• yleue of holy chir¦che / so that in what place so euer it be in Englonde y• the prymate of Caūterbury holde & constrayne to gader a coun¦seyle of clergye the pryate of Yorke is holden wt his suffrygans for to be there & for to be obedyent to y• ordinaunce that there shall be lawfully ordeyned. Whan the prymate of Caūterbury deed / the prymate of Yorke shall come to Caūter∣bury and wt other bysshops he shal sacre hym y• is chosen / & so wt other bysshops he shall sae his owne prymate. Yf the prymate of Yorke be deed / his successour shall come vnto y• bysshop of Caunterbu¦ry / & he shall take his ordynaūce of hym & take his othe with possessyon & lawful obedyence. After aboute the yere of our lorde .xi. C .lxxxxv. in y• t of kyng Ry¦charde ben reasons set for y• ryght party for eyther prymate / & what one prymate dyd to y• other in tyme of Thurstinus of Thomas and of other bisshops of Yorke from the conquest vnto kynge Henryes tyme y• thyrde. Also there it is sayd how eche of them starte frō other. This place is but a forspekynge & not a full treatyse therof / therfore it were noyful to charge this place with all suche reasons. BRitons dwelled first in this ylond the .xviij. yere of Hely y• prophete the .xj. yere of Solinus postam{us} kynge of Latyns .xiiij. yere after the takyng of Troy / ofore y• buyldynge of Rome. c .xxij. yere. ¶ . They came hy∣ther & toke theyr from Armonyk that now is that other Brytayne / they helde longe tyme the s coūtrees of y• . It bfe afterwarde in aspa∣ tyme duke of Rome / y• the Petes shypped out of in to / and were dryuen aboute w wynde / & entred in to the north co of Irlonde / and foūde there Sttes / & prayed them to haue a place to dwell in / and myght one gete. For Irlonde as Scottes sayd myght not sustayne bothe people. Scot¦tes sente the Pictes to the north syde of Englōde & behyght them helpe agaynst the Brytons y• were theyr enemyes / yf they wolde aryse / & toke them wyues of theyr doughters / vpon suche condicyon yf doubte fell / who sholde haue ryght to be kynge / they sholde rather chose hȳ of the moders side than of y• faders syde / of the women kynne rather than of y• men kynne. ¶ Gaufre. In Vaspasyan y• em∣perours tyme whan Mari{us} Aruiragus sone was kyng of Brytons / one Rodryk kyng of Pictes came out of Scicia & be∣gan to destroye Scotlonde. Marius the kyng slewe this Rodryk / & gaue y• north party of Scotlonde y• hight Cathenesia to the men that were come with Rodryk & were ouercome by hym / for to dwell in But these men had no wyues / ne none myght haue of y• nacion of Brytōs / ther fore they sayled in to Irlonde / & toke to theyr wyues Irysshe mēnes doughters by y• couenaūt that y• moders blode shold be put tofore in successyon of herytage. ¶ Gir. ca .xvij. Neuertheles Sirin{us} su{per} Virgiliūsayth y• Pictes agatirses y• had some dwellyng place about y• waters of Scicia / & they ben called Pictes of peyn¦tynge & smytynge of woundes / therfore they are called Pictes as peynted men. These men and these gothes ben all one people. For whan Maximus the tyraūt was gone out of Brytayne in to Fraūce for to occupy y• empyre. Than Gracian{us} and Valentinianus y• were bretherne & felowes of the empyre brought these go∣thes out of Scicia wt grete gyftes / wt fla¦terynge & fayre byhestes in to the north coūtree of Brytayne. For they were stal∣worth & stronge men of armes. And so these theues and brybouts were made men of londe & of coūtre & dwelled in the north coūtre / & helde there cytees & tow∣nes. ¶ Gaufre. Carancius the tyraunt slewe Bassianus / and gaue the Pictes a dwellyng place in Albama that is Scot¦londe / there they dwelled longe tyme af∣terward & medled with Brytons. ¶ . Than sith the Pictes occupyed fyrst the north syde of Scotlonde / it semeth y• the dwellynge place y• this Carancius gaue them is y• south syde of Scotlonde / that stretcheth from the thwarte ouer walle of Romayns werke to y• Scottysshe see / and conteyneth Galleway and Lodouia that is Lodeway. ¶ Therfore Bede .iij. ca .ij. speketh in this maner. Nan the holy man conuerted y• south Pictes. Afterward the Saxons came & made y• coūtre longe to Brenicia the north party of Northumberlonde / vnto y• tyme that Kynadius Alpinus sone kynge of Scot¦londe put out y• Pictes / & made y• coūtre that lyeth bytwene Twede & the Scot∣tysshe see long to his kyngdom. ¶ Beda li .j. ca .j. Afterwarde longe tyme y• Scot¦tes were led by duke Renda / & came out of Irlonde that is the propre countre of Scottes / & with loue or with strengthe made them a place fast by the Picces in the north syde of the arme of the see that breketh in to the londe in the west syde / that departed in olde tyme bytwene Bri¦tons & Pictes. Of this duke Renda the Scottes had y• name & were called Dal∣rendin{us} / as it were Rendaes parte / for in theyr speche a parte is called dal. ¶ Gir. pri. The Pictes myght haue no wyues of Brytons / but they toke them wyues of Iryssh Scottes / and promysed them fayre for to dwell with them / & graūted them a londe by y• see syde / there y• see is narowe. That londe is now called Galle¦way. Marianus. Irysshe Scottes lon∣ded at Argall y• is Scottes clyf for Scot¦tes londed there for to do harme to y• Bri¦tons / or for y• place is next to Irlōd for to come a londe in Brytayn. ¶ Beda. And so the Scottes after y• Britons & Pictes made y• thyrde people dwellynge in Bry¦tayn. ¶ R. Than after y• came y• Saxōs at the prayenge of the Brytons to helpe them agaynst y• Scottes & Pictes. And the Britons were soone put out in to wa¦les / & Saxons occupyed the londe lytell & lytell / & efte more to the Scottysshe see And so Saxons made the fourth maner of men in y• ylonde of Brytayn. ¶ Beda lib .v. ca .ix. For Saxons & Angles came out of Germania / yet some Brytōs that dwel nygh call them shortly Germayns ¶ R. Neuertheles aboute y• yere of our lorde. viij .C. Egbartus kynge of West∣saxon cōmaūded & bad al men call y• men of y• londe Englysshmen. ¶ Alfre. Than after that the Danes pursued the londe aboute a. ij .C. yere / that is to saye / fro y• foresayd Edbartus tyme vnto saynt Ed¦wardes tyme / & made y• fyfth maner of people in y• ylonde / but they fayled after warde. At the last came Normans vnto duke Willyam & subdued Englysshmen & yet kepe they y• londe / & they made the syxth people in y• ylonde. But in the fyrst kynge Henryes tyme came many Fle∣mynges & receyued a dwellȳge place for a tyme besyde Maylros in the west syde of Englonde / & made the seuenth people in the ylonde. Neuertheles by cōmaūde¦ment of the same kynge they were put thens & dryuen to Hauerfordes syde in y• west syde of wales. ¶ R. And so now in Brytayn Danes & Pictes fayle all out / and fyue nacyons dwell therin / that ben Scottes in Albania / that is Scotlonde. Brytayne in Cambria / y• is Wales / but that Flemynges dwell in / y• is west Wa¦les. And Normans & Englysshmen ben medled in al y• ylōde / for it is now doubte in storyes how and in what maner they were put away & destroyed out of Bry∣tayn. Now it is to declare how y• Pictes were destroyed & fayled. ¶ Gir .j. ca .vij. Brytayn was somtyme occupyed with Saxons / & peas was made & stablisshed with y• Pictes / than y• Scottes y• came with the Pictes sawe y• the Pictes were nobler of dedes and better men of armes though they were lesse in nombre than y• Scottes. Than the Scottes hauynge therof enuy turned to theyr natural trea¦son y• they haue ofte vsed. For in treason they passe other men / & bē traytours as it were by kynde / for they prayed all the Pictes / & specially the gretest of them to a feest / & wayted theyr tyme whan the Pictes were mery and had well dronke they drewe vp nayles y• helde vp holowe benches vnder the Pictes / & the Pictes vnware sodeynly fell in ouer y• hammes in to a wonderfull pytfall. Than y• Scot¦tes fell on y• Pictes & slewe them / & lefte none alyue. And so of two maner people the better warryours were al destroyed But the other that ben y• Scottes whi∣che ben traytours all vnlyke to y• Pictes toke {pro}fyte by that fals treason / for they toke all that londe / and holde it yet vnto this tyme / & call it Scotlōde after theyr owne name. In kynge Edgarus tyme Kynadius Alpinus sone was duke & ∣der of the Scottes / and warred in Picte londe & destroyed the Pictes. He warred syxe tymes in Saxon / & toke all y• londe that is bytwene Twede & y• Scottysshe see with wronge & with strength. AS it is knowen how many ma∣ner of people ben in this ylonde there ben also so many languages and tongues. Neuertheles Wn and Scottes that ben not medled with other nacyons kepe yet theyr language & spe∣che. But yet y• Scottes that were som∣tyme confederate and dwelled with Pi∣ctes drawe somwhat after theyr speche. But the Flemynges y• dwell in the west syde of Wales haue lefte theyr straunge speche & speke lyke to saxons. Also Eng∣lysshmen though they had fro y• begyn∣nynge thre maner of speches / southerne northerne / & myddle speche in y• myddle of the londe / as they come of thre maner of people of Germania. Neuertheles by cōmixcyon & medlynge fyrst wt Danes & afterward wt Normans / in many thyn∣ges y• coūtree language is appayred / for some vse straūge wlaffynge / chyteryng harryng / garryng & grysbytyng. This appayring of y• language cometh of two thynges. One bycause y• children y• go to scole lerne to speke fyrst englysshe / & thā ben compelled to cōstrue theyr lessons in frensshe / & that hath bē vsed syth y• Nor∣mans came in to Englonde. Also gentyl¦mens children ben lerned & taught from theyr youth to speke Frensshe / & vplon∣disshmen wyll coūterfeyte & lyken them selfe to gentylmen / and are besy to speke frensshe for to be more set by / wherfore it is sayd by a comyn {pro}uerbe. Iacke wold be a gentylmā yf he coude speke frensshe ¶ Treuisa. This was moche vsed to∣fore the grete deth / but syth it is somdele chaunged / for syr Iohn Cornewayle a mayster of grāmer chaūged y• techynge of grāmer scole & cōstruccyon of frensshe in to englysshe. And other scole maysters vse y• same waye now / in the yere of our lord. M .CCC .lxxxv. the .ix. yere of king Rychard y• seconde / & leue all frensshe in scoles & vse all construccyon in englysshe wherin they haue auaūtage one waye / that is y• they lerne the sooner theyr grā¦mer / & in an other disauaūtage / for now they lerne no frensshe / nor can none / whi¦che is hurte to them y• shall passe the see. And also gentylmen haue moche lefte to teche theyr chyldren to speke Frensshe. ¶ R. It semeth a grete wonder y• Eng∣lysshmen haue so grete diuersite in theyr owne language in sowne & in speking of it / whiche is all in one ylonde. And y• lan¦guage of Normandy is comen out of an other londe / & hath one maner sowne a∣monge all other y• speke it in Englonde / for a man of kent / southerne / westerne & northerne men speke frensshe all lyke in sowne & speche / but they can not speke theyr englisshe so. ¶ Treuisa. Neuerthe¦lesse there ben as many diuers maner of frensshe in the realme of Fraūce / as dy∣uers englysshe in y• realme of Englonde. ¶ R. Also of the foresayd tongue whiche is departed in thre is grete wonder / for men of y• eest with men of y• west accorde better in sownynge of theyr speche than men of y• north wt men of y• south. Ther∣fore it is y• men of merc y• ben of myddle Englonde as it were partyners with y• endes / vnderstande better the syde lan∣guages northerne & southerne than nor¦therne & southerne vnderstande eyther other. ¶ Wilhel. de pon .li. . All y• lan∣guage of the northumbres & specially at Yorke is so sharpe shyteynge / froyng & vnshappe / y• we southerne men may vn∣neth vnderstāde y• language. I suppose the cause be y• they be nigh to y• alyens y• speke straūgely. Also y• kynges of Eng∣londe abyde & dwell more in y• south coū∣tree thā in y• north coūtree / bycause there is better corne londe / more people / more noble citees / & more {pro}fytable hauens in the south coūtre than in y• north coūtre. FOr y• maners & doynge of walssh men & of Scottes ben tofore som∣what declared. Now I purpose to tell & declare y• condicyons of y• myddle people of Englonde. But the Flemynges y• ben in y• west syde of Wales ben now all tur¦ned as they were Englisshmen / bycause they company with Englysshmen. And they be myghty & stronge to fyght / and ben the moost enemyes that Walshmen haue / and vse marchadyse & clothynge & ben full redy to put themselfe in auen∣tures & to peryll in y• see & londe bycause of grete wynnyng / & ben redy somtyme to the plowe / & somtyme to dedes of ar∣mes whan tyme and place aeth. It se∣meth of these men a grete wonder y• in a bone of a wethers ryght sholder whan the flesshe is soden away and not rosted they knowe what hath be done / is done and shall be done / as it were by spiryte of propheeye & wonderfull crafte. They tell what is done in ferre countrees / to∣kens of peas or of warre / the state of the realme / sleynge of men & spousebreche / suche thynges they declare rtayne of tokens & sygnes that is in suche a shol∣der bone. ¶ R. But the Englysshmen y• dwel in Englōde ben medled in y• ylonde and ben ferre from the places that they spronge of fyrst turne to the contrary de∣des lyghtly without entycynge of ony other men by theyr owne assent. And vn easy also vnpacient of peas / enemyes of besynes / and full of slouth. ¶ Wilhel. de pon .li .iij. sayth. That whan they haue destroyed theyr enemyes all to y• groūde than they fyght with themselfe and slee eche other / as a voyde and an empty sto mak werketh in it selfe. ¶ R. Neuerthe¦lsse men of the south ben easyer & more mylde than men of y• north. For they be more vnstable / more cruell / and more vn easy. The myddle men ben parteners wt bothe. Also they vse them to glotony mo¦re than other men / & ben more costlewe in meet & clothynge. Men suppose that they toke yt vyce of kynge Hardyknoght that was a Dane. For he badde set forth wyes double messe at dyner & at souper also. These men ben spedefull on hors & a fote / able & redy to all maner dedes of s / & ben wont to haue vyctory and maystry in euery fyght where no trea∣son is walkyng / and ben curyous & can well tell dedes & wōders that they haue seen. And they go in dyuers londes / vn∣neth ben ony men ryche in theyr owne londe or more gracyous in ferre and in straūge londe / they can better wynne & gete newe than kepe theyr owne hery∣tage. Therfore it is that they be spradde so wyde / & wene y• euery londe is theyr owne. The men ben able to all maner of sleyght & wytte / but tofore y• dede blon∣derynge & hasty / & more wyse after the dede than tofore / & leue of lyghtly what they haue begon. ¶ Solin{us} li .vj. Ther¦fore Eugenius the pope sayd / that Eng∣lysshmē were able to do what euer they wolde / & to be set & put tofore all other / ne were yt lyght wytte letteth. And as Hanyball sayd that y• Romayns myght not be ouercomē but in theyr own coūtre so Englysshmen may not be ouercomē in straūge londes / but in theyr owne coūtre they be lyghtly ouercomen. ¶ R. These men despyse theyr owne & prayse other men / & vnneth be pleased wt theyr owne estate / what befalleth other men yt they wyll gladly take to themselfe. Therfore it is yt a yeman arayeth him as a squyer a squyer as a knyght / a knight as a du∣ke / a duke as a kyng. Yet some go about & wyll be lyke to all maner state & be ī no state / for they take euery degre yt be of no degre / for ī beryng outward they be min strels & herawdes / in talkyng grete spe∣kers / in etyng & drȳkyng glotons / in ga¦deryng of catell hucksters & tauerners / in araye turmentours / in wynnynges Argi / in trauayle Tanali / in takynge hede Dedali / ī beddes Sardanapali / in chirches mawmets / in courtes thondre onely / in {per}uylege of clergy & in prebēdes they knowlege themself clerkes. ¶ Tre∣uisa. As touchyng y• termes of latyn / as Argi / Tātali / Dedali / Sardinapali / ye must vnderstande them as y• poetes fey∣ned of them. Argus was an herde and kepte beestes / he had an hondred eyen / & Argus was also a shyppe / a shipman / & a chapman / & so Argus myght se before and behynde & on euery syde. Therfore he that is wyse & ware & can se that he be not deceyued / may be called Argus. And so the cronycle sayth in plurell nom¦bre y• Englysshmen ben Argi / that is to saye / they se about where as wynnyng is. That other worde Tantali / the poete feyneth that Tantalus slewe his owne sone / wherfore he is dampned to perpe∣tuall penaūce / and he standeth alwaye in water vp to the nether lyppe / & hath alwaye rype apples & noble fruyte han¦gynge downe to the ouer lyppe. But the fruyte nor the water may not come wtin his mouth. He is so holden & stādeth by∣twene meet & drynke / and may neyther ete nor drynke / & is euer an hongred and a thyrst / that woo is hym alyue by this maner lykenes of Tantalus / they that do right nought there as is moche to do in euery syde ben called Tantali. It se∣meth that it is to say in trauayle they be Tantali / for they do ryght nought ther∣to. The thyrde worde is Dedali / take hede that Dedalus was a subtyll and a slye man. And therfore by lykenes they that ben subtyll and slye / they ben called Dedali. And the fourth worde is Sar∣danapali / ye shall vnderstāde yt Sarda∣napalus was kynge of Assyryens / and was full vnchaste / & vsed hym for to lye softe. And by a maner of lykenes of hym they that lyue vnchastly bē called Sar∣danapali. ¶ R. But amōge all Englyssh¦men medled togyders is so grete a chaū¦gynge & diuersite of clothynge & of aray and so many maners & dyuers shappes that well nygh is there ony mā knowen by his clothynge and his araye of what someuer degree that he be. Therof pro∣phecyed an holy Anker in ynge Egel∣fredes tyme in this maner. Heni .li .vj. Englysshmen for as moche as they vse them to dronklewnes / to treason / & to re¦chelesnes of goddes ous / fyrst by Da∣nes / & than by Normans / & at y• thyrde tyme by y• Scottes that they holde the moost wretchest and leest worth of all other they shall be ouercomē. Than the worlde shall be so vnstable & so duers & varyable that y• vnstablenes of though∣tes shall be betokened by many maner dyuersytees of clothynge. ¶ Here foloweth the descripcyon of the londe of Wales. IT is a comyn sawe that the coūtre whiche is now named Scotlonde is an outstretchynge of the north syde of Britayn / & is departed in the south syde from Britayn wt armes of yt see / & on the other syde it is becleped wt the see. This londe hyght somtyme Albania / & had ye name of Albanact{us} yt was kyng Brutes sone / for Albanact{us} dwelled fyrst therin / or of ye prouynce Albania yt is a coūtre of Scicia and nygh to Amazona / therfore Scottes ben called as it were Scyttes for they came out of Scicia. Afterward that londe hyght Pictauia / for ye Pictes regned therin. M .CCC .lx. yere. And at the last hyght Hibernia as Irlōde hight ¶ Gir. in top. For many skylles / one is for affinite & alte yt was bytwene them & Irysshmen / for they toke their wyues of Irlōde / & yt is openly seen in their byleue in clothynge / in language & in speche / in wepen / and in maners. An other skyll is for Irysshmen dwelled there somtyme. ¶ Beda li .j. Out of Irlonde yt is ye {pro}pre coūtre of scottes came Irysshmen with theyr duke yt was called Renda / & with loue & wt strength made them chefe sees & citees besydes ye Pictes in ye north syde ¶ Gir. Now the loude is shortly called Scotlonde of Scottes that came out of Irlonde & regned therin .CCC. rv. vere vnto reed Willyams tyme yt was Mal∣colyns broder. ¶ R. Many euydēces we haue of this Scotlonde ye it is ofe called and hyght Hibernia as Irlonde dothe. ¶ Therfore Beda li .ij. ca .xj. sayth that Laurēce archebysshop of Dunbar was archebisshop of Scottes yt dwelled in an ylonde that hyght Hibernia & is next to Brytayn. Beda li .iij. ca .xxvij. sayth pe∣stylence of moreyn bare downe Hibernia Also li .iij. ca .ij. saith that the Scottes yt dwelled in ye south syde of Hibernia. Also li .iiij. ca .iij. he sayth yt Clad was a yong lyng & lerned ye rule of monkes in Hiber∣nia. Also li .iiij. ca .xxij. Egfridus kynge of Northūberlonde destroyed Hibernia. Also li .iiij. ca .xv. the moost drie of Scot∣tes in Hibernia / & in ye same chapy he called Hibernia proprely named ye west ylonde is an hōdred myle from eueryche Brytayn & departeth wt the see bytwene & called Hibernia ye countre ye now is cal∣led Scotlōde. there he telleth yt Ada abbot of this ylonde sayled to Hibernia for to teche Irysshmen ye lawfull Eester daye / & at ye last came agayne in to Scot¦londe. ¶ Ysid. ethi. lib .xiiij. Men of this Scotlonde ben named Scottes in theyr own lāguage & Pictes also. for somtyme theyr bodyes were peinted i this maner They wolde somtyme wt a sharpe edged ole prycke & kerue theyr own bodyes & make theron dyuers fygures & shapes / & peynt them wt ynke or with other peyn ture or colour / and bycause they were so peynted they were called Picti / that is to saye peynted. ¶ Erodotus. Scottes ben lyght of herte / straunge and wylde ynough / but by medlynge of Englysshe men they ben moche amended / they ben cruell vpon theyr enemyes / & hate bon∣dage moost of ony thynge / & holde for a foule slouth yf a man dye in his bedde / & grete worship yf he dye in y• felde. They ben lytell of meet & may fast longe / & ete selde whan y• sonne is vp / and ete flesshe fysshe / milke & fruyte more than breed / & though they be fayr of shappe / they ben defouled and made vnsemely ynough wt theyr owne clothinge / they prayse fast y• vsages of theyr own forefaders / & despi∣se other mennes doynge / theyr londe is fruytfull ynough in pasture / gardyns & feldes. ¶ Gir. de p̄. ca .xviij. The prȳces of Scottes as y• kynges of Spayne ben not wont to be anoynted ne crowned. In this Scotlōde is solēpne & grete mynde of saynt Andrewe y• apostle / for saȳt An∣drewe had y• north partyes of y• worlde / Scites & Pictes to his lot for to preche & cōuerte y• people to Christes byleue / & at y• last he was martyred in Achata in Gre¦tia in a cite named Patras / & his bones were kepte .CC. lxi. yere vnto Cōstanti¦nus y• emperours tyme / & thā they were translated into Constantynople / & kepte there .C .x. yere vnto Theodosius y• em∣perours tyme / & than Vng{us} kyng of Pi∣ctes in Scotlōde destroyed a grete parte of Britayn / & was beset wt a grete hoost of Brytons in a felde called Marke / & he herde saynt Andrewe speke to hȳ in this maner. Vng{us} Vng{us} here y• me Christes apostle. I {pro}myse y• helpe & socour whan thou hast ouercomen thyn enemyes by my helpe / thou shalt gyue y• thyrde dele of thyn herytage in almes to almyghty god & in y• worshyp of saȳt Andrew. And the signe of y• crosse went to fore his hoost the thyrde day he had victory / & so tur∣ned home agayn & deled his heritage as he was boden / & for he was vncertayne what cite he shold dele for saȳt Andrewe he fasted .iij. dayes / he & his men prayed saynt Andrewe that he wolde shewe hȳ what place he sholde chose. And one of y• wardeyns y• kepte the body of saint An∣drewe in Cōstantinople was warned in his slepe y• he shold go in to a place why∣der an aūgell wold lede hȳ / & so he came in to Scotlonde with .vij. felowes to the toppe of an hyll named Ragmont. The same houre lyght of heuen beshone & be cleped y• king of Pictes y• was comynge wt his hoost to a place called Carceuan. There anone were heled many seke mē. There mette wt the kynge Regulus the monke of Constantynople with the rely kes of saynt Andrewe. There is foūded a chirche in y• worshyp of saynt Andrew that is heed of all the chirches in y• lon∣de of Pictes. To this thirche come pyl∣gryms out of dyuers lōdes. There was Regulus fyrst abbot & gadred monkes. And so all the tenth londe that the kyng had assygned hym / he departed it in dy∣uers places amonge abbeys. HIbernia that is Irlōde / & was of olde tyme incorperate in to y• lord∣ship of Britayn / so sayth Gir. in sua pop̄. where he descryueth it at full / yet is it worthy & semeth to prayse that londe wt large praysyng / for to come to clere & full knowlege of y• londe these tytles y• folow open the waye. Therfore I shall tell of y• place & stede of y• lond how grete & what maner londe it is / wherof y• londe hath plente / and wherof it hath defaute / also what men haue dwelled therin fyrst / of maners of men of that londe / of y• won∣ders of that londe / and of worthynes of halowes & sayntes of that londe. IRlonde is the last of all y• west ylon¦des & hyght Hibernia of one Hibe∣rus of Spayne y• was Hermonius bro∣der / for these two bretherne gate & wan that londe by conquest. Or it is called Hi¦bernia of y• ryuer Hiberus y• is in y• west ende of Spayne / & y• londe hyght Scot∣lōde also / for Scottes dwelled there som tyme or they came in to y• other Scotlōde that longed to Brytayne / therfore it is wryten in y• Martyloge. Suche a daye in Scotlonde saynt Bryde was borne / & that was in Irlonde. This lōde hath in the southeest syde Spayne thre dayes saylynge thens a syde halfe / & hath in y• eest syde y• more Brytayn / thens a days saylynge / in the west syde y• endles Oc∣cean / and in the north syde Yselonde thre dayes faylyng thens. ¶ Solinus. But the see that is bytwene Brytayne & Ir∣londe is all y• yere full of grete wawes & vneasy / that men may selde sayle syker∣ly / bytwene y• see is .C .xx. myle brode. IRlonde is an ylonde gretest after Brytayn / & stretcheth north ward frō Brendas hylles vnto y• londe Colūbi¦na / & cōteyneth .viij. dayes iourney / eue∣ry iourney .xl. myle: & frō Deuelin to Pa¦trykes hylles & to y• see in y• syde in brede iiij. iourneys / & Irlonde is narower in y• myddle than in the endes / all otherwyse than Brytayn is / as Irlonde is shorter north ward than Britayn / so is it longer south ward / the londe is not playne / but full of moūtaynes / of hylles / of wodes / of marays / & of mores / the londe is softe rayny / wyndy / & lowe by y• see syde / & wt∣in hylly & sondy. ¶ Solmus. There is grete plente of noble pasture and of leese therfore y• beestes must be ofte dryuē out of theyr pasture lest they te ouer moche for they sholde shende themselfe yf they myght ete at theyr wyll. ¶ Gir. Men of that londe haue comynly theyr helth / & straūgers haue oft a perylous / by cause of y• moisture of y• meet. The flesshe of kyen is there holsom / & swynes flesshe vnholsom. Men of y• londe haue no feuer but onely y• feuer ague / and that ryght selde. Therfore the holsomnes of y• londe & the clennes out of venym is worth all the boost & richesse of trees / of herbes / of spycery / of ryche clothes / & of precyous stones of the eest londes. The cause of y• helth & holsomnes of y• londe is y• attem∣perate hete & colde that is therin. In∣bus reb{us} sufficit. In this londe ben mo kyen than oxen / more pasture than corne more grasse than seed / there is plente of samon / of lamprays / of eles / & of other see fysshe. Of egles / of cranes / of pecoks of curlewes / of sparowhawkes of ges∣hawkes / & of gentyll fawcons. Of wel∣ues & ryght shrewed myte / there ben at∣tercoppes / blode soukers / eeftes y• do n harme / there ben fayres lytell of body & ful hardy & stronge / there ben batnacles foules lyke wylde gees / whiche grewe wondersly vpon trees / as it were nature wrought agaynst kynde. Men of rely∣gyon ete barnacles vpon fastyng dares bycause they be not engendred wt flesshe wherin as me thȳketh they erre / for a¦son is agaynst y• / for yf a man had eten of Adās legge he had etē flesshe / & yet Adā was not engendred of fader nor moder / but y• flesshe cometh wondersly of y• tree. In this lōde is plente of hony & of mylke of vine & of vyneyerdes. ¶ Solin{us} & ysd wryte y• Irlōde hath no bees. Neuerthe¦lesse it were better wryten y• Irlōde had bees & no vyneyerdes. ¶ Bea sayth y• there is grete hūtyng to roobuckes / & it is knowen y• there be none. It is no won¦der of Beda / for he neuer sawe y• londe / but some man tolde hȳ suche tales. Also there groweth that stone Saxagon{us} / & is called Iris also / as it were the rayne bowe / yf that stone be holden agaynst y• sonne / anone it shall shape a raynbowe. There is also founden a stone y• is called Gagathes / & whyte margery perles. Hete cornes ben there full small vnneth clensed wt mānes hande reserued mē / all beestes bē smaller there than in other lōdes. There lacketh well nygh al maner fresshe water fysshe y• is not gendred in the see. There lacketh vn¦kynde faucons / gerfaucons / pertryche / fesaūt / nyghtyngales and pyes. There lacketh also Roo & Bucke / & Ilespyles / wontes / and other venymous beestes. Therfore some men feyne & that fauou∣rably y• saynt Patryck clensed y• londe of wormes & of venymous beestes. But it is more probable & skylfull y• this londe was from y• begynnynge alwaye wtout suche wormes / for venymous beestes & wormes dye there anone yf men brynge them thyder out of other lōdes. Also ve∣nym and poyson brought thyder out of other londes / lese theyr malyce as soone as it passeth the myddle of the see. Also poudre & erth of that londe cast & sowen in other londes dryue away wormes / so ferforth that yf a turfe of y• londe be put about a worme it sleeth hym or maketh hym thryll that erth for to escape away. In that londe cockes crowe but lytell to∣fore daye / so that the fyrst crowynge of cockes in that londe & the thirde in other londes ben lyke ferre tofore the daye. GIrald{us} sayth that Casera Noes nece drad the flode & fledde wt thre men & fyfty women in to that ylonde / & dwelled therin fyrst the last yere tofore Noes flode. But afterwarde Barthola∣nus Seres sone that came of Iaphet Noes sone came thider wt his thre sones by happe or by crafte .CCC. yere after Noes flode / & dwelled there & encreaced to y• nombre of .ix. M. men / & afterward for stenche of careyns of gyaūtes y• they had slayne / they dyed all saue one Rua∣nus that lyued. M .v .C. yere vnto saynt Patrykes tyme / & enformed y• holy man of the foresayd men / & of all the doynges and dedes. Than the thyrde tyme came thyder Nimeth out of Scicia wt his. iiij sones / and dwelled there .CC .xvj. yere. And at y• last of his ofsprynge by dyuers my shappes of warre & of moreyne they were clene destroyed and the londe lefte voyde .CC. yere after. The fourth tyme v. dukes that were bretherne Gandius Genandus / Sagādius / Rutheragus & Slauius / of the sayd Nimethes succes∣sours came out of Grece & occupied that lōde & deled it in .v. partyes / & euery par¦tye cōteyneth .xxij. candredes. A cādrede is a coūtree y• conteyneth an .C. townes / & they set a stone in the myddle of y• lond as it were in the nauell and begynnyng of .v. kyngdomes. At the last Slauius was made kyng of all y• lond. The fyfth tyme whan this nacyon was .xxx. yere togyder they wexed feble. Foure noble men that were Millesius y• kȳges sones came out of Spayne wt many other in a nauy of .xl. shyppes / & .ij. of y• worthyest of these .iiij. bretherne y• hyght Hyber{us} & Hermon deled y• lōde bytwene them two But afterward couenaūt was brokē by¦twene them bothe & Hyber{us} was slayne Than Hermon was kyng of all y• londe. And from his tyme to y• fyrst Patrykes tyme were kynges of y• nacyon .C .xxxi. And so fro y• comynge of Hibernensis vn¦to y• fyrst Patryk were. M. viij .C. yere. They had that name Hibernensis & Hi∣bernia of y• foresayd Hiberus / or els of Hi¦bet{us} a ryuer of Spayne. They were cal¦led also Gatels & Scottes of one Gayte∣lus y• was Phenis neuewe. This Gay∣telus coude speke many lāguages after the lāguages that were made at Nem∣proths Toure / and wedded one Scotta Pharoes doughter. Of these dukes ca∣me y• Hibernēsis. Men saye y• this Gay∣telus made y• Irysshe language / & called it Gaytelaf / as it were a language ga∣dred of all languages & tongues. At the last Belinus kyng of Britayn had a sone and hyght Gurgūcius that came out of Denmarke / at the ylondes Orcades he foūde men that were called Basclensis / and were comen thyder out of Spayne / these men prayed & besought to haue a place to dwell in. And y• kyng sent them to Irlonde that was tho voyde & waste & ordeyned & sent wt them dukes & capy∣tayns of his own. And so it semeth y• It londe shold longe to Brytayne by ryght of olde tyme. From y• fyrst saynt Patryk vnto Fedliundius y• kynges tyme .cccc. yere regned .xxxiij. kynges eueryche af∣ter other in Irlonde. In this Fedliundi{us} tyme Turgesius duke and capytayne of Norway brought thyder men of Nor∣way & occupyed y• lond / & made in many places depe dyches and castels / sengle / double & treble / & many wardes strong∣ly walled / & many of them stande yet all hole / but the Irysshmen retche not of ca¦stels / for they take woodes for castels / & marays & mores for castell dyches. But at y• last Turgesius dyed by gylefulnes of women. And Englysshmen saye that Gurmūdus wan Irlonde & made those dyches / & made no mencyon of Turge∣sius. And Irysshmen speke of Turge{us} & knowe not of Gurmūdus. Therfore it is to wyte that Gurmūdus had wonne Brytayn & dwelled therin / & sent Turge¦sius with grete strengthe in to Irlonde for to wynne y• londe / & bycause Turge∣sius was capytayne & leder of y• vage & iourney and seen amonge them / therfore Irysshmen speke moche of hȳ as a noble man y• was seen in y• londe & knowen. At the last whā Gurmūdus was slayne in Fraūce Turges{us} loued y• kynges dough¦ter of Irlonde / & her fader behyght Tur¦gesius y• he wolde sende he hȳ to y• lowe latheri with .xv. maydens / & Turgesi{us} promised to mete there wt .xv. of ye noblest men yt he had: & held couenaūt & thought no gyle / but there came .xv. yonge berd∣les men clothed lyke women with shorte swerdes vnder theyr clothes / and fell on Turgesi{us} & slewe hym ryght there / & so he was traytoursly slayne after he had regned .xxx. yere. Not lōge after thre bre¦therne / Amelanus / Stacus & Iuous came in to Irlōde with theyr men out of Norway as it had ben for loue of peas & of marchaūdyse / & dwelled by ye see syde by assent of Irysshmen yt were alwaye ydle as Paules knyghtes / and the Nor∣ways buylded thre citees / Deuelin wa¦terford & Lymerych / & encreased & after wexed rebell agaynst men of that londe & brought fyrst sparthes in to Irlonde. So fro Turgesi{us} tyme vnto Roderykes tyme kyng of Connatia yt was the last yt was kyng of all y• londe were .xvii. kyn∣ges in Irlōde / & so ye kynges yt regned in Irlonde frō the Hermons tyme vnto the last Roderykes tyme were in all .C. l kynges that were not crowned neyther enoynted / n by lawe of herytage / but by myght / maistry and strength of armes. The seconde Henry kynge of Englonde made this Roderyke subgect the yere of kynge Henryes age .xl. and of his regne xviij. the yere of our lorde. xj .C .lxxij. SOlinus sayth yt men of this londe ben straunge of nacyon / houseles and grete fighters / and account ryght & wronge all one thynge / & ben syngle of clothynge / scarse of meet / cruell of herte / angry of speche / & drinketh fyrst blode of deed men that ben slayne / & than wasshe theyr visages therwith / and holde them payed with flesshe and fruyte in stede of meet / & with mylke in stede of drynke / & vse moche playenge & ydlenes and hun∣tynge / and trauayle but lytell. In theyr chyldhode they ben harde nourysshed & harde fedde / & they ben vnsemely of ma∣ners & of clothynge / & haue breche & ho∣sen alone of wolle / & strayte hodes that stretcheth a cubyte ouer the sholders be∣hynde / and foldȳges in stede of mantels & of clokes. Also they vse no sadels / boo∣tes ne spurres whan they ryde / but they dryue theyr horses wt a chambred yerde in the ouer ende. In stede of byttes with trenches and of brydels of reest / they vse brydels that lette not theyr horses to ete theyr meet / they fyght vnarmed naked in body / neuertheles with two dartes & speres / and with brode sparthes they fyght wt one hande. These men forsake tyllynge of londe / and kepe pasture for beestes. They vse longe berdes & longe lockes hangynge downe behynde theyr hedes / they vse no crafte of flaxe / of woll of metall / nor of marchaūdyse / but gyue them to ydlenes & to slouth / & reken rest for lykynge / and for fredome for rychesse And though Scotlonde the doughter of Irlonde vse harpe / tymbre / and tabour. Neuertheles Irysshe men be connynge in two maner instrumentes of musyke / in harpe and tymbre yt is armed wt wyre and strenges of brasse / on whiche instru¦mentes though they playe hastely and swyftly they make ryght mery armony & melody with thycke tewnes / werbles and notes / and begyn from bemoll / and playe secretly vnder dyme sowne on the grete strenges / and turne agayne vnto the same / so that the gretest party of the crafte hydeth the craft as it wolde seme as though the crafte so hydde sholde be ashamed yf it were take. These men ben of euyll maners in theyr lyuynge / they paye no tythynges / they wedde lawful∣ly / they spare not theyr alyes / but y• bro∣der weddeth the broders wyfe / they ben besy to betraye theyr neyghbours / and other they bere sparthes in theyr hādes in stede of staues / & fyght agaynst them that trust moost to them / these men ben varyable & vnstedfast / trechours & gyle∣full / who that deleth with them nedeth more to beware of gyle than of crafte / of peas than of brēnynge brondes / of hony than of gall / of malyce than of knyght∣hode / they haue suche maners yt they be not strōge in warre & in batayle / ne true in peas / they become gosseps to them yt they wyll falsly betraye in ye gosseprede & holy kynrede / eueryche drynketh others blode whan it is shedde / they loue som∣dele theyr nouryce and theyr playferes whiche that souke ye same mylke yt they souked whā they were chyldren / & they pursue theyr bretherne / theyr cosyns / & theyr other kynne / & despise theyr kynne whyles they lyue / & auenge theyr deth whan they ben slayne. So longe hath y• vsage of euyll custome endured amonge them / that it hath goten ye maystry ouer them / & turneth treason in to kynde / so ferforth yt they ben traytours by nature. And alyens and men of straūge londes yt dwell amōge them folowynge theyr ma¦ners that vnneth there is none but he is besmetted wt theyr treason also. Amon∣ge them many men pysse syttynge / and women standynge. ¶ There ben many men in that londe foule shapen in lym∣mes & in body / for in theyr lymmes they lacke the benefyce of kynde. So that no where better shapen than they that ben there wel shapen worse shapen thā they y• ben yll shapen. And skylfully nature hurt & defouled by wyt of lyuynge bryngeth suche foul groes & euyll shape of them that wt vn full deynge wt foule maners & euyll lyuyng so wyckedly defouleth kynde & . ¶ In this londe & in Wales olde wyues & women were wonte & ben yet as men saye ofte for to shape themself in lykenes of hares to mylke theyr neygh∣bours kyen & stele theyr mylke / and ofte greyhoūdes tenne after them & pursue them / & wene that they he hares. And some by crafte of nygromācy make fatte swyne for to be reed of colour / & sell them in markettes & fayres. But as soone as these swyne passe ony water they turne in to theyr owne kynde / whether it be strawe / hey / grasse / or turues. But these swyne may not be kepte by no crafte for to endute in lykenes of swyne ouer thre days. Amōge these wōdets & other take hede that in y• vttermest ende of y• world falleth newe meruayles & wonders / as though kȳde played wt large loue secret∣ly & ferre in y• endes / than openly nygh in the myddel / therfore in this ylonde be many grysely wonders & meruayles. MAny men tell that in y• north syde of Irlonde is y• londe of lyfe. In that ylonde no man may dye / but whan they be olde & vexed with grete sekenes they be borne out in to the nexte londe / & there dye. ¶ There is another ylonde in Irlonde y• no woman therin may ee a chylde / but yet she may cōceyue. ¶ Also there is an ylonde in whiche no deed bo∣dy may rotte. In Vltonia y• is Ʋlster is an ylde that a uke wonderly departeth in twayne. In y• one parte is grete distur baunce discomforte of frdes / & in that other party grete lykynge & comforte of holy aungels. There is also sayne Pa∣trykes purgatory / that was shewed at his prayer to conferme his prechynge & his ore whan he preched to mysbyleued men of sorowe & payne y• euyll men shold suffre for theyr euyll werkes / & of ioye & of blysse that good men shall receyue for theyr holy dedes. He telleth that who y• suffreth y• paynes of purgatory (yf it be enioyned hym for penaūce) he shal neuer suffre the paynes of hell / but he dye fy∣nally wtout tepentaūce of synne / as ye en∣sample is set more ful at the ende of this chapte. ¶ Treuisa. But truly no man may be saued but yf he be very repētaūt what someuer penaunce he do / & euery man that is very repentaūt at his lyues ende shal be sekerly saued / though he ne∣uer here of saynt Patrykes purgatory. There is an ylonde in Connacte Sa / y• is in y• see of Conaccina halowed by saȳ Brandon / y• hath no myce / there deed bo¦dyes ben not buryed / but bē kepte out of the erth & rotte not. In Mamoma is a welle / who y• wassheth hym wt the wa∣terof y• welle / he shall were hoore on his heed. There is an other well in Vltonia who someuer is wasshen therin he shall neuer wexe hoore afterwarde. There is a welle in Moūstre or Mamoma / yf ny man touche y• well / anone shall fall grete rayne in all that prouynce / & that rayne shall neuer cesse tyll a preest y• is a ne mayden synge a masse in a chapell that is fast by & blysse y• water / & with mylke of a that is of one yere besprynge y• welle / and so reconcyle the welle in this straunge maner. At Glyndalan aboute the oratory of saynt Keywyn wytches bere apples as it were apple trees / and ben more holsome than sauery. That ho¦ly sayne brought forth these apples by prayers for to his childe y• was seke There is a lake in Ʋlster & moche fysshe therin whiche is .xxx. myle in length / & xv. in brede. The ryuer Ban renneth out of that lake in to y• north Occean / & men saye that this lake began in this maner. There were men in yt countree yt were of euyll lyuynge (coeuntes cū Brutis) And there was a welle in y• londe in grete re∣uerence of olde tyme / & alwaye couered / yf it were lefte vncouered / the well wold ryse & drowne all y• londe. And so it hap∣ped that a woman went to yt welle for to fetche water: & hyed her fast to her childe that wepte in the cradell / & lefte y• welle vncouered / than ye welle sprange so fast that it drowned ye woman & her chylde / and made all the coūtree a lake & a fysshe ponde. For to preue ye this is sothe it is a grete argument / that whan ye weder is clere / fysshers of yt water se in y• grounde vnder the water rounde toures & hygh shapen as steples & chirches of y• londe. In the north syde of Irlonde in the coū∣tree of Ossyryens euery .vij. yere at the prayer of an holy abbot / twayne that bē wedded a man & a woman must nedes be exyled and forshapen in to lykenes of wolues / & abyde out .vij. yere. And at y• ende of .vij. yere yf they lyue they come home agayne & take agayn theyr owne shape / and than shall other twayne go forth in theyr stede / and so forshapen for other .vij. yere. There is a lake in this londe / yf a poole of tree pyght & stycked therin / that parte of the shafte or poole yt is in the erth shall turne in to yren / and that parte y• abydeth in the water shall turne in to stone / and that parte that a∣bydeth aboue shall be tree in his owne kynde. Also there is a lake that turneth hsell in to asshe / and asshe in to hasel / yf it be done therin. Also in Irlonde bē thre lepes / there as samons lepe a∣st a roche a longe speres lengthe. Leg is a pond there ben seen Colmans byrdes / the byrdes called Certelles / and come homely to hande / but yf men do them wroug or harme / they go away & come not agayn and the water there shall be bytter and stynke / & he that dyd y• wronge shall not astert without wreche & myschefe / but yf he do amendes. ¶ . As touchynge saynt Patrykes purgatory / ye shall vn∣derstande that y• seconde saynt Patryke that was abbot & not bysshop whyle he preched in Irlonde / laboured & studyen for to turne thylke wycked men y• lyued as beestes out of theyr euyl lyfe for drede of y• paynes of hll / & for to cōferme them to good lyf. And they sayd they wold not turne but some of them myght knowe som what of the grete paynes & also of y• blysse that he spake of. Than saynt Pa∣tryke prayed to almyghty god therfore / & our lord Iesu Chryst appered to saynt Patryke / & toke hym a staffe & ladde hȳ in to a wylde place & shewed hym there a rounde pyt y• was derke within & sayd / that yf a man were very repentaūt & sta¦ble in byleue & went in to this pyt & wal¦ked therin a daye & a nyght / he sholde se the sorowes & the paynes of euyl men / & the Ioye and blysse of good men. Than Chryst vanisshed out of Patrikes syght And saynt Patryke arered and buylded there a chirche / and put therin chanons reguler / & closed the pyt aboute with a wall / & is now in the chirche yerde at the eest ende of the chirche / & fast shette with a stronge dore / for no man sholde nycely go in without leue of the bysshop / or of the pryour of y• place. Many men went in and came out agayne in saynt Patry¦kes tyme / & tolde of paynes & Ioye that they had seen / and the meruayles that they sawe ben there yet wryten / and by∣cause therof many men turned & were conuerted to ryght byleue. Also many men went in & came neuer out agayne. In kyng Stephens tyme kyng of Eng¦londe / a knyght y• hyght Owayne went in to saynt Patrykes purgatory & came agayn / & dwelled euer after duryng his lyfe in the nedes of the abbey of Luden∣sis that is of y• ordre of Cysteaux / & tolde many wonders that he had seen in Pa∣trykes purgatory. That place is called Patrykes purgatory / and the chirche is named Reglis. No man is enioyned for to go in to that purgatory / but coūseyled that he sholde not come therin / but take vpon hym other penaūce. And yf a man haue auoided & be saable and wyl nedes go therin / he shall fyrst go to the bysshop and than he shall be sent with lettres to the pryoue of y• place / & they bothe shall coūseyle hym to leue. And yf he wyll ne∣des go therto / he shall be in prayers & in fastynge .xv. dayes / and after .xv. dayes he shall be houseled & ladde to the dore of the purgatory with processyon & letany and yet he shall be coūseyled to leue it / & yf he be stedfast and wyll ene / the dore shall be opened & he blyssed & go in god∣des name / & holde forth his waye / and the dore shall be fast shette tyll the nexte daye / and whan the tyme is the pryour shall come and open the dore / and yf the man be comen he ledeth hym in to y• chir¦che with {pro}cessyon / and there he shall be xv. dayes in prayers and fastynge. HEre Girald{us} maketh mynde that as men of this nacyon ben more angry than other men / & more hasty for to take wreche whyles they ben alyue / so sayntes & halowes of this londe ben more wrechefull than sayntes of other londes. Clerkes of this londe ben chaste and saye many prayers / & done grete ab¦stynence a daye / & drynke al nyght / so is accoūted for a myracle y• ery th not there as wyne regneth / and ben cha¦sen out of abbeys in to the clergy / & done as monkes sholde. But they y• ben yll of them ben worste of all other. So good men amonge them though they ben but fewe ben good at ye best. Prelates of that countree ben full owe in cor o trespace / and besy in cōtemplacyon / and not in prechyng of goddes worde. Ther¦fore it is that all y• sayntes of that londe ben cōfessours and no martyrs amonge them / & no wonder / for al the prelates of this londe clerkes and prelates sholde do is to them vnknowen. Therfore whā was put agaynst the bysshop of Cassyll how it myght be that so many sayntes ben in Irlonde & neuer a martyr amōge them all / sythen y• the men bē so shrewed and so angry / & the prelates so recheles and slowe in coreccyon of trespace. The bysshop answered frowardly ynough & sayd. Our men ben shrewed and angry ynough to themselfe / but to goddes ser∣uaūtes they ley neuer hāde / but do them grete reuerence & worshyp / but englyssh men come in to this londe that can make martyrs / & were wont to vse that crafte ¶ . The bisshop sayd so bycause y• kyng Henry the seconde was tho newe comen in to Irlonde fresshely after the marty dome of saynt Thomas of Caūterbury. ¶ Gir. In this londe / in wales & in londe ben belles and staues with croked hedes / & other suche thȳges for retykes in grete reuerence & worship / so y• men of this londe drede more for to swere vpon one of those belles & golden staues than vpon the gospels. The chefe of all suche relykes is holden Iesus staffe that is a Deuelyn / with y• whiche staffe they say that y• fyrst saynt Patryke droue y• wor∣mes out of Irlond. ¶ Aug{us}. de ci. dei ca .vij. yf men ae how it may be y• dyuers maner of beestes & of dyuers kynde that kyndly goten bytwene male & female come ben in ylondes after Noes flode. Men suppose that suche beestes wāme in to ylondes about / & fyrst to the nexte and o forth in to other. Or els men say∣lynge in to ylondes brought with them suche beestes for loue of huntynge. Or aungels at god almyghtyes camaunde mēt brought suche beestes in to ylondes aboute / or the erth brought them forth fyrst / and fulfylled tho goddes cōmaun∣dement / that cōmaūded y• erth to brynge forth grasse and quycke beestes. ¶ Here endeth the descripcyon of Bry∣tayne / the whiche conteyneth Englonde Wales and Scotlond / and also bycause Irloude is vnder the ule of Englonde / & of olde tyme it ath so contynued / ther fore I haue set the descripcyon of y• same after the sayd Brytayn / whiche I haue taken out of cronycon. And bycause it is necessary vnto all Englysshemen to knowe y• propertees / modytees & mer∣uayles of them / I illyā Caxton haue set them fyrst in imprynt accordynge to the translacyon of Treuisa / whiche at y• request of the lorde Barkeley trāslated y• boke of Polyeronycon in to Englysshe.
A00008.P4	Considerations vpon the treaty of marriage between England and Spain	[ "Wood, William, fl. 1623, attributed name." ]	[1623]	S.n],	[The Netherlands? :	eng	[ "Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Spain." ]	THe essentiall poynts thereof seem to be the advantages, and disadvantages of such an alli∣ance, and whether both weighed in equall bal∣lance, the one will not oversway the other. The advantages that England may pretend are these. First, a great Kings daughter. Secondly, much mony. Thirdly, safety. Fourthly, continuance of trade. Fiftly, the bridling of the overgrowing greatnes of the States. Sixtly, the Subiects of Spain will not be se bur∣thensome to England being more remote, as those of France would be that are nearer neighbours. Lastly, hindring the Scottish faction for strength∣ning it selfe by the alliance of France, which though it be not publickly taken knowledge of, yet hath his place among the reasons that further the match with Spaine. These and the like benefits and advantages some promise to themselues by running the course of Spaine: but of God or his cause hitherto is made noe mention at all. And yet vnlesse the Lord build the house, the builders labour but in vaine. The meanest of the houshould of faith are much greater then those that are without, for they are borne to a great inheritance: these are their promises. First God is their God, and with them hath he made a covenant: nor ought it to be forgotten that the house of Spayn is stained with incest in the match with the last King & his owne sisters daughter, which cannot be but very loathsome to every true Christians hart: and yet to speake according to the world, the estate of England is great enough of it selfe match it where it will, as it hath done in times past, and as other great Monarkes haue led the way. And the alliance of France is neere, and hath no ill aspect upon England, and is as honourable as that of Spain; that of France will not proue so beneficiall, and so neither so dangerous or prejudiciall. Secōdly, mony wil be soon wasted and melted away, but the price of it will abide still: and let not any flat∣er themselues, Spayn giveth nothing but for some∣thing, and where he giveth much he looketh for a great returne: Examine well their actions and pro∣ceedings and make use of experience: whether can or ought mony to be an essentiall consideration to sway the weight of so important an Alliance. Thirdly, is not England stronger at this time and Spain weaker then heretofore? where then is any cause of feare? But alow that the state of England stood in feare of any danger of Spayn? will this al∣liance secure them? the feare is idle and the remedy more idle, unlesse any could make it good that the love of Spayne unto England (the match going for∣ward) would proue the predominant humor in him, that should sway his ambission, whereof the world hath so much experience to the contrary. Charles the fift gaue his owne sister in mariage to Francis the first: was Francis ever a whit the safer for such an alliance? Savoy hath married Spaines sister, who nevertheles doth what he can to swalow him up. France and Spaine haue lastly made a double match, ler it be examined whether Spaine hath laboured more to quench or kindle the fier in France; and yet they are both of one and the same religion. They erre who thinke there is any thinge to be had from a Papist for love rather then for feare, or that Spaine will ever dessist from aspiring to the universal Monarchy of Christondome, and particularly the re∣covery of the uuited provinces: for though he often strike saile and put into the harbour in fowle weather yet doth he not neglect to weigh anchour againe, and follow his intended course when the season is fit for it. England doth hinder his designes; and therefore would he match with England to haue the fitter pas∣sage for him: and if he were in quiet posession of all the seventeene Provinces, then would they be made a stable or store-house for all things necessary, in so plentifull and well fitted a situation, for the invading the parts neare adioyning, whereof the plots are not new, if England give way unto him, then (disapoin∣ted of their defences and Bulwarkes) they will stand (as it were) at his mercy and ly open to all manner of batteries: as on the other side if he be crossed, then will things be but where they vvere, both for conti∣nuance and assurance against fear of invasion; nay ra∣ther in so much the worse termes, because he shall faile of his expectation, which commonly breeds much harshnes even amongst the dearest freinds. Let not any cast a mist in others eyes: though Spain had left aside his wonted ambition (which none can suf∣ficiently assure) yet will he never loose his hope, or relent in his resolution of recovering the united Pro∣vinces, wherein his honour and his reputation are so deeply interessed: nor can such a great scattered bo∣dy that hath so many irons in the fier be but conti∣nually armed, and still in action to the danger both of freinds and foes, as he shall finde his best advanta∣ges and oportunities. If England fear Spain, their safety will rather stand in keeping him at the staves end then in receaving such an ambitious and new reconciled enemy and doubtfull frend into their bosom, where he shall vvithout blovves be able to doe them much more hurt by his daily practice and corrupting of the sub∣iects, then he can otherwise by open hostility, which he will be wary enough not to attempt, lest they ioyning their foarces by sea with those of the united Provinces, should giue him too great a shake. Strange intelligence, and corespondence with neighbour friends and allies will alwayes proue a safer refuge for England against Spain. And because all haue a com∣mon quarrell to his Ambition and greatnes, which in him will never giue way to any other consideration whatsoever: for there hath ever been and will still continue in Spain an endlesse ambitious desire of the obtayning the westerne Monarchy vvhere of a greate parte of Christendome doth yet beare the scarre, and feele the stripes. 4. Trade will be allowed to continue and as safely without the Alliance of Marriage as with it: for Spayn doth not only reape a benefit by it; but also will be afrayde to scare or discontent England by the evill usage of the Marchants. Else why haue they so basely and abjectly begged a peace: whēsoever he shall se his opportunity and finde a greater aduantage to break then to continue in good termes with England, the Alliance vvill secure the merchants no more, then if it were not at all. 5. The states may in time grow great, and their greatnes may grow dangerous; but Spayn is both the one and the other already; and this Alliance will ad much unto it: there may also grow yealousy and un∣kindnes and thence open emnity betwixt England and them, and so on the other side may the matter be so discreetly caried, as they two may entertaine good amity and correspōdency one with the other for common defence: for they both professe one religion and their estate and condition seemes to unite them together in a necessity of putting out their hands one to another for mutuall preservation. Doe they carry themselves now unkindly or some∣what unrespectiuly? It doth not so urgently prove that they may become enemies hereafter, as there upon to ground a necessity of making an Alliance with a known enemy, which were no other but to run into a present mischeif for fear of a future incon∣venience. They take an Allarum at Englands ioyning with Spayn to their hurt; which though it be not so ment by England, yet it is the scope that Spayn aymes at and that may make them perhaps somewhat to neglect England, but remoue the cause, and the effect will cease, let them be assured of their freindship and they will prove respectfull freinds: if they prosper and grow great, who knoweth whether it be not of God, by such weake meanes to pull downe the loftines of Spayn? and then to withstand them were to run a∣gainst a rock: the very first occasion of their liberty was driving them to dispaire; which made them to take hart and resolution to resist the violence that was offered: wherein being incoraged with good suc∣cesse, and feeling their owne strength, they haue in time made such further progresse as is this day to be seene: better it were for England to make use of a ne∣cessary evill, and run a course with them whereby they may haue their part in their well speeding, then to ioyne with Spayn (a religion and state enimy) who Allieth him selfe to England but for his ovvne ends, and must needes draw after them the over∣throw of the cause of religion and ruine the state: and will never proue but a secrett Enimy and doubtfull frend. And it must not in this place be forgotten that if true professors be justly reproved for going to law before heathen Iudges, much lesse may they side themselves with any of those that are without, to the hinderance and hurt one of an other. 6. If England and Fraunce should match to∣gether, it doth not therefore consequently follow that the French should become burthensome to the State by reason of their nearnesse. The lawes of England allow no offices or preferments of ali∣ens. The french will haue more hope in their owne Cuntry where there is without comparison more to be given then in England; the English seeke not to make any fortune in Scotland. But if the French should be importunate they are also impatient: let them finde Visage de Boyes, and your couldnes should weare out their earnestnes. 7. That the French with the Scottish faction may gather strength by the Alliance of France is but a par∣ticular consideration: against which may be opposed the greatnes the Spanish faction will grovv unto by a match vvith Spayn to the danger of the state: this doth greatly lay open the value of such advantages as England doth promise it selfe by matching with Spain vvhich how dearely they vvould notvvithstanding be bought will more perfectly appeare, if knowledg be also taken of the inconveniences and mischeifes that vvould follovv: for the better conceiving vvhere of, his ends are to be considered, and seriously examined; for it is not likely that Spain a Religion and State Ca∣tholique, vvho hath both religion and state quarrels against England, vvill yeald to giue his Daughter in Mariage to England: nay rather doth offer great sums of mony for composing there of; but that he looks for a great returne, Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes. The price of this Alliance therefore vvill be the breaking of the match vvith France, to the vveakning of both England ane Fraunce, vvhereby he may have the greater footing in eyther, and the deviding Eng∣land from his alices, especially from the States of the united Porovinces, the making vvay for an other match for his second sonne (vvhom he hath a plot to settle in the lovv Cuntries, and from thence to promote him (if he can) to the Crovvne Imperiall) vvith an other daughter of France, vvhich vvould giue so great an Allarum to the vvhole state of those of the religion, if the pretended match vvith Eng∣land come not betvveen, altering in time the state of Religion, vvhereof if he had no hope, neither vvould he harken to the match: for none must thinke he vvould treat such an Alliance vvithout the privacy and consent of his divines, or that they vvill giue their consents to that but upon great probability that it shall tend to the furtherance of their catholique faith. The supposed Catholique religion is knovvne to be in Spain one of the fundamentall Lavves of their estate: and no doubt Spain is a very right Romish Catholique, the further therefore that he spreadeth his religion, the greater satisfaction it is to his consci∣ence, and the more doth he underprop and increase his greatnes, namely because those of that religion that are most deuout, but especially the greatest part of the Clergy throughout Christendom haue their eyes fixed on him, as upon the greatest stay and piller of their catholique faith: vvho therefore if he should match vvith an heritique (for so they terme us Eng∣lish) but vvith a setled purpose by such meanes to root out heresy, vvould both vvrong his ovvne con∣science, and loose his reputation amongst all those of his beleefe, to the over great vveakning of his estate: vvhich error none of sound judgment that knovves Spayn, vvill easily beleve that he vvill commit. That a change or tolleration should happen in England by meanes of the intended match, is more to be feared then any can vvarrant to be impossible: vvherin it vvere vvell vvorth the laboure to find out vvhat hope Spayn doth ground upon, and vvhat pos∣sibility there is that the same may be disapoynted; in the mean time very likely it is in generall that there vvill be no meanes unattempted, or left on his side, to bring his purpose to passe. And then it must in this place be remembred, first that vvhatsoever is not of fayth is sin, and that sin hath no promise of blessing; nor is this a vvork of fayth. And next that England hath but too much experience of Popery, vvith in these fevv yeares, for vvant of due executi∣on of the Lavves; vvhich hath bread exceeding great bouldnes in the papists, asvvell at home as abroad. If the mariage goe forvvard they vvill take the more hart and greater encouragement, no small number of subiects want teaching, and so are the more easily shaken, many waver, and many are newfangled the more prepared for a chaunge: & therefore will accor∣dingly be wrought upon. The ould serpent will se∣duce many Eves, and pistols will have free passage e∣very where. The worst is yet, that there will be par∣ty children: for the mother will give herselfe noe rest till she have nusled some of them in her owne religiō, which would make the way very playn & easy for a chaunge, because the head once corrupted, the infection will in short time spread it selfe over the whole body, and true religion is unsociable to sort it selfe with false worship, and will soone forsake his dwelling place. If Spayn can procure a tolleration of religion (vvhich must needs be follovved vvith ruine of the State) he may then assure himselfe of sides that vvill alvvayes be able either directly or indirectly to divert the state from hindering his designes▪ as vvell in the lovv Cuntryes, as vvheresoever else, and although he should not prevayle at the first by practis, or procure a tolleration of religion, vvhich neverthelesse the in∣creacing number of Papists will of it selfe in processe of time effect, yet when he hath once a faction on foote and that many of the subjects are perverted in religion, he will notwithstanding be in good hope that the state may be stayed, & hindered frō opposing it self against his designes by the working of his factiō & the ielousy that will be cōceaved of the Papists with∣in the Relme: and whether his hopes will fayll him or no, yet if he should upon such ground make any attempt against those of the united Provinses, that could not but fale out to the great troble annoyance and danger of the state, especially if he send his forses by sea; for then must England upon any such occati∣on either rig out there Navy to sea to se that he keep his course, which will allwayes be a matter of great burthen and charge, or otherwayes abide the danger of his landing upon their owne cousts, if he have intelligence with the Papists: wherefore it will be allwayes safer in such cases to be somewhat iealous then too secure. Now the Alliance with Spayn vvill not onely scarr and discourage in generall, the vvholl side of those of the religion abroad, to the great vveakning of the state of England, but also breed a particuler ielousy in those of the united Provinses, vvhen they shall se that Popery increaseth, or that Spayn hath a faction▪ or party in the Relme: vvhereof one of these tvvo mischeives must consequently follovv, either that they will make their peace vvith Spayn, or keep con∣tinually many shipes of vvar in the narrovv seas if they be able to hould out, especially upon the com∣ming of any supplyes by sea to the Artch Duke during the Truce: vvhich (as they are a people iealous and suspitious enough by nature) may at one time or o∣ther by occationes happening grovv to some dan∣gerous inconvenience: for betvveen tvvo so neare neighbours both potent at sea, if there be not straight amity kept, things cannot long stand vvithout break∣ing forth into tearmes of open hostility. And for the state of those Provinses, though strong by sea, Alli∣ance, and cituation, yet are not the foundations of it so far sure that England can vvith safety leaue them to themselves▪ for the late sects and questions about matters of religion threaten their disunion; and Spayn that lies continually in wayt for their liberty hath his pencioners and dayly practicers amongst them. Some doe noyse much the antient amity with the house of Burgundy, but that house is changed and hath not kept strok in the conditions of the Alliance, & so ought the cause to be altered too. It was to weak for France but now it is too strong, and England had then plots against France which now it hath not▪ The greatest use of Leagues and Alliances is to pre∣vent present mischeives, or to further some necessary enterprice: otherwise reason of state and common experience teacheth to sway even with the vveaker, for the brideling of the ambition and greatnes of the stronger. They make an idle distinction vvho to a∣voyd the obiections made against Spayn pretend that mariages are but personall amongst Preinces and not reall: for if there be no reallity, vvhere is then the good of England? if there be any who is so weak as to thinke that Spayn will easily quit his interest in it. To alledge the exampell of Erance that houldeth correspondency still vvith his other Allies, and con∣tinues to assist them against Sapyn, (notvvithstanding his match vvith Spayn) is to as litle purpose in the judgment of those vvho doe also knovv hovv much Spayn prevayleth in weakning their sinewes, and frus∣trating the effect of such assistance. The sum is, that Spayn hopes by reason of this match so to charme England, as it shall give way to him in his courses: and England contrariwise promiseth it selfe the hony of the bee without danger of being stung: whether of both may come short of their rec∣coning is at the least disputable. For Spayn on the one side will spare no travell or charge, will use all the meanes and practises he can, and take the bene∣fit of all occasions, and advantages that shall be offe∣red to bring his purposes to passe: as it may be suppo∣sed that England for his part will stand upon his watch, to prevent a mischeife that shall threaten the state. Spayn may (by a vigilant care and good foresight) be disapoynted: so may England by the contrary be overtaken: for death will weare away these watch∣men that are now, and others may succeed that will not be so watchfull: nay watchfulnes it selfe over∣watched will in time grow drowsy, and overwearied carefulnes will grow carelesse. The very best cautions and caveats must needes relent and wax ould in time. In all strife and con∣tentions as well of the body as the mind, if one side get ground the other looseth it. Time will bring forth many accidents which may fall out as to the good, so to the hurt of England: who (that may with good reason be feared) will not be watchfull nor have his spirits alwayes intent enough to pre∣vent the practises of Spayn after so straite Alliance, that cannot now so much as foresee them, or resolue to keep out Spayn. Whereupon the question ariseth whether it be a sound course for England (not con∣strayned by any urgent necessity) to put the cause of religion, and their owne well doing and safety to so great an adversary, in a matter that stands upon so ma∣ny contingents. For it is no new experience that the things which we think almost impossible, and there∣fore fear them least, doe neverthelesse often come to passe; because neglected, and so not hindered by opposition, they creep unawares upon us as through the mists of security. Well saith the Italian there∣fore Quell che non volete che sia non fate cosa per che avuenga. To conclude, Spayn who of late was thought to de∣cline, weak in the head, and wounded in reputation by those of the united Provinces; yet having never been more weakly ballanced then at this present, begins now to resume his spirits, and without timely and strong opposition, will take so deep roote, and spread his branches so far, as to overshadow all his neighbours: and deadly dangerouse it will be for any one to sleepe in such a shade.
A00011.P4	Englands complaint to Iesus Christ, against the bishops canons of the late sinfull synod, a seditious conuenticle, a packe of hypocrites, a sworne confederacy, a traiterous conspiracy ... In this complaint are specified those impieties and insolencies, which are most notorious, scattered through the canons and constitutions of the said sinfull synod. And confuted by arguments annexed hereunto.	[]	anno Dom. 1640.	Printed [at the Cloppenburg Press?],	[Amsterdam] :	eng	[ "Church of England. -- Thirty-nine Articles -- Controversial literature.", "Canon law -- Early works to 1800." ]	OTHE hope ofIer. 14. 8, 9. Israel, the Saviour thereof in time of trouble, why shouldest thou be as a Stranger in the Land, and as a way-faring man that turneth aside to tarry for a night? Why shouldest thou be as a man astonied, as a mighty man that cannot Save? Yet thou, ô Lord, art in the midst of us, and we are called by thy Name, leave us not. Yea,ver. 7. ô Lord, though our iniquities testifie against us, yet doe thou it for thy Names sake: for our backeslidings are many, we have sinned against thee. And2 Chron. 19. we know not what to doe▪ but our eyes are towards thee.Esa. 63. 15, 16. O look down from heaven, and behold from the habitation of thy holines, and of thy glory: where is thy zeale, and thy strength, the sounding of thy bowels, and of thy mercies towards me? Are they restrained? Doubtlesse thou art our Father, thou ô Lord art our Redeemer, thy Name is from everlasting.Esa. 26. 1. O Lord our God, other Lords besides thee have had dominion over us: but by thee only will we make mention of thy Name. And now, ô Lord, we thy People, inhabitants of this sinfull Land, out of the depth of our miseries, and from under the burthen of our manifold afflictions and oppressions, which we wor∣thily suffer for our iniquities from thy righteous hand (for Thou hastPsal. 66. 11, 12. tryed us, and melted us in the Fornace, even as silver: Thou hast brought us into the net: Thou hast layd affliction upon our loynes: Thou hast caused men to ride over our heads: So as to whom shall we goe forHos. 6. 1. healing, but to thee, who hast smitten us: to whom for binding up, but to thee, who hast broken and torne us?) we doe therfore in this our humbled estate pre∣sent our complaint before thee, theGen. 18. 25. Iudge of all the world, yea before Thee, who hast aHeb. 4. 15, 16. feeling of our infirmities, having been in all things tempted like as we are, yet without sinne, to that end, that we might come boldly to the throne of Grace, and obtaine mercy, and find grace to helpe in time of need And although we thy Peo∣ple have had of long time, and still have much matter of com∣plaint unto thy Righteous Throne: yet now above all other, when the Throne of Iniquity frameth mischiefe as by a Law. For a Synod hath been by Authority of late holden, wherein such things have been concluded and confirmed, as tend to the utter rooting out of all true Religion, and that under the vaile of deep hypocrisie, double iniquity. And now ô Lord, give thy People leave even to spread this whole Synod before thee, as once King Ezech spread the blasphemous letter of the Enemy before the Lrd. And forasmuch as the said Synod hath been both called, authorized, and confirmed in all the Canons and Constitutions therof by the King, as himselfe declareth by his own Act both before and after the said Canons; wherein he professeth him∣selfe to be thy Deputy (ô King of Kings, and Lord of Lords) we therfore think it our duty, first to purge our selves of that staine of disloyalty and disobedience which the King chargeth us withall. For they lay it to the charge of some of us at the least, that we suspect our King of being perverted in a Superstitious way of Gods worship, as if he intended to bring in some alteration of Religion in our Land, against his sundry publicke Declartions and Sacred pro∣fessions before Him, whose Deputy (saith he) we are, against all, and every intention of any Popish Innovation. Now for our parts, we doe appeale to thy righteous judgement, O searcher of all hearts, whether we have been apt causelessely to suspect or surmise the least evill of our King, but on the contrary, have been ready to interpret all his actions in such a sense, as perswading our selvs, whatever things were amisse in Church or Common-weale, or whatever Innovations brought in, yea although under the name of Royall Authority, yet the King was ignorant of them, and his name therin abused by some bad Officers about him. Yea, how unwilling are we to this very day (notwithstanding the late Synod so called and confirmed by the King) to conceive the least sinister thought of him. So as we are apt to thinke that those Innovations brought in since and under his Raigne, have either crept in by stealth and by degrees without his know∣ledge, or been craftily suggested as being no Innovations at all, but rather renovations of the decayes of the old Religion (so ulgarly called) being induced thereunto by the ancient use thereof retained in some places of the Land, since the Reforma∣tion, as especially in the Roall Chappels, and Cathedralls, though not confirmed by any Law, as the use of Altars, Images, and the like. But now when we see with open eyes to our hearts grief, those things to be concluded as by a Law (Canons of Prelats now being made binding Laws) and so confirmed by the Letter Patents of the King, for him, his Heires, and lawfull Succes∣sors: O Lord, what shall we think? Nay, when we see a strict Oath injoyned and imposed upon all Ministers, of what style, or ranke soever, and upon all graduates in the Universities, &c. to approve, and preserve the Doctrine and Discipline or Govern∣ment, as it stands now established in the Church of England: and knowing, that by publick Acts, Edicts, Decres, Declarations, Books, &c. (set forth and published in the Kings Name, and patronized by his speciall Authority Royall) the Sanctification of thy Christian Sabbaths, the Morality of thy holy Commandements, the Doctrines of thy Grace and Gospel, with the preaching thereof; all preaching on thy Dayes in the afternoons, and all true Catechi∣sing, mainly cryed down: and that all thy painfull, and godly Ministers are persecuted, suspended, deprived, cast out of all, and can have no remedy either by course of Law (which is stopped) or by the King himselfe to wom they complaine: and that the Prelates of late more especially usurped a false Title to their false Government Ecclesiasticall by claiming their Pre∣laticall Jurisdiction from thine own divine Authority; So as we cannot be any longer ignoran (except we will be wilfully blind) that the Doctrine of the Church of England established in Queene Elizabeths dayes, hath now suffered not onely an Inno∣vation, but an utter eversion and extirpation of the very founda∣tions thereof: And this Innovation, this eversion, being now finally concluded on in a Synod, confirmed by the King, and injoyned to be Sworne unto by all those aforesaid: and besides all this, the King himselfe professing, that he hath diligently with great contentment and comfort read, and considered of all the said Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions of the late Synod afore∣said, and that he finds the same such as he is perswaded wilbe very profitable to the whole Church and Kingdome: And thereupon doth propound, publish, and straightly injoyne by his Authority and Letters Patents, the same to be diligently observed, executed, and equally kept of all his Subjects within this Realme: Now ô Lord, all these things weighed and layd together, Solemne and Sacred Protestations against Innovations on the one side, and a mighty flood of Inno∣vations on the other side, which by Royall Authority have made a terrible universall invasion and irruption both into thy Spiri∣tuall Kingdome, and this Temporal, threatning speedily to sweep all away at once: what shall we thinke? Or what shall we say? Wouldst thou have us still to dreame or imagine, that here are no Innovations at all brought in either of Doctrine, or Ecclesiasti∣call Government, and all because the King hath so frequently, so solemnly before Gd, and Angels and Men, protested to the contrary? Or, that the Innovations concluded in this Synod, are therfore no Innovations, because ratified and confirmed by the Kings Letters Patents, and by all the strength of Royall Authority, and because commended by the King to be such, as he is per∣swaded wilbe very profitable to the whole Church and Kingdome? Or may we not rather thinke, or rather most certainly beleeve, that (for the iniquities of the Land) oppression in the State, persecuti∣ons of thy Ministers, effusion of innocent blood of thy Servants, open Profanation of thy Sabbaths, and that by publicke dispensa∣tion, yea in a word, a contemptuous trampling of all Laws di∣vine and humane underfeet; nay yet more (more especially, as the orginall source and cause of all the rest) a damnable Apo∣stacie from the Gospel, joyned with a desperate League with Rome, too palpable to be seen, so as Antichrists Religion is imbra∣ced instead of thy True word and Gospell: for this, for these crying sins, is it not lawfull for us to thinke at least, yea to be∣leeve, that thou in thy just judgement restrained and withheld from us the benigne influence of the Kings heart, and hast so farre (for a time at least, for our humiliation) given him up to be Seduced by the Prelates and their Romish faction, and to be guided and led by their Councels, as refusing to hearken to any true Information of his most loving and loyall Subjects, (whereof we have had of late lamentable experience) he will rather hazard all his Kingdomes, then either displease them, or disobey their Councels? But yet, ô Lord, seeing thy judgements are unsearchable, and thy wayes past finding out, we will not take upon us to judge in so deep a matter, onely thou hast sayd, you shall know them by their fruits. But Lord, the King saith, He doth these things, by his Prerogative Royall, and Supreme Authority in Causes Ecclesiasticall. Holy and Righteous Lord, hast thou given to any mortall Creature, to any Kings on Earth, any such Prerogative Royall, any such Su∣preme Authority over thy Church, as to alter Religion at his pleasure, or to confirme the alteration of the true Religion for others pleasure, to make voyd by Edicts or Declarations the Saving Doctrines of thy word, thy holy Commandements, thine eternall Law, or to sit in thy Throne, over the Soules and Consciences of thy People, captivating and oppressing them under the bur∣thens of humane inventions, and Superstitious Ceremonies▪ Nay, hast thou not expreslyCol. 2. 8. to the end of the Chapter. forbidden thy People to subject their necks under any such yoake, as being a denyall of thee our King, and of our Redemption by thy precious blood▪ Such usurpa∣tions therfore of man, we doe, (ô onely Soveraigne of our soules) even before Angels and men utterly renounce.Esa. 26. 23. O Lord our God, other Lords besides thee have had dominion over us: but by thee onely will we make mention of thy Name. And, Lord, be thou our Judge between us and our oppressors in this thing, and give thy People holy courage and zeale to use all lawfull meanes for the upholding of this thy Sole Royall Soveraignty over our poor Soules and Consciences, against all Antichristian usurpations to the contrary. And last of all, whereas our King saith, that he hath called, and given free leave to this Synod to treat and agree upon certaine other Canons necessary for the advancement of Gods Glory, the edifying of his holy Church, and the due reverence of his blessed Mysteries and Sa∣craments (which words are taken out of the Act for Confor∣mity in Queen Elizabeths Raigne.) If it shall clearly appeare by this our Complaint following, that the things concluded in the said Synod, be neither for the advancement of Gods glory. nor the edifying of his Church, nor the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sraments, but quite contrary: then, how the Kings Authority extends to the confirmation of those things therein so concluded, do thou, ô Lord, Judge. In the next place, we present our Complaint before thee, ô Lord, touching the most materiall Canons concluded by the id Synod, and confirmed by the King. or absolute, as all Tyrannicall States, as that of the Turke; seeing the Kingdome of England is empered, seasoned, and conditioned with good Laws, which are the ordinary rules of good and just Government of the Subject, the due execution whereof in the administration of the Kingdome is an essentiall part of the Kingly ffice, which cannot be seperated one from the other. To this purpose King Iames in Speach at Speeces in Parliament expresly distinguisheth between an absolute Mo∣narchie, not bounded with Laws, but depending onely on the will of the Prince; and the King of England who (saith he) doth by that by Oath, nter upon the Kingdome to of their Estates: let him but call a Parliament, and yeeld to the redressing of their heavy grievances, and he shall find us his People most ready to yeeld him all manner of necessary due Support; yea abundant, more then necessary. Againe, what assurance of true and just right, title and property to, and in all their goods and estates can this their Canon, as it were by Canon-Law, make unto the Subjects of England, when all then practises both in the Ecclesiasticall and Civill Government are such, such the courses of their Courts whether Ecclesiasticall, or mixt, as consisting of Ecclesiasticall and Civil Judges together, but still where the Ecclesiasticall beare the maine Sway, even there, where they be fewest in number) such their usurped, illegall, extravagant power, such terrible Precedents filed up in their Courts, which stand for Laws and ruled Cases, for all that come after; and the like: as no Subject in the Kingdome can secure himselfe, that any one thing, or all that he possesseth, are his owne? For the best and surest Tenure, by which every free∣borne Subject holds the right and propriety of his goods, is the Law of the Land. But let the Subject be brought into one of their Ecclsiasticall Courts as aforesaid (whether into their High-Commission, or other Courts where the Arch-prelates sit party Iudges) and be his cause never so just, never so innocent, never so cleare, as against which no Law of the Land doth lye, yet, first of all in those Courts he cannot have any benefit of the Law at all, and consequently, where those Ecclesiasticall Judges set their Fangs, they will teare a man out of all his este, yea out of his Skin, and pull his flesh from his back, and breake him and his all in pieces. So as at those Boards, where these harpies sit, against whomsoever complaints are served in, being such especially as whe the Ecclsiasticall teeth against them, how quickly shall they and their whole estates be swallowed up as it were at one morsell? And to the end, that the Civil State may be subservient to the Ecclesiasticke, these Ecclesiasticks have their care in every bte, and their finger in every pye, where any thing may be pluckt from the Subject, by hocke, or by crooke, that so, as their Ecclesiastick Government, is Tyrannicall, so they may advance the Civil to hold correspondence with it: So as now the whole Government taken together, is reduced to certaine Talls, even as all Religion is served up upon a Court-Cubord at the end of the Chancel, wherof anone. And (as is noted before, which least it be forgotten, we mention againe) whatever Con∣clusions or Orders are made at those Tables, or Boards, (e they never so foule and shamefull) they are fixed and filed up for per∣petuall Laws in all such cases for time to come; yea and when they please, where they want a Precedent for some extraordi∣nary feat to be done, they can with a wet finger make a new Law for it. Hereof if we take but a few instances, it will easily appeare what truth there is in the words of this Canon, which seem to give to the Subject what ever right and title, and true property of estate doth or can belong unto them. For, first, we have late Precedents to shew, that no Freeman of London, after he hath served his yeares, and set up his Trade, can be sure long to injoy the Liberty of his Trade, but either he is forbidden longer to use it, or is forced at length with the rest of his trade to purchase it as a Monopolie at a deare rate, which they and all the Kingdome pay for. Witnesse the Sope-businesse. A∣gaine, no Doctor and practitioner in Physicke is sure to hold his Profession, whereby he and his should live, when once he comes into the High Commission. Witnesse Dr. Bastwicks case. Item, no Minister is sure to hold his free-hold, his Benefice (which is by Law his freehold) if once he be quarrelled in the High Commission, yea or in other inferiour Ecclesiasticall Courts. Witnesse mani∣fold Precedents in the Land. Item, none can be sure that his goods are his owne, when all, and more then all are taken from Witnesse Mr Henry Buton, one of the foresaid three. Item, none can be sure of his right and title, propriety and interest, which the Divine Law, and Sacred Ordinance of God hath given a man in his own Wife, but that one of these Boards shall him, as by vertue thereof, being confined to perpetuall prison, his Wife shalbe perpetually seperated from him, so as if she shall dare to hazzard her life in a fare ourney by Sea which She would doe) to have but a sight o her Husbands face, she must be sent Prisoner backe againe, Witnesse the case both of Dr Bastwcke, and Mr Burton afore∣said. Many more instances might be brought. But these Sum∣med up together, let any English Subject now resolve, what assurance o true and just ight, title and property to, and in all their goods and estates, or in any of the particular instances forespeci∣fied, this false and wicked Canon can give him? Let him be but brought before one of these Boards, and he shalbe stript of all. They will pretend this, and that I wot not what, henous crime, () as they did against those three aforesaid, when they could not prove any such thing. And Mr Burtons Case in particular, being a Minister, was so cleare (his defensive Answere being orderly admitted in Court, and before the day of , by the Courts order expanged by two of the Judges o that Court as Impertinent and Scandalous) as they could object nothing against him at the Censure, but proceed against him Pro Confess, all his fault being his refusal to answere Interrogatories, which if he had done, he had betrayed his Cause, and layd both it and himselfe open to the just lash of the Court, by assenting to the condemnation of his innocent Cause, before it was heard. Which one Example well weigh∣ed, what Cause so innocent, so just, can look to escape Scot free ? But thus we see, ö Lord, and thou better seest, what truth these Canonists have in them, whose words pretend all right to the Subject, and whose deeds doe practise the bringing of all mens soules, bodies, and estates under the yoake of an universall Tyran∣ny. To proceed. For the third (the setting up of an independent coactive power Papall, or popular, which undermines they say, the Royall Office, and cunningly overthrows the sacred ordinance of Godthis being meant of the State of Religion: if it be Papall, it is altogether unlawfull, as being Antichristian: but being according to thy word, every Christian State is bound to it up, and maintaine it, and no Christian King ought to hinder, or oppose it. But as for all Pre∣, it is meerly Papall, and Anti∣christian; though not in the first degree, the Pope usurping an universall power over all the Churches in the world) yet in a second, Every Prelate in his Diocese exercising a Papall power, and so doth cunningly undermine the Royall Office, and overthrew Gods Sacred Ordinance, who hath given a power and charge to Kings to suppresse all such Ecclesiasticall Tyranny over the soules of his people. And whereas they say, the Royall Office, is the Sacred Ordinance of God: we all acknowledge it; and that this Ordinance of God comprehends in it not onely the institution of the Superiority of Kings over their people, but their Speciall office of Government, as it is limited and establishd upon those Laws and Covenants, and Conditions agreed upon between the Prince and People: These are a Speciall part of thy Divine Ordinance,☜ that Kings should governe by a Law (as Deut 17. 18, 19, 20. Pro. 31. 5.) and that they should inviolably keep those Oathes and Covenants, that they have solemnly made with their people. And therefore, they which perswade Kings, that they are no way boun, but have liberty to rule as they list, by an indepen∣dent Prerogative, these are they, that are traytors, both to God, and to the King, and to the Realme, and to the peace, and prospe∣rity thereof. For the Fourth, For Subjects not to beare Armes against their King offensive, or defensive, upon any pretence whatsoever, as being a resiing of the Powers Ordained of God: First, we hold, that no private person ought to take up armes against his Prince: but Secondly, if a King maintaine a Faction about him, which goe about to oppresse s whole Kingdome,☞ and People in their Law and Libertis, and most of all in the true Religion, so as he will not rule them by the good Laws of the Kindome, but seeks to make all his Subjects Slavs; by bringing their soules, Bodies estates a miserable bondage: is it not now high time for the whole State either to labour to heale the breach, or if necessity (when there is no other remedy) to stand up is one man to de∣fend themselves and their Countrey, untill the Faction shalbe casheed, and so the King reforme himselfe, and renew Covenant and of the Kingdome to the good and just of the People. And wheras i is point trench∣eth upon the Scots, at this time, what doe they stand upon, but in the first place, to free their Religion from Antichristan usurpa∣on, Psal. 72. 4. which otherwise by and Tyranny would be brought to . And for the Fst and last, that all Ministers doe declare this Consatution of the power of Kings, to the people yearely: Ought not Ministers to consider, that they are also members of the Com∣mon-wealth, and live under the Law thereof? And being Subjects, ought they not to teach the people, that they love and hnour the King, and chearefully pay all such taxes, as by Law are due unto him, forasmuch as we all live under a Law? And the other side, ought not all Court-preachers to tell the christian and Lawlesse Government. And this, ô Lord, we con∣ceive of this first Constitution, so farre as we are able to appre∣hend: committing the whole judgement thereof to thy uner∣ing wisdome. Ah, Lord; can this be to the honour of our King, when the annuall memory of his Inauguration is saine to be forced? What Canon or Constitution is for the continuation of the joyfull memory of Queen Elizabeth of ever blessed memory, which yet to this day ceaseth not? But o that our King would consider that word of thine,1 Sam. 2. 30 Those that honour me, I will honour, and they and then they might have spared this Canon for the Kings day. No, no if these things be not reformed, aIe 1. 15. & 2. 2. blacke day is haste∣ning on a pace; as thou, ô Lord, hast threatned in thy word for such Sinnes. And with thee there is no respect of persons. Ier. 22. 18▪ 19. 30. King Iehjachim lived without being desired, and had the of an Asse; and it was written upon him, write this man childlesse, A man that hll not presper in the Earth, nor should be lamented, being dead; nor should any of i Seed prosper after him. O how terrible art thou, ô Lord, to proud and obstinate Sinners, when not Kings Crowns and Scepters can secure of defend them from thy just hand? And how fearefull a judgement is that, when thouIob. 12. 21. powrest contempt upon Princes, and weakenes the power of the mighty? O Lord, dost thou not see in this whole long Canon the naked hypocrisie of this Synod, clothing it selfe with many same figleaves of pious pretences (forsooth) for the suppressing of Popery? Yea Lord, their ypocrisie is so palpble herein, that all the world sees that this Constitution was purposely made to blind the eyes of the simple in these stirring times, wherin they see their Popish practises to grow into such hatred and detestation with all the Kings good Subjects. What other, but these practises, have been the coles that have kindled the fire in our neighbour to make the greater report (but without shot) in so hotly assault∣ing the Tower of Babel: because in so doing, it may make the world beleeve, that contrary to the Doctrine of Canterbury) there is no Salvtion for Papists out of the Church of England; and then let all Court Papists looke to it; and withall, the President must a great part of his Relation, which he hath written in favour of Papists, especially silly and ignorant, to whom he grants Salvation in their Rigion: he must also retract his Say∣ing, that the Church of England and of Rome are one and the same Church, and hold one Faith and Religion undifferent: he must also that, wherein he assemeth with his Iesuite,Relat. p. 375. that none ght to come to the English Church, then and there in that manner to worship God, that is resolved of the truth of the Roman Church; or to the like effect: and the Relator himself holds the truth of the Roman Church, for he affirmeth it to be a true Church. With many o∣ther new leaves which he must turne over, upon this suddaine motion of suppressing the growth of Popery; which if cordiall, they should first have rid all Churches from Images, Crucifixes, Altars, and the like, least in bringing Papists to Church, they should but change their Latine Popery into English Popery. And now, ô Lord, we beseech thee to judge of the hypocrisie of this selfe-styled Sacred Synod, which under a pretence of sup∣pressing the growth of Popery, doe indeed supplant the true Faith and Religion amongst us, that so instead thereof they may at length, as fast as they can, set Idolatry up in her throne, and full . For besides all this, that is said, have they not set out many notorious Popish Books, as that called the Femall Glory, which makes the blessed Virgin to be a Goddesse to be adored, and called upon, or prayed unto, the whole Booke being a very packe of Idolatry throughout, and set out in English, and allowed by one of the Prime Prelates Chapleins? So also a Booke of one Shelford Priest, whose 5 Treatises are notorious grosse popery; with many other of the same branne, or meale, which have been published by Authority, and never any of them yet called in. And some that have been called in, as Cozens Orisons, and Salis his Devotions, and others, yet go currant up and down, and are in every Papists pocket. Now if these holy men of this Sacred Synod had inten∣ded indeed to suppresse the growth of Popery, they should have caused heaps of bonefires to be made of the Bookes in Smithfield. But in all things touching this point, how ridiculously and palpably they have discovered their hypocrisie, especially the President and Father of the Synod, doe thou, ô Lord, judge. Behold here, Lord, another devise, to set simples a wonde∣ring, what this Monster, Sociisine should be, which most men in England never so much as once heard named before, and which England I hope is free enough from, unlesse a certaine neighbour to it, which they call rminianisne doe not hale it in, as it hath done many other Heresis. For as for the Remon∣sirants; or Aminians, they professe society and communion with the Socimans rather then with the Orthodox Protestants, whom they call Cavinists. Yea and in sundry of their Heresies they border neare upon them, as maintaining Iustification by works, and that we are not bound to beleeve that we shall rise againe with these our bodies glorified, and the like. So as doth not the Synod mi∣stake the name? Should they not have said, against Arminia∣nisme? Or perhaps they name the Damnable and Cursed Heresie of Socinianisme, both because they would make the people be∣leeve it is that, which hath so much been cryed downe by Preachers under the Name of Arminianisme, and yet they will save Arminianisme harmelesse, to which they have been so much beholden: and also because Arminianisme doth in many things Symbolize with Sccinianisme, under which it may the more easily lye hid. But for Arminianisine sake, the President hath, in a Declaration in the Kings Name before the 39 Articles made the Articles touching Grace, Election, Predestination, &c. to speake aswell in favour of it, as of the truth it selfe. Or would they prevent the contagion of Socinianisme, as also of Arminianisme? Call in those Orders, which restraine young students in the Vniversitie for reading our Protestant Authors. In this Canon they name Seperatists, whom especially they meane, as indeavouring (as they say) the subversion of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England: on these they lay load in good earnest indeed, and on all those, that shall print or publish Bookes especially against the Discipline and Government of the Church of England. This is indeed their faire Goddesse Diana, of which these Craftsmen, who get their great Incomes by her, are so jealous, and doe so furiously thunder against the opposites. And surely, ô Lord, if thou dost not at this time helpe, they poore people, who cannot with a good Conscience (if but rightly infor∣med) hold communion with these men in their Discipline and under their Government, must needs goe to wracke, and be ut∣terly spoyled they and theirs. Ah Lord, here is the filling up of the measure of all iniquity, ol all cruelty and tyranny. When they have brought their plots to passe, when established and setled their Innovations both in Doctrine and Government, then these hypocrites come with for the preventing of all Innovations in Doctrine and Government. This for the Title of the Canon. And that they may exalt their hypocrisie to the height, that it may appeare to all men, they further say: This Present Synod being desirous to de∣clare their sincerity and Constanc in the profession of the Doctrine and in the Church of England, and to secure all then against any suspicion of volt to Popery, or any other Supersti∣tion.) Decres, &c. Now, Lord, can the hypocrisie of Rome it selfe in that Mystery of Iniquity, packed up in the Councel of Trent, surpasse this notorious hypocrisie of our English Prelates in this their Synod? The vaile of their soule hypocriste is the pretence of Sincerity, and Constancie in the profession of the Doctrine and Dis∣ine already established: they have now already established a new Doctrine and Discipline in the Church of England, and so they are desirous to declare their Sincerity and Constancie in the professi∣on of the same. O holy Lord, who is able to deale with these impious hypocrites, but thy selfe alone? And now that they have tained their ends in a good measure (for they do not meane to stay here, till they have finished the Tower of Babel to its full height, by degrees, after a while) they doe this to secure all men against any Suspicion of revolt to Popery, or any other Superstition. For when the Revolt to Popery and the Superstitions thereof, is now in a good measure already made, then would they have all men to be secure against any revolt to Popery. But what need men to feare, when the danger is already past, and without re∣medie? They have set up their Altars; they gently intreat ado∣ration thereunto, and that by the same arguments that Papists use to colour over such Idolatry, till they have learne in fuller termes to expresse themselves with a We will and Command: they have set up their Images, and Crucifixes in Chappels and Ca∣thedralls, and that over the Altar; for all other Churches to con∣forme thereunto; they have published Bookes in English full of most grosse Romish Idolatry and Superstion; they have cryed down the due Sanctification of the Christian Sabbath-day, and have layd open the sdgtes to all proanesse to breake in, by publike spensation of profane Sports and Pastimes, that so they make the Lords day the day; and to make way for such profane Sports, they have universally forbid all preaching in the ernoones upon thy Holy Day; they have made thy holy Com∣mandment for the keeping and Sanctifying of thy Day of none effect, and that not onely by their profane practises, but profes∣sedly by their Book's published by Authority; they have by Edicts made the Articles of Rgion of the Church of England con∣cerning Grace to be of none authority: they have set forth Rlation of a Contnce, by Will of Canter∣burie. Books, wherein they professe that the Church of England, and of Rome the whore of Babylon are one and the Same Church, professing one and the same Faith and Religion; and goe about to Father the Antichristian Iurisdictn and Government of Prelates, upon the Divin ution, and upon the practise of thy holy Apostles; and doe cry down the Authority of thy Sacred word, as an insufficient witnesse to prove it selfe the word of od, and as a dead and dumbe judge and insufficient to determine doubt and Controversies in points of Faith, and so doe set up Authority above the Scripture; they have cast out all, or most of those godly and painfull Mi∣noers of thy word, which were as so lights, and pillars in the house of our God, because they stood in the gappe, and in the way of these men, to hinder their wicked attempts in over∣throwing of all true Religoon; and if any good Ministers be yet left, that have escaped their fingers, here is a hellish plot will hurle them all out at a clappe: these with many other their Inn vations they having now brought to passe, now, now would they have all men to be secure against any revolt to Popery Now they declare their constancie and Sincerity in the Doctrine and Dis∣cipline established. And hereupon they proceed to their Synodicall Decree saying, This present Synod decrees, that all Archbishops, and Bi∣shops, and all other Priests and Deacons in places exempt or not exempt, shall take an against all Innvations of Doctrine or Discipline. And the I, A. B. doe sweare, that I doe ap∣prove the Doctrine and Discipline, or Government established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary to Salvation: And that I will not indeavour by my selfe, or any other, directly, or indirectly, to bring in m Popish Doctrine, contrary to that which is so established: Nor will I ever give my assent to alter the Govern∣ment of this Church, by Archbishops, Bishops, Deanes, and Arch∣deacons, &c. as it stands now established, and as by right it ought to stand, nor yet ever to Subject it to the usurpation, and Superstitions of the Sea of Rome, &c. And if any shall refuse to take this Oath, after the first moneth, he shalbe suspended from his Ministry: after the second moneth, from his Ministry and Benefice: and after the third moneth, deprived of all his Ecclesiasticall promotions whatsoever, and execution of his function which he holds in the Church of England. And so this Oath extends to all Graduates in Divinity, Masters of Graduates, or licensed practitioners in Law and Physicke, all Registers, Actuaries, Proctors, Schoolmasters, all that enter into the Ministry, or into a Benefice, &c. Thus Lord, it is not suffi for these men to alter both the Doctrine, and Discipline of the Church of England (as aforesaid) and to make the Discipline and Government of Prelates more An∣tichristian, then it was before, by adding a new claime of Di∣vine Authority to their Antichristian Iurisaction, blasphemoully fatherig it upon thee: but they must have all this Sealed with an Oath of all such Persons, as aforesaid, that so by so many condu pipes, the whole Land may be poysoned, and at once universally enthralled under a most miserable bondage. And now subscription (which were too much, and against all Law and Conscience) is not sufficient. For all Ministers, and others of any degree forementioned, must sweare to the ratifying of the of the Articles of Religion, as aforesaid: to the setting up and bowing to Altars, with all the other Ceremonies and Innovations about them: to the maintaining of an Anti chri∣stian Tyranny exercised by the Prelates, under the name of Christ and his Apostles: and so in Summe, they must become Sworne vassals to these Tyrants, and Sworne Enemies to thy Majesty and Kingly Soveraignty, to thy word and Scepter, to their owne Salvation, and the Salvation of thy people, and so proclaime themselves to all the world, the most base and vile Slaves, that ever the earth bred. Yea the most of them (such especially as know anything; and this time of light admits of no plea for ignorance in any man) must of necessity (if at all they take this Oath) Sweare against their own Consciences, and so in no small degree sin against the Holy Ghost; whereby their Sin becomes unpardonable, when once their Conscience is eared to impe∣nitencie and their selfe-damnation sealed up to destruction. Besides all this, if they looke upon temporall respects, are they sure the King of this Land will be alwayes of the mind, to maintain and continue such an Hierarchie? What, if God should be pleased in mercy to hi Church, to open the eyes of the King, to let him see now he and his State is abused by this Generation of Prelates, so as to ot them out? Againe, though the Office o Kings be mortall, yet their persons are not: another King may succeed that is of another md. And above all this, we be∣leeve, ô Lord, that the intolerable outrages, and high flown presumptions of these Prelates against thee, and thy Church, and against the whole State of the Land, are most certaine, cleare, and immediate forerunners of their most fearefull ruine. And therefore, let thy feare, ô Lord, be upon all thy Ministers and People of the Land at this time, and let thy grace be sufficient for them, to arme them with a holy courage, zeale, magnanimity, un∣daunted constant restion to stand out in a Christian defiance against this most damnable and desperate Oath, least the taking of it bring certaine wrath upon the takers, as the making and imposing of it shall certainly bring upon the makers and impo∣sers of it, to their utterdestruction. But (alas!) ô Lord, have not these Prelates already made way for an unwerall admittance of this their Cursed Oath? For where is fearce one good Minister left, of a true bred masculine Spirit, whom these men have not rid out of the way? And those that be left, are they not for the most part such as either preferre the fleshpots of Aegypt before Canaan? Or such, as have already deled their Consciences with absing their Ministry to the publick obeying of wicked Com∣mands of these their great Masters? as in the publick reading the Booke of profane Sports on the Lords day: forbearing to preach in the Afternoones: admitting of Altars in their Churches: and perhaps bowing unto them: not to preach freely the Doctrines of Grace, to the strengthening of the faith of Gods people, and inflaming their love towards God as the 17th Article saith) and to the confounding of the enemies of Grace, and that cursed Faction, that now raign∣eth? So as Ministers, having universally defiled their Consciences, and abased their Ministry in these things (for such as refused, are already cast out) are already prepared and sitted to doe any other base service, that these their Masters shall command, their Conscience being by this time made wide enough to swallow downe this monstrous and damnable Oath, which could not possibly have been forged in any other Shop, but in hell it selfe, not by any other workmen, but by Devils themselves in the likenesse of men. But, ô Lord, thou whoIud 24. onely art able to keep thine from saking, and to reserve them faultlesse before the presence of thy glory with joy; whoEsa. 26. 3. wilt keep him in perfect peace, whose nd is stayd on thee; because he trusteth in thee: if thou hast a rem∣nant left, which have not received the marke of the Beast, but have kept their garments pure; or if any, who through feare or humane frailty have abased themselves in any of the things a∣foresaid: restore them by repentance, and establish them all by thy Grace, that they may so stand for thy Truth and their Salva∣tion here, as they may one day stand undaunted before the Son of Man at his appearing. And further we note out of the words of the Oath, That they are to Sweare they doe approve the Doctrine and line established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary to Salvati∣on. Now will they say, that the Discipline, or Government of the Church of England containeth any thing necessary to Salvation, seeing herein they joyne it with Doctrine, as containing together all things necessary to Salvation? Nay, is not the Discipline and Go∣vernment, any enemy to Salvation, seeing it is altogether Anti∣christian, Tyrannicall, and a meere usurpation, and in the whole practise of it, and in all the Rites and Ceremonies, against the word of God, and against the Doctrine and Practise of the Apo∣stles, and a most notorious and pestilent persecuter of the true Saints and Servants of God, and a rooter out of all true Religion and godlinesse out of the Land. Is it not Antichristian, and usurp∣ing Christs Throne and Soveraignty over the Consciences of his People, which is expresly and directly contrary to the Apostles Doctrine, so as the subjection thereunto is clearely proved by theCol. 2. 8, &c▪ Apostle to be a denying of Christ, and so a loosing of Sal∣vation? And for the Doctrine of the Church of England, how can it be sayd to containe all things necessary to Salvation, when the most principall Articles of Saving Grace are made of none effect, and are forbidden to be preached to the people? And suppose all the 39 Articles were intire, and not corrupted, but preserved in their true sense, agreeing with Scripture (asArticle of Consecration of Archbishops, &c. some of them are not) yet they cannot be sayd to containe all things necessary to Salvation. For onely the holy Scripture, which is the onely ad. quate Rule of Faith, containeth all things necessary to Salvation, it being a cleare Commentary and exposition of it selfe, and a Rule whereby to try all humane writings of Divinity whatsoever. Thus the matter of the Oath it selfe is most false, and blasphemous, which with all the rest we referre to thy judgement, ô Lord. Againe, A man must sweare, not to bring in any Popish Doctrine, nrary to that which is so established. We conceive this to be no Church. Secondly, for Bishops, we find the name indeed in ∣ture, but not a Diocesan Bishop, but such a one, as a particular Congregation, to feed the flocke of God, as thy teacheth. And we find Deacons also, but no Archdeacons. And to set Archdeacons over Presbyters, is not onely an incougity and disorder, and so not right, as it ought to be: but also a Antichristian guise and usurpation. As for Deanes, they are of a later institution. And as for Archbishops, they confesse, that the Apoes were all equall; how come they then to be superiour to other Diocesan Bishops, who claime to be the Apostles success By this reckoning, an Archbishop should have been superiour to the Apostls. So as this Archiepiscopall Government, stands not rightly established, as being in a more Superlative degree Anti∣christian, then ordinary Bishops; nor can he with them shift or put off their Government to be Antichristian and Papall, the Me∣tropolitan of all England being that over England, which the Pope challengeth to be over the Church Catholicke. And that the present Arch-Prelate carries himselfe as the Pope of England, whose Canon is a Law, let but this wicked Synod witnesse, whereof he is the Papall President, and this Papall Oath withall, which is drawn up and imposed on all Ministers, after the man∣ner of that Oath, which Paul the fourth added to his Councel rent, for all his Clergie to take, and so to Sweare to all the Doctrines and Canons concluded in that Councel. Thus, ô Lord, we could not, but in this perplexed case open our minds, and (as the Prophet saith:Ier. 20. 1 open our Cause before thee. This Canon is generally for an uniformity in will-worship throughout all England, and particularly in the introducing of Altars in every Church, with the Service about it. The Canon for this, first pretends, how it were to be wished, that unity of Faith were accompanied with uniformity of practise in the outward worship and Service of God. Now this outward worship is meerly of mans devising, a will-worship, and expresly forbidden and condemned by theCol. 2. Apostle, and therefore no Service of God: So as the uni∣formity herein overthroweth not onely the unity of Faith, but the faith it selfe, as Col. 2. And againe, such will-worship of mans invention, is a fruit of the pride and presumption of mans aine and gracelesse heart, and so cannot be truely called the Ser∣vice of God. For our God hates all such service, as himselfe hath not commanded and prescribed in his word; according as thou . Againe, this Sd pretends for this their wished uniformity in worship two things: 1. the avoyding of suspicious feares of Innovation by the weake: 2. the hope of Papists, of Englands backes∣ding into Popish Superstition; and both, by reason of the Situation of the Communion Table, and the approaches thereunto. And might not the Synod then with more ease, have removed quite away, both the feare of the one, and the hope of the other, in leting the Commu∣nion Tables stand, where they were wont to do? When a Stum∣bling blocke stands in a darke way, whether is it not better (for the preventing of stumbling) to remove the blocke, then to write upon it, Beware of this Stumbling blocke? Shall not every man that passeth that way, sooner break his Shinnes, or bones, then ake notice of the writing for prevention? And can every one take warning by the Canon to avoyd the offence, so well, as if the Scandall were quite taken away? When in Ezek his time the people began to worship that monument of the brazen Serpent, the good King brake it to pieces. And is it not better e now Altars to be set up in all Ces throughout England hereupon the Synod tells us (for it is conscious enough of it) Papists slatter themselves with a hope of our backeding into their Popish Superstition. Doe they so? How come they thus to hope? From the seting up of your Alts, you will say. And to what purpose then is your former Canon, for Suppressing the growth of Popery, when this Canon will make them grow faster, out of a hope of Englands backesding to them, then the former will Suppresse their growth, for feare of all the emptie charge thereof, or for any counterfeit shows these men can make of winning them to our Church? unlesse the Altars be of more force to doe it, when they see especially those Superstitions, or rather Idolatrous approaches thereunto. But the Synod calls their hope, a vaine hope. That's the Synod vain hope, or rather hypo∣criticall dissimulation: For they know it to be most true, and the Papists have reason so to hope, as some of their own Authors in their late English pamphlets have jeangly writ of Englands backtiding to Popery, as of a thing, whereof England is grown now adayes very ambitious. And for the feare and jealousie, which they say the weake have hereof: have not the wisest men in the King∣e the like feare and jealousie, and that upon just causes and grounds? And suppose the weake onely were offended with such things: why did not the wise, and Sacred rather remove the Scandall, then slappe them in the mouth with the Fox tayle of Canon, or smoke out their cryes with the charge The strong (as saith the Apostle) ought to beare with the of the weake, and not to please themselves. But the Synod tells us, That the standing of the Communion-Table way under the East window of every Chancel or Chappell, i its nature indifferent, neither commanded, nor condemned by the word of God, either expresly, or by immediate deduction, and ther∣fore that no Religion is to be placed therein, or sruple to be made thereon. First, if it be a thing indifferent, why doe they trouble me Consciences of their weak brethren with it, who hold it to be a thing Scandalous? This is against the Apostles Rule, even the rule of Charity, tending to the destruction of mens soules. Se∣condly, if a thing indifferent, why are they so eagre for it, when it may as well be forborne, and especially at this time, when both the Kingdomes, and the wisest men therein, are so troub∣led with it, the eace disturbed, the State distracted, and the Kingdomes hazarded? Thirdly, if it be indifferent, why doe they not so leave it? Why doe they alter the nature of it, turn∣ing the indifferencie into a necessity, as they doe with all their other Ceremonies, which they professe to be in their own nature indifferent, yet turne them out of their nature, and make them necessary, and so intolerable burthens to mens Consciences? Yea why doe they force all Ministers to take a Solemne Oath, that they approve these things, as necessary to be observed? But neither is this they so urge, a thing in its own nature indifferent, namely, whether the Communion-Table stand Sideway under the East window of every Chancel. For, first, it is a Commu∣nion Table, and therefore to stand in the midst, where all may sit about it, as about a Table, and thus it is rightly and properly a Communion-Table: it is not a Communion-Cubbord, or a Com∣munion dresser, to stand Side-way to the wall. That's no Commu∣nion Table. And consequently such a standing Sideway to the wall of every Chancel is by immediate deduction condemned in the word of God. For the word of God calls and commends, and com∣mands this by the name of the Lords Table, and so it commands withall the proper use of it, as of the Table of the Lord: but the standing of this Table Sideway to the wall, takes away not onely the nature, and indeed the name of a Table, but also the proper use of the Lords Table, where every one of his family is to sit about it. As David saith; 28. 3. Thy Children like olive plants round about thy table. For such is the right and proper use of a Table. And therefore, as the Scripture commands and commends unto us the Lords Table, with the right use thereof, as is sutable to the nature of it: So by necessary consequence, and immediate de∣duction, the Scripture condemnes any such posture or placing ther∣of, as altee both the nature and use of the Lords Table. So as it is not a thig indifferent, whether the Table stand sideway to the wall: for it ought not so to stand, seeing it is a perverting of the nature and use of the Table of the Lord, and so a perverting of the Lords Ordinance. Againe, not indifferent for all Chancels alike: for in many vast Churches the People cannot heare, when their Priest sayes or sings his Second Service at his new Altar, as he is injoyned: unlesse the Ordinary be more mercifull to the Congregation, were it a mercy to communicate with Superstitious worship and Service. Againe, the word of GodEze. 11. 12, expresly condemnes in his people the mitation of the heathen in their Idolatry, or Superstition, or to doe after their manner. So as such guises are not things indiffe∣rent. Now for the standing of the Communion Table sideway to the East wall, is to place it like to Popish Altars, which are Altars of Idolatry, like to those of the heathen; and so is a faire induce∣ment by degrees of their Idolatrous Sacrifice too, for all the faire pretences the Synod makes to the contrary. And doth not the Synod confesse, that at the time of Reformation of this Church from that grosse Superstition of Popery, it was carefully provided that all meanes should be used to root out of the minds of the people, both the inclination thereunto, and memory thereof; especially of the Ido∣latry committed in the Masse, for which cause all Popish Altars were demolished? Then we aske thy Synod, why they are here so zealous in seting up the Communion Table sideway to the East wall after the manner of Popish Altars: Seeing before they pretend such care and zeale for the suppressing of the growth of Popery, and for the bringing of Papists to the English Church? Where, when they come, and presently see a thing set up sideway at the East end of the Chancel, just like their high-Altar, and seeing withall the people, or Priest lowly lowting unto it, or devoutly bowing before it, or toward it: are they not hereby straight put in mind of their old Romish Idolatry, enough to make them presently to turne Papists againe? Where is then the carefull provision of this Synod, that all meanes be used to root out of the minds of such both the inclination and memory of the Idolatry of the Masse, for which cause our ancient Reformers caused all Romish Altars to be demoli∣shed? times in the place, where the Altars formerly stood, but in time of of; in the midst of the Church or Chancel. And yet the uction did not necessarily tye the Table to stand at all other times, saving at the Communion at the end of the Chancel, but for most conveniencie, according to the discretion of the Minister and Gardians. And certainly the good Queens intent never was, are could be, that that standing so at other times, should be a precedent for aftertimes, to introduce Altars againe, there to have a fixed station, and so to become a stumbling blocke to Protestants, and a laughing stock to Papists, causing the one to feare Innovations, and the other to hope our backesliding into Popish Superstation. And that the Table hath stood so ever since unremoved in the Royall Chappels, there is not the same reason of a Chappel, and of a Church; a Chappel wanting converent roome to place the Table in the midst. Although this was to be imputed ra∣ther to want of Care in the Deane of the Chappel, then want of roome in the Chappel, as in many other things besides. And as for Cathedra Churches, most of them had the Tables standing in the midst of the Chancel, untill of very late dayes, and under this Kings Rugne, wherein our Prelates have been more stick∣ing then ordinary to erect not only Altars, but Crucifixes, and Images in all Cathedralls. And now their project plainly appeares to be this, that by these Mother Churches as they call them, they might introduce Altars into all other Churches, to verifie the Proverbe, Like Mother, like Daughter. And whereas they name ome Parochiall Churches to have had Altars, this hath been but of late dayes too, since this fashion began to be renewed. But when they have Summ'd up all together, it will not a∣mount to the acquitting this Generation from illegality, or from more then suspicion, and that ust, both of Romish Superstition, and dolatry to boo, as also of a great Innovation of the State of the Church both in Doctrine and Discipline. For first, for the Royall Chappel what are they to an universality? If the King should have Misse in his Chappell, must therefore every Church in the Land have so too? And so for Cathedralls, what are they, bu as i were the Chappels, or Chancels of the Bishop, Dane and Chapter? Parish-Churches they are no; no nor yet Mother-Churches, as whereof other Churches are begotten, but are the very dennes of the Dragon, and the Styes, to fa be for the slaughter. And because some Parhia Churche by some Ministers of the Bishops Faction have lately Altars: is this sufficient to acquit them of egalify of of Rmish Superstition and Idolatry, in making hereupon, a Canon for the sitting up of Altars in all the Churches of England? Dare these bring this their mettall to be tryed in a Parliament-Tes, where they should find Refiners of suffi judgement to sever the silver, (if there were any) from the drsse? But when they have se up their Tables Sidewayes to the Eastill: shall they stand there fixed? Shall they not be move∣ables still, as in Queen Elizabeths time, and according to her In∣junction at least be t in the midst of the Church or Chancel, a the Comm? For this, they tell us, We judge it fit, and conve∣nient, that all Churches and Chappels do conforme themselves in th particular, to the example of the Cathdrall, or Mother Churches, saving alwayes the generall liberty lest the Bishop by Law, during the time of the Administration of the holy Communion. A plausible Perswasion of these Hypes. They thinke it fit: therefore who will not thinke it so? They heartily commend it: and what is this but a Command?Peanagke Es. A necessa. But thy holy Apostle, ô Lord, in the sameC. 2. 2. 4. Chapter, where he speakes against Rites and Ceremonies, wnes thy people to take heed that they be on∣cunvented panolegia, with ticeing words, or faire speeches. And what fugared words be here in Canon, to merce thy People to Idolatro and Superstitious Rites and Ceremo∣nies? here commended? For what be these Rites and Ceremo∣nies? namely, as the seting up of a high Altar, so adoration thereunto. This is that which these Hypocrites thinke and com∣mend for very fit and behoofull pretending therein Service done to thy Majestie, when it is indeed a Service that pleases them, and which to thy dishonour, and against thy will and word, they will force upon thee. As the Heathen man sayd of the false Gods in his time,Pythaga Eusb. Praep. Euang lib. 5. Cap 8. spara gnomen a nagkazethai theous tais anthropinais Bou∣lais douluein) that the Gods against their mind were constrained to serve mens wills; namely in mans devised will-worship. And thus doe these imitators of the blind Heathen force thee to serve their , while they set up a service of their owne fancie, as both in seting up Altars, and commending worship to them, though pretended as done to thee. Even as the false Oracles of old, Cap. (Ten apsukon hulen ebem prosetation) commanded men to worship a piece of wood, or such like matter, wherein was no life. But these lying Oracles, these Hypocrites pretend such worship is to honour thee withall. O bold impiety! O notorious hypocrisie▪ These are the Men, that trample thy word under their feet, that cast it out of the Church, that stoppe thy Ministers mouthes, and consequently thy peoples Eares that they cannot heare thy lively voyce speaking unto them to the Saving of their poore soules: and instead hereof they give unto them a flappe with a Fox-tayle: for instead of honouring thee in thine own Sacred and Saving Ordinance, they commend to thy People these Superstitious and Idolatrous Services, as the fruits of their prod and profane Popish hearts, which they commend as most fit and behofull. NowEzech. 20. 4. wilt thou not judge them, ô Lord? Wilt thou not judge them? Cause them to know their abominations: and give them the reward of selfe-pleasure. Now we know, that all Cathedrall or those Mother Churches, have their Altars fixed, and never removed, no not in time of Communion: by this Law of Conformity therefore, all Parechiall Churches must have their Tables fixed, and never to be removed, no not at the Communion. And so being fixed, they cease now to be any longer Tables, but put on the nature of Altars, which stand perpetually fixd. Onely here is one helpe peradventure for it, if the Bishop be pleased to give liberty to Parishes to remove the Table into the midst r the Communion; this liberty alwayes Saved. So as here is all the hope of Parishes in this matter. Yet what hope, when the Bi∣shop shall answere such Suiters, Ye are a sort of Puritans; will you be wiser then your Mother-Church, or wiser then the Sacred and holy Synod, who judged it fit and convenient, that all Churches and Chap∣pels doe conforme themselves in this particular to the example of th Cathedrall, or Mother Churches? And though the Law give him a generall Liberty in this to grant it, or no: yet he holds him∣selfe rather bound by the Canon in this case, not to give liberty, then dispensed to take and use liberty by the Law. But yet for all this the Synod gives one remedy, as to thinke never a whit the worse of the Table, or to be out of conceit with it, because being thus fixed, it seems to be quite turned from a Table into an Altar: for it addeth: And we declare, that this Situ∣ation of the Holy Table, doth not imply, that it is, or ought to be esteemed a true and proper Altar, whereon Christ is againe really Sacrificed: but it is, and may be called an Altar by us, in that sense, in which the Primitive Church called it an Altar, and in no other. A Holy Table, doe these holy men call it: but shall we thinke it ever a whit the holyer, that it stands now fixed sideway to the wall? Yes: for it is now an Altar: yet not a true and proper Altar, as where∣on Christ is againe really Sacrificed: no, so the Papists in some sense will say for their Altars. But what say they to this: doe they not meane it is such an Altar, as without which the Sacrifice, or offering upon it it is not sanctified Or is it not that Altar, wher∣of the Apostle speaks,lib. 13. 10. We have an Altar, &c? If it be not that Altar, why doe they suffer Dr. Pecklingtons Christian Altar, so to passe under their Authority, which saith, that this Altar is necessary, as without which no Sacrifice we offer, is Sanctified? And why doe they suffer other Bookes, that say, The Apostle meant this Altar, when he said, We have an Altar? When therfore this Synod calls in, and damnes these Bookes which by maintaining these Al∣tars of wood and stone, doe overthrow and deny the onely Al∣tar Iesus Christ: we may think, that these men have some good meaning, when they say, that this Situation of the holy Table doth not imply, that it is, or ought to be esteemed a true and proper Altar, whereon Christ is againe really Sacrificed. But it is, and may be called an Altar by us, in that sence that the Primitive Church called it an Altar. Now who knows how farre these men extend the Pri∣mitive Church? Perhaps down to Innocent 3, who first establi∣shed Transubstantiation, now above foure hundred yeares agoe, For as for the purest estate of the Primitive Church, as in the Apostles times, the Table of the Lord; was never called an Altar at all, properly or improperly. The Scripture calls it only the Table of the Lord. And some hundred yeares after the Apostles, Cstans had no Altars at all, no not in name, which the Hea∣then did obiect unto them. So as the Primitive Church in the purest time of it had not so much as the name of Altars. And our Communion Booke doth not once name it an Altar. How comes then this Synod to be so bold, as to call the Table an Al∣tar, and teach, that it is, and may be so called▪ And what if some Fathers called it so▪ As they were a little too free (though meaning no harme) in their allegorising, which the Romanists have made advantage of, to advance their Idolatry. And Lord, thou shalt try the spirit of these men, whether for the love they beare to Rome, and to bring England to a perfect Recon∣ciliation with her, they affect to call it an Altar, rather then a Table; though the time is not yet ripe for them, fully to mani∣fest themselves, and to display their Roman Colours in open fields. But for us, we ought not in any sense to call the Lords Table an Altar, seeing the Scripture calls it onely a Table, and never, an Altar: and seeing also it is an easie inducement to Popish Idolatry and Superstition, to which use all Papists use it, and which use this Synod, by all signes shows it selfe easie to be intreated to bring up againe in the Church of England. For in the next place, they make an Order for rayling in this Altar, to seperate it from the rest of the Church, that none doe touch it, as if it were more holy, and the matter thereof more precious, then any other part of the Church. And by this meanes, though they pretend the prevention of profanation, yet they labour to beget in the Peoples minds some high and re∣verend opinion of this their Altar, as of some extraordinary holy creature, or rather divine thing, that so they may with the more facility, and lesse seupe be brought to yeeld adoration ther∣unto, when ever they but look upon it, or approach it, or passe by it; of which they tell us more anon. And the next thing is, that all that will receive the Communion, must come up to present themselves before this Altar upon their knees; condemning the usuall manner of the Ministers carrying the bread and wine about the Church. But they called this Altar a Ta∣ble, but even now: and is it so suddainly swallowed up in an Altar, as in stead of sitting about the Table (which is Christs own ordinance, and the proper use and posture of guests about a Table) now men must kneele before the Altar, as before some new God-Allmighty? So as thine ordinance, ô Lord, is here quite per∣verted, and from a Table-Communion turned into a Superstitious Altar-Service. Whereas if the Table were set in the midst, and the Communicants did come and sit round about it, as many as could at a time, and so did eat and drinke the Lords Supper, this is Christs own ordinance: but to come and kneele before an Al∣tar, this is not according to Christs ordinance, nor is it aright to eat the Lords Supper at the Lords Table. The last tging is, after many faire pretences and preambles (as of the Church, the house of God, dedicated to his holy worship, to put us in mind of the greatnesse and goodnesse of his Divine Majesty, and the like) the Synod thinks it very behoofull, that all doe reve∣rence and obeysance both at their Coming in, and going out of the Churches, Chancels, or Chappels, &c. And the motives which the Synod useth to perswade all People hereunto, are sundry. As 1. It is not with any intention to exhibit any religious worship to the Communion Table, the East, &c. or in the Celebration of the holy Eucharist (as they call it) rather the Lords Supper) upon any opinion of a corporall presence of Christs body there, &c. Now from these words (though the Synod doe not expressely and directly Order, that men in doing such reverence and obeysance, do set their faces towards the Altar, East-ward, where it standeth) yet we learne plainly their meaning to be so, in that they say, not with any in∣tention to exhibit any religious worship to the Communion Table, or East: Ergo towards the Table, or East, men must doe reverence, s it be not with intention of Religious worship. But by their leaves, Intention, or not intention, so to bow, so to doe reverence to, or to∣wards this, or that place, is no lesse, then flat Idolatry, whether it be done to the place it selfe, or thereby to God. For God will not be worshiped in or by either an Image, or any representation of his Majesty or Divine presence; as if God were fixed to this or that place, all which is forbidden in the Second Commande∣ment. And being done to the creature, as to the Table, or Altar, or towards the East, being done in the Church, which they say is the place of Gods worship, must not all such externall worship there exhibited, be a religious worship▪ So as whether People intend any such thing, or no, as by doing obersance to the Table, to exhibit religious worship, yet the worship it selfe so exhibited in the place of Gods worship, is, must needs be a religious, yea and divine wor∣ship. So as here is flat Idolatry committed by authority of this holy Synod. Or will they call this adoration (for adoration it is) a civil worship▪ This is no lesse an absurdity, and grosse profanation of things Sacred, to give them a Civil worship. Therfore seeing the Synod will needs have a worship so exhibited, and this is not (say they) with any intention of a religious worship: let them tell us what kind of worship they meane. Unlesse their meaning be this, that it may passe for a religious worship, as of the body, so the intention of the mind be wanting; that so a man may commit Idolatry not yeelding a religious worship to the creature outwardly with his body, so as his mind be free from intention, that he meant no harme by it. And the like reason there is for bow∣ing, or kneeling at the Communion: this is a religious worship, or adoration: and it is done, as to some imaginary corporall presence of Christ on the Table, or to the Elements themselves, or to the Table. But to be done as to Christs corporall presence, the Syd would have that opinion forborne. It remaines then, that the adoration, or religious worship to be done, though not intended, either to the Elements, or to the Table, or to the Altar, or to the East; for now all the Communicants are upon their knees all looking that way. But say they, secondly, this worship is for the advancement of Gods Majesty, and to give him alone that honour and glory, that is due unto him. Is it so? And is it not then a Religious worship, that is so exhibited, that is done for the advancement of Gods Majesty, and to give him alone that honour and glory, that is due un to him? Cer∣tainly this must needs be a Religious and Divine worship, and that in a high degree. And being so, shall the Synod be ashamed, or affraid to allow men an Intention of performing this Religious worship, when it is for the avancement of Gods Majesty? Will God accept of a Sacrifice, that wants a heart? Or how is God honoured by our Service, when it is done without an Intention? But here is yet a worse matter in it, that marres the Synods in∣tention for the advancement of Gods Majesty. And that is, All this worship (call it what they will) is a meere will-worship (of which before) and so of which God saith,Math. 15. 9. In vaine they honour and worship me, teaching for Doctrines the precepts of men. And the Synop cannot but confesse, that all this Court-Ceremony is the upshot of this their Canon and Constitution: a Commandement of men therefore: and so abominable in Gods worship and Service. But thirdly, This say they (to wit, this outward reverence in Gods worship) must needs be pious in it selfe, profitable unto us, and edifying unto others. Must needs? Upon what necessity? For first, can that be pious in it selfe, which God hath absolutely for∣bidden and condemned, as abominable to be used in his Ser∣vice? And such is all invention of man in Gods worship; as be∣fore. Secondly, Profitable to us, say they. Wherein profitable to us, to disobey and dishonour God in our fancifull devises? Or pro∣fitable, in that sense, wherein the Pharisees taught children to cast off all honour to their Parents, Saying unto them,Math. 15. 5. It is a gift, by what∣sover thou mightest be profited by me: and honour not his Father or his Mother. So, how can that beNilutile, quod non hone∣stum est. Cic. Offic. profitable to us, which is disho∣nourable to our heavenly Father? And thirdly, for Edifying unto others: how Edifying? Surely no other way, but as the Apo∣stle saith,1 Cor. 8. 10. If any man see thee, that hast knowledge, sitting in the Idols Temple, shall not the Conscience of him that is weake (dikodo∣methéseta) be edified (as the word properly signifieth) that is, imboldened to eat of things offered to Idols? And just such Edifying unto others, is this will-worship of the Synod, whereby they being men of knowledge and learning, doe edify or imbolden simple peo∣ple to follow their practise, and obey their Precept, in giving reverence and obeysance in the Church, that is, religious worship to a stone Altar, or wodden Table, which is Idolatry, though coloured over with never so specious and faire pretences, as without any intention of a religious worship: which is the ordinary apron of igleaves, wherewith the woman of Rome would cover the na∣kednesse of such herR. 17 4. Spirituall fornications, and filthinesse of her bominations. But Fourthly, This (say they) hath been the most ancient custome of the Primitive Church in the purest times, and of this Church also for many yeares of the Raigne of Queen Elizabeth. The reviving ther∣fore of this ancient and laudable Custome, we heartily commend to the serious Consideration of all good people. How? Hath this been the most ancient Custome of the Primitive Church in the purest times, to common Idolatry with Stocks and Stones? For what were those purest times of the Primitive Church? Were they not the Apostles owne times? Were not thse the purest times of the Primitive Church? And will they, dare they say, or much lesse, can they prove, that the Apostles, or the Church in their time used any such custome? Fy for shame, that a Synod should dare, without blush∣ing, to vent such abominable lyes. For if they meane it of the times of the Church after the Apostles, those certainly were not the purest times, as wherein many Supersitions began quickly to grow up, to strow the way for the coming of Antichrist, the Mystery of Iniquity beginning to worke even in the Apostles dayes. But this Devotion was of ancient custome in this Church also for many yeares of the raigne of Queen Elizabeth. That's true indeed; I my selfe, when I was a ad, have seen old women very ob∣servant in such obesances towards the Est, both coming in, and going out of the Church. They would not misse it. But ye must undestand this was a place, where they had not Scarce one Sermon in Seaven yeares: So as, it was no marvaile if still they walked in darknesse, when they wanted the light to shine forth unto them in the preaching of the Gospel, which where it comes in the vigour of it, drives away all darknesse of errour, and spirituall blindnesse, as thePsal. 104. 22 Sun arising chaseth the wild beasts into their dennes, as David saith. Insomuch, as we have seen and known by abundant experience (blessed be our God) that in all places of the Kingdome, where sound preaching hath been, all such Superstition hath been packed out of the Church. But this riddance could not be expected for some of the first yeares of Queen Elizabeth, when the Land was but newly crope out of Popery, and Preachers were but Scarce, and the old race had not, could not put away the old leaven, or cast off the Slough of Popish Superstition. And therefore the Synod saith truth in this, that for some yeares, yea in some places, many of the Raigne of Queen Elizabeth (which was towards the beginning of her Raigne) these Superstitious customes were in use. And had the Royall Chappels, and Cathedralls had as sound preachers in them usually: as other Parochiall Churches in the Kingdome, that would have ript up the rotten bowels of Popish Supersition, so fairely painted over in goodly Images, Crucifixes, and the like unre∣moved in those places: there had not by this time remained one Romish ragge, whereof this Synod might make a coat for the Church of England now to be fashioned by. But now the Coat is made up, all the Skill will be how to perswade this whole Church to put it on. Yea it is so little and strait, as being measured and patternd by two or three Chappels, and a few Cathedralls, it wilbe very hard to force it upon Eng∣lands broad backe, without extreme pinching of it, or tearing the Coat. Now for this, in the last place, this Courteous and kind Sy∣nod, wheras it might command, is pleased to stoop so low, as to intreat, yea heartily to intreat, againe and againe: We (say they) heartily commend this to all good and well affected people, members of this Church, &c. And a little lower againe: The reviving of this ancient and Laudable Custome, we heartily commend to the serious cnsideration of all good people. And for this, reason perswades us to beleeve, that the Synod is cordiall in redubbling such hearty Commendations of such Romish reliques and so Laudable Customes, to all good people. First, because good people will not easily be drawn to such things, without some strong motive, nor with that, neither. And secondly, could their hearty Commendations prevaile in this, it would greatly conduce to a speedy making up of that Reconciliation between the Church of England, and of Rome, so greatly desired and laboured in the Primates Late Re∣lation, the President of this Synod. Who tells us there more plain∣ly what we may understand here by Commending; for (saith he, pag. 7.) there is a Laudendo praecipere, by Lauding or Commending Command. And therefore they stick not to be so Liberall in their hearty Commendations of this brave piece of Service. But why should now this Spirit be conjured up againe, or this dead Coale of Romish zeale revived, having for so long a time lyen consopited, yea dead under a heap of ashes, never to have kind∣led flames, or troubled the world againe. Why should this Sa∣tan of our peace, which had been so long bound, now be let loose againe, to set Kingdomes in a combustion Surely they told us before, uniformty is to be desired. How In a conformity to the Royall Chappels and Cathedrals. But were it not every way better, that those few should give place, and rather conforme to the Generality of all the Churches in England, where these Supersti∣tions had been cast out, and all quiet: then that the Generality should conform to a few, to indanger the whole State, and haz∣zard the losse of all But in the last place, they come with a pretty handsome Close, saying, In the practise, or omission of this Rite, we desire that the rule of Charity prescribed by the Apostle, may be observed, which is, that they which use this Rite, despise not them who use it not, and that they who use it not, condemne not those that use it. O Lord God, Psl. 74. 10. how long shall the wicked blaspheme thy Name? For ever? Can they not be content to abuse thy People, in leading and draw∣ing them into all manner of Superstition, but they must usurpe the Apostles rule, and pervert it to the maintenance of such blind and damned Rites? The Rule of the Apostle is for the use of things in their own nature indifferent, as eating, or not eating, wherein Charity is to preserve peace: but it gives no countenance at all to things altogether unlawfull in themselves, and no way indifferent; as before. And had these men true Charity, they would be so farre from pressing these things to a generall use, as they would rather altogether suppresse them where they are used, as being a Stumbling blocke to the whole Land, upon the which, if not removed, the whole Land must stumble and fall. And therefore had this Synod had any one sparke of an Apostoli∣call Spirit in it (as they show it to be altogether Apostaticall) it would in the first place have rather observed the Apostles Rule, for a man not to put a stumbling block, or an occasion to fall in his bro∣thers way: then breaking this Rule of Charity, have abused the Apostles words, to prescribe to a whole Land a Rule of false Charity. But to thee, O Lord, doe we commit the judgement of this whole Cause, which we can doe no more, nor lesse but complain of to thy Majasty, the righteous judge of all the world. This Synod here, for the more strenthening of their Canons, and the more facilitating of the way to Conformity thereunto, must injone their Priests (whom they have in their chaine fast bound by Subscription, by Oath of Canonicall obedience, and by Oath of this Synod, to the observation of the Decrees thereof, and other their Lordships commands) to preach for Conformity, and inspeciall, for conformity to the Canon immediately forefoing, which this Canon immediately succeeds, as pointing them to that be∣fore: as followeth in the Canon: the tenour whereof is: Whereas the Preaching of Order and Decencie, according to S. Pauls rule, doth conduce to Edification: it is required, that all Preachers (as well beneficed men, as others) shall positively and plainly preach and instruct the people in their publicke Sermons twice in the yeare at Soules from the yoake of such vile Slavery, unlesse you have so much courage in you as to deny to doe these base dudgerres for these your Tkemasters, though you be Suspen∣ded for it, and loose all you have Strengthen, Lord all the, to stand fast in thy truth, and not to betray it with them their People, and the whole State of the Land. Herein first we may observe what kind of Excommunications and Absolutions have been usuall in our Prelates extreme abusie and prefanation of Christs Ordinance of his Church. Which Ordinance, as it doth belong to the Prelate (whose whole Order eere usurpation) so it is most basely abused, and their Officers. So as here is a Reformat: at the best is stark nought, as being an usurpation. For in this Canon they take away all power from every of his Congregation, to whom with others appointed by the Parish, according to Gods word, belongs the power of Ecclesia∣scall Censures. And in this Canon also, he that is absolved, must become more bound, then ever he was before, because first he must take an Oath, de parendo Juri, & stando Mandatis be∣clesiae: of obeying the Canons, and standing to the Commands of the Church. So as his Absolution becomes his bondage: when now in stead of Gods Commandements, he must be subject to the Churches Canons, Decrees, and Commands: which is an Anti∣christian Tyranny: and more now then ever before, for this Synod sake. Againe, omitting the 14th and 15th Canon, the 16th is con∣cerning Licenses to Marry. So as this Canon is to maintaine a Doctrine of Devils, mentioned by the Apostle, as namely forbidding to Marry (be it either to some sort of men, as Romish Priests, or to all sorts of men at certaine times in the yeare) as at such times (which altogether containe almost halfe of the yeare) without the Bishops Speciall Licence, no Man or Wo∣man may Marry. Thus it is cleare, that herein these Hyporites the Sell Gods free Ordinance for money, and so maintaine a Doctrine of Devils. And thus farre of the Canons of this Synod. The Conclusion of all which is, the Kings avowing, ap∣proving, confirming, and injoyning these Canons to be observed of all respectively, according to the tenure thereof in all and every part. Hereof we will say no more, then we have sayd in the begin∣ing of our Complaint, committing all Judgement unto thee righ Iudge of all, and beseeching thee withall, that wilt judge the Cause of thy People, when now thou seest their strength is gone, and to take them and their and thy Cause into thy holy Protection, to vindicate both them, and it, thy own glorious Name from the cruelty and reproch o Men. F in his Epi Dedicatory to the King, he saith: The King and the Priest, more then any other, are bound to look to the Inte∣grity of the Church in Doctrine and Manners, and that in the first place. For that's by farre the best Hone. in the Hive. This we see now fullfilled; whereby we come to know who is that Priest, and what that Integity of the Church in Doctrine and Manners, con∣cluded in this late synod; but whether as in a Hive of Bees, or in a or Hornets nest, as wherewith whole Kingdomes the world judge. And againe, ibid. To deale clearely with your Majesty, these thoughts (of the externall worship of God) are they; and no other, which make me labour so much, as I have done, for Dceny, and an of the externall worship of God in the Church. Thus we see that the whole plot and project of the Primates Booke, was thus to alter, and thus to settle the Doctrine and Discipline, and external worship in the Church, as we have seen effected in the late Synod. So as it appeares, both this Synod, and the things concluded therein have been a good wile a hammering is Forge. And in the Relation it selfe, pag 155. To the (to wit, the Prince, and the Clergie) principally the power and direction for Refor∣mation belongs. Princes have their parts by their Calling together of the Bishops, and others of the Clergie to consider of that, which might seem worthy Reformation: And the Clergie did their part in the Na∣tionall Synod, of 62. And the Articles there agreed on, were afterwards firmed by Acts of State, and the Royall Assent. Here is another Patterne of this late Nationall Synod: but that this wants the right legge, to make it goe upright and passe currant for a Nationall Synod, namely the confirmation by the Act of State, to wit, the Act of Parliament; as before is noted. So as here is also one Contradiction, overthrowing this Nationall Synod; consisting of the two Provinciall, Canterbury and Yorke. Both together want the Act of Parliament to confirme it a Nationall Synod, to bind the whole Nation, which the Synod presumes to doe, both in Ministers and People. Relat 205. Emperours and Kings are Custodes utriusque Ta∣balae: they to whom the and preservation of both Tables of the Law for worship to God, and duty to man are committed. A Booke of the Law was by Gods owne command in Moses his time was to be given to the King, Deut. 17. The Kings under the Law, but still according to it, did proceed to necessary Reformations in Church Businesses, and theirin commanded the very Priests themselves, &c. This being so, that the Kings under the Law had the care of the preservation of Gods Law and Religion committed unto them, to preserve them safe and sound, and where any corruption had crept in, to reform Religion, but still according to Gods Law, and that not one jot to vary from it; how comes this Synod of Priests (being assembled by Royall authority, and commanded by a King under the Gospel to treat and agree upon some Canons necessary for the advancement of Gods Glory, the edifying of his holy Church, and the due reverence of his blessed Mysteries and Sacraments) to be so bold, as to agree and conclude and enact such Canons and Constitutions, as are directly against the Law and word of God, to the great dishonour of God, the ruinating of his holy Church, and the great abuse and profanation of his blessed Mysteries and Sacraments? And herein we call hea∣ven and earth to witnesse, and the Lord Iesus Christ to be Judge, whether this Synod hath dealt faithfully, or no with the King, or between him and his people, and that also in these perillous times. The Lord open the Kings eyes, to see how both himselfe, and his people, are abused, and his Kingdomes embroyled and in∣dangered by these his Prelates and Priests, THis Oath is contrary to the Title of it, which is, An injoynd for the preventing of all Innovations in Doctrine and Government, being a grand Innovation, such as neither we nor our Forefathers ever heard of. Besides it hath in the body of it an et era, an expression yet unknown to the Christian Pagan world: Archbishop Arundell, Judge 1930. provided better for the Clergy in his dayes, in that ancient Constitution, , & sub obtestatione divini judij inhibemus spcial , Cuuscunque gradus status aut condition, existat usiones aut proposi de ide Catholica, aut bens sonantes praeter necessarium Doctrina facultatis suae, in Scholis extra, disputando aut communicando, protestate perss permissa, asperat quodam verborum, vel er∣rum teste B. Hugone de Sacrum Saepiu quod bene dicitur non bene intelligitr. If harsh and novel expressions may not be used in familiar discourse, much lesse may they be crowded into an Oath. The Israelites said of the Levites Concubine, there was no such deed done nor seen from the day that the Children of Israel came up out the Land of Aegypt unto this day; consider of it, take advise and speake: that same may be said of this Oath. There was never such a deed done or seen since we came out of spirituall Aegypt. Consider of it, take ad∣vise and speake what shall be done to these Innovators. It's against the King and his Prerogative Royall, who by the Statutes and Customes of this Kingdome hath power to ap∣point any of his naturall Subjects to exercise all manner of Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction under him, as appeareth by Stat. 1. Elizab. cap 1. and Stat. 25. Hen. 8 cap. 19. and 37. Hen. 8. cap. 17. but this Oath spoyles his Majesty of all such power, investing onely Arch-bishops, Bishops, Deanes, &c. with Ecclesiasticall power, and so takes from his Majesty what his Predecessor Henry the had, who gave a Commission to Lord Crod to cise under him all Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall, as you may in Mr. Fox his Martyrologie Volume 2. pa. 1000. Printed An. 1597. It's against the Oath of Supremacy, in taking of which we ac∣knowledge the Kings Majesty to be Supreme Governour of the Church, in all Causes, and over all persons Ecclesiasticall, as well as Civil; and the King by Law having power to alter Church Government, and to delegate whom he pleaseth of his Subjects to exercise Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction, as appeares by what is foresaid, and still is in practise in the High Comis∣sion, in which are alwayes the Lords of his Majesties Privy If the Oath be once lawfully taken, what new power can dis∣charge it? in such a case they may aswell Unchristian me as unsweare me. How can any honest sworne Subject take this New Oath without manifest danger and great suspition of per∣ary; for having sworne before for the King, in case he alter the Government, by vertue of this Oath I have sworne against the King, set up Oath against Oath, myselfe against my Sove∣raigne; and that which is yet worse, must not repent of it: For I am sworne from ever consenting to what his Majesty hath done And is that all? No, I must dissent and become a Schismatick, and Seperatist for ever: Neither is that all, but I must take up Armes twice a year at least, and Preach for the Hierarchie, and their present Government, against my Soveraigne, and that he hath charged. This I am bound to by vertue of the Canon, and if not, by the Oath of Canonicall obedience. And in case a Minister refuse or neglect this, it's Suspension by his , and if it be done, who knows but it may cst Hang∣ tuum, for resisting Supreme Authority. Againe, this Oath is a plot to sweare in the conceit of Epis∣pacie to be jure divino: of late they have step'd off from their ancient foundation, thinking to weaknesse, either to depend vpon humane Laws, or Princes favours: and have published to the whole world, that their standing is by divine right: and ther∣fore Lib. 3. disint. 39. Act. Now this Oath will hinder the alteration of the Church Go∣vernment to a better. For being once sworn to: Melius non mutabis pejus. Christs Kingdome must be kept out, Antichristian Offices, government, rules, and wayes of proceeding be establi∣shed in the Church, and that by an Oath. If the Book of Com∣mon Prayer would better the Discipline, and doe much wish therefore to have publique Penance restored, this Oath con∣tradicts it, and tells us that we have all the Discipline is need∣full to Salvation, and that the Government by right ought to stand a now it stands. But there are great grievances, dreadfull disor∣ders, and horrible corruptions in the Discipline and Govern∣ment of the Church, as now it stands; and men should rather sweare to indeavour their utmost to get them removed in this approaching Parliament, then give consent to have them un∣alterd one day longer: as Iesu-worship, Altar-worship, kneeling at Sacrament, promiscuous receivers, subscription, Oaths ex Officio, Ca∣nonicall obedience, reading of Apocrypha Books, abuse of Excommu∣nication, the exorbitant power of Bishop interdicting whole Church∣es, perverting equity in all their Courts, changing times and seasons for Marriage at their pleasure, hindring Preaching and praying where they list, imposing new and unlawfull things upon the Mi∣nistry, illegally outing them from their livings, &c. The proceed∣ing yet in many things by the Popes Canon Law; the taking a∣way the power of the keyes from the Pastors of particular Congre∣gations, and setting up Chancellors over them and their flocks, putting into Laymens hands (for a Chancellor is no other) the power of Excommunication. Lay-Elders are much cryed out of, and condemn'd by us in the Scottish and Forraigne Churches, and yet we set and hold them up at home with both hands. The Bishop delegates his power to the Chancellour, and so the sentence of Excommunication is devolv'd upon a meere Lay∣man, which dealing with Presbyterians, we say is incompatible to a Lay-man: and what is this, but to destroy with the hand what we bind with the tongue. Neither is that shift avayle∣able to say, it's some grave Minister that must pronounce the sentence, because he is but os Canceliarij, the mouth of the Chancellour, to pronounce what he decrees: who can stoppe it if not pro∣nounc'd call it out of the Ministers hand, and must give the Asolution if pronounced, and so the whole power lyes still in the Chancellors hand. If these things therefore and diverse other were altered, we should not abjure them, but thinke our selves bound by right and Conscience to intertaine them. Againe, this Oath appeares further to be unlawfull. First, be∣cause it doth insuare our Consciences, and takes away the liber∣ty of them, binding us not so much as to consent unto any al∣teration, although it should be in the judgement of all farre better then what we have. Secondly, it doth make us vassals and bondslaves to the Prelary, we must be their sworn Subjects, and tye our selvs by Oath to uphold their tottering Kingdome. And if the Prelacie have its pedegree from Rome, as some of themselves me, what is this Oath but a policie to setch in our shoulders so support Antichrist and his Government? what is it but the plain marke of the Beast, which some make to be an Oath, and others a submitting to his power, and acknowledging of him to be Lord, Med in Comment. Here is both an Oath and an absolute unto the and acknowledg∣ing of them to be . By this Oath free become , which contrary to the Petiton of Right, 30. 3. It is an and perpetuating of humane and for the whole Hierarchie mention'd in the Oath, from Arch-bishops to the end of the &c. are sufficiently known to be moore Ecclesiasticall Constitutions, and subject to such coruptions from time to time, as may necessitate an altert∣ion. Are there not such oule corruptions now amongst them, as er mightily to the Parliament for alteration, and without re∣dresse will sinke the whole Kingdome. What safety or then hath any man to sweare these Constitutions into an in∣rable condition. 4. It's a condemg of all other Reformed Churches: They have not our Discipline, and yet we have given them the right hand of fellowship, that they want nothing necessary to Salvation. And if we sweare this Discipline to be necessary to Salvat, we must condemne them as wanting somthing necessary thereunte: It's little lesse then to unchurch, and to pronounce them to be without that Discipline which is Essentiall to the beeing of a true Church; and they may charge us with falsifying the 20th and , Ach, which teach, that things belonging to Government and Disipline are alterable; and so much is expressed in the Title of Ceremonies before the Book of Common Prayer. 5. Because by this Oath the Prelates are invested with a which neither God nor the Laws of the Kingdome ever gave them; as namely, upon refusall of this wretched Oath, they will deprive any painfull conscientious and faithfull Minister of all his Ecclesiascall promotions whatsoever, and of the execution of his Function, which is directly against Law, for if Pastors be Le∣gally possess'd of their hvings, what injustice is it to make after-Canons and Oaths to question and throw them out of their right. 6. This Synod had not our consents and suffrages for the Clerks of it. Those were legally chosen had voyce no longer in the Convocation house then the Parliament indured. There being ther∣fore no new elction of Clerks, nor any new Writ to legitimate those, but onely a new Commission to goe on with what was begun in Parliament but nul by breach thereof, being out that Commission the space of a whole weeke, as by the date thereof, May 12. we cannot but jdge both Oath and Canons to be illegall. 7. The Oath implyes a plain contradiction, and that which is . It requires me to Sweare sincerely, without any secret reservation, and an &c. in it, which imports more then is expre, and necessiaces a mentall conception, and 8. We are bound to take it heartily, and willingly, which no man that hath any consideration or conscience can doe. For it's against truth, and obligeth to sweare a falsehood, viz. that the Government of this Church as now it stands, ought by right so to stand, which is not true of Chancellours, Commissaries, Offalls, &c. nor of Bishops proceeding in their Courts in their own names, and under their own Seales. It s against judgement, including a con∣tradiction, as appeares in the 7th particular: It's against righte∣ousnes, because both the Parliament, the Prince and Pastors them∣selves are perjured by it, as hath formerly bin shewn; and it's a swearing up a corrupt, if not an Antichristian Government over the People. Besides this Oath is backed with severe punishment. Refusall of it brings Deprivation, ab Officio & Beneficio. Hence many that are poore and weake it's to be feared) will take the Oath, reluctante conscientia, and to save their Livings, forsweare themselves. 9. This Oath is full of ambiguities. The Doctrine of the Church is not clearely known, the Homilies have been dis∣claim'd. The Articles are challenged by the Armians and o∣thers, to be for them. It's doubtfull to us whether a great part of Scripture be not excluded as unnecessary, because much of the Scripture is neither verbaily expressed, nor vertually included in the publique Declaration of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England, and that they are said to containe all things necessary to salvation: we are doubtfull of the Disci∣pline, because much depends upon the interpretation of the Or∣dinary, which is unknown: and yearely differing Articles are composed for Visitations. And although a generall standing Book of Articles be promised for the whole Kingdome, yet three yeares liberty is reserved for alteration, and who can say he knoweth what the Discipline is. We doubt whether the Oath doth not suppose some Popish Doctrine established. We know not in what sense those words by right it ought to stand, are to be taken. This word jus, or right, is a word equivocall. There is jus Divinum, and if we sweare in this sense, then we sweare Deanes, Archdeacs, and the &c. to stand jure divino. There is jus Ecclesiasticum, and if we sweare in that sense, then the Prelates will not be our Friends, because we sweare divine right from them. There is jus positum, and if we sweare in this sense, then the Hierarchie must loose both divine and Ecclesiasticall right. It being thus, who can sweare without equivocation? Lastly, no man taking this Oath can well acquit himselfe of perjury, for if he take it in the plain common sense and understand∣ing of the words, yet there must be some mentall reservation in the words &c. and equivocation in the minds of Hyerarchicall men touching those words by right: for though they should venture to sweare Prelates into a jus divinum, yet they dare not sweare Deanes and Archdeacons into it, and so must sweare in a double sense, and perjure themselves But all this may be help∣ed by our own interpretations and protestations.Perjurisunt qui¦id quod falsum esse sciunt, aut putant jura∣mento confir∣ment. Est in sent . 3. dist. 39 Ans. We may not take it in our own senses. Those authorized to administer the Oath, by the Kings Commission are tyed to keep the very words▪ of it; if they should leave out the &c they have no power to ad∣minister it at all. And the Oath▪ it selfe binds us to take it in the common sense of the words If we then take the Oath: and protest against such and such senses, and make a sense of our own, this is direct and wilfull perjury said Civilians And the protestation be∣ing made before a publique notary, this shalbe sufficient evidence in any Cout of the Kingdome to convict us of the perjury If then any of the Prelater have taken this Oath in its proper sense, or a sense of their own, how have they perjur'd themselvs, propham'd their hands, and put in a barre against their future conferring of holy Orders.
A00012.P4	Ioseph, or, Pharoah's fauourite	[ "Aylett, Robert, 1583-1655?" ]	1623.	Printed by B. A[lsop] for Matthew Law, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard,	London :	eng	[ "Joseph -- (Son of Jacob) -- Early works to 1800." ]	IOSEPH, OR, PHAROAH'S FAVOVRITE. Hee only that applyeth his minde to the Law of the most high, and is occupied in the Me∣ditation thereof; shall serue among Great men and appeare before the Prince. LONDON, Printed by B. A. for Matthew Law, and are to be sold at his Shop in Pauls Church-yard. 1623.
A00014.P4	Greate Brittaines noble and worthy councell of warr	[]	[1624]	Printed for Thomas Archer in Popes head Ally, and are to be sold at this shop in Popes head Ally, ouer against the si[ne?] of the Horse-shoe,	[London] :	eng	[ "England and Wales. -- Privy Council -- Portraits.", "Great Britain -- History -- James I, 1603-1625.", "Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century." ]	portrait of members of war council To the right Hōble Oliver Viscount Grandiso George Lo: Carew Fulke Lo: Brooke, Arthur Lo: Chichester Sr. Edward Conway Sr. Horace Vere Sr. Edward Cecill Sr. Robert Manfell Sr. Iohn Oagle Sr. Thomas Button Yor. Honnors humble seruant To the right Hōble Oliver Viscount Grandiso George Lo: Carew Fulke Lo: Brooke, Arthur Lo: Chichester Sr. Edward Conway Sr. Horace Vere Sr. Edward Cecill Sr. Robert Manfell Sr. Iohn Oagle Sr. Thomas Button Yor. Honnors humble seruant
A00015.P4	Gods vvarning to his people of England By the great ouer-flowing of the vvaters or floudes lately hapned in South-wales and many other places. Wherein is described the great losses, and wonderfull damages, that hapned thereby: by the drowning of many townes and villages, to the vtter vndooing of many thousandes of people.	[ "Jones, William, of Usk." ]	1607.	Printed [by R. Blower] for W. Barley, and Io. Bayly, and are to besolde [sic] in Gratious street,	At London :	eng	[ "Floods -- Wales -- Early works to 1800." ]	MANY are the dombe warninges of Distruction, which the Almighty God hath lately scourged this our King∣dome with; And many more are the threatning Tokens, of his heauy wrath extended toward vs: All which in blee∣ding hearts, may inforce vs to put on the true garment of Repentance, and like vnto the Niniuits, vnfainedly solicite the sweet mercies of our most louing God: Therefore let vs now call to remem∣brance the late grieuous and most lamentable Plague of Pestilence, wherein the wrath of God tooke from vs so many thousandes of our friendes, kindred and ac∣quaintance: let vs also call to remembraunce the most wicked and pretended malice, of the late Papisticall Conspiracie of Traytors, that with powder practised the subuersion of this beautifull Kingdome: And lastly let vs fir our eyes vpon theise late swellinges of the outragious Waters, which of late now hapned in diuers partes of this Realme, together with the ouer∣flowing of the Seas in diuers and sundry places there∣of: whose fruitfull valeys, being now ouerwhelmed and drowned with these most vnfortunate and vnseasona∣ble salt waters, doe fore-shew great Barrennes, and Famin to ensue after it, (vnlesse the Almightie God of tis great infinit mercy and goodnesse doe preuent it.) But now oh England, be not ouercome with thine owne fully: Be not blinded with the ouermuch secu∣ritie of thy selfe, neyther sinke thou thy selfe in thine owne sinne: the generall dissolution of the whole world by in the time of Nov, neuer the like Inundation or watry punishment then hapned now here related to the great griete of all Christian hea∣rers, as by this shall heare appeare. Upon Tuesday being the 20. of Ianuary last past, 1607 in diuers places aswell in the Westerne partes of England, as also in places of this Realme: there hapned such an ouerflowing of Waters, such a violent swelling of the Seas, and such forcible breathes made into the firme Land: namely into the bosomes of these countrie following. That is to say, in the Counties of Glocester, Sommer et, together with the Countries of Monmoth, Glamorgan, Carmarthen, and diuers and sundry other places of South-wales: the like neuer in the memory of man, hath euer bin soeue or beard of: The suddayne terror whereof strooke such an amazed feare into the hearts of all the inhabitants, of those partes, that euery one prepared himselfe ready to entertayne the last Period of his liues Destruction: Doeming it altogether to be a second deluge: or an vni∣uersal, punishment by Water. For vpon the Tuesday being the 20 of Ianuary last, as atoresaid, about nine of the clocke in the morning, the Sunne being most fayrely and brightly spred, many of the Inhabitantes of those Countreys before menci∣oned, prepared the mlues to their affayres, some to one buisines, some to an other: euery man according to his calling. As the Plowmen setting foorth their Cattle to their labours, the Shepheardes feeding of their flockes, the Farmers ouer▪seeing of their grounds, and looking so their cattle finding therein, and so euery one imploid in his busines as occasion required. Then they might see & perceiue a far of, as it were in the Ele∣ment, huge and mighty Hilles of water, tumbling one ouer another, in such sort as if the greatest mountaines, in the world, had ouer-whelmed the lowe Ualeyes or Marshy grounds. Sometimes it so dazled the eyes of many of the Spectators, that they immagined it had bin some fogge or miste, comming with great swiftnes towardes them: and with such a smoke, as if Moun∣taynes were all on fire: and to the view of some, it seemed as it: of thousandes of Arrowes had bin shot foorth all at one time, which came in such swift∣nes, as it was verify thought, that the Fowles of the ayre could scarse fly so fast, such was the threatning fu∣ryes thereof. But assoone as the people of those Countries, percei∣ued that it was the violence of the Waters of the ra∣ging Seas, and that they began to exceede the compasse of their accustomed boundes, and making so furiously towardes them. happy were they that could make the best, and most speed away, many of them, leauing all their goods and substance, to the merciles Waters, be∣ing glad to escape away with life themselues: But so violent and swift were the outragioue waues, that pur∣sued one an other, with such vehemencie, and the Wa∣ters multiplying so much in so short a time, that in lesse then fiue houres space▪ most part of those cuntreys (and especially the places which lay lowe,) were all o∣uer flowen, and many hundreds of people both men wo∣men, and children were then quite deuoured, by these outragious waters, such was the furie of the waues, of the Seas, the one of them dryuing the other for∣wardes with such force and swiftnes, that it is almost incredible for any to beleeue the same, except such as tasted of the smart thereof, and such as behelde the same, with their eyes: Nay more, the Farmers, Hus∣bandmen, and Shepheards, might beholde their goodly flockes of Sheepe, swimming vpon the Waters dead, which could by no meanes be recouered. Many Gentlemen, Yeomen and others, had great losses, of cattle, as Oxen, Kine, Bullockes, Horses, Colts, Sheepe, Swine, Nay not so much as their poul∣try about their houses, but all were ouer whelmed and drownd, by these merciles Waters: Many men that were rich in the morning when they rose out of their beds, were made poore before noone the saine day: such are the Judgements of the Almightie God, who is the geuer of all good thinges, who can and will dispose of them agayne at all times, according to his good will and pleasure, whensoeuer it shall seeme best vnto him. Many others like wise, had their habitations or dwel∣ling houses all carryed away in a short time, and had not a place left them, so much as to shrowde them∣selues in. Moreouer, many that had great store of Corne and Grayne, in their Barnes and Garners in the morning had not within fiue boures space afterwardes, so much as one Grayne to make them bread withall: Neither had they so much left as a locke of Hay or Straw to seede their cattell which were left: Such was the great misery they susseyned by the fury of this wa∣try Element, from which like, good Lord I beseech him of his influ e mercy and goodnes to deliuer vs all. The names of some of the Townes and Uillages which suffered great harmes and losses hereby were these, (Viz.) Bristoll and Aust this Aust is a village or town some 8. miles distant from Bristoll vpon the Seauerne side where all people are Fer∣ryed ouer, that come out of Wales, into those partes of Gloucester and Sommersect-shire. All the countries along on both the sides of the ri∣uer of Seauerne, from Gloucester to Bristoll, which is a∣bout some 20. miles was all ouer flowne, in some places 6. miles ouer, in some places more, in some lesse. Moreouer, all or the most parte, of the Bridges, be∣tweene Gloucester and Bristoll, were all forcibly caried away with the Waters: besides many goodly buildings there abouts much defaced, and many of them carryed quite away: besides many other great losses of al kinds of Corne and Grayne, and cattle that were then lost. At Aust, many passengers that are Ferryed ouer there now, are saine to be guided by guides, all along the Canes, where the water still remayneth for the space of 3 or 4 myles, or else they wilbe, in great daun∣ger of Drowning, the Water lyeth as yet so deepe there. Many dead Carkasses, both there, and in many o∣ther places, of the country, are dayly found floating vpon the Waters, and as yet cannot be knowne who they are, or what number of persons are drowned, by reason of the same Waters, which as yet in many places remaine very deepe: so great was the spoyle that thiese mercilesse Elementes there wrought and made. In Bristoll was much harme done, by the ouerflow∣ing of the Waters, but not so much as in other places, many Cellars and Ware-houses, where great store of Marchandize was in, (as Wine, Salt, hops, Spices, and other such like Ware) were all spoyled. And the people of the Towne were inforced to be carried in Boates, vp and downe the said Cittie about their busines in the Fayre time there. Upon the other side of the Riuer of Seauerne, to∣wardes a Towne called Chepstow, vpon the lower groundes, was much harme done, by the vyolence of the Water. There was in Chepstow a woman drown'd in her bed: and also a Gyrle, by the like misfortune. Also, all along the same coastes. vp to Gold-clift, Matherne, Calicot-Moores, Redrift, Newport, Cardiffe, Cowbridge, Swansey, Laugerne, Llanstephan, and di∣uers other places, of Glamorgan-shire, Munmoth-shire, Carmarthen-shire, and Cardigan▪shire: many great harmes were there done, and the waters raged so furi∣ously▪ and with such great vehemencie, that it to suppo∣sed that in those partes, there cannot be so few persons drowned as 500: both Men. Women, and Children, besides the losse of aboundance of all kinde of Corno and Graine: together with their Hay, and other prouision which they had made for their Cattle. Moreouer, there were in the places afore mentioned, many thousandes of Cattle, which were eeding in the Lowe Ualeys, drownd and ouerwhelmed with the vi∣olence of the furious waters: as Oren kine, young beastes, horses, Sheepe, Swine, and such like, the num∣ber is deemed infinit: yea, and not so much as Turkies, Hens, Geese, Duckes, and other Poultry about their houses could once escape away, the Waues of the Sea so ouerwhelmed them. And that which is more straunge: There are not now found onely floating vpon the Waters still remai∣ning, the dead Carkasses of many men women and children: But also an aboundance of all kinde of wilde Beasts, as Foxes, Hares, Connies, Rats, Moules and such like: some of them swimming one vpon an others Becke▪ thinking to haue saued themselues thereby▪ but all was in vaine, such was the force of the Waters that ouer▪pressed them. In a place in Munmoth shire, there was a maide went to milke her kine in the morning, but before she had fully ended her busines, the vehemencie of the Waters increased, and so suddenly environed her about, that she could not escape thence, but was enforced to make shift vp to the top of an Banke to saue herselfe, which she did with much adoe, where she was constrained to abide all that day and night, vntill 8 of the clocke in the next morning in great distresse, what with the coldnes of the ayre and waters: and what with other Accidents that there hapned vnto her, she had bin like there to haue perished: had not the Almightie God of his infinit mer∣cy and goodnes, preserued her, from such great perills and daungers, which were likely there to ensue vn∣to her. But there placing her selfe for saueguard of her life as aforesaid, hauing none other refuge to fly vnto: the Waters in such violent sort had so pursued her, that there was but a small distance of ground left vncouered with Waters, for her to abide vpon: There she re∣mayned most pittyfully lamenting the great daunger of life that she was then in, expecting euery minute of an houre, to be ouerwhelmed with those mercylesse Wa∣ters: But the Almighty God, who is the Creator of all good things, when he thought méete, sent his holy An∣gell to commaund the Waters to cease their fury: and so returne into their accustomed bonuds againe, wher∣by according to his most blessed will and pleasure she was then preserued. In the meane space, during the continuance of her abode there, diuers of her friends practised all the means they could to recouer her, but could not, the Waters were of such a déepenes about her, and Boates they had none, in all those partes to succour her, such was their want in this distresse, that many perished through the want thereof. There was a Gentleman of worth, dwelling néere vnto the place where she was, who caused a goodly Gelding to be sadled, and set a man vpon the backe of him, thinking to haue fetcht her away, but such were the déepenes of the waters, that he durst not aduenture the same, but retyred. At last some of her friends, deuised a deuise, and tyed two broad Troughes the one to the other, (such as in those countreys they vse to salt Bacon in) and put ther∣in two lustie strong men, who with long Powles (stir∣ring these troughes) (as if they had bin boates) made great shift to come to her, & so by this meanes, through Gods good helpe she was then saued. But now (gentle Reader) marke what befell, at this time, of the strangenes of other creatures: whom the Waters had violently oppressed: for the two men which tooke vpon them to fetch away the maide from the top of the Banke, can truely witnes the same as well as her selfe to be true, for they beheld the same with their Eyes. The Hill or Banke where the maide abode all that space▪ was all so couered ouer, with wilde beastes and vermin, that came thither to séeke for succour) that she had much adoe to saue her selfe, from taking of hurt by them: and much a-doe she had to kéepe them from crée∣ping vpon and about her, she was not so much in daun∣ger of the Water on the one side: as she was troubled with these Uermin on the other side. The beastes and Uermin that were there were these. (Viz) Dogs Cats, Moules, Foxes, Hares, Conyes, yea and not so much, as Mice and Rats: but were there in abundance and that which is more straunge: The one of them neuer once offred to annoy the other: al∣though they were deadly enemies by Nature the one to an other: Yet in this daunger of life, they not once offred to expresse their naturall enuie: But in a gentle sort, they freely inioyed the libertie of life, which in mine opinion, was a most wonderfull worke in Na∣ture. But now let vs leaue this matter touching this maide, besides the other accidentes before rehearsed and let vs returne againe to these watry miseries: The counties of Glamorgan. Carmarthen, and Cardigan, and many other places in South-wales, haue likewise borne the heauy burden, of Gods wrath herein: And many were the liues of them that were lost through this wa∣tery destruction. Many there were which fled into the toys of high trées, and there were inforced to abide some three daies, some more, and some lesse▪ without any victuals at all, there suffring much colde besides many other calami∣ties, and some of them in such sort, that through euer∣much hunger and cold, some of them fell down againe out of the Trées, and so were like to perish for want of succour. Othersame, sate in the toys of high Trees as aforesaid, beholding their wiues, children, and seruants, swimming (remediles of all succour) in the Waters. Other some sitting in the tops of Trees might behold their houses ouerflowne with the waters. some their houses caryed quite away: and no signe or token left there of them. Many of them might sée, as they stood vpon the toys of high Hilles, their cattle pe, and could not tell how to succour them, and their Barnes, with all their store of Corne and Graine quite consumed, which was no small griefe vnto them. Many people and Cattle in diuers places of these Cuntreys, might haue beene saued in time, if that the cuntreys had beene any thing like furnished with bootes, or other prouision fit for such a sudden Accident, as this was, which as God himselfe knoweth▪ was little ex∣pected of them to haue fallen so suddenly vpon them. But seeing the cuntreys were so vnfurnished with Boates much harme was done, to the vtter vndooing of many thousandes. Some fled into the tops of churches and Stéeples, to saue themselues, from whence they might beholde, themselues depriued aswell of all their substance, as al∣so of al their ioys▪ which they had before receiued in their wiues and children, beware, whole Rkes of Pease, Beanes, Dates, and other graine were seene a far of, to float vpon the Water too and fro, in the Countreys as if they had bin ships vpon the Seas. The Foundations of many Churches and houses, were in a manner decayed, and some caryed quite a∣way, as in Cardisse, in the county of Glamorgan there was a great part of the Church next the Water side ea∣ten downe, with the Water, many houses and Gar∣dens there, which were neere the water side, were all ouerflowen, and much harme bone. Diuers other Churches lie hidden in the Waters, and some of them the tops are to be seene: and other some, nothing at all to be séene, but the very tops of the Steeples, and of some of them nothing at all, neyther steeple nor nothing else. Also many schooles of young schollers, in many places of those cuntreys, stood in great perplexitle, some of them aduenturing home to their parents were drowned by the way: Other some staying behinde in in Churches, did climbe vp to the tops of Steeples, where they were very neere starued to death for want of foode and fire: many by the help of boards and plankes of Wood, swam to dryland and so were preserued from vntimely Death, Many had Boates brought them, some 10 miles, some 15. some 20. where there was neuer seene any Boates before. Thus God suffred many of them to escape his yrefull wrath, in hope of their amendment of life: Some men that were riding on the high wayes were ouertaken with these mercilesse Waters, and were drowned. And againe many haue bin most strangely preserued. As for example, there was in the Countie of Gla∣morgan▪ a man both blind and did ride and one which had not bin able to stand vpon his legs in ten yeares be∣fore, he had his poore cottage broken downe by the force of the Waters, and himselfe, Bed and all caryed into the open fields, where being readie to sinke, and at the point to seeke a resting place, two fathoms deepe vnder the Waters: his hand by chaunce catcht holde of the Raster of an house swimming by the fiercenesse of the Windes, then blowing Easternely he was driuen safe∣ly to the Land, and so escaped. Also in an other place, there was a man Child of the age, of 5. or 6. yeares, which was kept swimming for the space of two houres, abone the Waters, by reason that his long Coates lay spread vpon the tops of the wa∣ters, and béeing at last, at the very poynt to sinke: there came by chaunce by, (floating vpon the tops of the Waters,) a fat Weather that was dead, very full of Wooll: The poore distressed Child perceiuing this good meanes of recouerie, caught fast hold on the Wethers Wool, and likewise with the winde he was driuen to dry land, and so saued. There wes also in the County of Carmarthen, a yaung Woman, who had foure small Children, and not one of them able to helpe it selfe: And the Mo∣ther then seeing the sues of the Waters to be so vio∣lent to ceaze vpon her threatning the Destruction of her selfe and her small Children, (and as a Womans wil is euer ready in extreamities) The tooke along Trough, wherein she was wont to make her bread in, and therein placed her selfe, and her foure Children: And so putting themselues to the mercies of the Wa∣ters, they were all by that meanes driuen to the dry land, and by Gods good prouidence there by they were all saued. Many more there were that through the handy∣workes of God were preserued from this violent death o Drowning, some on the backes of dead Cattles some vppon Woodden plankes: some by clyming of Trées▪ some by remaining in the tops of high Stée∣ples and Churches, other some by making of spéed a∣way with swift horses, and some by the meanes of Boates, sent out by their friendes to succour them: but there were not so many so straungely saued, but their were as many in number as straungely drownd. The lowe Marshes and Fenny groundes, néere Barstable in the Countie of Deuon were ouerflowne, so farre out, and in such outragious sort, that the cuntrey all along to Bridge-water was greatly distre∣ssed thereby, and much hurt there done it is a most pit∣tifull sight to beholde what numbers of fat Oxen, were there Drawned: what flockes of Shéepe, what heades of kine, haue their bin lost, and Drowned in in these outragious Waters: there is little now remai∣ning there, to be séene, but huge Waters like to the maine Ocean: The tops of Churches and Stéeples like to the tops of Rockes in the Sea. Great Reekes of Fod∣der for Cattle, are floating like Ships vpon the Wa∣ters, and dead Beastes swimming thereon: Now past feeding on the same, through the rigour of this Element of Water: The tops of Tréees, a man may beholde re∣maining aboue the Waters, Upon whose braunches, multitudes of all kinde of Turkies, Hens, and other such like Poultry were faine to sly vp into the Trées to saue their liues, where many of them perished to death, for want of reliefe, not being able to fly to dry land for succour, by reason of their weakenes. This mercylesse Water breaking into the Bosome of the firme Land, hath proued a fearefull pnish∣ment, as well to all other liuing Creatures: as al∣so to all Mankinde: Which if it had not binne for the mercyfull promise of God, at the last dissolution of the World, by Water, by the signe of the Rain∣bowe, which is still shewed vs: we might haue ve∣rily beléeued, this time had bin the very houre of Christ his comming: From which Element of Water, extended towardes vs in this fearefull manner, good Lord deliuer vs all. Amen.
A00018.P4	The lame[n]tacion of England	[]	1558]	S.n.,	[Germany? :	eng	[ "Great Britain -- History -- Mary I, 1553-1558 -- Early works to 1800." ]	THer hath bene here tofore diuers godly and weldys∣posyd persons, that for the preseruacyon and welth off ther own contres: haue taken great paines to wry¦te and put fourth diuers godly, and notable books for the re∣dressyng oft many abuses vsyd in ther comon welthes. A∣mong other serteine Englyshmen, perceiuyng the state and comon welth oft England to decaye, being mouyd in con∣sciens off a good zeale and trwe hart, that they beare, to this ther naturall contre, haue takē paynes, to sett forth in prynt, dyuers notable books, which haue geuen warning to avoyd the great dangers lyke to folowe in the comon welth off this realme, yf spedy remedy were not prouidyd for. Fyrst I wyl begyne wyth Iohan fyshe, who perceyuyg the great a busys oft the clergy and sprytualtye,Iohan ys. about xxx yeres past, made a lytle treatyse, and namyd it, the supplica∣cyon beggers which God bepraysyd toke some effect: whe thorow the great nomber off monks,upplication . Chanons, Nun¦nes, false flateryng fryers, and obstinatlyers, wyth ther de∣uelysh disemblyng, and yporyticall falshode were made manyfest▪ and openly dysclosid, that all men yong and old, dyd perceyue as clere as the day, ther abhominacions, dysem¦blyng falshod and wyckydnes: ffor the which accordyng to ther desertes, were by king henry the viij vtterly dysclo∣syd confusyd and came to nawght, as it is manyfest. Affter that one other booke was made and put forth, vn¦der the name off Rodoryck Mors, and namyd a complaynt to the perliament house, de tyke . declaryng the great nomber off Innor¦mytis and abuses that were vsid in the comon welth off this realm the which the more it is to be lamentid, toke litle effect. Besyds many and dyuers other good books made as well in the tyme off K. H. 8. as in the tyme off K. E. 6. which in lyke case toke no effecte. More over now off late days, one more then a yere past off a good zeale that he hath to this his contre off England, made and sett forth a boke namyng it a supplycacyon to the quenes Mai.ppliac∣ que wherin he hath manyfestly declaryd, the wyc∣kyd deuyses off the shameles by shoppes and clergye off Eng¦land: how they for the vpholdyng off ther deuelyshe king∣dom, haue bene allweyse seruers off the tyme, As was that wyckyd Steven gardener B. off wynchester, who manyfest∣ly as the apperyth, declaryd the same by hys booke de (ve∣a obedientia) which boke being then made accordyng to gods worde as he prouyth playnlye, that began to take rote in hym. And afterward being geuen vp off god, he reusyd the same and resystyd gods worde, which booke is wholy agaynst the supremacy off the B. of Rome, the reasons grun∣lyd apon gods worde, wherin he also manyfestly declaryth the mayag betwene K. H. 8. and quene cayue to bea to¦gether vnlawfull and vngodly, and therby pouth the quene to be a bastard, as playnlye apperyth·Bonner B▪ off londo. And bonner bysshop off london confirmyh the same by his prologe made before the same booke de vera obedientia, which is notable to be merkyd and notyd of that most wyckyd and dyssemblyng tyrant, who is past all shame and honesty. Also off Tunstall b. of duram,Tunstall B. on duram. off his sermon that he preachyd before K.H. 8. on palm sonday 1539. and is openly in print, proving by ma∣ny good and probable reasons, Cardinal pole to be an arrāt traytore to his core, and worse then an infydell, and doc∣tor smyth that wethercoke,Cardinal Pole. that urnih with euery wynd off doctrine, as apperith by his so often recantyng. In the same supplicacion is made an exhortortacion to the lords and gen∣tyllmen off England wanyng them to beware off the cafe and falshode off our dyssemblyng bysshoppes,Doctor Sinyth. and clergy who lyke most arrant traytors, go about to betraye this no∣ble realm of England, in to the hands off the prince of spain only for the establyshment off ther wylkyd kingdom,Bysshopps and clergy traytors. w∣hich if it come to passe, this noble and e cōre shalbe brought in to most yle bondage, and slauery, the which I besech all∣mychty god to defende yff it be his holy wyll and pleasure amen. Sens that tyme, a trew hartyd Englyshman, percey∣uyng the myserable thraldome, seruytude and bondage, that the goodly contres off Naples, Miland &c be brought in to a¦lye,Naple Myland. to say sens the K. off spaine hath come to the croune ther off, hath made a treatyse calling it a warnyng for England, wherin he hath declaryd playnly and at large, what taxes, tolls, and tributes the K. of spayne and hys spanyerds,The warnīg for England. hath brought those goodly contres vnto both of corne, wyne, fle∣she, fyshe, salt, and frutes &c. and what subsydes euery mā off occupacion must pay dayly, as by the same boke at large more playnly apperyth. And although many occasyons haue bene mynystred and dayly more and more inseuyth, wherby it is to be suppo¦syd, the distruction off our contre to be nere at hand (except Gods great mercye) yett is ther o, that hath made the la∣mentacyon therof. wherfore perceyuyng such things com to passe, as be allredy done, and dyuers other practyses, wrough and a workyng▪ only to bryng this noble realm in to most vyle bondage and slauery off the spanyerds. I. haue often be waylyd and lamentyd the state theroff: And because it is my dwtye for the loue that I. bere ther vnto I thought it good to sett it forth, that other good and vertues men perceyuyng the dystructyon theroff to be so nere at hand, that they also la∣mentyng the state theroff myght be the more mouyd to make ther ernest prayers to allmehty god, that he for his dere sone Iesus Chrystes sak,Ernest prayers. wold spare and be fauorable to ur pour contre off England now over rune wyth horyble ydolatry. And that he wold perdon and forgeue vs om synnes. for the which cause, he hath sent such wyckyd rulers to raygne o∣ver vs,Iaco. 5. for as S. Iames sayth the prayer off the Iust man avay¦lyth mych. And I doubt not, but god is mercyfull pacient and long suffring, and wyll haue mercy apon vs, and apon his pour congregacyon ther▪ orells wher statryd abrode, at such tyme as he knouyth best to his honour, and wyll also take ffrom vs our cruell rulers, that haue so sore persecutyd and ma¦de hauocke of his sayd congregacyon, the which I besech him to do for the blude of his dere sone our lord Ieus Chryst, that we maye ther once agayne openly confesse his holy na∣me, to the vtter confucyon off the kingdom off Antychryste amen. But forasmych as non off the same godly books and warnings ether com not to the quenes hands, or ells wyll no∣thyng molyfye here harte, but that ther is fought malyciusly and off a sett purpose the dystructyon off the noble men gen∣tyllmen and comons off Englande wherby may the more easyer be brought to passe, ther most wyckyd deuyses and purposes, that is, to geue away and betray this noble realme off England, in to the hands off the king off spayne and his spaynyerds. wherfore I haue thought it good to declare vn¦to my natyue contre, serteyne off thes manyfest treasons, and practyses, but fyrst I wyll declare the prophecye off that bles¦syd marter off god mayster hugh latymer, preaching before the most vertues prynce K.E. 6. in his palays at westmynster 1549. that thes plages shold com apon vs for our vnthank∣fullnes, and that god wold send such tyrants to rayne ouer vs, for our vnrepentant hartes, which now is come to passe in dede, and was thought at that tyme a thyng impossyble, but that gods worde must be trewe which was spoken by the ho¦ly goost thorow that blessyd martyr M. latymer, and hys fe∣low marters and other preachers, as it is come to passe at this day. And because the prophecye which he then prophecied in his sermon before the king, is now all to gether fullfyllyd as playnlye apperyth,The cawse off the ma∣king off this lamentacion. And that sermō & prophecye mouyd me mych to lament the state off our contre, hath also partly caw∣syd me to make this lamentacyon apon this realm off Eng∣land. And becawse it shall not be thought, that I wyll add or deminysh any parte off the sayd prophecy, I▪ wyll here recy∣te {per}te of hit, worde for worde as it is printid in the boke off his sermō, he taking accasion to prech before the king, of the dwty of kings rulers, and Maiestrates, as here after folowith. It makyth no matter by what name the rulers be namid yf so be they shall walke ordinatly with god and direct ther steppes with god, for both patriarks, Iudges,The very wordes off M. Latimers sermon. and kings, had and haue ther auctorite off god, and therfore godly, but this ought to be considred, which god said. Non praeficere tibi potes hominem alienum, that is thou must not sett a strenger ouer the. It hath pleasid god to graunt vs a naturall liege king, and lord off our own nacion, an Eng∣lishman, one off our own religion god hath geuen him vnto vs, and is a most precius treasure,A stranger to be king. and yet many off vs do de∣sire a stranger to be king ouer vs. Lett vs desire no more to be bankers, but lett vs in deuoure our selues to walke ordinatly and plainly after the word off god, lett vs folow daniell, let ys not seke the death of our most noble and rightfull king, our own brother both by natiuite and godly religion, lett ys pray for his godly estate that he may liue long among vs. wel the kings grace hath sisters, my lady Mary and my lady Esabeth, which by succession and course ar inheritors to the crown, who yff they should mary with strangers, what shuld in ewe god knowith, but god graunt they neuer come to coursing nor succeding, therfore to avoid this plage,A strange King. lett vs amend our liues, and put away all pride, which doth droune men in thes dais, all coetisues wherin the Magistrates and rich men off this realm ar ouer whelmid, all lechery and all other excessiue vices, prouoking gods wrath, were he not mercifull, even to take frō vs, our natural king and lege lord and to plag vs uith a strange king for our vnrepentant hart, w¦herfor yff you say ye loue the king, amend your liues and thē ye shalbe a meane, that god shall lend him vs, long to raygn over ys, for vndoutidly sns prouoke ich gods wrath scrip¦ture saith, Dabo tibi regem in furore meo. that is I will geue the a king in my wrath, Now we haue a lawfull king, & a godly king, neuerthelesses yet many euels do raign, and a litle after now I here say all things ar endid after a godly maner, or els shortly shalbe, make hast make hast, and lett vs lern to con¦vert to repente and amend our lyues, yf we do not I fere I fear least for our sinnes, & vnthākfullnes an hipocrite shall raign o∣ver vs, Long time we haue bene seruans and in bondage, seruing the pope in Egipt, god hath geuen vs a deliueret, a na∣turall king,A naturall King. lett vs not seke no stranger of another nacion, no hipocrite which shall bring in a gain all papistry, ypocrisie, & ydolatry, no diabolicall minister, which shall maintaine all deuelishe workes & euell excersises,M. Latimers wrdes full∣fillid. but lett vs pray that god maintaine, and contin our most excelent king here present trwe inheritour of this our realm both by natiuite and also ly the speciall gift and ordinance of god &c. this prophecie of that blessid marter of god M. Lati∣mer be not now com to passe and fullfillid let all men Iudge▪ which before was not regardid, ye it was thought a thing im∣possible such alteracion and tiranny, so sone to haue folowid▪ as now plainly apperith, and yet this is but the beginning off sorows & plages that shall folow, onles god of his great mer¦cy (at the crie and lamentacion of the pour oppressid, which lyue in misery and bondage of conscience) feare thes plages now begone, and manifestly appere before our eies, for our in gratitude and great vnthankfullnes. Oh what a plage is it to see strangers rule in this noble re¦alme violently, wher befor time trwe hartid Englishmen haue gouernid quietly? what a lamentable thing is it? that although quene Mary being born in England, and had to here father a noble and trwe hartid prince and English man?The spa∣nish mother. yet she fo∣lowith nothing his steppes in trew zeal to this realm, becawse she toke the most part off here blude and stomake off her spa∣nish mother, and therfore from time to time euer regardid her spanish kinred, and permotid them, by geuing them lcen∣sis,The span∣ierds cary a∣way our . wherby they do cary and convay away, out of this realm frey without paieng any custome therfore, our goudly & best comodites, as woll Tin̄ leade lether &c. to the great decay and ympouerishment, off the pour comons off this realm, by ason wheroff the said comodites, be now at doble pryces, that they were before, & also pour men cannot be set a worke as they haue bene. Ye who seith not but that she sekith the destruction of tho¦se nobles & gentillmen, that here noble father tenderly lo∣uid? the thing is manifest and cannot be denied, who wold e∣uer haue thought such vnnaturalnes, as to cawse that worthy and vertuose Lady, Lady Iane, being inocent and giltles,Lady Iane▪ put to death. as the quene here self did thinke, being compellid to take the stat apon here of xvij. yeres of age, and so nere off here kindrid, to be so cruelly murtherid? Also to cawse that worthy and vertues man,Thomas Cramner▪ Archbishop off canterbu∣ry. and mar∣ter of god Thomas Cramner Archbishop of canterbury, to be so cruelly murtherid who sauid here liff, what time as K.H. 8. here father wold haue dispachid here, for her cōtempt & diso∣bedience, when nether the old duke of Nortfolke, nor oth off the temporall lords of the counsell could intreat here said fa∣ther, but that she shoud die, then went this meke archbisshop to be king, and so prudently pewrsadid him, that he spade here and sauid her lyff, which when he had obtainid the duke off Northfolk & the other lordes off the counsel gaue hym, such thāks for that dais worke, saieng to him that yf euer they liued and lay in ther pouer thei wold requite it, so that it is to be supppsid that yff the sayd duke off Northfolke & had liuid, he shuld not haue bene so cruelly murtherid. But here is to be notid great ingratitude, and vnthanfullnes, to requite him with death that sauid here liff. K.H. 8. here noble father perceiuing the wisdom, sobre∣nes honestie, meknes, and good lerning off the said Tho∣mas Cramner, promotid him not only to be archbishope off Canterbury, but also metropolitan, and primate of all Eng∣land, and becawse he so prudently and soberly behauid him selff therin he made him cheff off this preuy counsell, and for the fidelite that he found in him, at the time off his death, he made him one of the cheff of his executors off his testament and last will: when he put out Gerdenar. B. of winchest, & co¦mittid vnto him as one off his executors the gouernance off his sone, that worthy prince king Edward the vj,K. Edward. vnder which noble prince, this realme off England was quietly go¦uernid and rulid, with out any such cruelty and tirany as to vsid now adais. Wherfore o England / England / La∣ment, lament, how great and greuouse are thin offencis, and sinnes, that god is so sore displeasid with the, to suffer such ru∣lers to bridle the and so sore to plage and scourg the,A very Rod off god. ye ve∣rely a very rood of god apointid, and therfore wounderfully and meruelusly reseruid and kept, to plage England, for ther vnthankfullnes, and for not knowing the time off ther visi∣tacion▪ wherfore now England repent repent, and bewaile thy miserable stae, for iff thou do it not tyght sone, thow art no like shortly to be ouer thrown with strāgers and tyrāts▪ who will rule and bridle the, as they haue alredy thretenid the, thy goodly womē and faier doughters will thei defile, thy pleasant houses and goodly places off pleasure shalbe geuen vnto thē, and they shall in ioie thy labours, which thou & thy forefathers, with great pain trauell, and troble haue gathe∣rid to gether for the, the thing is now a working, and the fire ackindling, so that yff god only off his great mercye help the not, thou art like to be distroid very shortly, for they that gui¦de the my people,Esay. 3. saith the prophet Esay, are extorcioners and o men haue rule ouer you. O my people thy leaders de∣same the, and distroy the way off this foot steppes. It is ye that haue burnt vp my vine yard, and the spoyle of the pour is in your houses, wher fore do ye oppresse my people, and smite theon the ais saith the lord off hostes. It is in the 34. chap. off the booke off the holy mā Iob.Iob. 34. that for the sinnes off the people god suffrith a tyrant to raign ouer them▪ yf England now haue not tirans and womē to rule an̄ raigne ouer them, let all men Iudge? doth not all ther dngan̄ procedings declare manifestly that if hath bene labo¦rid and gone about by all the wais & meanes that can be deui¦sid or ymaginid to geue away (I will not saie to betray) this noble realme off England, in to the hands off the spanierds. The quene off Spain.Fyrste dyd not the quene in mediatly as sone as she came to the gouernance &. dignite off this realm desire to mary with the prince off spaine, and assone as the matter was espied, ere not, 20 off the perliament house sent to here, to declare what: normites wold folow to the realm if she maried with any stranger, and therfore desirid here to ma∣ry within the realm, wherby it is esye to be perceiuid what she hath had alwaise in here minde. After that was it not pretentyd, assone as she was maried that she was with child, and without all shame cawsid the sa∣me to be published an̄ sett abrode in print and subscribid with the hand off 1. off the preuy counsell that the hole body off the realme,he pretēdid be with child might thinke the same to be trwe, and imme∣diatly apon the same callid a perliament, becawse the nobles and comons should be the more willing & redy to condis∣send and to geue the crone off this noble realme, to the prince off spaine, to thentent that he with his proud spainierd might bridle this brithanishe nacion, according as it is sett out in print about the fisnamy or pictur of the quenes in thes words. And when it was perceiuid that ther practise wold take no place, but that it was espyed in the pliament howse, and that he could not haue the crone to him, were they not then markid and notid, who were against it and to some off them were sent parents of 100. lib. a yere some of 200. lib. a yere,Patentes ge∣uen, and grauntid. some more some lesse according as time and accacion seruid, to stope ther mouthes withall, & loke who shewid not them selues redy on inclining to take a bribe to betray this ther natu¦rall conne, was not one quarell or another pikide to him or them, wherby they were brought quorum nobis, and then to lay ether treason or heresie (as they call it) to ther charges, wherby many were brought in to preson as it is manifest, by reason wheroff who dare speake ther minds frelie in the said perliament houss, according to the auncient priuileges off this noble realme? and is not this also a plage which is come apon vs for our vnhankfullnes according as our true prechers and prophets declarid to vs as is afore said. And for the more fur¦therance off this ther wickid purpose, did they not with out all shame, sett out in print, a genelogy or petigre in the english tonge, to proue by the same genelogy that the prince off spain came off the bloud off king Edward the third. Be all thes practises think you, for any other purpose, but for to cause the comon people, to haue such a good opinion off the prince of spane, that they might be the more redy an̄ willing, to haue him cronid king, off this realm. And therby to disinheret,This genelo∣gy had bene treason in the time of K.H. 8. all the next rightfull heires off the same, and so to bring this noble realm in to the bondage off strangers, contrary to the auncient las, status, and customs off this noble realme off England. And no of late who is ignorant of so many noble men and gentilmen fechd out off all shires, and cauillacions & quarels pikid to them, and so cast in to prison (as they say) v∣pon suspection of conspiracie against the quene, which thing is but vaine and ymagined as apperid lately by M. Iohn frog¦marton, who at the time off his execution,Iohan frog∣marten. confessid openly to the people that he neuer offendid in any treason against the quene, and therapon toke his death, and yet he was most cruelly hangid drawen and quartrid: how be it I know some men will answere and say, that he was cōdempnid by the law and the quest passid against him and found him gilty &c but I wold know off the again? I pray the what quest dare quite a∣ny man, were he as ygnorant and clere as Susanna, yff the Iud∣ges condēpne him, as the wickid Iudges condempnid here, be∣cawse she wold not condissent to ther shamfull lust and desire. Do ye not know how 12. honest and substancial merchāt men off london were handlid not long sens, because they cle∣rid & found sir Nicolas throgmarten not gilty, according to ther othe and conscience, but what was ther reward, were they not all most shamfully put in preson, wher they lay mise∣rably some halff a yere,The quest that quit sir Nicolas frogmarten inprisonid therfore. some more some lesse, and afterward were fain to pay some off them 200. lib· some 500. merks, so∣me more some lesse to the quene, according to ther abillite and substance, or ells they should haue remaynyd styll in preson, with out any right, iustice, or lawe. Here by ye may perceiue, what tyranny is vsid, and by this practise they haue so fearid honest men that should go apō any quest for the quene, that they will say and do as the quene will haue them, rather then to be so cruelly and shamfully in∣treatid and handlid as those 12. honest merchant men were be¦fore, who hath herd of the like tiran̄y vsid in England before this time, I do remēber in the time of K. H. 8. that the lord da∣cres of the north was indightid of treasō,The lord dacres. and a quest of honest mē did quite him according to equite and iustice, and yet I ne∣uer herd that any off the same quest were ether in prisonid or trublid therfore. Is it not also manifest how shamfully, those thwo knights, Sir peter Carow and Sir Iohan Cheke wer betraied, taken and caried away, ryding betven brusells and Andwerp, in the county of brabant. And had not Sir peter Carow his pardon sent him ouer the see, so liberally, both for lifflands and goods that a larger perdon hath neuer bene grauntid. And likwise Sir Iohan Cheke had he not the quenes licens, to depart the re¦alm, and being both as it was supposid in ther princes fauour or at the least no mā perceiuid the contrary, for they both had bene with the quenes embassadors at brussells, Andwerp and barro, mich frendly comunicaciō and great chere was had be¦twen thē, after that they riding to gether to brussells, to them bassadors, which were ther presēt both to gether, wher they we¦re frendly, and louingly interteinid, and great chere was made to thē thre dais to gether, and no maner thing laid to ther char∣ges, and also louingly and frendly toke ther leue of the sayd emblassadors, and returnid towerd Andwerp again, were most shamfully, by the kings marshall of that cōtre taken, and like theues caried away, and so conuaied to the tower of lon∣don. Is not this also a lamentable case, to here thes two gentil∣mē, to be betraied so shamfully,Princis pro∣myss not peformed who wil trust such rulers with any maner promisses, whē they thus seke to betray, the noble and gentillmen, of this realme. Is this the truth and credēs that should begeuen to princes wordes, when they thus shamfully pluke bake that they haue grauntid, and perform not that they haue promisid. More ouer who seith not playnly now that the prince of spain hath optainid to haue the name of the king of Englād and also is {per}mittid in our english coine to ioin out english armes with the armes of spain▪ an̄ his namy with the quenes, the croune of Englād being made ouer both ther heds in the midest, and yet apō nether of thē both, and the sup∣scripciō about the same coines was with the name of philipe and Mary as apperith▪ sens that time, is it not manifest,The king vsyth the ar∣mes off eng∣land in his coin with ou the quenes name o s∣my. that he in his own priuate coine hath vsurpid ferther, and ioinid his armes with the armes of Englād, and made his pictur alone, with themperiall crone of Englād apon his head, leauing out both the quenes picture, and also here name▪ and so vsith both the name and armes of England with out the quenes▪ hauing this supcripcion about his coine Philip . nglie, francie, n∣apolis princep. hispaine, by this ye may perceiue what he doth intend and purpose, and that e sought not in mariage the que¦nes person, but the welthy and rich land off England. Besides this, what practises be inuentid daily, to set Englād at vaiance with fraunce, it is not vnknown, not only by ge∣uing out that englishmē should go aboute to betray callis to the frenchmen, wherby our new king might haue accasiō to send in soldiers of his, an̄ so take the town and sortes for him selff, but also to cawse some of our Ioly ckers, which be soldiers about guines, or hāmes, to pike quarrels with the frenchmen to set vs & thē to gether by the eares, that by that meanes the quene might haue accasiō,Practice set vs at v¦ance with france. & that it might be thought she should be cōpellid, to send out both shippes & soldiers, & so not on∣ly cōsume the greatist of the substāce an̄ treasure of the re∣alm, with the artillary and navy of the same, but also wilbe ac¦casion off distruction off a great nomber off the noble men gentyllmen & comons off this realm. It is not long sens that we had warres with fraunce, which was for thēprours pleasur, but what folowid ther of, it is not vnknown dyd it not all most begger the hole realm,The frutes off warres. besids the losse, & distructiō of a great nōber of worthy gentilmē and co¦mōs▪ Therfore I wold desire the states of the realm, that they wilbe circūspect an̄ well aduisid; how they attempt, to breake wyth fraunce, for the pleasure of any other princes, least they be the occasiō of the distruction and beggery of the hole realm. More ouer it is to be considred when king henri the 8. begā warres with fraunce, how that before he had bene at rest and quiet 30. yeres with out any warres,what we ha∣ue susteynid by the last warres nith france. in the which time, he had gatherid diuers waies, great great substance and treasure wherby it was supposid he to haue had sufficient, to haue main¦tainid his said warres with all: but for all that, was he not sam to gather off his nobilite, clergy, and comons, diuers great sub¦sides, beniuolencis, lones or lending off mony, besides also our fine coines off gold and siluer, was turnid in to copper and brasse as it is manifest at this day▪ which was a great dacay to our comō welth, as it cannot be denied. wherfore yf the que∣ne should now begin warres with france, for her husbōds ple¦asure,The quene hath no pro∣vision a fore¦hand. and haue not the like prouicion aforehand in compari∣son off her said noble father (as it is to be supposid that she hath not) by raison she hath geuen away so mich to the b. off Rome and his adherents, and beggerid her nobles and comōs to set vp her spitfull spritualty (so that the old prouerb is now fulfyllyd, S. Nicolas is on horse bake and S. George is on fote) wher apon it is to be thought that she hath nothing the like prouision, that her said noble father had, when he began to haue warres with fraunce. And therfore I will leue it to the counsell and states off the realm, to consider what will folowe,The mass is the occasion off the great dearth in England. we should at this present, haue warres nith frāce for as I do vnderstond, by other, England is in as great misery and penuri at this day, as hit hath bene in many yeres before, the dearth of come, and all maner of vitall be so exce∣ding dere, although at the first coming in off the quene to he∣re raygne, it was reportid, that that shamfully doll, (the bles∣sid masse as they call it) had brought with it, all things plenty, which being contrary▪ now plainly apperith, to be the occasi∣on off the great vengeance off god apon this realm, for so shamfully receiuing again, that wickid and abhominable pop stome, with all ther wickid ceremonies, expressy against god and the death of his sone Christ. This haue I writton, considring it to be my dwty in waring my natiue contre, to auoid the great plages and dangers, that be now coming apō them, and knowing it also to be the dwty of euery christean & trwe hartid englishman, and that man that perceiuith this his natiue contre like to come in to ruyn and distruction, and doth not indeuore hym selff by all theme he can deuise, for the deliuerance ther of, the same is not worthy to be countid a trwe hartid englishman,Miles ho∣gerd & his felws. but a traitou∣re to his contre, what shall then euery trwe hartid englishmā, Iudge of Miles hogerd and his felow helpers, who more like swinherds haue made, a shamfull, railing, folishe, and blasphe∣mus boke, against god and his pour persecutid members, and afflictid, congregacion now dispersid abrode in diuers con∣ties for his names sake, who by ther flathering bocks,Themisto∣cles saieng. extol∣lith the King aboue the mone, aledging in ther books the saieng off Themistoces, to the Athenians by thes words why mak eye thes tumultes and rumors, against rhem, off w∣hom by manifold wais, ye haue receiuid so many comodites what shall all men Iudge off this shamelese flaterers. I pray you what commodites hath England receiuid, of the king: Except it be, that they bestowid an hundrid thousand ponds, for his charges, to bring him, and his nauy off spainierds in to england, which mony, thenglishe merchants latly haue paid at Andwerp as it is manifest and cannot be denied. Besids that what discomodites and England is like to receiue by hym, I pray god thy may bewarnid to take hede in time. And as touching the kings persone, I know non to find any faute with it, exceapt the quene her selff do,The spani∣erds report of the quene. for lake off his compa∣ny so long, the which as it is reportid he litle regardith, for as his spanierds haue blasid abrode in other contres saieng what shall the king do with such an old bich, also affirming that she may be his mother, a yonger is more meter for him, with mo∣dispitfull words spoken off them, the which yff an englishmā should report, should be taken for to odius. And as for Eng∣land with a great nomber off the states of other contres: could haue bene very well content,The dowgh∣ter off portin¦gal. that he had {pro}cedid with his for¦mer mariage, with the dowghter off portyngall, which had bene more feter and quieter for him, both by the Iudgment of his own spanyerds, & also of many other. And as for the nob¦les and comons off England, they could haue bene very well pleasiid, that the quene had also maried withī the realm as with the lord Courteney earl off deuenshir borne of a noble house,Lord court∣ney poisonid or with some other noble man. And so had the said lord Courtney not bene compellid for the saue gard off his liff, to haue trauelid beiond the sees in to strange cōtres, wheras it is supposid he was poisonid, for fear of putting the prince off spaine besid his protensid enterprise.The lady fransis dough¦ter off to the french quene what shall men Iudge also off the quene, that now suf∣frith the aspergement off her blude, and suffrith the hieres ap∣parant off the crone to many so basely and vilre, to bring ther∣by the succession, out off estimaion, that people may the les∣se care yf the croune, go to a stranger, which is contrary to the lawes and status of this realm, which wold not haue be∣ne suffrid in the time of King Henry the 8. nor in any other ing or princes time, that had set by the honour of the realme▪ who erth not the practisys that is vsid daily, and all for pour England. The conclusions peace with the french king, so redounding to ther dishonours becawse they might the more quietly, worke, and make ther practis for Englād, with▪ sett or interupcion off any other forain princes. And becawse they haue failid off ther purpose at two perlaments and cannot haue ther desire,The by the comen assent who not ther practise and in ent, to enter apon the re∣alm with pour and force, and so to cae the prins off spayn to mke a conqueste off thys noble Realme (yff he cann) and therby to desinheret all the nble blude and comons off England, and to plant in ther places the vyle spanyerds▪ cntrary to the rightfull laws and customs off this realm.The quene . And dyd not the quene when she was crownid, take a to mayntain and defend the old and ancyent customs on this realm, and how she kepith them iudge. Moreouer what a greuounse plag is it, perceyuing the great dearth and scante off corn ail &c to be in all eng∣land at this present which hath not bene seen many yeres before, wherby the comon People be in grea pouerty and misery: that ther is gatheryd such great subsidies off them, besids, iones or sending off mony, as is now, only to kepe them low, and in misery, that the prince off payne may the one prain to come to his aid pretensid enterpryse. At the quenes first coming to here rayng, she forgaue the subsidye, that was grauntid to King Edward the 6. w∣herby it is to be supposid she had no great nede off mony, or ells it was to make the people more willing to consent, that she should mary with the prince off spayne. Is it not also manifest, that sens she came to her state and dignite, that she hath had no warres, wherby here trea¦sure should be consumyd, but contrary wyse hath gotten great possessyons and substaunce off those noble men and gentyllmen, that haue suffrid most cruell death, besids great that she toke an̄ doth take of many noble men and other sns she came to her raygne as it is manyfest.what the quen mea∣nith by ga∣thering off mony. But all her gathering is to help the King her husbond, and to enrich him and to make him strong, that he may the more easely com in and conquere this noble realm. Also is it not manyfest how many thousand pounds is dayly payd, by Thenglish merchants and staplers at And∣werp, by the quenes comaundement, and daily more and more is paid by them, and therfore Thenglish merchants, ar comaundid, to make ouer but two shyppyngs a yere, to the vtter vndoing off a great sort off yong merchant men who ar not able to abide ther merkets so long,wha the en∣glish mer∣chants must pay at and∣werp for the quene. and wher∣fore do they cawse this ordinance to be made▪ but only that at such tymes, many clothes and wolles may be shyp∣pyd ouer the sees to gether: off the which clothes and wol∣les the sayd merchants must lend to the quene, a serteygne some off mony off euery cloth, &. serpler off wole, that they so shyppe, that it may amount to .xxx. or xl. thou∣sand pounds at a tyme to thentent that it may serue the king▪ to maynteyne hym and his mynyons out off the realm, becawse he hath no great hst Home to the quene, being now more then xv monythes from Here, wherby it is ma∣nyfest and playnly apperyth as clere as the sone, that in ma∣riage he sought not the quenes persone but only the rich and welthy realm of England. And by cawse I know my name shalbe abusyd, for wryting thus playnly my mynd, for the dwtye and good wyll that I bear to my natyue contre, I do desyre the ther∣fore gentyll reader, what so euer thou be,The auctors request. that thou wyle consyder, how many worthy men off the Romayns, dyd not passe to venter ther liues, and gaue them selues to the de∣ath, for the delyuerance off ther contre,Mucius Seuola. Marcus Curcius. as Caius Mucius Seuola, Marcus Curctus, and many other (as plainly ap∣perith in Titus Liuius, the Romayns story) for the deliue∣uerance of ther Cyte, cōtres and comon welth from the hands of strangers ther henemyes, like as I do at this tyme, and ther fore I do desyre them to Iudge the best off me consydryng I do but my dwtye,Miles ho∣gerd and his felous at blind snailes and hyssing serpents. which likewise is the parte and dwry off euery trwe hartid Englishe man. And as for hogerd and his felows who may be comparid to blind snailes, and hissing serpents, creping out of ther holes to fight against dead men▪ and also with such whose answers cannot be suffrid to be rede and indifferētly to be iudgid, and therfore thes snailes may be bold to crepe apon ther own dūg¦hills, to lie, slander, and condempne, Christes pour members at ther own pleasure, for yf our answers might be suffrid open lie to be red and indifferently to be iudgid (such answers should be made to ther follshe and slanderus books wul aled¦gid auctors out off the grauesend barge, which be mete couers for such cuppes) they suould be so paintid out in ther colers,Hogerds au∣ctor aledgyd out off the grauesend barge. that they should be ashamid here afr, to Raile and lie as they haue done, onles they be past all shame, like as that inocent prelate doctor standish, who long agone wrote a treatise a∣gainst doctor barnes aste▪ he was burnid, which offentmies aff¦terward he lamentid, and recantid the same: who now be∣ginnith again to wax bold like a snaile creping out of his shel seing no man dare openlie resist him, beginnith again to wri∣te, and affirmith that he will now abide (by his folishe fanta¦sies) to the death,D. standish is a cokes co¦me. alake pour cokesscom, that turnith with e∣uery wind off doctrine, as a great nomber off his felows haue done, who being more wily, and crafty then he is, although they make books ar ashamid to setto ther names, for fear off after clappes, for they dought how long this hothe wether off persecucjon, and borning wil continew, and therfore ar con¦tentid, that such swinherds as Miles hogerd and his felous be, shall beare the name,Miles ho∣gerd. who for vain glory, and hope to come to promocion, ar contentid like blind busserds, to take it a∣pon them. Thomas Archbi. off canterbury b. off londō. b. off worcetr̄ b. off glocetr̄ b. S. Dauiths doctor tailor M. rogers, M. bradford M. sanders, M. filpot &cwho euer hard off so many worthy bisshops, and lernid men, to be so cruelly martrid, as hath bene now off late dais, as namly Thomas Cramner archbissop off Canterbury, M. Ridley bisshope off london M. Latimer sometime bisshop worceter, M. hoper bisshop off gloceter M. pfarer bisshop off S. Dauiths, doctor tailer off hadle M. Rogers, M. brad∣ford M. filpot, M. sanders, with many other vertues & ler∣nid men, befid M. grene, & M. Cawsten gentllmen, and ma¦ny other gentillmē in diuers shires & places off England, be∣sids also many vertues men and women, whose nomder I can∣not sertenly reherse, but amsure and serteine, that ther names ar writton in the boke off liff, and becawse our Rulers wold haue ther tiran̄ie made the more manifest to the word, did they not lately burne 13. men & women in one fire, at stratford the bow besids london. Yff for our sinnes and vnthankfullnes, god hath not sent vs strangers and tirants to Raine ouer vs, according to the prophecy off M. Latimer, then was ther neuer any. Yet ha\| haue we one notable example of a wickid tirant, in the third booke off the kings. in the xvij.xviij. and xix. capters we read off that cursid woman quene Iesabell,Reg. 17 18 19. chap. who off a wickid zeal that she had to the seruing off here false ydols cawsid all gods holy prophets to be persecutid and staine, in so mich that the holy Prophet Elias was fain to fly in to the wildernes,Quene Iesabell. to saue his lyff, wher god sent arauen to fede hym, wher he cried and cōplainid to god, sayeng lord they haue distroied all thy holy prophets, and I am only escapid, and yet they seke after my liff, but god answerid Elias and sayd I haue yet reseruid vnto me vij. thousand, that haue not bowid ther Knees vnto all not worshippid his ymage &c. Euen so I trust, and doubt not, for all the greuouse persecucions,Elyas. and tyrany that is day∣ly vsid against gods saints god hath reseruid many that haue not bowed ther knees to ther ydols, but that do continew in ther prayers still to god, for his pour afflictid church off Eng∣land, now dispersid and staterid abrode, at whose rye and la∣mentable complaint, god will aduenge him selff off his and our aduersaries, our wickid rulers, and will bring some off them to as shamfull an end, as he did that cursid, and wickid woman quene Iezeqell. wherfore dear brethern, sease not to lament, and bewaile our sinnes, and the state and misery off our countre, that is co¦me apon vs for our vnthankfulnes and for not knowlegyng the time of our visytacyon and doubt the not, but god is good mercifull, pacient and long suffring, and will at his appo¦intid time so confoūd them with all ther false spitful spritualty▪ that all the world shall know, that he only is the lord in all the earth. wherfore I say once again deare brethern, lament, lamēt, the state of our natiue, cōtre, & sease not to crye with me vn∣to god & to besech him for his deare sone our saue your Iesus Christes sake, that he will haue mercy apō his pon church off England, and that he will not geue vs ouer in to the hands of strangers and tyrants, his and our henemies, for our sinnes and vnthankfullnes.Psalm. 107. for as the Prophet Dauith saith in the 107. psalm it is he that for the sinnes off the people, makith a frut∣full land to be barine &c. a godly & compfortable psalm for all such as be oppressyd with tyranny, wherin the afflictid, & troblid consciens, shalbe well satisfied. Ther vnto accordyth the saieng off the holy man Iob,Iob. 4. that for the sinnes off the peo∣ple, god sendith tirantes to raigne ouer them. seing then that for our sin̄es et vnthāk fullnes we haue prouokid gods wrath who hath sent vs thes tirāes to rule ouer vs, we haue now non other wais nor meanes then only to subsmitt our selues vn∣der the migkty hand off god &,ges 10 to folow the example off the childern off Israell, who were gods electe and chosen people what time as they had offendid god by worshipping ydols, he ponisshid them by sending strangers & tirants to Rule & rain ouer them who oppressid them (as our rulers do now vs) wher¦fore they turnid to god, humhlid them selues with praier and fasting, & confessyd ther sinnes and vnthankfullnes: and the lord said to them, did not the hethen before oppresse you, and ye cryed vnto me, anb I deliuerid you out off ther hands, & for all that, ye forsoke me againe, and worshippid ther gods, wherfore I will help you no more, go & complain vnto those gods which ye haue seruid, & looke yff they will help you out off your misery. And they confessyd & said to the lord, we haue sinnid, do thou with vs, what so euer pleasith the, de¦liuer vs only at this time, and they put away ther ydols and seruid the lord, and the lord had pite apon ther misery, and de¦liuerid them out off ther henemies hands &c. Oh lett this godly example moue vs to crye vnto the lord, with out sea∣sing, and confesse like wise our sinnes and vnthankfullnes, & say to the lord with the Prophet Esay,A praier for he chiurch of England. Esay 37. oh lord of hostes, thou art god alone off all the kingdoms off the arth, thou only hast creatid heauen and earth, encline thin cares and consider, opē thyn eyes, and see our miserys, and delyuer vs from the hands off our aduersaries, that all the kingdoms off the arth may know that thou only art the lord. Ieremy. 5. oh lord call to remembrance what we haue suffrid,eremy. 5. consider and see our cō∣fucion, our in heritaunce is turnid to strangers, & our hou∣ses to foreners. Esay. 55. (oh lett vs seke the lord while he is to be found, & lett vs call apon hym whyle he is nigh, so wyll he be marcifull to vs) Thy holy Prophet Dauith sayth.Esay. 55. that lyke as a father pitieth his own childern, so thou lord hast mercy and pite apon them that fear the. wherfor oh lord be mercifull to vs, and remember not our offencis, nor the offencis off our fore fathers,Psalm. 103. nether take thou vengeance of our sinnis, spare vs good lord, spare thy pour afflictid churh off England whom thou hast redemid with thy most precius blude, and be not angry with vs for euer, but deliuer vs this one tim from our cruell enemies, which most cruelly oppres and persecute vs with most cruell death, becawse we will not worship the works of ther own handes, which worship doth perteine to the only our lord god, therfore ar we spoilyd off our goods, & persecutid from contre to contre. oh lord our god hear our prayers, which thou dost geue vs grace to make for thy pour afflictid church off England, oh do not prolong becawse thou eist, how thy most holy & blessyd name is day¦ly blasphemid, thorow false and wickid doctrin, wher before thy holy worde was truly preachyd & taught, & thy church ther did bear the professyon off thy name, oh call to remem∣braunce how mercifull thou hast bene to thy people off old ti∣me, when they were disobedient, & did for sake the, and wor¦shippid the works of ther own hāds (like as in England they now do) thou didest not vtterly reiect them,Iudges. 3. Iueges. 6. Iudges. 14. 3. Reg. 9.10. Macha. 2.3. Ieremy. 14. but when they repentid, and confessyd ther sinnes and turnid to the with all ther harts, thou mercifully forgauest ther sinnes, and sentyst them deliuerers, as Aliud, ge drō Samson, ehw Machabeas & other, who deliuerid them from strangers ther henemies Iere∣my. 14. we knowledg oh lord all our misdeds, and the sin∣nes off our fore fathers, for we haue offendid the, be not still displeasid with vs (oh lord) for thy names sake, forget not thy louing kindnes, and remenber the throu off thy glory, oh be mercifull to vs, be mercifull to vs. psalm. 83. hold not thy ton¦ge oh lord, kepe no lenger silens, refrain not thy selff oh god, for lo thin henemyes make a hurle burle, they ymagin crafft against thy people, and conspire against them, com say they lett vs rote them out, from among the people. Oh my god ma¦ke them lyke a whole, and as the stuble before the wynd, per∣secute them with thy tempest, make ther facis ashamid,Psalm. 83. oh lord that they may seke thy name. lett thē be confoundid & vexid euer more and more, lett them be put to shame and perish, that they may know, that thou art god alone, and that thy name is the lord, and that thou only art the most hyest over all the earth. psalm. 35. Striue thou with them that striue agaynst the and fyght thou with them that fyght against the let them be as the dust before the wind and thy angell oh lord scateryng them, lett sodayn distruction com apon them vnwares,Psalm. 35. And the ne that they haue laid preuely cach themselfs in, that they may fall in ther own mishefe, so will we geue the thanks in the great congregacyon and prayse the among all people, oh lord here vs, oh lord be mercifull to vs,Esay. 40. oh lord do not prolong the tyme, becawse thy pour church off England haue borne the professyon off thy name. Thou knowist oh lord, that all flesh is as grass and all the glory off man as the flour off the feld, the grase witherith and the flour adith away, but thy worde indurith for euer. wherfore oh lord call to remembraunce thy great mercies and thy louing kindnes, according to thy pro∣misses, and do not consider, nor haue respect vnto the nom∣ber off our daily sinnes, and wickidnes, but according to thy great mercies we do besech the to forgeue vs. in thy dear sone our saueiour Christes blude, and say vnto vs, thou art our helth, which woldest not the death off a sinner, but rather that he convert and turn from hys sinnes and wickidnes. Convert thou vs vnto the, so shall we be convertid, ad turn thou vs vn¦to the, which ar in extrem misery so shall we be confortid, for as thy holy prophet Dauith sayth, yff thou shouldist loke na∣rowly apon our sinnes and wickednes, lord who might abyd before te,Psalm. 130. but he saith ther is mercy with the, and therfore art thou worshippid. Again he saith lord enter not into Iudgmēt with thy seruants, for no man liuing shalbe found ryght wise before the. Seing oh lord thou knowist all things, and no∣thing s hid from the,Psalm. 43. thou knowist also that all fleshe is grass, & no good thing can com from vs, as of our selues, being but flesh and blud, and all to gether vnproffytable seruants, stre now forth thy mighty hand & confound the deuisis of thin & our henemies abate ther pride aswage ther mallis which styll continew, and persecue thy pour afflictid church off Eng∣land, that all the word may know, that thou art the liuing god & lord that rulist ouer the whole world, then shall we mang∣nify and praise thy holy name, which liuist and raygnist one god in the holy Trynite, to whom be geuen all honour glory and prayse, for euer and euer world with out end: Amen Amen, 30. December. 1556. The Addicyon:Here before in this treatyse christen reader / which I fynishede and sent in to my natyue contre more then a yere past, I haue declaryd what dystomodytes folowid the last warres, that we had with france, to say, not only the losse of a great nomber of noble and worthymen of our countre, but also thorow the same, our good coynes of gold and syll∣uer, were turnyd into copper and brasse, as it is manyfest: wherfore I desyryde the states of the realme, to haue good con¦syderacyons, and respectes before they brake with france for any forayn prynces pleasure &c. the which request I doubt not but mani trew englysch harts do now wyshe that they had folowid. Sens the which tyme, the quene and counsell as is aforesayd (being a stourge and rood to plage Englād for our vnthankfulnes) haue of ther own fantasticall ymagynacyons, for the prince of spaynes pleasure, not only with out the con∣sent of any parliament broken and begone warres with fran∣ce: but also cōtrary, to thact off parliamēt made in the first yere of her rayne,ead thact off when the conclusyons were made with them∣proure, for her cursyd mariage (may England say) with the prince of spayne▪ as in the sayd statude plainly apperith: wher∣by asmych as in them is, they seke the dysquyetnes of the hole realme, and to bryng the comons of the same in to great myse¦ry, which only is the frutes off warres. For sens the begynning of thes last vnfortunate warres, now begone whath hath England wone therby? ye rather what haue we not lost, although ther were sent out with the prince off spayne a great nomber of worthy gentyllmē and comons, to ther great costes and charges, to the wynnyng off S. Quintynes, hawn, schatelet, and other peces ther about, the which the prince kepith for hym selff, to his own vse,S. Quintin yet the most part of our mē, lest ther bones ther and the rest of thē that estapyd the dāger of the warres, returnyd home agayn in great myssery penury and begery. More ouer wha lossys haue our englyshe merchāts susteynid by takyng of the thre rich shyp∣pes,3. Ryche shyppes ta∣ken. which the frenchmen toke comyng out of Flanders on bartymew dai last past, being worth 30. thousand poūds, be∣sydes many other shyppes taken by the frenchmen sence that tyme, as they that haue susteynid the losses therby can reporte. And now wyll I come to speake off the losse of the honowr of England which is the notable towne of Callys,Callis hames and gwines lost thorow euell gouer∣ment. with the strong castells of hames and gwynes &c. which hath bene in the custodye of England more then. 200. yeres past, to be so shamfully betrayed and lost, thorow the euell gouerment off the quene and here counsell: whose dylygent study and care should haue bene. to prouyd and forsee, specyally, in thes dangerus tymes of warres, that not only Callys with hāmes and gwynes, and the peces beyond the seas, to haue bene fur¦nysshed with men and vytall accordyngly, for to haue with∣stand the mallys of the french men our henemyes but also to provyde that the strong townes, castells, fortresses and blok houses &c. lyeng about the realm, for the saff custody and de∣fence of the same, to be well furnysshed with men munycyon and vytalls, and also that the ryall Nauy of Englād had bene mayntaynyd that the subiectes off this realme, myght lyue in sanyte and quyetnes, with out danger of any forayn prince or potentate. This is the charge and dwty of all good and polytyk ru¦ters and gouernors yff the quene had ment this to do,The dwty of rulers wherfo¦re hath she cawsyd to be rasyd, and defacyd those bulwarks at graue send and tylbery, &c. and wherfore doth she lett fall in decay, those blokhouses and bulwarks about deal besyde douer, which her noble father, with his great trauayle,Bulwarks blokhouses costes and charges, byldyd and fortefyed, for the defence off the sub∣iectes off the realme. But I pray you what can men otherwyse Iudge off the quene, here in, but that she hath done it becawse the prynce off spayne may the more easyly, come in with his army and nauy off shyppes, and so to make a conquest off this noble realme off Englād as is aforesaid. But what yf the que∣ne and her coūsell haue practysyd, how to brīg Callis in to the hāds of the prince of spayne, and that being perceuyd, and the french king theroff admonysshed, cawsyd hym to take his en∣terprise as he dyd. Callis.Or whether the quene and counsell, dyd wyttyngly or wyllyngly, suffer callys to come in to the frenchmens handys (by neglecting to send ayde thether in tyme, the same being o oft and many tymes desyrd by the lord deputy) becawse that afferward it myght come in to the hands off the prince off spayne, ether by exchangyng for other townes or ells in some conclusyons the ouer to make peace, that he hauing it, I mean Callys &c. mygth the souer bryng his pretēsyd enterpryse to pase with England. wherfore o ye nobles and comens off England helpe that your bulwerks and fornesses be made vp agayn, with all spe∣de and trusty men appoyntyd,Ordinance Armore Treasure. toward and kepe them, kepe the ordinance, Armore and treasure &c. wyth in the realm, to defend the same when nede shall requyre, that with gods help ye maybe, able o defēd your cōtre, from forayn princes who seke your distructiō, and to bring the realm in to bōdage, with bride lig you, as before in this treatise is declarid at large The burnyng of the great Harri, at the fyrst comyng off the quene to here raygne, betokenyd some desolacyō, and yet the quene wold besto no cost, to byld that goodly shype agayn but letti it with the rial Nauy off England, fall in to wast and decay▪ which her noble father, as a prudēt and polyyke price mayntaynyd for the defence off the realm. when was it euer hard off before this myserable tyme, whē we had warres with france, but that iij, or iiij, thousand men were sent ouer to kepe Callys, with the castells and frunteres therabout, that they myght not only with stond the mallys and enemyte of the frenchmē, but also to haue made an inrod into france at tymes, as by our cronycles plainly apperith wa done in our tyme, by the noble prince K. H. 8. But it is a he case and mych to be lamētyd, that the quene studyeth lest about such matters, which shoulde turne to the welth, comodyte and sauegard off this realme. But contrary wyse it is manifest, that all her care and study was and is, how she may bring to pase, that the prince off spayn, may haue thē periall crown of thi noble realm of England to hym and to heyres, by craty meanes or perfoce, and so to bryng this noble and fre countre off England in to most my∣serable seruytude and bondage,Holland, Zeland, Brabant, Flanders▪ Neapes▪ Myland. lyke as be his other contres off Holland, Seland, Babāt Flanders, Namure and lytzen∣burg, &c. with his other goodly contres of Napels and My∣land, &c. the which I pray god England may take warnyng ther off by tyme. Here para venture some wyll rayle apon me and reuile me, because I am so bold to charge the quene, and here counsell, as before in this treatyse I haue done, and now do, and also for layeng to ther charges, that thorow ther default and neglygen∣ce, Callys with hames and gwynes, &c. become in to the frenchmens hands, To the which I wyll answere and pro¦ue it to be trwe. Fyrst yff the quene had as is afore sayd sent ouer, iij. or iiij. thousand mē to haue lyen apon the borders or frunteres of Callys, and therto had spent but only, v. hundrid marks by the yere, (I speake with the most) to honest men be∣ing strangers dwelling in other contres (as here noble and po¦lytyke father dyd) who myght haue sertefyed and geuē know¦ledge to th quene and counsell from tyme to tyme what the french king and other prīces practysyd, and went about. Cal∣lys had not bene in the frenchmens hands as it now is. Fo I am sure, that the french king hath not seasyd contynwal¦ly to parctyse how he myght gett callys, and those parties, ād that within thes sew yeres, as the lord paget, and other off the counsell do very well knowe,Lord page. who were of king Edwards counsell, when the french king went about his practyse in tho¦se days. And being known, ther was a gentyllman and a do¦ctor sent into Englād to geue the king and counsell warnyng theroff, after whose comyng inmedyatly, ther was proclama∣cyons made that all captaynes and soldyers, should repayre in medyatly, to ther townes Castells, fortresses, and holdes, ād therapon preparacion was made inmedyatly, that Callis,Callys delyuerid from the frenchme. with the castells and ores were prouydyd, and finnysshed, wher∣by the french king was dyssapoyntyd, and therfore forsoke his pretensyd enterpryse, and so Callys was sauyd at that tyme from the frenchmen. And they that brought the sayd message and gaue warnyng to the counsell, had geuen them for ther rewarde, but one hundryd marks, which mony was de∣lyuerid to a frend off myne, by the sayd lord paget, as he told me at that tyme, and yet I neuer hard, that that gentyllman, that sent the sayd warnyng had any recōpence at all for his labour. But yff ther had bene geuē hym at that tīme for hys reward (accordyng to his desertes) a stipent off an C. marks or an 00. pounds by the yere during hys lyff, Callis had not bene in the french mens hands at this day. For I do know that the same mā had knowledge off this late pse for Callis, lōg before it was known abrode, and so myght haue geuē knowledge long before the coming thether off the frechmē, ād so Callis with es ād gines, might haue bēe sad frō thē. But it is also mych to be lamentyd that the quene hath such a hate agaīst ho∣nest men, that professe the gospell off our aueyour Iesus christ, and be not off her wickid relygyon, that she had rather, that the hole realme, should go to wrake, then that any honest men should be maintainid by here, for she wyll not onli geue thē any thyng that myght tourne to the comodite and sauegard off the realme. But contrary wyse most shāfully and wrongfully with hol∣dith such pencyōs, as here noble father and brother gaue to them by patent, during ther lyues, for recōpence of ther good and faithfull seruice and paines they toke to serue them in ther daies. Iff the quene had folowid here noble fathers d, and bene rulyd by his wise prudent and sage coūselers, who had the knowledge and experiēce how the affayres of the realme stoode this realm, had not come to such mysery and begery as it is at this day▪ but those wyse and worthy men, whom her father tenderly louid hath she cawsyd to be cruy murtherid, as is aforsaid. And hath sett vp counselors of her own, which no knowledge in the affayres off the realme, but those who will say s she saith, and affirme her wickid will and deuises to be good and to be a . Like to be cōparid, to Robohā the sone off king Salomon, whē the chiln off Israell came to him saieg, thy fathers yoke was greuouse vnto vs▪ thou it lighter (he doīg as the quene now doth) folowid such counsele had bene brougt vp with hym. And wold not folow the counsell of the and wyse men, that were off his father kīg Salamōs coūnsell, wher fore, x. of the xij. trybes off the chylderne off Israell fell from him, as the story declarith at large, in the third booke off the kings the xij. chapter. But the text sa it was the lords doing. Oh what substāce and treasure hath the quene spēt apō the prince of spaine, sence the begyn̄ing off her mariage, ād what vnreasōable great subsydes and lones hath she gatheryd, wherby she hath in pouerished the subiectes of this realme, for to aid him, wher off the xxii. parte wold haue kept Callis with ham̄es and gwines, &c. that they shold not haue bene in the french men hands at this day, but what carith she, so that she haue here own cursyd will, although the hole realme go to dstruccyon, and beggery. what think you wold her noble father. K. H. 8. haue done to his sayd dowghter yff he had know, that she wold so wyckidly haue rulyd and abusid her state as she hath done, fyrst by marieng with a stranger, (and bringing in the vsurpyd autorite off the B of Rome) cōtrary to her sayd fathers mind, for her sayd noble father by his testament and last will gaue her themperiall crown of this realme, but only apon cōdyciō as plaīli apprith by thacte, off {per}liamēt, made for the suc∣sessyon off the croūe ano, 35. H. . so that she wold be rulid by the coūsel, as well in mariage, as in other affayres, as in the same her fathers last wyll esta∣blysshyd by act of {per}liamēt plainly apperith. And whether she haue obied and folowyd, her sayd fathers last wyll, lett all men Iudge.
A00021.P4	A letter vvritten out of England to an English gentleman remaining at Padua containing a true report of a strange conspiracie, contriued betweene Edward Squire, lately executed for the same treason as actor, and Richard Walpoole a Iesuite, as deuiser and suborner against the person of the Queenes Maiestie.	[ "Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626." ]	1599.	By the deputies of Christopher Barker, printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Squire, Edward, d. 1598.", "Walpole, Richard, 1564-1607.", "Great Britain -- History -- Elizabeth, 1558-1603 -- Early works to 1800." ]	SIR, I thanke you for your Relation of Ferra∣ra; and to make you pai∣ment in the like commo∣dities, I returne to you a true report of a fresh ac∣cident of State, happe∣ned here with vs; memo∣rable for the strangenesse of the matter, and the great signification it cari∣eth with it of Gods ex∣traordinarie and most visible prouidence; but other∣wise woorthy to be damned to perpetuall obliuion, as well for the detestable nature of the fact, as yet more (if more were possible) for the impietie of the perswa∣sion; such as I assure you, a man ought to make scruple to infame the times, or infect mens cogitations with the repetition of it, were it not that these workes of darknesse are framed and forged in such a deepe vawte of hypocrisie, as there is more danger, that they should be vnreuealed or vnbeleeued, then that being brought to cleare light, they should prouoke an imitation in a∣ny, of that which is so odious and foule. And this Sir you may beleeue, that as I haue had good meanes, to informe my selfe to the full, of that which passed in this matter, and the trueth of all the particulars, aswell those which were opened at the ar∣reignment of Edward Squire, one of the offenders, as those which were reserued, so I haue set downe this Narration, rather abridged of some circumstances, then any wayes amplified or inlarged. This Squire dwelt in Greenwich diuers yeeres, and tooke vpon him the practise of a Scriuener, yet rather as a helpe to maintaine himselfe for a time, then that he bare a minde to settle in that trade. He obtained also before his going to Sea, for some two yeres space, an imployment about the Queenes Stable, by way of deputation to one Kaies, a Purueiour of those prouisi∣ons. But being of a wit aboue his vocation, disliked with that condition of life, and put himselfe into acti∣on by Sea, in the last voyage Sir Francis Drake made into the Indies; in which voyage, it was his hap, that the Frances (a small barke wherein he went) was scat∣tered from the Fleet about Guadalupe, and taken by iue Spanish frigots. And so was Squire brought pri∣soner into Spaine, where soone after he was set at li∣bertie. Not long after his inlargement, he became known to Richard Walpoole an English fugitiue, and by order a Iesuite, a man of principall credit there, and a kinde of Vicar generall to Parsons in his absence. This Wal∣poole, carrying a waking & waiting eye, vpon those of our Nation, to discouer and single out sit instruments for the greatest treasons, obserued this Squire, found him a man of more then ordinarie sence and capaci∣tie, for his qualitie and education; found him a man, that had passed his middle age, well aduised, and yet resolued enough, and not apprehensiue at all of dan∣ger; (for I doe affirme this vnto you, that neuer man answered vpon his triall for life and death, with lesse perturbation, nay scarsely with any alteration, as if he vnderstood not his perill and calamitie, and yet as sensible for speech, as insensible for passion.) But be∣sides the disposition and temper of the man, Walpoole discerned in him two conditions of speciall aduan∣tage; The one, that comming into Spaine a prisoner, and not a fugitiue, his returne into England would be subiect to lesse suspition: The other, that he vnder∣stood, Squire had formerly had some attendance a∣bout the Queenes Stable, which he streight caught holde of, as an opportunity. Yet neuerthelesse, the better to prepare him, and worke him to his purpose; and the better also to giue couler,(when Squire should returne into England) that he was a man that had suffered in Spaine for his con∣science, subtilly he compassed, that vpon a quarrell picked, Squire was put into the Inquisition. By this meanes, when he had got his heart into his handes, mollified by distresse, and became secure of him, that he was a fixed and resolued Papist. After probation and preparation sufficient, hee be∣gan to open himselfe vnto him; and first for introdu∣ction, fell into the ordinary burden or song, of that kinde of people, touching the tyrannies and persecu∣tions exercised here in England against Catholiques; though Sir, you know very well, the distinction and moderation of the proceedings here in Ecclesiasti∣call causes, with what lenitie, and gentlenesse, it hath bene caried, except where it was mixed with matter of State; for els I would gladly learne, what should make the difference, betweene the temper of the Lawes in the first yeere of the Queene, and in 23. or 27. but that at the one time, they were Papists in con∣science, and at the other they were growne Papists in faction; or what should make the difference at this day in Lawe, betweene a Queene Mary Priest, and a Seminarie Priest, saue that the one is a Priest of super∣sition, and the other is a Priest of sedition. But to the purpose; After the Iesuite had at sundry confe∣rences, discoursed his pleasure of the miseries of Ca∣tholiques here in England, and of the slanders of the gouernment, and vpon how fewe persons liues, the State here did stand; and Squire on the other side, (who wanted no witte to perceiue which way hee was ledde) had first made some signification, and after some more serious and vehement protestation of his minde and deuotion, to doe seruice to the cause, when the wicked Frier fawe hee was gotten into the true circle, hee began to charme; and yet not hauing the power to fall vpon the highest point first, without a gradation or bridge, It were no doubt (saith hee) an acte ery meritorious to kill the Earle of Essex, but Vnum necessarium, One thing is necessary. And hauing kept him in suspence a while, brake with him plainely, and tolde him, that hee would put a seruice into his hands, that he might execute and accomplish, with∣out any euident perill of his life, because it was to be done, what time the Queene her selfe should not bee in presence; (which I thinke he spake as hauing heard that which is very true, of some Conspirators, that hauing vndertaken and vowed her Maiesties destru∣ction, haue neuerthelesse at the very instant of the ac∣cesse and opportunitie, bene stricken with astonish∣ment, and had no power to execute their malice.) Nay further he said, that he should not need to feare, in the doing thereof, to be seene or obserued, by any persons of care or iudgement, but such as might be easily conuersed withall, without suspition: And it was the impoysonment of the pommell of the Queenes Sadell, at such time as shee should ride a∣broad; her Maiestie being like to rest her hand there∣upon, for a good time together, and not vnlike for her hand to come often about her face, mouth, and nose∣thrils; and this by reason of his former acquaintance and seruice about the Stable, he thought hee might easily performe, and safely; And yet he said, If im∣minent death should insue thereupon hee might not ac∣compt of it, as beeing assured that hee should exchange his present state, with the state of a glorious Saint in hea∣uen. Vnto which accursed proposition after that Squire had assented, then did the Frier vse all diligence to confirme and binde him to resolution and perfor∣mance. And to that ende, at sundry confessions tooke his vow and promise to be constant; caused him to receiue the Sacrament vpon it; renued his diuelish perswasions, varying them in all fourmes to besiege his minde and cogitations, that he might finde no way to get out of this wicked purpose; Telling him that he stood now in the state of damnation, if he did not his vttermost endeuour to perfourme his vowe. And bid him remember how that sinne did seldome obtaine par∣don; and if he did but once make doubt of the lawfulnesse or merit of the acte, it was enough to cast him headlong downe into hell; And if he did cast any difficulties or terrors, he wished him to consider What it did auaile a man to winne the whole world, and to leese his owne soule. So as now Squire must not descend into himselfe, he must make no obiections, cast no doubts; but the eyes of his vnderstanding blinded and sealed vp, he must onely contemplate vpon these vowes and adiurations. And for a conclusion and finall benediction of this most execrable plot, Squire kneeling before Wallpoole at confession, he lifted him vp, hugde him about the necke with his left arme (such were Squires owne wordes) and crossing him with the other hand after some wordes mumbled in Latine, sayd distinctly to him in English, God blesse thee and giue thee strength my sonne; be of good courage, I pawne my soule for thine, and thou shalt haue my prayers dead and aliue. And vpon this imbracement and inchantment, this desperate wretch and this blasphemous Exorcist parted for that time. Then doeth he giue him ful instructions for the dis∣posing of this poison; shewing him that he should re∣ceiue it in a double bladder, and when it should bee vsed, hee was to pricke the bladderfull of holes vpon the vpper part, and so to carie it within the palme of his hand with a thicke gloue for the safegard of his hand: and in the instant when it was to be applied, he should turne it in his hand he vpside downe, and so presse it hard vpon the pommell of the saddell: telling him further of the nature of it, That it would lie and tarrie long where it was laide; and that it would not be chec∣ked by the aire. And lastly vpon his comming away, deliuered him the confection it selfe in such a bladder as was before described. This was the true maner of the subornation of Ed∣ward Squire by Richard Wallpoole as it was confessed by the same Squire almost in the same wordes, as well for the perswasions as for the instructions. Which confes∣sion I doe affirme vnto you vpon knowledge was deli∣uered without torture or shewe of torture: and was roundly and sensibly vttered with all circumstances of a credible narration for that part which concerneth the maner of the impoisonment: and for that part which concerneth the manner of the perswasion was set downe by an aduised declaration vnder his owne hand, and the same as farre as hitherto we haue gone, was mainteined and confirmed, and in no point re∣tracted or disauowed, either at his trial or at his death. It seemes also that Wallpoole in some of his confe∣rences did insist vpon the impoisonment of the Earle of Essex, the rather to defeate the voyage by Sea, then exspected (for these things past about May 1597.) So as Squire conceiued it, there could bee no one thing more acceptable in the second degree. Nowe after that Squire had receiued both poisons, as well the spirituall poison of wicked resolution, as the materiall within the bladders; and that Wallpoole had interlaced some promise to him of rewardes and comforts, besides those of the other world, and had schooled him for secrecie, which he made to be parcel of his vow, there rested onely his dispatch for England. Whereunto to giue an apt colour, it was deuised that there should be a permutation treated, by the meanes of a Chanon in Ciuill of two Spanish prisoners here, ta∣ken at Cales, friends of the saide Chanon, for Squire and Rowles nowe Prisoner in the Towre, who came o∣uer with him wherby it might be caried, farre off from suspition, that Squire did not returne as a man imploi∣ed, but vpon that priuate occasion. According to which proiect he was sent away conueniently money∣ed, that he might be the better in heart, and yet not so abundantly as might make him loue his life too well, and to goe away with his fare quietly, though indeed there were more money stirring, but not in that hand. And being arriued here in England about a fort∣night before the Earles setting foorth towardes the Ilandes, hee did addresse himselfe to a Counseller of Estate here, both to shew himselfe to the end to auoid suspition, and with pretence also of some aduertise∣ments, to the ende to winne the better opinion and trust; and finding his comming well conceiued of ac∣cording to his desire, hee did craftily and subtilely de∣uise with himselfe, that if he could finde any opportu∣nitie to execute his purpose before the Earle went, (supposing that the poyson could not worke but in some space of time) it would be more securitie for him to be absent, and in the voyage, left percase some suspi∣tious tokens of poison appearing, somewhat might fall out (vpon such diligent inquisition as in such a case were like to bee made) to bee discouered against him; and therefore made his meanes to goe with the Earle in his Shippe and obtained his sute. So as nowe making his reckoning to haue the peril vpon his back, he did but watch his time. And it pleased God for the manifestation of his glo∣ry, that the Mundaie seuennight next after Squires comming home out of Spaine, he vnderstood that the horses were making readie for her Maiesties riding a∣broad. Whereupon, full of those euill spirites where∣with so many exorcismes had possessed him, hee came into the Stable yard where her Maiesties horse stood ready sadled, and in a familiar and cheerefull maner in the hearing of diuers that stood thereby, hauing all things ready according to his instructions, he laied his hand vpon the pommell of the Saddle, and sayd, God saue the Queene, (wherein it pleased God to take his words and not his meaning) and bruized the poison as he was directed. Thus was her Maiesties sacred and precious life by the All-haile of a second Iudas betrayed, the attempt put in act, and all the Conspirators part plaied to the vttermost line and title; there rested onely Gods part: For so it was, that her Maiesties going abroad held; & as the Viper was vpon S. Pauls hand, and shaked off without hurt; so this done, was in Iuly in the heate of the yeere, when the poores and veines were openest to receiue any maligne vapor or tincture, if her Maiestie by any accident had layd her hand vpon the place. And as the Heathenish people at that time did argue and conclud thereupon, that S. Paul was a God, so wee may christianly inferre that it was Gods doing and power who hath defended his Handmaid and seruant by his secret and more then naturall influence and pre∣seruatiue from so actuall & mortall a danger, speaking by these signes to all her disloyall Subiects and ambiti∣ous enemies, That as he hath done great things by her, past ordinarie discourse of reason, so he hath done, and will doe as great things for her, beyond the course of his ordinarie prouidence. For surely, if a man consider how many times her life hath bene sought and assailed, since the beginning of her raigne, by violence, by poisoning, by superstici∣ous Votaries, by ambicious Vndertakers, by singular Conspirators, by Conspirators combined, (speaking of those that haue bene reuealed, besides a number (no doubt) of the like which haue groueled in darkenesse, and neuer came to light) hee will not find the like re∣flexion of Gods fauour in any Soueraigne Prince that hath reigned. But in the meane time you see the strange mysteries of the Iesuites doctrine that haue mingled heauen and hel, and lift vp the hands of Subiects against the anoin∣ted of God; arming them with the inuisible armour of Scriptures, Sacraments, Vowes, Prayers and Blessings against their naturall Soueraigns. Wherein there is great difference betweene the spirite that wrought in Dauid, and this that worketh in them. For Dauid when relation was made to him (by one that thought he had done Saul the last good office) how Saul had fallen vp∣on his owne sword in battell, and being in the anguish of death, and carefull not to fall aliue in the handes of the Philistims a people vncircumcised desired this sol∣diour to make an ende of him, who did so, and was therefore by Dauid adiudged to die, because hee dared to lay his hands vpon the anointed of the Lord: and yet was Saul a king forsaken and abandoned of God; he had taken his mortall wound before, so as this soldi∣our tooke from him his paine, and not his life; and it was to a good ende, least a heathenish people should reproch the name of God by insulting vpon the per∣son of Saul. And surely for my part I doe wonder that Princes doe not concurre in loosing these bands, and suppres∣sing this Sect, which maketh a traffique of their sacred liues, concluding and contracting for them with these blinded Votaries in the secrecie of confessions and shrifts. For I doe not see that Pirates (whom the Ciui∣lians account to be Publici hostes societatis humanae, and therefore Princes bound as they affirme, though they be otherwise in no league one with an other, yea and though they be enemies, to ioyne in the suppressing & extirpation of them) are any such disturbers of hu∣mane societie as these are. Neither doe I thinke, that the order of the Templers (that was put down through∣out Christendome in a fewe weekes) were euer offen∣ders in so high a degree. And I find somewhat strange that the bishop of Rome (if it were but to auoyd the aspersion of so great a slander and imputation to that Religion) should not purge out this leauen so strange and odious. But to returne: within fiue or sixe dayes after this fact committed, Squire went to Sea in the Erles owne ship, and belike as Tacitus sayth, Ferox scelerum quia prima prouenerant, taking the remaine of the same poi∣son with him in a little pot in his portmantue, when the Earle was at Sea betweene Faial and S Michael, he bestowed it vpon the pommels of a chaire of wood, where the Earle vsed to dine and sup: but thankes be to God nothing came of it neither. Now let me acquaint you a little with the maner of detecting of this matter, which God did likewise strangely bring about. Squire slept now in securitie: for although he failed of successe, yet he tooke him∣selfe to be out of danger: thinking because it was car∣ried betweene his Confessour and him, it could neuer be reuealed. But his Confessour whom it imported not so much to keepe it secret as it did Squire, tickled belike with the ioy, that he had such an iron in the fire, imparted it (for his owne glory) to some princi∣pall of the fugitiues there; This raised a great expecta∣tion in them of some effect to insue. When time pas∣sed, and nothing came of it, they made construction of it, that Squire had beene false to them. One of the more passionate of them inueyeth bitterly against Squire, telles how he was trusted, and how he had vn∣done the cause; and the better to be reuenged on him, is content that one (that they let slip hither as if he had fled from them) should giue information of this mat∣ter, not with the circumstances, but generally against Squire, partly to win himselfe credit, partly to wrecke themselues on Squire. And this fellow, because hee would be thought to do the better seruice, would not bring this in his mouth, but in a letter, which he pre∣tended to haue stolne out of one of their Studies. This letter compared with another letter that the same man brought as written from a seuerall person, both which letters had one and the same busie knot to both names, is suspected to be counterfeited; it is so found. Heereupon it is collected that this was but an engine against Squire, and that he was an honest man. Yet be∣cause it was a tender matter, Squire was sent for and ex∣amined. For a time he denieth; after, he commeth to some circumstances, which concurring with the o∣thers tale, it gaue it to be vnderstood that there was somewhat true, and that all was not an inuention a∣gainst him: Holde was taken of that; and thereupon Squire, not knowing how farre his Confessor had bro∣ken trust with him, by good perswasion, and Gods good working, disclosed all without any rigour in the world. ut vpon a second aduise being a man of a very good reach, finding that it had bene his wisest way to haue confessed the whole plot and subornation which was knowen to Wallpoole, and there to haue stopt, and not to haue tolde of the putting of i in execution, which was onely knowne to himselfe, and which in∣deede was wonne from him by good following, hee endeuoured at his arraignment to haue distinguished, and auowching the first part, to haue retracted the se∣cond; pretending that although he vndertooke it, yet he had not any purpose to performe it. Whereupon one of the Commissioners being wel acquainted with all the particular circumstances, did set before him the absurditie of his deniall against his former confession which was voluntarie, particular, and needlesse (otherwise then in conscience of trueth) vpon which speech hee being stricken with remorse, and conuicted in himselfe, acknowledged and iustified the trueth of his former confession in the hearing of all the standers by. Thus Sir, I haue interteined you with a discourse, which I thinke in reading will affect you diuersly, as it did me in writing; But in the ende I thinke wee shall ioyne in congratulating for our good deliuerance, and desiring of God the continuance of her Maiestie, in whom our good dayes do consist.
A00024.P4	Peace with her foure garders Viz. fiue morall meditations: of concord, chastitie, constancie. Courtesie. Grauitie. Eschew euill, and doe good, seeke peace and ensue it.	[ "Aylett, Robert, 1583-1655?" ]	1622.	Printed [by G. Purslowe] for Iohn Teage, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Ball,	London :	eng	[ "Conduct of life -- Early works to 1800." ]	PEACE WITH HER FOVRE GARDERS. VIZ. Fiue Morall Meditations: OF Concord, Chastitie, Constancie. Courtesie. Grauitie. LONDON, Printed for Iohn Teage, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Ball. 1622. Your Lordships humble seruant, Robert Aylet.
A00026.P4	A Table of the cheiffest citties, and townes in England, as they ly [sic] from London and the distance of miles, howe a man may travill from London to any of them or from any of them to London.	[]	[ca. 1600]	Printed by Walter Dight, at the signe of the Harpe in shoo-lane,	London :	eng	[ "Great Britain -- Cities and towns.", "Broadsides -- London (England) -- 16th century." ]	LONDON
A00028.P4	A True chronologi of all the kings of England from Brute, the first king vnto our most sacred King Charles mo[n]arke of ye whole yies.	[]	1635?]	s.n.,	[London :	eng	[ "Great Britain -- Kings and rulers -- Succession.", "Great Britain -- History." ]	Brutes armes Brute Locrine Madan Mempricius Ebrank Brutegrēshielde Leill Ludrudibras Bladud Leire Cordyla Morgan and Conedagus Riuallo Gurgustus Scicilius Iago Kinimacus Gorbodug Forrex and Porrex Mulmutius armes Mulmutius Belius & Brennus Gurgūstus Guinthelinus Cecilius Kimarus Elanius Morindus Gorbomānus Archigallo Ʋigenius and Peredurus Elidurus Gorbonian Morgan Emerianus Iuall Rymo Gerūcius Catillus Coilus Porer Chirinnus Fulgen Eldred Adrogius Ʋarianus Eliud Dedantius Detonus Gurgineus Merianus Bladunus Capenus Ouinus Silius Bledgabred{us} Archemalus Eldelus Rodianus Redargius Samulius Penisellus Pirrhus Caporus Dinellus Helius Lud Cassiuelane Theomantius Cymbalinus Guiderius Aruiragus Marius Coilus Lucie Seuerus Bassianus Carassus Asclepiodatus Coill Constantius Constantine ma▪ Octauius Traherus Maximus Gratian Constantne Constantius Ʋortiger Ʋortimer Aurelius Ʋther pendragon Arthurs armes Arthur Constantine Aurelius conanus Ʋortiporus Malgo Careticus Cadwan Cadwallin Cadwallader Cadwalladers Armes ye West Saxons Armes Brithricus Egbert Ethelwolphus Ethelwaldus Ethelbert Etheldred Alured Edward Adelstane Edmunde Eldred Edwine Edgar Edward Egelrede Swen Forkbeard Edmunde ironsydes Canutus Haroldharefoote Hardikenitus Edwarde Harolde William Conquers Armes William Cōqueror William Rufus Henri the .i. K. Stephēs armes K. Stephen. Henri ye 2 arme. Henri the .2. Richard the .1. K. Iohn. Henry the .3. Edward the .1. Edward the .2. E. the armes Edward the .3. Richard the .2. Henri the .4. H. the .5. Armes. Henri the. 5. Henri the 6 Edward the .4. Edward the .5. Richard the .3. Henri the .7. Henri the .8. Edward the 6 Queene. Marye .i. Qu. Elizabeth. the Kīges armes King Iames King Charles Queene Marye Prince Charles
A00033.P4	Aduertisments partly for due order in the publique administration of common prayers and vsinge the holy sacramentes, and partly for the apparrell of all persons ecclesiasticall by vertue of the Queenes Maiesties letters commaunding the same, the xxv. day of January, in the seuenth yeare of the raigne of Oure Soueraigne Lady Elyzabeth, by the grace of God, of Englande, Fraunce and Irelande Queene, defender of the fayth, &c.	[ "England and Wales. Sovereign (1558-1603 : Elizabeth I)", "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1559-1575 : Parker)" ]	[1569?]	By Reginalde Wolfe,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Customs and practices." ]	FIrste, that all they whiche shalbe ad∣mitted to preache, shalbee diligentlye examined for theire conformity in v∣nity of doctrine, established by pub∣lique authoritye: and admonished to vse sobriety and discretion in teachinge the people, namely in matters of controuersy: and to consider the grauity of their office, and to foresee with dili∣gence the matters which they will speake, to vtter them to the edification of the Audience. Item, that they sette owte in theire preachinge the reuerent estimation of the holye Sacramentes of Baptisme and the Lordes supper, excitinge the people to thoften and deuoute receauing of the ho∣ly Communion of the body and bludde of Christe, in suche forme as is already prescribed in the booke of Common prayer: and as it is further declared in an Homily concerninge the vertue and efficacye of the sayde Sacramentes. Item, that they moue the people to all obedience, aswell in obseruation of the orders appoynted in the booke of Common seruice, as in the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions, as also of all other ciuill duetyes due for subiectes to doe. Item, that al licences for preaching, graunted out by ye Archebysshop & Bysshopes wtin the prouince of Canterbury, bearing date before the first day of marche 1564 be voyde and of none effect, and neuer∣thelesse all suche as shalbe thought meete for the of∣fice, to be admitted agayne without difficultye or charge, payinge no more but iiij. pens for the wri∣ting, parchement and waxe. Item, yf any Preacher or parson, vicar or curate so licensed, shall fortune to preache anye matter tendinge to dissention, or to the derogation of the religion and doctrine receyued, that the hearers de∣nounce the same to the Ordinaryes, or the next Bis∣shoppe of the same place: but no man openly to con∣trary or to impugne the same speache so disorderly vttered: wherby may growe offence and disquiet of the people, but shalbe conuinced and reproued by the Ordinary after suche agreable order, as shall be seene to him according to the grauity of the offence. And that it bee presented within one moneth after the wordes spoken. Item, that they vse not to exact or receaue vnrea∣sonable rewardes or stipendes of the poore Pa∣stors, comminge to theyre Cures to preache, wher∣bye they myght bee noted as folowers of filthye lucre, rather then vse thoffice of preaching of Cha∣ritye and good zeale, to the saluation of mens soules. Item, if the Parson be able, he shall preache in his own person euery thre moneths, or els shall preache by an other, so that his absence be approued by the Ordinary of ye dioces in respecte of sickenes, seruice or studye at the Vniuersities. Neuerthelesse yet for wante of able Preachers and Parsons, to tolerate them without penaltye, so that they preache in theyre owne persons, or by a learned substitute, once in euery three monethes of the yeare. FIrst, that the Cōmon prayer be saide or songe decently and distinctly, in suche place as the Or∣dinary shall thinke meete for the largenesse and streightnesse of the Churche and quire, so that the people may be moste edified. Item, that no Parson or curate, not admitted by the bysshoppe of the dioces to preache, do expounde in his owne Cure or other where, any scripture or matter of doctrine or by the waye of exhortation, but onely study to reade grauelye and aptlye, with∣out any glosinge of the same, or any additions, the homilyes already sette owte, or other suche necessa∣ry doctrine as is, or shalbe prescribed for the quyet instruction and edification of the people. Item, that in Cathedrall churches & colledges the holy Communion be ministred vpon the first or se∣conde sonday of euerye moneth at the leaste. So that both Deane, prebendaries, preistes & clerkes, do receyue: and all other of discretion of the funda∣tion, do receaue foure tymes in the yeare at the least. Item, in the ministration of the holy Communi∣on in Cathedrall and Collegiat Churches, ye prin∣cipall minister shal vse a Cope, with Gospeller and Epistoler agreeably: and at all other prayers to be sayde at that Communion table, to vse no Copes but Surplesses. Item, that the Deane and Prebendaries weare a Surplesse with a silke Hoode in the Quyer: and when they preache in the Cathedrall or Collegiate churche, to weare theyre Hoode. Item, that euery Minister sayinge any publique prayers, or ministringe the Sacramentes, or other rites of the churche, shall weare a comely Surples with sleeues, to bee prouided at the charges of the Parishe: and that the Parishe prouide a decente table standinge on a frame, for the Communion table. Item, they shal decentlie couer with Carpet, silke or other decente coueringe, and with a fayre lynnen clothe (at the tyme of the ministration) the Com∣munyon table: and to sett the tenne Commaunde∣mentes vppon the East walle ouer the said table. Item, that al communicātes do receaue kneeling▪ and as is appointed by the lawes of the Realme, and the Queenes maiestyes Iniunctions. Item, that the fonte be not remoued, nor that the Curate do baptise in parishe Churches in any Ba∣sons, nor in anye other forme then is alredie pre∣scribed, without charginge the parent to be present or absent at the Christening of his childe, although the parent may bee present or absent, but not to an∣swere as Godfather for his childe. Item, that no childe bee admitted to answere as Godfather or godmother, except the childe hath re∣ceaued the Communion. Item, that there be none other holidayes obserued besides the Sundayes, but onely suche as be set out for holidayes, as in the Statute Anno quinto & sexto Edwardi sexti, & in the new kalender autho∣rysed by the Queenes maiesty. Item, that when any Christian bodye is in pas∣sing, that the bell be tolled, and that the Curate be specially called for to comforte the sicke person: and after the tyme of his passinge, to ringe no more but one shorte peale: and one before the buriall, and an other shorte peale after the buriall. Item, that on Sundaies there be no shoppes opē, nor artificers commonlye goinge aboute theire af∣faires worldly. And that in all Faires and common markets, sallinge vppon the sunday, there be no she∣wing of any wares before the Seruice be done. Item, that in the Rogation dayes of procession, they singe or saye in Englishe the twoo Psalmes beginninge, Benedic anima mea. &c. with the Letanye and Suffrages there vnto, with one Ho∣melye of thankes geuinge to God, already deuised and diuided into foure partes, without addition of any superstitiouse ceremonyes heretofore vsed. FIrst, againste the day of giuing of orders ap∣poynted, the Bysshoppe shall geue open moni∣tions to all men, to except agaynste suche as they knowe not to be worthy, either for life or con∣uersation. And there to giue notice that none shall sewe for orders, but within theire owne Dioces where they weare borne, or had theire longe tyme of dwellinge, except suche, as shall bee of degree in the Vniuersities. Item, that younge Preistes or Ministers, made or to be made, be so instructed, that they bee able to make apte aunsweres is concerninge the forme of the Catechisme prescribed. Item, that no Curate or Minister bee permitted to serue without examination and admission of ye Ordinary or his deputy, in writing, hauing respect, to the greatnes of the Cure, and the meetenes of the party: and that the sayde Ministers if they re∣mooue from one Dioces to an nother, bee by no meanes admitted to serue, without testimonye of the Diocesan from whence they come, in writing, of their honesty, and ability. Item, that the Bysshop doe call home once in the yeare any Prebendary in his Churche, or beneficed in the Dioces whiche studieth at the Vniuersities, to knowe how hee profiteth in learninge: and that he be not suffered to bee a seruinge or a waytinge man dissolutely. Item, that at the Archedeacons, visitation, the Archedeacon shall appoynte the Curates to cer∣tayne taxes of the newe Testamente, to bee conde without booke. And at theire nexte Synode to ex∣acte a rehearsall of theym. Item, that the Churchewardens once in ye quar∣ter declare by theyre Curates in billes subscribed with their handes to the Ordinarye or to the nexte officer vnder him, who they bee whiche will not readyly paye theire penalties for not comminge to Goddes diuine seruice accordingly. Item, that the Ordinaries doe vse good diligente examination, to foresee all Simoniacall pactes or couenaunts with the Patrons or presenters, for the spoyle of their glebe, tithes, or mansion houses. Item, that no persons be suffered to marye with∣in the Leuiticall degrees mentioned in a Table set forthe by the Archebysshoppe of Caunterburye in that behalfe, Anno Domini 1563. and if any suche bee, to be separated by order of lawe. FIrst, that al Archebysshoppes and Bysshoppes do vse & continewe their accustomed apparrell. Item, that all Deanes of cathedrall churches, Masters of Colledges, all Archedeacons, and other dignities in Cathedral churches: doctors, bachelers of Diuinitye and Lawe, hauing any Ecclesiasticall liuinge, shall weare in their common apparrell a∣brode, a syde gowne with sleeues streyght at the hande, without any cuttes in the same. And that al∣so without any fallinge cape: and to weare typpets of sarcenet, as is lawfull for them by thact of parli∣ament, Anno 24. Henrici octaui. Item, that all doctors of Physick, or of any other facultye, hauinge any liuinge ecclesiasticall, or any other that may dispende by the churche one hūdred markes, so to bee estemed by the fruites or tenthes of their promotions: and all Prebendaries, whose promotions be valued at twēty pound or vpward, weare the like apparrell. Item, that they and all ecclesiasticall persons, or other hauinge any ecclesiasticall liuinge, doe weare the cappe appointed by the Iniunctions. And they to weare no hattes but in their iourneinge. Item, that they in theyre iourneinge do weare theire clokes with sleeues put on, and lyke in fasshi∣on to their gownes, without gards, welts, or cuts. Item, that in their priuate howses and Studies, they vse their owne liberty of comely apparrell. Item, that all inferiour Ecclesiasticall persons shall weare longe gownes of the fasshion afore∣sayde, and cappes as afore is prescribed. Item, that all poore Parsons, vicars and curates do endeuor themselues to conforme their apparrell in like sorte, so soone and as conuenientlye as theire abilitye will serue to the same. Prouided that their abilitye bee iudged by the Bysshop of the Dioces. And yf theire abilitye will not suffer to buye them longe gownes of the forme afore prescribed, that then they shall weare their shorte gownes, agrea∣ble to the forme before expressed. Item, that al suche persons as haue ben or be Ec∣clesiasticall, and serue not the minysterie, or haue not accepted or shall refuse to accepte the othe of o∣bedience to the Queenes Maiesty, doe from hence∣fourth abrode weare none of the sayde apparrell of the forme & fasshion aforesayde, but to go as mere laye men, till they bee reconciled to obedience: and who shall obstinately refuse to do the same, yt they bee presented by the Ordinarye to the Commissio∣ners in causes Ecclesiasticall, and by them to be re∣formed accordingly. IN primis, I shall not preache or publiquely in∣terprete, but onelye reade that whiche is appoin∣ted by publique authoritye, without speciall license of the Bysshoppe vnder his seale. I shall reade the seruice appoynted, plainly, distin∣ctly and audibly, that all the people may heare and vnderstande. I shall keepe the Register booke accordinge to the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions. I shall vse sobrietye in apparrell, and specially in the Churche at Common prayers, accordinge to order appoynted. I shall moue the parishioners to quiet and con∣corde, and not geue them cause of offence, and shall helpe to reconcile them whiche be at variaunce, to my vttermoste power. I shall reade dayly at the leaste one chapter of the Olde Testament, and an other of the Newe with good aduisement, to thincrease of my knowledge. I do also faithfully promise in my person, to vse & exercise my office and place to the honor of God, to the quiet of ye Qeenes subiects within my charge, in truth, concorde and vnitye. And also to obserue, keepe and mentayne suche order and vniformity in all externall policye, Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, as by the lawes, good vsuages and orders are allready well prouided and established. I shall not openlye intermedle with any artificers occupacions, as couetouslye to seeke a gayne there∣by, hauinge in Ecclesiasticall lyuinge to the somme of twenty Nobles or aboue by yeare.
A00034.P4	Susanna: or, the arraignment of the two vniust elders	[ "Aylett, Robert, 1583-1655?" ]	1622.	Printed for Iohn Teague, and are to be sold at his shoppe in Paules Church-yard at the signe of the Ball,	London :	eng	[ "Susanna -- (Biblical figure) -- Poetry." ]	SVSANNA: OR, THE ARRAIGNMENT OF THE TWO VN∣IVST ELDERS. That which is iust and right shalt thou follow, that thou maist liue and enioy the Land which the Lord thy God giueth thee. LONDON, Printed for Iohn Teage, and are to be sold at his shoppe in Paules Church-yard at the signe of the Ball. 1622.
A00044.P4	A declaration of certaine principall articles of religion set out by the order of both archbishops metropolitans, and the rest of the byshops, for the vnitie of doctrine to be taught and holden by all parsons, vicars, and curates aswell in testification of their common consent in the sayde doctrin, to the stopping of the mouthes of them that go about to slaunder the ministers of the church for diuersitie of iudgement, as necessarie for the instruction of their people, to be read by the syd parsons, vicars and curates, at their possession taking or first entrie into their cures, and also after that yeerely at two several times, that is to say, the Sundayes next following Easter day and Saint Michael tharchangell, or on some other Sunday within one moneth after those feastes, immediatly after the gospell.	[ "Church of England." ]	[1579?]	By Christopher Barker, printer to the Queenes Maiestie,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England. -- Thirty-nine Articles.", "Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century." ]	FOrasmuch as it appertaineth to all Christian men, but especially to the ministers and the pastours of the Church, being teachers & instructers of others, to be ready to giue a rea∣son of their faith when they shalbe thereunto required: I for my part nowe appointed your Parson, Vicar, or Curate, hauing before mine eyes the feare of God, & the testimo∣nie of my conscience, do acknowledge for my selfe, and require you to assent to the same. i Fyrst that there is but one liuing and true God, of infinite power, wisedome, & good∣nesse, the maker and preseruer of all things, and that in vnitie of this Godhead, there be three persons of one substance, of equall power and eternitie, the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost. ii I beleeue also whatsoeuer is conteined in the holy Canonicall Scriptures, in the which Scriptures are conteined all things necessarie to saluation, by the which also al errours & heresies may sufficiently be reproued and conuicted, and all doctrine and Articles necessarie to saluation establyshed. I do also most firmely beleeue and confesse all the Articles conteined in the three Creedes: the Nicene Creede, Athana∣sius Creede, and our common Creede, called the Apostles Creede: for these do briefly conteine the princi∣pall Articles of our faith, which are ar large set forth in the holy Scriptures. iii I acknowledge also that Church to be the spouse of Christ, wherein the word of God is truly taught, the Sacraments orderly ministred according to Christes institution, and the authoritie of the keys duely vsed. And that euery such particular Church hath authoritie to institute, to change, & cleane to put away Ceremonies and other Ecclesiasticall rites, as they be superfluous, or be abused, and to constitute other, making more to seemelynesse, to order, or edification. iiii Moreouer I confesse that it is not lawfull for any man to take vpon him any office or ministery, ey∣ther Ecclesiastical or secular, but such onely as are lawfully thereunto called by their high authorities, ac∣cording to the ordinances of this Realme. v Furthermore I do acknowledge the Queenes Maiesties prerogatiue, and superioritie of gouerne∣ment of all estates & in all causes, aswel Ecclesiasticall as Temporal, within this Realme, & other her do∣minions & countreys, to be agreeable to Gods word, & of right to appertaine to her highnesse, in such sort as is in ye late Act of Parliament expressed, & sithens by her Maiesties Iniūctions declared & expounded. vi Moreouer, touching the Byshop of Rome, I do acknowledge and confesse, that by the Scriptures and word of God, he hath no more authoritie then other Byshops haue in their prouinces and diocesses: And therefore ye power which he now challengeth, that is, to be ye supreme head of the vniuersall Church of Christ, and so to be aboue all Emperours, Kinges, and Princes, is an vsurped power, contrary to the Scriptures and worde of God, and contrary to the example of the primitiue Church. And therefore is for most iust causes taken away, and abolyshed within this Realme. vii Furthermore I do graunt and confesse, that the booke of common prayer & administration of the holy Sacraments, set forth by authoritie of parliament, is agreeable to the Scriptures, & that it is Ca∣tholike, Apostolike, & most for the aduauncing of Gods glory, and the edifying of Gods people, both for that it is in a tongue that may be vnderstanded of the people, and also for the doctrine and fourme of mi∣nistration contained in the same. viii And although in the administration of Baptisme, there is neyther exorcisme, oyle, salt, spittle, or ha∣lowing of the water nowe vsed. And for that they were of late yeeres abused, and esteemed necessarie, where they perteine not to the substance and necessitie of the Sacrament, they be reasonably abolyshed: and yet the Sacrament ful and perfectly ministred to all intents and purposes agreeable to the instituti∣on of our Sauiour Christ. ix Moreouer I do not onely acknowledge, that priuate masses were neuer vsed amongst the fathers of the primitiue Church, I meane publike ministration & receiuing of the Sacrament by the priest alone, without a iust number of communicants, according to Christes saying, Take ye, and eate ye, &c. but also that the doctrine, which maintaineth the masse to be a propitiatorie sacrifice for the quicke and the dead, and a meane to deliuer soules out of purgatorie, is neyther agreeable to Christs ordinance, nor grounded vpon doctrine Apostolike, but contrarywise most vngodly & most iniurious to the precious redemption of our Sauiour Christ, and his onely sufficient sacrifice offered once for euer vpon the altar of the crosse. x I am of that minde also, that the holy Communion or Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ, for the due obedience to Christes institution, and to expresse the vertue of the same, ought to be ministred vn∣to the people vnder both kindes, & that it is auouched by certaine fathers of the Church, to be a plaine sa∣criledge to robbe them of the mysticall cup, for whom Christ hath shed his most precious bloud: Seing he him selfe hath said, Drinke ye all of this. Considering also that in the time of the auncient doctours of the Church, as Ciprian, Ierome, Augustine, Gelasius & others, vi.C. yeeres after Christ and more, both the partes of the Sacrament were ministred to the people. Last of all, as I do vtterly disalowe the extolling of Images, Relickes, and fayned myracles, and al∣so all kindes of expressing God inuisible, in the fourme of an olde man, or the holy Ghost, in fourme of a Doue, and all other vaine worshipping of God, deuised by mans fantasie, besides or contrary to ye Scrip∣tures: (as wandring on pilgrimages, setting vp of candles, praying vpon beades, & such like superstition,) which kinde of workes haue no promise of reward in scripture, but contrarywise threatnings and male∣dictions: So I do exhort all men to the obedience of Gods lawe, and to the woorkes of faith, as charitie, mercie, pitie, almes, deuout and feruent prayer with thaffection of the heart, & notwith the mouth one∣ly, godly abstinence & fasting, chastitie, obedience to the rulers & superiour powers, with such like works and godlynes of life, commaunded by God in his word: which as Saint Paul saith, hath promises both of this life, and of the life to come, and are workes onely acceptable in Gods sight. These thinges aboue rehearsed, though they be appointed by common order, yet do I without all compulsion, with freedome of minde & conscience, from the bottome of my heart, and vpon most sure per∣swasion, acknowledge to be true and agreeable to Gods word. And therefore I exhort you al, of whom I haue cure, heartily & obediently to embrace and receiue the same, that we al ioyning together in vnitie of spirit, faith, & charitie, may also at length be ioyned together in ye kingdome of God, & that through the ts and death of our Sauiour Iesus Christ. To whom with the Father and the holy Ghost be all ry and empire, nowe and for euer. Amen.
A00049.P4	Thrifts equipage Viz. fiue diuine and morall meditations, of 1. Frugalitie. 2. Prouidence. 3. Diligence. 4. Labour and care. 5. Death.	[ "Aylett, Robert, 1583-1655?" ]	1622.	Printed [by G. Purslowe] for Iohn Teage, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Ball,	London :	eng	[ "Conduct of life -- Early works to 1800." ]	THRIFTS EQVIPAGE: Viz. Fiue Diuine and Morall Meditations, OF 1. Frugalitie. 2. Prouidence. 3. Diligence. 4. Labour and Care. 5. Death. LONDON, Printed for Iohn Teage, and are to be sold at his shop in Pauls Church-yard at the signe of the Ball. 1622.
A00075.P4	Capitula siue constitutiones ecclesiasticæ per Archiepiscopum, episcopos, & reliquum clerum Cantuariensis prouinciæ in synodo inchoata Londini vicesimo quinto die mensis Octobris, anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo septimo ... congregatos tractatæ, ac posteà per ipsam Regiam Maiestatem approbatæ & confirmatæ, & vtríque prouinciæ tam Cantuariensi quàm Eboracensi vt diligentiùs obseruentur, eadem regia authoritate sub magno Sigillo Angliæ promulgatæ.	[ "Church of England." ]	Anno Domini 1597.	Excudebant deputati Christopheri Barker, Regiæ Maiestatis typographi,	Londini :	lat	[ "Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800.", "Ecclesiastical law -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800." ]	PRimò cautum est, ne quis post∣hac ad sacros ordines suscipi∣atur, qui non eodem quoque tempore praesentationem sui∣ipsius ad beneficium aliquod intra Diocoesim siue Iurisdic∣tionem eiusdem Episcopi a quo sacros ordines petit, tunc vacans exhibuerit: Vel qui non eidem Episcopo certum, verum & indubitatum Certificatorium at∣tulerit de ecclesia aliqua intra Diocoesim siue Iuris∣dictionem dicti Episcopi, in qua curae animarum inseruire possit: Vel qui in aliqua Cathedrali aut Collegiata Ecclesia, vel Collegio Cantabrigiensi aut Oxoniensi non fuerit constitutus: Vel saltem qui ab eodem Episcopo in Beneficium aliquod, si∣ue ad Curam (vti vocant) inseruiendum tunc eti∣am vacantem, non sit mox admittendus. Deinde, ne quis Episcopus posthac aliquē in sa∣cros ordines cooptet, qui non ex sua ipsius diocoesi fuerit: nisi vel ex altera nostratium Academiarum prodierit: vel nisi literas (vt loquuntur) dimissorias ab Episcopo cuius Diocoesanus existit, attulerit, & vicesimum quartum aetatis suae annū iam comple∣uerit, ac etiam in altera dictarum Academiarum gradum aliquem scholasticū susceperit: Vel saltem nisi rationem fidei suae iuxta Articulos illos Religi∣onis in Synodo Episcoporum & Cleri approbatos Latino sermone reddere possit, adeò vt sacrarum literarum testimonia, quibus eorundem articulo∣rum veritas innititur, recitare etiam valeat: Ac vl∣teriùs, de vita sua laudabili, & morum integritate literas testimoniales sub Sigillo vel alicuius Col∣legij Cantabrigiensis aut Oxoniensis, vbi antea moram fecerit, vel alicuius Iusticiarij ad pacem Dominae Reginae conseruandam assignati, vnà cum subscriptione & testimonio aliorum proborum & fide dignorum hominum eiusdem paroeciae, vbi per tres annos ante proximè elapsos commoratus est, exhibeat. Vt{que} hi sacri ordines diebus tantum∣modo Dominicis, ac festiuis, id{que} publicè ac tem∣pestiuè in ecclesia vbi Episcopus moram traxerit, conferantur: Prouiso semper, vt vtriusque Acade∣miae Collegiorum Socij, qui suorum Collegiorum statutis ad sacros ordines intra certum tempus sus∣cipiendos tenentur, hoc decreto (quantum ad aeta∣tem attinet) non obligentur. Quod si verò aliquis Episcopus aliquem ad sacros ordines admiserit, qui praedictis qualitatibus non sit praeditus, is per Ar∣chiepiscopum, assidente sibi hac in parte vno alio Episcopo, ab ordinatione Ministrorum & Diaco∣norum per integrum biennium suspendatur, ac eam praetereà poenam incurrat, quae de Iure in eius∣modi Episcopos qui ad ordines Ecclesiasticos sine titulo aliquem promouebunt, statuitur. Adhaec, ne quis Episcopus aliquem in benefici∣um (vti vocant) instituat, nisi qui praedictis condi∣tionibus ornatus fuerit. Si verò Curia de Archubus aut Audientiae per viam duplicis querelae, seu alio quouis modo contra Episcopum hac in parte agat, quia homines mini∣mè idoneos ac habiles admittere renuit: tunc lice∣bit Archiepiscopo, vel authoritate propria vel gra∣tia speciali a regia Maiestate impetrata, eiusmodi processus amputare, quò laudabilis Episcopi indu∣stria debitum ea ratione sortiatur effectum. Denique, vt quolibet anno ad festum Sancti Mi∣chaelis Archangeli, vel intra sex hebdomadas i∣dem festum subsequentes, vnusquisque Episcopus numerū, nomina, gradus & qualitates eorum om∣nium, quos in sacros ordines, vel in aliqua Benefi∣cia eodem anno praecedente promouerit, ad Ar∣chiepiscopum transmittat. QVòd nemini in posterum facultas siue indul∣gentia concedetur de pluribus beneficijs si∣mul retinendis, nisi huiusmodi tantùm, qui pro eruditione sua & maximē digni, & ad officium su∣um pleniùs praestandum maximè habiles & idonei censebuntur: Nimirum, vt is qui huiusmodi facul∣tate fruiturus est, sit ad minimùm artium magister, & publicus ac idoneus verbi diuini Concionator: Ita tamen vt idonea etiam cautione obstrictus te∣neatur, de personali sua residentia in singulis Bene∣ficijs per bonam anni cuiusque partem facienda, & quòd eiusmodi Beneficia triginta milliarium spatio ad summum non distent abinuicem, Deni{que} quòd idoneum Curatum habeat, qui plebem eius Paroe∣ciae in qua non residebit, instituat ac informet, mo∣dò facultates eiusdem Beneficij talem commodè sustinere posse Archiepiscopo, vel eius Diocoeseos Episcopo videbuntur. QVoniam ecclesiarum Cathedralium Canonici siue Praebendarij ecclesiastica beneficia curata alibi saepiùs possident, & tamen praetendentes se ra∣tione Praebendatum suarum a residentia in Curatis Beneficijs liberos & immunes, ad Cathedrales conuolant, ibi{que} moram faciunt longiorem: Vnde nec curae parochianorum illis commissae satis pro∣spicitur, nec pauperes domi suae (sicuti difficultas huius temporis exigit) aluntur atque sustentantur: Idcirco nos huic malo prouidere desiderantes, de∣cernendū censemus, vt omnes & singuli Canonici siue Praebendarij qui beneficia curata vnū siue duo obtinēt (nec Residentiarij necessarij in suis ecclesijs Cathedralibus existūt) vltra tempus quo in Cathe∣dralibus residere tenentur, a Beneficijs suis Curatis praetextu praebendarum se non absentent: Et si ali∣qui eorum, qui ad necessariam residentiam in Ec∣clesijs Cathedralibus non tenentur, vltra tempus vnius mensis aliquo anno, in Ecclesia illa Cathe∣drali moram traxerint, eos arctari volumus ad fa∣miliam in Beneficio suo Curato (non obstante mo∣ra in Cathedrali) alendam, & Hospitalitatem exer∣cendam, toto reliquo tempore quo a Curato abfu∣erint. Quod autem ad eos attinet, qui ad residen∣tiam in ecclesijs Cathedralibus faciendam, per or∣dinationes illius Ecclesiae obligantur, & commu∣nis diuidentiae participes sunt, eos ita inter se anni tēpora partiri volumus quoad residentiam in Ca∣thedralibus habendam, vt eorum aliqui in Eccle∣sijs illis semper adsint, & personaliter resideant. Ac quò haec omnia melius peragantur, Episcopi, vel alij ad quos per ecclesiae statuta vel ordinationes pertinet, in suis respectiuè Ecclesijs diligenter pro∣uidebunt. CVm Beneficium propter Officium conferri de∣beat, aequum existimamus, vt ecclesiarum Ca∣thedralium Decani & Canonici omnes & singuli, qui in sacris ordinibus sunt constituti, & ad Con∣ciones habendas in Ecclesijs suis Cathedralibus, de Iure, Statutis, Ordinationibus, aut laudabili consuetudine illius Ecclesiae tenentur, in personis suis proprijs eas praestent, nec vicaria in ea re opera vtantur, nisi ex causa aegritudinis, aut alia legitima impediti, Concanonicum suum, vel alium in Theo∣logia eruditum ac ad concionandum authoritate sufficienti approbatum sua vice substituant. Quòd si qui huiusmodi Decani aut Canonici officium ea in re neglexerint, per Episcopum vel eos ad quos iurisdictio pertinet, quoad se debitè correxe∣rint, suspendantur. QVandoquidem honestae, clarae, ac illustris con∣ditionis homines, siue vrgente aliqua necessi∣tate, siue alijs non contemnendis rationibus, matri∣monium aliquando celebrandi causas habere pos∣sunt, facultate sibi de Bannis matrimonialibus aut non omninò, aut semel iterúmue denunciandis in∣dulta, sine aliquo graui scandalo seu detrimento: Idcircò ad euitanda generaliter quae hac in parte notantur incommoda, visum est caueri ne vllae fa∣cultates siue Indulgentiae de celebrando absque bannis matrimonio concedantur, nisi idonea cau∣tio priùs sub hisce conditionibus ineatur: nimirùm, primò quòd nullum posteà constabit impedimen∣tum praecontractus, consanguinitatis, affinitatis, vel vllius alterius legitimae causae cuiuscun{que} ratione. Secundò, quòd eo tempore quo eiusmodi facul∣tas siue indulgentia concedetur, nulla controuersia, lis seu querela mota est, vel dependet coram aliquo Iudice ecclesiastico aut ciuili, de eiuscemodi legiti∣mo impedimento matrimonij inter huiusmodi personas contrahendi aut contracti: Ac tertiò, quòd ad nuptiarum solemnizationem, non acce∣dent, nisi assensu & expresso consensu parentum si∣ue tutorum priùs impetrato: Et vlteriùs quòd ma∣trimonij celebratio publicè ac tempestiuè in fa∣cie ecclesiae fiet. Cuius quidem cautionis formula seu exemplar in scriptis concipietur, ac vnicuique Episcopo in sua cuiusque Diocoesi imitanda pro∣ponetur. Praetereà adijciendum putamus, ne cuiquam lice∣at Episcopalem dignitatem non obtinenti (Com∣missario ad facultates, ac Vicarijs generalibus Ar∣chiepiscopi & Episcoporum, sede plena: & sede vacante Custodibus Spiritualitatis ac Ordinarijs, Episcopalem iurisdictionem de Iure exercentibus, in suis iurisdictionibus respectiuè exceptis) licen∣tiam celebrandi matrimonia sine bannis concede∣re: Ea verò duntaxat per se, ac sub manuum suarum suscriptione, non per Deputatos aut Surrogatos suos, nec alijs quam suae iurisdictioni subditis con∣cedatur. Nulli autem cuiuscunque sexus, dignita∣tis aut ordinis (in parentum seu gubernatorum cu∣ra & regimine existenti) concedatur, nisi priùs constiterit de expresso consensu parentum vel gu∣bernatorum suorum (si fortè parentes excesserinte vita) idque parentum significatione, aut guberna∣torum Iudici personaliter facta: vel Chirographis ipsorum, quibus fidem habendam esse non puta∣mus, nisi per nuncios honestae conditionis & famae illesae mittantur, qui fidem faciant se de parentum aut gubernatorum manu Chirographa huiusmodi recepisse veris nominibus ac cognominibus per huiusmodi nuncios designandorum: Cuius Chi∣rographi exhibitionis, ac Iuramenti per nuncium praestiti actum conscribi volumus. Nec verò alijs concedantur huiusmodi indulgentiae, quam illustris & clarae conditionis hominibus, nisi vrgens necessi∣tas intercesserit, eaque Iudici cognita fuerit. Praetereà in ipso dispensationis siue Licentiae tenore, Ecclesia habitationis siue commorationis alterius contrahentium, vel parentum & guberna∣torum suorum exprimatur, & tempus diei etiam congruum, nempè inter horas octauam & duode∣cimam ante meridiem assignetur. Nec sine indulgentia a competente Iudice con∣cessa, Minister aliquis matrimonium celebret, nisi trina bannorum denunciatione (per legitima in∣terualla) interueniente, sub poena constitutionibus Prouinciablibus praescripta. Prouiso semper, quòd quicunque contra hanc ordinatiouem deliquerit, ab executione officij per superiorem per sex integros menses suspendetur: & licentia huiusmodi viribus carebit, & pro nulla quoad poenam personis clandestinas nuptias cele∣brantibus imponendam habebitur. ET quia matrimoniales causae, inter maiores huc∣usque semper habitae fuerunt: Idcircò cum de matrimonijs in Indicijs disceptatur, cautiùs agi oportet, praesertìm verò cum matrimonium in Ec∣clesia solemnizatum, praetextu aliquo separari, vel nullum pronunciari postuletur, aequum igitur vi∣sum est. Primùm vt in huiusmodi diuortiorum & nulli∣tatis matrimonij processibus, deliberatè proceda∣tur, ac quantum fieri poterit, rei veritas, testium de∣positionibus, aliis{que} probationibus legitimis erua∣tur, nec partium confessioni (quae in hijs causis sae∣pè fallax est) temeré confidatur. Tùm vt nullae posthac sententiae vel separationis a thoro & mensa, vel nullitatis matrimonij ferantur, nisi publicè, ac pro tribunali, & de scientia & con∣sensu vel Archiepiscopi, infra Prouinciam suam, vel Episcopi infra propriam diocoesim, Decani de Ar∣cubus, Iudicis Audientiae Cantuariensis, aut Vica∣riorum generalium, aliorumue Officialium princi∣palium, vel sede vacante Custodum spiritualitatis, aut aliorum Ordinariorum, quibus de Iure compe∣tit in suis respectiuè Iurisdictionibus ac Curijs, at{que} inter suae iurisdictionis subditos tantùm, Deinde vt in Sententijs quando ad separationem Thori & mensae tantùm interponuntur, monitio & prohibi∣tio fiat, vt a partibus ab inuicem segregatis castè viuatur, nec ad alias nuptias alterutra viuente con∣uoletur: Denique, quò postremum illud firmiùs obseruetur, sententia separationis no anteà pro∣nunciabitur, quàm qui eam postulauerint, cautio∣nem fideiussoriam sufficientem interposuerint, se contra monitionem & prohibitionem nihil com∣missuros. Iudex autem qui sententiam separationis seu di∣uortij tulerit, & praemissa omnia non praestiterit, per tres integros menses ab executione Officij sui per Diocoesanum suum suspendetur: Et sententia separationis contra formam praedictam lata, pro nulla ad omnem Iuris effectum habebitur, ac si omnino lata non fuisset. QVia Excommunicationis vsus in ecclesia per∣petuae legis vigorem iam obtinuit, at{que} in omni iurisdictione ecclesiastica exercenda hucus{que} reti∣netur, ideò abs{que} grandi mutatione totius eiusce iu∣risdictionis & plurimarum huius regni legum inno∣uari vel alterari nequit: Nihilominus vt Excom∣municatio (quae authoritatis ac disciplinae ecclesia∣sticae quasi neruus quidam, ac vinculum habenda est) ad pristinum suum vsum, decus & dignitatem reducatur: Cautum est vt quotiescun{que} censura ista in immediatam poenam cuiusuis notoriè haereseos, schismatis, symoniae, periurij, vsurae, incestus, adul∣terij, seu grauioris alicuius criminis venerit infligen∣da, sententia ipsa vel per Archiepiscopum, Episco∣pum, Decanum, Archidiaconum vel Praebendari∣um (modò sacris ordinibus & ecclesiastica iurisdi∣ctione praeditus fuerit) in propria persona pronun∣ciabitur, vna cum eiusmodi frequentia & assistentia quae ad maiorem rei authoritatem conciliandam conducere videbitur. Denique quod vnusquisque Vicarius generalis, Officialis, seu Cōmissarius, qui ordines ecclesiasti∣cos non susceperit, eruditū aliquem praesbyterum sibi accerset & associabit, qui sufficienti authoritate vel ab ipso Episcopo in iurisdictione sua, vel ab Ar∣chidiacono (praesbytero existente) in iurisdictione sua munitus, id{que} ex praescripto ipsius Iudicis tunc praesentis excommunicationis sententiam pro con∣tumacia denunciabit. Volumus etiam, vt sicut constitutum est, eiusmo∣di excommunicationem per Ministrum ecclesiae denunciari, ita ipse Iudex de absolutione ipsius rei post satisfactionem suam peractam, eundem Mini∣strum certiorem faciet, qui eandem absolutionem populo publicè denunciabit: ac interìm quod benè licebit, dicto ministro reum a sacris arcere & re∣pellere, tanquam in Ecclesiam minimè recipien∣dum, donec eiusmodi certificatorium ab ipso Iudi∣ce exhibuerit. CVrent Ordinarij locorum, vt tam excommuni∣cati ex eo quod diuinis praecibus infra hoc reg∣num Angliae publica authoritate stabilitis interesse pertinaciter recusauerint, quám ij etiam qui prop∣ter aliam quamcunque causam legitimam excom∣municationis sententia innodati fuerint, nisi infra tres continuos menses post latam excommunicati∣onis sententiam se emendauerint, & absolutionis beneficium obtinuerint, singulis sex mensibus se∣quentibus, in ecclesia cum parochiali, tum etiam Cathedrali Diocoesis in qua habitant, pro excom∣municatis publicè denuncientur. Teneantur etiam Ordinarij praedicti de praemissis omnibus & singulis quolibet anno infra Festa Sancti Michaelis & Na∣talis Domini, Archiepiscopum huius Prouinciae in scriptis certiorem facere. NE qua fiat posthac solennis poenitentiae cōmu∣tatio, nisi rarioribus grauioribúsque de causis, atque adeo cum ipsi Episcopo constiterit, eam esse ad reum reconciliandum & reformandum sanio∣rem & tutiorem rationem. Deinde quod mulcta illa pecuniaria vel in rele∣uamen pauperum eiusdē paroeciae, vel in alios pios vsus erogetur, idque ecclesiae solenniter & fideliter approbetur, & innotescat. Quod si verò crimen fuerit notorium, ac publi∣cum, Reus ipse vel in propria sua persona publicè in Ecclesia poenitentiam suam minimè fictam pro∣fitēdo, loesae ecclesiae satisfaciet, vel ecclesiae minister in praesentia ipsius rei, palam e suggestu eius sub∣missionem, & poenitentiae suae coram Ordinario suo peractionem, atque etiam in verae suae resipis∣centiae Testimonium, quantam pecuniarum sum∣mam in vsus supradictos erogandam reddiderit, denunciabit. Quicun{que} verò abs{que} Episcopi Diocoesani notitia poenitentiam commutauerit, aut pecuniam ratione commutationis huiusmodi solutam in alios vsus quam supra est expressum conuerterit, vel aliter praesentem hanc constitutionem violauerit: Is ab executione Officij sui per eundem Diocoesanum per tres integros menses suspendetur. CAutum insuper volumus, quòd ne{que} alia, ne{que} maiora feoda ab Episcopo, Ordinario, Archi∣diacono, vel eorum ministris deinceps vlla de causa percipiantur, quàm ea, quae ineunte hoc regnum regia nunc Maiestate percipi solebant: Quodque tabula quaedam singulorum huiusmodi feodorum summas continens, in quolibet Consistorio ante Festum Sancti Iohannis Baptistae proximè ventu∣rum figatur, cuius exemplar manu ipsius Ordinarij subsignatum intra tempus praedictum ad Archie∣piscopum transmittetur. Iam verò quia dubium esse potest, quaenam certa feoda pro singulis negotijs expediendis, in singulis respectiuè foris ecclesiasticis quadraginta abhinc annis percipiebantur, nisi quae vsus frequentior suc∣cedentibus ab eo tempore annis monstrauerit, at{que} approbauerit: Ideò decernendum putamus vt ci∣tra vltimum diem mensis Maij proximè sequentem, Episcopus quilibet, vel sede aliqua Episcopali va∣cante, Custos spiritualitatis ibidem curet, tabulam manu Ius dicentís eiusque registrarij subscriptam publicè figi, vel in loco quolibet vbi Ius ab illo di∣cetur, vel aliâs publicè in eiusdem iurisdictionis Archiuo, ita vt quiuis eiusdem tabulae inspiciendae facultatem habeat: Quae quidem tabula in se con∣tinebit separatas summas singulorum feodorum, quae tam a Iudice, quàm a singulis alijs Officiarijs ac ministris eiusdem Curiae frequentiùs ac vsitatiùs ab initio regni dictae Serenissimae Reginae vsque ad decimum octauum Maiestatis suae annum percipi consueuerunt: Curabit praetereà quilibet Episco∣pus, vel sede vacante Custos spiritualitatis, vt quili∣bet Index huiusmodi citra vlrimùm diem praefati mensis Maij Episcopo suo, vel Custodi spiritualita∣tis fidele & auctenticum exemplar tabulae feodo∣rum praemissorum in Archiuis Episcopi custodien∣dum tradat: Qui verò contra fecerit, is ab executi∣one officij sui per Ordinarium suum immediatè superiorem eò vsque suspendetur, donec praemissa modo & forma superiùs specificatis perfecerit. Quorum omnium exemplarium, singuli Episcopi Prouinciae Cantuariensis vel Custodes spirituali∣tatis, fidele & auctenticum Instrumentum in per∣gameno conscriptum, ad Archiepiscopum citra vltimum diem mensis Octobris proximè futurum transmittent. Poena verò cuiusque Officiarij, ac Ministri maio∣ra feoda quàm quae in huiusmodi tabulis respectiuè exprimentur percipientis, suspensio erit per sex menses ab executione officij sui per Ordinarium suum infligenda, vel Ordinario negligente aut id facere omittente, per Archiepiscopum, qui alium delinquentis loco interìm deputabit. Prouiso semper, quòd si alicubi dubium fuerit quae feoda vs{que} ad praedictum decimum octauum regiae Maiestatis annum vsitatissimè percepta fue∣rint: Tùm ea foeda pro legitimis habebuntur quae per Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem sub manus suae subscriptione approbabuntur: nisi statuta hu∣ius regni Angliae iam anteà aedita, alia in quocun{que} casu feoda expressè praestituerint. Prouiso insuper, quòd ne{que} Archiepiscopo ne{que} Episcopo, vel directè, vel indirectè aliquā pecuni∣arum summam pro admittendis ad sacros ordines hominibus accipere licebit, idque sub poena Iuris. PRaetereà quoniam excessibus & grauaminibus quae per Apparitores inferri dicuntur, remedi∣um cupimus adhibere opportunū, videtur vt Ap∣paritorum multitudo, quantum fieri poterit, re∣stringatur; Non igitur licebit Episcopis vel Archi∣diaconis, eorumue Vicarijs seu Officialibus, alijs{que} inferioribus Ordinarijs deputare & habere plures Apparitores, iurisdictionibus suis respectiuè inser∣uientes, quam ante viginti annos praeteritos, vel ipsi vel praedecessores sui habere consueuerunt, qui omnes per se suum fideliter exequantur officium, Nec per nuncios aut substitutos quocun{que} quaesito colore, sua vice mandatorum executiones deman∣dent, aut permittant, nisi ex causa ab ordinario illi∣us loci priùs cognita & approbata: Tum vt pro∣motorum Officij, vel denunciatorum personas om∣ninò non sustineant, feoda ampliora vel maiora, quàm quae hijs constitutionibus, superiùs statuun∣tur, non exigant. Quòd si plures quam superiùs est expressum de∣putati, vel illorum aliqui praemissa violauerint, de∣putantes si Episcopi existant, moniti per superio∣rem supernumerarios dimittant. Inferiores verò Episcopis Ordinarij, ab executione Officij suspen∣dantur, donec huiusmodi deputatos amouerint, deputati autem ipsi ab Apparitorum Officio mo∣ueanter perpetuò: Et si amoti non desistant, tanquā contumaces Canonicis censuris coerceantur. Praetereà in causis Officij & correctionis ne quae fiant Citationes generales (quae vulgò Quo∣rum nomina dicuntur) nisi partes citandae veris nominibus expressis per registrarium in ipsa sche∣dula citationi annexa, & sigillo munita scribantur: eadem{que} schedula ius dicentis manu subscribatur, sub poena coertionis ecclesiasticae per Diocoesa∣num delinquenti infligenda. ET quia Registra in ecclesijs (quorum permag∣nus vsus est) fideliter volumus custodiri: Pri∣mùm statuendum putamus, vt in singulis visitatio∣nibus admoneantur ministri, & oeconomi ecclesi∣arum de Iniunctionibus regijs ea in re diligentiùs obseruandis. Deinde vt libri ad hunc vsum destinati, quò tu∣tiùs reseruari & ad posteritatis memoriam propa∣gari possint, ex pergameno sumptibus parochiano∣rum in posterum conficiantur: Iisque non modò ex veteribus libris cartaceis transumpta nomina eo∣rum, qui regnante serenissima Domina nostra Eli∣zabetha, aut baptismatis aqua abluti, aut matrimo∣nio copulati, aut ecclesiasticae sepulturae Beneficio affecti sint, suo ordine sumptibus parochianorum inscribantur: Sed eorum etiam, qui in posterum baptizati, vel matrimonio coniuncti aut sepulti fuerint. Ac ne quid vel dolo commissum, vel omissum negligenter redarguatur, Quae per singulas hebdo∣madas in hisce libris inscripta nomina fuerint, ea singulis diebus Dominicis post preces matutinas aut vespertinas finitas, apertè ac distinctè per mini∣strum legantur, die ac mense quibus singula gesta sunt sigillatim adiectis. Postquam autem paginam aliquam integram multorum nominum inscriptio compleuerit, tum ministri, tum Gradianorum ipsius parochiae sub∣scriptionibus volumus eam communiri. Idemque in transumptis ex veteribus libris car∣taceis, paginis singulis fieri, sed diligenti, ac fideli priùs habita collatione: neque verò in vnius cuius∣quam custodia librum illum, sed in Cista publica, eaque trifariam obserata reseruandum putamus, ita vt neque sine ministro Gardiani, nec sine vtrisque gardianis minister quicquam possit innouare. Postremùm est, vt exemplar quotannis cuius{que} anni auctae nominum inscriptionis ad Episcopi Diocoesani registrum per Gardianos infra mensem post Festum Paschatis transmittatur, & sine feodo vllo recipiatur, at{que} in Archiuis Episcopi fideliter custodiatur. Quicunque verò in praemissis eorumue aliquo deliquerit, is vt delicti qualitas Iusque postulauerit puniatur. QVae omnia Capitula siue Constitutiones, om∣niaque & singula in eisdem contenta, Regia Maiestas per suas Literas Patentes gerentes dat. apud Westmonasterium decimo octauo die Ianu∣arij, anno regni sui quadragesimo, ratificauit, con∣firmauit ac stabiliuit, ipsaque ab omnibus regni sui subditis vtrius{que} Prouinciae, Cantuariensis & Ebo∣racensis, quatenus eorum aliquem concernunt, di∣ligenter exequenda, ac obseruanda authoritate sua regia proposuit, promulgauit, & per easdem Lite∣ras Patentes sic per eos obseruari praecepit, iniun∣xit & mandauit, prout in eisdem literis Patentibus, Sigillo magno Angliae sigillatis pleniùs liquet & apparet. R. Permissione diuina L. Episcopus: Dilectis nobis in Christo D. C. Pa∣rochiae de B, filio naturali & legitimo I. C. Parochiae de F. generoso, & N. O. puellae, fuiae naturali & legitimae B. O. Parochiae de M. nostrarum L. Diocoeceseos & Iurisdictionis, salutem: Cùm vos (vti asseritur) ad solemnizationem matrimonij veri & legi∣timi de expresso consensu & assensu parentum & gu∣bernatorum vestrorum, ac vtriusque vestrûm procedere decreueritis: Illudque in facie Ecclesiae cum ea qua fieri poterit matura celeritate solemnizari facere & obtinere magnoperè desideretis: Nos volentes vt honesta haec ve∣stra desideria debitum celeriùs consequantur effectum: Vt igitur matrimonium huiusmodi in Ecclesia de F. (exprimendo Ecclesiam alterius contrahentium, vel parētum aut gubernatorum suorum) per Recto∣rem, Vicarium seu Curatum eiusdem ecclesiae Bannis ma∣trimonialibus vnica vice tempore solemnizationis eius∣dem matrimonij (vti moris est) publicè editis, liberè & licitè solemnizari facere & obtinere possitis & valeatis, post cautionem fideiussoriam sufficientem ex parte ve∣stra interpositam, iuxta constitutiones authoritate regia nuper editas: Dummodo vobis ratione consanguinitatis, affinitatis, praecontractus, vel alterius causae cuiuscunque de Iure prohibitae nullum legitimum in ea parte obstiterit impedimentum, nec vlla lis, controuersia, seu querela mota sit vel pendeat coram aliquo Iudice ecclesiastico vel ciuili de matrimonio aliquo contracto vel allegato cum alterutro vestrum, & Ministro ecclesiae praedictae priùs constiterit, vos ad huiusmodi matrimonij celebrationem accedere de & cum expresso consensu parentum vel gu∣bernatorum vestrorum, ac modò matrimonij huiusmodi celebratio publicè in ecclesia de F. praedict. fiat inter ho∣ras octauam & duodecimam antemeridianas, absque ta∣men praeiudicio Ministri ecclesiae de M. vbi dicta N. O. Parochiana existit, Licentiam & Facultatem tam vobis contrahentibus, quàm Rectori, Vicario aut Curato eccle∣siae praedictae de signatae matrimoniū huiusmodi inter vos solemnizandi sub modo & forma superiùs specificatis, iuxta ritus libri publicarum precum authoritate Parlia∣menti in ea parte editi & stabiliti, necnon omnibus a∣lijs Christi fidelibus eidem solemnizationi interessendi, ex certis causis legitimis & rationabilibus per nos appro∣batis, quatenùs in nobis est, et Iura regni patiuntur in hac parte, benignè concedimus & impertimur per presentes. Prouiso semper, quòd si alteruter vestrum clarioris aut illustrioris conditionis sit quàm nobis suggestum est, & quàm ex cognomine & additamento in hijs literis insertis colligi facilè potest, aut si aliqua fraus in posterum appareat vel falsitatis nobis suggestae, vel suppressae veri∣tatis tempore huius Licentiae obtentae: Tunc haec Licen∣tia nostra irrita sit ad omnem Iuris effectum ac si omninò concessa non fuisset: Et eo casu inhibemus quibusuis mi∣nistris (modò praemissorum aliquod eis innotuerit) ne ad solemnizationem dicti matrimonij procedant, nisi nobis, aut Vicario nostro in spiritualibus generali priùs consul∣tis: In cuius rei testimonium &c. The minister shall not solemnize this marriage, without the consent of their parents or go∣uernours, who are hereby licensed to marrie. Si vtraque pars contrahens in viduitate existens ad secundas nuptias conuolare facultatem petat, tum omnes clausulae parentum consensum requi∣rentes omitti possunt, sed Parochiae vtriusque contrahentis in Licentia exprimendae sunt, ac Parochia vbi matrimonium celebrabitur, desig∣nanda. THe condition of this obligation is such, That if heereafter there shall not appeare any lawfull let or impediment, by reason of any precontract, consanguinity, affini∣ty, or by any other lawfull meanes whatsoeuer, but that the within bounden A. B. and F. G. Spinster (or Widow, when the license is for a wi∣dow) may lawfully solemnize marriage together, and in the same afterwardes lawfully remaine and continue like man and wife according to the lawes in that behalfe prouided: And moreouer, if there be not at this present time any action, sute, plaint, querell or demand, mooued or depending before any Iudge Ecclesiasticall or Temporall, for and concerning any such lawfull impediment between the sayd parties, nor that either of them be of any better estate or degree, then to the Iudge at the granting of the license is suggested: And also, if they shall not solemnize this marriage without the consent of their parents or gouernours: Lastly, if the sayd marriage shall be openly solemnized in the Parish church in the license specified, betwixt the houres in the Constitutions confirmed by her most excellent Maiesty, appointed, and according to the forme of the booke of Common praier now by law established: Then this present obligation to be voide and of none effect, or els the same to stand, remaine and abide in full power, strength, and vertue.
A00089.P4	Constitutions and canons ecclesiasticall; treated upon by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, presidents of the convocations for the respective provinces of Canterbury and York, and the rest of the bishops and clergie of those provinces; and agreed upon with the Kings Majesties licence in their severall synods begun at London and York. 1640 ...	[ "Church of England." ]	1640.	Printed by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill,	London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800.", "Ecclesiastical law -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800." ]	WHereas sundry Lawes, Ordinances, and Constitutions have been for∣merly made for the acknowledg∣ment and profession of the most lawfull and independent authority of our dread Soveraign Lord, the Kings most Excellent Majestie, over the State Eccle∣siasticall and Civil: We (as our dutie in the first place bindes us, and so far as to us appertaineth) enjoyn them all to be carefully observed by all per∣sons whom they concern, upon the penalties in the said Laws and Consttutions expressed. And for the uller and clearer instruction and in∣formation of all Christian people within this Realm in their duties in this particular; We do further ordain and decree, That every Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Preacher upon some one Sunday in every quarter of the yeer at Morn∣ing prayer, shall in the place where he serves, treat∣ably, and audibly read these explanations of the Regall power here inserted. THE most High and Sacred order of Kings is of Divine right, being the ordinance of God himself, founded in the prime Laws of nature, and clearly established by expresse texts both of the old and new Testaments. A supream Power is given to this most excellent Order by God himself in the Scriptures, which is, That Kings should rule and command in their severall dominions all persons of what rank or estate soever, whether Ecclesiasticall or Civill, and that they should restrain and punish with the temporall sword all stubborn and wicked doers. The care of Gods Church is so committed to Kings in the Scripture that they are commendd when the Church keeps the right way, and taxed when it runs amisse, and therefore her government belongs in chief unto Kings: For othrwise one man would be commended for anothers care, and taxed but for anothers negligence, which is not Gods way. The power to call and dissolve Councels both na∣tionall and provincial is the true right of all Christi∣an Kings within their own Realms or Territories: And when in the first times of Christs Church, Prelates used this power, 'twas therefore onely be∣cause in those dayes they had no Christian Kings: And it was then so onely used as in times of persecution, that is, with supposition (in case it were requird) of submitting their very lives unto the very Laws and Commands even of those Pagan Princes, that they might not so much as seem to disturb their Civill Government, which Christ came to confirm, but by no means to under∣mine. For any person or persons to set up, maintain, or avow in any their said Realms or Territories re∣spectively, under any pretence whatsoever, any in∣dependent Coactive power, either Papall or Popu∣lar (whether directly or indirectly) is to under∣mine their great Royall office, and cunningly to overthrow that most Sacred ordinance, which God himself hath established: And so is treasonable against God, as well as against the King. For subjects to bear Arms against their Kings, offensive or defensive, upon any pretence whatso∣ever, is the least to resist the Powers, which are ordained of God: And though they do not invde, but onely resist, St. Paul tels them plainly, Thy shall receive to themselves damnation. And although Tribute, and Custome, and Aide, and Subsidie, and all manner of necessary support and spply, be respectively due to Kings from their subjects by the Law of God, Nature, and Nati∣ons, for the publike defence, care and protection of them: yet nverthelesse, subjects have not onely possession of, but a true and just right, title and propertie, to, and in all their goods and estates, and ought so to have: And these two are so far from rossing one another, that they mutually go toge∣ther, for the honourable and comfortable support of both. For as it is the dutie of the subjects to supply their King: so is it part of the Kingly of∣fice to support his subjects in the property and free∣dom of their estates. And if any Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Preacher shall voluntarily or carelesly neglect his duty in publishing the said explications and conclusions, according to the Order above prescribed, he shall be suspended by his Ordinary, till such time as upon his penitence he shall give sufficient assurance, or evidence of his amendment; and in case he be of any exempt jurisdiction, he shall be Censurable by his Majesties Commissioners for Causes Ecclesia∣sticall. And we do also hereby require all Archbishops, Bishops, and all other inferiour Priess and Mini∣sters, that they preach, teach, and exhort their peo∣ple to obey, honour, and serve their King; and that they presume not to speak of his Majesties power in any other way then in this Canon is expressed. And if any Parson, Vicar, Curate, Preacher, or any other Ecclesiasticall person whatsoever, any Deane, Canon, or Prebendarie of any Collegiate or Cathe∣drall Church, any member or Student of Colledge or Hall, or any Reader of Divinity, or Humanity in either of the Universities, or elswhere, shall in any Sermon, Lecture, Common place, Determination, or Disputation either by word or writing, publikely maintain or abett any position or conclusion, in op∣position or impeachment of the aforesaid explica∣tions, or any part or article of them, he shall forth∣with by the power of his Majesties Commissio∣ners for Causes Ecclesiasticall, be excommunicated till he repent, and suspended two yeers from all the profits of his Benefice, or other Ecclesiasticall, Academicall, or Scholasticall preferments: And if he so offend a second time, he shalbe deprived from all his spirituall promotions, of what nature or degree soever they be. Provided alwayes, that if the offence aforesaid be given in either of the Universities, by men not having any Benefice or Ecclesiasticall preferment, that then the delinquent shall be censured by the ordinary authority in such Cases of that University respectively, where the said fault shall be com∣mitted. THe Synode taking into consideration the most inestimable benefits which this Church enjoyeth, under the peaceable and blessed government of our dread Sovereign Lord, King CHARLES; And finding that aswell the godly Christian Emperours in the former times, as our own most religious Princes since the Reformation, have caused the dayes of their Inaugurations to be publikely celebrated by all their Subjects, with Prayrs and Thanksgiving to Almighty God; and that there is a particular form of Prayer appointed by authority for that day and purpose; And yet with all considering how negligent some people are in the observance of this day, in many places of this Kingdom Doth therefore decree and ordain, that all manner of persons within the Church of Eng∣lan, shall from henceforth celebrate, and keep the morning of the said day, in coming diligently and reverently unto their Parish Church or Chappll at the time of Prayer, and there continuing all the while, that the prayers, preaching, or other service of the day endureth; in testimony of their humble gratitude to God for so great a blessing, and dutifull affections to so benigne and mercifull a Sovereign. And for the better execution of this our Ordinance, the holy Synode doth straitly require and charge, and by authority hereof enableth all Archbishops, Bishops, Danes, Deanes and Chapters, Arch-dea∣cons, and other Ecclesiasticall persons, having ex∣empt or peculiar jurisdiction; as also all, Chancel∣lors, Commissaries, and Officialls in the Church of England, that they enquire into the keeping of the same in their Visitations, and punish such as they shall finde to be delinquent, ccording as by Law they are to censure, and punish those who wilfully absent themselves from Church on Holy∣dayes. And that the said day may be the better observed, We do enjoyn, that all Church-wardens shall provide at the Parish charge, two of those books at least, appointed for that day, and if there be any want of the said book in any Pa∣rish, they shall present the same at all Visitati∣ons respectively. ALl and every Ecclsiasticall per∣sons, of what rank or condition soever, Arch-Bishops, and Bi∣shops, Deanes, Arch deacons, all having exempt or pculiar juris∣diction, with their severall Chan∣cellours, Commissaries, and Officials, all prsons intrusted with cure of soules, shall us rspectivly all possible car and diigence by conferring private∣ly with th parties, and by ensures of the Church in inferiour and higher Courts, as also by com∣plaints unto the Scular power, to reduce all such to the Church of England, who are misld into Popish superstition. And first these private Conferences shall be per∣formed in each severall Diocesse, either by the Bi∣shop in person, if his occasion will permit it, or by some one or mor learned Ministers at his speciall appointment, and the said Bishop shall also designe the time and place of the said severall Conferencs, and all such persons as shall be present therat which if Recusants refuse to observe, they shall be taken for obstinate, and so certified to the Bishop. And if the said tie and place be not observed by the Minister or Ministers so appointed, they shall be suspended by their Ordinary for the space of six moneths, without a very reasonable cause alleadged to the contrary. Provided that they be not ent above ten miles from their dwelling. If the said Conferences prevail not, the Church must and shall come to her Censures, and to make way for them, the said Ecclesisticall persons shall carefully inform themselves in the places belonging to their severall charges, of all Recusants above the age of twelve yeers, both of such as come not at all to Church, as also of those who coming sometimes thither, do yet refuse to receive the holy Eucharist with us, as likewise of all those, who shall either say, or hear Masse: and they shall in a more especi∣all manner enquire ot all those, who are ither dangerously active to seduce any persons from the Communion of the Church of England, o sditi∣ously busie to disswade his Majesties subjects from taking the oath of Allegiance, together with all them who abused by their Sophistry, refuse to take the said oath. And we straighly command all Parsons, Vi∣ars, and Curates, that they carefully, and severally present at all Visitations, the names and surnams of the delinquents of these severall kindes in their own parishes, unde pain of suspension for s mo∣neths. And likewise we straightly enjoyn all Church-wardens and the like sworn Officrs whatsoever, hat by vertue o their othes, they shall present at the said Visitations the names of such persons, whom they know or hear of, or justly suspect to be delinqent, in all or any of these particulars, and that under the pains of the highest censures of the Church: that so these delinquents may be legally cited, and being ound obstinate, they shall be ex∣communcated, and such excommunication shall be pronounced both in the Cathedrall Church of the Diocesse, and in the severall Parishes where such Recusants live, and every third moneth they shall be again publikely repeated in the places aforesaid, that all may take notice of those Sentencs. And because there are places which either have, or pretend to have exemptions, in which such de∣linquents do usually affect to make their aboad; Therefore we enjoyn, that all Bishops shall within their severall Diocesses, send unto such places one or more of their Chaplains, or some of their offi∣cers whom they may relie on, to make strict inquiry after ofnders in those kindes, who diligently re∣turning their information accordingly, the said Bi∣shop shall certifie such informations to his Metro∣politan, that the aforesaid proceedings may forth∣with issue from some higher Courts in these cases, whereof by reason of the said exemptions the inf∣riour Courts can take no cognisance Bu if neithr Confrring nor Censures will pre∣vail with such persons, the Church hath no way left but complaints to the secular power; and for them we saitly enjoyn, that all Deanes and Arch-deacons, and all having inferiour or exempt Juris∣diction, shall every yeare within sixe moneths af∣ter any Visitation by them holden, make Certifi∣cate unto their severall Bishops, or Archbishop, (if it be within his Diocesse) under their Seale of Office, of all such persons who have been presen∣ted unto them as aforesaid, under pain of suspension from their said Jurisdictions by the space of one whole yeare. And we in like manner enjoyne all Archbi∣shops and Bishops, that once every yeare at the least, they certifie under their Episcopall Seale in Parchment, unto the Justices of Assise of every County in the Circuits and within their Diocesses respectively, the names and sirnames not onely of those who have been presented unto them from the said Deanes, Archdeacons, &c. but of those also who upon the oathes of Church-wardens and other sworne men at their Visitations, or up∣on the information of Ministers imployed in the said Conferences, have been presented unto them, that so the said intended proceedings may have the more speedy and the more generall successe. In particular, it shall be carefully inquired into at all Visitations under the oathes of the Church-wardens and other sworne men, what Recusants or Popish persons have been either married or bury∣ed, or have had their children baptized otherwise then according unto the Rules and Formes esta∣blished in the Church of England; and the names of such delinquents (if they can learne them, or otherwise such names as for the time they carry) shall be as aforesaid given up to the Bishop, who shall present them to the Justices of Assise, to bee punished according to the Statutes. And for the education of Recusants children, since by Canon already established, no man can teach Schoole, (no not in any private house) except hee bee allowed by the Ordinary of the place, and withall have subscribed to the Articles of Religion established in the Church of England; We there∣fore straightly enjoyne, that forthwith at all Visi∣tations there bee diligent enquiry made by the Churchwardens or other sworne Ecclesiasticall Officers of each Parish, under their oathes, who are imployed, as Schoole-masters to the children of Recusants; and that their severall names be pre∣sented to the Bishop of the Diocesse, who citing the said Schoole-masters shall make diligent search whether they have subscribed or no; and if they or any of them bee found to refuse sub∣scription, they shall bee forbidden to teach here∣after, and censured for their former presumption; and withall the names of him or them that enter∣taine such a Schoole-master, shall be certified to the Bishop of the Diocesse, who shall at the next Assise present them to the Judges to bee proceeded against according to the Statutes. And if they subscribe, enquiry shall be made what care they take for the instruction of the said children in the Catechisme established in the Book of Common Prayer. And all Ordinaries shall censure those whom they finde negligent in the said instruction; and if it shall appeare, that the Parents of the said children doe forbid such Schoole-masters to bring them up in the Doctrine of the Church of En∣gland, they shall notwithstanding doe their duty; and if thereupon the said Parents shall take away their children, the said Schoole-masters shall forthwith give up their names unto the Bishop of the Diocesse, who shall take care to returne them to the Justices of Assise in manner and forme afore∣said. And because some may cunningly elude this Decree, by sending their children to bee bred be∣yond the seas, Therefore wee ordaine that the Church-wardens and other sworne Ecclesiasticall Officers shall likewise make carefull enquiry, and give in upon their oathes at all Visitations, the names of such Recusants children, who are so sent beyond the seas to be bred there, or whom they probably suspect to bee so sent: which names as aforesaid shall be given up to the Bishop, and from him returned to the Judges as aforesaid, that their Parents, who so send hem, may be punished accor∣ding to Law. Provided alwayes that this Canon shall not take away or derogate from any power or authority already given or established by any other Canon now in force. And all the said Complaints or Certificates shall be presented up to the Judges in their severall Circuits by the Bishops Register, or some other of his Deputies immediately after the publishing of his Majesties Commission, or at the end of the charge, which shall bee then given by the Judge. And this upon paine of Suspension for three moneths. This sacred Synode doth earnestly intreat the said Reverend Justices of Assise, to bee carefull in the execution of the said Lawes committed to their trust, as they will answer to God for the daily encrease of this grosse kinde of superstition. And further, we doe also exhort all Judges, whether Ecclesiastical or Tempoall upon the like accompt, that they would not admit in any of their Courts any vexatious Complaint, Suit or Suits, or Pre∣sentments against any Minister, Churchwardens, Questmen, Sidemen, or other Church-Officers for the making of any such Presentments. And lastly, we enjoyne that every Bishop shall once in every yeare send into his Majesties High Court of Chancery, a Significavit of the names and sirnames of all such Recusants who have stood excommunicated beyond the time limited by the Law, and shall desire that the Writ De excommu∣nicato capendo might bee at once sent out against them all Ex Officio. And for the better execution of this Decree, this present Synode doth most humbly beseech his most sacred Majesty, that the Officers of the said High Court of Chancery, whom it shall concerne, may bee commanded to send out the aforesaid Writ from time to time as is desired, for that it would much exhaust the particular estates of the Ordinaries, to sue out se∣verall Writs at their owne charge. And that the like command also may be laid upon the Sheriffes and their Deputies, for the due and faithfull exe∣cution of the said Writs, as often as they shall be brought unto them. And to the end that this Canon may take the better and speedier effect, and not to be deluded or delayed; We further decree and ordaine, That no Popish Recusant, who shall persist in the said sen∣tence of Excommunication, beyond the time pre∣scribed by Law, shall be absolved by vertue of any Appeale in any Ecclesiasticall Court, unlesse the said partie shall first in his or her owne person, and not by a Proctor, take the usuall Oath De parendo Iuri, & stando mandatis Ecclesiae. WHEREAS much mischiefe is already done in the Church of God by the spreading of the damnable and cur∣sed Heresie of SOCINI∣ANISME, as being a com∣plication of many ancient Heresies condemned by the foure first generall Councels, and contrariant to the Articles of Religion now established in the Church of England: And whereas it is too ap∣parent that the said wicked and blasphemous er∣rours are unhappily dilated by the frequent di∣vulgation and dispersion of dangerous Books written in favour and furtherance of the same, whereby many, especially of the younger or un∣setled sort of people, may be poysoned and infe∣cted: It is therefore decreed by this present Sy∣node, That no Stationer, Printer, or Importer of the said Books, or any other person whatsoever, shall print, buy, sell, or disperse any Booke, broa∣ching or maintaining of the said abominable Do∣ctrine or Positions, upon paine of Excommunica∣tion ipso facto to be thereupon incurred: And wee require all Ordinaries upon paine of the Censures of the Church, that beside the Excommunication aforesaid, they doe certifie their names and offen∣ces under their Episcopall Seale to the Metropoli∣tan, by him to be delivered to his Majesties At∣torney Generall for the time being, to be procee∣ded withall according to the late Decree, in the Ho∣nourable Court of Star-chamber, against spreaders of prohibited Books. And that no Preacher shall presume to vent any such Doctrine in any Sermon under paine of Excommunication for the first of∣fence, and Deprivation for the second. And that no Student in either of the Universities of this Land, nor any person in holy Orders, (excepting Graduates in Divinity, or such as have Episcopall or Archidiaconall Jurisdiction, or Doctors of Law in holy Orders) shall be suffered to have or reade any such Socinian Booke or discourse, under paine (if the offender live in the University) that he shal be punished according to the strictest Statutes pro∣vided there against the publishing, reading, or maintaining of false Doctrine; or if he live in the City or Country abroad, of a Suspension for the first offence, and Excommunication for the second, and Deprivation for the third, unlesse he will abso∣lutely and in terminis abjure the same. And if any Lay-man shall be seduced into this opinion, and be convicted of it, he shall be excommunicated, and not absolved but upon due repentance and abju∣ration, and that before the Metropolitane, or his owne Bishop at the least. And wee likewise en∣joyne, that such Bookes, if they be found in any prohibited hand, shall be immediately burned: and that there be a diligent search made by the appointment of the Ordinary after all such Books, in what hands soever, except they be now in the hands of any Graduate in Divinity, and such as have Episcopall or Archidiaconall Jurisdiction, or any Doctor of Lawes in holy Orders as afore∣said; and that all who now have them, except be∣fore excepted, be strictly commanded to bring in the said Books, in the Universities to the Vice-chancellors, and out of the Universities to the Bishops, who shall returne them to such whom they dare trust with the reading of the said Books, and shall cause the rest to be burned. And we farther enjoyne, that diligent enquiry be made after all such that shall maintaine and defend the aforesaid Socinianisme, and when any such shall be detected, that they be complained of to the se∣verall Bishops respectively, who are required by this Synode to represse them from any such pro∣pagation of the aforesaid wicked and detestable opinions. VVHEREAS there is a pro∣vision now made by a Ca∣non for the suppressing of Poperie and the growth thereof by subjecting all Popish Recusants to the greatest severitie of Ecclesi∣asticall Censures in that be∣halfe: This present Synode well knowing that there are other Sects which indeavour the subver∣sion both of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England no lesse then Papists doe, al∣though by another way; for the preventing thereof doth hereby decree and ordain, That all those pro∣ceedings and penalties which are mentioned in the aforesaid Canon against Popish Recusants as far as they shall be appliable, shall stand in full force and vigour against all Anabaptists, Brownists, Separa∣tists, Familists, or other Sect or Sects, person or persons whatsoever, who do or shall, either ob∣stinately refuse, or ordinarily, not having a lawfull impediment (that is, for the space of a moneth) neglect to repair to their Parish Churches or Chap∣pels where they inhabit, for the hearing of Divine Service established, and receiving of the holy Com∣munion, according to Law. And we do also further decree and ordain, that the Clause contained in the Canon now made by this Synod against the Books of Socinianisme, shall also extend to the makers, importers, printers, and publishers, or dispersers of any Book, writing, or scandalous Pamphlet devised against the discipline and government of the Church of England, and unto the maintainers and abettors of any opinion or doctrine against the same. And further, because there are sprung up among us a sort of factious people, despisers and depra∣vers of the Book of Common prayer, who do not according to the Law resort to their parish Church or Chappel, to joyn in the publique prayers, service, and worship of God with the congregation, con∣tenting themselves with the hearing of Sermons onely, thinking thereby to avoid the penalties due to such as wholly absent themselves from the Church. We therefore for the restraint of all such wilfull contemners or neglecters of the Service of God, do ordain that the Church or Chappell War∣dens, and Questmen, or Sidemen of every parish, shall be carefull to enquire out all such disaffected prsons, and shall present the names of all such dlinquents at all Visitations of Bishops, and other Ordinaries; And that the same proceedings and penalties mntioned in the Canon aforesaid re∣spectively, shall be used against them as against othr Recusants, unlesse within one whole moneth after they are irst denounced, they shall make ac∣knowledgement and reformation of that their fault. Provided alwayes, that this Canon shall not dero∣gat from any other Canon, Law, or Statute in that behalf provided against those Sectaries. THis present Synod (being desirous to declare their sincerity and con∣stancie in the profession of the Doctrine and Discipline already established in the Church of Eng∣land, and to secure all men against any suspition of revolt to Pope∣rie, or any other superstition) decrees that all Arch-bishops, and Bishops, and all other Priests and Deacons in places xempt or not exempt, shall before the second day of November next ensuing take this Oath following against all Innovation of Doctrine or Discipline, and this Oath shall be ten∣dred them, and every of them, and all others na∣med after in this Canon, by the Bishop in person, or his Chancelour, or some grave Divines named and appointed by the Bishop under his seal; and the said Oath shall be taken in the presence of a pub∣lique Notarie, who is hereby rquired to make an Act of it, leaving the Universities to the Provision which followes. I A. B. Do swear, That I do ap∣prove the Doctrine and Discipline or Government established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary to salvation: And that I will not endeavour by my self or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any Popish Doctrine, contrary to that which is so esta∣blished: Nor will I ever give my consent to altr the Government of this Church, by Arch-bishops, Bishops, Deanes, and Arch-deacons, &c. as it stands now established, and as by right it ought to stand, nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpations and superstitions of the Sea of Rome. And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge and swear, according to the plain and common sence and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, o mentall eva∣sion, or secret rservation whatsoever. And this I do heartily, willingly, and truely, upon the faith of a Christian. So help me God, in Jesus Christ. And if any man Beneficd or Dignified in the Church of England, or any othr Ecclesiasticall pr∣son shall refuse to take this Oath, the Bishop shall give him a moneths time to inform himslf, and at the moneths end, if he refuse to take it, he shall be suspended ab Officio, and have a second moneth granted: and if then he refuse to take it, he shall b suspended ab Ofiio & Beneficio, and have a third moneth granted him for his better information: but if at the end of that moneth he refuse to take the Oath above-named, he shall by the Bishop be deprived of all his Ecclsiasticall Promotions what∣soever, and execution of his function which he holds in the Church of England. And we likewise Constitute and Ordain, That all Masters of Arts (the sons of Noble-men onely excepted) all Bachelours and Doctors in Divinity, Law, or Physick, all that are licenced to practise Physick, all Registers, Actuaries, and Proctors, all School-masters, all such as being natives or natu∣ralized, do come to be incorporated into the Uni∣versities here, having taken a Degree in any forraign Univesity, shall be bound to take the said Oath. And we command all Governours of Colledges and Halls in either of the Universities, that they admi∣nister this said Oath to all persons resident in their severall Houses that have taken the degrees before mentioned in this Canon, within six moneths after the publication hereof. And we likewise Constitute, That all Bishops shall be bound to give the said Oath unto all those to whom they give holy Orders, at the time of their Ordination, or to whomsoever they give Col∣lation, Institution, or Licence to Preach, or serve any Cure. BEcause it is generally to be wish∣ed, that unity of Faith were ac∣companied with uniformity of practis, in the outward worship and service of God; chiefly for the avoiding of groundlesse su∣spitons of those who are weak, and the malicious aspersions of the professed ene∣mies of our Religion; the one fearing Innovations, the other flattering themselves with a vain hope of our backslidings unto their Popish superstition, by reason of the situation of the Communion Table, and the approaches thereunto, the Synod decla∣reth, as followeth That the standing of the Communion Table, side-way under the East window of every Chancell, or Chappell, is in its own nature indifferent, neither commanded nor condemned by the Word of God, either expresly, or by immediate deduction, and therefore that no Religion is to be placed therein, or scruple to be made thereon. And albeit at the time of reforming this Church from that grosse su∣perstition of Popery, it was carefully provided that all meanes should be used to root out of the mindes of the people, both the inclination thereunto, and memory therof; especially of the Idolatry commit∣ted in the Masse, for which cause all Popish Altars were demolished: yet notwithstanding it was then ordered by the Injunctions and Advertisements of Queen Elizabeth, of blessd memory, that the holy Tables should stand in the place where the Altars stood, and accordingly have been continued in the Royall Chappells of three famous and pious Prin∣ces, and in most Cathedrall, and some Parochiall Churches, which doth sufficiently acquit the man∣ner of placing the said Tables from any illegality, or just suspition of Popish superstition or innovation. And therefore we judge it fit and convenient, that all Churches and Chappels do conform themselves in this particular, to the example of the Cathedral, or Mother Churches, saving alwaies the generall liber∣ty left to the Bishop by Law, during the time of Administration of the holy Communion. And we declare that this situation of the holy Table, doth not imply that it is, or ought to be esteemed a true and proper Altar, whereon Christ is again really sacrificed: but it is, and may be called an Altar by us, in that sense in which the Primitive Church called it an Altar, and in no other. And because experience hath shewed us, how ir∣reverent the behaviour of many people is in many plac, some leaning, others casting their hats, and some sitting upon, some standing, and others sitting under the Communion Table in time of Divine Service: for the avoiding of these and the like abus, it is thought meet and convenient by this present Synod, that the said Communion Tables in all Chancells or Chappells, be decently severed with Rails to preserve them from such or worse profanations. And because the Administration of holy things is to be performed with all possible decency and reverence, thereore we judge it fit and convenient, according to the word of the Service-Book esta∣blished by Act of Parliament, Draw neer, &c. that all Communicants with all humble reverence shall draw neer and approach to the holy Table, there to receive the divine Mysteries, which have heretofore in some places been unfitly carried up and down by the Minister, unlesse it shall be otherwise appointed in respect of the incapacity of the place, or other in∣convenience by the Bishop himself in his jurisdicti∣on, and other Ordinaries respectively in theirs. And lastly, whereas the Church is the house of God, dedicated to his holy worship, and therefore ought to minde us, both o the greatnesse and good∣nesse of his Divine Majestie, certain it is that the acknowledgement thereof, not onely inwardly in our hearts, but also outwardly with our bodies, must needs be pious in it self, profitable unto us, and edifying unto others. We therefore think it very meet and behoovefull, and heartily commend it to all good and well affected people, members of this Church, that they be ready to tender unto the Lord the said acknowledgement, by doing reve∣rence and obeisance, both at their coming in, and going out of the said Churches, Chancels, or Chappels, according to the most ancient custome of the Primitive Church in the purest times, and of this Church also for many yeers of the Reign of Quen Elizabeth. The reviving therefore of this ancient and ladable custome, we heartily com∣mend to the serious considration of all good peo∣ple, not with any intention to exhibite any Religi∣ous worship to the Communion Table, the East, or Church, or any thing therein contained in so do∣ing, or to perform the said gesture, in the celebrati∣on of the holy Euchaist, upon any opinion of a cor∣porall pesence of the body of Jesus Christ, on the holy Table, or in te mysticall elements, but onely for the advancement of Gods Majestie, and to give him alone that honour and glory that is due unto him, and no otherwise; and in the practise or omission of this Rite, we desire that the rule of Charity prescribed by the Apostle, may be obser∣ved, which is, That they which use this Rite despise not them who use it not, and that they who use it not, condemn not those that use it. WHeras the Preaching of Order and Decencie, according to St Pauls rule, doth conduce to edification; it is required, that all Preachers (as well Beneficd men as others) shall positively and plainly Preach and Intruct the people in their publike Sermons twice in the yeer at the least, that the Rites and Ceremo∣nies now established in the Church of England are lawfull and commendable, and that they the said people and others, ought to conform themselves in their practise to all the said Rites and Ceremonies, and that the people and others ought willingly to submit themselves unto the authority and govern∣ment of the Church as it is now established under the Kings Majestie. And if any Preacher shall refuse or neglect to do according to this Canon, let him be suspended by his Ordinary, during the time of his refusall, or wilfull forbearance to do there∣after. FOr the better settling of an Unifor∣mity in the outward government and administration of the Church, and for the more preventing of just grievances which may be laid upon Church-wardens and other Sworn-men, by any impertinnt, inconvenient, or illegall enquiries in the Articles for Ecclesiasticall Vi∣sitations; This Synode hath now causd a Sum∣mary or Collection of Visitory Articles (out of the Rubricks of the Service-Book, and the Canons and warrantable Rules of the Church) to be made, and for future direction to be deposited in the Re∣cords of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury: and we do decree and ordain, that from henceforth no Bishop or other person whatsoever having right to hold, use, or exercise any Parochiall Visitation, shall (un∣der the pain of a Moneths suspension upon a Bi∣shop, and two Moneths upon any other Ordinary that is delinquent, and this to be incurred ipso facto) cause to be printed or published, or otherwise to be given in charge to the Church-warden, or to any other persons which shall be sworn to make Pre∣sentmnts, any other Articles or formes of enquiry upon oath, then such onely as shal be approved and in terminis allowed unto him (upon due request made) by his Metropolitan under his Seal of Office. Provided alwaies that after the end of three yeers next following the date of these presents, the Metro∣politan shal not either at the instance of those which have right to hold Parochiall Visitations, o upon any other occasion, make any addition or diminu∣tion from that allowance to any Bishop, of Visita∣tory Articles, which he did last before (in any Dio∣cesse, within his Province) approve of; But cal∣ling for the same shall hold and give that onely for a perpetual Rule, and then evey Paish shalbe bound onely to take the said Book from the Arch-dea∣cons and other having a Peculiar or exempt Juris∣diction, but once from that time, in three yeers, in case they do make it appear that they have the said Book remaining in their publike Chst for the use of the Parish: And from evry Bishop they shall re∣ceive the said Articles at the Episcopall Visitation onely, and in manner and form as formerly they have been accustomed to do, and at no greater price then what hath bin usually paied in the said Dio∣cesse respectively. THe sober, grave and exemplary Conversation of al those that are imployed in Administration of holy things, being of great avail for the furtherance of pietie It hath ben the Religious care of the Church of England, strictly to enjoyn to all & every one of her Clergie, a pious, regular, and inoffensive dmeanour and to prohibit all loose and scanda∣lous carriage by severe censures to be inflicted upon such delinquents, as appeares by the 74. and 75. Canons Anno 1603. provided to this purpose. For the more ffectuall successe of which pious and necessary care, this present Synode, straitly charges all Cleargie men in this Church, that setting before their yes the glory of God, the holinsse of their calling, and the edification of the people committed to them, they carefully avoid all excesse and disorder, aud that by their Christian and Reli∣gious conversation they shine forth as lights unto others in all godlinesse and honesty. And we also require all those to whom the Go∣vernment of the Clergie of this Church is com∣mitted, that they set themselves to countenance and encourage godlinesse, gravitie, sobrietie, and all un∣blameable conversation in the Ministers of this Church, and that according to the power with which they are intrusted, they diligently labour by the due execution of the above named Canons, and all other Ecclesiasticall provisions made for this end, to reform all offensive and scandalous per∣sons, if any be in the Ministerie, as they tender the welfare and prospering of Pietie and Religion, and as they will answer to God for those scandals, which through their remisnesse and neglect shall arise and grow in this Church of Christ. FOr the better remedying and re∣dresse of such abuses as are com∣plained of in the Ecclesiasticall Courts, the Synode doth De∣cree and ordain, that hereafter no Bishop shall Graunt any Pa∣tent to any Chancllour, Com∣missarie, or Officiall, for any longer terme, then the life of the Grauntee onely, nor otherwise then with expresse reservation to himself, and his Successours, of the power to execute the said place, either alone, or with the Chancellour, if the Bishop shall please to do the same, saving alwayes to the said Chancel∣lors, &c. the Fees accustomably taken for executing the said jurisdiction. And that in all such Patents, the Bishop shall keep in his own hands the power of Institution unto Benefices, as also of giving Li∣censes to preach or keep school; And further, that no Deane and Chapter confirme any Patent of any Chancellour, Commissaries, or Officials place, wherein the said conditions are not expressed sub pona suspensionis, to the Deane (or his locum tenens if he passe the Act in his absence) and to every Ca∣non, or Prebendary, voting to the confirmation of the said Act, to be inflicted by the Arch-bishop of the Province. And further, the holy Synode doth decree and ordain that no reward shall be taken for any Chancellours, Commissaries or Officials place under the heaviest Censures of the Church. THt no Chancellour, Commissarie, or Of∣ficiall, unlesse he be in holy Orders, shall proceed to Suspension, or any higher Censure against any of the Clergie in any criminall cause, other then neglect of appearance, upon legall citing, but that all such causes shall be heard by the Bishop in person, or with the assistance of his Chancellour, or Commissarie; or if the Bi∣shops occasions will not permit, then by his Chan∣cellour, or Commissarie, and two grave dignified, or benficed Ministers of the Diocesse to be assigned by the Bishop, under his Episcopall seal, who shall hear and censure the said cause in the Consistorie. THat no excommunications or ab∣solutions shall be good or valid in Law, except they be pronoun∣ced, either by the Bishop in per∣son, or by some other in holy Or∣ders, having Ecclesiasticall juris∣diction, or by some grave Minister beneficed in the Diocesse, being a Master of Arts, at least, and appointed by the Bishop, and the Priests name pronouncing such sentence of excom∣munication, or absolution to be expressed in the In∣strument issuing under seal out of the Court. And that no such Minister shall pronounce any sentence of absolution but in open Consistory, or at the least in a Church or Chappell, the penitent humbly cra∣ving and taking absolution upon his knees, and ha∣ving first taken the Oath, De parendo juri & stando mandatis Ecclesiae. And that no Parson, Vicar, or Cu∣rate, sub poena suspensionis, shall declare any of his or their Parishioners to be excommunicate, or shall admit any of them so excommunicate into the Church, and there declare them to be absolved, ex∣cept they first receive such excommunications and absolutions under the seal of the Ecclesiasticall Judge, from whom it cometh. THat no Chancellor, Commissary, or Officiall, shall have power to commute any penance in whole, or in part; but either together with the Bishop in person, or with his privity in writing, or if by himself, there he shall give up a full and just account of all such Commutations once every yeer, at Michaelmas to the Bishop, who shall with his Chancellor, see that all such moneyes be disposed of to charitable and publike uses, ac∣cording to Law. And if any Chancellor or other, having jurisdiction, as aforesaid, shall not make such a just account to the Bishop, and be found guil∣ty of it, he shall be suspended from all exercise of his jurisdiction, for the space of one whole yeer. Alwayes provided, that if the crime be publikely complained of, and do appear notorious, that then the Office shall signifie to the place, from whence the complaint came, that the delinquent hath satis∣fied the Church for his offence. And the Minister shall signifie it as he shall be directed; saving al∣wayes to all Chancellers, and other Ecclesiasticall Officers their due and accustomable fees, if he or they be not so suspended as aforesaid. THat in such places wherein there is concurrent Jurisdiction, no Executor be cited into any Court or Office, for the space of ten dayes after the death of the Testator. And that aswell every Apparitor herein, as every Register, or Clark that giveth or carrieth out any Citation or Pro∣cesse to such intent, before that the said ten dayes be expired, shall for the first Offence herein, be suspended from the execution of his Office, for the space of three Moneths; and for the second Offence, in this kinde, be and stand excommuni∣cated, ipso facto, not to be restored, but by the Metropolitan of the Province, or his lawfull Sur∣rogate; And that yet neverthelesse, it be lawfull for any Executor, to prove such Wills when they thinke good, within the said ten dayes, before any Ecclesiasticall Judge respectively, to whose jurisdiction the same may, or doth appertaine. WHereas divers Licences to Marry, are granted by Ordinaries, in whose Ju∣risdiction, neither of the parties, de∣siring such Licence, is resident; to the prejudice of the Archiepiscopall prerogative: to whom only the power of grant∣ing such Licences, to parties of any Jurisdiction, per totam provinciam, by Law belongeth; and for other great inconvniences thereupon ensuing. It is therefore decreed, That no Licence of Mar∣riage shall be granted by any Ordinary to any parties, unlesse one of the said parties have beene commorant in the Jurisdiction of the said Ordin∣ry, for the space of one whole Moneth, imme∣diately before the said Licence be desired. And if any Odinary shall offend herein, and be suffici∣enly evinced thereof, in any of the Lord Arch∣bishops Courts, he shall be liable to such censure as the Lord Archbishop shall thinke fit to inflict. And we further decree, That one of the Conditi∣ons in the Bond of securitie given by the parties taking such Licence, shall be, that the said partie, or one of them, have, or hath beene a Moneth commorant in the said Jurisdiction, immediately before the said Licence granted. And the Synod decrees, That whatsoever is ordered in these six last Canons, concerning the Jurisdiction of Bishops, their Chancellors, and Commissaries, shall (so farre as by Law is ap∣plyable) be in force, concerning all Deanes, Deanes and Chapters, Collegiate Churches, Archdeacons, and all in holy Orders, having ex∣empt, or peculiar Jurisdiction, and their severall Officers respectively. AND that this Synod may prevent all grievances, which may fall upon the people by Citations into Eccle∣siasticall Courts, upon pretence on¦ly of the breach of Law, without either Pesentment, or any other just ground. This present Synod decrees, That for all times to come no such Citation, grounded only as afore∣said, shall issue out of any Ecclesiasticall Court, except the said Citation be sent forth under the hand and Seale of the Chancellor, Commissarie, Archdeacon, or other competent Jdge of the said Court, within thirty dayes afer the fault committed; and returne thereof to be mde the next, or second Court day after the Citation ser∣ved at the farthest; and that the partie so cited, unlsse he be convinced by two witnesses, shall, upon the denyall of the fact upon Oath, be forth∣with freely dismissed without any payment of fees; Provided that this Decree exed not to any gievous crime, as Schisme, Incontinencie, mis∣behaviour in the Church in time of Divine Ser∣vice, obstinate inconformitie, or the like. WEE of Our Princely inclination and Royall care for the maintenance of the present Estate and government of the Church of England by the Lawes of this Our Realme now setled and established, having diligently, with great contentment and comfort read and considered of all these their said Canons, Orders, Ordinances and Constitutions agreed upon, as is before expressed: And finding the same such as We are perswaded wilbe very profitable, not onely to Our Clergie, but to the whole Church of this Our Kingdome, and to all the true members of it (if they be well observed;) Have therefore for Vs, Our Heires, and lawfull Successours, of Our especiall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, given, and by these presents doe give Our Royall Assent, according to the forme of the said Statute or Act of Parliament afore∣said, to all and every of the said Canons, Orders, Ordinances and Constitutions, and to all and eve∣ry thing in them contained, as they are before written. And furthermore, We do not onely by Our said Prerogative Royall, and supreme Au∣thority in Causes Ecclesiasticall, ratifie, confirme, and establish, by these Our Letters Patents, the said Canons, Orders, Ordinances and Constituti∣ons, and all and every thing in them contained, as is aforesaid, but do likewise propound, publish, and straightly injoyne and command by Our said Authority, and by these Our Letters Patents, the same to be diligently observed, executed, and e∣qually kept by all Our loving Subjects of this Our Kingdome, both within the Provinces of Can∣terbury and Yorke, in all points wherein they do or may concern very or any of them according to this Our will and pleasure hereby signified and expressed. And that likewise for the bet∣ter observation of them, every Minister, by what ame or title soever he be called, shall in the Pa∣rish Church or Chappell where he hath charge, read all the said-Canons, Orders, Ordinances and Constitutions, at all such times, and in such man∣ner as is prescribed in the said Canons, or any of them: The Book of the said Canons to be pro∣vided at the charge of the Parish, betwixt this and the Feast of S. Michael the Archangell next ensuing, straightly charging and comman∣ding all Archbishops, Bishops, and all other that exercise any Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction within this Realme, every man in his place to see and procure (so much as in them lyeth) all and every of the ame Canons, Orders, Ordinances and Constitu∣tions to be in all points duly observed, not sparing to execute the penalties in them severally menti∣oned, upon any that shall wittingly or wilfully break or neglect to observe the same; as they tender the honour of God, the peace of the Church, the tranquillity of the Kingdome, and their du∣ties and service to Vs their King and Sove∣reigne. In witnesse whereof We have caused these Our Letters to be made Patents: Wit∣nesse Our Selfe at Westminster, the thirtieth day of June, in the sixteenth yeare of Our Reigne.
A00091.P4	Iniunctions gyuen by th [sic] auctoritie of the kynges highnes to the clergie of this his realme	[ "Church of England.", "Henry VIII, King of England, 1491-1547." ]	[1538?]]	Thomas Berthelet Regius impressor excudebat. Cum privilegio,	[[London] :	eng	[]	IN THE NAME OF GOD AMEN. In the yere of our lord god a thousand fyue hūdreth .XXXVI. and of the moste noble reigne of our soueraigne lorde Henry the .viii. kinge of England and of Fraunce, defensour of the faythe, lorde of Irelande, and in erthe Supreme heed of the churche of Englande, the .XXVIII. yere and the day of I Thomas Crumwell knyght, lorde Crumwell keper of the priuie seale of our sayd soueraigne lorde the kynge, and vicegerent to the same, for and concernynge all his iurisdiction ecclesiasticall within this re∣alme, visitinge by the kynges hyghnes supreme auctoritie ecclesiastical, the people and clergie of this deanry of by my trusty commissa∣rye lawefully deputed and con∣stitute for this parte, haue to the glory of almyghty god, to the kynges high∣nes honour, the publyke weale of this his realme, and encrease of vertue in the same, appoynted and assigned these iniunctions insuinge, to be kept and obserued of the deane, persons, vicars, curates, and stipendiaries, restant or hauing cure of soule, or any other spiritual administration within this dean¦ry, vnder the peynes hereafter lymitted and appoynted. ¶ The first is, that the deane, persons, vicars, and other hauynge cure of soule any where within this deanrie, shall faithfully kepe and obserue, and as farre as in them may lye, shall cause to be kepte and obserued of other, al and syngular lawes and statutes of this realme, made for the abolysshynge and extirpation of the bysshop of Romes pretensed and vsurped power and iurisdiction within this realme: and for the establyshement and confirmation of the kynges auctoritie and iurisdiction within the same, as of the supreme heed of the churche of Englande: And shall to thuttermoste of theyr wytte knowledge and lernynge, purely, syncerely, and without any colour or dissi∣mulation, declare, manyfest, and open for the space of one quarter of a yere nowe next ensuyng, ones euery sonday, and after that at the least wise twise euery quarter of a yere, in their sermons and other collatiōs, that the bishop of Romes vsurped power and iurisdiction, hauynge no establyshement nor grounde by the lawe of god, was of most iuste causes taken away and abo∣lyshed, and that therfore they owe vnto hym no maner of obedience or subie∣ction, and that the kynges power is within his dominion the highest poten∣tate and power vnder god, to whome all men within the same dominion by goddis commaundement owe moste loyalte and obedience, afore and aboue all other powers and potentates in erthe. ¶ ITEM where as certayne articles were lately deuised and put forth by the kynges highnes auctoritie, and condescended vpon by the preiates and cler∣gy of this his realme in conuocation, wherof part are necessary to be holden and beleued for our saluation: and thother part do concerne and touche cer∣tayne laudable ceremonies, rites, and vsages of the churche, mete and cōue∣nient to be kept and vsed for a decent and politike order in the same, the said deane, persons, vicars, and other curates, shall so open and declare in their sayd sermons and other collations, the sayde artycles vnto them that be vn∣der theyr cure, that they may playnly knowe and discerne, whiche of theym be necessary to be beleued and obserued for theyr saluation, and which be not necessary, but onely doo concerne the decent and polityke order of the sayde churche accordyng to suche commaundement and admonytion as hath ben giuē vnto them heretofore by auctorite of the kinges highnes in that behalf. ¶ MORE OVER that they shall declare vnto all suche as be vnder their cure, tharticles likewyse deuysed, put forthe, and authorised of late, for and concernynge thabrogation of certayne superfluous holy dayes, accordynge to theffecte and purporte of the same articles, and perswade theyr parysshio∣ners to kepe and obserue the same inuiolably, as thynges holsomely proui∣ded, decreed, and establyshed, by common concent and publyke auctorite, for the weale commoditie and profyte of all this realme. ¶ Besides this, to thintent that al superstition, and hipocrisy, crept into di∣uers mens hartes, may vanyshe awaye, they shall not set forth, or extoll any ymages, relyques, or myracles, for any superstytion or lucre, nor allure the people by any inticementes to the pilgremages of any sainct, otherwise than is permitted in the articles, lately put forth by thauctorite of the kinges ma∣iestie, and condescended vpon by the prelates and clergie of this his realme, in conuocaiton, as thoughe it were propre or peculyar to that saynct, to giue this commoditie or that, Seinge all goodnes, helth, and grace, ought to be both asked and loked for, only of god, as of the very author of the same, and of none other: For without hym it can not be gyuen. But they shall exhorte as wel theyr parishoners as other pilgrimes, that they do rather apply them selfe to the keping of goddes commaundementes, and fulfilling of his wor∣kes of charitie, perswadinge them, that they shal please god more by the true exercysynge of theyr bodyly labour, trauayle, or occupation, and prouiding for their families, than if they went about to the sayd pilgrimages, and that it shal profyte more theyr soule helth, if they do bestowe that on the poore and nedy, whiche they wolde haue bestowed vpon the said ymages or relyques. ¶ ALSO in the same theyr sermons and other collations, the persons, vy∣cars, and other curates aforesaid, shal diligently admonishe the fathers and mothers, maisters, and gouernours of youthe, beynge within theyr cure, to teche or cause to be taught theyr chyldren and seruantes, euen from theyr in∣fancy, theyr Pater noster, tharticles of our fayth, and the tenne commande∣mentes in theyr mother tonge: And the same so taught, shall cause the sayd youthe ofte to repete and vnderstande. And to thintent this may be the more easily done, the sayde curates shal in theyr sermons deliberately and plainly recite of the said pater noster, articles, or commandementes, one clause or ar∣tycle one daye, and an other an other daye, tyll the hole be taught and lerned by lyttell and lyttell (And shall delyuer the same in writinge, or shewe where printed bokes conteyninge the same be to be folde, to them that can reede, or wyll desyre the same) And therto that the sayd fathers and mothers, maisters and gouernours, do bestowe theyr children and seruauntes, euen from their childehode, other to lernyng, or to some other honest exercyse, occupation, or husbandry, exhortinge, counsayling, and by at the wayes and meanes they may, as well in theyr sayd sermons and collations, as other wayes, perswa∣dynge the sayde fathers, mothers, maysters, and other gouernours, beynge vnder their cure & charge, diligently to prouide & forsee, that the saide youth be in no maner wyse kepte or broughte vp in ydelnes, leste at any tyme after warde they be dryuen for lacke of somme mystery or occupation to lyue by, to fall to beggyng, stealynge, or some other vnthriftynes. For as moche as we may dayly see, through slouth and ydelnes, dyuers valiant men fal, some to beggynge, and some to thefte and murder, which after brought to calamitie and mysery, impute a great parte therof to theyr frendes and gouernours, whiche suffred them to be brought vp so idelly in theyr youthe, where if they had ben wel educated and brought vp in some good litterature, occupation, or misterye, they shulde (beinge rulers of theyr owne familie) haue profyted as well them selfe, as dyuers other persons, to the great commoditie and or∣namentes of the common weale. ¶ ALSO that the sayde persones, vicars, and other curates shal diligent∣ly prouide, that the sacramentes and sacramentalles, be duely and reuerent∣ly ministred in their parishes. And if at any time it happen them other in any of the cases expressed in the statutes of this realme, or of speciall lycence gi∣uen by the kinges maiestie, to be absent from theyr benefices, they shal leaue theyr cure not to a rude and vnlerned person, but to an honest, wel lerned and experte curate, that may teache the rude and vnlerned of theyr cure, holsome doctrine, and reduce them to the ryght way that do erre. And alwayes lett them se, that nother they nor theyr vycars do seke more theyr owne profyte, promotion, or aduantage, than the profyte of the soules, that they haue vn∣der theyr cure, or the glory of God. ¶ ITEM that euery persone or proprietary of any parysshe churche within this realme, shal on thisside the feast of saint Peter ad vincula next coming, prouide a boke of the hole Byble, bothe in Latin, and also in Englyshe, and laye the same in the quiere for euery man that wyll, to loke and rede theron, and shal discourage no man from the reding of any part of the Bible, either in Latin or in Englishe, but rather comforte exhorte, and admonishe euery man to rede the same, as the very worde of God, and the spirituall foode of mans sowle, wherby they maye the better knowe the dueties to god, to theyr soueraygne lorde the kynge, and theyr neyghbour. Euer gentylly and cha∣ritably exhortynge them, that vsynge a sobre and a modeste hauiour in the redynge and inquysition of the trewe sense of the same, they doo in no wyse styffely or eygrely contende or stryue one with an other about the same, but referre the declaration of those places, that be in controuersie, to the iudge∣ment of them that be better lerned. ¶ ALSO the sayd deane, persons, vicars, curates, and other priestes, shal in no wise, at any vnlaufulle time, nor for any other cause, than for their honest necessitie, haunte or resorte to any tauernes or alehouses, and after their dy∣ner and supper, they shall not gyue them selfe to drinkynge or riot, spending their tyme idelly by day or by nighte, at tables or cardes playenge, or any o∣ther vnlaufull game: But at suche tymes, as they shall haue suche leysure, they shall rede or here somewhat of holy scripture, or shall occupie them selfe with some other honest exercise. And that they alwayes doo those thynges, which apperteyne to good congruence and honestie, with profite of the com∣mon weale: hauinge alwayes in mynde, that they ought to excell all other in puritie of lyfe, and shulde be example to all other to lyue wel and christenly. ¶ Furthermore, bycause the goodes of the churche are called the goodes of the poore, and at these days nothyng is lesse sene, than the poore to be sustei∣ned with the same, all persones, vycars, pensionaries, prebendaries, and o∣ther beneficed men within this deanrie, not beinge resident vppon their be∣nefices, whiche may dispende yerely .xx.li. or aboue, other within this dean∣rie, or elles where, shall distribute hereafter yerely amonges their poore pa∣risheners, or other inhabitantes there, in the presence of the church wardens, or some other honest men of the paryshe, the .xl. parte of the fruictes and re∣uenues of their sayd benefices, leste they be worthily noted of ingratitude, whiche reseruing so many partes to them selfe, can nat vouchsafe to empart the .xl. portion therof amonges the poore people of that paryshe, that is so fruictfull and profitable to them. ¶ AND to thintent that lerned men may hereafter sprynge the more for the executiō of the premisses, euery person, vicar, clerke, or beneficed man within this deanrie, hauynge yerely to dispende in benefices and other promotions of the churche an hundreth poundes, shal gyue competent exhibition to one scholer, and for as many hundreth poundes more, as he may dispende, to so many scholers more, shal giue like exhibition, in the vniuersitie of Oxenford or Cambrige, or some grāmer schole, whiche after they haue profited in good lernynge, may be parteners of their patrones cure & charge, aswell in prea∣chyng as otherwise in thexecution of theyr offices, or may whan nede shalbe otherwise profite the common welthe, with theyr counsayle and wysedome. ¶ ALSO that all persons, vicars, and clerkes, hauynge churches, chapels, or mansions, within this deanrie, shall bestowe yerelye hereafter vppon the fame mansions, or chauncels of theyr churches, beinge in decay, the .v. part of that theyr benefices, tyll they be fully repayred, and the same so repayred, shall alwayes kepe and maynteyne in good state. ¶ ALL which and singular iniunctions, shalbe inuiolably obserued of the sayd deane, persons, vicars, curates, stipendiaries, and other clerkes and be∣nefyced men, vnder the peyne of suspention and sequestration of the fruictes of theyr benefices, vntylle they haue done their duetie, accordynge to these iniunctions.
A00092.P4	Iniunctions for the clerge Exhibite [blank] die mensis [blank] Anno d[omi]ni M.CCCCC.xxxviii.	[ "Church of England.", "Henry VIII, King of England, 1491-1547." ]	1538]	Thomas Berthelet,	[[London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- History -- Early works to 1800.", "Reformation -- England -- Early works to 1800." ]	By the authorite and commission of the mooste excellent Prince Henry by the grace of god kynge of Engeland, and of Fraunce defensor of the fayth, lorde of Ireland, & in erth supreme heed vnder chryst of the church of England. I Thomas lord Crum∣well, lorde priui sease, vicegerent vnto the kynges sayde hyghnes, for all his iurisdiction ecclesiasticall wythin this realme, do for the auaūcement of the true honour of almyghty god, encrease of vertu, and discharge of the kynges maiestye, gyue and exhybite vnto you these Iniunctions folowyng to be kept / obserued and fulfylled vpon the paynes hereafter declared. ¶Fyrst that ye shall truely obserue and kepe nd singuler the kynges hyghnes iniunctions, geuen vnto you heretofore in my name by his graces auctorite, not only vpō the paynes therin expressyd, but also in your defaulte now after this second monitiō continued, vpō fur∣ther punyshment to be straytly extended towarde you by the kynges hyghnes arbitremēt / or his vicegerent afore sayd. ¶Item that ye shall prouyde on thisside the feast of next cōmyng, one boke of the hole byble of the largyest volume in Englyshe and the same set vp in sum conuenient place wythin the said church that ye haue cure of, where as your parishoners may moste cōmodiously resorte to the same and reade it. The charge of which boke shalbe ratably borne betwene you the {per}son & the parishoners a fore sayd: that is to say, thone half by you, and thother half by them. ¶Item that you shall discorage no man priuely or apertly from the readynge, or herynge of the sayde bible / but shall expressely prouoke, ere, and exhorte euery persone to rede the same, as that whiche is the very lyuely worde of god, that euery christen person is bounde to en∣brace, beleue, and folowe / yf they loke to be saued / admonysshynge them neuerthelesse to auoyde all contention and altercation therin, but to vse an honest sobrietie in thinquisition of the trewe sence of the same, and to referre thexplication of obscure places to men of higher iu∣gement in scripture. ¶Item that ye shall euery sondaye and holydaye throughe the yere openly and playnly recite to your parishoners twyse or thryse to gy∣ther, or oftener if nede requyre, one particle or sentēce of the Pater noster or crede in Englishe, to thintent they may lerne the same by harte. And so from day to day to geue them one lyke lesson or sentence of the same, tyll they haue lerned the hole Pater nofter and Crede in Eng∣lyshe by rote. And as they be taught euery sentence of the same by rote, ye shal expounde and declare the vnderstandynge of the same vnto them, exhortynge all parentes and householders, to teache theyr children and seruauntes the same, as they are bounde in conscience to do. And that done ye shall declare vnto them the .x. cōmaūdementes one by one euery sonday & holiday tyll they be lykewyse {per}fite in ye same. ¶Item that ye shall in confessions euery Lent examyn euery person that cometh to confession to you, whither they can recite tharticles of our faythe, and the Pater noster in Englishe, and here thē say the same particularly, wherin if they be not perfite ye shal declare to the same that euery christen person ought to knowe them before they shulde receyue the blessed sacrament of thaulter, and monyshe them to lerne the same more perfitely by the nexte yere folowinge / or els, lyke as they ought not to presume to come to goddes boorde without perfite know¦lege of the same, and if they do, it is to the great peryll of theyr soules: So ye shall declare vnto them that ye loke for other Iniunctions from the kynges highnes by that tyme to stay and repell all suche from goddes boorde as shalbe founde ignorant in the premisses / wher∣of ye do thus admonyshe them, to thintent they shuld bothe eschewe the peryll of theyr soules, and also the worldly rebuke that they might incurre hereafter by the same. ¶Item that ye shall make or cause to be made in the sayde churche and euery other cure ye haue, one sermon euery quarter of a yere at the leaste, wherin ye shall purely, and syncerely declare the very gospel of christe, and in the same exhorte your herers to the workes of charite, mercy and faythe, specially prescribed, & cōmaunded in scripture, and not to repose there trust or affiaunce in any other workes deuysed by mens phanthasyes besydes scripture, as in wanderyng to pilgrimage, offeryng of money, candelles or tapers to Images or relyques, or kyssing or lyckyng the same, saying ouer a nombre of beades, not vnderstanded ne mynded on, or in such lyke supersticion, for the doynge wherof, ye not only haue no promyse of rewarde in scripture, but contrary wyse greate threates and maledictions of god, as thynges ten∣dyng to ydolatrye & superstition, which of all other offences god almyghtye dothe moste detest and abhorre, for that the same diminysheth most his honour and glorie. ¶Item that suche Images as ye knowe in any of your cures to be so abused with pilgrimages or offeringes of any thyng made thervn∣to, ye shal for auoydyng of that moste detestable offence of Idolatrie, furthwyth take down and deley, and shall suffre frome hensforthe no candels, tapers or Images of war to be set afore any Image or picture, but only the lyghte that comenlye gothe acrosse the church, by the roode lofte, the lyght afore the sacrament of thaulter, and the lyght about the sepulchre, which for thadourning of the church and diuine ser∣uyce ye shal suffre to remayn styll admonisshyng your parishoners, that Images serue for no other purpose, but as to be bokes of vnler∣ned men, that can no letters, wherby they myght be otherwyse admonysshed of the lyues & conuersacion of thē that the said Images do re∣present, which Images if they abuse for any other intent than for such remēbraunces / they cōmytte Idolatrye in the same to the great daun¦ger of theyr soules. And therfore the kinges highnes gratiously tendering the weale of his subiectis soules hathe in parte alredy and more wyll hereafter trauayle for the abolisshinge of suche Images, as myghte be occasyon of so greate an offence to god, and so great daunger to the soules of his louyng subiectes. ¶Itē that in al such benefices or cures as ye haue, where vpon ye be not your self resident, ye shall appoynt such curates in your stede / as both can by there habilite, and wyll also promptely execute these Iniunctions, & do there dutye otherwyse that ye are boūde to do in euery behalf accordingly, & may profyte there cure, no lesse wyth good exemple of lyuing, than with declaracion of the worde of god, or els theire lacke and defaulte shalbe imputed vnto you, who shall straytly answer for the same, if they do otherwyse. ¶Itē that ye shall admytte no man to preach wythin any of your benefices or cures, but such as shall appere vnto you to be sufficientlye licenced therto by the kynges hyghnes or his grace authoryte, by tharchbisshop of Cantorb. or ye bysshop of this dioces And such as shalbe so licenced ye shall gladly receyue to declare the worde of god wythout any resistence or contradiction. ¶Itē if you haue heretofore declared to your parishoners any thige to thextollig or setting forth of pylgremages, reliques, or Images or any such superstition, ye shall now openly afore the same recante and reproue the same, shewyng them (as the truth is) that ye dyd the same vpon no grounde of scripture, but as one beynge led & seduced by a cōmen errour and abuse crepte into the church through the sufferaūce and auarice of such as felt profytte by the same. ¶Itē yf you do or shal know any mā within your parysh, or els where yr is a letter of the word of god to be redde in Englysh, or preached, or of thexecutiō of these iniunctions, or a fautor of the bysshop of Romes pretensed power, now by the lawes of this realme .
A00102.P4	Iniunctions geven by the Quenes Maiestie anno Domini MD.LIX., the fyrst yeare of the raigne of our Soueraigne Lady Quene Elizabeth.	[ "England and Wales. Sovereign (1558-1603 : Elizabeth I)", "Elizabeth I, Queen of England, 1533-1603." ]	[1559?]	Imprinted at London in Poules church yarde by Richard Iugge and Iohn Cawood ...,	[London] :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Government.", "Ecclesiastical law -- England." ]	THE fyrst is, that all Deanes, Archedea∣cons, Parsons,Vsurped and forraine auc∣thoriti Uycars, and all other, Ecclesiasticall persons, shall faythfully kepe & obserue, and as farre as in them may lye, shall cause to be obserued and kepte of other, al and singuler lawes and statutes made for the restorynge to the Crowne the aunciente iurisdiction ouer the state Ecclesiasticall, and abolyshyng of all forrayne power repugnaunte to the same. And furthermore all Ecclesiasticall persons, hauyng cure of soule, shall to thutter∣most of theyr wytte, knowledge and learnynge, purelye, sincerely, and without anye coloure or dissimulation, declare, manifest and open, foure tymes euery yere at the least, in theyr Sermons and other collations, that all vsurped and for∣rayne power, hauynge no establyshemente nor grounde by the lawe of God, is for mooste iuste causes taken awaye and abolyshed. And that therefore no maner of obedience or subiection within her hyghnesse realmes and dominions, is due vnto any such forrayne power. And that the Quenes power within her Realmes and dominions, is the hyghest power vnder God, to whom all men within the same Realmes and dominions, by Gods lawes, owe most loyalty & obedience, afore and aboue al other powers and potentates in earth. Besydes this, to thintent that all superstiti∣on and hypocrysye, crepte into dyuers mennes hartes,Images may vanyshe away, they shall not sette forth or extoll the dignitie of any Images, Re∣liques, or miracles, but declarynge the abuse of the same, they shall teache that all goodnesse, health and grace, ought to be bothe asked and loked for onely of God, as of the very aucthour and geuer of the same, and of none other. Item that they the persons aboue rehearsed, shall preach in theyr Churches, and euery other cure they haue,A sermon euery mo∣neth. one Sermon euery moneth of the yere at the least, wherein they shall purelye and sincerely declare the woorde of God: and in the same exhort theyr hearers to the woorkes of Fayth; as mercye and charitie,workes of Fayth. specially prescry∣bed and commaūded in scripture, and that wor∣kes deuysed by mans phantasies besydes scrip∣ture:As wandryng of Pylgrymages, settynge vp of Candels,workes of mās deuise. praying vpon bedes, or such lyke superstition, haue not onely no promyse of re∣warde in scripture for doynge of them: but con∣trarywyse great threatenynges and maledicti∣ons of God, for that they be thynges tendyng to Idolatry and superstition, which of al other of∣fences, God almyghtie doth most deteste and ab∣horre, for that the same diminishe moste his ho∣nor and glory. Item that they the persons aboue rehear∣sed shall preache in theyr owne persons once in euery quarter of the yeare at the leaste one Ser∣mon,Quarter Ser¦mon or Ho∣mely being licenced specially thereunto, as is specified hereafter, or els shall rede some Home∣ly prescrybed to be vsed by the Quenes auctho∣ritie euery Sundaye at the leaste, vnlesse some other preacher sufficiently licensed as hereafter chaūce to come to the paryshe for the same pur∣pose of preachyng. Item that euery holy day through the yeare when they haue no Sermon,The pater no∣ster, Credo & ten commaū∣dementes. they shall imme∣diatly after the Gospell, openly and playnely recite to theyr parishioners in the Pulpitte, the Pater noster, the Crede, and the ten commaun∣dementes in Englyshe, to thintent the people may learne the same by hearte, exhortynge all parentes and householders, to teach theyr chil∣dren and seruauntes the same, as they are boūd by the lawe of God, and conscience to do. Also that they shall prouyde within three monethes next after this visitacion,The Byble & Paraphrasis. at the char¦ges of the paryshe, one boke of the whole Byble of the largest volume in Englyshe. And within one .xii. monethes next after the said visitacion the Paraphrases of Erasmus also in Englyshe, vpon the Gospelles, and the same sette vp in some conuenient place within the sayd Church that they haue cure of, whereas theyr Parys∣shyoners may most commodiously resorte vnto the same, and reade the same, out of the tyme of common seruice. The charges of the Para∣phrases shalbe by the personne or proprietarie and paryshyoners borne by equall portions. And they shall discorage no man from the rea∣dyng of any parte of the Byble, eyther in Latin or in Englyshe, but shall rather exhorte euery person to reade the same, with great humilitie and reuerence, as the verye lyuely woorde of God, and the specyal fode of mans soule, which all Christian persones are bounde to embrace, beleue, and followe, yf they looke to bee saued: wherby they maye the better knowe theyr due∣ties to God, to theyr Soueraigne Ladye the Quene, and theyr neyghbour, euer gentely and charitablye exhortyng them, and in her Maie∣sties name, strayghtly charging and commaun∣dyng them, that in the readyng therof, no man to reason or contende, but quietlye to heare the reader. Also the sayde Ecclesiasticall persones, shall in no wyse at any vnlawfull tyme, nor for any other cause,Hauntyng of Alehouses by Ecclesiasticall persons. then for theyr honeste necessities, haunt or resort to any Tauernes or Alehouses. And after theyr meates, they shall not geue thē selues to drynkyng or ryot, spendyng theyr time idelly by day or by nyght, at dyse, cardes, or ta∣bles playing, or any other vnlawfull game. But at all tymes as they shal haue leysure, they shall heare or reade somwhat of holy scripture, or shall occupye them selues with some other honest studye or exercyse, and that they alwayes do the thynges whiche apperteyne to honestie, and endeuoure to profyte the common wealth, hauynge alwayes in mynde that they ought to excell all other in puritie of lyfe, and shoulde be examples to the people, to lyue well and Chry∣styantly. Also that they shall admytte no manne to preache within anye theyr cures, but suche as shall appeare vnto them,Preahers not licensed. to be sufficientlye ly∣censed thereunto by the Quenes Maiestie, or the Archebyshoppe of Caunterburye, or the Archebyshoppe of yorke, in ether theyr prouyn∣ces, or the Byshoppe of the Diocese, or by the Quenes Maiesties visitours: and such as shall be so lycensed, they shall gladly receyue, to de∣clare the worde of God, at conuenient tymes, without any resystaunce or contradiction. And that no other bee suffred to preache out of his owne cure or paryshe, than suche as shalbe ly∣censed, as is aboue expressed. Also yf they do, or shall knowe anye manne within theyr paryshe, or els where, that is a letter of the worde of God,Letters of the worde. to be readde in Eng∣lyshe, or sincerely preached, or of thexecution of these the Quenes Maiesties Iniunctions, or a fawter of anye vsurped and forrayne power, nowe by the lawes of this Realme iustelye re∣iected and taken awaye,Fars of the vsurped power. they shall detecte, and present the same to the Quenes Maiestie, or to her counsayle, or to the Ordinarye, or to the Iu∣styce of peace next adioynyng. Also that the Parson, Uycar, or Curatte, and paryshyoners of euery paryshe within this Realme:A Regeste. shall in theyr Churches and Chappels kepe one booke or Regester, wherein they shall wryte the daye and yeare of euerye weddynge, Chrystenynge, and Buryall, made within the Paryshe, for theyr tyme, and so euerye manne succeadynge theym lykewyse, and also therein shall wryte euerye persones name that shalbe so wedded, chrystened, and buryed. And for the safe kepyng of the same booke, the Paryshe shalbe bounde to prouyde of theyr com∣mon charges one suer coffer with twoo lockes and keyes, wherof the one to remayne with the Parson, Uicar, or Curate, and thother with the Wardens of euery paryshe Churche or chappell wherin the sayde booke shalbe layde vp, whiche booke they shall euery Sundaye take forth, and in the presens of the sayde Wardens or one of them, wryte and recorde in the same al the wed∣dynges, chrystenynges, and buryalles made the whole weke before. And that done, to lay vp the booke in the sayde coffer, as afore. And for euery tyme that the same shalbe omitted, the partie that shalbe in the faulte thereof, shall forfeit to the sayd Church .iii. s. iiii. d. to be employed, the one halfe to the poore mennes boxe of that Pa∣ryshe, the other halfe towardes the repayre of the Churche. Furthermore, because the gooddes of the Churche, are called the goodes of the poore, and at these dayes,Distributi∣on of the .xl. part. nothynge is lesse sene then the poore to be sustayned with the same: All per∣sons, Uicars, Pentionaries, Prebendaries, and other benefyced men within this Deanrye not beynge resydente vpon theyr benefices, whiche may dispend yerely twenty pound or aboue, ey∣ther within this Deanry, or ells where, shall dystrybute heareafter amonge theyr poore parisshioners or other inhabitauntes there, in the presence of the churche wardens or some o∣ther honest men of the parishe, the fortye part of the fruites and reuenues of their said benefice, leaste they be worthely noted of ingratitude, which reseruing so many partes to them selues cannot vouchsafe, to impart the fortie portion therof emonge the poore people of that parish, that is so fruitfull and porfytable vnto them. 12 And to thintent that learned men may her∣after spring the more for thexecucion of the pre∣misses,Exhibition for scholers. euerie person, vycar, clearke or beneficed man within this Deanry, hauing yerely to dis∣pende in benefices and other promocions of the church an hundreth poundes, shall gyue .iii.li.vi. s. viii. d. in exhibicion to one scoler in any of the vniuersities, and for as many .C.li. more, as he may dispend, to so many scholers more shall giue like exhibiciō in the vniuersitie of Oxford of Cābridge, or some gramer schole, which after they haue profyted in good learning, maye be parteners of their patrones, Cure and charge, as well in preaching as otherwise in execution of their offices, or may when neade shalbe other wise profite the comon weale, with their coun∣sayle and wisedome. 13 Also that all proprietaries, persons, vicars, and clearkes hauing churches,The fifte parte for re∣parations. chappels or mā∣sions within this deanry shall bestowe, yearely hereafter vppon the same mansions or chaun∣selles of their churches, being in decay, the fift parte of that their benefices, tyll they be fullye repayred and shal alwayes kepe and maintaine in good estate. Readinge of the Iniuncti∣ons.14 Also that the said persons vicars & Clearkes shall once euery quarter of the yeare reade these Iniunctions giuen vnto them, openly and deli∣beratly before al their parishioners, at one time or at two seueral times in one day, to thentent that both thei may be the better admonyshed of their dutie, and their said parishioners the more moued to folowe the same for their parte. Payments of Tithes.15 Also forasmuche as by lawes established, e∣uery man is bounde to pay his tithes, no man shal by colour of duetie omitted by there curat∣tes, deteine their tithes, & so requite one wrong with another, or be hys owne Iudge: but shall truely pay ye same, as he hath bene accustomed to their persons, vicars and Curates, withoute any restrainte or diminucion. And suche lacke and defaulte as they cane Iustly finde in their persons and Curattes, to call for reformacyon therof, at their ordinaries & other superiours, who vpon complaynte and dewe proffe therof, shall reforme the same accordingly. The newe Tes∣tamente and paraphrasis.16 Also that euerye person, vicar, Curate and Stipendary prieste, beinge vnder the degree of a maister of arte, shall prouide, and haue of hys owne within three monethes after this visita∣cion, the newe testament both in latten and in Englishe with paraphrases vpon the same, con∣ferryng thone with thother. And the bishops & other ordynaryes by them selfes or their offy∣cers in their synodes and visitacions, shall exa∣myne the sayde ecclesiastycal personnes, howe they haue profyted in the studye of holye scryp∣ture. 17 Also that the vyce of damnable dyspayre,Comfortable Sentences for the syck. may be clearely taken a waye, and that firme beleife, and Stedfast hope may be surely concei∣ued of al their parishioners being in any daun∣ger, they shall learne and haue alwayes in a re∣dynes, suche comfortable places & sentences of Scripture, as do set forth the mercye, benefites and goodnes of almyghtye god, towardes all penytente and beleauynge persons, that they maye at all tymes when necessity shall require. promptly comforte their flocke with the lyuely worde of god, whiche is thonely staye of mans conscience. 18 Also to avoyde all contentyon and stryfeProcession to be lefte. which heretofore hath risē emong the Quenes maiestyes subiectes in sundrye places of her realmes and dominions by reason of fond Cur∣tesy, and chalengynge of places in processyon: and also that they maye the more quietly heare that whiche is sayde or songe to their edifiyng, they shall not from henceforth in anye paryshe Churche, at any tyme vse any procession about the Churche or Churche yarde, or other place, but immediatly before the tyme of communion of the Sacramente, the priestes wyth other of they quyre, shall kneele in the myddes of the Church, and syng or saye playnely and distintly the letany which is set fourth in Englysh with all the Suffrages following,The letanye. to thintente the people may heare and answere, and none other procession or Letanye to be had or vsed, but the sayde Letanye in Englishe, addynge nothynge therto but as it is nowe appointed. And in Ca∣thedrall or Collegiat churches, the same shalbe done in suche places and in suche sorte, as our commissioners in our visitacion shall appoint. and in the tyme of the letanye of the common prayer of the Sermon, and when the priest rea∣deth the scripture to the parisshioners, no ma∣ner of persons without a Iuste & vrgent cause shall vse any walking in the church,Le bearinge of deuine ser∣uice. ne shal de∣parte out of the churche, and all ringinge and knollynge of belles shalbe vtterlye forborne for that time, except one bel in conuenient time to be ronge or knowled before the Sermone. But yet for the reteyning of ye perambulation of the Circuites of paryshes, they shal ons in the yere at the time accustomed with the curate and the substancial mē of the parishe, walke about their paryshes as they were accustomed, & at their re∣turne to the church make their cōmon prayers. 19 Prouided that the curate in their said com∣mon Perambulati∣on of parishesperambulatyons vsed heretofore in the dayes of rogations at certen conuenient places shall admonyshe the people to gyue thanckes to god in the beholdynge of gods benefittes for thencrease and aboundaunce of his fruites vp∣on the face of therth, wyth the sayeng the .103. Psalme Benedic anima mea. &c. or such like, at which time also the same minister shall Inculke there or such Sentences. Cursed be he whiche transla∣teth the boundes and dolles of his neyghboure, or such other order of prayers as shalbe hereaf∣ter apoynted. 20 Item all the Quenes faithfull and louing subiectes shall from henceforth celebrate and keepe their holly daye,Spendinge al the holy day. accordinge to gods holye will and pleasure: that is in hearing the worde of god red and taught: in priuate and publique prayers: in knowledginge their offences to god, and amendement of the same, in reconcylinge their selfes charitablye to their neyghboures, where displeasure hath ben, in often tymes re∣ceauinge the communion of the very body and bloude of Christ, in visityng of the poore and Sicke, in vsing all sobernes and godly conuer∣sation: yet notwythstandinge all persones vi∣cars and Curattes, shall teach and declare vnto their parysshioners, that they may with a safe and quiet conscience after their common praier in the time of haruest, labour vppon the holly and festiuall dayes, and saue that thinge which god hath sente. And yf for anye Scrupulositie, or grudge of Conscyence, men should superstiti∣ously absteine from working vpon those dayes, that then they should greuously offend and dis∣please god. 21 Also forasmuch as varyaunce and conten∣tion is a thinge that moste displeaseth god,Open conten∣ders to be recō¦ciled openly. and is moste contrary to the blessed communion of the body and bloud of our Sauiour Christ, Cu∣rates shall in no wyse admit to the receauynge therof any of their cure or floke, which be open∣ly knowē to lyue in sine notoriouse without re∣pentaunce, or who hath malitiously and open∣lye contendyd with his neighboure, onles the same do fyrste charitably and openly reconcyle him selfe againe, remittynge all rancoure and mallice, whatsoeuer controuersye hath ben be∣twene them, and neuertheles, their iuste tytles and ryghtes, they may charitably, prosecute be∣fore such as haue aucthority to heare the same. Contemners of laudible Cere∣monies.22 Also that they shall instructe and teache in their cures, that no man ought obstinatlye and malitiouslye, breake and vyolate the lawdable Ceremonyes of the Churche commaunded by publique aucthorytye to be obserued. The abolishe∣ment of thin∣ges superstici∣o.23 Also that they shall take awaye, vtterly ex∣tyncte and dystroye all shrynes, couerynge of Shrynes, all Tables, candelstykes, tryndalles, and rolles of waxe, pictures, payntinges, and al other monumentes of fayned myracles, Pilgre∣magies, Idolatry and supersticyon, so that ther remaine no memorye of ye same in walles, glas∣ses, wyndowe or elles where within their chur∣ches and houses, preseruing neuerthelesse or re∣payuynge bothe the walles and glase windous. And they shall exhorte all their paryshyoners to do the like within their seuerall houses. The pulpit.24 And that the Churchwardens, at the com∣mon charge of the paryshyoners in euerye Churche, shall prouyde a comely and honeste Pulpet to be set in a conuenient place wythin the same & to be ther semely kepte, for the prea∣chinge of gods worde. 25 Also they shall prouyde,The Cheste for the poore. and haue wythin three monethes after this visitatyon, a stronge cheste with a hole in the vpper parte thereof, to be prouyded, at the coste and charge of the pa∣ryshe, hauinge .iii. keyes, whereof one shall re∣maine in the custody of the person, vycar or Cu∣rate, and the other two in the custodye of the Churchwardens, or any other two honest men, to be appoynted by the paryshe from yeare to yeare, whych cheste you shall set and fasten in a most couenient place, to thentent the parishio∣ners shoulde put into it their oblacyons and almes for their poore neighbours. And the per∣son vicar and Curate, shal diligently from time to tyme, and speciallye when men make their Testamentes, cal vpon, exhorte and moue their neighbours to conferre and giue, as they maye well spare, to the sayde cheste, declairynge vnto them, wheras hertofore thei haue ben dilygent to bestowe muche substaunce otherwyse than god commaunded, vpon pardons, Pilgremages Trentalles, deckynge of ymages, offerynge of Candelles, geuynge to friers, and vppon other like blind deuotions: they ought at this time to be much more redy to helpe the pore and neady, knowyng that to releue the pore is a true wor∣shippinge of god, required earnestly vpon paine of euerlasting dampnation, & that also, whatso∣euer is giuen for their comfort, is giuē to Christ him selfe, and so is accepted of him, that he wyl mercifully reward the same wt euerlasting life. The whiche almes and deuotion of the people, the kepers of the keies, shal at times conueniēt take out of the cheste and distrybute the same in the presens of the whole paryshe or sixe of them to be truely and faithfullye delyuered to their most nydie neighbours,The distribu∣tion of the Almes. and yf thei be prouyded for, then to the reparacion of highe wayes next adioyninge; or to the poore people of suche pa∣rishes nere as shalbe thought best to the said ke∣pers of the keys. And also the money which ry∣seth of fraternities, guildes and other stockes of the church (except by the quenes maiesties auc∣thoritie it be otherwyse appoynted) shalbe put into the said cheste, & conuerted to the sayd vse, and also the rentes of landes, the proffit of Cat∣taile, and money geuē or bequethed to obbittes and diriges, or to the finding of torches, lghtes tapers and lampes, shalbe conuerted to the said vse, sauing that it shalbe lawful for them to be∣stowe parte of the saide proffittes vpon the re∣paration of the sayd churche, yf greate nede re∣quire, and where as the paryshe is verye poore, and not able otherwise to repaire the same. Simony.26 Also to auoide the detestable synne of Sy∣monye because byinge and Sellinge of benefi∣ces is erecrable before god: therfore al such per∣sons as bye anye benefices, or come to them by fraude or deceite, shalbe depriued of suche bene∣fices; and be made vnable at any tyme after, to receaue any other spirytuall promotion. And such as do sel them, or by any colour do bestowe them for their owne gaine and profet, shall lose theyr right and tytle of patronage, and present∣ment for that tyme, and the gyft therof for that vacation, shall apperteyne to the Quenes Ma∣iestie. Also because through lacke of preachers in many places of the Quenes Realmes and do∣minions,Homelies to be read. the people continue in ignoraunce & blyndnesse, al Persons, Uicars, & Curates, shall reade in theyr Churches euery Sunday, one of the Homelies which are and shalbe set forth for the same purpose, by the Quenes aucthoritie in such sorte as they shalbe appoynted to do in the preface of the same. Also whereas many indiscret persons do at this day,Contēpt of ministers. vncharitably contempne and abuse priestes and ministers of the Churche, because some of them (hauyng small learnyng) haue of longe tyme fauoured fonde phantasies, rather than Gods trueth: yet forasmuch as theyr of∣fyce and function is appoynted of Godde: the Quenes Maiestie wylleth and chargeth all her louynge subiectes, that from henceforth they shal vse them charitably & reuerently, for theyr office and ministracion sake, and especially such as labour in the settynge forth of Goddes holye worde. Item although there be no prohibition by the worde of God, nor any example of the pri∣matiue Churche, but that the priestes and my∣nisters of the Church may lawfully, for the ad∣uoydyng of fornication, haue an honest and so∣ber wyfe, & that for the same purpose, the same was by act of Parliament in tyme of our deare brother kyng Edwarde the syxt, made lawefull, wherevpon a great nombre of the clergy of this realme were their maryed, and so yet continue, yet because ther hath growen offence, and some slaunder to the Church, by lacke of discrete and sober behauyoure in manye mynysters of the Churche, both in chosyng of theyr wyues, and in vndiscrete lyuynge with them, the remedye wherof is necessary to be sought. It is thought therfore very necessary, that no maner of prieste or deacon, shall hereafter take to his wyfe anye maner of woman without the aduyse and al∣lowaunce fyrste had vpon good examination by the byshop of the same Diocese, and two Iusty∣ces of peace of the same shyre, dwellyng next to the place where the same womā hath made her moste abode, before her maryage, nor without the good wyll of the parentes of the sayde wo∣man, yf she haue any lyuyng, or two of the next of her kynsefolkes, or for lacke of knowledge of such, of her master or mastres where she serueth. And before he shalbe contracted in any place, he shall make a good and certen profe therof to the mynyster, or to the congregation assembled for that purpose, which shalbe vpon some holy day where dyuers may be present. And yf anye shall do otherwyse: that then they shall not be per∣mitted to minister eyther the woorde, or the sa∣cramentes of the Churche, nor shall be capable of anye Ecclesiasticall benefyce. And for the maner of mariages of any Byshoppes, the same shalbe allowed and approued by the Metropo∣litane of the prouince, and also by suche com∣missioners as the Quenes Maiestie shall there∣vnto appoynt. And yf any master or deane, or any head of any colledge, shal purpose to mary, the same shall not be allowed, but by suche to whom the visitacion of the same doth properly belonge, who shall in anye wyse prouyde that the same tende not to the hynderaunce of theyr house. Item her Maiestie beynge desyrous to haue the prelacye and cleargye of this Realme to bee hadde aswell in outwarde reuerence,Of apparell of ministers. as other∣wyse regarded for the worthynesse of theyr mi∣nisteries, and thynkynge it necessarye to haue them knowen to the people, in all places and assembles, bothe in the Churche and without, and thereby to receaue the honour and estyma∣tion due to the speciall messengers and myny∣sters of almyghtye Godde: wylleth and com∣maundeth that all Archebyshoppes and Bys∣shoppes, and all other that be called or admyt∣ted to preachynge or mynysterye of the Sacra∣mentes, or that bee admytted into anye voca∣tion Ecclesiasticall, or into any societie of lear∣ning in eyther of the vniuersities, or els where, shall vse and weare suche semely habytes, gar∣mentes, and suche square cappes, as were mooste commenly and orderlye receyued in the latter yeare of the raigne of Kynge Ed∣warde the syxte, not thereby meanyng to attri∣bute any holynesse or special worthynesse to the sayde garmentes. But as saint Paule wryteth: Omnia decenteret secundi ordinem fidt. 1. Cor. 14. Cap. Item that no man shall wylfully & obsty∣nately defende or mainteyne anye heresies,Heresies. er∣rours, or false doctrine, contrary to the fayth of Chryst and his holy scripture. Charmes.Item that no personnes shall vse charmes, sorcery, enchauntmentes, witchcraftes, south∣saying, or any lyke deuelyshe deuyse, nor shal re∣sort at any time to the same for coūsell or helpe. Item that no person shal, neglectyng their owne paryshe Church,Absente frō cōmon prayer. resort to any other chur∣che in tyme of common prayer or preachyng, ex∣cept it be by the occasion of some extraordinary sermon, in some paryshe of the same towne. Item that no Inneholders or ale house ke∣pers shall vse to sell meate or drynke in the time of common prayer,Inholders &alehouses. preachynge, readynge of the Homelies or Scriptures. Images in houses.Item that no persons kepe in theyr houses any abused images, table, pictures, payntinges and other monumentes of fayned miracles, pil∣grimages, ydolatry, or supersticion. Disturbers of Sermons or seruice.Item that no man shall wyllyngly lette or disturbe the preacher in tyme of his Sermon, or let or discourage any curate or minister to sing or say the diuine seruice nowe sette forth, nor mocke or jest at the ministers of such seruice. Rashe tal∣kers of scrip¦ture.Item that no man shall talke or reason of the holy scriptures, rashelye or contentiouslye, nor mayntaine any false doctrine or errour, but shal commune of the same when occasion is ge∣uen, reuerently, humbly, & in the feare of God, for his comfort and better vnderstandyng. Item that no man, woman, nor chyld shal∣be otherwyse occupyed in the tyme of the ser∣uice,Attendaūce to the ser∣uice. then in quiet attendaunce to heare, marke and vnderstande that is read, preached, and my∣nistred. Item that euery Scolemaster and teacher, shall teache the gramer set forth by kyng Henry theight of noble memory,The Gramer of kyng Hē∣ry the eyght. and continued in the tyme of kyng Edward the syxt, and none other. Item that no man shall take vpon hym to teache,Allowance of Scolema∣sters. but such as shalbe allowed by thordina∣rye, and founde mete, as well for his learnyng & dexteritie in teachyng, as for sober and honeste conuersation, and also for ryght vnderstanding of Gods true religion. Item that al teachers of chyldrē shal stirre & moue thē to the loue & due reuerence of Gods true religion,Duetie of scolema∣sters. nowe truely set forth by publyke aucthoritie. Item that they shall accustome theyr scol∣lers reuerently to learne such sentences of scrip¦tures,Sentences of scripture for scollers. as shalbe moste expedient to enduce them to all godlynesse. Item forasmuche as in these latter dayes many haue ben made priestes,Vnlearned priestes. beynge chyldren, and otherwyse vtterly vnlearned, so that they coulde reade to say mattens and masse: The Or∣dinaries shall not admitte any such to any cure or spirituall function. Item, euery Parsone, Uycar, and Curate, shall vpon euery holye daye,The Cathe∣chisme. and euery seconde Sunday in the yeare, heare and instruct all the youth of the paryshe, for halfe an houre at the leaste, before Euenynge prayer, in the ten com∣maundementes, the Artycles of the beliefe, and in the Lordes prayer, and dylygentlye exa∣myne them, and teache the Cathechisme, sette forth in the booke of publike prayer. Item that the ordinaries do exhibite vnto our visitoures,The boke of the afflicti¦s for reli¦gion. theyr bookes, or a true copye of the same, conteynyng the causes why any per∣son was imprysoned, famyshed, or put to death for religion. Item that in euery paryshe, three or foure discrete men which tender Gods glorye,Ouerseers for serue on the ¦ly dayes. and his true relygyon, shalbe appoynted by the Ordi∣naries, diligentlye to see that all the paryshyo∣ners duely resorte to theyr Churche vppon all Sundayes and holy dayes, and there to conty∣nue the whole tyme of the Godly seruice. And all suche as shalbe founde slacke or negligente in resortyng to the Churche, hauynge no great nor vrgent cause of absence, they shall strayght∣ly call vpon them, and after due monition, yf they amende not, they shall denounce them to the ordinarye. Item that the Churchwardens of euery pa∣ryshe Inuentories of churche goods.shall delyuer vnto our visitours the inuē∣tories of vestmentes, copes, and other ornamen∣tes, plate, bookes, and specyallye of Grayles, Couchers, Legendes, Processionalles, Hym∣nalles, Manuelles, Portuesses, and suche lyke apperteynyng to theyr Church. Item that wekely vppon Wenesdayes and Frydayes,Seruice on wenesdayes & frydayes. not beynge holly dayes, the curate at the accustomed houres of seruice, shall resort to Churche, and cause warning to be geuen to the people, by knollyng of the bell, and say the Le∣tany and prayers. Item because dyuers Collegiate, and also some paryshe Churches heretofore,Continu¦aunce of syngyng in the church. there hathe ben lyuynges appoynted for the maintenaunce of menne and chyldren, to vse syngynge in the Churche, by meanes whereof the lawdable sci∣ence of musike hath ben had in estimation, and preserued in knowledge: The Quenes Maie∣stie neyther meanyng in any wyse the decaye of any thyng that myght conuenientlye tende to the vse and contynnaunce of the sayde science, neyther to haue the same in anye parte so abu∣sed in the Churche, that thereby the common prayer shoulde bee the worse vnderstande of the hearers: Wylleth and commaundeth, that fyrste no alteration be made of such assignementes of lyuynge, as heretofore hath been appoynted to the vse of syngynge or musyke in the Churche, but that the same so remayne. And that there bee a modeste and destyncte songe so vsed, in all partes of the common prayers in the Church: that the same maye be as playnely vn∣derstāded as if it were read without singing. And yet neuertheles for the comforting of such as delyte in musicke, it maye be permitted that in the beginnyng, or in thend of common pray∣ers, eyther at mornyng or euenynge, there maye be songe an hymne, or suche lyke songe, to the prayse of almyghtye God, in the best sore of me∣lodye and musicke that maye be conuenientlye deuysed, hauynge respecte that the sentence of the hymne maye bee vnderstanded and percey∣ued. Item because in all alterations, & specially in rytes and ceremonies,Agaynst sclaūderous and infmus wordes. there happeneth dis∣cord emonges the people, and thervpon slaun∣derous wordes and linges, wherby charitie, the knot of all christian societie is losed. The Quenes Maiestie beyng most desirous of all o∣ther earthly thynges, that her people shoulde lyue in charitie, both towardes God and man, and therin abounde in good woorkes: wylleth and straightly commaundeth al maner her sub∣iectes, to forbeare all vayne & contencious dis∣putacions in matters of Religion, and not to vse in despite or rebuke of any person, these con¦uitious wordes, papyst or papisticall hereticke, scysmaticke, or sacramentary, or any suche lyke wordes of reproche. But yf anye maner of per∣son, shall deserue the accusation of any such, that fyrste he bee charytablye admonysshed thereof. And yf that shall not amende hym, then to denounce the offendours to the ordina∣ry, or to some higher power hauing aucthoritie to correcte the same. Item because there is a great abuse in the printers of bokes,Against here∣tical and sedi∣ciouse bokes. which for couetousnes cheif∣ly regard not what they print, so thei may haue gaine, whereby arriseth great dysorder by pub∣licatyon of vnfrutefull, vayne and infamous bokes and papers: The Quenes maiestie strayt∣ly chargethe and commaundeth, that no man∣ner of person shall print any maner of boke or paper, of what sort, nature, or in what lāguage soeuer it be, excepte the same be first licenced by her maiestie by expresse wordes in writynge, or by .vi. of her priuy counsel, or bs perused & licen∣sed by the archbyshops of Cantorbury & yorke, the bishop of London, the chauncelours of both vnyuersities, the bishop beyng ordinary, and the Archdeacon also of the place where any suche shalbe printed, or by two of them, wherof the or∣dinary of the place to be alwaies one. And that the names of such as shal allows the same, to be added in thende of euery such worke, for a testy∣monye of the allowaunce therof. And bycause many pampheletes, playes and balletes, be of∣ten times printed, wherein regard wold be had, that nothinge therin should be either heretical, sedicious, or vnsemely for Christian eares: Her maiestie likewise commaundeth, that no man∣ner of person, shall enterprise to print any such, except the same be to him lycenced by suche her maiesties commyssioners, or .iii, of them, as h appoynted in the citye of London to here, and determine diuers causes ecclesiasticall, tending to the execution of certayne statutes, made the last parliamēt for vnyformitye of order in reli∣gion. And yf any shall sell or vtter, any manner of bokes or papers, beynge not licensed as is a∣bouesaid: That the same party shalbe punyshed by order of the sayde commyssyoners, as to the qualitie of the faulte shalbe thought mete. And touchinge all other bokes of matters of religy∣on, or polycye, or gouernaunce, that hathe ben printed, eitheir on thisside the Seas, or on tho∣ther side, bicause the diuersitie of thē is great, and that there nedeth good consideration to be had of the perticularyties therof: her maiestye referreth the prohibition, or permission therof: to thorder whiche her saide commissioners within the Citie of London shall take, and no∣tifye. Accordynge to the whyche, her maiestye straightly commaundeth al manner her subiec∣tes, and specially the wardens and company of Stacyoners, to be obedyent. Prouyded that these orders do not extend to anye prophane aucthours, and workes in any language, that hath ben heretofore commonly receyued or allowed in any the vnyuersities or Scoles: But the same may be prynted and vsed, as by good order they were accustomed. Item, althougthe almightye god, is at all tymes to be honored wyth all manner of reue∣rence that maye be deuysed:Reuerence at prayers. yet all other tymes, in tyme of common prayer the same is most to be regarded. Therfore, it is to be necessa∣ryly receiued, that in tyme of the Letanye, and of all other collectes and common supplicaty∣ons to almyghty god, all manner of people shal deuoutly and humblye knele vpon their knees,Honor to the name of Iesus and gyue eare therunto. And that whensoeuer the name of Iesus shalbe in anye Lesson, Ser∣mon or otherwyse in the churche, pronounced: That due reuerēce be made of all parsons yong and olde, with lowlynes of cursey, and vncoue∣rynge of heddes of the men kynde, as therunto doth necessarylye belonge, and heretofore hath ben accustomed. Item that all ministers and readers of pub∣licke prayers,Curates to reade di∣stinctly. chapyters and homelyes, shalbe charged to reade leasurly, playnly and dystynct∣ly, and also such as are but meane readers, shal peruse ouer before once or twyse the chapy∣ters and homelyes, to thintent they maye reade to the better vnder∣standing of the people, and the more encoragement to godlynes. THE Quenes Maiestie beyng infor∣med that in certeyne places of this realme, sundry of her natiue subiec∣tes, beynge called to Ecclesiasticall ministerie in the Church, be by sini∣ster persuasion, and peruerse construction indu∣ced to fynd some scruple in the fourm of an othe which by an Act of the last parliament, is pre∣scrybed to be required of dyuers persons, for the recognition of theyr allegiaunce to her Maie∣stie, which certeinly neither was euer mente by any equitie of words or good sence, cā be ther of gathered: Woulde that all her louynge sub∣iectes should vnderstand, that nothyng was, is, or shalbe ment or intended by the same othe, to haue any other duetie, allegiaunce, or bonde re∣quired by the same othe then was acknowled∣ged to be due to the mooste noble kynges of fa∣mous memory kyng Henry the .viii. her Maie∣sties father, or kyng Edwarde the syxt, her Ma∣iesties brother. And further her Maiestie forbyddeth all ma∣ner her subiectes to geue eare or credit to suche peruerse & malitiouse persons, which most sini∣sterly & malitiously labour to notifie to her lo∣uing subiectes, how by the wordes of the sayde othe, it may be collected yt the kinges or Quenes of this realme, possessours of the Crowne, may chalenge aucthoritie and power of ministrie of diuine offices in the Churche, wherein her said subiectes be much abused by such euyll disposed persons. For certeinlye her Maiestie neither doth, ne euer wyll challenge any other auctho∣ritie, than that was challenged and lately vsed by the sayde noble kynges of famous memorye kyng Henry the eyght, and kynge Edwarde the syxt, which is and was of auncient tyme due to the Imperyall Crowne of this realme. That is vnder God, to haue the soueraintie & rule ouer all maner persons borne within these her real∣mes, dominions, and countreys, of what estate either ecclesiasticall or temporall so euer they be so as ther forraine power shal or ought to haue any superioritie ouer them. And if any person that hath conceiued anye other sence of the fourme of the sayde othe, shall accepte the same othe with this interpretacion, sence, or meanyng; her maiestie is well pleased to accept euery such in that behalfe, as her good and obe∣dient subiectes, & shall acquite them of all ma∣ner penalties conteyned in the saide acte against such as shal peremptorily, or obstinately refuse to take the same othe. WHeras her Maiestie vnderstandeth that in many and sundry partes of the realme, the Alters of the Chur∣ches be remoued, & tables placed for ministratiō of the holy sacrament, accordynge to the fourme of the lawe therefore prouyded, and in some other places the Alters be not yet remoued, vpon opinion conceiued of some other order therin to be taken by her Ma∣iesties visitours. In thorder whereof, sauynge for an vniformitie, there semeth no matter of great moment, so that the sacrament be duely and reuerently mynystred. yet for obseruation of one vniformitie through the hole Realme, & for the better imitacion of the lawe, in that be∣halfe, it is ordered that no Alter be taken down but by ouersyght of the curate of the Churche, and the churchwardens, or one of them at the least, wherin no riotous or disordred maner to be vsed, and that the holy table in euery Churche be decently made, and set in the place where the alter stode: and there cōmonly couered as ther∣to belongeth, and as shalbe appoynted by the visitours, and so to stande, sauing when the cō∣munion of the sacrament is to be distributed, at whiche tyme the same shalbe so placed in good sorte within the Chauncell, as wherby the mi∣nister may be more conueniently hearde of the communicantes, in his prayer and ministrati∣on, & the cōmunicantes also, more conueniently & in more nomber communicate with the sayde minister, and after the Communion done, from tyme to tyme the same holy table to be placed where it stode before. Item where also it was in the tyme of kyng Edward the syxt vsed to haue the sacramentall bread of common fine bread:The Sacra∣mentall breade. It is ordered for the more reuerence to be geuē to these holy mi∣steries, being the sacramentes of the bodye and bloud of our sauior Iesus Chryst, that the same sacramentall bread be made and formed plaine without any figures thervpon, of the same finenesse & fashion rounde, though somwhat bygger in compasse and thickenes, as the vsu∣all breade and wafer heretofore named syngynge cakes, which serued for the vse of the priuate masse. YE shall pray for Christes holy catho∣like church, that is, for the whole cō∣gregation of christen people, dysper∣sed throughoute the whole worlde, and specially for the church of Eng∣lande and Irelande. And herein I require you most specially to pray for the Quenes moste ex∣cellent maiestie our soueraigne lady Elizabeth Quene of Englande, Fraunce and Irelande, de∣fendour of the faith, and supreme gouernour of this realme, aswell in causes ecclesyasticall as temporall. you shal also pray for the ministers of gods ho∣ly word and Sacramentes, aswel Archbyshops and bishoppes, as other pastures and curates. you shall also pray for the Quenes moste ho∣norable counsayle, and for all the nobylitie of this realme, that al and euerye of these in their callynge, maye serue truly and painfully, to the glory of god and edifiyng of his people, remem∣bringe thaccompte that they must make. Also you shall praye for the whole commons of this realme, that they may liue in true faith and feare of god, in humble obedyence and bro∣therly charytie one to thother. Finally, let vs prayse god for all those whych are departed out of this life in the faith of christ and pray vnto god, that we maye haue grace so to direct our lyues after their good exāple, that after this lyfe, we with them may be made par∣takers of the gloriouse resurrection, in the lyfe euerlastinge. ALl which and synguler Iniuncti∣ons, the Quenes maiestye myny∣streth vnto her clergye, and to all other her louyng subiectes, strayt∣ly charginge and commaundynge them to obserue and kepe the same vpon payne of depryuatyon, Sequestratyon of fruites and benefyces, Suspension, excommu∣nication and such other cohertion, as to ordina∣ries, or other hauinge ecclesiasticall Iurysdicti∣on, whom her maiestie hath appointed, or shall apoint for the due execution of the same, shalbe seen conuenient. Charging and commaunding them, to see these Iniunctyons obserued and kept of al personnes, beynge vnder their Iuris∣dictyon, as they wil answere to her maiestie for the contrary. And her highnes pleasure is, that euery Iustice of peace beyng requi∣red, shall assiste the ordinaryes and euery of them, for the due exe∣cution of the sayd In∣iunctions.
A00156.P4	In obitum Thomæ Rhædi viri vndequaque meritissimi, et serenissimo regi ab epistolis Latinis epicedium.	[ "Aytoun, Robert, Sir, 1570-1638." ]	M.DC.XXIIII. [1624]	[By E. Allde],	[London] :	lat	[ "Reid, Thomas, d. 1624 -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800.", "Funeral sermons -- 17th century." ]	IN OBITVM THOMAE RHAEDI, VIRI VNDEQVAQVE MERITISSIMI, ET SERENISSIMO REGI AB EPSTOLIS LATINIS EPICEDIVM. M.DC.XXIIII.
A00157.P4	Articles to be enquired of in the visitation of the moste Reuerend father in God, Matthew, by the sufferaunce of God Archebyshop of Canterbury, Primate of all Englande, and Metropolitane in the yeare of oure Lorde God, M, D. LXIII.	[ "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1559-1575 : Parker)", "Parker, Matthew, 1504-1575." ]	Anno domini M. D. LXIII. [1563]	By Reginalde Wolfe,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England -- Early works to 1800." ]	IN primis, whether Diuine seruice be sayd or songe by your Minister or Ministers in your seuerall Churches duelye and reuerently, as it is set forthe by the lawes of this realme, with out any kynde of variation. And whether the holy Sa∣cramentes be likewise ministred reuerently, in suche manner as by the lawes of this Realme is appoin∣ted. Item, whether you haue in youre parrysh chur∣ches all thinges necessarye and requisite for Com∣mon prayer and administration of the Sacraments, specially the booke of Common praier, the Bible in the largest volume, the Homilyes, with the Para∣phrases of Erasmus: Aconuenient Pulpit wel pla∣ced: A comly and decent table for the Holy commu∣nion, sette in place prescribed by the Queenes maie∣sties Iniunctions. The Chest or Boxe for the poore men, and al other things necessary in and to the pre∣misses. And whether your Alters be taken downe, accordyng to the commaundement in that behalfe geuen, Item, whether your Prestes, Curates, or ministers do vse in the time of the celebraciō of diuine seruice to weare a surplesse, prescribed by the Queenes ma∣iesties Iniunctions, & the boke of Common praier. And wheather they do celebrate the same deuine ser∣uice in the chauncelor in the Churche, and do vse all Rites and orders prescribed in the boke of Commō praier, &c. and none other. Item, whether they do vse to minister the Com∣munion in wafer bread, according vnto the Quenes Maiesties Iniunctions, or in common bread. Item, whether ymages and al other monumentes of ydolatry and superstition be destroyd and aboly∣shed in your seueral parishes: And whether youre Churches be well adorned and conuenientlye kepte without waste, destruction, or abuse of any thinge. Whether the rood loft be pulled downe, according to the order prescribed, and of the partition betwene the Chauncell and the Churche be kepte. Whether the funt be standing and kept decently in the place v∣sed. Whether youre Churcheyardes be well fensed and clenly kept. Whether anye sale haue bene made of youre Churche goods, by whome and to whom, and what hath ben don with the mony thereof cō∣ming. Whether your Chauncels and Parsonages be wel and sufficiently repaired: Whether any man haue pulled downe or dyscouered anye Churche, Chauncell, Chappell, Almes house, or suche lyke, or haue plucked down the bels, or haue felled or spoiled any woode or timber in any Churche yarde. Item, whether ther be any Parsons that intrude them selfe, and presume to exercise any kinde of my∣nistery in the churche of God, without imposition of handes and ordinary aucthoritie. Whether theire church or chappell be serued with any readers, Or whether any Minister do remoue from any other diocese to serue in this, without leters testimonial of thordinary from whom he came, to testify the cause of his departinge thence, and of his behauiour. Or any beinge once priest or minister, that doth not mi∣nister, or frequent and resort to the Common praier now vsed, and at tymes appoynted communicate. And whether any suche do goe and boste himselfe lyke a laye man. Item, whether your Parsons and Uicars be resi∣dente continualli vpon their benifices: Whether thei giue themselues to deuoute prayer, discrete reading of the Scripture and godlye contemplacion, and re∣leaue the poore charitably to their hability, accor∣dinge to the Queenes Iniunctions. Whether they pray for the prosperous estate of the Queenes Ma∣iesty, as is prescribed in her geaces Iniunctions. Item, whether the communion table be decentlye couered and set in conuenient place, according to the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions. Item, whether any of your ministers doth or hath admitted any notoriouse sinner or maliciouse person out of Charitie, without iuste penance don and recō∣ciliation had, to receaue the holy Communiō: or ani that hathe not receaued the same accordinge as to a Christian appertayneth, and by the lawes it is ap∣pointed. And whether you do heare or knowe any that doth vse to saie or heare the priuate Masse, or doe vse anye other seruice then is prescribed by thee lawes of this Realme. Item, whether your minysters doe call vppon fa∣thers, mothers, and maisters of youth, to bring them vp in the feare of almighty God, in obedience, and in conuenient occupations. Whether they be peace∣makers, and exhorte the people to obedience to their Prince, and to all other that be in authoritie to cha∣rity and mutuall loue amonge themselues. Whe∣ther thei geue them selues to superstition, & be main∣teiners of the vnlearned people in ignoraunce. Item, whether your Persons, Uicars, & Curates be commō gameners, hunters, haunters of tauerns, or alehouses: Suspected of any notable crime: Fau∣ters of forein poures, letters of good religion, prea∣chers of corrupt doctrine: stubborne or disobediēt to lawes and orders: Whether they be geuen to filthy lucer. Whether they be lyght either in example of life, or in vnwont and vnsemely apparell. Item, whether anye of your benefices be vacant, how longe they haue been vacant: who is Patrone. Whether there be anye laye or temporall men, (not being within orders) or children, or any other (within age) that hath or enioieth ani benifice or spirituall promotion: ani Patron that suffereth anye benefice to be vacante, and taketh the tythes and other fruct∣es to himselfe. Item, whether your ministers kepe their registers well, & do present the copi of them once eueri yeare by Indenture, to the Ordinary or his officers. And teache the Articles of the fayth, and the Tenne com∣maūdementes, and the Lordes prayer, as is prescri∣bed them in the Catechisme. Item, whether youre Parsons and Uycars haue any other or mo benefyces, where & in what Coun∣trie thei be: Whether they came by them by Symo∣ny, or other vnlawfull meanes. Whether they doe let theyr benifyce to farme, or els kepe them in theyr owne handes. Whether thei kepe hospitality or not. Whether in theire absence they leaue their cures to honest, learned, or expert Curates. Whether they make their ordinary Sermons, accordynge to thee Queenes maiestes Iniunctions. Whether they ad∣mitte any to preatche vnlicenced, or put by any that hath licence. Whether thei reade the Queenes ma∣iesties Iniunctions as they ought to do, and saye theire Seruice sensibly and distinctly. Item, whether the laye people be diligent in com∣ming to the Churche on the holy daies, and with all humblenes, reuerentlye and deuoutly do geue them∣selues to the hearing of Commune prayer in the tim thereof, and otherwise occupie themselues in priuat praiers, reading of Scriptures, or other vertuouse exercise. Yf any be negligent or wilful. Whether the forfaiture be leuid on their goodes to the vse of the poore, according to the lawes of this Realm in that behalfe prouided. And what mony hath ben gathe∣red by the Churchwardens of the forfets. Item, whether there be in your quarters any that openly or priuily vse or frequent any kinde of diuine seruice or common praier, other then is set forth by the lawes of this Realme: and disturbers of commō prayers, or letters of the worde of God to be reade, preached or heard: Any yt by couert or crafty meanes depraue or contemne the same: or that speake to the derogation of the Queenes maiesties aucthority and power, or of the lawes set out by publike aucthority Item, whether there be amonge you any blasphe∣mers of ye name of almighty God, adulterers, forni∣cators, baudes, or receauers of suche persons. Any suspected of incest or any other notoriouse faulte, sin or crime. Any dronkardes, ribaldes, common slaun∣derers of their neighbours, raylers or scolders, so∣wers of discorde betweene neighbours, by plaies, rimes famouse libels, or otherwise. Item, whether there be in your parrishes any In∣keepers or Ale wiues, that admit any resort to their houses in tyme of Commone prayer. Anye that commonlye absente them selues from theyre owne Churche or otherwise idely or lewdly prophaneth the Sabbath day. Any that keepe any secret conuē¦ticles, preachings, lectures or readinges, contrary to the lawes. Any suspected of heresy, or that maintain any erronious opinions cōtrary to the lawes of al∣mightie God and good religion, by publique autho¦ritle in this Realme set forth. Item, whether there be in these parties which mi∣nister the goodes, of those whiche be deade, without authoritie: ani executors yt haue not fulfilled their te∣stators will, specially in paying of legacies giuen to good and godly vses, as to the reliefe of pouerte, to poore schollars, orphanes, highe waies, mariage of poore maydens, and suche lik. Whether youre Hospi¦tals and Almes houses be iustly vsed, accordinge to the foundatiō and auncient ordinaūces of the same. Whether ther be any other placed in thē then poore, impotent & needy persons, that hath not other wyse where with or whereby to liue. Item, whether there be any which of late hath be¦queathed in their testamentes, or other waies threbe appointed by ordinaries, any sumes of mony. Ie∣welles, Plate, Ornaments, or annuities for ye erectiō of any obites, diriges, trentals, or any suche like vse now be the lawes of this Realm not permitted: and if there be, that you present the names of such execu¦tors, the quantiti and quallitie of the guifte, that or∣dre may be taken therein accordingly. Item, whether there be any moni or stoke apper∣taining to anie parishe churche, in any mannes handes, that refuse or diferreth to paye the same: or that vseth fraude, deceite or delay to make any accompte in the presence of the honestye in the parishe, for the same. Whether youre Churche wardens and others afore tyme, haue giuen the yeareli accompte. according vnto the custome as it hath been aforetime vsed. whether the store of the poore mens boxe be openli and indifferently gyuen where neede is, without parcial affection. whether any stocke of tattel or graine appertaning to your churches, be decayed: by whose negligence, and in whose handes. Item, whether your schoolmaisters be of a sin∣cere religion. and be diligent in teachinge and brin∣ging vp of youth: Whether they teache any other Grammar, then such as is appointed by ye Queenes Maiesties Iniunction annexed to the same, or not. Item, whether there be any amonge you that vse sorcery or enchauntment, magike, incantacions, or nigromanci, or that be suspected of the same. Item, whether there bee any in these partes that haue maried within degrees of affinity or consan∣guinitie, by the lawes of God forbidden: so set oute in a table for an Admonition. Any man that hath twoo wiues, or any womā that hath two husban∣des. Ani that being deuorced or seperated asyde, hath maried againe. Any maried that haue made precontactes. Any that haue made priuie or secrete contractes. Any that haue maried with out banes thrise solemnelye axed. Any couples maried that liue not together, but slaunderously liue a part. Any that haue maried out of the parishe churche, where they ought to haue the same solemnised. Generally, whether there be any euel liuers or offenders of the lawes of almighty God: Ani sus∣pected of ani notorious sinne, fault or crime, to the offence of Christian people committed: Any com∣mon brauler, barrator or scowlder, or any other yt giueth occasion of the breache of Christian loue and charity amongest you: Any that stubburnly refuse to conforme them selfe to vniti and good Religion: Any that bruteth abroad rumors of the alteration of the same, or otherwise that disturbeth good or∣ders, and the quietnesse of Christes Churche and Christin congregation.
A00158.P4	Articles to be enquired of, within the prouince of Canterburie, in the metropoliticall visitation of the Moste Reuerende Father in God, Edmonde, Archbishop of Canterburie, primate of all Englande, and metropolitane in the xviij yeare of the reygne of our most gracious souereygne Ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queene of Englande, Fraunce, and Irelande, defender of the fayth, &c.	[ "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1575-1583 : Grindal)", "Grindal, Edmund, 1519?-1583." ]	1577.	By Willyam Seres,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	WHether Common prayer be song or sayde, by your Per∣son, Uicar, or Cu∣rate in your seuerall church or chappels distinctly and reue∣rently, and in suche order as it is sette forth by the lawes of this Realme, without any kind of alteration, and at due and conuenient houres? and whe∣ther your Minister so turne himselfe, & stand in such place of your Church or Chaun∣cell, as the people may best heare the same? And whether the ho∣ly Sacraments be likewise ministred reuerently in such maner, as by the lawes of the Realme is appoynted? and whether vpon Wednesdayes, and Fridayes, not being holydayes, the Letanie and other prayers appoynted for the day, be sayde accordingly? 2 Whether you haue in your parish Churches and Chappels, all thinges necessarie and requisite for common prayer, and ad∣ministration of the Sacraments, specially the Booke of common prayer with the newe Kalender, a Psalter, the English Bible in the largest volum, the two Tomes of the Homelies, the Para∣phrases of Erasmus transllated into English, the table of the ten commandements, a conuenient Pulpit well placed, a comely and decent table, standing on a frame, for the holy Communion, with a fayre lynnen cloth to lay vpon the same, and some couering of Silke, Buckram, or other such like, for the cleane keping therof, a fayre and comely Communion cup of siluer, and a couer of siluer for the same, which may serue also for the ministration of the com∣munion bread, a decent large surplesse with sleeues, a sure Cofer with two locks and keyes for the keeping of the Register booke, & a strong chest or boxe for the almose of the poore, with three locks and keyes to the same, and al other things necessarie in and to the premisses? 3 Whether the forme of commination agaynst sinners, with certaine prayers following the same, set forth in the latter ende of the booke of comon prayer, to be vsed at diuers times in the yere, be by your Minister plainly and distinctly read in your Church or Chappell vnto the people, betwene the Letanie, and the comme∣moration or ministration of the holy cōmunion, three times at the least in the yeare, that is to say for order sake, yerely vpon one of the three sundayes next before Easter for the first time, vpon one of the two Sundayes next before the feast of Pentecost for the se∣conde time. And for the thirde time, vpon one of the two sundays next before the feast of the birth of our Lorde, ouer and besides the accustomed reading thereof vpon the first day of Lent? 4 Whether in your churches and chappels, all Aultars be vt∣terly taken downe and cleane remoued, euen vnto the foundation, and the place where they stoode, paued, and the wall wherevnto they ioyned, whited ouer, and made vniforme with the rest, so as no breach or rupture appeare? And whether your Roodloftes be taken downe, and altered so, that the vpper partes thereof with the soller or loft be quite taken downe vnto the crosse beame, and that the sayde beame haue some conuenient creast put vpon the same? 5 Whether your Churches and Chappels with the Chauncels thereof be well and sufficiently repayred, and kept without abuse of any thing? And whether your churchyards be well fenced and clenly kept? And if any part thereof be in decaye, through whose default it is so? 6 Whether all and euery Antiphoners, Masse bokes, Grailes, Portesses, Processionals, Manuals, Legendaries, and all other bookes of late belonging to your Church or Chappell, which ser∣ued for the superstitious Latine seruice, be vtterly defaced, rent, and abolished, and if they be not, throughe whose default that is, and in whose keeping they remayne? And whither al Uestments, Albes, Tunicles, Stoles, Phanons, Pixes, Paxes, Handbelles, Sacringbelles, Censers, Crizmatories, Crosses, Candlestickes, Holy water stocks, Images, and such other reliques and monu∣ments of superstition and Idolatrie be vtterly defaced, broken, and destroyed? And if not, where, and in whose custodie they re∣mayne? 7 Whether your person, vicare, curat, or minister, doe weare any cope in your Parish church or chappell, or minister the holy Communion in any Chalice heretofore vsed at Masse, or in anye prophane Cuppe or glasse, or vse at the ministration thereof anye gestures, rites, or ceremonies, not appointed by the booke of Com∣mon prayer, as crossing or breathing ouer the sacramentall bread, and wine, or shewing the same to the people to be worshipped and adored, or any such like, or vse any Oyle and Chrizme, Tapers, spattle, or any other Popish ceremonie in the ministration of the Sacrament of Baptisme? 8 Whyther any holydayes or fasting daies heretofore abroga∣ted, or not appointed to be vsed as holy dayes, or fasting dayes by the newe Kalender of the booke of Common prayer, be either pro∣claymed and bidden by your Person, Uicar, or Curate, or be su∣persticiously obserued by any of your parish, and what be their na∣mes that so doe obserue the same? and whether there be any rin∣ging or tolling of Belles to call the people togither vsed in any of those dayes, more or otherwise, than commonly is vsed vpon other dayes that be kept as workedayes? 9 Whether, when any man or woman is in passing out of this lyfe, the Bell be tolled, to moue the people to praye for the sicke person, especially in all places, where the sicke person dwelleth neere vnto the Church? and whether after the time of his or hir passing out of this world, there be any more ringing but one short peale before the buriall, and another short peale after the buriall, without any other superfluous or supersticious ringing? and whe∣ther on all Saints daye after Euening prayer, there be any rin∣ging at all, or any other supersticious ceremonie vsed, tending to the maintenance of Popish purgatorie, or of prayer for the dead, and who they be that vse the same? And whether there be any rin∣ging or knolling of belles on Sunday or holydayes, betweene morning prayer and the Letanie, or in any time of the common prayer, reading of the Homelies, or of preaching, except one bell in conuenient time to be rong or tolled before the Sermon, or any other ringing vsed vpon Saints eeues or festiuall days, sauing to common prayer, and that without excesse, and who doth ring or knoll otherwise? 10 Whether your Person, or Uicar, haue preached, or cause to be duely preached in your Church, his quarterly or monethly Ser∣mons, as by the Queenes Iniunctions he is bound, and what be the names of such as haue preached for him? and whether he hath admitted any man to preach, not hauing sufficient licence, or hath inhibited or letted any from preaching, hauing sufficient licence? 11 Whether any person or persons, not being ordred at the least for a Deacon, or licenced by the Ordinarie, do say common pray∣er openly in your Church or Chappell, or any not being at the lest a Deacon, doe solemnise matrimonie, or administer the Sacra∣ment of Baptisme, or deliuer vnto the Communicants the Lords Cup, at the celebration of the holy Communion, and what he or they be, that so doe? And whether the Person, Uicar, or Fermer of your benefice, do cause, or suffer any Curat or Minister to serue your Church, before he be examined and admitted, by the Ordina∣rie, or his Deputie in writing, and doe shewe his licence to the Churchwardens? and whether any Curate doe serue two Cures at one time, without the speciall licence of the Ordinarie, or his Deputie in that behalfe, in writing first had? 12 Whether your Person, Uicar, or Curat, doe euery sunday when there is no sermon, reade distinctly and plainly some part of the Homelies prescribed and set forth by the Queenes authoritie to be read, and euery holyday, when there is no sermon, immedi∣ately after the Gospel, openly, playnely, and distinctly recite to his parishioners, the Lordes prayer, the Articles of the faith and the ten Commaundements in English? and whether any Minister not admitted by the Ordinarie, or by other lawfull authoritie, doe expound any scripture, or matter of doctrine, by the way of ex∣hortation, or otherwise, and thereby omit and leaue of the reading of the Homelies? Whether your Person Uicar, or Curate do euery Sunday and holyday openly in the Church, call for, heare and instruct all the Children, Aprentises, and seruants of both sexes, that be of conuenient age within your parish, or at the least so many of them by course, as the time will serue, and as he may well heare and in∣struct for halfe an houre at the least, before or at the euening pray∣er, in the ten Commandements, the Articles of the beliefe, and the Lordes prayer, and diligently examine and teach them the Cate∣chisme, as it is now allowed, and set forth? And whether for that purpose, he doth take the names of them all, and by course call cer∣tayne of them by name euery sunday and holyday, to come to the teaching of the same Catechisme? 14 Whether all fathers and mothers, maysters, and dames of your parishe, cause their children, seruants, and apprentices, both mankind and womankinde being aboue seuen yeres of age, and vnder twentie, which haue not learned the Catechisme, to come to the Church on Sundayes and holydayes, at the times appoin∣ted, or at the least such and so many of them, as your Minister shal appoynt, and there diligently and obediently to heare and to be or∣dered by the Minister, vntill such time as they haue learned the same Catechisme, and what be the names of those that doe not cause their children, seruantes, and apprentises, so to come to the Church, to be instructed and examined, and how many of the said children, seruants, and apprentises be in your parishe, which be∣ing aboue seuen yeares olde, and vnder twentie yeares of age, can not say by heart the sayde Catechisme, and what be their names and age, and with whom they dwell? 15 Whether your Person, Uicar, Curate, or other Minister in your Church or Chappell, hath admitted to the receyuing of the holy Communion, any open and notorious fornicatour, adulte∣rer, or euill liuer, by whom the congregation is offended, without due penance first done, to the satisfaction of the congregation, or any malicious person that is notoriously known to be out of cha∣ritie, or that hath done any open wrong to his neighbour by word or deede, without due reconciliation first made to the partie that is wronged? 16 Whether your Person, Uicar, Curate, or Minister, hath admitted to the holy Communion any of his Parishe being aboue twentie yeares of age, eyther mankinde or womankinde, that can not say by heart the ten Commaundementes, the Articles of the fayth, and the Lordes prayer in English, and what be the names of such as cannot say the same, or being aboue fouretene yeares, and vnder twentie yeares of age, that cannot say the Catechisme, allowed and set forth in the sayd booke of Common prayer? And whether he marie any persons which were single before that can∣not say the Catechisme? And whether he vseth to examine his pa∣rishioners at conuenient times before he administer vnto them, & namely before Easter yearely, to the intent he may knowe, whe∣ther they can say by heart the same, which is required in this be∣halfe, or no? 17 Whether your Priests and Ministers be peacemakers, and no brawlers, or fowers of discorde, and exhort their parishioners to obedience towardes their Prince, and all other, that be au∣thoritie, and to charitie and mutuall loue among themselues? whe∣ther they be diligent in visiting the sick, and comforting them, and doe moue them earnestly, especially when they make their Testa∣ments, to consider the necessitie of the poore, and to giue to their boxe or chest their charitable deuotion and almose. 18 Whether they neglect the studie of the holy Scriptures and of the worde of God? and whether such of them as be vnder the degree of a maister of Arte, haue of their owne, at the least the newe Testament both in Englishe and Latine? and whether they doe euery day with good aduisement conferre one Chapter of the Latine and English togither at the least? And whether they haue giuen due accompt therof, and to whom? 19 Whether any of your persons, vicars, curats, or mini∣sters be fauourers of the Romishe or forreyne power, letters of true religion, preachers of corrupt and Popishe doctrine, or main∣teyners of sectaries, or doe set forth and extoll vayne and supersti∣cious religion, or be maintainers of the vnlearned people, in igno∣rance and errour, encouraging or moouing them rather to pray in an vnknowne tongue, than in English, or to put their trust in a certayne number of prayers, as in saying ouer a number of beades, Ladie Psalcers, or other like? 20 Whether any doe preach, declare, or speake any thing in derogation of the booke of common prayer, which is set forth by the lawes of this Realme, dispraysing the same, or any thing ther∣in contayned? 21 Whether your Person, Uicar, or Curate, hath or doth main∣teine any doctrine contrarie or repugnant to any of the Articles a∣greed vpon by the Clergie in the Conuocation holden at London Anno. domini .1562. for the auoyding of diuersities of opinions, & for establishment of consent touching true religion, set forth by the Queenes authoritie? & whether any hauing bene admitted to his benefice since the thirtenth yeare of the Queenes reigne, hath noe within two monethes after his induction, publickly redde the said Articles in your Church in the time of Common prayer there with a declaration of his vnfayned assent therevnto? 22 Whether your person, vicar, curate, minister, or reader, doe church any vnmaried woman, which hath bene gotten wyth childe out of lawfull mariage, & say for hir the forme of thanksegi∣uing of woman after childbirth, except such an vnmaried woman haue either before hir childbirth, done due pennaunce for hir fault to the satisfaction of the congregation, or at hir comming to giue thankes doe openly acknowledge hir fault before the congregati∣on at the appointmēt of the minister, according to ye order prescri∣bed to the sayd Minister, by the Ordinarie or his Deputie, the same churching to be had alwayes on some Sunday or holyday, and vpon none other day? 23 Whether any of your persons, Uicars, Curates, or Mini∣sters, or any other Priest, or any lay man or woman, doe wilfully maintayne, or defende any heresies, false opinions, or popish er∣rors, contrarie to the lawes of almightie God, and true doctrine, by publike authoritie in this realme nowe set forthe, and what be their names? And whether any keepe any secrete conuenticles, preachinges, lectures, or readings contrary to the law? and what be their names? 24 Whether there be any in your parishe that openly or pri∣uately say Masse, or heare Masse, or any other kinde of seruice or prayer, than is set forth by the lawes of this Realme? 25 Whether any popish Priests, eyther going as Priestes, or disguised in other apparel, or altering their names for any cause, or any other, or rumiagate persons, mislikers, or deprauers of true religion, that doe not minister or frequent common prayer nowe vsed, nor communicate at times appoynted by the law, doe resort secretly or openly into your parish, and to whom, and of whom be they receyued, harbored, and relieued, and what be their names and surnames, or by what names are they called? 26 Whether your Persons and Uicars, be resident and dwell continually vppon their benefices, doing their dueties in prea∣ching, reading, and ministring the Sacraments? and whether they keepe Hospitalitie, according as their liuings will extende? And whether their houses and Chauncelles be well repayred and vpholden? 27 Whether they or any of them haue mo benefices then one, how many, and in what countryes they be, and what be the names thereof? 28 Whether they, when they be absent from their benefices, doe leaue their cures to a rude and vnlerned person, and not to an honest, and well learned expert Curate, which can and will teach the people wholesome doctrine? and whether in their absence they doe procure learned men to preach in their churches and cures, at least one sermon euery quarter of a yeare? 29 Whether such persons and vicars as be not resident, ney∣ther keepe hospitalitie, doe relieue their poore parishioners, and what giue they yearely to them, and if they be not resident, and may dispende yerely twentie poundes or aboue, eyther in this dio∣cesse, or elsewhere? whether doe they distribute euery yere among their poore parishioners, at the least the fortieth part of the fruites of their benefices, where they be not resident? 30 Whether your persons, vicars, curates, & Ministers, kepe well their registers of al Weddings, Buryings, and christenings within your parish, and doe present a copie of them once euery yeare, by Indenture to the Ordinarie, or his officers▪ and whe¦ther they read the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions euery quar∣ter of the yeare once, or no? 31 Whether they▪ or any of them, keepe any suspected women in their houses, or be incontinent persons, giuen to drunkennesse, ydlenesse, or be haunters of Tauerns, Alehouses, or suspected places: or be hunters, haukers, dicers, carders, tablers, swea∣rers or otherwise suspected of any notorious crime, or giue any euil example of life? and whether they (as they ought to doe) occu∣pie them selues in the reading, or hearing of some part of the holy scripture, or other good Author, or in some other godly or lauda∣ble exercyse, meete for their vocation? 32 Whether they, or any of them, doe keepe or suffer to be kept in their personage or vicarage houses, any Alehouses, Tipling houses, or tauerns, or doe sell Ale, Bere, Wine, or any victuall? 33 Whether your persons or vicars haue bought▪ their bene∣fices, or come to them by Simonie; fraud, or deceyt, or by anye colourable pact, or other vnlawfull meane whatsoeuer, or be vehe∣mently suspected or defamed thereof? And whether they keepe in their owne handes, or haue demised, and let to ferme their per∣sonages, and Uicarages, or their Glebe lande, or Tythes, or any part thereof? and whether any such lease be made for the per∣fourmaunce of any Simonicall part, made directly or indirectly, betweene the Incumbent and the Patrone, or betweene the In∣cumbent and any other person, for the presenting of the same Incumbent to that benefice? 34 Whether any minister or priest presented to any benefice in this Diocesse hath couenanted, promised, or practised to or with the Patrone therof or any other person or persons that had the ad∣uousion or gift of the same benefice, or with any other person or persons on his or their behalfe, to giue to him or his friende, any summe of redy money, for presenting him to the same, or haue offe∣red by promise or bonde any lease, eyther of the whole benefice, ly∣miting the rent farre vnder the iust value, or of the mansion house, Glebe landes, or any portion of the tythes, and fruites of the same benefice, receiuing little or nothing therefore, or suffering the pa∣trone or any other person that presented him, to haue his owne ty∣thes within the benefice free vnto himselfe, or else haue graunted some yerely pension or other yerely commodity, to him, his child, seruant or friend for preferring him to the same benefice, or other∣wise haue suffered him to make a gayne by any colour, deceyt, or Simoniacall part in bestowing the sayde benefice? 35 Whether the Church of your parishe be now vacant or de∣stitute of an Incumbent, or no, and if it be, howe long it hath bene so, and who is the Patrone? and whether he suffereth the benefice to lye vacant, and occupieth the glebe land, and taketh the tythes and other fruites to himselfe, during the time of the vacation: or who also occupieth and taketh the same? 36 Whether there be any lay or temporall man, not being with in orders, or any child that hath, or enioyeth any benefice or spi∣rituall promotion? 37 Whether any priest or minister be come into this Dioces, out of any other Dioces, to serue any cure here, without letters testimoniall of the Ordinarie, from whence he came, vnder his au∣tenticke seale and hand, to testifie the cause of his departing from thence and of his behauiour there 38 Whether for the retayning of the perambulation of the cir∣cuite of your parish, the person, vicar, or curate, churchwardens and certayne of the substantiall men of the parish, in the dayes of the Rogations, commonly called the gang dayes, walke the accu∣stomed boundes of your parishe, and whether in the same peram∣bulation and going about, the curate doe vse any other rite or ce∣remonie, than to say or sing in English, the two Psalmes begin∣ning Benedic anima mea domino, that is to say, the Ciii. psalm, and the Ciiii. psalme, and such sentences of Scripture, as be ap∣pointed by the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions, with the Letany and suffrages following the same, and reading one Homelie alre∣die deuised and set forth for that purpose, without wearing any sur∣plesses, carying of banners, or handbelles, or staying at Crosses or any such like popish ceremonies. 39 Whether the parish clarke be appoynted according to the auncient custome of the parish? and whether he be not obedient to to the person, vicar, or curate, specially in the time of celebration of diuine seruice, or of the sacraments, or in any preparation there∣vnto? And whether he be able and ready to reade the first lesson, the Epistle, and the Psalmes, with aunswere to the suffrages as is vsed? and whether he keepe not the bookes, and ornaments of the Church fayre and cleane, and cause the Church and Queere, the Communion Table, the Pulpit and the Funt to be made de∣cent and cleane, agaynst seruice time, the communion sermon, and baptisme? 40 Whether there be any man or woman in your parish that resorteth to any popish Priest for shrift or auricular confession, or any that within three yeares nowe last past, hath bene reconciled vnto the Pope, or to the Church of Rome, or any that is reputed or suspected so to be? and whether there be any that refuse to com to the Church to heare diuine seruice, or to communicate accor∣ding to the order now established by publicke authoritie, and what be their names? 41 Whether there be any person, or persons, ecclesiastcall or temporall within your Parish, or elsewhere, within the Dio¦ces, that of Late haue retayned, or kept in their custodie, or that reade, sell, vtter, disperse, carie, or deliuer to others any Englyshe bookes, set forth of late yeres at Louaine, or in any other place be¦yonde the seas, by Harding, Dorman, Allen, Saunders, Staple∣ton, Marshall, Brystowe, or any of them, or by any other English papist, eyther agaynst the Queenes Maiesties supremacie in mat¦ters ecclesiasticall, or against true religion, and catholicke doctrine now receyued, and established by common authoritie within this Realme, and what their names and their surnames are? 42 Whether there be any in your parish, that vseth to praye in English, or in Latine vpon Beades, or other such like thing, or vpon any supersticious popishe primer, or other like booke, and what be their names? 43 Whether the people of your parish, especially housholders, hauing no lawfull excuse to be absent, doe faythfully and dili∣gently endeuour them selues, to resort with their chyldren, and seruauntes, to their parish church or chappell, on the holy dayes, and chiefly vpon the Sundayes to Morning and Euening prayer and vpon reasonable let thereof to some vsual place, wher com∣mon prayer is vsed, and then and there abyde orderly and soberly, during the time of common prayer, Homelies, Sermons, and other seruice of God there vsed, reuerently and deuoutly giuing themselues to the hearing thereof, and occupying themselues at times conuenient in priuate prayer? and who they be that eyther negligently or wilfully absent themselues, or come very late to the Church vpon the Sundayes especiall, or that walke, talke, or otherwyse vnreuerently behaue themselues in the Church, or vse any gaming or pastyme abroade, or in any house, or sit in the Streetes, or Churchyarde, or in any Tauerne or Alehouse, vpon the Sunday, or other holydaye, in the time of common prayer, Sermons or reading of the Homelies, eyther before noone, or af∣ter noone? 44 Whether the forfayture of twelue pence, for euery such of∣fence, appointed by a statute made in the first yere of the Queenes Maiesties reygne, be leuied and taken according to the same Sta∣tute by the Churchwardens, of euery person that so offendeth, and by them be put to the vse of the poore of the parish, and if it be not, by whose default it is not leuied. And what particular summes of mony haue bene forefayted that way, and by whom since the feast of Easter in the yere of our Lorde .1575. vntill the day of giuing vp the presentment concerning these Articles. And so from time to time, as the saide Churchwardens and swornemen shall be ap∣poynted to present in this behalfe, and how much of such forfey∣tures haue bene deliuered to the vse ofthe poore of the parish, and to whom the same hath bene deliuered? 45 Whether ye know any, that in the time of the reading of the Letanie, or of any other part of the common prayer, or in the time of the Sermon, or reading of the Homelies, or any part of the Scriptures to the parishioners, any person haue departed out of the Church without iust & necessarye cause, or that disturbeth the Minister or preacher, any maner of wayes in the time of diuine seruice or sermon? and whether any in contempt of their parishe church or minister, doe resorte to any other church or no? 46 Whether there be any Inkeepers, Alewiues, Uittaylers or Tiplers, that suffer or doe admit any person or persons, in their houses, to eate, drinke, or play at Cardes, Tables, or such like games in the time of common prayer or sermon, on the sundayes or holydayes? and whether there be any shoppes set open on sun∣dayes or holydayes, or any Butchers or others, that cōmonly vse to sel meate, or other thinges, in the time of common prayer, prea∣ching, or reading of the Homelies? and whether in any Fayrs or common markets falling vpon the sunday, there be any shewing of any wares before the morning prayer be done? and whether a∣ny Markets or selling of any wares be vsed or suffered in anye churchyardes? 47 Whether for the putting of the Churchwardens and Swornemen the better in remembraunce of their dutie in obser∣uing and noting such as offend, in not comming to diuine seruice, your minister or reader doe openly euery Sunday, after he haue red the second Lesson at morning and euening prayer, monishe and warne the Churchwardens and swornemen to looke to theyr charge in this behalfe, and to obserue who contrarie to the sayde Statute offend in absenting themselues necligently, or wilful∣ly from their parish Church or chappell, or vnreuerently (as is afore sayde) vse themselues in the time of diuine seruice? 48 Whether the Churchwardens of the last yeare haue giuen to the parish a iust account of the Church goodes and rentes that were committed to their charge, according vnto the custome that hath bene afore time vsed, and what Church goods they or any o∣ther haue solde, and to whom? and whether to the profite of your Church or no? and what hath bine done with the money thereof comming? 49 Whether the Churchwardens and sworne-men of the last yere, haue of any priuate corrupt affection concealed any crime, or other disorder in their time done in your parish, and haue not pre∣sented the same to the Byshop, Chauncelour, Archdeacon, Com∣missarie, or such other as had authoritie to reforme the same? and whether they or any of them, at any such time as they should haue bene at diuine seruice on Sundayes or holydayes, and should ther haue obserued others that were absent, haue ben away themselues at home, or in some tauerne, or Alehouse, or else about some world∣lye businesse, or at Bowles, Cardes, Tables, or other gaming, without regarde of their office and duetie in that behalfe? 50 Whether any man hath pulled downe or discouered anye church, chauncell, or chappell, or any part of any of them, anye church porche, Uestrie, or Steeple, almosehouse, or such like, or haue plucked downe the belles, or haue felled or spoiled any wood or timber in any churchyarde? 51 Whether your Hospitals, Spittles, and Almosehouses be well and godly vsed according to the foundation and auncient or∣dinances of the same? whether there be any other placed in them, then poore impotent and needie persons, that haue not wherwith, or whereby to liue? 52 Whether any of your parish being of conuenient age, haue not receyued the holy communion thrise this last yeare at the least▪ and namely at Easter last or thereabouts for once, and what their names are? or receiuing, haue not signified the same before to your person, vicar, or curate, that he might conueniently examine them, or that haue refused to come to him to be examined? 53 Whether there be any in your parish that hath or doth of∣fend contrarie to the statute made in the xxxvii. yere of the reigne of King Henrie the eyght for reformation of vsurie, & reuiued by an Acte made in the xiii. yere of the reigne of the Queenes Maie∣stie, what be the names of such offenders, & what is the maner of their vsury? 54 Whether there be any in your parish, that minister the goods of those that be dead, without lawfull authoritie, or any that suppresse the last will of the deede, or any executors, that haue not fulfilled their testators will, specially in paying of Legacies giuē to the Church, or to other good and godly vses, as to the reliefe of pouertie, to Orphanes, poore schollers, poore maydes mariages, high wayes, schooles, and such like? 55 Whether there be any, which of late haue bequeathed in their testaments, any Iewels, Plate, ornaments, cattle, or grayne, or other moueable stocks, Annuities, or summes of money for the erection or finding of any obites, diriges, trentales, torches, lights tapers, lampes, or any such like vse now by lawe forbidden, which are not payde out of any lands, and wherevnto the Queenes Ma∣iestie is not entytled by any Acte of Parliament, and if there be a∣ny such Legacie or appointment, what is the names of such testa∣tors, and of the executors of their testaments, what is the quanti∣tie and qualitie of the gyft, and to what godly and lawfull vse is the same conuerted and employed? 56 Whether there be any money or stocke appertaining to your parishe church or chappell, or to the poore of your parish, in anye mans handes that refuseth or deferreth to paye the same, or that v∣seth fraud, deceit, or delay to make any accompt in the presence of the honest of the parish for the same? and whether any such stocke be decayed, by whose negligence, and in whose handes? and whe∣ther the store of the poore mens boxe be openly & indifferently gi∣uen where neede is, without partiall affection? 57 Whether the schoole maisters which teach within your pa∣rishe, eyther openly, or priuately in any Noble or Gentlemans house, or in any other place there, be of good and syncere religion and conuersation, and be diligent in teaching and bringing vp of youth? whether they be examined, allowed, and licenced by the or∣dinarie or his officer in that behalfe? whether they teach the Grā∣mer set forth by King Henrie the eyght of Noble memorie, and none other? whether they teach any thing contrarie to the order of religion now established by publike authoritie? and whether they teach not their schollers the Catechisme in Latine lately set forth, and such sentences of scripture as shall be most expedient and meete to moue them to the loue and due reuerence of Gods true religion, now truely set forth by the Queenes Maiesties au∣thoritie, and to induce them to all godlynesse and honest conuersa∣tion, and what be the names and surnames of all such schoolemay∣sters and teachers of youth within your parish, aswell of such as teach publikely, as those that teach in the houses of Noble men, Gentlemen, or other priuate men? 58 Whether there be any among you that vse Sorcerie or Witchcraft, or that be suspected of the same, and whether any vse any charmes or vnlawfull prayers, or inuocations in Latine, or otherwise, and namely Midwyues in the time of womens tra∣uayle of child? and whether any doe resort to any such for helpe or counsayle, and what be their names? 59 Whether there be among you any blasphemers of the nams of God, greate or often swearers, adulterers, for nicators, incestu∣ous persons, Bawdes or receyuers of naughtie and incontinent persons▪ or harborers of women with childe which be vnmaried, conueying or suffering them to goe away before they doe any pe∣nance, or make satisfaction to the congregation, or any that be ve∣hemently suspected of such faults, or that be not of good name and fame touching such crimes and faultes, any drunkards or ribalds, or any that be malicious, contentions, or vncharitable persons, slanderers of their neighbors, raylers, scolders, or betweene neighbors? 60 Whether be any in these partes, that haue maried with in the degrees of affinitie or consanguinitie, by the lawes of God forbidden, so set out for an admonition, in a table nowe appoynted to be affayred in euery parish church within the Dioces, or any that being diuorsed or seperated for the same▪ doe yet notwith∣standing cohabite and kepe company stil togither, or any that be∣ing maried without those degrees, haue vnlawfully forsaken their wiues or hosbands, and maried others. Any man that hath two wyues, or any woman that hath two husbands, any that being di∣uorced or seperated a sunder, haue married agayne. Any married, that haue made precontracts. Any that haue made priuie of secret contracts. Any that haue married or contracted themselues with∣out the consent of their parents, tutors, or gouernours. Any that haue married without banes thrise solemnely asked. Any cupples married, that liue not togither, but slaunderously liue apart. Any that haue married out of the parish church where they ought to haue solemnised their marriage? 61 Whether the Minister & Churchwardens haue suffered any Lords of Misrule, or summer Lords, or Ladies, or any disguised persons, or others in Christmas, or at Maygames, or any Mor∣rice dauncers, or at any other times, to come vnreuerently into the church or churchyard & there to daunce, or play any vnsemely parts, with scoffes, ieastes, wanton gestures, or ribald talke, name∣ly in the time of common prayer. And what they be that commit such disorder, or accompanie or maintayne them. 62 Whether the Archdeacon, Chauncelour, Commissarie, Of∣ficiall, or any other vsing Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in this Dio∣ces, their Registrares, or Arctuaries, Apparitors or Summōers, haue at any time winked at and suffered any adulteries, fornica∣tions, incests, or other faults and offences, to passe and remayne vnpunished, and vncorrected, for mony, rewardes, brybes, plea∣sure, frendship, or any other partiall or affectionate respect, or a∣ny of them haue bene burdensome▪ to any in this Dioces, by ex∣acting or taking excessiue fees, excessiue procurations, any re∣wardes, or commodities, by the way of promotion, gift, contribu∣tion helpe, redemption of penance, omission of quarter Sermons, obtayning of any benefices, or office, or any other like wayes or meanes? 63 Howe many Adulteries, Incests, and Fornications, are no∣toriously knowne to haue bene committed in your parishe, since Easter .1575. Howe many offenders in any such faults haue bene put to open penance, and openly corrected, and howe many haue bene wynked at, and borne withall, or haue fined and payed mony to the Archdeacon, Chauncelour, Commissarie, Officiall or their deputies, or to the Deanes, Registrares, or Sumners, or any of them, for to escape open punishment, and correction: and what their names and surnames be? 64 Whether the Deanes, Rurals, and Sumners, or any of thē doe pay any annuall rent, fee, or pension for their offices, and what they pay, and to whome? 65 Generally whether there be among you, any notorious euil lyuers, or any suspected of any notorious sinne, fault, or cryme, to the offence of Christian people committed, any that stubburnly re∣fuse to conforme themselues to vnitie and godly religion, now es∣tablished by publike authoritie, or any that bruteth abroad rumors of the alteration of the same, or otherwise that disturbeth good or∣ders, and the quietnesse of Christes Church, and the christian con∣gregation? The tenor of the othe, ministred to the Church∣wardens and swornemen. YE shall sweare by all mightie God, that ye shall diligently consi∣der all and euery the Articles giuen to you in charge, and make a true aunswere vnto the same in writing, presenting all and euery-such person & persons, dwelling within your parish, as haue commit¦ted any offence or fault, or make any default, mentioned in any of the sayde articles or which are vehemently suspected or defamed of any such offence, fault or default, wherein ye shall not present any per∣son or persons, of any euill will, malice, or hatred, contrarie to the truth, nor shall for loue, fauour, mede, dread, or any corrupt affection, spare to present any that be offendours, suspected or defamed in any of these cases but shal do vprightly, as men hauing the feare of God before your eyes, and desirous to mayntayne vertue, and suppresse vice. So God helpe you. YE shall sweare by all mightie God, that ye shall diligently consi∣der all and euery the Articles giuen to you in charge, and make a true aunswere vnto the same in writing, presenting all and euery-such person & persons, dwelling within your parish, as haue commit¦ted any offence or fault, or make any default, mentioned in any of the sayde articles or which are vehemently suspected or defamed of any such offence, fault or default, wherein ye shall not present any per∣son or persons, of any euill will, malice, or hatred, contrarie to the truth, nor shall for loue, fauour, mede, dread, or any corrupt affection, spare to present any that be offendours, suspected or defamed in any of these cases but shal do vprightly, as men hauing the feare of God before your eyes, and desirous to mayntayne vertue, and suppresse vice. So God helpe you.
A00159.P4	Articles to be enquired of within the prouince of Canterburie in the metropoliticall visitation of the most reuerend father in God, Edmond Archbishop of Canterburie, primate of all England and metropolitane in the xxii yeere of the reigne of our most gracious souereigne Ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God, Queene of England, Fraunce and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c.	[ "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1575-1583 : Grindal)", "Grindal, Edmund, 1519?-1583." ]	1580.	By Christopher Barker ...,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	WHether Common prayer be sung or said, by your Person, Ui∣car, or Curate in your seuerall Churches or Chappels, distinctly and reuerently, and in such order as it is set foorth by the lawes of this Realme, without any kind of alteration, and at due and conue∣nient houres? & whe∣ther your Minister so turne himselfe, & stand in such place of your Church or Chauncel, as the people may best heare the same? And whether the holy Sacraments be likewise ministred reuerently in such maner, as by the Lawes of this Realme is appointed? and whether vpon Wednesdayes, and Fridayes, not being holydayes, the Letanie and other prayers appointed for the day, be said accordingly? 2 Whether you haue in your parish Churches & Chappels, all things necessarie and requisite for common prayer, and admi∣nistration of the Sacraments, specially the Booke of Common prayer with the newe Kalender, a Psalter, the English Bible in the largest volume, the two Tomes of the Homilies, the Para∣phrases of Erasmus translated into English, the table of the ten commandements, a conuenient Pulpit well placed, a comely and decent table, standing on a frame, for the holy Communion, with a fayre linnen cloth to lay vpon the same, and some couering of Silke, Buckram, or other such like, for the cleane keeping there∣of, a fayre and comely Communion cup of siluer, and a couer of siluer for the same, which may serue also for the ministration of the communion bread, a decent large surplesse with sleeues, a sure Cofer with two lockes and keyes for the keeping of the Register booke, and a strong chest or boxe for the almose of the poore, with three lockes and keyes to the same, and all other things necessa∣rie in and to the premisses? 3 Whether the forme of commination against sinners, with certaine prayers following the same, set forth in the latter ende of the booke of common prayer, to be vsed at diuers times in ye yere, be by your Minister plainly and distinctly read in your Church or Chappell vnto the people, betweene the Letany, and the comme∣moration or ministration of the holy communion, three times at the least in the yere, that is to say for order sake, yerely vpon one of the three Sundayes next before Easter, for the first time: vpon one of the two Sundayes next before the feast of Pentecost for the second time: And for ye third time, vpon one of the two Sun∣dayes next before the feast of the birth of our Lorde, ouer and be∣sides the accustomed reading thereof vpon the first day of Lent? 4 Whether in your Churches and Chappels, all Altars be vtterly taken downe and cleane remooued, euen vnto the founda∣tion, and the place where they stoode, paued, and the wall where∣unto they ioyned, whited ouer, and made vniforme with the rest, so as no breach or rupture appeare? And whether your Rood∣lofts be taken downe, and altered so, that the vpper partes there∣of with the soller or loft be quite taken downe vnto the crosse beame, and that the saide beame haue some conuenient creast put vpon the same? 5 Whether your Churches and Chappels with the Chaun∣cels thereof be well and sufficiently repayred, and kept without abuse of any thing? And whether your Churchyardes be well fenced, and clenly kept? And if any part thereof be in decay, through whose default it is so? 6 Whether all & euery Antiphoners, Masse bookes, Grailes, Portesses, Processionals, Manualles, Legendaries, and all other bookes of late belonging to your Churche or Chappell, which serued for the superstitious Latine seruice, be vtterly defaced, rent, and abolished? And if they be not, through whose default that is, and in whose keeping they remayne? And whether all Uest∣ments, Albes, Tunicles, Stoles, Phanons, Pixes, Paxes, Hand∣belles, Sacringbelles, Censers, Chrismatories, Crosses, Cādle∣stickes, Holy water stocks, Images, and such other reliques and monuments of superstition and Idolatrie be vtterly defaced, bro∣ken, and destroyed? And if not, where, and in whose custodie they remayne? 7 Whether your Person, Uicar, Curat, or minister, do we are any cope in your Parish Church or Chappel, or minister the holy Communion in any Chalice heretofore vsed at Masse, or in any prophane Cuppe or glasse, or vse at the ministration thereof any gestures, rites, or ceremonies, not appointed by ye booke of Com∣mon prayer, as crossing or breathing ouer the sacramental bread, and wine, or shewing the same to the people to be worshipped and adored, or any such like, or vse any Oyle and Chrisme, Tapers, spattle, or any other Popish ceremonie in the ministration of the Sacrament of Baptisme? 8 Whether any holydayes or fasting dayes heretofore abro∣gated, or not appointed to be vsed as holy dayes, or fasting dayes, by the newe Kalender of the booke of Common prayer, be either proclaymed and bidden by your Person, Uicar, or Curate, or be supersticiously obserued by any of your parish, and what be their names that so doe obserue the same? and whether there be any ringing or tolling of Belles to call the people together vsed in any of those dayes, more or otherwise, than commonly is vsed vpon other dayes that be kept as workedayes? 9 Whether, when any man or woman is in passing out of this life, the Bell be tolled, to mooue the people to pray for the sicke person, especially in all places, where the sicke person dwelleth neere vnto the Church? and whether after the time of his or her passing out of this world, there be any more ringing but one short peale before the burial, & another short peale after ye burial, with∣out any other superfluous or supersticious ringing? And whe∣ther on all Saintes day after Euening prayer, there be any rin∣ging at all, or any other supersticious ceremonie vsed, tending to the maintenance of Popish purgatorie, or of prayer for the dead, and who they be that vse the same? And whether there be any rin∣ging or knolling of belles on Sundayes or holydayes, betweene morning prayer and the Letanie, or in any time of the common prayer, reading of the Homilies, or of preaching, except one bell in conuenient time to be rung or tolled before the Sermon, or a∣ny other ringing vsed vpon Saints eeues or festiuall dayes, sa∣uing to common prayer, and that without excesse, and who doeth ring or knoll otherwise? 10 Whether your Person or Uicar, haue preached, or cause to be duely preached in your Church, his quarterly or monethly Sermons, as by the Queenes Iniunctions he is bound, & what be the names of such as haue preached for him? and whether hee hath admitted any man to preach, not hauing sufficient licence, or hath inhibited or letted any from preaching, hauing sufficient licence? 11 Whether any person or persons, not being ordred at the least for a Deacon, or licenced by the ordinarie, doe say common prayer openly in your Church or Chappell, or any not being at the least a Deacon, doe solemnize matrimonie, or administer the Sacrament of Baptisme, or deliuer vnto the Communicants the Lords Cup, at the celebration of the holy Communion, and what he, or they be, that so doe? And whether the Person, Uicar, or Fer∣mer of your benefice, doe cause, or suffer any Curate or Minister to serue your Church, before he be examined and admitted by the Ordinarie, or his Deputie in writing, and do shewe his licence to the Churchwardens? and whether any Curate doe serue two Cures at one time, without the speciall licence of the Ordinarie, or his Deputie in that behalfe, in writing first had? 12 Whether your Person, Uicar, or Curate, do euery Sun∣day when there is no sermon, reade distinctly & plainly some part of the Homilies prescribed & set forth by the Queenes authoritie to be read, and euery holyday, when there is no sermon, immedi∣ately after the Gospell, openly, plainly, and distinctly recite to his parishioners, the Lordes prayer, the Articles of the fayth, and the ten Commandementes in English? and whether any Minister not admitted by the Ordinarie, or by other lawful authoritie, doe expounde any Scripture, or matter of doctrine, by the way of ex∣hortation, or otherwise, and thereby omit and leaue of the reading of the Homilies? 13 Whether your Person, Uicar, or Curate do euery Sunday and holiday openly in the Church, call for, heare, and instruct all the Children, Apprentices, and seruantes of both sexes, that be of conuenient age within your parish, or at the least so many of them by course, as the tune will serue, and as he may well heare and in∣struct for halfe an houre at the least, before or at the euening prai∣er, in the ten Commandements, the Articles of the beliefe, & the Lordes prayer, and diligently examine and teach them the Cate∣chisme, as it is nowe allowed, and set forth? And whether for that purpose, he doth take the names of them al, and by course cal cer∣taine of them by name euery Sunday and holiday, to come to the teaching of the same Catechisme? 14 Whether all fathers and mothers, masters, and dames of your parish, cause their children, seruants, and apprentices, both mankinde and womankinde being aboue seuen yeres of age, and vnder twentie, which haue not learned the Catechisme, to come to the Church on Sundayes and holidayes, at the times appoyn∣ted, or at the least such and so many of them, as your Minister shal appoint, and there diligently and obediently to heare and to be or∣dered by the Minister, vntill such time as they haue learned the same Catechisme, and what be the names of those that doe not cause their children, seruantes, and apprentices, so to come to the Church, to be instructed and examined, and how many of the said children, seruants, and apprentices be in your parish, which being aboue seuen yeeres olde, and vnder twentie yeeres of age, can not say by heart the saide Catechisme, and what be their names and age, and with whom they dwell? 15 Whether your Person, Uicar, Curate, or other Minister in your Church or Chappell, hath admitted to the receiuing of the holy Communion, any open and notorious fornicatour, adulte∣rer, or euil liuer, by whom the congregation is offended, without due penance first done, to the satisfaction of the congregation, or any malicious person yt is notoriously knowne to be out of chari∣tie, or that hath done any open wrong to his neighbour by worde or deede, without due reconciliation first made to the partie that is wronged? 16 Whether your Person, Uicar, Curate, or Minister, hath admitted to the holy Communion any of his Parishe, being a∣boue twentie yeres of age, either mankinde or womankinde, that cannot say by heart the tenne Commaundements, the Articles of the faith, and the Lords praier in English, and what be the names of such as can not say the same, or being aboue fourteene yeeres, and vnder twentie yeeres of age, that cannot say the Catechisme, allowed and set forth in the sayd booke of Common prayer? And whether he marry any persons which were single before that cā∣not say the Catechisme? And whether he vseth to examine his pa∣rishioners at conuenient times before he administer vnto them, & namely before Easter yeerely, to the intent he may knowe whe∣ther they can say by heart the same, which is required in this be∣halfe, or no? 17 Whether your Priests and Ministers be peacemakers, and no brawlers, or sowers of discorde, and exhort their parishioners to obedience towardes their Prince, and all other, that be in au∣thoritie, and to charitie & mutuall loue among themselues? whe∣ther they be diligent in visiting the sick, and comforting them, and do moue them earnestly, especially when they make their Testa∣ments, to consider the necessitie of the poore, and to giue to their boxe or chest their charitable deuotion and almose? 18 Whether they neglect the studie of the holie Scriptures and of the worde of God? and whether such of them as be vnder the degree of a Master of Arte, haue of their own, at the least the newe Testament both in English and Latine? and whether they do euery day with good aduisement conferre one Chapter of the Latine and English together at the least? And whether they haue giuen due account thereof, and to whome? 19 Whether any of your persons, vicars, curates, or mini∣sters be fauourers of the Romishe or forreyne power, letters of true religion, preachers of corrupt and Popishe doctrine, or main∣teiners of secraries, or do set forth and extoll vaine and superstici∣ous religion, or be maintainers of the vnlearned people in igno∣rance and errour, encouraging or mouing them rather to pray in an vnknowne tongue, then in English, or to put their trust in a certain number of praiers, as in saying ouer a number of beades, Ladie Psalters, or other like? 20 Whether any doe preach, declare, or speake any thing in derogation of the booke of common prayer, which is set forth by the lawes of this Realme, dispraysing the same, or any thing ther∣in contayned? 21 Whether your Person, Uicar, or Curate, hath or doth main∣taine any doctrine contrary or repugnant to any of the Articles agreed vpon by the Clergie in the Connocation holdē at London Anno domini. 1562. for the auoyding of diuersities of opinions, & for establishmēt of consent touching true religion, set forth by the Queenes authoritie? and whether any hauing bin admitted to his benefice since the thirtenth yere of the Queenes reigne, hath not within two monethes after his induction, publickly read the saide Articles in your Church in the time of Common prayer there, with declaration of his vnfained assent thereunto? 22 Whether your person, vicar, curate, minister, or reader, doe church any vnmarried woman, which hath bene gotten with childe out of lawfull mariage, & say for her the forme of thanksgi∣uing of women after childbirth, except such an vnmaried woman haue either before her childbirth, done due penance for her faulte to the satisfaction of the congregation▪ or at her comming to giue thankes, do openly acknowledge her fault before the congregati∣on, at ye appoyntment of the Minister, according to order prescri∣bed to the sayde Minister, by the Ordinarie or his Deputie, the same churching to be had alwayes on some Sunday or holyday, and vpon none other day? 23 Whether any of your Persons, Uicars, Curates, or Mini∣sters, or any other Priest, or any lay man or woman, doe wilfully maintaine, or defende any heresies, false opinions, or popishe er∣rors, contrarie to the lawes of almightie God, and true doctrine, by publike authoritie in this realme nowe set foorth, and what bee their names? And whether any keepe any secrete conuenticles, preachings, lectures, or readings contrary to the lawe? and what be their names? 24 Whether there be any in your parishe that openly or pri∣uately saye Masse, or heare Masse, or any other kinde of seruice or prayer, then is set forth by the lawes of this Realme? 25 Whether any popish Priests, eyther going as Priestes, or disguised in other apparell, or altering their names for any cause, or any other, or runnagate persons, mistikers, or deprauers of true religion, that doe not minister or frequent common prayer nowe vsed, nor communicate at times appointed by the Law, do resort secretly or openly into your parishe, and to whom, and of whom be they receyued, harbored, and relieued, and what be their names and surnames, or by what names are they called? 26 Whether your Persons and Uicars, be resident and dwell continually vppon their benefices, dooing their dueties in prea∣ching, reading, and ministring the Sacramentes? and whether they keepe Hospitalitie▪ according as their liuings will extende? And whether their houses and Chauncelles be wel repayred and vpholden? 27 Whether they or any of them haue mo benefices then one, how many, and in what countreyes they be, and what be ye names thereof? 28 Whether they, when they be absent from their benefices, do leaue their cures to a rude and vnlearned person, and not to an honest, and wel learned expert Curate, which can and will teach the people wholesome doctrine? & whether in their absence they doe procure learned men to preach in their Churches & cures, at least one sermon euery quarter of a yeere? 29 Whether such persons and vicars as bee not resident, ney∣ther keepe hospitalitie, doe relieue their poore parishioners, and what giue they yeerely to them? And if they bee not resident, and may dispende yerely twentie poundes or aboue, either in this dio∣cesse, or elsewhere: whether do they distribute euery yere among their poore parishioners, at the least the fortieth part of the fruites of their benefices, where they be not resident? 30 Whether your Persons, Uicars, Curates, and Ministers, keepe wel their registers of all Weddings, Buryings, and Chri∣stenings within your parish, and doe present a copie of them once euery yeere, by Indenture to the Ordinarie, or his officers? and whether they reade the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions euery quarter of a yeere once, or no? 31 Whether they, or any of them, keepe any suspected women in their houses, or be incontinent persons, giuen to drunkennesse, ydlenesse, or bee haunters of Tauernes, Alehouses, or suspected places: or be hunters, haukers, dicers, carders, tablers, swearers, or otherwise suspected of any notorious crime, or giue any euill example of life? and whether they (as they ought to doe) occupie themselues in the reading, or hearing of some part of the holye Scripture, or other good Author, or in some other godly or lau∣dable exercise, meete for their vocation? 32 Whether they, or any of them, doe keepe, or suffer to bee kept in their personage or vicarage houses, any alehouses, tipling houses, or tauernes, or doe sell Ale, Beere, Wine, or any victual? 33 Whether your Persons or Uicars haue bought their be∣nefices, or come to them by Simonie, fraude, or deceyte, or by any colourable pact, or other vnlawfull meane whatsoeuer, or be ve∣hemently suspected or defamed thereof? And whether they keepe in their owne handes, or haue dimised, and let to ferme their per∣sonages, and vicarages, or their glebe lande, or tyches, or any part thereof? and whether any such lease bee made for the per∣fourmance of any Simonicall pact, made directly or indirectly, betweene the Incumbent and the Patrone, or betweene the In∣cumbent and any other person, for the presenting of the same Incumbent to that benefice? 34 Whether any Minister or Priest presented to any benefice in this diocesse hath couenanted, promised or practised to or with the Patrone thereof, or any other person or persons that had the aduousion or gift of the same benefice, or with any other person or persons on his or their behalfe, to giue to him or his friende, any summe of redy money, for presenting him to the same, or haue of∣fered by promise or bonde any lease, eyther of the whole benefice, limiting the rent farre vnder ye iust value, or of the mansion house, Glebe lands, or any portion of the tythes, and fruites of the same benefice, receiuing litle or nothing therefore, or suffering the pa∣trone or any other person that presented him, to haue his owne tythes within the benefice free vnto himselfe, or else haue graun∣ted some yeerely pension or other yeerely commoditie, to him, his childe, seruant, or friende for preferring him to the same benefice, or otherwise haue suffered him to make a gayne by any colour, deceyte, or Simoniacall pact in bestowing the said benefice? 35 Whether the Church of your parish be now vacant or de∣stitute of an Incumbent, or no, and if it be, how long it hath bene so, and who is the Patrone? and whether he suffereth the benefice to lye vacant, and occupieth the glebe lande, and taketh the tythes and other fruites to himselfe, during the time of the vacation: or who else occupieth and taketh the same? 36 Whether there bee any lay or temporall man, not being within orders, or any childe that hath, or enioyeth any benefice or spirituall promotion? 37 Whether any Priest or Minister bee come into this Dio∣ces, out of any other Dioces, to serue any cure here, without let∣ters testimoniall of the Ordinarie, from whence he came, vn∣der his autenticke seale and hand, to testifie the cause of his depar∣ting from thence, and of his behauiour there? 38 Whether for the retaining of the perambulation of the cir∣cuite of your parishe, the person, vicar, or curate, churchwardens and certaine of the substantiall men of the parish, in the dayes of the Rogations, commonly called the gang dayes, walke the ac∣customed boundes of your parish, and whether in the same per∣ambulation and going about, the Curate do vse any other rite or ceremonie, then to say or sing in English, the two Psalmes be∣ginning Benedic anima mea domino, that is to saye, the Ciii. Psalme, and the Ciiii. Psalme, and such sentences of Scripture, as be appointed by the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions, with the Letanie, and Suffrages following the same, and reading one Homilie already deuised and set forth for that purpose, without wearing any surplesses, carying of banners, or handbelles, or stay∣ing at Crosses, or any such like popish ceremonies? 39 Whether the Parish clarke be appoynted according to the auncient custome of the parish? and whether he bee not obedient to the Person, Uicar, or Curate, especially in the time of celebra∣tion of diuine seruice, or of the Sacraments, or in any preparati∣on thereunto? And whether he be able and readie to reade ye first Lesson, the Epistle, and the Psalmes, with answere to the Suf∣frages as is vsed? and whether he keepe not the bookes, and or∣naments of the Church fayre and cleane, and cause the Church and Queere, the Communion Table, the Pulpit and the Font to be made decent and cleane, against seruice time, the Commu∣nion, Sermon, and Baptisme? 40 Whether there be any man or woman in your Parish that resorteth to any popish priest for shrift or auricular confession, or any that within three yeeres nowe last past, hath bene reconciled vnto the Pope, or to the Church of Rome, or any that is reputed or suspected so to be? and whether there be any that refuse to come to the Church to heare diuine seruice, or to communicate according to the order now established by publicke authoritie, and what be their names? 41 Whether there be any person or persons, ecclesiasticall or temporall within your Parish, or elsewhere, within this Dio∣ces, that of late haue retayned, or kept in their custodie, or that reade, sell, vtter, disperse, carie, or deliuer to others any English bookes, set forth of late yeeres at Louaine, or in any other place beyond ye seas, by Harding, Dorman, Allen, Saunders, Staple∣ton, Marshall, Bristow, or any of them, or by any other English papist, eyther against the Queenes Maiesties supremacie in mat∣ters ecclesiasticall, or against true religion, & catholicke doctrine now receiued, and established by common authoritie within this Realme, and what their names and surnames are? 42 Whether there be any in your parishe, that vseth to praye in English, or in Latine vpon Beades, or other such like thing, or vpon any supersticious popish primer, or other like booke, and what be their names? 43 Whether the people of your parish, especially housholders, hauing no lawfull excuse to bee absent, doe faithfully and dili∣gently endeuour themselues, to resort with their chyldren, and seruantes, to their parish Church or Chappel, on the holy dayes, and chiefly vpon the Sundayes to Morning & Euening prayer, and vpon reasonable let thereof to some vsuall place, where com∣mon prayer is vsed, and then and there abide orderly and sober∣ly, during the time of common prayer, Homilies, Sermons, and other seruice of God there vsed, reuerently and deuoutly giuing themselues to the hearing thereof, and occupying themselues at times conuenient in priuate prayer? and who they be that eyther negligently or wilfully absent themselues, or come very late to the Church vpon the Sundayes especially, or that walke, talke, or otherwise vnreuerently behaue themselues in the Church, or vse any gaming or pastime abroade, or in any house, or sit in the Streetes, or Churchyarde, or in any Tauerne or Alehouse, vpon the Sunday, or other holyday, in the time of common prayer, Sermons, or reading of the Homilies, eyther before noone, or after noone? 44 Whether the forfeiture of twelue pence, for euery such of∣fence, appointed by a statute made in ye first yeere of the Queenes Maiesties reigne, beleuied and taken according to the same sta∣tute by the Churchwardens, of euery person that so offendeth, and by them be put to ye vse of the poore of the parish, & if it be not, by whose default it is not leuied. And what particular summes of money haue bene forfeyted that way, and by whom since the feast of Easter in the yeere of our Lorde 1575. vntill the day of giuing vp the presentment concerning these Articles. And so from time to time, as the said Churchwardens and swornemen shalbe appointed to present in this behalfe, and how much of such forfeitures haue bene deliuered to the vse of the poore of the pa∣rishe, and to whom the same hath bene deliuered? 45 Whether ye knowe any, that in the time of the reading of the Letanie, or of any other part of the common prayer, or in the time of the Sermon, or of reading the Homilies, or any part of the Scriptures to the parishioners, any person haue departed out of the Church without iust & necessarie cause, or that distur∣beth the Minister, or preacher any maner of wayes in the time of diuine seruice or sermon? and whether any in contempt of their parish Church or Minister, doe resort to any other Church or no? 46 Whether there be any Inkeepers, Alewiues, Uittaylers, or Tiplers, that suffer, or doe admit any person or persons in their houses, to eate, drinke, or play at Cardes, Tables, or such lyke games in the time of common prayer or sermon, on the sundaies or holidayes? and whether there be any shoppes set open on sun∣dayes or holidayes, or any Butchers or others, that cōmonly vse to sell meate, or other things, in the time of common praier, prea∣ching, or reading of the Homilies? and whether in any Fayres or common Markets falling vpon the sunday, there be any shewing of any wares before the Morning prayer be done? and whether a∣ny Markets or selling of any wares bee vsed or suffered in any churchyardes? 47 Whether for the putting of the Churchwardens and Swornemen the better in remembrance of their duetie in obser∣uing and noting such as offend, in not comming to diuine seruice, your Minister or reader do openly euery Sunday, after hee haue read the second Lesson at morning and euening prayer, monish and warne the Churchwardens and swornemen to looke to their charge in this behalfe, and to obserue who contrarie to the sayde Statute offend in absenting themselues negligently, or wilfully from their parish Church or Chappell, or vnreuerently (as is a∣foresayde) vse themselues in the time of diuine seruice? 48 Whether the Churchwardens of the last yeere haue giuen to the parishe a iust account of the Church goods and rentes that were committed to their charge, according vnto the custome that hath bene aforetime vsed, and what Church goods they or any o∣ther haue solde, and to whom? and whether to the profite of your Church or no? and what hath bene done with the money thereof comming? 49 Whether the Churchwardens and sworne men of the last yere, haue of any priuate corrupt affection concealed any crime, or other disorder in their time done in your parish, and haue not pre∣sented the same to the Bishop, Chancelour, Archdeacon, Com∣missary, or such other as had authoritie to reforme the same? and whether they or any of them, at any such time as they should haue bene at diume seruice on sundayes or holidayes, and should there haue obserued others that were absent, haue bin away thēselues at home, or in some tauerne or Alehouse, or els about some world∣ly businesse, or at Bowles, Cardes, Tables, or other gaming, without regard of their office and duetie in that behalfe? 50 Whether any man hath pulled downe or discouered any Church, Chauncell, or Chappell, or any part of any of them, any church porche, Uestrie, or Steeple, almosehouse, or such like, or haue plucked downe ye Belles, or haue felled or spoiled any wood or timber in any churchyarde? 51 Whether your Hospitals, Spittles, and Almosehouses be well and godly vsed according to the foundation and auncient or∣dinances of the same? whether there be any other placed in them, then poore impotent & needie persons, that haue not wherewith, or whereby to liue? 52 Whether any of your parish being of conuenient age, haue not receiued the holy communion thrise this last yere at the least, and namely at Easter last or thereabouts for once, and what their names are? or receyuing, haue not signified the same before to your person, vicar, or curate, that he might conueniently examine them, or that haue refused to come to him to be examined? 53 Whether there be any in your parish that hath or doeth of∣fende contrary to the statute made in the xxxvii. yere of the reigne of King Henrie the eyght for reformation of vsurie, & reuiued by an Act made in the xiii. yeere of the reigne of the Queenes Maie∣stie, what bee the names of such offenders, & what is the maner of their vsurie? 54 Whether there bee any in your parish, that minister the goods of those that be dead, without lawful authority, or any that suppresse the last will of the dead, or any executors, that haue not fulfilled their testators will, specially in paying of Legacies giuē to the Church, or to other good and godly vses, as to the reliefe of pouertie, to Orphanes, poore schollers, poore maydes marri∣ages, high wayes, schooles, and such like? 55 Whether there be any, which of late haue bequeathed in their testaments, any Iewels, plate, ornaments, cattel, or graine, or other moueable stockes, annuities, or summes of money for the erection or finding of any obites, diriges, trentales, torches, lights, tapers, lampes, or any such like vse now by lawe forbidden, which are not payd out of any lands, and whereunto the Queenes Ma∣iestie is not entytled by any Act of Parliament, and if there be a∣ny such Legacie or appointment, what is the names of such testa∣tors, and of the executors of their testaments, what is the quanti∣tie and qualitie of the gift, and to what godly and lawfull vse is the same conuerted and employed? 56 Whether there be any money or stocke appertayning to your parish Church or chappell, or to the poore of your parish, in any mans hands that refuseth or deferreth to pay the same, or that vseth fraude, deceit or delay to make any accompt in the presence of the honest of the parish for the same? and whether any such stocke be decayed, by whose negligence, and in whose hands? and whether the store of the poore mens boxe be openly and indiffe∣rently giuen where neede is, without partiall affection? 57 Whether the schoolemasters which teach within your pa∣rish, either openly, or priuately in any Noble or Gentlemans house, or in any other place there, be of good and syncere religion and conuersation, and be diligent in teaching and bringing vp of youth? whether they be examined, allowed, and licenced by the or∣dinarie or his officer in that behalfe? whether they teach ye Gram∣mer set foorth by King Henrie the eight of Noble memorie, and none other? whether they teach any thing contrarie to the order of religion nowe established by publicke authoritie? and whether they teach not their schollers the Catechisme in Latine lately set foorth, and such sentences of Scripture as shalbe most expedient and meete to mooue them to the loue and due reuerence of Gods true religion, now truely set forth by the Queenes Maiesties au∣thoritie, and to induce them to all godlynesse and honest conuersa∣tion, and what be the names and surnames of all such schoolema∣sters and teachers of youth within your parish, as well of such as teach publikely, as those that teach in the houses of Noble men, Gentlemen, or other priuate men? 58 Whether there bee anye among you that vse Sorcerie or Witchcraft, or that be suspected of the same, and whether any vse any charmes or vnlawfull prayers, or inuocations in Latine, or otherwise, and namely Midwiues in the time of womens trauell of childe? and whether any doe resort to any such for helpe or counsell, and what be their names? 59 Whether there be among you any blasphemers of ye name of God, great or often swearers, adulterers, fornicators, incestu∣ous persons, Bawdes or receiuers of naughtie and incontinent persons, or harborers of women with childe which be vnmaried, conueying or suffering them to goe away before they doe any pe∣nance, or make satisfaction to the congregation, or any that be ve∣hemently suspected of such faults, or that be not of good name & fame touching such crimes and faults, any drunkards, or ribalds, or any that be malicious, contentious, or vncharitable persons, common slaunderers of their neighbors, railers, scolders, or sow∣ers of discord betweene neyghbours? 60 Whether there be any in these parts, that haue maried with∣in the degrees of affinitie or consanguinitie, by the lawes of God forbydden, so set out for an admonition, in a table now appointed to be affyxed in euery parish church within this Dioces, or any that being diuorced or separated for the same, do yet notwithstan∣ding cohabite and keepe company still together, or any that be∣ing maried without those degrees, haue vnlawfully forsaken their wiues or husbands, and married others. Any man that hath two wiues, or any woman that hath two husbands, any that being di∣uorced or separated a sunder, haue married againe. Any married, that haue made precontracts. Any that haue made priuie or secret contracts. Any that haue married or contracted themselues with∣out the consent of their parents, tutors, or gouernours. Any that haue married without banes thrise solemnely asked. Any couples married, that liue not together, but slaunderously liue apart. Any that haue married out of the parish Church where they ought to haue solemnized their marriage? 61 Whether the Minister and Churchwardens haue suffered any lordes of Misserule, or Summer Lordes or Ladyes, or any disguised persons, or others in Christmas, or at Maygames, or any Morrice dauncers, or at any other times, to come vnre∣uerently into the Church or Churchyarde, and there to daunce, or play any vnseemely partes, with scoffes, ieastes, wanton ge∣stures, or ribalde talke, namely in the time of common prayer. And what they be that commit such disorder, or accompanie or maintaine them? 62 Whether the Archdeacon, Chauncelour, Commissarie, Officiall, or any other vsing Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in this Dioces, their Registrares, or Arctuaries, Apparitors, or Sum∣moners, haue at any time wincked at and suffered any adulteries, fornications, incests, or other faultes and offences, to passe & re∣maine vnpunished, and vncorrected, for money, rewardes, bribes, pleasure, friendship, or any other partiall or affectionate respect, or any of them haue bene burdensome to any in this Dioces, by exacting or taking excessiue fees, excessiue procurations, any re∣wardes, or commodities, by the way of promotion, gift, contribu∣tion, helpe, redemption of penance, omission of quarter Ser∣mons, obtayning of any benefices, or office, or any other like wayes or meanes? 63 How many Adulteries, Incests, and Fornications, are no∣toriously knowne to haue bene committed in your parish, since Easter 1579. Howe many offendours in any such faults haue bene put to open penance, and openly corrected, and howe many haue bene winked at, and borne withall, or haue fined and payed money to the Archdeacon, Chauncelour, Commissarie, Official, or their deputies, or to the Deanes, Registrares, or Summers, or any of them, for to escape open punishment, & correction: and what their names and surnames be? 64 Whether the Deanes Rurals, and Sumners, or any of them doe pay any annual rent, fee, or pension for their offices, and what they pay, and to whom? 65 Generally whether there bee among you, any notorious euill liuers, or any suspected of any notorious sinne, fault, or crime, to the offence of Christian people committed, any that stubburnly refuse to conforme themselues to vnitie and godly re∣ligion, now established by publike authoritie, or any that bruteth abroade rumors of the alteration of the same, or otherwise that disturbeth good orders, and the quietnes of Christs Church, and the christian congregation? YE shall sweare by Almightie God, that ye shall diligently consider all and euery the Articles giuen to you in charge, and make a true answere vnto the same in writing, presenting all and euery such person and persons, dwelling within your Pa∣rish, as haue committed any offence or fault, or made any de∣fault, mentioned in any of the same Articles, or which are vehe∣mētly suspected or defamed of any such offence, fault or default, wherein ye shall not present any person or persons, of any euill will, malice, or hatred, contrary to the trueth, nor shall for loue, fauour, meede, dreade, or any corrupt affection, spare to present any that be offendours, suspected or defamed in any of these ca∣ses, but shall doe vprightly, as men hauing the feare of God be∣fore your eyes, and desirous to maintaine vertue, and suppresse vice. So God helpe you.
A00164.P4	Lessus in funere Raphaelis Thorii medici et poetæ præstantissimi, qui Londini peste extinctus bonis et doctis omnibus triste sui desiderium reliquit, Anno 1625.	[ "Aytoun, Robert, Sir, 1570-1638." ]	1626.	Printed by Edward Allde for Thomas Walkley,	London :	lat	[ "Thorius, Raphael, d. 1625 -- Poetry -- Early works to 1800.", "Funeral sermons -- 17th century." ]	LESSVS IN FVNERE RAPHAELIS THORII MEDICI ET POETAE PRAESTANTISSIMI, QVI LONDINI PESTE EXTINCTVS BONIS ET doctis omnibus triste sui desiderium reliquit, Anno 1625. LONDON, Printed by Edward Allde for Thomas Walkley. 1626.
A00171.P4	Articles to be enquired of, throughout the whole diocesse of Chichester ministred and giuen in charge to the church-wardens and sidemen within the same diocesse by the reuerend father in God Richard by Gods prouidence Bishop of Chichester, in his generall visitation holden anno Domini 1631.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of Chichester. Bishop (1628-1638 : Montagu)", "Montagu, Richard, 1577-1641." ]	MDCXXXI [1631]	Printed by R.Y. for Thomas Bourne,	London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	WHETHER be there any one, or more residing, lodging or abiding in your Parish, that hold, defend, set forth, or propose any Heresie, errors, or false opinions, contrary to holy Scripture, the Thrée Créedes, the Booke of Thirtie nine Articles, the Booke of Common Prayer, the Booke of Consecrating and ordayning Bishops, Priests, and Dea∣cons? 2 Whether there be any in your Parish, that oppose, de∣nie, or otherwise traduce the Kings Maiesties lawfull, and established supremacie ouer all persons, in all causes as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall within his Highnesse Realmes and Dominions. 3 Whether there be any that affirme, or maintaine that the Church of England is not a true Church, but Hereticall, or Schismaticall, and that refuse to come into the publike Seruice, to receiue the Sacraments, to participate in other Diuine Rites and ceremonies with the Church of England, either as Popish Recusants, or Puritanicall Separatists and Schismatickes. 4 Whether there be any in your Parish that doe or hath frequented, celebrated, or vsed any vnlawfull Assemblies, priuate méetings, or conuenticles in priuate houses, vnder co∣lour or pretext of Religion, repeating of Sermons, expounding of Scripture, or that holdeth such méetings to be lawfull, to be according to Gods word, or such as may challenge the name of a Church? 5 Whether any in your Parish doe publish, sell, disperse, or communicate to others, any superstitious or Popish bookes, or writings, any Schismaticall, and Puritanicall, Libelles, treatises, or papers Derogatorie from, or contrary to the Religion, State, Church Gouernment of this Kingdome of England, the Lawes and Canons of the same, the Ministery and Priesthood therein? Present their names, qualities, and conditions. 1 HAth any of, or in your Parish spoken, or declared any thing to disgrace, depraue, contemne or derogate from the forme of Diuine Seruice, in the Book of Common Praier? 2 Bée there any in your Parish that either absolutely re∣fuse to come into Church and be present at Prayer, or ordi∣narily walke abroad, or that vsually tarrie at home, or come not into the Church till Sermon begin? 3 Doth your Minister reade diuine Seruice according to the Iniunctions in the booke of Common Prayer; doth he dimi∣nish, alter, or change the forme prescribed, in part, or in all, vsing Prayers in stead thereof of his owne deuising, and conceiuing? 4 Whether doth hee reade the Confession, and absolution thereupon to be pronounced, or doth he change the words there∣of to make it a Prayer, doth hee in reading the first, and se∣cond lessons, expound the Chapters, as he readeth: doth hee stand at the Gospell and Créed, and obserue the forme prescri∣bed in the Booke, or not? 5 Whether is the Sacrament of Baptisme by him rightly and duely administred according to the prescript forme expres∣sed in the Booke of common Prayer, without adding, altering, or detracting from any part, or point therein: Doth he re∣fuse to vse the Interrogatories prescribed, the signe of the Crosse commanded: Doth he vse the words, and not doe the Acte: hath he admitted the Fathers, or Mothers in publike, or in priuate Baptisme to be Godfathers and Godmothers to their owne children: whether doth he vse to baptise the childe at the Font, or in some Bason at his seate where hée readeth Prayer, or is the Font translated and placed there, or néere thereto from the Church-doore, where it should stand, signifying that Baptisme is our entry into the Church of God? 6 Whether hath he refused in case of necessity, to baptise Children at home, haue any so dyed vnbaptised, or will he not baptise the children of Papists being offered to baptisme: such as he borne out of wedlocke as Bastards, or vnlesse the Father will affirme publikely at the Font, being asked, it is his owne childe? 7 Whether is the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Sup∣per so administred as is prescribed, viz. once euery Moneth, or thrice at the least in the yeare? 8 Item in time of administration are any suffered to bee present, that doe not communicate: Doth your Minister in administring it vse the garments, and vestments prescribed, Doth he consecrate the Bread and Wine, with those words that are set downe, if not, how and in what manner? 9 Doth he first reuerently vpon his knées receiue himselfe and then seuerally, and distinctly giue it to the communicants, they méekely knéeling, and not standing or sitting either at the Table, or vpon some bench? Whether is the Bread whol∣some and swéet? Is the Wine as it should be, representing blood; not Sacke, White-wine, Water, or some other Li∣quor. And if more bread and wine be afterward brought, the first not sufficing which was consecrated, doth hée first vse the words of consecration vpon it, before he giue it to the Com∣municants, as is prescribed Can. xxj. 10 Whether in solemnizing of Marriage, visitation of the sicke, Buriall of the dead, Churching of women, doth your Minister vse such maner and forme, such words, Rites, and Ceremonies as are prescribed: and if not, then in what maner doth he performe them? 1 WHether haue you in your Church, the whole Bible of the largest volumne, and last Translation, the Booke of Common Prayer, with the Booke of Ordination of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, the two Bookes of Homilies? 2 Haue you a Font of Stone, for the administration of Baptisme, set vp in the vsuall place néere the Church doore, with a couer to kéepe it from dust and soyle? 3 Haue you a conuenient, and decent Communion Table, placed conueniently as it ought, with a Carpet of silke, or some other comely stuffe to be laid vpon it in time of diuine Seruice, and a cleane linnen cloth for the time of Com∣munion? 4 Is it prophaned at any time, by sitting on it, casting hats or cloakes vpon it, writing, or casting vp accounts, or any other indecent vsage? 5 Haue you in your Church a conuenient seate for your Minister to reade Diuine Seruice, and to preach in a come∣ly, large, and fine Surplice, a Communion Cup and flagon of siluer or pewter, a Chest for Almes with thrée lockes and keyes, another chest for kéeping the bookes, ornaments, and vtensils of the Church: Haue you a Register Booke in parch∣ment for Christnings, Burials, Marriages, and are these duely and faithfully written and recorded therein, or not, and is the same safely kept in a chest with thrée lockes and keyes according to the Canon? 6 Whether is your Church, Chappell, Chancell, sufficient∣ly repaired, decently and comely kept, as well within as with∣out, be the seats maintained, the Stéeple and bels preserued, the windowes glased, the floore paued, and all things in such sort as may well be séeme the house of God? 7 Whether is your Church-yard well mounded, and fen∣ced, kept cleane without Nusance, or soyle cast into it: is it incroached vpon, and by whom? doe any offensiuely kéepe doores, outletts, or passages into your Church-yard: doe any vse to quarrell, fight, play, or make méetings, banquets, Church-ales there: doe any kéepe Courts, Léetes, Lawdayes, Musters there: or otherwise vse it being a consecrated place, prophanely contrary to the 88. Canon? 1 WHether is your Minister a Preacher or not: of what degrée is he in the Vniuersitie, is he a licen∣sed Preacher, doth he personally reside vpon his benefice: if not, how long doth he vse to absent himselfe, how doth he take order for seruing of his Cure, whether by a sufficient and ho∣nest man: what allowance doth he make him according to the proportion of his Benefice? 2 Whether is your Minister or Curate a man of honest life, fame and reputation, a quarreller, make-bate, sower of strife, sedition, dissention, or doth he commonly vse Ale∣houses, or vnlawfull games, is hee defamed or detected for drunkennesse, swearing, swaggering, or any indecent misbe∣hauiour, to the disgrace of his holy function and calling? 3 Doth your Minister catechize the youth of the Parish vpon Sundayes in the after-noone, halfe an houre before eue∣ning prayer, in that Catechisme authorised in the common booke, and no other, and if any Parishioners refuse to send their Children, or Seruants to be catechised, let them be presented? 4 Whether doth your Minister admit to preach in his Cure any stranger without requiring his Licence, or any incon∣formeable man, or suspended from Preaching, and if yea, how often, and whom hath he so admitted? 5 Hath your Minister preached against, or confuted any Doctrine deliuered by any other minister, in the same, or any other Church within the Diocesse, before hee hath acquainted the Bishop therewith, and bin directed by him what to doe: to the disturbance of the Churches peace, or the scandall, or offence of others? 6 Hath your Minister preached or taught any new, and strange Doctrine, contrary vnto, or disagréeing from the booke of Articles, and the literall sense thereof? Doth your Minister preach or teach any thing contrary to his Maiesties late In∣iunctions, about Predestination, falling from Grace, &c. to trouble mens minds with those déep and darke points, which of late haue so distracted and engarboyled the world? 7 Doth your Minister vse in his prayer, to pray for the King, the Quéene, Clergie, Counsell, &c. and conclude with the Lords prayer according to the 55. Canon? 8 Haue you any superinducted Preacher, or Lecturer in your Parish: doth he twice in the yeare at least, reade Diuine Ser∣uice, both morning & euening, two seuerall Sundayes, publikely in his surplice: doth he twice a yeare administer the Sacraments, with such Rites and Ceremonies as be prescribed in the Com∣munion booke, according to the .56. Canon? 9 Doth your Minister solemnly bid holi-dayes, and fasting dayes in the wéek following, hath he married any without asking the banes thrice, doth he of his owne head and voluntarie motion, appoint or kéep any solemne fasts publikely or in priuate houses, other than such as by Law are, or by authority shall be appointed, or is he present at any such, in, or out of his Parish: Doth he hold, or frequent any méetings for Sermons, commonly called Pro∣phesyings, or Exercises in market townes or other places: Doth hee vpon any pretence whatsoeuer by Fasting and Prayer take vpon him to cast out any Deuill, or Deuils in any obsessed, or possessed person? 10 Doth your Minister vpon euery Sunday when there is no Sermon, reade an Homilie, or some part thereof, doth he once in the yeare reade ouer the booke of Canons, vpon some Sun∣dayes, or Holi-dayes, before euening prayer, according to the Iniunction from his Maiestie? 11 Doth your Minister vpon euery Wednesday and Fri∣day reade the Letany in your Parish Church, or Chappell, accor∣ding to the 15. Canon: hath he not diuers times omitted so to doe since your last presentments. 12 Doth your Minister alwayes, and at euery time both morning and euening, reading diuine Seruice, and administring the Sacraments, and other Rites of the Church, weare the Sur∣plice according to the Canons, and doth he neuer omit wearing of the same at such times? 13 Doth your Minister vse in his common course of life that decent apparell, answerable to his calling and degrée, both abroad and at home, in iourneys and otherwise, as is ordained by the 74. Canon? 14 Hath any man residing in your Parish being a Deacon, or Priest, relinquished his Function, and betaken himselfe to a Lai-mans life, or vocation? 15 Doth any Person of what degrée or calling soeuer, kéepe or retaine in his house any Chaplaine, or Minister, to reade Pray∣ers, Preach, instruct his Family, who are they, how many, of what condition or degrée? 16 Doth your Minister reside, and dwell vpon his Parso∣nage, the Uicarage house, or else-where, doth he kéepe it in good and sufficient reparations or not? 17 Doth your Minister yearely in Rogation wéeke, for the knowing and distinguishing of the bounds of Parishes, and for obtaining Gods blessing vpon the fruits of the ground, walke the Perambulation, and say▪ or sing in English, the Gospells, E∣pistles, Letanie, and other deuout prayers, together with the hundred and third, and hundred and fourth Psalmes? 18 Whether your Minister be knowne to be, or is vehe∣mently suspected to be, an Usurer, Regrator, Wood-monger, buyer and seller of Timber, or to vse any other scandalous and defamed trade, and course of life, contrary to the Statute of this Realme, and honour of his calling? 19 Doth your Minister before the seuerall times of admini∣string the holy Communion, especially before Easter, admonish and exhort his Parishioners, if they haue their consciences trou∣bled, to resort vnto him, or some other learned and discréet Mi∣nister, to reueale, and open his griefe, and disitnesse▪ that so he may receiue such Ghostly counsell and comfort, that his con∣science may be quieted, and himselfe receiue the benefit of Abso∣lution? 20 If any man confesse his secret and hidden sinnes to the Minister, for the disburthening of his conscience and receiuing consolation, doth, or hath the Minister at any time reuealed that thing committed to his trust and secresie, contrarie to the 113. Canon? 1 HAue any béene married within your Parish, that were within the degrées of affinity, or consanguinity by the law of God forbidden; if any present their names? 2 Haue any within your Parish, béene married secretly in priuate houses, or without their parents, or gouernours consent signified, being vnder the age of one and twenty yeares? 3 Doe any persons lawfully married, liue asunder, vnlawful∣ly, and in whom is the default? 4 Haue any persons (their banes being not thrice published in the Church) béene married without Licence, who were pre∣sent at such marriages, and what Minister married them? 5 What Popish Recusants, or their children haue béene married in your Parish, in what sort was that Matrimonie so∣lemnized, when, and by whom? haue any persons béene married in prohibited times without licence? 1 BEE the Church-wardens chosen by the Minister and Parishioners, according to the 89. Canon, and whether hath any taken vpon him to be Church-warden, being not cho∣sen, or hath any continued one yeare in his office without a new choyse? 2 Haue any Church-wardens retained any of the Church goods, and not made a iust account of what they haue receiued, and expended? 3 Haue your Church-wardens, and Sidemen béene, and are they diligent in their office, to sée decencie kept in the Church, and order in the time of Common Prayer, and administration of the Sacraments, and that there be no disturbance, but sobernesse and quietnesse in the Church. And doe the Church-wardens kéep a booke in your Parish, wherein the Names of euery strange Preacher in your parish is set downe, and haue the Church-war∣dens suffered any to preach not shewing or hauing no Licence? DOe any in your Parish prophane the Sunday by vnlaw∣full games, drinking, or tipling in the time of common prayer or Sermon; and by working and doing the ordinarie workes of their vocation and trades? 2 Are there any in your parish that doe impugne or speake a∣gainst the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, or the lawfull vse of them? And the gouernment of this Church vn∣der his Maiestie by Archbishops, Bishops and other ecclesiasticall officers? 3 Who in your Parish doe come to Sermon onely, and not to diuine Seruice, And who doe not reuerently behaue them∣selues during the time of diuine Seruice, deuoutly knèeling, when the generall Confession of Sinnes the Letany, the ten Comman∣dements, and all Prayers and Collects are read, and vsing all due and lowly reuerence, when the blessed name of the Lord Ie∣sus is mentioned, and standing vp when the Articles of the Be∣liefe, and Gloria Patri are read or said? who doe couer their heads in the Church during the whole time of Diuine Seruice, vnlesse it be in case of necessitie, in which case they may weare a night∣cap, or who doe giue themselues to babling, talking, or walking, and are not attentiue to heare the Word read and preached? Haue any to your knowledge, publikely or priuately spoken a∣gainst the bending of the knée at the name of the Lord Iesus, or vsed disgracefull speech against the acte, or such as vse the act of reuerend bowing toward the Communion Table, when they come to it to administer the Sacrament &c. what words haue béene vsed, by whom, or where that way: tell their names, and words spoken, if you can? 4 Is there any of your Parish hauing a Preacher to their Mi∣nister, that doe absent themselues from his Sermons, and resort to other places, to heare other Preachers: Or doe any in your pa∣rish communicate or baptize their children in any other parish? 5 Are there any in your parish that refuse to haue their chil∣dren baptized, or themselues to receiue the Communion of your Minister, taking exception against him, or haue any wiues that refuse to come to Church, according to the booke of Common Prayer, to giue thanks to God for their safe deliuerance, in a de∣cent habite, as hath béene anciently accustomed? 6 Hath any in your Parish spoken slanderous and reproach∣full words against your Minister, to the scandall of his vocation, or against his Neighbour, defaming them touching any crime of Ecclesiasticall cognizance? 7 Whether doe any in your parish exercise any trade, or la∣bour, buy, or sell, or kéepe open shops, or set out any wares to be sold vpon Sundayes, or Holidayes, by themselues, their seruants, or Apprentices, or haue otherwise prophaned the said dayes? 8 Is the fift of Nouember kept holy, and thansgiuing made to God, according to the order set forth in that behalfe? 9 Is there any in your Parish that bee, or are commonly knowne, or reputed to bee Blasphemers of Gods holy name, Drunkards, Adulterers, Fornicators, incestuous persons, con∣cealers or harbourers of Fornicators, or Adulterers: Haue any béene detected or vehemently suspected of such notorious crimes, and what penance haue they done for the same? 10 What person, or persons haue died, and departed this mortall life since the second day of February last past; and whe∣ther did they make any last wils, or Testaments, and who were their Executors, or whether dyed they intestate, and who hath the administration of their Goods: and what be the names of such deceased, and Executors, and Administrators? 11 Whether haue any in your parish administred the goods of any person deceased without lawfull authority, and before he or they haue proued the will or Testament of the party deceased, or haue obtained commission from the Ordinary to dispose the said moueable goods; or are there any Willes vnproued, or Goods not administred? 12 What persons be excommunicate within your Parish, and for what cause to your knowledge, and doe any of them re∣paire to the Church, in time of prayer vnabsolued? 13 Whether haue any in your Parish giuen to the Church-wardens or Side-men, or to any of them, any euill words for doing their duties according to their Oathes and conscience, in making presentment for any fault? 14 Whether haue any within your Parish harboured any woman vnlawfully begotten with childe, and haue suffered her to depart away vnpunished? 1 IS there any Schoolemaster in your Parish that teacheth publikely or priuately, not licensed by the Ordinary, the Bishop of the Diocesse. Doth he teach any Papists, or sectuaries children that come not to Church. And doth he instruct all his Schollers to learne the short Catechisme, by Law established, contained in the booke of Common Prayer. Is he a graduate, and sufficient to teach? 2 What Physitian or Chirurgion is in your Parish vnlicen∣sed, and being not a Doctor of Physicke, in either of the Uniuer∣sities, doth practise Physicke. And what ignorant persons haue left their trade, and taken vpon them to professe physicke, or Chi∣rurgery; and who be they that so abuse the people? 3 Haue you a fit Parish Clarke aged twenty yeares at least, of honest life, able to reade and write. Are his and the Sextons wages paid without fraud; if not, then whose default is it. By whom is he chosen: is he diligent in his Office, and seruiceable to the Minister; Doth he meddle with any thing aboue his Office, doth he kéepe the Church cleane, the Doores locked. Is any thing lost or spoyled by his default, and doth he execute his Office duly? 1 HAth any Chancellor Deputy, or Surrogate, or any other exercising Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction within this Dio∣cesse, or any Register, Apparitor or other Officer belonging to the Ecclesiasticall Court, exacted any extraordinary or greater Fées, than heretofore of late hath béene accustomed, or than are expressed in the table of Fées set vp in the Consistory, declaring what fées are due? 2 Lastly, Doe you know any other matter worthy of present∣ment, or any other person or persons, which haue committed any fault, or offence contrary to his Maiesties Ecclesiasticall Lawes, or hereof vehemently suspected not set downe or expressed in these Articles, by vertue of your Oathes present the said faults, and the names of the persons which haue committed, or are vehe∣mently suspected for committing the same offences? THere must be a full, and seuerall presentment, on answer made to euery seuerall Article.
A00179.P4	Merie tales of the made men of Gotam gathered to gether by A.B. of phisike doctour.	[ "Boorde, Andrew, 1490?-1549." ]	[1565]	Imprinted at London in Fletstret, beneath the Conduit, at the signe of S. John euangelist, by Thomas Colwell,	[London] :	eng	[]	THeare was two men of Gotam, & the one was goyng to the market to Nottyngham to buye sheepe and the other dyd come from the Market, and bothe met together vppon Nottingham brydge. Well met said the one to the other. Whether be you going (sayde hee that came from Not∣tyngeham, to hym that wente to Nottingeham.) Marye sayde be that wente to Nottyngham, I goe to the market to buye sheepe. Buye sheepe saide the other? and whyche waye wylte thou brynge them. Marye sayde the other. I wyll brynge them ouer thys bridge. By Robyn hoode sayd he that cam from Nottingham, but thou shalte not. By Mayde Ma∣ryon sayde he that wente to the market but I wyll. Thou shalte not sayde the other. I wyll sayde the other. Let bere, sayd the one. Shows theare, sayde the other. They beat theyr staues agaynste the grounde, one agaynste the o∣ther, as theare had bene a hun∣dred seepe betwixt them. Holde in theare layde the one. Beware of yng ouer the brydge of my sheepe sayd the other, I care not sad the other, they shal not come thys waye by the masse. By the masse sayde the other, but they shall. Then sayde the other, and thou make muche to doe, I wyll put my fynger in thy mouthe. A turde thou wilte, saide the other. And as they weare at thys con∣tencyon, another man of Gotam dyd come from the market wyth a sacke of meale vppon an horse. And seyng & hearing his neygh∣boures at stryfe, for sheepe, and none betwixt them said a fooles will you neuer learne wyt. Helpe we saide bee that had the meale, and laye my sacke vppon my shul∣der, they dyd so. And he went to the one side of the bridge, and vn losed the mouth of the sacke, and did shake oute all hys meale in to the ryuer, now neyghbour sayde this man, howe much meale is theare in my sacke nowe, marye theare is noue at all sayde they, Now by my faythe sayd he euen as muche witte is in youre twoo headdes, to stryue for that thyng which ye haue not. Which was the wisest of al these three persons? Judge you. THeare was a man of Go∣tam dyd ryde to thee mar∣ket wyth twoo bussheles of wheate, and bycause hys horse shoulde not beare heauye, hee ca∣ryed hys corne vppon hys owne necke, and dyd ryde vppon hys horse, because hys horse shoulde not cary no heauy burthen. On a time the mē of Gotam, wold haue pyned the Cockow, that she should sing all the yeare and in the myddest of the towne they dyd make a hedge (round in compas,) and they had got a Co∣cow, and put her in it and sayde, singe here all the yeare, and thou shalte lacke neyther meate nor drincke. The Cocow as soone as shee was set wyth in the hedge, flew her waye. A vengeaunce on her sayde they, we made not our hedge high ynough. THere was a man of Gotam the which went to the mar¦ket to Nottingham to sell cheese. And as hee was goynge downe the hyll to Nottingham be, one of hys cheeses dyd fall out of hys poake, and did runne downe the hyl. A horsons said the felow, can you rūne to the market alone I will sende the one after the o∣ther of you. He layde downe hys poake, and tooke the cheeses, and dyd trundle them downe the hyll one after another: and some ran into one busshe, and some into a∣nother. And at the laste he sayde I charge you all meete me in the market place. When the fellowe dyd come into the market place to meete hys cheeses, hee dyd ta∣rie tyll the market was almoste done. Then he went about, and dyd inquyre of hys neighboures, and other men if they did see his cheeses come to the market? Who shoulde bringe them? sayd one of the market men. Marye them selues sayd the fellow, they knew the way well ynoughe. He taryed still tyll it was nyght. At nyghte he said a vengeaunce on them al. I dyd feare to see that my chee∣ses dyd runne so faste, that they runne beyonde the market: I am sure that they be almoste now at Yorke. He hyred a horse to ryde after to Yorke to seeke hys chee∣ses wheare they weare not. But to thys daye, no man coulde tell hym of hys cheeses. THeare was a man of Go∣tam and he did buy at Not∣tynge ham a Trefete (or a Brandyron.) And as he was go∣ing home, his shoulder dyd ake: And hee dyd set downe hys Tre∣fete, and see that it had thre feete sayde, a horsen, haste thou three feete, and I but two, thou shalte beare me home if thou wilte, and dyd syt downe on the trefete and sayd, beare me as long as I haue borne the, for if thou do not, thou shalt stand still for mee. The man of Gotam dyd see that hys Tre∣fete wolde not goe further, stand styll sayd he in the Mares name, and folowe mee if thou wylte, I wyll tell thee the ryghte waye to my house. Whā he did com home to his house his wife sayd, where is my Brandiron or trefete. The man sayde he hath three legges, and I haue but two legges, and I dyd teach hym the way to my house, let hym come home if hee wyll. Wheare lefte ye the Trefete sayde the wyfe, at Gotam hyll, sayde the man. The wife did run and fetch home hir trefete, or else she had lost it. THeare dwelt a smith in Go∣tam the whych had a Was∣pes nest in the straw in the ende of his Forge. Theare dyd come one of hys neyghboures to haue hys horse shooed, and the waspes weare so busye that the fellow was stong, with a waspe. He beyng angrye sayde, art thou worthy to keepe a Forge, to haue men stnge here wythe Waspes? O neyghboure sayde the smythe, be content. I wyll put them from theyr neste bye and bye. He tooke a Coulter and heated it in hys Forge glowyng hote, and thruste it into the strawe in the ende of hys Forge. And so he dyd set hys Forge a fyre, and dyd burne it vppe. Than sayde the Smythe. I tolde thee that I woulde fyre them forth of theyr nestes. WHen that good Frydaye was come, the men of Gotam dyd caste theyr heads together what they shuld doe with theyr whyte hearyng, and theyr red hearyng, and their sprottes, and salt fyshe, One con∣sulted with the other, and agre∣ed that all such fysh should be cast into their pōd or poole (the whi∣che was in the myddle of theyr towne,) that it myghte increase againste the nexte yeare. Euerye man that had any fishe lefte, dyd cast it into the poole, the one sayd I haue thus manye whyte hea∣ringes, the other sayde, I haue thus many sprots, another sayde I haue thus many red hearings, the other said I haue thus much salte fyshe. Let all go together in to the poole or pond, and we shall fare like Lordes next lent. At the beginninge of the next lent, folo∣winge, the men dyd drawe theyr ponde to haue theyr syshe: & there was nothing but a great Ele. (A sayde they all) a mychiefe on this Ele, for he hathe eate vp all our fyshe. What shal we do wyth hym sayde the one to the other. Kill hym said another. Chop him al to peces said another. Nay not so said other, let vs drowne him: be it sayd all. They wente to another poole or pond by, and dyd cast in the Eele into the water. Lye theare sayde they and shift for thy selfe, for no helpe thou shalte haue of vs. And theare they lefte the Eele to bee drowned. ON a time the men of Gotam had forgotten to paye theyr rent to their Lord. The one sayd to the other, to morow is our pay day, and what reamedy shall we fynde to sende our money to oure Lorde? The one sayde thys daye I haue taken a quicke Hare, and he shall carye it, for he is lyght of foote. Be it sayde all, he shal haue a letter, and a purse to put in our money and wee wyll tell hym the waye. When the Letters weare wryt, and the money put into a pursse, they dyd tye them aboute the Hares necke sayinge, fyrste thou must go to Lowghburrow, and thē to Leyceter, and at new∣warke theare is our Lorde, and commende vs to him, and theare is hys dutye. The hare as soone as hee was out of theyr handes, he did run a clene contrary way▪ Some cryed out to hym sayinge thou must goe to Lowghburrow fyrste. Some sayde lett the Hare alone, he can tel a nearer way thē the best of vs all: let him go. ON a tyme theare was one of Gotam mowynge in the meades, and found a great gras∣hopper. He dyd caste downe hys sythe and dyd runne home to his neighbours and sayde that there was a Deuill in the fyelde that hopped in the grasse. Then there was euerye man readye wythe clubbes and staues, wythe, Hal∣bardes, and other weapons, to go to kill the Grashopper. Whan they did come to the place where that the Grashopper shoulde bee. Sayde the one to the other, lette euerye man crosse hym selfe from this deuill, for we wyll not med∣dle wyth hym. And so they retur∣ned home againe and sayde, wee weare well bleste thys daye that we went no further. A cowardes sayd he that had the sythe in the mead, helpe me to fetch my sithe. No saide they, it is good to sleape in a whole skynne: better it is to leese thy sithe, then to mar vs all. IN a certaine tyme theare weare twelue of Gotam did goe a fysshyng, & some did wade in the water, and some stoode a drye lande. And when that they went homewarde, the one sayde to the other, wee haue ventured farre to day in wadyng I pray god that none of vs (that dyd come from home) bee drow∣ned. Marye sayde the one to the other, let vs see that, for theare dyd twelue of vs come oute. And they tolde themselues, and eue∣rye man dyd tell a leuen, and the twelfe man dyd neuer tell hym selfe. Alas sayde the one to the o∣ther there is one of vs drowned. They went backe to the brooke whear that they had ben fishing and sought vp and down for him that was drowned, & dyd make great lamentacion. A Courtyer dyd come ridyng by and dyd aske what that they dyd seeke. And whye they weare so sorye. O sayd they this daye we wente to fysshe this brooke and there dyd come out twelue of vs, and one is drowned. Why said the Courtier tell how many be of you. And the one tolde. xi. and hee dyd not tell himselfe. Well sayd the Courtier what will you geue mee & I wyll fynd out twelue Syr sayde they, al the money that we haue. Geue mee the money: sayde the courtier. And he began with the fyrste, and did geue him a teo∣bētibus ouer the shoulders that he groned, and sayd there is one: so be serued all that they groned on the matter when he dyd come to the laste he payde him a good sayinge, here is the twelfe man. Gods blessing on your hart sayd nil the companie, that you haue found out our neighbour. THere was a man of Gotam did ride by ye way & did find a cheese in the bye way, & he puld, out his sword, & poryd & prie¦ked with the poynte of his swerd to take by the cheese. Theare did come another mā by & did a lyght & toke vp the chese & rid his way. The man of gotam did ride back to Nottingham to buye a longer swerd to take vp the cheese. And whē he had bought his swerd he turned back. And when he did come to ye place wheare the cheese dyd lye he pul∣led out his swerde and prycked at the grounde sayinge, a mur∣ryon take it, if I had had thys swerde I had had the cheese. THere was a man of Gotam & hee dyd not loue his wyfe: & she hauinge a fayre heare, hir husbande said diuers times yt he would cut it of, & he durste not doe it when she was waking, but when she was a sleape. So on a night he toke vp a paire of sheres and layde them vnder hys beads head, the whyche the wyfe per∣ceyued. And then shee dyd call to her one of her maydes and sayde, go to bead to my husband, for hee is mynded to cut of my heare to nyght, let hym cut of thy heare, & I wyll giue thee as good a kyrtle as euer thou dydst weare. The mayde dyd so, & faynded her selfe a sleepe the whiche the man per∣ceyuyng cut of the maydes heare and dyd wrap it about the shetes and layde it vnder hys beaddes head, and fell a sleape. The wyfe made her mayde to aryse, & tooke the heare and the sheres, & went into the hall & burnte the heare. This man had a horse the which hee dyd loue aboue all thynges. The wyfe went into the stable, & cut of the horse tayle. & dyd wrap the sheres in the horse tayle, and layd it vnder hir husbāds heade. In the mornynge shee dyd ryse be time, & did sit by the fire keyming hir head. At last the mā did come to the fire, & seynge his wife key∣ming hir hed maruelled on it the maide seing her master standyng in a browne studie saide, what a deuil aileth the horse in the stable for he bledeth sare, the good man ran into the stable, & foude that hs horse taile was cut of hee wēt to his beads head & did finde the sheres wrapt in hys horse taile, & did com to his wife saying, I cry the merit for I had thought that I had cut of thy heare to night, & I haue cut of my horse tayle. Ye sayd she selfe do selfe haue, manye a man thinketh to do another mā a shrewdde turne, and turnethe oft tymes to his owne selfe. THere was a man in Gotam that layde a wager wythe hys wyfe that shee shoulde not make him cokold. No said she but I can. Spare not said he, do what thou canste, On a tyme she hyd al the sypggots & fassets in ye house, and shee went into her but terie and set a barrell a broche, & cryed to her husband and sayde, I preye you brynge me heather a spyggot and a fasset, or else al the ale wyll runne out. The good mā sought vp and downe and coulde fynde none. Come hether sayde she than, and holde your fynger in the tap hole. She pulled out her finger, and the good man put in hys. She then called to her a Tayler the whyche did dwell at the nexte doore, with whom shee made a blinde bargyne. And wythin a whyle shee did come to her husbande and dyd brynge a spiggot & a fasset with hir saying pul out your finger out of the tap hole gentle Cockold for you haue lost your bargayn. I be shrew thy hair for thy fauour said the good man. Make no suche bargaynes then sayde she with me. THeare was a man of Gotam that had take a Bustard, & to the eating of it bee did did. iiii. or. v. gentlemens seruaunts. The wyfe had kylled an olde broone goose: and she and two of hir gos∣seps had eaten vpp the Bustarde. The olde goose was layde to the fyre for the gentlemens seruants. Whan that they were come, and the old goose set before thē, what is this sayd one of the men? The goodmā said, a good fat bustard. A bustard said they? it is an olde goose, and thou arte a knaue to mocke vs. And in a great anger they departed out of the house & went home. The fellow was sory that the gentlemans seruanntes weare angry, and dyd take a bag and dyd put in the Bustardes fe∣thers, and thought to go to them and shew them the fethers of the Bustarde, and so to please them. The wife prayed hir husband (or he wente) to fetche in a blocke to the fyre: and in the meane space she dyd put out all the Bustardes fethers, and dyd put in the goose fethers. The man takynge hys purse or bag, went to the gen∣tlemens seruauntes and sayde. I pray you be not angrye wyth mee for you shall see here that I had a bustard, for here be the fethers▪ & he opened his bag, and did shake out the goose fethers, The gentle¦mens seruants seing the goose fe∣thers sayde, why knaue couldest thou not be cōtented to mocke vs at home at thine owne house, but art come to mock vs here, the one tooke a waster, & dyd geue hym a dosen stripes sayng, take this for a reward, & mock vs no more. THeare was a yonge man of Gotam the which should go a woing to a faire maid: his mother did warne hym sayinge, whē than dost loke vpon her, cast a sheepes eye and saye, bow daye sweete pygges aye? The felowe went to ye butchers & bought vii. or. viii. sheepeseyes, & when thys lusty woer did sit, at dit he wold loke vpon his faire wench & wold caste in hir face a sheepes eye say∣inge, how do you my pigges nye. how do I (said the wēch swines face, why doest yu cast the sheepes eye vpon me. O sweete piggs eye sayd he, haue at thee another. I defye thee swynes face sayde the wenche. The fellow beinge abas∣shed sayd, what sweete pygge be content for and if thou do liue vn¦till the next yeare, thou wilt be a foule sow▪ Walk knaue walk sayd she, for if thou dust liue til ye next yeare, thou wil be a starke kneue a lubber, and a foole. Here a man may see, for a mans good will he shall haue euil will & dipleasure. A Mans wife of Gotam was brought a bed of a mā childe The father dyd vyd the gossops, the whiche were chyldren of viii. or nyne yeares of age. The eldest childes name that should be god∣father was named Gylbert. The second chyld was named Hūfry. And the godmothers name was Christabell. The friends of them dyd monyshe them sayinge, that dyuers tymes they must say after the prieste. Whan all weare come to the church dore, the priest said, be you agreed of the name? be you said Gylbert agreed of the name? Be you sayde Hūfry agreed of the name. Be you said Chrystabell a∣greed of the name, the priest sayd whearfore bee you come hether? Gylbert sayde, wherefore be you come hether. Humfry said where∣fore hee you come hether Christa∣bell sayde whearfore, be you come hether. The priest being amased coulde not tell what to saye, but whisteled & saide whew, Gylbert whisteled and said whew, Hūfry whistled and said whew, & so did Christabell. The priest being an∣gry said, go home fooles go home Go home fooles go home said gil∣bert, go home fooles go hom said Humfry, go home fooles go home said Christabell. The priest then prouided for God fathers & God∣mothers. Here a man maye see that chyldren can do nothing wt out good instructions. And they be not wise yt wil regard childrēs wordes. THere was a man of Gotam the whych shuld be maried, & when the day of maryage was appoynted, & the time came that they shoulde be maried together, the priest sayd say after me. The man said say after me. The priest said, say not after me such words but say after me as I wil tel thee. The fellow said, say not after me such wordes, but saye after me as I will tell thee. The priest sayde, thou dost playe the foole and the knaue, to mock with this holy sa¦crament of matrymony. The fel∣low said, thou dost play the foole and the knaue to mock with this holie sacrament of matrymonye. The priest could not tell what to say, but said what shal I do with this foole? The felow said, what shal I doe with this foole. Fare∣well sayde the prieste, I wyll not marrie thee. Farewell sayde the fellow, I wyll not marrye thee. The prieste departed: how bee it the fellow (by other men) was in∣structed how to doe: & after that hee was maryed. And I hard say such a folish pranke was play¦ed at Kingston of late dayes. Theare was a Scottish man the whiche dyd dwell at go∣tam, and hee had taken an house a lytle from London, and of it he would make an Inne, and to his Signe hee woulde haue a Bores head. And he wente to London to haue a Bores head made. He dyd come to a Caruer (or a Joy∣ner) saying in his mother-tonge, I saye spek, kens thou make me a Bare heade?; ye said the Caruer. Than sayd the skotyshman, mek me a bare head anenst yowle, an thowse bus haue xx pence for thy hyre. I wyll doe it sayde the Caruer. On S. Andrewes daye before Chrystmas (the which is named yowle in Scotland, & in England in the north.) the skot∣tish mā did com to Londē for his Bores heade to set at a dore for a signe. I say speke said the skotish man, haste thou made me a Bare head? Yea said the Caruer. Then thowse a gewd fellow. The Car∣uer went and did bryng a mans head of wod that was bare and sayd, syr here is youre bare head. I say sayde the skotyshman, the mokyl deuill, is this a bare head? Ye said the caruer. I say sayd the Shotishman, I will haue a bare head, syk an head as doth follow a Sew that hath Gryces. Syr said the caruer, I cā not tel what is a Sew, nor what is a Gryce. whet hersō, kenst thou not a sew that wil greet & grone, & her gry∣ces wil run after her & cry a weke a weke. O said the Caruer, it is a pigge. Yea said the skotish mā, let me haue his fathers head made in timber, & mek me a bird & set it on his skalps, and cause her to sing whip whir, whip whir. The caruer sayde, I can not cause her to singe whip whir. Whe horson sayde the skotish man gar her as she woulde singe whip whir. Here a man maye see that euerye man doth delight in his owne sē∣ces, or doth reioice in his fantasie IN old time whē as these afore said Jestes was (as mē of that cuntrey reporteth) that such fan∣tasticall matters weare done at gotam (the which I can not tell halfe.) The wyues weare gathe∣red together in an ale house and the one sayde to the other yt they weare all profitable to their hus∣bandes. Whyche waye good gos∣sips sayd the Ale wife. The fyrste sayd, I shall tell you all good gos∣sips: I can neither bake nor brew nor I can doe no worke, wheare∣fore I do make euery day holiday & I go to the ale house, bicause at all times I cānot go to ye church, & in the ale house I praye to God to speede well my husband. And I do think my praier shal do him much more good then my labour if I could worke. Then sayde the second, I am profitable to my hus¦bād in sauing of cādels in winter for I do cause my husband and al my house solkes to go to bead by daylighte, & to rile by daylight. The thyrd wife sayd, & I am pro∣fytable to my husbande in spen∣ding of bread, for I will eate but litle, for to the drinckyng of a ga∣lon or two of good ale, I care for no meate. The fourth wife saide, I am loth to spend meat & drinke at home in my owne house, wher fore I do go to the wine tauerne at Nottingham, & do take wine, and such things as god shal send me theare. The fifte wyfe sayd a man shall euer haue more compa∣nye in another mans house then his owne (& most cōmonlye in an Ale house is the best cheare in a towne.) And for sparing of meate & drynke and other necessaryes, I do go to the ale house. The sixt wife said, my husband hath woll, and flax and tow: and to spare it, I go to other mens houses to do other mens worke. The seuenth wife said, I do spare my husbāds wood & cole, and do sit talking al the day by other mens fires. The eight said, beefe, mutton, & porcke is dere, wherfore I doe spare it, & do take pigge, goose, hen, chicken conye and capon, the which be of lower pryce. The ninth said, & I do spare my husbands sope & lye, for when hee shoulde be wasshed once in a weeke, I doe wash once in a quarter of a yeer. Then sayd the ale wife, and I doe keepe my husbandes ale (that I do brew,) from sowryng. For wheare as I was wont to drynke vp all, nowe I do haue neuer a drop. ON Ash wednesday the priest of gotam wold make a cola∣cion to his parishoners and said, freyndes the tyme is come that you must vse praier and fasting, & almes dedes, and this weke cum you to shryfte, and I wyll tel you more of my mynd, for as for pray∣ers, I thinke theare bit not two persons in the parish can say halfe their Pater noster. As for fasting you fast styll: for you haue not a good meales meat through the whole yeare. As for almes dedes, what shuld you do to giue any thyng, that hath nothing to take to. But when that you doe come to shrift, I will tel you more of my mynd. After masse, ye good man that did keepe the ale house, did come to shrift, & aboue al thin¦ges bee confessed hymselfe to bee drunck diuers times in the yeere, specially in Lent. The priest sayd in Lent thou shouldest moste re∣fraine from drūkenes, & abstaine frō drinke. Not so said the fellow, for it is an old prouerbe, that fishe must swim, Ye sayd the prieste, it must swim in water. I crye God mercy sayd the fellow. I thought it shuld haue swom in good ale. SO one after another the men of Gotam did come to shrift, & whan they were shryuē the priest said I cannot tell what penaūce to geue you. If I should enioyne you to prayer, there is non of you that can say your Pater noster, & you be now to old to learne. And i nioye you to fast, it weare but folyshnes, for you doe not eate a good meales meate in a yeare. Wherefore I do inioyne the to la∣bour wel the weeke, yt thou maist farewel to diner on the sondaies: and I wil come to dnner and see that it be so, and take part. Ano∣ther man hee dyd enioyne to fare well the monday. And another the tuesday. And so one after a∣nother, that one or other shoulde fare well once a weeke, that hee myght haue parte of the meate. And as for almes deedes ye priest sayd, you be but beggers all, excepte it be one or two, therfore bestowe the almes on youre owne selues.
A00190.P4	Articles to be enquired of, in the ordinarie visitation of the most reuerend father in God, George by Gods providence, Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury ... holden in the yeere of our Lord God, 1632, and in the two and twenty yeere of His Graces translation.	[ "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1611-1633 : Abbot)", "Abbot, George, 1562-1633." ]	1632.	For Robert Milbourne,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	INprimis, Whether doeth your Minister distinctly and reuerendly say diuine Seruice vpon Sundayes and Ho∣ly-dayes, and other dayes appoynted to be obserued by the Booke of Common Prayer: Wednesdayes and Frydayes, and the Eues of euery Sunday and Holy∣day, at fit and vsuall times? And doth your Minister duly obserue the Orders, Rites, and Ceremonies prescribed in the said Book of Common Prayer, as well in reading pulibke Prayers and the Letany, as also in administring the Sacraments, solemnization of Ma∣trimony, Uisiting the sick, Burying the dead, Churching of women, and all other like Rites and offices of the Church, in such maner and forme, as in the Book of Common prayer is enioyned? And doth he reade the booke of the last Canons once yéerely, and weare a Surplice according to the sayd Canons? 2 Item whether doth your Minister bid Holydayes & Fasting dayes, as by the Booke of Common Prayer is appointed? And doth hee giue warning beforehand to the parishoners, for the receiuing of the holy Cō∣munion as the 22. canon requireth? And whether doth he administer the holy Cōmunion so often, & at such times, as that euery parishioner may receiue the same at the least thrice in euery yere: wherof once at Easter as by the Booke of Common Prayer is appointed? And doeth your Minister receiue the same himselfe on euery day that hee administreth it to others, and vse the words of Institution according to the Booke, at euery time that the Bread and Wine is renewed, accordingly as by the Prouiso of the 21 Canon is directed? And doeth háe deliuer the Bread and Wine to euery Cōmunicant seuerally? Whether hath he admit∣ted to the holy Communion any offender or Schismaticke, contrary to the 26. and 27. constitutions, or receiued any to the Communion being not of his owne Cure or put any from the Communion, not being pub∣likely infamous for some notorious crime? Doeth he vse the signe of the Crosse in Baptisme, or Baptize in any Bason, or other Uessell and not in the vsuall Font: or admit any Father to be Godfather to his own child, or such who haue not receiued the holy Cōmunion, or Baptize any children that were not borne in the parish, or wilfully refuse to Baptize any Infant in his Parish being in danger, hauing bene enformed of the weakenesse of the sayd child: and whether hath the child dyed through his default without Baptisme? 3 Item, whether hath your Minister married any without a Ring or without Banes published thrée seueral Sundayes or Holydayes in time of diuine Seruice, in the seueral Churches or Chappels of their seuerall abode, according to the book of Common Prayer, or in times prohibited albeit the Banes were thrice published, without a License or dispensati∣on from the Archbishop, the Bishop of the Diocesse, or his Chancellor, first obtained in that behalfe? or not betwixt the houres of eight and twelue in the forenoone, or married in any priuate house: or if the par∣ties be vnder the age of 21. yeres, before their parents or gouernors haue signified their consent vnto him? 4 Item, whether doth he refuse to bury any, which ought to be inter∣red in Christian buriall, or deferre the same longer then he should, or bury any in Christian burial, which by the Constitutions of the Church of England ought not to be so interred? 5 Item, whether the body of any excommunicate person dying within your parish hath bin buried by any of your parishioners disorderly (your Minister iustly refusing to bury it) within your Church or Churchyard, or haue the body or bodies of any such excommunicate person or persons bin carried out of your Parish to be buried in another Parish, without consent of your Minister, or Ordinary first had and obtained; and what are their seuerall names and sirnames? 6 Item, whether is your Minister a Preacher allowed? If so, then by whom? If not, whether doth he procure some who are lawfully licen∣sed, to preach amongst you monethly at the least? 7 Item, whether doth your Minister (being licensed) preach vsually according to the Canons, either in his owne Cure, or in some other Church or Chappell, neere adioyning, where no Preacher is and how often hath he bin negligent in that behalfe? and doth he preach stan∣ding and with his hat off? Or whether doth he or his Curate vpon eue∣ry Sunday, when there is no Sermon, reade an Homily, or some part thereof, according as he ought to doe: or in case hee bee not licensed to Preach doth he take vpon him to preach or expound the Scriptures in his owne Cure, or elsewhere? If so then you are to present the same, the time and place, when, and where he did it. 8 Item, whether doth your Minister in his Sermons, Lectures and other exercises, vse to pray for the Kings Maiesty, King Charles and for our gracious Quéene Mary, and all the Royal Progeny, with addition of such Stile and Titles as are due to his Highnes, and exhort the people to obedience to his Maiestie, and all Magistrates in authority vnder him: not omitting particular mencion of the Bishop of the Diocesse, according to his Maiesties late direction in that behalfe? 9 Item, whether is your Minister continually resident vpon his Be∣nifice, and how long time hath he bin absent, & in case he be licensed to be absent whether doth he cause his Cure to be sufficiently supplyed, ac∣cording to the Canons: or in case hee hath another Benefice, whether doth he supply his absence by a Curate sufficiently licensed to preach in that Cure, where he himselfe is not resident? Or otherwise, in case the smallnesse of the liuing cannot finde a preaching Minister, doeth hee preach at both his Benefices vsually? 10 Item, whether doeth your Minister or Curate serue any more Cures then one: If so, then what other Cure doth he serue, and how farre are they distant? 11 Item, whether doth your Minister euery Sunday and Holyday, before Euening Prayer, for halfe an houre, or more, examine and instruct the Youth and ignorant persons of his Parish, in the Ten Commande∣ments, Articles of the Beliefe and in the Lords prayer and the Sacra∣ments according as it is prescribed in the Catechisme, and set foorth in the Book of Common Prayer; and also strictly enioyned by our late So∣ueraigne King Iames of blessed memory, in his directions to the Bi∣shops of each Diocesse? 12 Item, whether doth your Minister in the Rogation dayes goe in perambulation of the circuit of the parish saying and vsing the prayers and thanksgiuing to God, appointed by law, according to his duty, thank∣ing God for his blessings, if there be plenty on the earth: Or otherwise▪ to pray for his grace and fauour, if there be a feare of scarcity? 13 Item, whether hath your Minister admitted any woman, begot∣ten with child in adultery or fornication, to be churched without license of the Ordinary? 14 Item, whether hath your Minister, or any other Preacher, Bap∣tized children, churched any woman or ministred the holy Communion in any priuate house, otherwise then by Law is allowed? 15 Item, whether doth your Minister, being a Preacher, endeauour & labor diligently to reclaime the Popish Recusants in his parish from their errors (if there be any such abiding in your Parish) Or whether is your Parson Uicar, or Curate, ouerconuersant with or a fauourer of Recusants, whereby he is suspected not to be sincere in Religion? 16 Item, whether hath your Minister taken vpon him, to appoint any Publike or priuate Fasts, Prophecies or exercises, not approued by Law, or publike authority, or hath vsed to méete in any priuate house or place, with any person or persons, there to consult how to impeach or depraue the book of Common prayer, or the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church of England? If so, then you shall present them all. 67 Item, whether hath your Minister stayed the publication of any ex∣communications, or suspensions? or doth he euery halfe yere denounce in his parish Church all such of his parish, as are excommunicated, & per∣seuere therin without séeking to be absolued, or doth he wittingly & wil∣lingly keep company with such as are excommunicate: And hath he ad∣mitted into your Church any person excommunicate, without a Certifi∣cate of his absolution from the Ordinary, or other competent Iudge? 18 Item, whether doth your Minister carefully looke to the reliefe of the poore, and from time to time call vpon his Parishioners to giue somewhat as they can spare, to godly and charitable vses, especially when they make their Testaments? 19 Item, whether doth your Minister, or any hauing taken the holy Orders, being now silenced or suspended, or any other person of your knowledge, or as you haue heard, hold any conuenticles, or preach in any place, or vse any other forme of Diuine Seruice then is appointed in the Booke of Common Prayer? If so, then you are to present their names, and with whom. 20 Item, whether is your Curate licensed to serue, by the Bishop of this Diocesse or by any other, and by whom? 21 Item, whether doth your Minister vse such decencie and comeli∣nesse in his apparell, as by the 47. Canon is enioyned: and is he of sober behauiour and one that doth not vse such bodily labor, as is not séemely for his function and calling? 22 Item, whether is your Minister noted or defamed to haue obtained his Benefice or his Orders by Simony, or any other way defamed, to be a Symoniacall person, or any way noted to be a Schismaticke, or Schis∣matically affected, or reputed to be an incontinent person, or to table or lodge any such in his house: or is he a frequenter of Tauernes, Innes, Alehouses, or any place suspected for ill rule: or is he a common Drun∣kard a common Gamester or a player at Dice, a Swearer, or one that applieth not his Studie, or is otherwise offensiue and scandalous to his function or Ministery? 23 Item, whether are there any Lectures, or exercises vsed within your parish Church? If so, then whether do the sayd Lecturer or Lectu∣rers, refuse to conforme themselues to the Lawes and Ordinances of the Church of England, and especially to the late instructions for Lectures published by his Sacred Maiesty King Charles, and directed to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, and accordingly by his Grace, sent to euery Diocesse of his Graces Prouince. Anno Dom. 1629. And so by the Lord Bishop of this Diocesse, commanded to bee published tho∣row this Diocesse, by his Lordships Arch-deacous, at their seuerall visi∣tations after Easter, Anno Dom. 1630. And doth your Lecturer or Lecturers, and euery of them obserue that Article, and instruction of his Maiestie, wherein it is prouided precisely, that euery Lecturer shall be∣fore his Lecture, or Sermon, reade Diuine Seruice in his Surplice, and Hood according to his Degrée: If you know of any default or neg∣lect hereof, in not obseruing this instruction of his Maiesties, or other the Lawes Ecclesiasticall of this Kingdome, you are to present it, o∣therwise you are likely to answere for this your contempt. 24 Item, whether do any Knight, or Gentlemen within your Parish maintaine or keepe any Chaplaine, contrary to the Lawes of the Land, not being thereunto Licensed by the Bishop of this Diocesse? 25 Item, whether doth your Preacher or Lecturer reade Diuine Ser∣uice, and Minister the Sacraments twice a yeere at least in his owne person, according to the Canons? 26 WHether haue you in your seuerall Churches and Chappels, the whole Bible of the largest volume, and the book of Com∣mon Prayer, as also the book of Homilies set forth by his Maiesties au∣thority, all fairely and substantially bound: a Font of stone, set vp in the ancient vsuall place: a conuenient & decent Communion Table, with a Carpet of silke▪ or some other decent Stuffe, continually layd vpon the Table at the time of Diuine Seruice, and a faire linnen cloth vpon the same, at the time of the receiuing of the holy Communion? And whether is the same Table placed in such conuenient sort within the Chancel or Church, as that the Minister may be best heard in his prayer & admini∣stration, and that the greatest number may communicate? And whether is it so vsed out of time of diuine Seruice, as is not agréeable to the holy vse of it: and as by sitting on it throwing hats on it writing on it or is it abused to other prophane vses? And are the Ten Commandements set vpon the East end of your Church or Chappell, where the people may best see and reade them and other Sentences of holy Scripture, written on the walles likewise for that purpose? 27 Item, whether haue you in your said Church or Chappell, a conue∣nient seate for your Minister to read Seruice in, together with a comely Pulpit, set vpon a conuenient place, with a decent cloth or Cushion for the same, a comely large Surplice, a faire Communion Cup, with a co∣uer, of Siluer, & a Flagon of Siluer Tinne, or Peuter, to put the Wine in wherby it may be set vpon the Communion Table, at the time of the blessing thereof, with all other things and Ornaments necessary for the celebration of diuine Seruice & administration of the Sacraments? And whether haue you a strong chest for almes of the Poore with thrée lockes and keyes, and another Chest for the keeping the Bookes, and Ornaments of the Church▪ and the Register Booke? And whether haue you a Register Booke in Parchment, for Christenings, Weddings, and Burialls, and whether the same be kept in all points, according to the Canons in that behalfe prouided? And whether haue you in your said Church or Chancell a Table set, of the degrées, wherein by Law men are prohibited to marry? 28 Item, whether are your Church and Chappells, with the Chan∣cels thereof and your Parsonage, or Uicarage house, your Parish almes-house and Church-house, in good reparations, and are they imployed to godly, & their right holy vses? Is your Church, Chancell & Chappell, decently and comely kept, as well within as without and the seats well maintained, according to the 85 Canon in that behalfe prouided? Whe∣ther your Church-yard be well fenced & kept without abuse: and if not, in whose default the same is, and what the defect or fault is? And whe∣ther any person haue encroched vpon the ground of the Churchyard, or whether any person or persons haue vsed any thing or place consecrated to holy vse prophanely or wickedly? 29 Item, whether haue you the Terrier of all the Gleabe Lands, Meddowes Gardens, Orchards, Houses, Stockes, Implements, Te∣nements and portions of Tithes (whether within your Parish or without) belonging vnto your Parsonage or Uicarage, taken by the view of honest men in your sayd Parish? And whether the sayd Terrier bée layd vp in the Bishops Registry, and in whose hands any of them are now? And if you haue no Terrier already made in Parchment, you the Church-wardens and Side-men, together with your Parson or Uicar, or in his absence, with your Minister, are to make diligent enquirie and presentment of the premisses, and make, subscribe, and signe the sayd Terrier as aforesayd. 30 WHether doeth any in your Parish take vpon him to teach Schoole, without license of the Ordinary, and is he con∣formable to the Religion now established? And doth he bring his Schol∣lers to the Church to heare Diuine Seruice and Sermons? And doeth he instruct his Schollers in the grounds of Religion now established in this Church of England? and is hee carefull and diligent to benefit his Schollers in learning? 31 WHether haue you a fit Parish-Clerke, aged twenty yéeres at least, of honest conuersation, able to reade and write? Whe∣ther are his & the Sextons wages payed without fraud, according to the ancient custome of your parish: if not, then by whom are they so defrau∣ded or denied? By whom are they chosen? and whether the said Clerke be approued by the Ordinary: and hath he taken an Oath as in such ca∣ses is fit and required: and is he diligent in his Office, & seruiceable to the Minister, & doth he take vpon him to meddle with any thing aboue his Office; as Churching of women, burying the dead, and such like? 32 Item, whether doeth your Clerke or Sexton kéepe the Church cleane, the doores locked? Is any thing lost or spoyled in the Church through his default? doeth hee suffer any vnreasonable ringing, or any propane exercise in your Church: or doth he (when any is passing out of this life) neglect to tole a Bell, hauing notice thereof? 34 HOw many Physicians, Chirurgions, or Mid-wiues haue you in your Parish? How long haue they vsed their seuerall Sci∣ences or Offices, and by what authority? And how haue they demeaned themselues therein, and of what skill are they accounted to bee in their profession? 34 WHether you the Churchwardens, Quest-men, or Sidemen from time to time do & haue done their diligences, in not suffering any idle person to abide either in the Church-yard, or Church-porch in Seruice or Sermon time, but causing them either to come into the Church to heare diuine Seruice, or to depart, & not disturbe such as hée hearers there? And whether haue they, and do you diligently sée the Parishioners duly resort to the Church euery Sunday and Holy, day, and there to remaine during diuine Seruice & Sermon? And whether you or your predecessors Church-wardens there, suffer any Playes, Feasts, Drinkings, or any other prophane vsages, to bee kept in your Church, Chappel or Church yards, or haue suffered to your and their vttermost power and endeauour, any person or persons, to be tippling or drinking in any Inne or Uictualling house in your Parish, during the time of di∣uine Seruice or Sermon, on Sundayes or Holydayes? 35 Item, whether, and how often haue you admitted any to preach within your Church or Chappell which was not sufficiently Licensed? And whether you together with your Minister, haue not taken dili∣gent héed and care, that euery of your Parishioners being of sixeteene yeeres of age or vpwards, haue receiued thrice euery yéere, as aforesaid: and also that no stranger haue vsually come to your Church, from their owne Parish Church? 36 Item, whether haue there bin prouided against euery Commu∣nion, a sufficient quantitie of fine white bread, and of good and whole∣some wine for the communicants that shall receiue? And whether that wine be brought in a cleane and swéete standing pot of pewter, or of other purer mettall? 37 Item, whether were you chosen by the consent of the Minister and the parishioners? And haue the late Church-wardens giuen vp a iust ac∣count for their time, and deliuered to their Successors the money, and o∣ther things belonging to the Church, which was in their hands? And are the Almes of the Church faithfully distributed to the vse of the poore? 38 Whether is there any of your Parishioners, beeing sixteene yeeres of age, or vpwards, or others lodging or commonly resorting to any house within your parish, that do wilfully absent them selues from your Parish-church vpon Sundayes or Holydayes, at Mor∣ning and Euening Prayers: or who come late to Church, & depart from Church before Seruice be done vpon the said daies? Or who do not reue∣rently behaue themselues during the time of Diuine Seruice deuoutly knéeling when the generall confession of sins, the Letany, the ten Com∣mandements, and all prayers and Collects are read & vsing all due and lowly reuerence, whē the blessed Name of the Lord Iesus Christ is men∣tioned, & standing vp when the Articles of the Beliefe are read, or who do couer their heads in the Church during the time of Diuine Seruice, vnlesse it be in case of necessity, in which case they may weare a Night cap or Coyse? Or who doe giue themselues to babling▪ talking, or wal∣king, and are not attentiue to the word preached, or read: or reading, or praying, during the time aforesaid? Whether any of your Parish being of sixteene yeares of age and vpwards, do not receiue the holy Commu∣nion in your Church thrice euery yéere: wherof once at Easter and whe∣ther they doe not deuoutly kneele at the receiuing thereof? 39 Item, whether any of your Parishioners, being admonished, ther∣of, doe not send their children, seruants, and apprentises to the Minister, to be catechised vpon such Sundayes and Holidayes as are appointed? or whether any of them do refuse to come: or if they come, refuse to learne the Catechisme set foorth in the booke of Common Prayer? 40 Item how many of the sayd Catechismes haue bin dispersed in your Parish or Chappell, according to the number of such children and seruants as can reade and are to learne the same, according to the late Iniunction of your Ordinary, and who they bee that haue refused to o∣bey that order so enioyned? and what are their seuerall names? 41 Item, whether any of your Parish doe entertaine within their house any soiournier, common guests, or other persons, who refuse to frequent diuine Seruice, or receiue the holy Communion, as afore∣sayd? Present their names, their qualities or conditions. 42 Item, what recusāt Papists are there in your parish? or haue dwelt or made vsuall abode there within the space of two or thrée yéeres last past, and whether they still dwell or remaine there, or where doe they dwell, or make their abode? Present their names, qualities, or conditi∣ons. And whether keepe they any Schoole-master in their house, which commeth not to Church to heare Diuine Seruice and receiue the Communion? What is his name, and how long hath he taught there, or else where? 43 Item, whether doe any of the sayd Popish Recusants labor to se∣duce and withdraw others from the Religion now established? or in∣struct their Families or children in Popish Religion? or refuse to enter∣taine any, especially in place of greatest seruice or trust, but such as con∣curre with them in their Papistry? 44 Item, whether the tuition of the children of any of your Pari∣shioners, dying within your Parish, be committed to any Popish Recu∣sants conuict, contrary to the Stat. 3 I. Cap. 5. and if so, to present and certifie the names both of such children, and of the Tutors, or Guardi∣ans, to whose tuition and education they are committed. 45 Item, how long haue the sayd Popish Recusants abstained from Diuine Seruice or from the Communion as aforesayd? 46 Item, whether is there any in your parish that retaine vnde∣faced, or sell, vtter or disperse any Popish Bookes or Writings or other Bookes, Libels, or writings of any Seetaries, touching the Religion, State, or Gouernment Ecclesiasticall of this Kingdome of England, or kéepe any Ornaments of superstition vncancelled or vndefaced? 48 Item, whether haue you any in your parish, which hertofore being Popish Recusants, or Sectaries, haue since reformed themselues, and come to Church to heare Diuine Seruice, and receiue the Sacraments? If yea▪ then who they are: & how long since haue they so reformed them∣selues? And whether they still remaine and abide in that conformitie? 49 Item, whether is there any in your parish, that refuse to haue their children baptized, or themselues to receiue the Cōmunion at the hands of your Minister, taking exception against him, and what causes or excepti∣ous doe they alledge? Or haue any married wiues refused to come to Church according to the book of Common prayer to giue God thanks af∣ter their Child-birth, for their safe deliuerance? And whether doe any of, or in your Parish, refuse to haue their children Baptized in your parish Church, according to the forme prescribed in the booke of cōmon prayer? 50 Item, whether any in your parish hauing a Preacher to your Par∣son Uicar, or Curate doe absent themselues from his Sermons, and re∣sort to other places to heare other Preachers: or whether any of your parish doe Communicate or Baptize their children in any other parish? 51 Item, what persons within your parish, for any offence, contumacy or crime of Ecclesiasticall conusance, doe stand Excommunicate? Pre∣sent their names, and for what cause they are Excommunicated, and how long they haue so stood, and what person and persons doe wittingly and vsually kéepe them company. 52 Item, whether doe any, not being in Orders, execute any Priestly or Ministeriall office in your Church, Chappell or Churchyard, and what be their names? 53 Item, whether is there any in your parish, that hauing hertofore taken vpon him the Order of Priesthood, or Deacon, hath since relinqui∣shed the same and liues a Lay-man neglecting his vocation? 54 Item, whether hath any person or persens in your parish quarrel∣led or stricken or vsed any violence to your Minister, or hath strucken or quarreld with any other persō within your Church or Churchyard, or de∣meaned himselfe disorderly in the Church, by filthy or prophane talke, or any other lewd or immodest behauior? Or haue disturbed the Minister in time of diuine Seruice or Sermon, or haue libelled or spoken slanderous words against your Minister to the scandall of his vocation▪ or defamed any of his neighbours touching any crime of Ecclesiasticall conusance? 55 Item, whether haue any of, or in your parish, without consent of the Ordinary, or other lawfull authoritie, caused any to doe penance, or to be censured or punished for any matter of Ecclesiastical conusance, by any Uestry-meetings, or otherwise by their own authority? or haue takē any money or cōmutatiō for the same present their names that haue don it? and who haue béen so punished: in what manner▪ and vpon what cause. 56. Item whether any person in your parish do exercise any trade or labour▪ buy or sell, or keepe open shops or ware-houses vpon any Sunday or Holiday by thēselues, their seruants or apprentices, or haue otherwise profaned the said daies, contrary to the orders of the Church of Englād? And whether there be any Inne keepers, Ale-house-kéepers, Uictualers, or other persons that permit any persons in their houses to eate, drinke, or play during the time of Diuine Seruice, or Sermon, or reading the Homilies in the forenoone or after-noone, vpon these dayes? 57 Item, whether hath the fift day of Nouember bin kept holy, and thanksgiuing made to God▪ for his Maiesties & this States happy deli∣uerance, according to the Ordinance in that behalfe? And whether haue you in your Parish Church or Chappell the bookes in this behalfe set foorth and commanded by publike authority. 58 Item, whether doth any of your parish hold or frequent any conuē∣ticles or priuate congregations, or make or maintain any constitutions, agreed vpon in any such assemblies? Or are there any that do write, or publikely or priuately speake against the booke of Common prayer, or a∣ny thing therein contained, or against any of the Articles of Religion, agréed vpon in Anno 1562. or against the Kings Supremacy in causes Ecclesiasticall, or against the Oath of Supremacy, or of Allegi∣ance, as pretending the same to be vnlawful, & not warrantable by the Word of God? Or against any of the Rites or Ceremonies of the Church of England now established? Or against the gouernment of the Church of England, vnder the Kings most excellent Maiestie, by Arch∣bishops Bishops, Deanes Archdeacons and other Officers of the same: affirming, that the same is repugnant to the Word of God, & that the sayd Ecclesiastical Officers are not lawfully ordained? Or whether be there any Authors, maintainers, or fauourers of Heresie or Schisme, or that be suspected to be Anabaptists, Libertines Brownists of the Fami∣lie of Loue, or of any other Heresie or Schisme: present their names. 59 Item whether haue any in your Parish married within the degrées by law prohibited; or any couple in your Parish being law∣fully married, liue apart one from the other, without due separation of the Law: or any that haue bin diuorced, which keepe company with any other at Bed or at Bord, and when and where they married? 58 Item, whether doe any persons administer the goods of the dead without lawfull authoritie, or suppresse the last will of the dead? Or are there in your Parish any wils not yet proued, or goods of the dead dying intestate left vnadministred? By authority in that behalfe you shall not faile to present the Executors, and all others faulty therein: and also how many persons being possessed of any goods and chattels, haue dy∣ed within your Parish since the yéere 1617. 59 Item, whether doth any with-hold the stocke of the Church, or any goods or other things, giuen to good and charitable vses? 60 Item, whether are your Hospitalls and Almes-houses and other such houses and Corporations, founded to good and charitable vses: and the lands, possessions, and goods of the same, ordered and disposed of as they should bee? And doe the Masters, Gouernours, Fellowes, and others of the said Houses and Corporations, behaue and demeane themselues, according to the godly Ordinances, and Statutes of their seuerall Foundations? 61 Item, whether haue you any in your parish to your knowledge, or by common fame & report, which haue committed Adultery, Fornicati∣on, or Incest, or any which haue impudētly bragged or boasted that he or she haue liued incontinently with any person or persons whatsoeuer: or any that hath attempted the chastity of any woman, or solicited any wo∣man to haue the carnall knowledge of her body, or which are commonly reputed to bee common Drunkards, Blasphemers of Gods holy Name, common Swearers, common Slanderers of their Neighbours, & sowers of discord, filthy and laciuious talkers, Usurers, Symonaicall persons, Bawds, or harbourers of women with child which be vnmarried, or con∣ueying or suffering them to goe away before they haue made satisfaction to the congregation, or any that hauing heretofore bene presented, or su∣spected of any the aforesaid crimes, haue for that cause departed your pa∣rish, and are now returned again? Or any which haue vsed any inchant∣ments, sorceries, incantations or witchcrafts, which are not made fellony by the statutes of this Realme, or any which haue cōmitted any periury in any Ecclesiasticall Court, in an Ecclesiasticall cause, or which haue committed any forgery, punishable by the Ecclesiasticall lawes, and the procurers and abettors of the sayd offences? You shall truely present the names of all and singular the sayd offendors, and with whom they haue committed the said offences, in case they haue not bin publikely punished to your knowledge for the same crimes. 62 Item, whether was the publike prayers and fast lately enioyned by authority for the pacifying of Gods wrath, and for asswaging the late fearefull Plague, béen duely and solemnely performed both by your Mi∣nister and Parishioners on the dayes and times appointed, as also, The day of thankesgiuing for Gods mercy in asswaging that fearefull sick∣nesse, being Religiously obserued, according to those publike formes set foorth by authority, and whether haue you the sayd Bookes so published, as by the same authority you were commanded. 63 WHether doe you know or haue heard of any payment, com∣position, or agreement, to, or with any Ecclesiasticall Ma∣gistrate, Iudge, or Officer, for winking at, or sparing to punish any per∣son for any offence of Ecclesiastical conusance, or for suppressing, or con∣cealing of any Recusant, or any other offendour in the cases afore-sayd? What sum of money, or other consideration hath bin receiued or promi∣sed, by, or to any of them in that respect, by whom and with whom? 64 Item, whether hath any person within your parish, payd, or promi∣sed any sum of mony or other reward, for communication of penance for any crime of Ecclesiastical conusance? If so, then with whom, when, and for what and how hath the same bene imployed? 65 Item whether are your Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their Substi∣tutes Masters of Arts or Bachelours of the Law at the least, learned and practised in the Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall Lawes: Men of good life and fame, zealously affected in Religion, and iust vpright in executing their offices? Haue they heard any matter of Office priuately in their chambers, without their sworne Registers, or their Deputies presence? 66 Item, whether doe you know, or haue you heard, that any Eccle∣siasticall Iudge, Offcer, or Minister hath receiued or taken any extraor∣dinary fees, or other rewards or promises, by any wayes or meanes di∣rectly, or indirectly, of any person or persons whatsoeuer, either for the granting of the administration of the goods and chattells of those that haue died intestate, to one before another, or for allotting of larger por∣tions of the goods and chattells of those that haue dyed intestate to one more then to another: or for allowing large and vnreasonable accounts, made by Executors or administrators: or for giuing them Quietus est, or discharges, without Inuentory or account, to defraud Creditors, & Le∣gataries, or those who are to haue portions? And what summes of mo∣ney do you know, or haue you heard that any Ecclesiastical Iudge or Of∣ficer hath taken out of the state of any dying intestate, vpon pretence
A00191.P4	Articles to be inquired of the clergie set foorth by the reuerend father in God, Thomas Bishop of Lincoln, in his first visitation for his diocesse, anno Domini 1571.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of Lincoln. Bishop (1570-1584 : Cooper)", "Cooper, Thomas, 1517?-1594." ]	[1571]	Imprinted at London in Fleet-streete by Rafe Newbery,	[London] :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Government.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	FIrst whether your Persons, Vicars and Curates, do say their diuine seruice in their Chur∣ches at due howres, and conuenient times, and also doo reuerently minister the Sacraments to their Parishoners according to the booke of Com∣mon Praier, set out by common aucthoritie, of the Parliament of this Realme. 2. Item, whether they do exercise themselues in godly studie of the holy Scriptures, and in vertuous bringing vp of youth, as in teaching of them the Cathechisme, and other Godly exercises from time, to time, or no. 3. Item, whether they do decently and orderly go in their appa∣rel, according to the booke of Aduertisements, lately set fourth in that behalfe. 4. Item, whether they or any of them do frequent or vse, any Tauerne, Alehouse, or any other suspected house, or do vse vn∣lawfull Huntinge and Hawkinge contrary to the Ecclesiasticall law and their order. 5. Item, whether they be residente vppon their benefices and mainteine Hospitality, to their hability, and whether they haue moe benefices then one, and whether their houses and Chaun∣cels be in sufficient reparacion. 6. Item, whether such as be absente from their benefices, do leaue sufficient Curates in their places, and whither any of them do serue two Cures, without speciall licence of the Ordinary. 7. Item, whether any of them do discourage any person from the reading of any part of the Bible, either in Latin or English, and do not rather comfort, and exhorte euery person to the rea∣ding of the same, at conuenient times, as the eternall worde of God, the true foode of Mans soule. 8. Item, whether they haue admitted any man to Preache in their Cures not being lawfully licenced, or haue refused and de∣nied such to preache as haue ben licenced accordingly. 9. Item, whether they do vse to pray for the Quéenes Maiesty in their Churches, and exhorte the people to obedience of her grace, and other Magistrates being in aucthority vnder her. 10. Item, whether they exhorte their Parishioners to receaue the holy Communion, at the least fowre times in the yeare, and whether they presume to minister the same to any person that is out of Charitie or infamed with any notorious Crime. 11. Item, whether they haue theyr foure quarter Sermons by such as be licenced to preache, and whether they do reade once in the yeare vpon some solemne day in their Church openly, when the most resorte of people shalbe present, the Confession and ar∣ticles agréed vpon by the Reuerende Father in God the Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and Yorke, and other Bishoppes of this Realme. 12. Item, whether your Parsons and Vicars be married or no, and if they be not, whether they kepe in their houses any suspe∣cted Wemen, vnder the name and colour of their Butlers, Kins∣women, or otherwaies. 13. Item, whether they or any of them haue any sedicious bookes priuily, or openly, lately set forth by Doctor Harding & other his complices, enimies of Gods true Religion, and to their Natiue Countrey, or if any of them do supporte, maiteyne, or succoure, the saide Doctor Hardinge, or any of his Complices with money or otherwaies whereas they be in the partes beyond the Seas. 14. Item, whether they do distinctly and sincerely reade the ho∣milies set forthe by the Quéenes Maiesties aucthority vppon the Sondayes, and Holidayes, when there is no Sermon, and whe∣ther they do visite the sicke, in exhortinge them to consider the poore, and other Charitable deedes. 15. Item, that no Minister in the Ministration of the holy Sa∣cramentes shall vse any Popishe or supersticious Garment, sa∣uing that kinde of Garmente, as shall be appointed by common aucthority or by the Bishoppe of the Dioces and whether they re∣ceaue any to be Godfathers or Godmothers that haue not recei∣ued the Communion or no. 16. Item, whether your Parsons, Vicars, or Curates, do vse to tole any Bell in the time of Lent as to confession in the Popishe time, whether their tables be hanged like Aultars or no, & whe∣ther they baptise any Children on the workenday (or no) and bid and keepe any other holy dayes and fasting dayes then which are appoynted by the Booke. 17. Item, whether any of them do go in their Surplesses in the Rogation wéeke, and whether they do read the Quéenes Ma∣iesties Iniunctions quarterly or no. 18. Item, whether they deliuer the holy Sacramente of the Lordes supper to their people rather into their mouthes, then into their handes, and whether they or any of them do whisper or breathe ouer the Breade in the time of consecration or no. 19. Item, whether they do kepe the order for the bringing of the Coarse to the Buriall according to the Booke, &c. 20. Item, whether they do visit the sicke, and impotent persons, to comforte them in the time of their sicknesse, with necessary Doctrine out of the holy Scriptures necessary for that purpose. FIRST whether you haue the Bible of the greatest vo∣lume, the booke of common Prayer set forth by aucthority of Parliament, the Paraphrase, both partes of the homilies, the Psalter, and other bookes, necessary accordinge to the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions. 2. Item, whether there be a comly desent framed Communion table, with a Carpet to the same, according to the order of a boke set forth in that behalfe, and also a conuenient Pulpit, set vp in such place of the Churche as Gods word may be best heard out of it. 3. Item, whether any in your Parish do depraue or dispraise ye booke of Common Praier, set forth by aucthority of Parliament, or speake against the homilies, or do maintaine or holde any ero∣nious opinions, contrary to the worde of God, and the lawes of the Realme. 4. Item, whether any man do stubbernly contemne or dispise the order of Administration of the holy Sacraments set forth in the English tongue and do obstinately refuse to receaue the ho∣lie Communion at the least foure times in the yeare. 5. Item, whether any man doth absent him selfe from diuine Seruice in the holy daies without lawfull and iust cause, and if such do, whether the Churchewardens do leuie by the way of di∣stresse the penalty, according to the statute, and put the same in the poore mans Boxe. 6. Item, whether there be any within your Parishe that doth not reuerently vse the ministers, or whether there be any com∣mon swearers, seditious slaunderers of their neighbours, or haū∣ters of any Alehouses, in the time of diuine seruice, or any wal∣kers, Ianglers, or Talkers, that disturbeth the minister in the time of diuine seruice. 7. Item whether there be any whoremongers, adulterers, or any that do vse any sorcery, inchauntmentes, or witchcraftes, or vehemently suspected of naughty liuinge, within your Parish or no. 8. Item, whether all monumentes of Superstition be defaced and taken downe within your churches, or whether any do vse to pray vpon Beades, the Latin Primmer, or other supersticious bookes, or kepe any superstitious Reliques, as Vestimentes, Al∣bes, Banner clothes and such like, in their houses, or other places or no. 9. Item, whether your Chalices being mere monuments of the Popishe Masse, and Popishe Religion, be translated and conuer∣ted, into decent and comely Communion Cuppes, and the same to be siluer at the least accordinge to the value of theyr Chalices or no. 10. Item whether your Churches be in sufficient repaire and the Churche yardes well fensed, and kepte from Swine, and o∣ther filthy beastes. 11. Item, whether there hath bene any Fraye made in your Churches or Churche yardes, to the disturbance of Gods seruice, and to the euill example of the rest of the Parish, you shall pre∣sent by whom, when, and after what sort. 12. Item, whether there be any Scholemaisters, within your Parishes that do teache any Grammer schole either priuately or openly, how long they haue taught, and what their names be. 13. Item, whether there be any Legacies withholden giuen to the Churche, or otherwaies, by ye Testatours, in whose hands it is, by whom it is geuen, and by whom it is withholden. 14. Item, whether Collection be made for the poore according to the Statute, and the same distributed and accompted for ac∣cordyng to the same Statute, and whether any man refuseth to geue to the poore accordingly. 15. Item, whether any do stubbornely refuse to brynge theyr Children to the Minister on the holydayes to learne the Cathe∣chisme or no. 16. Item, whether your Churchwardens do truly administer the goodes of the Churche, and make a true accompte of their of∣fice, and chose new at the least once euery yere. 17. Item whether any man hath put away his wife, or any wife absent her selfe from her husband, without iust cause, or any that hath married within the degrees Leuiticall and other orders within this Realme set forth in that behalfe. 18. Item, whether any do violate or breake the Saboth day and holly daies with their manuall laboure, and do keepe open their shops, alehouses, and other tiplinge houses, in the time of diuine seruice. 19. Item whether ther be a conuenient chest for the poore mans boxe and whither there be a Register booke kept of all those that be Christened, maried, and buried. 20. Item, whether any within your Parish haue any sedicious bookes lately set forth from beyonde the seas or that secretly do hide Monumentes, of Popishe Reliques, as Images, and suche like. 21. Item, whether the Churchewardens haue prouided the Po∣stels of M. Becon, as it was geuen them in a charge at the visi∣tacion or no. FIRST that the common praier be sayd or songe decently and distinctly in such place of the Churche accordinge to the largenesse and straightnesse of the Church and Quire, so that the people may be most edefied. 2. Item, that your ministers shall go in decent and comely ap∣parell, as also shall say the Diuine seruice appointed, and mini∣ster the holy Sacraments, within their Churches in decente ap∣parell and to vse no Copes, vnlesse it be in Cathedrall and Colle∣giate churches, accordinge as it is set forthe by a booke called the aduertisements. 3. Item the parish shall prouide a decent communion table vp∣pon a Frame with a comely Carpette to the same at their costes and charges as they will answere to the contrarie for theyr do∣ynges. 4. Item, the churchwardens shall searche the Tauernes, Ale∣houses, and other tipling houses, to se whether any person be ther drinking or playing at any vnlawfull game, in the time of diuine seruice, and they to present their names, and the names of them that kepe the said houses. 5. Item, the churchwardens shall make their accompte yearely of their offices in the presence of the Ministre and the other of the Parish, and immediatly vpon the same accompt finished to chuse new from yeare to yeare. 6. Item, none shalbe admitted to be Godfathers or Godmo∣thers, vnlesse they haue receiued the blessed Communion. 7. Item, that on the Sundayes and Holydaies, ther be no shops open, nor Artificers commonly goinge aboute their worldly af∣fayres, and that in all Fayres and common Markets, falling vp∣pon the Sonday or Holidaies, there be no shewing of wares, be∣fore the seruice be don. 8. Item, that the Ministers shall suffer none to preache within their cures, vnlesse he be able to shew som sufficient licence from the Bishoppe of the Diocesse, or other that haue aucthoritie to li∣cence the same. 9. Item, no Prieste nor Lay man shalbe admitted or suffered to kepe any Grammer schole openly or priuately within this Di∣ocesse, except he be alowed and licenced by the Bishop or his Of∣ficers. 10. Item, the Ministers shall call vpon their Parishoners to re∣ceaue the blessed communion, at the least foure times in the yere and also shall call vpon their Parishioners to send their children to the church to learne the Cathechisme, vpon the Sondaies and other conuenient times. 11. Item, your Parsons and Vicars shall not suffer nor admitte, any straunge Curate comminge out of any other Diocesse, to serue within their cures, without he be first licenced by the Bi∣shoppe or his Officers. 12. Item, that no man shall enterprise nor presume to ring nor Iangle any Belles vppon all Halowen daie, or in the night of the same day, superstitiously or Popishly, as they haue bene accu∣stomed to do, otherwaies then to call the people to Diuine Ser∣uice. 13. Item, that none of your Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates, shall minister the holly communion, to any Forener or straunger, cō∣ming out of any other Diocesse, or from any other Parish, with in this Diocesse, without the speciall licence of my Lorde, or his officers, or the Minister of that place, from whence the said fore∣ner or straunger shall come. 14. Item that no Parson, Vicar, nor Curate shall minister to any person or persons, the holy Sacraments in any other church or churches, at any time or times, but in their owne, without the speciall request of the Parson, or Vicar of the sayde Parish. 15. Item, no man shal kepe any supersticious or erroneous boke of late come from beyonde the Seas, and set forthe by Doctor Harding and other his complices, but the same shall bringe forth and reueale before the Bishop and other his officers according to the Queenes Maiesties proclamacion set forth in that behalfe. 16. Item, that euery weeke or euery fortnight at the least they shall reade openly in their churches the proclamation sette out of late by the Queene her Maiesty for the callinge in of bookes of se∣dicion to be deliuered to the ordinarie accordinge to the Tenor and meaning of the said proclamacion.
A00193.P4	Interrogatories to bee enquyred of by the churche-wardens and sworne-menne within the diocesse of Lincolne, and the trueth thereof to be by them vpon their othes duly prese[n]ted vnto the Bishop there or his deputies, at his visitation, nowe to be holden this present yeare of our Lord, 1580 with particular answere to euery interrogatorie.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of Lincoln. Bishop (1570-1584 : Cooper)", "Cooper, Thomas, 1517?-1594." ]	[1580]	By Ralph Newberie,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	from the Archdeacons iurisdiction) exhibited a true Certifi∣cate in writing, vnder the handes of your Churchwardens, truly testifying, what he hathe done for performaunce of the matter in the laste saide Interrogatorie contayned, and ac∣cordyng to the forme prescribed by the Laws of this Realme in suche behalfe. 5▪ Whether your Parson, Vicar, or Curate, haue at euery of the saide Synodes and Visitations, or in places exempte from the Archedeacons iurisdiction, to the Commissarie halfe yearely, made a true Certificate, howe many sermons haue bin made in their Church or Chappel, and by whome, and when they were preached. 6 Whether the Parson, Vicar, or Curate, haue suffered any to preache and expounde the holy Scriptures in youre Church or Chappell, but such as be lawfully licenced there∣vnto vnder the hād & seale of me your Bishop, and shal then shewe the same, to your Parson, Vicar or Curate, vnlesse it be such Preachers, as your Parson, Vicar, or Curate doth certainelie knowe, to be aucthorized and licenced therevnto by me. 7 Whether the Quarters Sermons appointed by the Quéenes Maiesties▪ Iniunctions, haue bin made vpon those dayes, speciallye wherein the holy Communion hath béene ministred (if it might so conueniently be:) and whether the saide Sermons haue bin in some part directed to the setting forth of that action. And that, both, may the more easily con∣curre: whether warning haue bene thereof giuen publikely in the Churche by the Minister thereof, the Sondaye before the preaching of euery such Sermon. 8▪ Whether youre Minister and Churchwardens haue within one fortnight after the publication of my foresayde Iniunctions, appointed and proportioned for euerye Son∣day a certain number of housholders, to send in their course, so many of their families as are not alreadie knowne to the Minister, to haue a good vnderstanding in the Catechisme, lately set out with certain additiōs, made by M. Alexander Nowell Deane of Paules, to be in the Church one houre be∣ore Euening prayer, publikely therein to be taught and ex∣mined. And whether this order and course hath béen by the ayde Minister published in the saide Church, before the first of August following the publication of my foresayde Iniun∣tions. And whether the said Ministers haue to their Arch∣eacons in euerie of their Sinodes and Visitations, and in laces exempt to the said Commissaries, yearelye exhibited testimoniall vnder the handes of their Churchwardens, f their attendaunce in this sorte euerye Sondaye, and also true Certificate subscribed with his owne hande, of suche ousholders as haue in their course failed to sende their fa∣milies, as is aforesaide. 9 Whether that your Parson, Vicar, or Curate haue ad∣mitted any to the holy Communion, since the time of publi∣ation of the course and proportion aforesaide, whiche haue ot bene before publikely examined, and instructed in the aide Catechisme, or haue admitted anye to aunswere as Godfathers and Godmothers, at the christning of any child, xcept they haue before receiued the holy Communion, and an wel answere suche matter, as is contayned in the saide Catechisme, being required therto. 10 Whether for the auoiding of inconuenience, whiche ometimes groweth by licences to marry without the banes sking (whiche notwithstanding are oftentimes reasonably raunted) any minister hath bin suffered to marry any per∣on or persons by suche licence, but in the Churche or Chap∣ell, where he is Parson, Vicar, or ordinarie Curate: and whether at any other time than is vsuall, for publique and ommon prayer: & except he hath firste shewed his licence o the Churchwardens of the saide Churche or Chappell: nd either by his owne knowledge, or by the knowledge of he sayde Churchwardens, hath bin assured, that the parties o be marryed, haue thereto had the assent of their parentes other gouernors. 11 Whether any woman deliuered of any childe begot∣ten in fornication, hath bin admitted to hir thankes giui in your Church, before she had publikely reconciled hirsel in suche order and forme, as by the Archdeacon of the place or other officer to me the sayde Byshoppe, hathe béene to prescribed. 12 Whether your Parson, Vicar or Curate, or other Mi¦nister in your Church or Chappell, haue admitted to the rceyuing of the holy Communion, any open and notoriou fornicatour, adulterer, or euil liuer, by whom the congrega¦tion is offended, without due penaunce firste done to the sa¦tisfaction of the congregation, or also any malicious pers that is notoriously known to be out of Charity, or that ha done any open wrong to his neighbor in word or déed, with out due reconciliation firste made to the partie that is wro¦ged. 13 Whether the forme of Commination agaynste sin¦ners, with certaine prayers following the same, set forth i the latter end of the Booke of Common Prayer, to be v at dyuers times in the yeare, haue bene by youre Ministe plainely and distinctly read in youre Churche or Chappe vnto the people, betwene the Letanie and the commemora¦tion or ministration of the holy Communion, thrée times the yeare, that is to saye, for orders sake, yearely vpon o of the thrée Sondayes nexte before Easter, for the firste time vpon one of the two Sondayes next before the feaste of Pen¦tecoste, for the seconde time: and for the thirde time vpon of the two Sondayes next before the feast of the byrth of ou Lorde: ouer and besides the accustomed reading thereof, vp¦on the firste day of Lent. 14 Whether, to put your Churchwardens and Sworn¦men the better in remembraunce of their duety in obseruin and noting such as offēd in not comming to diuine seruice your Minister, or Reader, haue openly euery Sonday, afte he hath read the seconde lesson, at Morning and Euenin Prayer, monished and warned the Churchwardens Swornemen to looke to their charge in this behalfe, and obserue, who contrarie to the sayde Statute, offende in ab∣senting themselues negligently or wilfully, from their Pa∣rishe Churche or Chappell, or vnreuerently (as is aforesaid) vse themselues in the tyme of diuine seruice. 15 Whether within one fortnight after my laste Visita∣tion ended, euery Minister vpon some Sondaye or Holiday haue openly read my sayde late Iniunctions and Interro∣gatories, that the whole parishe mighte knowe and vn∣derstande, to what things as well the Ministers, as them∣selues, were bounde by those orders, and accordingly, from time to time, haue made complaint to the Ordinarie of such, eyther Minister or Parishioner, as haue offended in the pre∣misses. 16 Whether Common prayer be sung or sayde by your Parson, Vicare, or Curate, in youre seuerall Churches or Chappells, distinctly and reuerently, and in suche order, as it is set forth by the lawes of this Realme, without anye al∣teration, and at due and conuenient houres. And whether youre Minister so turne himselfe, and stande in suche place of your Churche or Chauncell, as the people may best heare the same. And, whether vpon Wednesdayes and Fridayes, not beyng Holidayes, the Letanie and other Prayers, ap∣pointed for the daye, be sayde accordingly. 17 Whether you haue in youre Parishe Churches and Chappels, all things necessarie for Common Prayer, and administration of the Sacramentes, specially the Booke of Common Prayer, with the newe Kalendar, a Psalter, the Englishe Bible in the largest Volume, the twoo Tomes of Homilies, the Paraphrases of Erasmus translated into En∣glishe, the Table of the tenne Commaundements, a conue∣nient Pulpit well placed, a comelie and decent Table stan∣ding on a frame for the holy Communion, with a faire lin∣nen cloth to laye vpon the same, and some couering of silke, Buckeram, or other suche like, for the cleane kéeping there∣of, a fayre and comely communion Cup of Siluer, and a couer of Siluer for the same, whyche may serue also for the ministration of the Communion bread, a decent large Sur∣plesse with sléeues, a sure Coffer with two locks and kayes, for the kéeping of the Register Booke, and a strong Chest or Boxe for the Almes of the poore, with thrée lockes and kayes to the same, and all other things necessary in, and to the pre∣misses. 18. Whether when any man or woman is in passing out of this life, the Bell be tolled to moue the people to praye for the sicke person, especiallye in all places where the sicke person dwelleth neare vnto the Church? And whether af∣ter the time of his or hir passing out of this worlde, there bée any more ringing than one shorte peale before the buriall, and another shorte peale after the buriall, withoute anye o∣ther superfluous or superstitious ringing, and whether on all Saints day at Euening prayer, there be any ringing at all, or any other superstitious ceremony vsed, tending to the mainteinaunce of Popishe Purgatorie, or of Prayer for the dead, and who they be that vse the same? And whether there be any ringing or knolling of Bels on Sondayes or Holi∣dayes, betwéen Morning Prayer, and the Letany, or in any time of the Common Prayer, reading of the Homilies, or of Preaching, except one Bel in conuenient time, to be rong or tolled before the Sermon, or whether any other ringing be vsed vpon Saints euens, or Festiuall days, sauing to Com∣mon prayer, and that without excesse: and who doe ring or knoll otherwise. 19 Whether your Parson, Vicar or Curate, doe serue a∣ny more than one Cure, and whether that he haue licence therevnto by me the Ordinarie. 20 Whether any doe preach, declare, or speake any thing in derogation of the Booke of Common Prayer, whiche is set forth by the Lawes of this Realme, dispraysing the same, or any thing therein conteined 21 Whether any popish Priests (either going as priests, or disguised in other apparell, or altering their names, for any cause) or any other, are runnagate persons, mislikers, or de¦prauers of true Religion, or of the Ministers of the same, or are suche that do not minister or frequent Common Prayer now vsed, nor communicate at times appointed by the law and do resorte secretly or openly, into youre parishe, and to whome, and of whome they be receyued, harboured and re∣léeued, and what be their true names and surnames, and by what names they are called. 22 Whether your own Parson, Vicar, or Curate, be any common resorter to open Games, Playes, or Assemblies whatsoeuer (in ciuil causes:) or doe kéepe or suffer to be kept in his Parsonage, Vicarage, or other his dwelling house, a∣ny Alehouse, Tipling house, or Tauerne: or that he doe or haue kepte any suspected woman in his house: or that he be∣ing vnmaried doth kéepe any woman in his house vnder the age of .lx. yeres, except their Daughter, Mother, Aunte, Si∣ster, or Néece, and those of good and honest name: or whe∣ther he himselfe be any haunter of Alehouses, Tauernes, or suspected places, an hunter, hawker, dicer, carder, swearer, or any otherwise do giue euill example of life, whereby the worde of God and the forme of Religion nowe vsed by the lawes of Englande, is or may be any way euill spoken of: And generallye, whether he behaue not himselfe, soberly, godly, and honest, as becommeth a Minister of Gods moste holy worde. 23 Whether your Parson or Vicar be resident and dwel continually vpon his benefice, doing his dutie in preaching, reading, and ministring the Sacraments: and whether hée kéepe hospitalitie according as his liuing will extende and whether his houses and Chauncels be wel repayred and vp∣holden. 24 Whether such your Parson or Vicar as is not residēt, neither kéepeth hospitalitie, doe reléeue his poore Parishio∣ners, and what he giueth yearely to them: and if he be not resident, and may dispend yerely twentie pounds or aboue, either in my Diocesse or else where, whether then he do di∣stribute euerie yeare among his pore Parishioners, at the leaste the fortith parte of the fruites of his benefices where he is not resident. 25 Whether any Minister or Priest presented to anye be∣nefice within this Diocesse, haue couenaunted, promised, or practised, to, or with the Patrone thereof, or anye other per∣son or persons, that had the Aduousion, or gifte of the same Benefice, or with any other persō or persons, on his or their behalfe, to giue to his friend any summe of ready money, or money worth, for presenting him to the same Benefice: or haue offered by promise or bonde, any lease, eyther of the whole benefice, limiting the rent farre vnder the iuste va∣lue, or of the Mansion house, glebelandes, or any portion of the Tithes and Fruites of the sayde benefice, receiuing lit∣tle or nothing thereof, either suffering the Patrone that pre∣sented him, or any other person, who furthered him, to saue his owne Tithes within suche your benefice, frée vnto him∣selfe: or else hath granted some yerely portion or other yere∣ly commoditie to him, his childe, seruant or friende, for pre∣ferring him to the same Benefice: or otherwise hath suffered him to make a gaine, by any coloure, deceite, or symonaicall compacte, in bestowing the saide benefice. 26 Whether the people of your parishe, especiallye hou∣sholders, hauyng no lawfull excuse to be absent, do faithful∣ly and diligently endeuour themselues, to resort with their children and seruauntes to their parishe Churche or Chap∣pel, or such vsuall place where Common Prayer is lawful∣ly to be vsed, vpon the Sondayes and Holidayes: and then, and there doe abide orderly and soberly, during the time of the Common Prayer, Homilies, Sermons & other seruice of God, there to be vsed, reuerently, and deuoutely, giuing themselues to the hearing and exercise therof: and who they be that negligently, or wilfully absent themselues or come very late to the Churche vpon the Sondayes especiallye, or that walke, talke, or otherwise vnreuerentlye behaue them∣selues in the Church, or vse any gaming or pastime abroad, or in house, or sitte in the stréetes, or Churchyarde, or in any Tauerne or Alehouse vpon the Sonday or other Holiday, in the time of Common Prayer, Sermons, or reading of the Homilies either before noone or after noone. 27 Whether the forfaiture of twelue pence for eu such offence appointed by a statute made in the first yeare of the Quéenes Maiesties raigne, be leuied and taken accor∣ding to the same Statute, by the Churchwardens, of euery person that so offendeth, and by them be put to the vse of the parish, and if it be not, by whose default it is not leuied, and not so bestowed. 28 Whether ther be with you any Inkepers, Alewiues, Victuallers, or Tiplers, that suffer or doe admitte any per∣son or persons in theyr houses to eate, drinke, or play at the Cardes, Tables, or such like games in the time of common Prayer, or Sermon, on the Sondayes or Holidayes: and whether there be anye shop sette open on Sondayes or Ho∣lidayes: or whether there be any Butchers, or others, that commonly vse to sell meate or other thinges in the time of Common Prayer, Preaching, or reading of the Homilies: and whether in any Faires with you, or common Markets, falling vpon the Sonday, there be shewing of anye wares, before Morning Prayer be done: and whether any Markets be vsed or suffered in your Churchyardes. 29 Whether the Churchwardens of the laste yeare haue giuen to the Parishe a iuste accompte, of the Church goods and rents that were committed to their charge, according to the custome that hath bene aforetime vsed, and what Church goods they, or any other haue solde, and to whome: and whe∣ther to the profite of youre Churche or no: and what hathe bene done with the money thereof comming. 30 Whether the Schoolemaisters whiche teache wyth∣in youre Parishe either openly or priuately, in anye Noble or Gentlemans house, or in anye other place with you, be of good and sincere Religion and conuersation, and be diligent in teaching and bringing vp of Youth: and whether they be examined, allowed, and licenced by the Ordinarie or his officer, in that behalfe: whether they teach the Grammer set forth by King Henry the .8. of noble memorie, and none o∣ther, whether they teach any thing contrary to the order of Religion, now established by publike authoritie: & whether they teache not their Schollers the Catechisme in Latine, lately set forth, and suche sentences of Scripture, as shall bée most expedient and méete to moue them to the loue and due reuerence of Gods true religion, nowe truly set forth by the Quéenes Maiesties authoritie, and to induce thē to all god∣linesse and honest conuersation, and what be the names and surnames of al such Schoolemaisters and teachers of Youth within your Parish, as wel of suche as teache publikely, as those that teach in the houses of Noble men, Gentlemen or other priuate men. 31 Whether there be any among you that vse Sorcerie or Witchcraft, or that be suspected of the same: and whether any vse any charmes, or vnlawfull prayers, or inuocations, in Latine or otherwise, and namely, Midwiues, in the time of womens trauaile of child: & whether any do resorte to any suche for help and counsell, and what be their names. 32 Whether there be any in your Parish, or haue béene, that haue married within the degrées of affinitie, or consan∣guinitie, by the lawes of God forbidden, and so set oute for admonition, in a Table now appointed to be fixed in euery Parishe Church, within this Diocesse: or whether any that being diuorced or separated for suche cause doe, yet notwith∣standing cohabite & kéepe cōpany stil togither: or whether a∣ny that being maried without those degrées haue vnlawful∣ly forsaken their wiues, or husbands, & maryed others: And whether there be with you any man that hath two wiues, or any woman that hath two husbandes, or any that being di∣uorced or separated a sunder haue marryed any: or whether there be any maryed that haue made precontractes: any that haue made priuie or secrete contracts: any that haue maried or contracted themselues without the consent of theyr Pa∣rents, tutors, or Gouernors: any that haue maryed without Banes, thrice solempnely asked. Any couples marryed that liue not togither, but slanderously liue apart: Any that haue maryed out of the Parish Church, where they ought not to haue solem∣nized their mariage. 33 Whether your Minister & Churchwardens haue suffred any Lords of Mis-rule, or sommer Lords or Ladies, or any dis∣guised persons in Christmasse, or at May-games, or Morrice Dauncers, or at any other times, to come vnreuerently into the Church or Church-yarde, and there to daunce or play anye vnséemly parts, with scoffes, iests, wanton gestures, or ribalde talke, namely, in the time of common Prayer: & what they be that commit such disorder, or accompany, or maintaine them. 34 Generally, whether there be amōg you, or haue bin since my last Visitation, any notorious euil liuers, or anye suspected of any notorious sin, fault, or crime, to the offence of Christian people, or any that stubburnely refuse to conforme themselues to vnitie & godly religion, now established by publique auctho∣ritie: or any that brteth abroad rumors of the alteration of the same: or finally, any such whiche deserue to be punished by Ec∣clesiasticall discipline, and are not particularly specified in the Interrogatories before. YE shal sweare by almightie God, that ye shal diligently con∣sider all and euerye the Articles giuen to you in charge, and make a true answere to the same in writing, presenting al and e∣uery suche person and persons dwelling within your parishe, as ue committed any offence or fault, or made any default men∣tioned in any of the same Articles, or whych are vehemētly sus∣pected or defamed of any such offence, fault, or default: wherein ye shal not present any person or persons of any euil wil, malice, or hatred contrary to the truth, nor shal for loue, fauour, meede, dreade, or any corrupt affection spare to presēt any that be offē∣ders suspected, or defamed in any of these cases, but shal doe vp∣rightly, as men hauing the feare of God before their eyes, & de∣sirous to maintaine Vertue, & suppresse Vice. So God helpe you.
A00198.P4	Articles to be enquired of in the generall visitation of Edmonde Bisshoppe of London exercised by him the yeare of oure Lorde. 1.5.5.4. in the citie and diocese of London ...	[ "Church of England. Diocese of London. Bishop (1539-1549, 1553-1559 : Bonner)", "Bonner, Edmund, 1500?-1569." ]	Anno. M.D.LIIII. mense Septembri]	In ædibus Iohannis Cawodi typographi Regiæ Maiestatis,	[Excusum Londini :	eng	[ "Church of England. -- Diocese of London -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England -- London." ]	1 FIrste whether the Clergie, to gyue ex∣ample to the laytie, haue in their liuing, in their teaching, and in their doinge so behaued them selfes, that they (in the iudgemente of indifferent personnes) haue declared thē selfes, to searche prin cipally the honour of God, & his churche, the helth of the soules of such, as are committed to their cure and charge, the quietnesse of their parishioners, and the welthe and honoure of the Kyng and Queene of this Realme. 2 ITem whether your person, vicare, or anye other ministryng as prieste within youre parishe, haue bene, or is married, or taken for married, not yet separated from his concubine or woman, taken for wife, or whether the same woman be deade or yet ly∣uyng, and being lyuyng, whether the one resorteth to the other openly, secretly, or sclaunderouslye, mayn∣teynyng, supportyng, or findyng the same in any wise to the offense of the people. 3 ITem whether there be anye personne, of what estate, condition, or degree he be, that dothe in o∣pen talke, or priuelye defende, maynteyne, or vp∣holde the marriage of priestes, encouraginge or bol∣dyng any person to the defense thereof. 4 ITem whether ye haue your person or vicare re∣sident continuallye with you vpon hys benefice, doyng hys duetie in the seruyng of the cure, and whether beinge able he do kepe hospitalitie vpon the same, feadyng hys ūocke with his good lyuyng with his teaching, and his releauing of them to his power. 5 ITem whether your person or vicare, beyng ab∣sente, haue a sufficiente dispensation and licence therein, & whether in his absence he do appoynte an honest, able, and sufficient learned curate to supplie his rowme and absence to serue his cure. 6 ITem whether your person or vicare, by him selfe or his good and sufficient deputie, for him do re∣leaue hys poore parishioners, repayre, & mayn∣teyne his house or mansion, and thinges therevnto apperteynyng, and otherwyse doo hys duetie, as by the order of the lawe, and custome of this realme he ought to doe. 7 ITem whether the sayd curate so appoynted in ye absence of your person or vicare do in al pointes the best he can to minister the sacramentes & sa cramētals, & other his duetie in seruyng ye same cure, specially in celebrating diuine seruice at conueniente houres chiefly vpon sondayes and holye dayes, and procession dayes, & ministring the sayd sacramentes and sacramētalles, as of duetie and reason he ought, mouinge and exhorting earnestly his patishioners to come vnto, and deuoutlye to heare the same. And whether he him selfe do reuerently celebrate, practise minister, and vse the same as apperteyneth. 8 ITem whether he the sayd curate, personne, or vi care, haue bene, or is of suspecte doctrine, erroni∣ouse opinion, misbelefe, or euill iudgemente, or do set forth, preache, fauoure, ayde, or maynteyne the same contrarye to the catholike fayth, and order of this realme. 9 ITem whether they or any of them doth haunte, or resorte to ale houses or tauernes, otherwyse then for his or their honeste necessitie and reliefe, or repayre to anye disinge houses, common bo wlinge alies, suspecte houses or places, or doe haunte and vse common games or playes, or behaue thē selfes other∣wyse vnpriestly and vnsemely. 10 ITem whether they or anye of them be familiar, or kepe companye, and be conuersaunt with any suspect person of euill conuersation and lyuyng, or erronious opinion or doctrine, or be noted, to ayde, fauoure, and assiste the same in any wyse, contrary to the good order of this realme, and the vsage of the ca∣tholike churche. 11 ITem whether there be dwellynge within anye your paryshes any prieste, forrener, straunger, or other, who not presented to the Bisshop of this diocese, or his officers, examined & admitted by some one of them, doth take vpon him to serue anye cute, or to minister any sacramentes or sacrameutalles with∣in the sayd paryshe. 12 ITem whether there be dwellinge wythin anye your paryshes, or repayryng thyther any priest, or other namyng hym selfe minister, which doth not come diligently to the churche to heare the diuine seruice or sermons there, but absenteth hym selfe, or discourageth other by his example or wordes to come vnto the same, expressinge their name and surename with sufficient knowledge of them. 13 ITem whether there be anye married priestes, or namyng them selfes ministers, that do kepe anye assembles or conuenticles wyth such like, as they are in office or secte to set forth anye doctrine or vsage not allowed by the lawes & laudable customes of this realme, or whether there be any resort of any of them to any place for any priuie lectures, sermons, playes, games, or other deuises not expressely in this realme by lawes allowable. 14 ITem whether there be anye of them, whiche is a common brawler, scoulder, a sower of discorde a∣mong his parishioners, a hawker, a hunter, or spēding his time ydely and vnthriftely, or being afornica¦toure, an aduouterer, a dronkard, a common swearer, or blasphemer of God or his sayntes, or an vnruly or euill disposed person, or that bath come to his benefice or promotion by simonie, vnlawfull suite, or vngodly meanes in any wyse. 15 ITem whether they and eueryche of them to the best of their powers at al tymes haue exhorted & stirred the people to quietnes and concord, and to the obedience of the Kinge and Queenes maiesties and theyr officers, rebukyng all sedition & tumulte wyth all vnlawful assembles, mouing the people to charitie and good order, and charginge the fathers and mo∣thers, maysters & gouernours of youth to kepe good rule, & to instruct them in vertue and goodnes, to the honoure of God, and of this realme, and to haue them occupied in some honeste arte and occupation to gette theyr lyuyng therby. 16 ITem whether they or any of them do admit any person to receaue the blessed sacrament of the aul tare, who are openly knowen, or suspected to be aduersaries and speakers agaynst the sayd sacramēt, or any other article of the catholike fayth, or to be a no torious euil person in his conuersation or doctrine, an open oppresser, or euil doer to his neyghbour, or being in hatred and malice with his sayd neyghbor, not be∣ing cōfessed, reconciled, and hauing made satisfaction in that behalfe. 17 ITem whether they or any of them haue of their owne aucthoritie admitted and licenced anye to preache in their cure, not being aucthorized & ad∣mitted therevnto, or haue denied or refused suche to preache, as haue bene lawfully licensed. And whether they or any of thē hauing aucthoritie to preache with in their cures, doth vse to preache, or at the least doth procure other lawfull and sufficient persons to do the same, accordyng to the order of this realme. 18 ITem whether they or any of thē since the quenes maiesties proclamation hath or doth vse, to say or singe diuine seruice, minister the sacramentes or sacramentalles, or other thinges in English contrary to the order of this realme. 19 ITem whether they and euerye of them in theyr suffrages, collectes, and prayers doth vse to pray for the Kyng and Queenes maiesties, by the na∣mes of King Philippe and Quene Marye, according to a letter and commaundement therin lawfully gy∣uen now of late vnto them by theyr ordinarye. 20 ITem whether they and eueryche of them haue diligently moued & exhorted their parishioners, howe and in what maner children should be bap∣tyzed in tyme of necessitie, and they the sayd parishio∣ners reuerently and denoutly to prepare them selfes to receaue and vse the sacramentes, especiallye of the sacramente of the aultare. And whether any person haue refused or contempned to receaue the sayd Sa∣crament of the aultare, or to be confessed, and receaue at the priestes hande the benefite of absolution, accor∣dyng to the laudable custome of this realme. 21 ITem whether they and eueryche of them hathe diligently visited his and their parishioners in the tyme of sycknes and nede, and ministred sa∣cramentes and sacramentalles to them accordingly, and whether they haue exhorted & monished them to haue due respecte to their soule helthe, and also to sette an order in their temporall landes and goodes, declaryng their debtes perfitely, and what is owing bnto them and they so to make theyr Testamentes and laste willes, that as muche as maye bee, all trou∣ble and busynes may be excluded, theyr wyues and childerne wyth theyr frendes maye be holpen and succoured, and them selfes decentlye buryed and prayed for, and to haue an honest memorye and com∣mendations for theyr so doyng. 22 ITem whether they and eueryche of thē haue so∣lempnised matrymony betwene any his parishi∣oners, or anye other personnes, (the banes not before asked, iii. seuerall sondayes or holye dayes) or withoute certificate of the sayde banes, from the cu∣rate of any other parishe, yf any of them be of another paryshe, and whether (touchinge the solempnization and vse of this Sacrament of matrimony, and also of all other the sacramentes of the Churche) they haue kepte and obserued the olde and laudable custome of the Churche without anye innouation or alteration in any of the same. 23 ITem whether they and eueryche of them vpon the sondaye at the seruice time doth vse to sette forth and declare vnto the people all suche holye dayes and fastinge dayes, as of godlye vsage and cu∣stome hath heretofore laudablye bene accustomed to be kept and obserued in the weke folowynge and en∣suing, and whether they and eueryche of them dothe obserue and kepe them selues the sayde holye dayes and fasting dayes. 24 ITem whether the person or vicare doth repayre and maynteyne his chauncel and mansion house in sufficient reparation, and (the same being in decay) whether he dothe bestowe yearelye the syfte parte of his benefice, till suche tyme, the same bee sufficientlye repayred, doinge also further his duetie therein, and otherwyse, as by the lawe he is charged and bounde in that behalfe, distrybutinge and doinge, as he is bounde by the lawe. 25 ITem whether there be any personne, that doth serue any Cure, or mynyster any Sacramentes, not being prieste, or yf anye doo take vpon them to vse the rowme and office of the personne, or vi∣care, or Curate, of anye benefice, or spirituall promo∣tion, receauing the fructes thereof, not being admit∣ted therevnto by the ordynary. 26 ITem whether they and eueryche of them doth goo in priestly apparell and habite, hauing theyr berdes and Crownes shauen, or whether any of thē doth go in laye mens habites & apparel, or other∣wyse disguyse them selfes, that they can not easelys be discerned or knowen from laye men. 27 ITem whether they or any of them haue manye promotions, and benefices ecclesiasticall, Cures, secular seruyces, yearely pensions, Annuyties, fermes, or other reuenues, nowe in title or possession, and what the names of them bee, and where they lye, gyuing al good instruction, and perfect Information therein. 28 ITem whether suche as haue churches or Chap∣pels appropried, and mansions, or houses therto apperteynynge, doo kepe theyr Chauncelles and houses in good and sufficient reparations, and whe∣ther they doo all thinges in distributions and almose or otherwise, as by lawe and good order they ought to doo. 29 ITem whether any such, as were ordered scisma∣tically and contrary to the olde order & custome of the catholike churche, or being vnlawfully and scismaticallye married after the late innouation and maner, beyng not yet reconciled nor admitted by the ordinarye, haue celebrated or sayde eyther Masse or other diuine seruice within any cure or place of this citie or diocese. 30 ITem whether any person or vicare, or other ha uyng ecclesiasticall promotion, do lette oute the same to ferme without consent, knowledge, & ls∣cence of his ordinary, especiallye for an vnreasonable number of yeares, or wyth suche conditions, qualiti∣es, or maners, that the same is to the great preiudice of the churche, and the incumbente of the same, and especially of him, that shall succede therein. 31 ITem whether there be any personne, vicare, cu∣rate, or priest, that occupieth buying and selling as a marchaunt, or occupieth vsurye, or layeth out his moneye for fylthye lucres sake, and gayne, to the sclaunder of priesthode. 32 ITem whether they or anye of them doe weare swordes, daggers, or other weapon in tymes and places not conuenient or semely. 33 ITem whether any priest or ecclesiasticall person haue reiterated or renewed baptisme, whyche was lawfullye done before, or inuented and fo∣lowed any newe fashion or forme, coutrary to the or∣der of the catholike churche. 34 ITem whether the person, vicare, or curate do (ac cordyng to the lawe) euery quarter in the yeare, vpon one solempne daye or moo, it is to wyte, vpon the sondaye or solempne feast (when the pari∣shioners by the order of the Churche do come toge∣ther) expoūde and declare by him selfe, or some other sufficient person vnto the people in the vulgare or cōmon tongue, playnlye, truely, and fruitefully the ar∣ticles of the catholike fayth, the tenne commaunde∣mentes, expressed in the olde lawe, the two commaun dementes of the Gospell or newe lawe, that is, of ear∣neste loue to God, and to oure neyghboure, the seuen workes of mercy, the seuen deadly synnes with their ofsprynge, progenye, and yssue, the seuen principall vertues, and the seuen sacramentes of the churche. 35 ITem whether that euery priest hauyng cure, do admonyshe the women (that are wyth childe) wythin his cure to come to confession, and to re∣ceaue the sacremēt (especially when their time draw∣eth nye) and to haue water in readines to christen the chylde wyth, yf necessitie so require it. 36 ITem whether stipendarye priestes doe behaue them selfes discretelye and honestly in all poyn∣tes to war destheir person or vicare, gyuyng an othe, and doynge accordyng to the lawe and ecclesia∣sticall constitutions, ordinaunces, and laudable custo∣mes in that behalfe. 37 ITem whether anye person, vicare, or other ha∣uyng any ecclesiasticall promotion, haue made any alienation of any thing, perteyning to their churche, benefice, or promotion, what it is, and what warraunt they had so to do. 1 FIrst whether they and eueryche of them hathe executed and done his office in all poyntes, accordynge to the order of the lawe, and the ecclesiasticall constitutions and laudable customes of the churche. 2 ITem whether the sayde Archedeacons haue faythfully and profitably visited al the churches within their Archedeaconries, inquiring diligēt∣lye, howe diuine seruice in all poyntes hath bene cele∣brated and sayd, the sacramentes and sacramentalles ministred, and howe the ornamentes of the churche haue bene kept, and what lacke hath bene there of thē or what saulte hath bene in them, and generallye of all thynges spirituall and temporall, apperteynynge to the good ordre of their Archedeaconries and the said churches, correctinge and punyshyngdiligent∣ly and faythfully all suche offences, transgressions, & crymes, as apperteyneth to the worthye punishment and reformation. 10 ITem whether the sayd Archedeacons do sorsee and prouide, that the blessed Sacrament of the aultare be reuerently reserued & kepte in a pixe, and hanged vpon the aultare, or otherwyse decently and safely kept and placed. And that the hoste so re∣serued in the pixe, be ones in the weke taken and re∣ceaued of the prieste, or sycke personne, for whome the same is reserued, and another consecrate hoste to be put in the place thereof, and the same not to be suffe∣red there longe to continue, but chaunged & renewed accordynge to the olde custome, and vsage of the Churche. 11 ITem whether they and euery of them haue ad∣monished the persons, vicares, curates, and all other priestes, being called, or comming to anye sicke person, making his Testament and laste will to putte the sicke person in remembraunce of the greate spoyle and robberye, that of late hath bene made of the goodes, ornamentes, and thinges of the churche, exhorting charitably the same, not only to relieue and helpe the nedy persons being abroade, but also accor∣ding to the olde and laudable custome vsed in tymes past, effectually to remember both his parishe church, and the nede thereof, and also the cathedrall and mo∣ther church of this citie and diocese of London, relie∣nyng the same with some what, accordyng to his de∣uotion and power, and whether the sayd persons, vi∣cares, curates, and other the sayd priestes haue done accordingly. 1 FIrst whether there be at the entree of ye churche or within the dore of the same an holy water stocke or potte, hauinge in it holye water to sprinckle vpon ye enterer to putte hym in remembraunce both of his promisse made at the tyme of his baptisme, and of the shedding & sprynckeling of Christes bloude vp∣on the Crosse for his redemption, and also to put hym in remembraunce, that as he wassheth his body, so he shulde not forgette to washe and clense his soule, and make it fayre wyth vertuouse and godlye good ly∣uinge, and fynally to put hym in remembraunce, that as water passeth and slydeth awaye, so he shall not tarye and abyde in this worlde, but passe and slyde awaye, as the water dothe. 2 ITem whether there be euery sōday holy water and holy breade made, and distributed among∣est the paryshioners, thone done for considerati∣ons, afore rehearsed, thother practized aswell to put men in remembraunce of vnitie & concorde, expressed by the seuerall graynes, whiche beinge manye, are grounde and brought to one lofe made of them al, as also to bringe to memory the usage of the primatiue Churche, which was to haue often, and especiallye on the Sondaye a Communyon betwene the multi∣tude, for lacke of whiche Communion this holye breade is nowe gyuen men to vnderstand, that they shulde haue done the other, and for lacke of the same doo nowe receaue this for a memory thereof. 3 ITem whether there be a paxe in the churche, not onely to put people in remembraunce of the peace that Christe bequeathed to his disciples, but of that peace that Christe by his death purchased for the people, and also of that peace, whyche Christe wold haue betwene god and man, man and man, and man to hym selfe. And the sayd paxe in the Churche to be kist of the priest, and to be caried to the parishio∣ners at Masse time in especiall remembraunce of the premisses. 4 ITem whether there be any, that refuseth to re∣ceaue the sayd holy water or holy breade, or refu seth to take the paxe, or to kysse the prieste at the solempnisation of matrimony, or vse any such lyke ce∣remonies, heretofore vsed & obserued in the churche. 5 ITem whether there be in the churche a hye aul∣tare of stone, consecrated & dedicated specially to saye or singe Masse vpon, and it is not ment any graue stone taken from the buriall, or other vuseme∣ly place, and put vp for an aultare, but a meete and cō∣uentent stone, as hath bene accustomed in tymes pas∣sed in the Churche for Masse decentlye and comlye to be sayd or songe there vpon. 6 ITem whether the thynges vnderwritten (whi∣che are to be founde on the coste of the parishio∣ners) be in the churche, it is to wyte, a legende, an Antiphonar, a Grayle, a Psalter, a Drdi∣nall to saye or solempnise diuine office, a Missale, a Manuale, a Processional, a Chalice, two Cruettes, a principal vestiment, with Chisable, a vestiment for the Deacon and Subdeacon, a Cope with the apperte∣naunces, it is to wyte, an Amisse, Albe, Girdle, Stole and Fannon, the hye aultare with apparell in the fronte, and other partes thereof, three Towels, thre Surplices, a Rochette, a Crosse for Procession wyth Candelstyckes, a Crosse for the deade, an Jucenser, a Shyppe or vessell for frankensence, a lytle sauctes bell, a Pyxe wyth an honest and decent couer, and a vayle for the lente, Banners for the rogation weeke, Bels and Coopes, a Bere for the deade, a nessel to ca∣ry holy water about, a Candelstycke for the Paschall taper, a fonte to Christen chyldren wyth couerynge and locke, and keye, and generally all other thynges whyche after the custome of the countrye or place, the parishioners are bounde to fynde, maynteyne, and kepe. 7 ITem in case suche thynges be in the Churche, when they were prouyded and vsed, yf they be not, by whose faulte and negligence the same procedeth. 8 ITem whether there be a Churcheyarde, and yf it be, whether the same be well and honestly re∣payred and kept, so that no cattell, specially hog∣ges and filthye beastes be suffered to come in, and de∣fyle it. 9 ITem whether there be a Crucisixe, a roode loste as in tymes past hath bene accustomed, and yf not, where the crucisixe or roode loste is become, and by whose negligence the thyng doth wante. 10 ITem whether the water consecrated, beyng in the fonte, be ones in a moneth at the least duelye chaunged and renewed, accordyng to the olde custome of the Churche. 11 ITem whether in the sayd Churche there be a Chrysmatorye for holye oyle and Chrysme, de∣cently and well kepte after the olde custome, and whether the sayd oyle and Chrisme be also therein, & frequented and vsed, as they ought to be. 12 ITem whether in the sayd Churche there be see∣tes and pewes for the parishioners to sytte in, honestly prepared, and kept after the olde vsage and custome, and the doores, windowes, and al other places of the Churche duely repayred and kept. 13 ITem whether there hath bene, or be anye plate, ornamentes, or Jewels, belles, Candelstyckes, orleade, or other goodes, of, and in the sayde Churche, what they were or be, and in whose handes they were or are, or whether thei be alienated or pled ged, declaryng the value thereof. 14 ITem whether there hath bene made any inuen∣tary or inuentaries of the same church goodes, and where the sayd inuentaries are, and whe∣ther there be wantyng the sayd plate, Jewels, or or∣namentes specified in the sayd inuentaries, and be∣ing suche wante, by what occasion & meane the same is, and by whose commaundement and doyng. 15 ITem whether there be Churche wardeynes in the sayd Churche choosen euery yeare, & whe∣ther the same do yearely make a faythfull & true accompte to the parishioners accordingly, bryngyng in wyth them the sayd inuentaries, and doynge all suche thynges, as on their behalfe are to be done. 16 ITem whether the sayd Albes, vestimentes, and all other ornamentes be kepte cleane and well, and sufficiently repayred and maynteyned. 1 Fyrste whether there be any laye person, man or woman, that is a notable and open trans∣gressor and breaker of any of the tenne com∣maundementes of god, or an open offendor in any of the. vij. deadly sinnes, or of the lau∣dable customes and ordynaunces of the catholyke churche. 2 ITem whether there be any laye person, man or woman, that hath layed violēt handes vpon any Ecclesiasticall person, especyally beyng in holye orders. 3 ITem whether there be any lay person, man, wo mā, or chyld, beyng of sufficient age and discreti∣on, that can not say the Pater noster, the Aue Maria, and the Crede. 4 ITem whether there be any of them that bathe contracted matrymonye with any one, beyng of Consanguynytie or affinitie prohybyted, or hath pryuely contracted and made any matrymony wyth any person. 5 ITem whether there be any mā, that besydes his wyfe hathe kept, or dothe kepe a Concubyne, or carnally hath had to doo with anye other mans wyfe or other person. 6 ITem whether there be any woman, that besides her husbande hath taken any other manue, and carnally hath had to do wyth hym. 7 ITem whether any man hath had, or nowe hath nowe ij. wyues lyuyng at ones, or any woman ij. hus∣bandes lyuyng at one tyuie especyally no iawe∣full dyuorse beyng made betwene them. 8 ITem whether there hath bene or bee any, that doth not faythfully, duely, and truelye paye hys tythes, oblations, Crysomes, Clerckes, wages, the holy loofe, and all other ecclesiastical dueties, as of reason and laudable custome they ought to doo. 9 ITem whether in the cytie of London or diocesse of the same there be any person, that is an noto∣riouse or commen vserer, which lendeth his mo∣ney for vnlawfull and excessyue gayne and lucre, con∣trary to the manyfest woordes of the scripture, to the euyll example of other chrysten people, to the daūger ofhys owne soule, and to the vtter vndoyng and hyn∣deraunce of many, especially of poore and yonge be∣gynners, borowyng for their necessytye. 10 ITem whether there be any bawdes, men or wo∣men, that doth kepe within hys or their houses, or elles where any strompettes or harlottes, to haue the more resorte to their houses, and vtter ther by their chaffer and wares, to their moore wordelye aduauntage, and whether there be any vehemently suspected therof, or of conueyng or keping yonge wē∣ches for suche vnlawfull and vngodly purposes. 11 ITem whether there haue bene any men, women or chyldren of the age of. xiiij. yeares and aboue. who vpon sondayes and holye dayes haue gone a huntynge or hawkyng, beare baytyng, games, and other playes, dysporte, and passetymes, or who hath vpon the sayd sondayes or holy dayes w yllyngly ab∣sented them selfes from their paryshe churche in the tyme of deuyne seruyce, and who vppon fayned occa∣sions, eyther vpon the euen before, or the same daye in the mornyng doth vse to go for the abroade oute of their paryshes into the fieldes or countreye, or other where, or doth secretly kepe them selfes in their hou∣ses, and doo not come to their seruice, as they ought to doo. 12 ITem whether there hath bene anye, that hath murmured, grudged, or spoken agaynst dyrect∣ly or indyrectly the masse, or other deupne ser∣uyce, admynystratyon of sacramentes and sacramen∣talles, as holy breade, holy water, Palmes, Ashes, Creping of the Crosse, holy oyle and Chrysine, bea∣ryng of Palmes and Candels, burying of the deade, praying for them, specially in sayinge of Diriges and commendations, or in vsyng any laudable or godly ce remony of the Churche, heretofore vsed and accusto∣med, or yt hath made noyse, iangled, talked, or played the foole in the Churche in the tyme of diuine seruice or preaching, to lette or disturbe the same in any wise. 13 ITem whether there be any, that hath mayntey∣ned and holden the opinion or beliefe, that a man hath no free wyll, and that all thynges do come and chaunce by a precyse and absolute necessitie, so that whatsoeuer any one doth, he doth it not of free wyll, but of mere necessitie, and can not choose, but so to do, and that therfore whosoeuer is dampned, is dampned through Gods defaulte. & not of his owne free wyll and choyse. And whether any hath mayn∣teyned or holden opinion, that fayth alone wythout charitie, hope, and good workes in time doth iustifie. or thinke the same a holsome and profytable doctrine to be taught and preached abroade. 14 ITem whether there be any, that is a Sacra∣mentary, an Anabaptiste, or Lybertyne, eyther in reiteratyng baptisme agayne, or in holdynge any of the opinions of the Anabaptistes, especiallye that a Christen man or woman oughte not to sweare before aiudge, nor one to sue another in the lawe for hys ryght, and that all thynges would be common. 15 ITem whether there hath bene anye, that hath holden, maynteyned, or defended any opinion or doctrine, contrary to the catholike fayth & vnitie of the catholike Churche, & hath fauored and mayn∣teyned suche, as hath holden the same, or lyke erroni∣sufe opinion or doctrine, or hath kept or vsed any boo kes or wrytynges, conteynynge the same euyll doc∣trine, or hathe vsed to reade, or resort to any pri∣uate or secrete lectures. 16 ITem whether there hath bene any, that hath not in Lent last passed bene cōfessed of his owne curate, or by hys licence of some other honeste priest, and receaued the blessed Sacrament of the aul tare, accordyng to the order of the catholike churche. 17 ITem whether there hath bene any, that hath, or doth wylfully interrupte, lette, or disturbe anye preacher in the tyme of his sermon, or disturbe, discourage, or let any curate or prieste to singe or saye Masse, Euensonge, or other diuine seruice, or to mi∣nister the Sacramentes or Sacramentalles in La∣tyne, accordynge to the olde laudable custome of the Churche, or that doeth mocke, Jeste at, threaten, or beate any priest for saying Masse, or suche diuine ser∣uice, or so ministryng, and who they be. 18 ITem whether there be any, that wyll not haue hys chylde Christened, but in the Englyshe ton∣gue, nor haue any seruice in the Churche, except it be done in the sayd Englyshe tongue. 19 ITem whether there be any, that wyll not suffer the priest to dyppe the chylde three tymes in the fonte, beynge yet stronge, and able to abyde and suffer it in the iudgement and opinion of discrete and txperte persons, but wyll nedes haue the chylde in the clothes, and onlye to be sprynckled wyth a fewe droppes of water. 20 ITem whether there hath bene any of the laytye, that hath wyllyngly and wilfully doubted in any article of the catholike fayth, or that hath openly disputed, or vnreuerently talked in anye open places of the same, not submittyng hym selfe in all poyntes to the catholike Churche, but wylfully defendyng his owne erronious opinion and belefe, contrary to scrip ture, encouragynge other to the maynteynaunce of their foly, and to induce other to the same. 21 ITem whether there hath bene, or nowe is anye no table euyll rule, and manifest disorder in brea∣kyng the lawes of GOD, and the ordinaunces and laudable customes of the catholike Churche, and many thynges worthye reformation and correction in the late Minores, or at Bedlem, or at saynct Mar∣tensle graunde, the late blacke fryars, the white fri∣ars, the graye fryars, Augustyne fryars, cruched fri∣ars, sayncte Katherines, or other places in, or aboute the citie of London. 22 ITem whether there hath bene any, that denieth or refuseth to go in procession vpon sondayes or other dayes, when it is vsed, or that depar∣teth out of the Churche, before that seruyce be done, wythout a iust and reasonable cause so to do. 23 ITem whether there hath bene anye, that vpon the sondayes or holye dayes hath worked or la∣bored seruyle worke, or hath kepte open theyr shoppes, or otherwyse occupyed and exercysed theyr handy craftes and occupations on the same dayes, to the sclaunder of other, and contrary to the laudable custome and vsage of the catholike Churche. 24 ITem whether there hath bene any vytlers, ta∣uerners, or ale house kepers, that on the sonday∣es and holy dayes haue cōmonly vsed to sell and vtter their vittals, meate, and drynke, and chaffer, & to kepe their doores open in the tyme of diuine ser∣uice agaynst the godly order & vsage of the churche. 25 ITem whether there hath bene any, that beynge able to synge at the least hys playne songe (and who in the tyme of the Englyshe seruyce dyd cō∣monly vse to synge in the quere) doth nowe synce the settyng forth, and renewyng of the olde seruice in the Latyne tongue, absent and wythdrawe hym selfe frō the quere, declaryng and expressing the names, sure∣names, and dwellyng places of all suche persons. 26 ITem whether there hath bene anye contention, discorde, debate, or stryfe betwene any paryshio∣ners of any paryshe, especially in the tyme of di∣uine seruice, for syttynge in pewes or seates in the Churche, or for anye other cause or matter, to the sclaunder of the rest of the people, declarynge what it is, and betwene whome. 27 ITem whether there hath bene any, that by open facte, dede, or threatenyng hath compelled, cau∣sed, or otherwyse procured, or induced anye cu∣rate or priest to synge or saye anye common prayer or seruyre, or to minister any sacrament priuely or open∣lye contrary to the order of the catholike churche. 28 ITem whether there hath bene, or is anye regi∣stre booke in the churche, safely kept vnder locke and keye, in the whych there are wrytten euery sondaye the weddynges, christenynges, and buryin∣ges, that were had the weke before, and whether the same haue bene accordingly done. 29 ITem whether there hath bene anye person, man or woman, lawfully before precontracted, or mar ried to other, whych afterward hath broken the contracte, and married to another person, especiallye the banes not lawfully asked. 30 ITem whether euery parishioner vpon the son∣daye, as it cometh to his course and turne, hath payed and gyuen the holye loofe wyth other ac∣customed dueties and offerynges, as of olde custome it hath bene laudably vsed. 31 ITem whether there be any, that hath eatē fleshe vpon anye fishe daye, and hath broken the fasting dayes, (suche as of olde aunciente custome hath bene laudably kepte and obserued) gyuynge offense and sclaunder to other in their doynges. 32 ITem whether there be any, that at the sacrynge tyme, which do hange downe their heades, hyde them selfes behynde pyllers, turne awaye their faces, or do depart out of the churche at that tyme. 33 ITem whether parishe clerkes or sextens be obe∣dient to their persons, vicares, and curates in thynges that be lawfull and honest. 34 ITem whether there be any, that do vse charmes wytchecraft, sorcery, inchauntementes, false southsayinges, or any such like thing, inuēted by the crafte of the deuill. 35 ITem whether suche legacies (as were bequea∣thed for the repayryng of high wayes, fyndyng of poore scholers, marrying of poore maydens, & other suche lyke dedes of charytie) be faythfully and truely payde and performed. 36 ITem whether there be any Printer or seller of Bookes, that hath synce the begynnyng of the Quenes Maiestes Raygne Printed or solde the bookes of the schismaticall and slaunderous commu∣nyon, the lyke homelies, and such other bookes, ha∣uing in the hereticall and dampnable opynions, de∣claryng and specifying their name, sir name, & dwel∣lyng place. 37 ITem whether there be any, that hath prynted or solde slaunderous Bookes, Ballades, or playes, contrary to christen religion, declaring and spe∣cyfying their names, surenames, & dwellyng places. 38 ITem whether any laye person of hys owne auc∣thoritye haue expounded and declared any por∣tyon or parte of scripture in any churche, or els where, or put the same to prynting or wrytyng, affir∣ming and maynteyning, that euery pryuate and laye person may so doo withoute approbatyon of anye or∣dynarye, 39 ITem whether there hath bene any laye person, that hath refused, contempned, or denyed to bringe his childe, being christened, vnto the bisshoppe to be confyrmed, or that hath disswaded or discouraged any other so to doo. 40 ITem whether the churchewardeynes & other beyng monyshed in the archedeacons visitation to prouyde for necesiarye thynges, that dyd wante in the churche, haue (accordyng to the mo∣nition and commaundemente to them gyuen) suffi∣ciently and well prouided for the same. 41 ITem whether there be any scriptures or pictu∣res paynted or set forth vpon the walles of the churche, or otherwise within the churche, & yet remayning, which chiefly and principally do tende to the maynteynaunce of carnall libertie, especiallye in eating and drinking vpon all dayes, fasting, or other all maner meates & drynkes, or for the defense of the marryage of priestes, and incontinente lyfe with de∣facynge of vertuouse and godly lyuyng, or to the ex∣presse derogation and slaunder of the blessed Sa∣cramente of the aultare. 1 FIrst whether they, that take vpon them to teache chyldreu, whether it be Eng∣lishe, or Latyne, to singe, or playe, or suche lyke, bee them selfes sober, and discrete, of honest and vertuous lyuing, conuersatiō, and behaufour, with other good & commendable qua∣lities, so that they may edifye and profyte the scho∣lers, as well by their lyuing, conuersation, and good maners, as by their teachyng. 2 ITem whether the same scholemaysters & tea∣chers doo well and diligently applye their scho∣lers, teaching and hearyng them often, and dys∣cretly vsing them. 3 ITem whether the sayd scholemaysters and tea∣chers do cause their scholers to faste, to pray, to ferue god, and to feare hym, to come often to the churche, to heare masse, and all other deuyne seruice, and to honor and reuerence euery person, accordyng to hys vocation and degree. 4 ITem whether there be anye other grammer taught and learned within the citye and diocesse of London, then that grammer, whiche was set forthe in the tyme of our late Soueraigne Lorde, Kinge Henry the Eyghte. 5 ITem whether that anye printer dwellynge in Paules Churcheyarde, within the paryshe of sayncte faythes in London, in the tyme of King Edwarde the sixte, and the yeare of our lord M. D. Lij. heretycally, maliciously, & naughtly did imprinte a grammer in Englshe and Latyne, puttyng in the Latyne, grammer but only two sacramentes, it is to wite, baptisme and the supper of our lorde, infectyng thereby the youth, and other, to thinke & beleue, that there be no moore sacramentes in chrystes churche, but those two. 6 ITem whether any teachers or scholemaysters do teache and instructe any hys scholers in any poynte of heresye, eyther in the Articles of our fayth, or the tenne commaundementes, eyther in the sacramentes of the churche, or other thynges, recea∣ued and beleued in the catholike churche. 7 ITem whether anye teacher or scholemayster doo teache or reade to any hys scholers any euyl or noughty corrupte boke, ballade, or wrytyng, or do interpretate and sette for the vnto any of them the newe testamente in Englishe or Latyne, or anye other bokes Englishe or Latyne, concernyng scryp∣ture, not expedient for yonge children to medie with all. 8 ITem whether any teacher or scholemayster do teache any hys scholers to holde, mayntayne, de send, or beleue any heresy, error, false doctrine, or opynyons, contrary to the catholike fayth, and deter mynatyon of the same. 1 FIrst whether there be any woman, ye doeth occupie or exercise the office and rowme of a middewife, before she be examined and ad¦mitted by ye bisshop, or ordinary of this dio∣cesse, or his chauncelor, or comissary, hauing sufficient aucthoritie (except in time of extreame ne∣cessitie) where the presence of the middewife can not be had. 2 ITem whether such as heretofore hath bene al∣lowed & admitted to the sayd rowme & office of a middewife, be catholike & faithful, discrete and sober, diligent, and ready to helpe euery woman tra∣uayling of chylde, as well the poore as the riche. 3 ITem whether any middewife, or other woman cōming to ye trauayle of any woman with child, do vse or exercise any witchecraft, charmes, sor∣cery, inuocations or prayers, other then suche, as be alowable, and may stande with the lawes and ordi∣naunces of the catholike churche. 4 ITem whether any middewife, or any other wo∣man denieth or letteth, so muche as lyeth in her, that the childe beinge newe borne, shall not be brought to the Churche there to be decentlye, reue∣rently and orderly baptised, & the mother thereof af∣ter a conuenient time likewise purified, according to the olde auncient & godly ceremonies, & custome of ye catholike churche, heretofore vsed in that behalfe, & whether the sayd middewife, or any other suche wo∣man do attempte, vse, or do any thinge in thys mat∣ter, contrary to the sayd custome, or otherwyse inde∣cently and vnsemely. 5 ITem whether any woman within this citie or diocesse by them selfes, or by sinister counsayle haue purified them selfes after their owne deui ses, and fantasies, not comming to the churche, accor∣ding to the laudable custome heretofore vsed in the same, where the priest wold haue bene ready to do it, and some of the multitude to haue bene witnesses ac∣cordingly. 6 ITem whether there be any other disorder or e∣uyll behauiour, concernyng the sayd middewy∣ues, or the woman brought a bedde, or lyinge in chyldebedde, or any other woman, coming to the la∣bor, or visitynge the woman, that so lieth in childe∣bedde, and whether the nourse attempte, or do anye thyng vnlawfully. 1 FIrst whether the sayd patrones & other hauing aduousons of the same, doo dily∣gently and faythfully present a sufficiēt & able clercke to be admytted to the be∣nefice vacante within dewe tyme, or els doo suffre the benefyce to remayne and abyde longe vacant, or do present an vnmeete and vnable person to the same, offendyng god and hys owne conscience in soo doing. 2 ITem whether the sayde Patrons, or other ha∣uynge such Aduousons, doo practyse or coue∣naunt in any maner of wise with any prieste di∣rectly or indirectly, (before, or after he hath promy∣sed or geuen hys presentatyon) to haue the benefice in farme him selfe or his frendes, or to haue the man∣sion house, the glebe landes, ye fruites & commodities therof, or some good fleese or part therof, paying litle or nothyng for the same, or to haue his owne tithes free, being & remayning within the sayde benefice, or some yearely pension, portion, or annuitie, or some cō moditie to him, his child, kinsman, seruaūt, or frende, or vse any other colour, deceyte; or falsehead, and the priest presented to serue for a yearely stipende, farre vnder the value of the benefice. 3 ITem whether the sayde patrones, or other, ha∣uing such aduousons of any churche or chappell with cure or withoute cure, haue pulled downe the sayd churche or chappel, or taken away the leade, the belles, the ornamētes, or other goodes of ye same, or in any wise spoyled it, conuertinge the tithes, pro∣fites, commodities, reuenues, & possessions therof to his owne vse & cōmoditie, & putting the same church or chappell to prophane and vngodly vses, declaring who, and howe many there be, that so doth. 4 ITem howe manye benefices be nowe vacaunte within this citie of Londō, or in other places of the diocesse of London, who be the patrones thereof, howe longe they haue bene vacaunt, & who doth receaue the tithes, oblations, profites, and com∣modities of the same, duryng the tyme of the vacati∣on thereof. 5 ITem whether in such patronages or aduousons therebe any other disorder, or vnlawful doing, & fynally to inquyre & searche faythfully, truely, and diligently, whether in this Cytye or Dyocesse of London there be any other thinges amysse, worthy correctyon and reformatyon. YE shall set asyde all worldly loue and fauor, all hatred and displeasure, all hoope of re∣ward & meede, al carnall affection & corrup∣tyon, all worldely respectes & cōsideratiōs, that myght stirre and moue you to declyne from the trueth, or to adde vnto the trueth, or to pul any thing away from it, ye shal haue the feare of god before your face, the terrible Judgemente of god at the daye of dome, the daunger and peryll of your conscyence in hidyng or alteryng the trueth, ye shall consider the honestye of your selues and your good name, the ho∣nestie and profyte of your paryshe, that you come for, and finally the honour of the Kynge and Queene of thys Realme, and the Realme it selfe, wyth all other honest consideratyons and motyues, that may stirre and moue you godly, & these thinges conside∣red, ye shall faythfully, truely, playnly, vprightly, cha¦ritably, discretly and indifferently searche & inquyre for all thinges, which in your conscience, and in the opinion and Judgemente of good men, are to be sear∣ched and inquired for, especially suche thinges, as are mentioned in certayne Articles, deliuered vnto you by your ordinary, and you shall bryng in your certifi∣cate and report fully & perfectly in wryting, sealed wt your seales, or subscribed with your handes to youre sayd ordinarie, or his officer, hauing sufficient aucto∣ritie therein on this side the next cōming without fayling in any thing hereof, as God shal helpe you, & the holi∣dome, and the contentes of this booke.
A00201.P4	Articles to be enquired of in the visitation of the Dioces of London, by the reuerende father in God, Edwyn Bishop of London In the thirtenth yeare of the raigne of our soueraigne ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of Englande, Fraunce and Irelande defender of the fayth. &c. 1571.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of London. Bishop (1570-1577 : Sandys)", "Sandys, Edwin, 1516?-1588." ]	[1571]	By [H. Denham for?] William Seres,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England. -- Diocese of London -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England -- London." ]	FIrst, whether Common prayer, be saide in your church or Chappell at conueniente houres, orderly and distinctly, and whether your Minister so turne himselfe, and stande in such place of your Church or Chauncell, as the people maye best heare the same, and whe∣ther the holy Sacramentes be duelye and reuerently minis∣tred as is set forth by the lawes of this Realme. And whether vpon Wednesdayes, and Fridayes, the Letanie, and other prai∣ers, be sayde accordingly. 2 Whether you haue in your parishe Churches and Chap∣pelles, all things necessarie and requisite for Common prayer, and administration of the Sacramentes, specially the Booke of Common prayer, with the new Kalender, a Psalter, the english Bible in the largest volume, the two Tomes of the Homelies, a comely and decent Table, standing on a frame, for the holye Communion, with the furniture thereto prescribed, a fayer and comely Communion Cuppe of Siluer, and a couer of Siluer for the same, and all other things requisite in & to the premisses. 3 Whether you haue in your Church or Chappell, a comely Pulpet conueniently placed, the Paraphrases of Erasmus, translated into english, the Table of the tenne Commaunde∣ments, a strong Chest or Boxe for the almose of the poore. 4. Whether in any Church or Chappell, if singing be there vsed, such partes onely of the Common prayer be song, as by the Booke of Common prayer are appoynted to be song, and the rest reuerently sayde and read with an audible voyce. And whether there be a modest and distinct song, so vsed concerning the sayde partes of the common prayer, which be song, that the same may be as plainely vnderstanded, as if they were reade without singing, or whether any part thereof be so abused, that thereby the common prayer is the worse vnderstanded of the hearers. 5 Whether in your Church or Chappel, any Organs be vsed in the time of Common prayer, or ministration of the Commu∣nion, otherwise than is appoynted by the sayde booke of common prayer, or by the Quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions, and whether the vse of them, be vrged by any person or persons, as any per∣cell or supply of the common prayer or other diuine seruice, ap∣poynted by the lawes of this Realme. 6 Whether the forme of Commination against sinners, with certaine prayers following the same, set forth in the latter ende of the booke of common prayer, to be vsed at diuers tymes in the yere, be by your Minister plainely and distinctly reade in your Church or Chappell vnto the people, as is prescribed, thrée times at the least in the yere, yt is to say, for order sake, vpon one of the thrée sundayes next before Easter, for the first time, vpon one of the two Sundayes next before the feast of Penticost, for the seconde time, & for the thirde time, vpon one of the two Sun∣dayes next before the feast of the birth of our Lord, our & be∣sides the accustomed reading therof, vpon the first day of Lent. 7 Whether your Person or Vicar, haue preached or cause to be duely preached in your Church, his quarterly or monethly Sermons, as by the Quéenes Iniunctions he is bounde, and what be the names of such, as haue preached for him, & whe∣ther he hath admitted any man to preach, not hauing sufficient lycence, or hath inhibited or letted any from preaching, hauing sufficient licence. 8 Whether your Person, Vicar, or Curate doe euery Sun∣day, when there is no Sermon, reade distinctly and plainely some part of the Homelies, prescribed & set forth by the Quéenes authoritie to be read, and euery holy day, when there is no Ser∣mon, immediatly after the Gospell, openly, plainely, and di∣stinctly, recyte to his Parishoners, the Lordes prayer, the Ar∣ticles of the fayth, and the ten Commaundements in English, and whether any Minister not admytted by the Ordinarie, or by other lawfull authoritie, doe expounde any scripture, or matter of doctrine, by the way of exhortation, or otherwise, and there∣by omit and leaue of the reading of the Homelies. 9 Whether your minister doe at the least euery Sunday, and euery holy day openly in the church call for, heare and in∣struct all the children, apprentises, and seruauntes of both the sexes, that be of conuenient age within your Parishe, or at the least so many of them by course as the tyme will serue, and as he may well heare and instruct, for halfe an houre at the least before or at the Euening prayer, in the ten Commaundements, the articles of the Beliefe, and the Lords prayer, and diligent∣ly examine and teach them the Cathechisme set forth in the booke of common prayer: And whether for that purpose he doth take the names of them all, and by course call certaine of them by name euery Sunday and holy daye to come to the teaching of the same Cathechisme. 10 Whether your Person, Vicar, or Curate, after the Gos∣pell, haue read openly in your Church twise this yeare, plainely without addition or chaunge, the declaration of certaine princi∣pall articles of Religion, set forth by both the Archbishops, and the rest of the Bishops of this realme, for vnitie of doctrine, be∣ing appointed to be read vpon some Sunday within the Moneth next Michaelmasse and Easter yearely. 11 Whether all Fathers, Mothers, Maysters, and Dames of your Parishe cause their children, seruauntes, and appren∣tises, both mankinde and womankinde, being aboue sixe yeres of age, and vnder twentie which haue not learned the Cathe∣chisme, to come to the church on the Sundayes and holy dayes at the times to them appointed, or at the least such and so many of them as your Minister shall appoint, and there diligently and obediently to heare, and to be ordered by the Minister, vntyll such time as they haue learned the same Cathechisme, & what be the names of those that doe not cause their children, seruants and apprentises so to come to the church to be instructed and ex∣amined, and how many of the sayde children, seruauntes, and apprentises be in your Parish, which being aboue seauen yeres olde, and vnder twentie yeares of age, cannot say by heart the sayd Cathechisme: and what be their names and age, and with whome they dwell. 12 Whether any person or persons be admitted to aunswere as Godfathers or Godmothers at the christening of any childe, except he or she haue before receyued the holy communion, and can say by heart the Articles of the christian fayth, and will re∣cite the same before the Minister, if he or she be therevnto required. 13 Whether your Person, Vicar, Curate or other Minister in your church or Chappell, hath admitted to the receyuing of the holy communion, any open and notorious sinner, or euill li∣uer, by whome the congregation is offended, without due pe∣nance first done, to the satisfaction of the congregation, or any malicious person, that is out of charitie, or that hath done any open wrong to his neighbour by worde or déede, without due re∣conciliation first made to the partie that is wronged. 14 Whether your Person, Vicar, Curat, or Minister, hath admitted to the holy communion any of his parish, being aboue twentie yeares of age, that cannot saye by heart, the ten Com∣maundements, the Articles of the faith, and the Lordes prayer in english, and what be their names, or being aboue fourtéene yeares, and vnder twentie yeares of age, that cannot saye the Cathechisme, set forth in the sayde booke of common prayer. And whether he marry any persons, which were single before, that cannot say the Cathechisme, or contentes thereof. 15 Whether your Person, Vicar, Curat, or Minister, hath at any time receyued any that is not of his owne parishe to the holy Communion, and for what cause or consideration, he hath so done. 16 Whether there be any in your parish, man or woman, be∣ing of conuenient age, that hath not receyued the holy Commu∣nion thrise at the least this yeare, and namely at Easter last, or there about for once, and what there names are. And whe∣ther both yerely before Easter, at such conuenient tymes, and namely on Sundaies in Lent at after noone, or such other dayes in the wéeke next before Easter, as the Person, Vicar, or Curat shall appoynt, & require his parishioners to come vnto him, they doe come and recite vnto him the Cathechisme, or at the least the Lordes prayer, the Articles of the Christian beliefe, and the ten Commaundements by heart in english, and also at other con∣uenient times, before their receyuing of the holy Communion, they come to be examined in the premisses. And if any doe wil∣fully and stubburnly refuse to come to such recitall or examina∣tion, whether the Churchwardens and sworne men, or anye of them doe assist the Minister therein, that such stubburne persons may be rebuked and repelled from the communion at that time. 17. Whether the people of your parish, especially housholders hauing no lawfull excuse to be absent, doe faithfullye, and dili∣gently resort with their family to their parish Church or Chap∣pell on the holidayes, & chiefely vpon the Sundaies, to morning & euening prayer, or vpon reasonable let thereof to some vsuall place, where common prayer is vsed, and then and there abyde orderly and soberly, during the time of common prayer, Home∣lies, Preachings, and other seruice of God there vsed, reuerent∣ly and deuoutly giuing themselues to the hearing thereof, and occupying themselues at time conuenient in priuat prayer, and who they be that eyther negligentlye or wilfullye absent them∣selues or come very late to the Church vpon the Sundayes es∣pecially, or that walke, talke, or otherwise vnreuerently behaue themselues in the Church, or vse any gaming abroade, or in any house, or sit in the streates or Churchyarde, or in any Tauerne or alehouse vpon the Sundaye or other Holiday in the tyme of common prayer, Sermons, or reading of the Homelies, eyther before noone, or after noone. 18 Whether the forfeiture of twelue pence for euery such of∣fence appointed by a statute made in the first yeare of the Quéenes Maiesties reigne be leuied and taken, according to the same statute by the Churchwardens of euery person that so of∣fendeth, and by them be put to the vse of the poore of the parishe, and if it be not, by whose default it is not leuied, or not put to the vse of the poore aforesayde. 19 Whether there be any Inkepers, Alewiwes, vitaylers, or Tipplers, that suffer anye person or persons in their houses to eate, drinke, or play at Cardes, Tables, or such like games, in time of common prayer, or Sermon on the Sundayes and Ho∣lidayes, and whether there be any shoppes open on Sundayes, or Holidayes, or any Butchers, or others that commonly vse to sell meate or other things in the time of common prayer, prea∣ching, or reading of the Homelies. And whether in any fayres or common markets falling vppon the Sunday there be anye shewing of any wares before the morning prayer be done. 20 Whether for the putting of the Churchwardens, and swornemen the better in the remembraunce of their duetie, in noting such as offende in not comining to diuine seruice, your Minister or Reader, doe openly euery Sundaye after he haue reade the seconde lesson at Morning and euening prayer, mo∣nishe the Churchwardens and Sworne men to looke to their charge in this behalfe, and to obserue who contrarie to the saide statute offende in absenting themselues negligently, or wilfully from their parish Church or Chappell, or vnreuerentlye as is aforesaide vse themselues in time of diuine seruice. 21 Whether your Minister or Reader, doe church any vnma∣ried woman, which hath bene gotten with childe out of lawfull mariage, & say for hir, the fourme of thankes giuing of women after childe birth, except such an vnmaried woman haue eyther before hir childe birth, done due penance for hir fault, to the sa∣tisfaction of the congregation, or at hir comming to giue thanks has openly acknowledge hir faulte before the congregation at the appoyntment of the Minister, according to order prescribed to the sayde Minister by the ordinarie or his deputie, the same Churching to be had alway on some Sunday or Holidaye, and vpon none other day. 22 Whether for the retayning of the perambulation of the cercuite of your parish, the Person, Vicar or Curat, Church∣wardens, and certayne of the substanciall men of your parishe, in the dayes of the Rogations, commonly called the gang daies, walke the accustomed boundes of your parish, and whether in the same perambulation, the Curate doe vse any other rite or ceremonie, then to say or sing in english, such Psalmes, and re∣cite such sentences of scripture, as be appoynted by the quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions, with the Letany, and Suffrages fol∣lowing the same, and reading one Homely, alreadie deuised and set forth for that purpose, without wearing any Surplesses, ca∣rying of Banners, or handebeles, or staying at Crosses, or o∣ther such like Popish ceremonies. 23 Whether when any christian bodie is in passing, the bell be tolled, and the Minister called to comfort the sicke person, and after the time of his or hir passing, there be anye more ringing but one short peale before the buriall, and an other short peale after the buriall. And whether on all Saintes day after Eue∣ning prayer, there be anye more ringing in your Church or Chappell, or other supersticious ceremonies vsed, tending to the maintenaunce of the Popish Purgatorie, or praying for the deade, and who they be that vse or doe the same. And whether there be any ringing on Sundayes or Holidaies betwéene Mor∣ning prayer and the Letany, or at other times contrarie to good order or lawe. 24 Whether your Person, Vicar, or curate, doth openly or secretly, teach or maintaine any erronious or superstitious doc∣trine. And whether he doe kéepe anye suspected woman in his house, or be an inconuenient person, giuen to dronkennesse, or ydlenesse, or be a haunter of Tauernes, Alehouses, or suspected places, a Punter, ker, Dicer, Carder, Tabler, Swearer, or euill example of life. 25 Whether your Persons, and Vicars, be resident and dwell continually upon their Benifices, doing their duties, and keeping hospitalitie, according as their lyuinges will extende, And whether their houses and chaunceles, be well repayred and vpholden. And whether being not resident, they leaue their cures to an vnlearned or lewde persō, or do not distribute yerely among their pore parishioners, the fourteth parte of the fruites of their benefices, the same being of the yearely value of twen∣tie poundes or aboue. 26 Whether they or anye of them haue mo Benefices than one, how many and in what countries they be, and what be the names thereof. 27 Whether any Person or Vicar, hath come to his Bene∣fite by Simonie or any other vnlawfull meanes, and whether the Patrone of any Benifice, hath made a gaine by any colour deceit, or Simoniacall pate, in & for the bestowing of the same. 28 Whether there be any Lay or temporall man, not being orders, or any childe that hath, or enioyeth any Benefice or spirituall . 29 Whether any Priest or Minister be come into this Di∣oces out of any other Dioces, to serue any Cure here, without letters testimoniall of the Ordinarie, from whence he came, to testifie the cause of his departing from thence, and of his beha∣uiour there. 30 Whether your Persons, Vicars, Curats, and Ministers, keepe well their , of all weddings, buryings, & christ∣nings within your Parish, and doe present a coppy of them once euerie yeare, by Indenture to the Ordinarie, or his Officers. And whether they reade the Quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions, euery quarter of a yere once, or no. And whether they praye for the prosperous estate of hir Maiestie, as is prescribed in the sayde Iniunctions, or no. 31 Whether the Church of your Parish be now vacant, and destitute of an Incumbent, or no, and if it be, how long it hath bene vacant, and who is the Patrone, and whether he suffereth the Benefice to lye vacant, and occupyeth the glebe lande, and taketh the Tithes, and other fruites to himselfe, during the time of the vacation, or who else occupieth and taketh the same, and by what colour or title, if by Sequestration, from whome hee hath receyued his letters of Sequestration or authoritie to take and gather the saide fruites. 32 Whether your Church and Chauncell, be sufficiently re∣pted, and cleanly kept, & the Mansion house of your person and with the buildings therevnto belonging, likewise repay∣red, and your Churchyarde well fenced and cleanly kept, and if any of the same be ruinous and in decay, through whose default it is so. Whether the last Churchwardens were enioyned to haue repaired anye parte of the Church, or fenced the Church∣yarde, and did neglect to doe the same. 33 Whether there be any Masse bookes, Portesses, or other bookes of the latine Popish seruice, Albes, Vestmentes, or other Massing geare, Images, Candlestickes, Holywater fattes, or o∣ther Ornamentes or Monumentes of Papistrie, Superstition, or Idolatrie, reserued in your Church, Chappell, or else where, or in the handes or custodie of any person, or persons, which yet are not defaced and destroyed, and in whose custodie the same is, and what be the perles thereof. 34 Whether the last Churchwardens, haue giuen to the pa∣rish a iust account of the Church goodes that were committed to their charge, according vnto the custome that hath bene before time, and what Church goodes they haue solde, and to whome, and whether to the profite of the Church, or no. And whether a∣ny person suppresse the last Will of the deade, and perfourme not the Legacies bequeathed to the Church, or to Orphanes, pore Maydes mariages, high wayes, scholes, or anye other god∣lye vse. 35 Whether ye haue Collectors for the poore of your parishe, whether they doe their duetie in gathering and distributing the Almes of the Parishioners, according to statute thereof made in the first yeare of the Quéenes Maiesties raigne, and make a iust account thereof quarterlye, What sommes of money the last Churchwardens and Swornemen haue leuied and deliue∣red to the sayde Collectors, of the forfeytures of such persons, as haue not duely resorted to their parish Church or Chappell, vp∣on Sundayes and Holidayes, during the time that they were in office. 36 Whether there be any person or persons in your parish of habilitie, that obstinately, or frowardly refuse to giue resonably towardes the helpe and reliefe of the poore, or doe wilfullye dis∣courage others from so charitable a deede, and what be their names, and what sommes doth any of them withdrawe, which he or she before was wont to giue, there being no iust cause so to doe. 37 Whether your Hospitales, Spittles, and Almose houses, be well and godly vsed according to the foundation and aunci∣ent ordinaunces of the same, whether there be any other placed in them, than poore Impotent and néedie persons, that haue not wherewith, or where by to liue. 38 Whether the Scholemaisters, which teach within your pa∣rish, eyther openly, or priuatly in any Noble, or Gentlemanes house, or in any other place there, be of good and sincere relygion, and conuersation, and be diligent in teaching and bringing vp of youth, whether they be examined, allowed, and lycenced by the Ordinarie, or his officer in that behalfe, whether they teach the Grammer set forth by King Henrie the eight of noble me morie, and none other, whether they teach any thing, contrarie to the order of religion nowe established, by publike authoritie. And whether they teach not their Schollers the Cathechisme in latine, lately set forth, and such sentences of Scripture, as shalbe most expedient, and méete to mone them to the loue and due re∣uerence of Gods true religion, nowe truely set forth by the Quéenes Maiesties authoritie, and to induce them to all godly∣nesse and honest conuersation, and what be the names and sur∣names of all such Scholemaisters, and Teachers of youth with∣in your parish. 39 Whether there be any among you that is a hinderer of true religion, or a fautor of the Romish power, or that stub∣burnely refuseth to conforme himselfe to vnitie and godly reli∣gion, set forth by common authoritie, or any that wilfully or ob∣stinately defende or maynetaine anye heresies, errours, or false doctrine, contrarie to holy Scriptures, or doe kéepe any secrete conuenticles, preachings, lectures, or readings contrarie to the lawe, and what be their names. 40 Whether any in your parishes doe openly or priuatlye, say, or heare Masse, or vse any other kinde of seruice or common prayer then is set forth by the lawes of this Realme. 41 Whether any in your parishes, haue in their handes, or haue deliuered to other, any english bookes set forth of late, by Harding, Dorman, Allen, Saunders, Stapleton, Marshall, or any of them, or by any other english Papist, eyther against the Quéenes Maiesties supremacie in matters ecclesiasticall, or a∣gainst true religion, and Catholike doctrine now receyued, and established by common authoritie within this Reame, & what their names be. 42 Whether there be any in these partes, that haue married within the degrees of affinitie, or consanguinitie, by the lawes of God forbidden, or any that being diuorsed, or seperated for the same, doe yet notwithstanding, cohabite, and kéepe company still together, or any that being married without those degrees, haue vnlawfully forsaken their wiues, or husebandes, and marsied o∣thers. Any man that hath two wiues, or any woman that hath two husebandes. Any married, that haue made precontractes. Any that haue made priuie or secrete contractes. Any that haue married without baines thrise solemnely asked. Anye cupples maried, that liue not togither, but slaunderously liue aparte. A∣ny that haue maried out of the parish church, where they ought to haue solemnized their Mariage. 43 Whether there be in your Parish, any contentious per∣son, or that giueth occasion of the breach of Christian loue, and charitie, among you, disturbers of diuine seruice, and common prayer, common swearers, or blasphemers of the name of God, anye that bruteth abroade rumors of the alteration of religion receyued within this Realme, any Fornicators, Adulterers, In∣cestuous persons, Baudes or receyuers of such incontinent per∣sons, or Harbourers of women with childe, which be vnmaried, conueying or suffering them to go away before they doe anye penaunce, or make satisfaction to the congregation, or any per∣sons vehemently suspected of such faultes, any that vseth force∣ry, Witchcrafte, Inchauntment, Incantations, Charmes, vn∣lawfull prayers, or inuocations in Latine, or otherwise, anye common Drunkardes, Ribawdes, or other notorious euill ly∣uers. YE shall sweare by Almightye God, that ye shall dili∣gentlye consider all and euery the Articles giuen to you in charge, and make a true aunswere vnto the same in writing, presenting all and euerie such person or per∣sons, dwelling within your parishe, as haue committed any offence or fault, or made any default, mentioned in any of the same Articles, or which are vehemently sus∣pected or diffamed of any such offence, fault, or default, wherein ye shall not present any person, or persons, of a∣ny euill will, malice, or hatred, contrarie to the trunth, nor shall for loue, fauour, meede, dreade, or anye corrupt af∣fection, spare to present any, that be offendours, suspec∣ted, or diffamed in anye of these cases, but shall doe vp∣rightly, as men hauing the feare of God before your eies, and desirous to maintaine vertue, and suppresse vice. So God helpe you.
A00211.P4	Articles to be inquired of in the metropoliticall visitation of the most reverend father, VVilliam, by Gods providence, Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and metropolitan in and for the dioces of London, in the yeere of our Lord God 163[blank], and in the [blank] yeere of His Graces translation.	[ "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1633-1645 : Laud)", "Laud, William, 1573-1645." ]	163[5?]	By Richard Badger,	Printed at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	IMprimis, Whether haue you in your seuerall Churches, and Chappels, the whole Bible of the largest volume, and the Booke of Common Prayer, both fairely and substantially bound. A Font of stone, set vp in the anci∣ent vsuall place: A conuenient and decent Communion Table, with a Carpet of silke, or some other decent stuffe, continually laid vpon the same at time of diuine seruice, and a faire linnen cloth thereon, at the time of the receiuing of the holy Communion. And whether is the same Table placed in such conuenient sort within the Chancell or Church, as that the Minister may bee best heard in his Prayer and Administration: and that the greatest number may communi∣cate. And whether is it so used out of time of diuine seruice, as is not agréeable to the holy use of it; as by sitting on it, throwing hats on it, writing on it, or is it abused to other prophaner vses: and are the ten Commandements set vpon the East end of your Church or Chappell where the people may best sée and reade them, and other sentences of holy Scripture, written on the walles likewise for that purpose? 2 Whether are the afternoones Sermons, in your seuerall Parishes, turned into Catechizing by question and answer; according to the forme prescribed in the Booke of Common Praier? and whether doth euery Lecturer reade diuine Seruice, according to the Liturgy printed by authority, in his Surplice and Hood before the Lecture? And whether are his Maiesties Instructions in all things duly obserued? 3 Whether haue you in your said Church or Chappel, a conuenient seat for your Mini∣ster to read Seruice in, together with a comly pulpet set vp in a conuenient place, with a decent cloath or cufhion for the same, a comely large Surplice, a faire Communion Cup, with a couer of siluer, a Flagon of siluer, tinne, or pewter, to put the Wine in, whereby it may be set vpon the Communion Table, at the time of the blessing thereof, with all other things and ornaments necessary for the celebration of Diuine Seruice, and administration of the Sacraments? And whether haue you a strong Chest for Almes for the poore, with thrée Lockes and Keies, and another Chest for kéeping the Bookes, and Ornaments of the Church, and the Register Book? And whether haue you a Register Booke in Parchment, for Christnings, Weddings, and Burials, and we∣ther the same be kept in all points, according to the Canons in that behalfe prouided? And is the Mothers Christian name therein Registred as well as the Fathers, and a transcript thereof brought in yearely within one moneth after the 25 of March into the Lord Archbishop or Bishop of the Diocesse his principall Register? And whether haue you in your said Church or Chancell, a Table set, of the degrées wherein by Law men are prohibited to marry? 4 Whether are your Church and Chappels, with the Chancels thereof, and your pr∣sonage or vicarage house, your parish Almes-house and Church-house, in good repara∣tions: and are they imployed to godly, and their right holy vses? Is your Church, Chan∣cell, and Chappell decently and comly kept, as well within as without, and the seats well maintained, according to the 85. Canon, in that behalfe provided? Or haue any Patrons or others decayed the Parsonage, houses, and keepe a stipendary Priest or Cu∣rate, in place where an incumbent should be possessed? Whether is your Church-yard well fenced with walles, railes, or pales, and by whom: and if not, in whose default the same is, and what the defect or fault is? And whether any person haue incroached vp∣on the ground of the Church-yard, or whether any person or persons, haue vsed any thing or place consecrated to holy vse, prophanely or wickedly? 5 Is your Church or Chappell decently paued, and is your Church-yard well and or∣derly kept without abuse? Are the bones of the dead decently interred, or laid vp in ome fit place as beseemeth Christians? And is the whole consecrated ground kept free from Swine and all other nastinesse, as becommeth the place so dedicated? 6 Whether haue any ancient Monuments or Glasse-windowes béen defaced, or any rasse Inscriptions, Lead, Stones, or any thing else belonging to your Church or Chap∣ell, beène at any time purloyned, and by whom? 7 Whether haue you the Terrier of all the Gleabe Lands, Medowes, Gardens, Or∣chards, Houses, Stockes, Implements, Tenements, and portions of Tithes (whether wihin your Parish or without) belonging vnto your parsonage or vicarage, taken by the vsew of honest men in your said Parish? And whether the same Terrier be laid vp in the Bishops Registery, and in whose hands any of them are now? And if you haue no Terrier already made in Parchment, you the Church-wardens and Sidemen, together wih your Parson or Uicar, or in his absence with your Minister, are to make diligent inuiry and presentment of the seuerall particulars following, and make, subscribe, and signe the said Terrier, as aforesaid. 1 How many seuerall parcelis of Glebe-land, doe you know, or haue you credibly heard to belong vnto your Rectory, Church, Parsonadge, Uicaridge &c. and by what Names are they (or any of them) commonly called and knowne; And what yearly Rent haue you knowne or heard to haue beene paid, vnto the Parson, Uicar, or to his or their Asignes, for euery, or any of the said parcels? In Whose occupation, are the said parcells at this present? How much doth each pacell conteyne by measure of the 16. foote Poale? How is each parcell Butted, on eury parte? And who is to repaire the Fences on each side thereof? 3 What hedge, ditch méere, trée, thorne, doole or distination, is there now, at this prsent, whereby the said parcells of Church-lands may bee apparentlie knowne and diinguished, from the lands of other men, vpon whom they doe abutt? 4 What Cart-way, Horse way, foote way, Gates or Styles doe leade from your Parsonadge or Uicaridge-House, vnto euerie of the said parcells of Gleab-land? De∣clre your knowledge therein. 5 Whether doe you know, or haue you crediblie heard, that some Styles, gates, hed∣ges, ditch, méere, Trée, Thorne, or other Doole (formerlie growing or being, betwéene the said parcells of Gleabe (or some of them) and the Landes of other men) haue bin dig∣gd vp, felled downe, destroied, put by or defaced? And who had the said parcell (so wron∣gd) in occupation, when the said Style, Gate, hedge, ditch, méere, Tree, Thorne, or oher antient Doole, was so digged vp, felled downe, destroyed, put by or defaced? 1 VVHether doth your Parson, Uicar, or Curate, distinctlie and reuerently say Di∣uine seruice vpon Sundayes and Holidayes, and other dayes appointed to bee oserued by the book of Common Prayer; as Wednesdayes, nd Fridayes, and the Eues of euery Sunday and Holiday, at fit and vsuall times? And doth he dulie ob∣serue the Orders, Kites and Ceremonies, prescribed in the said Booke of Common Prayer, as well in reading publike prayers and the Letanie, as also in administring the Sacraments, solemnization of Matrimony, visiting the sicke, burying the dead, Church∣ing of Women, and all other like Rites and Offices of the Church, in such manner and forme as in the said Booke of Common prayer he is inioyned, without any omission or addition. And doth he reade the Book of the last Canons yearely, and weare a Surplice according to the said Canons? 2 Whether haue you any Lecturer in your Parish, who hath preached in his Clake and not in his Gowne, and whether haue you any Lecturer who will not professe his willingnesse and readinesse to take vpon him a Liuing or Benefice, with cure of sotles, or who hath refused a Benefice when it hath béene offered vnto him? 3 Doth your Minister bid Holidayes and Fasting-dayes, as by the Booke of Com∣mon prayer is appointed? And doth he giue warning beforehand to the Parishioners, for the receiuing of the holy Communion, as the two and twentieth Canon requith: and whether hée doth administer the holy Communion so often, and at such times as that euery Parishioner may receiue the same, at the least thrice in euery yéere: wheeof once at Easter, as by the Booke of Common prayer is appointed? And doth your Mi∣nister receiue the same himselfe, on euery day that he administreth it to others, and vse the words of institution according to the Booke, at euery time that the Bread and Wine is renewed, accordingly as by the prouiso of the 21. Canon, is directed: And doth he deliuer the Bread and Wine to euery Communicant seuerally, and knéelig? Whether he hath admitted to the holy Communion, any notorious Offender or Shis∣maticke, contrary to the 26. and 27. constitutions, or receiued any to the Communon, being not of his owne Cure, or put any from the Communion, who are not publck∣ly infamous for any notorious crime? Doth he use the signe of the Crosse in Bap∣tisme, or baptise in any bason, or other vessell, and not in the vsuall Font, Or ad∣mit any Father to be God-father to his owne Child, or such who haue not receiued the holy Communion, or baptize any Children that were not borne in the parish, or wilflly refuse to Baptise any infant in his Parish, being in danger, hauing béene enformed of the weaknesse of the said child: and whether the child dieth through his default without Baptisme? 4 Whether hath your Minister married any without a Ring, or without Banes pb∣lithed thrée seuerall Sundayes or Holidayes in time of Diuine seruice, in the seuerall Churches or Chappels of their seuerall abode, according to the book of Common pay∣er, or in times prohibited, albeit the Banes were thrice published, without a Licens or dispensation from the Archbishop, the Byshop of the Diocesse, or his Chancellor, rst obtained in that behalfe? Or not betwixt the houres of eight and twelue in the fre∣noone, or haue maried any in any priuate house, or if the parties be under the age of 21. yéeres, before their Parents or gouernours haue signified their consent vnto him? 5 Doth he refuse to bury any, which ought to be interred in Christian buriall, or de∣fer the same longer than he should, or bury any in Christian buriall, which by the consttu∣tions of the Church of England, or lawes of the Land, ought not to be so interred? 6 Is your Minister a Preacher allowed? If yea, then by whom? If not, whether dth he procure some who are lawfully licensed, to preach monethly amongst you at the least? 7 Doth your Minister (being licensed,) preach vsually according to the Canois, either in his owne Cure, or in some other Church or Chappell neare adioyning, whre no other Preacher is, and how often he hath beèn negligent in that behalfe, and dot he preach standing, and with his Hat off? Or whether doth he or his Curate vpon eury Sunday, when there is no Sermon, reade an homilie, or some part thereof, accordng as hée ought to doe: or in case he bee not licensed to preach, doth he take vpon him to Preach or expound the Scriptures in his owne Cure, or elsewhere? If so, then you e to present the same, the time and place, when, and where he did it? 8 Doth your Minister use to pray for the Kings Majesty, King Charles, and for the Queenes Majesty, Prince Charles, and all the royall Progeny, with addition of such Stile and Titles as are due to his Highnesse, and exhort the people to obedience to his Majesty, and all Magistrates in authoritie vnder him: And doth he also pray for all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ecclesiasticall persons? 9 Is your Minister continually resident vpon his benefice, and how long time hath he in absent, and in case he be licensed to be absent, wheher doth he cause his Cure to be sfficiently supplied, according to the Canons? Or in case he hath another Benefice, wheher doth he supply his absence by a Curate sufficiently licensed to preach in that Cue where he himselfe is not resident? Or otherwise, in case the smalnesse of the liuing canot find a preaching Minister, doth he preach at both his benefices vsually? 10 Doth your Minister or Curate, serue any more cures than one: If yea, then what othr Cure doth he serue, and how farre are they distant? 11 Doth your Minister or Curate euery Sunday and Holiday, before Euening praer, for halfe an houre or more, examine and instruct the youth and ignorant persons of is Parish in the Tenne Commandements, Articles of the Beliefe, and in the Lods Prayer, and the Sacraments, according as it is prescribed in the Catechisme, set forh in the booke of Common prayer only? And if he doe not, where is the fault, either in he Parents and Masters of the children, or in the Curate neglecting his duty? And in e carefull to tender all such youth of his Parish as haue béene well instructed in ther Catechisme to be confirmed by the Bishop in his Uisitation, or any other conue∣niet time, as is appointed by the booke aforesaid? 12 Doth your Minister in the Rogation dayes, goe in perambulation of the circuit of the Parish, saying and vsing the prayers, Suffrages, and Thankesgiuing to God, ap∣ponted by Law, according to his duty, thanking GOD for his blessings, if there be plenty on the earth: Or otherwise, to pray for his grace and fauour, if there be a feare of carcity? 13 Hath your Minister admitted any Woman, begotten with childe in adultery or forication, to be Churched without licence of the Ordinary? 14 Hath your Minister, or any other Preacher, baptized children, churched any wo∣man, or ministred the holy Communion in any priuate house, otherwise than by Law is allowed? 15 Doth your Minister endeuour and labour diligently to reclaime the popish Recu∣sats in his parish from their errors (if there be any such abiding in your parish.) Or whether is your Parson, Uicar, or curate, ouer conuersant wish, or a fauourer of Recu∣sats, whereby he is suspected not to be sincere in Religion? 16 Hath your Minister taken vpon him, to appoint any publike or priuate Fasts, Pophestes, or exercises, not approued by Law, or publike authority, or hath vsed to met in any priuate house or place, with any person or persons, there to consult how to impeach or depraue the Booke of Common Prayer, or the doctrine or discipline of the Curch of England: If yea, then you shall present them all? 17 Hath your Minister staied the publication of any excommunications or suspenti∣os, or doth he euery halfe yéere denounce in his Parish Church, all such of his parish a are excommunicated, and perseuere therein without seeking to be absolued, or doth he vittingly and willingly kéep company with such as are excommunicate: And hath hee amitted into your Church any person excommunicate, without a certificate of his ab∣sution from the Ordinary, or other competent Iudge? 18 Doth your Minister carefully looke to the reléefe of the poore, and from time to time call vpon his Parishioners to giue some what, as they can spare to godly and ch∣ritable vses, especially when they make their Testaments. 19 Whether your Minister or any, hauing taken holy Orders, being now silenced or suspended, or any other person of your knowledge, or as you haue heard, hold any co∣uenticles, or doth preach in any place, or vse any other forme of Diuine Seruice has appointed in the Book of Common prayer: If yea, then you are to present their name, and with whom? 20 Whether is your Curate licensed to serue, by the Bishop of this Diocesse, or b any other, and by whom? 21 Doth your Minister vse such decencie and comelinesse in his apparell, as by e 47. Cannon is enjoyned: is he of sober behauiour, and one that doth not vse such bodlie labour, as is not seemelie for his function and calling? 22 Is your Minister noted or defamed, to haue obtained his Benefice or his orde, by Symonie, or any other way defamed, to be a Symoniacall person, or any way nod to be a Schismaticke, or schismatically affected, or reputed to be an incontinent perso, or doth table or lodge any such in his house: or is he a frequenter of Tauernes, Inns, or Ale-houses, or any place suspected for ill rule: Or is he a common Drunkard, a co∣mon Gamester, or player at Dice, a Swearer, or one that applieth himselfe not at hs studie, or is otherwise offensiue and scandalous to his function or Ministerie? 23 Doth your Preacher or Lecturer reade Diuine seruice, before his Sermon, r Lecture, and Minister the Sacraments twice a yeere at least in his owne person, acc∣ding to the Canons? 24 When any person hath béene dangerously sicke in your Parish, hath he neglectd o visit him, and when any haue béene parting out of this life, hath he omitted to doe s last dutie in that behalfe? 25 Doth your Minister, Curate, or Lecturer, in his or their Sermons deliuer suh doctrine as tends to obedience and the edifying of their Auditorie in faith and Religio, without intermedling with matters of State, not fit to be handled in the pulpit, but o be discussed by the wisdome of his Maiesty and his Councell. And if you find any faulte herein, you shall present them? DOth any in your Parish openlie or priuatelie take vpon him to teach Schoole, wi∣out license of the Ordinarie, and is he conformable to the Religion now establishe? And doth he bring his Schollers to the Church, to heare diuine Seruice and Sermons? And doth he instruct his Schollers in the grounds of the Religion now established n this Church of England, and is he carefull and diligent to benefit his Schollers in lear∣ning? 2 Doth your Schoole master teach and instruct his youth in any other Catechisme than is allowed by publike authoritie? And what Catechisme it is that he so teacheth? 3 Is any Living or meanes giuen towards the erection or maintenance of any Schoole withholden backe or otherwise imployed, and by whom? 4 Doth any kéepe Schoole in the Chancell or Church, by which meanes, that hoy place, and the Communion Table are many waies profaned, and the windowes brok? 1 HAue you a fit Parish Clarke, aged twentie yeeres at least, of honest conuersati, able to reade and write? Whether are his and the Sxtons wages paid w∣out fraud, according to the ancient custome of your Parish: if not, then by whom are they so defrauded or denied? by whom are they chosen? and whether the said Clarke bee approued by the Ordinarie? And hath hee taken an Oath, as in such cases is fit and quired and is he diligent in his Office, and seruiceable to the Minister, and doth he tale vpon him to meddle with any thing aboue his Office: as Churching of Women, burying the dead, or such like? Doth your Clark or Sexton kéep the Church cleane, the doores locked at fit times? Is any thing lost or spoiled in the Church, through his default? are the Communion Tble, Font, Books, and other Ornaments of the Church kept faire and cleane? doth he suffer any unseasonable ringing, or any prophane exercise in your Church? Or doth he (wen any is passing out of this life) neglect to toll a bell, hauing notice thereof? 1 VVHether any of your Parishioners, being sixtéene yéeres of age or upwards, or others lodging or commonly resorting to any House within your Parish. de wilfully absent themselues from your parish Church, vpon Sundayes or Holidayes a Morning and Euening prayers? Or who come late to Church, and depart from Church before seruice be done vpon the said dayes? Or who doe not reuerently behaue thmselues during the time of Diuine seruice, deuoutly knéeling, when the generall confession of sins, the Letany, the tenne Commandements, and all Prayers and Col∣lets are read, and using all due and lowly reuerence, when the blessed name of the Lord esus Christ is mentioned, and standing vp when the Articles of the Beliefe are read; who doe couer their heads in the Church during the time of Diuine Seruice, vnlesse be in case of necessity, in which case they may weare a Night cap or Coyfe? Or who e giue themselues to babbling, talking, or walking, and are not attentiue to heare the word preached, or read? Whether any of your Parish, being of sixtéene yéeres of age o vpwards, doe not receiue the holy Communion in your Church thrice euery yéere: ereof once at Easter, and whether they doe not deuoutly knéele at the receiuing there∣o? And whether any hauing diuerse houses of remoue, doe shift from place to place of prpose to defeat the performance of their Christian duties in that behalfe? 2 Whether any of your parishioners, being admonished therof, do not send their Chil∣den, Seruants, and Apprentices, to the Minister, to be catechized vpon such Sundayes d Holydayes as are appointed? Or whether any of them do refuse to come; or if they cme, refuse to learne those instructions set forth in the Book of Common prayer? 3 Whether any of your Parish doe entertaine within their house, any soiourner, cmmon guests, or other persons, who refuse to frequent Diuine Seruice, or receiue holy Communion, as aforesaid, present their names, their qualities, or conditions? 4 What Recusant Papists are there in your Parish, or other Sectaries? present teir names, qualities, or conditions? whether they keep any Schoole master in their huse, which commeth not to Church to heare Diuine Seruice and receiue the Com∣unin? What is his Name, and how long hath he taught there, or elsewhere? 5 Whether any of the said Popish Recusants, or other Schismaticks, doe labour to ouce and with-draw others from the Religion now established? Or instruct their fami∣les or children in Popish religion: or refuse to entertaine any, especially in place of geatest seruice, or trust, but such as tnture with them in their opinions? 6 How long haue the said popish Recusants abstained from Diuine Seruice; or from the Communion, as aforesaid? 7 Is there any in your Parish that retaine, sell, vtter, or disperse, any Popish bookes. o Writings, or other Bookes, Libraries, or witings of any Sectaries, touching the Religion, State, or Gouernement Ecclesiastical of this Kingdom of England, or kéep any Monuments of Superstition vncancelled or vndefaced? 8 Whether haue you any in your Parish, which heretofore being popish Recusants or Sectaries, haue since reformed themselues, and come to Church to heare Diuine Ser∣uice, and receiue the Sacraments: If yea, then who are they? And how long since haue they so reformed themselues? And whether they still remaine and abide in that confor∣mitie? 9 Is there any in your Parish that refuse to haue heir Children Baptised, or the∣selues to receiue the Communion at the hands of your Minister, taking excepion a∣gainst him, and what causes or exceptions doe they alleage; or haue any maried Wiues refused to come to Church, according to the Booke of Common Prayer, to giue Gd thankes after their child-birth, for their safe deliuerance? And whether doe any of, or n your Parish, refuse to haue their children Bapized in your Parish Church, according o the forme prescribed in the booke of common Prayer? 10 Doe any of your Parish usually goe to other Parish Churches to heare Diuine Seruice or Sermons? Or doe they communicate, or Baptize their Children in any ∣ther Parish? 11 Whether there be any in your Parish who will come to heare the Sermon, bt will not come to publike prayers apointed by the Book of Common Prayer, making Schisme or diuision (as it were) betwéene the use of publike prayer and preaching? 12 What persons within your Parish, for any offence, contumacy, or crime, Ecclesiasticall Conusance doe stand excommunicate? present their names, and for wh cause they are excommunicated, and how long they haue so stood, and what person persons doe wittingly and usually kéepe them company? 13 Whether any, not being in Orders, doe execute any Priestly or Ministeriall ofice, in your Church, Chappell, or Church-yard, and what be their names? 14 Whether any in your Parish, that hauing heretofore taken vpon him the orde of Priest-hood or Deacon, hath since relinquished the same, and liues as a Lay-ma neglecting his vocation? 15 Hath any person in your Parish quarrelled, or stricken, or vsed any violence your Minister, or haue stricken or quarrelled with any other person within your Chur or Church yard, or demeaned himselfe disorderly in the Church, by filthie or prophan talke, or any other base or immodest behauiour? Or hath disturbed the Minister in tim of Diuine Seruice or Sermon, or hath libelled or spoken slanderous words again your Minister, to the scandall of his vocation, or defaed any of his Neighbours, toching any crime of Ecclesiasticall Conusance? 16 Whether any of, or in your Parish, without consent of the Ordinarie, or othe lawfull authoritie, haue caused any to do pennance, or to be censured or punished for an matter of Ecclesiasticall Conusance, by any Uestrie méetings, or otherwise by thei own authoritie? Or haue taken any mony or commutation for the same? Present thei names that haue done it? And who haue beene so punished? In what manner, and vpo what cause? 17 Whether any person in your Parish, doe exercise any Trade or labour, buy o sell, or kéepe open Shops or Ware-houses vpon any Sunday or Holiday by themselues their Seruants, or Apprentices, or haue otherwise prophaned the said dayes, contrar to the orders of the Church of England? And whether there be any Inne-kéepers, Ale house-kéepers, Uictuallers or other persons, that permit any persons in their houses, t eate, drink or play, during the time of Diuine Seruice or Sermon, or reading the Homilies in the forenoone or afternoone, vpon those dayes? 18 Whether the fifth day of Nouember, be kept holie, and thankesgiuing made t God, for his Maiesties and this States happy deliuerance, according to the Ordinanc in that behalfe? 19 Whether any of your Parish hold or frequent any conuencles or priuate Congregations, or make or maintaine any constitutions, agréed vpon in any such assemblies? Or any that doe write, or publikely or priuately speake against the Booke o Common prayer, or any thing therein contained, or against any of the Articles of Religion agréed vpon, in Anno 1562 or against the Kings Supremacie, in causes Eccless¦sticall, or against the Oath of Supremacie, or of Allegiance, as pretending the same t be vnlawfull and not warrantable by the Word of GOD? Or against any of the ites or Ceremonies of the Church of England, now established? Or against the Go∣uernment of the Church of England vnder the Kings most excellent Majesty, by Arch-Bishops, Deanes, Arch-Deacons, and other Officers of the same: affirming; hat the same is repugnant to the Word of God, and that the said Ecclesiasticall Offi∣rs, are not lawfully ordained? Or whether there be any Authors, Maintainers or Fa∣urers of Heresie or Schisme, or that be suspected to be Anabaptists, Libertines, rownists, of the Familie of Loue, or of any other Heresie or Schisme? present their ms? 20 Whether any in your Parish haue maried within the degrées by Law prohibited, d where, and by whom? And whether any couple in your Parish being lawfullie ma∣ed, liue apart one from the other, without due separation by the Law, or any that haue bene diuorced, which kéepe company with any other at Bedde or at Boord? 21 Whether doe any persons administer the goods of the dead without lawfull autho∣ty, or suppresse the last will of the dead? Or are there in your Parish any wils not yet oued, or goods of the dead (dying intestate) left vnadministred? By authority in that halfe, you shall not faile to present the Executors and all others faultie therein: and o how many persons being possessed of any goods and chattels, haue died within your arish, since the x. day of Februarie? 1635. 22 Whether any with-hold the Stocke of the Church, or any goods or other things, euen to good and charitable vses? 23 Whether your Hospitals and Almes-houses, and other such houses and corporati∣s, founded to good and charitable vses, and the lands, possessions and goods of the same, ordered and disposed of as they should be? And doe the Masters, Gouernours, Fel∣lwes, and others of the said Houses and Corporations, behaue and demeane themselues acording to the godly Ordinances and statutes of their seuerall Foundations? 24 Whether haue you any in your Parish to your knowledge or by common fame or port, which haue committed Adultery, Fornication, or Incest: or any which haue im∣dently bragged or boasted, that he or they haue liued incontinently with any person or rsons whatsoeuer: or any that haue attempted the chastity of any Woman, or solici∣ any Woman to haue the carnall knowledge of her bodie, or which are commonly puted to bee common Drunkards, Blasphemers of Gods holy Name; common wearers, common Slanderers of their Neighbours, and sowers of discord, filthy and sciuious Talkers, Usurers, Symoniac all Persons, Bawdes, or Harborers of Wo∣en with childe, which be vnmaried, or Conueying or suffering them to goe away be∣e they haue made satisfaction to the Church, or any that hauing heretofore béene pre∣nted, or suspected of any the aforesaid crimes, haue for that cause departed your Pa∣h, and are now returned againe? Or any which haue vsed any inchantments, sorce∣es, incantations, or witchcrafts, which are not made felony by the Statutes of this ealme, or any which haue committed any perjurie in any Ecclesiasticall Court, in an cclesiasticall cause, or which haue committed any forgerie, punishable by the Ecclesi∣icall Lawes, and the procurors and abettors of the said offences: you shall truly pre∣st the names of all, and singular the said offendors, and with whom they haue commit∣td the said offences, in case they haue not béene publikely punished to your knowledge the same crimes? 2 HOw many Physitions, Chirurgions or Mid-Wiues, haue you in your Parish? How long haue they vsed their seuerall Sciences or Offices, and by what authori∣te? And how haue they demeaned themselues therein, and of what skil are they accoun∣td to be in their profession? 1 VVHether you and the Church-wardens, Quest-men, or Side-men from tine to time, doe, and haue done their diligence, in not suffering any idle persor to a∣bide either in the Church-yard, or Church-porch, in Seruice or Sermon time, bu cau∣sing them either to come into the Church to heare Diuine Seruice, or to depart, an not disturbe such as be hearers there? And whether they haue, and you doe diligently se the parishioners duely resort to the Church euery Sunday and Holiday and there to renaine during diuine Seruice and Sermon? And whether you or your predecessors, Chrch-Wardens there, suffer any playes, Feasts, drinkings, or any other prophane vsags, to be kept in your Church, Chappell, or Church-yards, or haue suffered to your and heir vttermost power and endeauour, any person or persons to be tipling or drinking in any Inne or Uictualling house in your Parish, during the time of Diuine Seruice or er∣mon, on Sundayes and Holidayes? 1 Whether, and how often haue you admitted any to preach within your Churh or Chappell, which was not sufficientlie licensed? And whether you together with your Mi∣nister, haue not taken diligent héed and care, that euerie parishioner being of sixtene yéeres of age or vpwards, haue receiued thrice euerie yéere, as aforesaid: and also hat no stranger haue vsuallie come to your Church, from their owne Parish-Church? 3 Whether haue there béene prouided against euerie Communion, a sufficient qan∣titie of fine white bread, and good and wholesome wine for the communicants that all receiue? And whether that wine be brought in a cleane and swéet standing pot of pew∣ter, or of other purer mettall? 4 Whether were you chosen by the consent of the Minister and the Parishiones And haue the late Church-wardens giuen vp a just account for their time, and deliured to their successors by Bill indented the money, nd other things belonging to the Church which was in their hands? And are the Almes of the Church faithfullie distributed to the vse of the poore? 5 Whether doe you sée the names of all Preachers which are strangers and prech in your Parish Churches, to be noted in a Booke for that purpose, and whether euie Preacher doe subscribe his name, and of whom he had his License? 6 Whether any man doe trouble or molest you for doing your duties? 7 Whether there be any Legacies witholden giuen to the Church or poore people o to the mending of Highwayes, or otherwise by the Testators? In whose hands it is, by whom it was giuen, and by whom it is with-holden? 8 Do you know of any thing that hath béene complained of, that is not yet redresse? 1 VVHether doe you know or haue heard of any payment, composition or agre∣ment, to, or with any Ecclesiasticall Magistrate, Iudge, or Officer, for wil∣ing at or sparing to punish any person for any offence of Ecclesiasticall Conusance, r for suppressing or concealing of any excommunication, or any other Ecclesiasticall C∣sure, of or against any Recusant, or any other offendor in the cases aforesaid? Wht summe of money, or other consideration hath béene receiued or promised, by, or to any f them, in that respect, by whom, and with whom? 2 Hath any person within your Parish, paid or promised any summe of money or ∣ther reward, for commutation of pennance, for any crime of Ecclesiasticall Conusance? If so, then with whom? When, and for what, and how hath the same beéne implyed? 3 Are your Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their substitutes Masters of Arts, or Batc∣ellors of the Lawes at the least, Learned and practised in the Ciuill and Ecclesiasticl Lawes: Men of good life and fame, zealously affected in Religion, and iust and v∣right in executing their Offices? Haue they heard any matter of Office priuatele in th Chambers, without their sworne Registers, or their Deputies presence 4 Doe you know, or haue you heard, that any Ecclesiasticall Iudge, Officer or Minister hath receiued or taken any extraordinarie fées, or other rewards or promises, b any vayes or meanes, directly or indirectlie, of any person or persons whatsoeuer, eithe for th granting of the administration of the Goods and Chattels of those that haue die intete, to one before another, or for allotting of larger portions of the Gods and Chatels of those that haue died itestate, to one more than to another: or for allowing large and vnreasonable accounts, made by Excutors or administrators: or for giuing them Quietus est, or discharges, without Inuentory or account, to defraude Creditors, Legaries, or those who are to haue portions. And what summs of money doe you knov, or haue you heard, that any Ecclesiasticall Iudge or Officer hath taken out of the ste of any dying intestat, vpon pretence to bestow the same, in Pios vsus: and how aue the same béene bestowed? 5 Hath any Ecclesiasticall Magistrate, Iudge, Officer, or any oher exercising Ec∣clesiastical Iurisdiction within this your Diocesse: Or any Aduocate, Register, Procter, Clakes, Apparators, or other Minister belonging to the same Ecclesiasticall Courts exaced or taken by any wayes or meanes, directly or indirectly, extraordinarie or grea∣ter Fées than are due & accustomed? And whether is there a Table for the rates of all Fée, set vp in their seuerall Courts and Offices? And whether they haue sent or suffe∣red my Processe to goe out of the Ecclesiasticall Courts otherwise than by Law they ougt? Or haue they taken vpon them the Offices of Informers or Promoters to the said Courts, or any other way abused themselues in their Offices, contrarie to the Law and Canons in that behalfe prouided? 6 What number of Apparators haue euery seuerall Iudge Ecclesiasticall? And wheein, and in what manner is the Countrey ouerburthened by them? And wherein hau they caused or summoned any to appeare in the said Courts, without a present∣met or Citation first had? Or whether haue they threatned any to prosecute them in the said Courts if they would not giue them some rewards, and what bribes in that be∣hal haue they taken? 7 What reward or fees hath any of the Apparators taken, to saue the iournies to the Ecesiasticall Court of any persons, & what (after composition so made) haue they or any of hem taken and receiued, and what acquittance or discharge haue they giuen or promi∣sed them, and whether haue they not cited some to appeare before the Arch-Deacon, or his Officiall, after they haue béene ordered by the Commissary, and done their pennance accrdingly, and whom haue they so cited and troubled, and what hath it cost them, as you or haue heard, or by inquiry can finde? I you know of any other default or crime of Ecclesiasticall Conusance, you are to ent the same by vertue of your Oathes? he Minister of euerie Parish, may and ought to ioyne in presentment with the Chrch-wardens, and Side men, and if they will not present, the Minister may and ouht himselfe to present the defaults and crimes aforesaid: and there must be seuerall prentments made to euery seuerall article: and the Minister, Church-wardens, and Swrne-men, are to méete and conferre about the said presentments, and answering of eury of the aforesaid Articles?
A00214.P4	Articles to be enquired of vvithin the diocesse of London In the third trienniall visitation of the Right Honourable, and Right Reverend Father in God, William, Lord Bishop of London, Lord High Treasurer of England. Holden in the yeare of our Lord God, 1640	[ "Church of England. Diocese of London. Bishop (1633-1660 : Juxon)", "Juxon, William, 1582-1663.", "Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662." ]	M.DC.XL [1640]	Printed by Richard Badger,	London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800." ]	IS there any who doth affirme & teach that the 39▪ Articles agréed upon by th Archbishops and Bishops in bth Provinces,Can. 5. and the whole Clergie, in the Convocation hlden at London, Anno▪ 1562. are in any part superstitios or , or such as hée may not with a good conscience subscribe unto? Who is that so teacheth or affirmeth, and what is his name? 2 Is there any who doth affirme and eah▪ that the forme of Gods worship in the Church of gland,Can. 4. established by the Law, and contaid in the booke of Common rayer and administration of Sacraments, is a corrupt, superstitios, unlawfull worship of God, or containeth any thing in it that is repg∣nt, to the Scriptures, Who is it that so teacheth, &c.? 3 Is there any who doth affirme or teach,Can. 6. that the Rites and Ceremo∣ies of the Church of England by Law established, are wicked, antichristi∣an, or superstitious, or such as being commanded by lawfull Authoritie, ay not with good consience ee approved, used, or subscribed unto, by men who are zealously and godly affected, who is it, &c? 4 Is there any that separateth himselfe from the Communion of Saints,Can. 9. as it is approved by the Apostles Rules in the Church of England, and cmbine themselves together in a new brother-hood, accounting the Christians who are conformable to the Doctrine, Governement, ites, and Ceremonies of the Church of England, to be prophane or unmeet for him to ioyne within Christian profession, who are they that so separae mselves, and what are their names? 1 IS there any who doth affirme or teach,Can. 3. that the Church of England by Law established under the Kings Maiestie, is not a true and Apostolicall Church, teaching and maintaining the Doctrine of the Apostles. Who is it that doth so affirme and teach, &c? 2 Is there any who doth affirme and teach,Can. 7. that the Governement of he Church of England under his Maiestie by Archbishops, Bishops, Deanes, Archdeacons, and the rest that beare office in the same, is anti∣christian and repugnant to the Word of God. Who is it that doth, &c. 3 Is there any who doth affirme or teach,Can. 8. that the formes or manner of making and Consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, containeth any thing in it, that is repugnant to the Word of God: or that they who are made Bishops, Priests, and Deacons in that forme, are not lawfully made, nor ought to be accounted either by themselves or others, to be truly either Bishops, Priests, or Deacons, untill they have some other calling unto those Divine Offices. Who is it, &c. 4 Is there any who doth affirme or teach,Art. 20. 34. that the Church hath no power to decree Rites or Ceremonies, nor any authoritie in Controversies of Faith, or in the changing & abolishing of Ceremonies and Rtes of the Church, ordained only by mans authority, contrary to the 20. and 34. Articles of the Church of England. Who is it, &c. 5 Is there any who doth affirme or teach,Can. 2. & 1. that the Kings Maiestie hath not the same Authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall, that the godly Kings had among the Iewes, and Christian Emperours in the Primitive Church. Or that the Kings Maiestie within his Realmes of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and all other his Dominions and Countries, is not the highest Power under God, to whom all men, as well Inhabitants as bore within the same, doe by Gods law owe most loyaltie and obedience. Or that impeach any part his Royall Supremacie in the said causes resto∣red to the Crowne, and by the Lawes of the Realme therein established. Who is it, &c? 6 Is there any who doth affirme or teach,an. 4 that no manner of person eithr of the Clergie or Laitie, are to be subiect to the Decrees and Con∣stitutions of the Church in causes Ecclesiasticall, made and ratified by the Kings Maiesties Supreme authoritie, other then such as are particularly assembled in the sacred Synods of the Church for the making of the said Decrees, and Constitutions, and have given their voices, to the same. Who is it, &c? 7 Is there any that doth affirme or teach,Can. 12. that it is lawfull for any sort of Ministers and lay persons, or either of them to ioyne together, and make rules, orders, and Constitutions in Causes Ecclesiasticall without the Kings Authority, or any that submit themselves to be ruled and Governed by the same. Who is it, &c? 8 Is there any who doth affirme,Can. 10. teach▪ maintaine or publish, that such Ministers who refuse to subscribe to the forme and manner of Gods worship in the Church of England,Can. 11. and their adherents may truly take unto them the name of another Church: or that there are within this Realme, other meetings, assemblies, or congregations of the Kings borne Subiects, then such as by the lawes of this Land are held and allowed, which may rightly chalenge to themselves the name of true and lawfull Churches. Who is it that doth so affirme, &c? 9 Doth any Minister or Ministers,Can. 72. without the Licence and direction of the Bishop of the Diocesse first obtained, appoint or keep any solemne Fasts publikely, or in any private houses, other then such as are or shall be appointed by lawfull authoritie, or not being Licensed as afore is said, presumes to appoint or hold any meeting for Sermons, Sermon Lectures, Prophecies, or exercises in Market Townes or other places, or doth at∣tempt without such Licence upon any pretence whatsoever, either of posses∣sion or obsession, to cast out any Divell or Divels. Who is it that offen∣deth in the premises, &c. 10 Doe any Priests or Ministers of the Word of God,Can. 73. or any other persons meet together in any private houe or elewhere, to consult upon any matter or course to be taken by them or by any other, upon their motion and direction, which may any way tend to the impeaching or depraving of the Church of Egland, or of the booke of Common Prayer, or of any part of the Government or Discipline in the Church of England now established, and who are they? 1 IS your Parish Church or Chappell well and sufficiently repaired,Can. 85. and so from time to time maintained and kept? Are the win∣dowes well glazed, the floare kept paved plaine and even, and all things there in such n orderly nd decent sort, without dust, or any thing that may bee either noysome or uneemely, as best becommeth the house of God? 2 Are the ten Commandements set upon the East end of your Church or Chappell,Can. 82. where the people may best see and reade the same, and other chosen senences written upo the walls of your said Church or Chappell, in convenient places? 3 Doe the Chacels remaine as they have dne in times past,Rubr. be∣fore Mor∣ning Pray∣er. that i to say, in the convenient situation of the Seates, and in the ascent or unto the place appointed anciently for the standing of the holy Tab? Is the Chancell of your Church or Chappell cleane kept,Orders of Queene Elizabe, An. 1561. Ib. Order . and repaire within and without, in the windowes and otherwhere as appertaineth▪ And is there a comely partition betwixt your Chancell and the body of the Church or Chappell, as is required by the Law? 4 Is the Church-yard of your Church or Chappell well and sufficient∣ly sensed,Can, 85. maintained and kept with walls, ailes or poles, as hath beene heretofore accustomed: And if not, then by whose negligee or default is it, that the fenses of the same are grown into decay▪ 5 Are there any Playes,Can. 88. Foasts, Banquets, Suppers, Church-Ales, Drinkings, Temporall Courts or Letes, Lay-iuries or Musters: or is there any other prophane usage, kept in your Church, Chappell, o Churchyards, of what sort soever▪ By whom re your said Church or Chappell, or Churchyard so prophaned as afore is said, and by whose permission. 6 Have you in the Chancell of your Church or Chappell a decent and convenient Table for the celebration of the Holy Commion? Is i so set as is directed in the Queenes Iniunctions,Injunct. of Q▪ Eliz. Orders of Q▪ Eli. and appointed by the Ca∣non made in the Synod held at London,Can. 82. Anno 1640. Have you a Carpet of silke or other decent stuffe, appointed by the Ordinary, to lay upon the Table in the time of Divine Service, and a faire linnen cloth to lay upon the same in time of the Communion? And is the said Carpet and linnen cloth laid constantly upon the Table, at the times aforesaid? 7 Have you a faire Communion Cup,Com. Book. or Chalice of silver, with a co∣ver of the same,Can. 20. and a decent standing pot or Flagon of pewter, if not of pu∣rer metall, in which the wine for the Communion is to be brought unto the holy Table? Is the said Table, Carpet, Linnen cloth▪ Cup, or Fla∣gon, or either of them any wayes prophaned, or otherwise imployed, then to their owne proper and right holy uses? 8 Have you in your Church or Chappell a Font of stone,Can. 81. where Bap∣tisme is to be administred, decently made, and kept as it ought to be? Is the same set in the Ancient usuall place appointed for it, and doth your Mi∣nister publikely baptize, in the same Font only? 9 Have you in your Church or Chappell,Can. 82. 83. a convenient Seat made the Minister to reade Service in, as also a comely and decent Pulpit set in a convenient place within the same for the preaching of Gods Word, and there seemely kept? 10 Have you in your Church or Chappell a strong Chest with an hole in the upper part thereof,Can. 84 the Almes of the poore? Hath the same chest three severall keyes, and is the one of them in the castodie of the Parson, Uicar, or Curat? Is the same so set and fastened in the most convenient , to the intent the parishioners may put into it their Almes, for their poore neighbours? 11 Have you a true note and Terrar,Can. 7 of all the Glebes, Lands, Mea∣dowes, Gardens, Orchards, Houses, stockes, implements, Tenements and portions of tythes lying out of your Parish, which belong unto your Parsonage, or Uicarage? And is the same, or a true Coppie of the same layed up in the Bishops Registry for a perpetuall Memory thereof? 12 Have you a comely decent Surplisse with sleeves for the use of your Minister in saying the publike prayers,Can. 58. or ministring the Sacraments, and other rites of the Church: together with an Universitie hood, accor∣ding to the degree of your said Minister? And doth the Parson, Uicar, or Cute use the same, as oft as he officiates Gods publike Service, admini∣streth the Sacraments, or dischargeth any publike duty in the Con∣gregation? 13 Have you a Bible of the largest volume,Can. 80. allowed by Authoritie, the booke of Common Prayer, and the booke of Homilies, all very well, and fairely bound? As also a booke of the Canons And Constitutions, made in the Synod held at London, Anno 1603. and ratified by the Kings Authority? A booke of prayers for the 5. of November, and for the 27. of March being the day of his Maiesties most happy Inauguration? Have you a parchment Register booke wherein to keep upon record,Can. 70▪ the severall Christenings, Weddings, and Burials, which happen weekly, quarterly,Can. 52 or yearly, in your Parish? Have you also a Register booke wherein to write the names of all Preachers, which come and Preach in your Church from other places?Can. 70 And have you one sure Coer with thrée lockes and keyes, for keeping of the bookes aforesaid. And doth one of your keyes remaine alwayes in the hands of your Minister? Whether is your Parsonage-house or Vicarage-house, Barnes, Stables, and other out-houses thereto belonging, in good and sufficient repaire. Whether hath any person inroached upon the ground of your Church∣yard, or other consecrated ground, if any hath, then you shall present him, and set out what quantitie of ground is so incroached upon, and whether any new doore or window hath bene lately made into your Church or Church∣yard▪ and by what authority? DOth your Minister or Curate that ministreth in your Pa∣rish Church or Chappell,Rubrick after the Preace. say daily the Morning and Evening Pray∣er, in the same Parish Church or Chappell where he ministreth, unlesse he be lawfully hindered? And dth he cause a Bell to be tolled thereunto, a convenient time before he begin, that such as be disposed may come to heare Gods Word, and to pray with him? Especially, Is the Common Prayer said or sung distinctly and revrent∣ly upon such dayes as are appointed to be kept holy,Can. 14▪ and upon their Ees? Is the same said or sung at convenient and usull times of those dayes, and in such plce of every Church, as the people may be most edified thereby? And doth the Parsn Ucar or Curate▪ observe the Orders Rites and Cere∣monies prescribed in the booke of Common Prayer, as well in reading the holy Scripture, and saying of prayers, a in administration of the Sacra∣ments: without either diminishing in regard of Preaching, or in any o∣ther respect, or adding any thing, in the matter and forme thereof? 2 Doth the Minister reade the Psalmes,Rubik of the Com∣mon Pay∣er booke▪ and Lessons appointed in the Kalendar for Morning and Evening Prayer? And at the end of every Psalme throughout the yeare, and likewise at the end of the Benedictus, Benedicite, Magnificat, and Nunc dimittis, doth he repeate, Glory be to the Father, &c. And at the reading of the Lessons, doth he stand and turne him so, as he may best be heard of all such as be present? And is the Creed called Athanasius Creed, beginning with (Whosoever will be saved) said by your Minister constantly at the times appointed in the Common Pray∣er booke, and doth your Minister sing or say any other Psalmes or Hymns other then aforesaid in the place of those, contrary to Law? 3 Doth your Parson,Can. 15. Uicar, or Curate, say the Letanie on every Sun∣day duely throughout the yeare▪ as also upon all Wednesdayes and Fri∣daies weekely, though they be not holy-dayes? In what convenient place of your Church or Chappell doth hee say the same, and by whom was that place appointed? Doth hee say the same at the accustomed houres of Ser∣vice, and is there warning giuen to the people by the tolling of a Bell? And doth euery house-holder dwelling within halfe a mile of the Church, come, or send one at the least of his houshold to ioyne with the Minister? 4 Doth your Minister read the Communion Service,Rubr. fr the Com∣munion. or the second Service on every Sunday and Holyday throughout the yeare, though there bee no Communion, according as it is appointed in the Booke of Common Prayer? 5 Doth your Parson reide upon his Benece or not,Can. 4 If yea, then, be∣ing a licensed Preacher, doth he preach one Sermon every Sunday in the yeare in his owne Cure,Can. 4 46▪ or in some Church or Chappell neare adioyning, having no lawfull impediment? And being not a licensed Preacher, doth he offer at any time to preach or expound the Scriptures, or rather doth he procure Sermons to bee Preache in his Cure once every moneth at the least by Preachers which bee lawfully licensed?Can. 47 If he be licensed by the Lawes of this Realme not to reside upon his Benefce, then in that Case doth he supply his cure by one that is a sufficient and Licensed Preacher? And is your Curate allowed to serve there by the Bishop of the Diocesse,Can. 48 or by the Ordinary of the place having Episcopall iurisdiction, and by no other? 6 Doth your Parson,Rubr▪ Uicar, or Curate upon every Sunday and holy∣day throughout the yeare when there is no Sermon, reade one of the Ho∣milies set forth by publike Authority? Doth he use to read the same in the Pulpit only, according as he is required in the Canons of the yeare 1571.Cap. 4. And doth your Minister as well before the Homilie as before his Sermon move and exhort the people o ioyne with him in Prayer according to the forme laid downe in the book of Canons,Can. 55 and doth hee use any other forme then is there prescribed? 7 Have you in your Parish,Can. 55▪ besides your Parson, Uicar, and Curate, any Lecturer or Lecturers not having cure of soules therein?Can. 56 Doth your Lecturer use before his Lectures, the forme of prayer before remembred, and no other forme? And doth he twice at the least every yeare read the Divine Service on two severall Sundaies both in the fore-noone and after∣noone, publikely and at the usuall times, and doth he as oft in every yeare administer the Sacraments of Baptisme and the Lords Supper, in such manner and form, and with the observation of such Rites and Ceremonies as are prescribed in the book of Common Prayer? 8 Doe your Lecturer or Lecturers preach in their Gownes and not in their Cloaks, according to his Maiesties Instructions, An. 1629. Doth he professe his willingnesse to take upon him a Living with cure of soules, in that place or Parish, in the which he Lectures or elsewhere. And doth he actually take such Cure or Benefce if any hath beene offered to him? 9 Is your Lecturer licensed by the Bishop of the Diocesse?Can. 5 And doth your Lecturer or any other Preacher that Lectureth or preacheth in your Church or Chappell, impugne or confute any Doctrine formerly delivered in the same, or in any Church neare adioyning, before hee hath acquainted the Bishop of the Diocesse therewith, and received order from him what to doe in that case for the avoiding of dissention? 10 Doth your Lecturer conforme himselfe to the Lawes,can. 5 Ordinances, ad Rites Ecclesiasticall established in the Church of England? If not, you are to certifie the same unto the Bishop of the Diocesse, or other Ordinary of the place, to the end that if the said Lecturer doe not conforme himselfe after admonition, his Licence may be voided, and himselfe removed? 11 Doth your Parson,Can. 21▪ Uicar, or Curate, administer the Communion in your Church or Chappell so often, and at such times, as every parishioner may communicate at least thrice in the yeare, whereof the Feast of Easter to be one?Can. 2▪ And doth he give warning to his parishioners publikely in the Church at Morning prayer the Sunday before, for the better preparation of themselves? And doe such as purpose to communicat signifie their minds unto the urate over night or the morning early? 12 Doth your Minister admit to the receiving of the holy Communi∣on,Can. 26▪ such of his Cure which be openly knowne to live in sinne notorious without repentance, or any who have openly or maliciously contended with their neighbours, and will not be induced by him to a reconcilement? Or any Church-wardens or Sidemen, who having taken oath to present to their Ordinaries every such publike offence, as they are particularly charged to enquire of in their severall parishes, shall wittingly incurre the horrible crime of periurie? 13 Doth he wittingly administer the same to any but to such as kneel,Can. 27. or to any that refuse to bee present at the publike prayers, or to any that bee common and notorious depravers of the booke of Common-prayer, or of any thing contained in the Booke of Articles agreed upon in the Convocation, Anno 1562. Or in the booke of Ordering Priests and Bishops, or to any that hath spoken against, and depraved his Maiesties Soveraigne Au∣thority in causes Ecclesiasticall, except such persons doe first acknowledge to the Minister before you the Church-wardens that hee is sorry for the same, and promise either by word of mouth, or under his hand to doe so no more? 14 Is the bread provided for the Holy Sacrament of the Lords Sup∣per,ubr. of the best and purest white-bread that may conveniently be gotten? Doth the Minister take the same into his hands to blesse and consecrate it to that holy use as oft as he administreth the Communion? Doth he so likewise with the wine provided? And if any bread or wine bee newly brought, doth he first use the words of the Institution before it be distribu∣ted to the Communicants?an. 1. 15 Doth your Minister as oft as he celebrateth the Communion,ubr. receive the Sacrament first in both kindes himselfe,an. 21. and having so received the same, doth he severally deliver the bread and wine to every Commu∣nicant in their hads knéeling? And at his delivery of the same, doth hee reherse the whole forme mentioned in the Communion Booke saying (The body of our Lord Iesus Christ, &c.) or doth he only use some part thereof, as he list himselfe? 16 Doth your Parson Uicar or Curate administer the Communion at any time publikely in the congregation except there be foure or three (at the least) to communicate with him?Rubr. & Doth he administer the same to any strangers, which come often and commonly from their owne Parish Chur∣ches? And doe you the Church-wardens give notice to your Minister of such strangers,Can. 28. 57. that so hee may remit them home to their owne Parish Churches, there to Communicate with thir owne Minister and neighbours? 17 Doth your Minister,Can. 71▪ except it be in times and cases of necessity, Preach or administer the holy Communion in any private house in which there is no Chappell dedicated and allowed by the Ecclesiasticall lawes of this Kingdome? Doth any Chaplaine living within your parish, preach or administer the Communion in any other place then in the Chappell of the said houses? Doth the Lords and Masters of such Chaplaines, or hou∣ses, at other times resort to their owne Parish Churches,Instructi∣ons. and there receive the holy Communion, at least once in the yeare? And doe any under No∣ble men, and men qualified by law keepe any private Chaplaine in their house or houses? 18 Doth your Minister refuse or delay to Christen any child that is brought to him to the Church on Sundayes or Holy-dayes,Can. 6▪ knowledge there∣of being given to him over night or in the morning before Morning prayer?Rubr▪ o Bap. Doth hee proceed therein in all things according to the forme of publike Baptisme in the Common prayer Booke,Can. 30. doth he neglect, refuse, or pre∣termit at any time to signe the child baptized with the signe of the crosse, or doth hee admit the parent of a childe to answer as a Godfather to his own childe,Can. 29. or any other person to be a Godfather or Godmother, before the said persn so undertaking hath received the holy Communion? 19 Doth your Minister being duly informed of the weaknesse and dan∣ger of death of any infant unbaptized in his Parish, and being thereupon desired to goe unto the place and baptize the same, either wilfully refuse to de it,Can▪ 69 or negligently delay the time, so that the child departeth without Baptisme hrough his defult: if the childe so baptized doe recover after∣wards, is it brought into the Church by the Godfathers and Godmothers, to the intent the congregation may bee certified of the Baptizing thereof, according to the orme prescribed in the Common prayer Book? 20 Doth your Minister having Cure and charge of oules,Can. 61 doe his best endeavour to prepare children,Can▪ 59. and make them ready for confirmation? And to that end,Rubr. of Conir. doth hee on every Sunday and Holyday before Evening prayer for the space of halfe an houre or more instruct the youth and ignorant▪ persons of the parish, according the Catechisme set forth in the Common prayer booke? And are the afternoone Sermons in your parish (if you had any formerly) turned into Catechising by way of questions and an∣swers according to the Kings Instructions?Instucti∣ns▪ 21 Doth your Minister either bring,Rub. of Confirm. or send in writing to the Bi∣shop of the Diocesse the names of all those Children of his parish which can answer to the questions contained in the Catechisme, that by the impositi∣on of hands and prayer, they may receive strength and defence against tem∣ptation? And doth he admit any person or persons to y• holy Commnion, un∣till such time as he or they can orderly say the catechisme and be confirmed? 22 Doth your Parson,Can. 62. Uicar, or Curate celebrate Matrimony be∣twixt any persons, without a facultie or Licence granted by authority Law∣full, or without the Banes of Matrimony first published, on three severall Sundayes or Holydayes, in the parish Church or Chappell where the said parties dwell, or at the times by Law prohibited without speciall Licence: Or doth he celebrate the same in any other place than in the Church, or in the Church at any other time than betweene the hours of eight and twelve in the forenoone, and at that time betwixt such persons as are under the age of twenty one yeares, without the consent of their parents signifie unto him▪ or a Licence granted to him so to doe? 23 Doth your Minister in the solemnizing of holy Matrimony keepe himselfe to the forme and Ceremonies prescribed in the Common Prayer booke,Rubr▪ of Matrimo∣ie. doth he at any time marry any without a King, or without going to the Lords Table, as it is appointed: Doth he in case there bee no Sermon read those Texts of Scripture, wherein the offices of man and wife, are de∣clared, according as it is prescribed? And doe the new married persons the same day of their marriage receive the holy Communion, as by Law they ought? 24 Doth your Minister or Curate resort to such of your parish as are dangerously sick (if the disease be nt probably suspected to be infectious) to instruct and comfort them in that distresse,Can. 87. doth hee exhort the sick party to be in charity with all the world,Rubr. of isitation. and to dispose of his goods, and declare his debts, and doth he move him and that most earnestly to liberalitie towards the poore, and to unburden his conscience? 25 If any sick person finde his conscience troubled with anyweighty matter,Rubr. of Visitation. and doth unburden the same to his Priest or Minister, doth the said Priest or Minister give him absolution according to the forme prescri∣bed:Can. 130 And have you ever heard that the said Priest or Minister hath re∣vealed and made knowne at any time to any person whatsoever, any crime or ffence committed to his trust and secrecy, either in case of such extremity, or any other case whatsoever (except they be such crimes as by the lawes of this Realme, the life of the sai Priest or Minister ma e called in que∣stin for concealing of it) declare the name of the offender, when and by whome you heare the ame? 26 Doth the Curate that ministreth in your parish,Rubrick of Com. upon convenient notice giuen him, administer the Communion unto such as be dangerously sicke, and not able to come unto the Church, and yet are desirous to receive the same in their houses, and are unquiet for he lack thereof: Or doth hee obstinately and wilfully refuse so to doe being thereunto required, and find∣ing all things necessary for the doing of it? 27 Doth your minister refuse or delay to bury any corps that is brought into the Church or Church-yard,Can. 68. convenient warning being given him before, except the partie deceased were denounced excommunicate for some grievous crime, Majori Excommunicatione, and no man able to te∣stifie of his repentance: And doth he do it decently and gravely, not swerv∣ing from the forme prescribed by the Church in the Common prayer booke? 28 Doth any woman in your parish after her delivery from the paines and perill of Childbirth refuse to come into the Church to render thanks to God for so great a mercy: Doth she goe thither covered with a decent veil according to the laudable and ancient custome: And being come doth she goe▪ nere unto the place where the Table standeth,Rubr. and offereth her accu∣stomed offerings: And doth your Minister doe his dutie in churching the said women according to the forme prescribed: And doth the woman that commeth to give her thakes▪ receive the holy Communion if there by any? 29 Doth your Minister at and upon seasonable times, especially on the first day of Lent, cause the people, to bee called together and assembled in the Church by the ringing of a Bell: And being drawne together doth hee read unto them the commination against sinners, with the other prayers appointed? DOth your Parson,Can. 1. Uicar, Curate, or Lecturer, (if you have any) purely and syncerely teach, manifest and declare foure times every yeare at the least in his Sermons and other Collations and Lectures that all usurped and forraigne power is for most iust caues taken away and abolished, and that therefore no obedience or subiection within his Maiesties Realmes and Dominions, is due unto any such forraigne power. And doth he preach the Doctrine of obedience, and the Kings authority ac∣cording to the Canons published, and set out by the late holy Synod,Can. 64. Anno 1640.Rub. of Com. 2 Doth your Minister declare to the parishioners, every Sunday at the time appointed in the Communion booke whether there be any Holy∣dayes or fasting-dayes in the following weeke: And doth hee call upon them to observe the same, according to the Lawes of the Land, and of ho∣ly Church? 3 Doth your Minister or Curate in the Rogation dayes goe in peram∣bulation about your parish saying and using the Psalmes and suffrages by Law appointed,Injuncti∣ons and Adverise¦ments of Q Elizb. as viz. Psalme 103. & 104. the Letany and suffrages, toge∣ther with the Homily set out for that end and purpose: Doth hee admonish the people to give thankes to God, if they see any likely hopes of plenty, and to call upon him for his mercy, if there be any feare of scarcitie: And doe you the Churchwardens assist him in it? 4 Doth your Curate serve more then one Church or Chappell upon one day,Can. 48. except the said Chappell be a member of the parish Church or united thereto:Can An. 1571. Cap. ult. How farre distant are the said Churches or Chappels which he serveth from one another? What wages hath he for his paines? 5 Doth your Minister if he be commanded by the Ordinary,Can. 65. openly on some Sunday denounce and declare for excommunicate, all those, who either for refusing to frequent the divine service of the Church, or for noto∣rious contumacie, or other notable crimes stand lawfully excommunicated by the lawes of the Church, that others thereby may bee admonished to re∣fraine their Companies: And doth your Minister himselfe refraine th company of persons excommunicated and so denounced? 6 Doth your Parson,Can. 74. Uicar, or Curate usually weare such apparell as is prescribed by the Canon, that is to say, a gowne with standing colla and wide sleeves straite at the hands, and a square cap: Or doth hee go at any time abroade in his dublet and hoe without coat or cassock, or doth he use to weare any light coloured stockings, dth he weare any oie, and wrought nightcaps, or only plaine night-caps of silke, sattin, or velvet: And in his iourneying, doth he usually weare a cloake with sleeves, com∣monly called the Priests cloak, without guards, wets, long buttons or cuts? 7 Doth your Parson,Can. 75. Uicar, or Curate resort at any time, other then for his honest necessities to any Tavernes, or Aleouses, or doth your Cu∣rate lodge or board, in any such places: Doe they or either of them give themselves to any base or servile labour, or to drinking or Riot, or to play∣ing at die, cards or tables, or to an other unlawfull game, or games: or doe they otherwise spend their time idly by day or by night? 8 Is there any in your Parish,Can. 76. who having beene a Deacon or Mini∣ster hath voluntaryly relinquished his calling, and doth ue himselfe in the course of his lie as a lay man, what are their names that have forsaken their said callinge? 9 Doth your Minister (if he be a Preacher,Can. 66▪ and thought fit by your Bishop) having any popish Recusant, or Recusants in his parish, labour diligently with them from time to time,Can. 66. thereby to reclaime them from their errours: And if he be n Preacher, or not such a Preacher, doth hee procure some that are Preachers so qualified, to take paines with them to that purpose? 10 Doth your Parson,Can. 114 Uicar, or Curate, carefully informe himselfe every yeare, how many popish Recusants, men, woemen, and children a∣bove the age of thirteene yeares, or being otherwise popishly given, are in∣habitants within their parish or parishes, or make their abode there, either as soiourners or common guests? 11 Doth your Minister every Sunday weekly (if there be occasion) in the presence of you the Churchwardens,Can. 70. write and record in the▪ Register-booke the names of all persons christened, together with the names and sur∣names of their parents, as also, the names and surnames of all persons married and buried in that parish the weeke before, and the day and eare of every such Christening, Marriage, and Burial, and unto every page ther∣of when it is fild, do you and your said Minister subscribe your names: And is a true coppie of the said Christnings, Marriages, and Burials, subscri∣bed with the names of your Minister and you the Churchwardens, trans∣mited yearely within one moneth after the 25 of March, unto the Bishop of the Dioesse to be preserved in his Registry? 12 Doth your Minister in the parish Church or Chappell, where ee hath charge, reade the Canons, Orders, and Constitutions, (agreed on in the Synod held at London, Anno 1603.) once every yeare upon some Sundayes or Holydayes in the afternoone before Divine Ser∣vice: and doth he so divide the same, as the one halfe may be read one day▪ and the other halfe the other day? Whether hath your Minister, Churchwardens, and Sidemen, presented unto the Lord Bishop of London, or his Chancellour, within fortie dayes after aster, the names of all the Parishioners, as well men as woemen, which being bove 16. yeares of age, received not the Communion, at or about Easter be∣ore according to the 112. Canon; If not, you shall present, whether that resentment should have beene brought in by your selves or your predecessors, nd specifie the names of every one that should have made such presentment at aster last past? DOth any man in your Parish each either in publike Schoo or ivae house,Can. 77. but such as e allowed by the Bishop of the Diocesse or other Ordinary of the place under his hand and Seale:Can. 78. And if there no publike Grammer-schoole founded in yur parish, doth any other teac Schoole in your parish, than your Curae only, if he be willing so to doe? 2 Doth your Schoolemaster teach in English or Latine,Can. 79. as the children are able to beare, the shorter or longer Catechisme set forth by Authority and no other: doth he on Sundayes and Holydayes when there is Sermon cause his Shollers to ome unto the Church, and there see the quietly and orderly behave themselves▪ And doth he traine them up at in sentences of holy Scripture▪ And doth he teach them any other Grammar than that which was set forth by King. Henry VIII. an hath since contiued▪ 3 Have you belonging to your Church or Chappell a Parish Clark aged:Can. 91. 21. yeares at the least? As he of converstion, sufficient his reading, writing: and also for his said Clarke chosen by any your Parson, Uicar, o other Minister. An doth your Clarke so chosen as before is said, receiv his , without any fraud or diminution, as hth beene a who is it that denyeth to pay that wages? 4 Dth your Seten or your Parish Clarke (if there be no Seton) whn,Can. 67. and as often as any person in passing out of this life, cause Bell be tolled, that so his neighbours may be warned to recommend his soule the grace of God? And after the said parties death (if it so all out) doth ring or cause one short peale to be orthwith run, that so his neighbour may have notice that he is departed: Whether do you the Churchwardens of every Parish within the Ciie an Suburbs of London (according to the Kings Majesties Letters Patents, unde the great Seale of England in that behalfe granted) suffer your Parish Clar to gather his wages himselfe, in as full and ample manner, as the fame ha formerly beene gathered, in or by colour of his name, without dimintio upon preence of pewage, or the like, and without any manner of disturban or interruption or forbidding any one so to pay the same unto him, and whther doe you assist your Clarke in collecting his wages (if need be) accordin to his Majesties said Letters Patent: and whether doe you duely present a such persons of your Parish as refuse to pay the said Clarkes accustomed wage as by his Majesties said grant, you are required and commanded? IS there any in your Parish either Maser or servant,Can 109 Soiourer or Inhabiter, that hath offended either by Adultery, Whoredome, Incest, or drunennesse, or by swearing, ribaldry, (or filthy speaking) usury, or any other uncleannesse, or wickednesse of life? you shall faithfully present all and every the said offenders. 2 Doe you know of any in your Parish,Can. 110 or elsewhere, that is an hin∣derer of the word of God to be read, or syncerely preached, or of the execu∣tion of any Ecclesiasticall Canons, now by law in force? or a faour of any usurped or forraigne power, by the lawes of this Realme ustly rejected and taken away, or a defendour of any popish and erronious do∣ctrine? you shall deect, and faithfully present. &c. 3 Have you in your parish any popish Recusants,Can. 114. men, women▪ or children, above the age of 13. yeares, whether inhabitants, or sojour∣ners, and common guests, that refuse to come to Church, or comming to the Church, refuse to receive the Communion? you shall set downe their names in writing, if you know their names, or otherwise▪ those names by which they are called, and who they are that entertaine such guests or sojourners. 4 Have you any that disswade any of his Majesies subjects,Q Eliz. . from com∣ming to the Divine Service in this Church established, or that haue or doe practise with any of them to disswade them from taking the oath of Allegiance▪ or that have any wayes offended against the Canon lately made, for the suppressing of popish superstition: 5 Doe all and every person or persons inhabiting or soourning with∣in your Parish,1 Ez. c. diligenly and faithfully resort unto your parish Church, or Chappell accustomed, upon euery Sunday, and other dayes appointed to be ued and kept as Holydayes, doe they then and there abide orderly and soberly, the time of common prayer, preaching, or other service of God there to be used, or mnistred? Or, (which is contrary thereunto) have you any that come unto the preachings only,Can. Ann 157 1. c. 5 and not un∣to the common prayer, or comming to the common prayer, neither use to come at the beginning,Can. 111 nor arry out unto the end? Or that being there doe rudely and disorderly behave themselves, or which by walking, talking, or any other noise doe hinder the Minister or Preacher? 6 Have you any that upon the Sundayes or Holydaies, imploy them∣selves in their bodily and ordinary labour, or that permit their servants so to doe? Or that keepe open Shops in time of divine Service? Or any Uintners,Can: An 1571. Inn-keepers, or other Uictuallers, that permit any to lie tip∣ling in their houses, or that doe tipple, dice▪ or play at cards, or any o∣ther game in time of divine Service on the aforesaid dayes? Or that use any plowing, carting, or workes of husbandry, on any of those Sundayes or holydayes, throughout the yeare, unlesse according to Law, or other∣wise dispose themselves then according o Gods holy will and pleasure, and the orders of the Church of England presribed in that behale, and by Law in force? 7 Doth any manner of person cover his head in your Church or Chap∣pell in time of divine Service or Sermon,Can. 18. or any part thereof, except he have some infirmitie, and in case of such infirmitie, doth he weare a co or nightcap only, and not his hat? doe all and every person of your pa∣rish reverently kneele upon their knees, when the generall Confession, the Letany, the ten Commandements and other prayers are read, and also at the receiving the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper, doe they all say the Creed, and Lords prayer, next immediately following in a loud voice together with the Minister?Can. 18. doe they stand up at the saying of the Beliefe, and such other parts of divine Service as formery they have beene used to stand up at, according to the Rules and ancient custome of this Church? And when and as often as in the time of divine Seruice the Lord Iesus shall be mentioned, is due and lowly reverence done by all persons present? have you any that offend in the neglect of these parti∣culars▪ and what are there names? 8 Have you any parishioner that being 16.Can. 114 yeares of age doth not re∣ceive the Communion,Rubr. at the least thrice in the yeare, of which Easter to be one, or that doth not receive the Sacraments, and other rites accor∣ding to the order of the common prayer booke?Can. 122 Or that doth not reckon with his Parson Uicar or Curate, or his or their deputies at Easter, yearely paying such Ecclesiasticall duies as are accustomably due then, and at that time to be paid? 9 The Minister standing as he is appointed at the North side,Rubr. or end of the Table, when hee prepares to celebrate the holy Communion, and calling on those who doe intend to communicate, to draw neare and take that holy Sacrament to their comfort,nviation as it is in the words of the common prayer booke, have you any in your parish that keepe their seats, and sit still in their places, not drawing neare as is commanded by the Church, but looking that the Minister should forsake the place of his station, by the Church appointed, to bring it to them? 10 Is there any of your parish,an. 58. who doth forsake his owne Church or Chappell to receive the Communion at the hands of any other than their owne Minister, or any strangers that usually repaire to your Church or Chell to the same intent, or any that refuse to receive the holy Com∣munion at e hands of their owne Minister, because hee is no Preacher or to have their children baptized by him in the same respect, or that in the same respects communicate, or cause their children to be baptized in other Parishes abroad? Or doth your Minister baptize any children presented unto him out of other Parishes? you shall present the names of all offen∣ders in these particulars. 11 Have you any that procure their children to be baptized at home in their houses without great cause and necessity,Rubr of B or by any other than their own lawfull Minister if he may be had? Or after any other form and man∣ner than is prscribed by the Liturgie of the Church of England, or any that procure themselves to be married privately, or fter any other man∣ner than the Church prescribes? 12 Do all and every housholder of your Parish,Can. 59 Fathers, Mothers, Ma∣sters & Mistresses, cause their children, seruants, and apprentises, which have not learned their catechisme, come unto the Church on Sundayes and Holydayes in the afternoone, obediently to heare and to be ordered by the Minister till they have learnt the same. 13 Have you any in your Parish that refuse to contribute,Can. 91 and pay the rate assssed pon him,Can. 8 for the repaire of your Church or Chappll, or the providing of any bookes, utensils or necessary ornaments to the same be∣longing? present the names of those which doe so refuse. 14 Have you any that keepe company and hold society with suc as are denounced and declared Excommunicate?Can. 6 15 Have you any living in your Parish,Can. 10 which have beene legally se∣parated and divorced, have afterwards beene married unto others, either men or women, during the life of each other, or that being so divorced as afore is said, keepe company with each other at bed and at board? Or a∣ny that being lawfully married, doe yet live asunder, without a separation in due course of law? 16 Have you any persons in your Parish▪Can. 9 which are and have been mar∣ried within the dgrees prohibited by the Lawes of God, and expressed in a Table set forth by authority? And is the said Table publikely set up and fixd in your Church or Chappell at the Charge of the Parish? 17 Are there in your Parish any Wills unproved,Can. or any goods un∣administred by lawfull Authority? Did any dying in your Parish give any legacy unto your Church or Chappell, or to the use of the▪ poore and needy? how have the said legacies so given beene disposed of by whom and by whose Authority? And have they otherwise beene disposed of, then to the said pious and charitable uses? Whether is there in your parish, a common fame and report of any which have committed Adulterie, Fornication, or Incest, or any Baudes, harbourers, or receivers of such persons, or vehemently suspected thereof, if yea, then specifie their names; Whether have you any in your Parish, which are by common fame and report and vehement suspition, reputed and taken to be common Drunkards, blasphemers of Gods holy Name, common and usu∣all swearers, filthy speakers, railers, sowers of discord among their neighbours, or speakers against Ministers Marriages; or Vsurers, contrary to the Staute made in the 37. yeare of King Henry the eighth? you shall not faile to present their names. Whether have any in your Parish, received or harboured any women with child, suspected to be of a incontinent life, or have had any such woman delivered of child in his or her house, or have suffered such women to depart without penance first inflicted upon them by the Ordinary, if yea, you shall present as well the partie harbouring, as harboured, and all that help to con∣veigh them away, and the parties suspected to have committed adultery or fornication with them. Whether doe you know, or have heard of any Patron, or any having an Advowson in your Parish, that have made gaine by any colour, deceit, or Sy∣moniacall pact in bestowing his Beefice and presenting to the same for gaine, for or receiving money, or promise of the Lease of the whole or part▪ or by re∣serving his owne tithes, or any pension to himselfe, or any other? What Almes-houses, Hospitals, Free-schooles have you in your Parish, that are not of te Foundation or Patronage of the King, and who was the Patron or Founder thereof, and whether the said Almes-houses, Hospitals, or Free-schooles in your Parish, being under the Rule and Government of the Lord Bishop of London, be well and godly used, according to the ancient Foundations and Ordinances of the same. Whether any Persons within your Parish, either for the offences aforesaid, or for any other contumacy or crime, doe remaine excommunicated, what be their names, and for what cause, and how long have they stood excommu∣nicated? ARe you the Churchwardens chosen by the ioynt consent of your Minister and Parishioners,n. 89 or one of you by the Minister, and the other by the Parishioners: Have the last Churchwardens given up their accounts, delivering up to the Parishioners the money remaining in their hands, and other things of right belonging to your Church or Chappell, and is the same delivered to you by bill indented? 2 Do you the Churchwardens and Sidemen diligently see that all your parishioners resort duly to your Church or Chappell,Can. 90▪ upon Sundayes and Holydayes, and there continue the whole time of Divine Service? doe you sufer any to walke or stand idle or talk in the Church or in the Church-yard,Can. 19. 90 or Churchporch, during that time, to the disturbance of the Minister and scandall of the congregation? You must present the names of such as offend herein? 3 Do you against the time of every Communion,Can. 20. at the charge of the Parish provide a sufficient quantitie of fine white bread, and of good and wholesome wine, for the number of the Communicants? And doe you doe the same with the advice and direction of your Minister? And the wine so provided, do you bring to the Communion Table in a cleane and sweet standing pot or flaggon? 4 Doe you the Churchwardens and Sidemen see,Can. 52. that the names of all Preachers which come to your Church from other places, be noted in a booke prouided for that purpose? And doth every such Preacher subscribe his name in the said booke, the day when he preached, and the name of the Bishop of whom he had licence to preach? 5 If there be any publike dissension and contradicting in your Pul∣pit,Can. 53. betweene the Minister of your Church or Chappell, and any other Preacher or Preachers, whereby disqietnesse and offence may grow a∣mong the people, doe you forthwith signifie the same unto the Bishop, and not suffer the partie to enjoy the place so by him abused, untill the Bishop hath taken further order in it? 6 Doe any person or persons,Can. 115 trouble or molest you the Churchwar∣dens, for presenting all or any of those persons, which do offnd in any of the premisses, who are they that doe so molest or trouble you, and before whom, and in what Court doe they so molest you? 7 Doe you the Churchwardens leuie by way of distresse,1. Eliz. . on the goods Lands and Teements of every person in your Parish, that doth not re∣ort unto your Parish Church or Chappell on every Sunday and Holy∣day throughout the yeare,Ca. 1571▪ (having no reasonable excuse to bee absent) the umme of xii. pence, for every Sunday or Holydaie that he is so absent? And doe you distibute the severall summes so levied as before is said, a∣mong the poore of the parish, according to the Law in that case provided? 8 Have you had time sufficient for drawing up of your presentments?Can. 119 ow long is it since this booke of Articles was sent unto you? have you erused and considered as well the Oath you are to take, as the Articles hereon to ground your presentments, and very branch and clause there∣of, and have you framed your presentments punctually, according to the everall branches and clauses of those Articles? For know assuredly that as well the discharging of your Office,Can. 6. is the chiee mees whereby pub∣like sinnes and offences may be reformed and punished, so if you willly omit to present such crimes as either you know to be commied, or other∣wise have heard by publike fame,Cn. 117 that in such cases your Ordnaries are to proceed against you, as in causes of wilfull perjurie, in their Ecclesiasticall Courts? IS the Chancellor,Can. Art. 1571. p. 11. Commissarie, or Officiall, that exerciseth Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction according as you know or have heard in holy Orders of the Ministerie,Can. An. 1603. c. 127. or if he be not, is he well affected and zealously bent towards Religion, and such a man touching whose life no evill ex∣ample is had? 2 Doe they or any of them substitute any in their absence to keepe Court for them,Can. 178 that is not either a grave Minister, and a Graduate, o a licensed publike Preacher, and a Benificed man neare the place where the Courts are kept, or a Batchellour of Law, or a Master of Ars at the least, who hath some skill in the Civill and Ecclesiasticall Lawes? Is he or they so substituted, a favourer of true Religion, and a man of modest and honest conversation? Declare the truth according to your knowledge or best information in these particulars. 3 Do they or any of them (not being themselves in holy Orders) pro∣nounce the sentence of Excommunication,Can An. 1571. or leave it only to the Bishop, and is the same pronounced only by the Bishop, or by some grave man o his appointment, which is in the Ministery? Or doe they or any of them absolve any that are Excommunicated at his or their owne house or hou∣ses, or otherwise in private houses, or only openly and in the Consistorie declare your knowledge in this point. 4 Doth your Chancellor,Can. An. 1571. & 1597. Archdeacon, Commisarie or Officiall take upon him, or them to ater any penanc enjoyned without leave o the Bishop? Have they or either or any of them, commted any penan with any dwelling in your Parish? What summe of monie hath beene ta∣ken for the said commutation? Is the said summe made knowne unt you in the congregation either by the penitent himselfe, or by the Ministe of your Parish, As by the Canons of the yeare 1597. it ought to be An being so made knowne, hath the same summe or summes of monie, bee distributed on the poore of your Parish▪ or otherwise bestowed upon pio uses? And on what pious uses, as you have beene credibly informed, wa the samebestowed? 5 Doth your Chancellor,Can. 120▪ Archdeacon, Oficiall, or other Ecclesi∣asticall Iudge, suffer any generall Processe of Quoum Nomina▪ to be sent out of the Court, except the names of all such as be cited▪ are first exprese entered by the hand of the Register or his Deputie, and the said procsses and names be subscribed by the Iudge or his Deputie, and his seale of Of∣fice thereto affixed? 6 Doth the Chancellor,Can. 12. or any Commissarie within your Dio∣cesse, cite any of your Parish for any crime into his court, that hath beene formerly detected or presented to the Archdeacon? Or doth your Arch∣deacon cite any dwelling in your Parish, to appeare before him for any rime presented to the Chancellor in his Uisitation? by which of the two aforesaid Iurisictions was the partie offending cited last? 7 Doth your Chancellor,Can. 123▪ Commissarie▪ Archdeacon, Officiall, or a∣ny other using Ecclesiasticall Iurisiction, speede any Iudiciall▪ Act ex∣cept he have the Ordinary▪ Register of the court, or his lawfull Deputy, or else such persons to write and speed the same, as are by aw allowed in that behalfe? Or have they, or either, or any of them, without the Bishops consent any moe seales then one, for the sealing of all mat∣ters incident to his or their Office? And doth the said Seale remaine in the custodie of the Iudge himselfe, or of the lawfull substitute by him ap∣pointed? And is the same kept in the Citie or principall Towne in the ountie, as the Law requireth? 8 Doth your Chancellor,Can. 125. Commissarie, Archdeacon, Officiall or others exercising any Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction, or eithr or any of them, appoint such place or places for the keeping of their Courts, as are conve∣nient for the entertainment of those that are to make their appearance there, and most indifferent for travell? And doe they end in their Courts in such convenient time or times, as every man may returne homewards in as due season as may be? 9 Hath any Register unto your knowledge,Ca. 134 or as you have credibly beene informed, receiued wittingly any certificate without the know∣ledge of the Iudge? Or willingly omitted to call any persons cited to ap∣peare upon any Court day? Or that hath unduely put off, and deferred the Examination of witnesses to be examined by a day, set and assig∣ned by the Iudge? Or that hath set downe or enacted any thing false, or conceited by himselfe, as decreed by the Iudge, or not as so ordered or de∣creed by the Iudge? Or that hath received any reward in any Causes whatsoever in favour of any partie, or that is of counsell directly or indi∣rectly with either of the parties in suit? declare your knowledge in these particulars. 10 Doh any Register or any other Minister of Ecclesiastical Courts or any of the Iudges of the said Courts take or receive any other or grea∣ter fees, then such as were ratified and approved by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Anno 1597. and contained in the Tables of fees, for that purpose made: And are two Tables, containing the severall rates and summes of the said fees,Can. 136 set up according to the Law in that case provided? That is to say, one of them in the usuall place or Consistorie where the Court is kept, and the other of them in the Registry, or Registers Of∣fice? And are they set up in such sort that every man whom it concerneth may without difficultie come to the view thereof and take a copie of them if they so desire?Can. 137 And doth any Register or other Ecclesiasticall Officer take more for shewing Letters of Orders▪ then is appointed in the 137. Canon? 11 Doth any Proctor take upon him to appeare in any Cause or pretend to be entertained in the same,Can. 19 unlesse hee be constituted and ap∣pointed by the party himselfe either before the Iudge and in open Court, or by sufficient Proxie conrmed by some authenticall Seale, the parties ratification therewithall concurring? If you know any such present him, that so he may be punished as the law provides? Or doth any Proctor ake the oath in Animam Domini, in any cause what ever, contrary to the ordinance of holy Church? 12 How many Apparatours have you in your Diocsse or Archdea∣conrie,Can. 138 as you either know or doe conjecture? Doe they or any of them execute their Office by themselves or by their Deputies? And if by their Deputies, then is the cause of such their deputation and employment made knowne and approved of by the Ordinary of the place? Doe they take upon them the Offfce of Promotrs or Informers for the Court, or exact more or greater fees then are prescribed in the Tables before remembred? What other abuses and aggrievances can you complaine of justly in the said Apparators? Whether any Archdeacon or Officiall within the Diocesse of London hath or doth commute or change any pnance or corporall punishment, in whole or in part, and what money such Archdeacon or Officiall hath received, what offence was for which any summe of money was received, or appointed to be paid? set downe the particulars of the premisses. Whether any Archdacon or Officiall, or his Surrogate, have within thes three yeares last past, granted any Licences for the Marriage of any parties in your parish Church, or elsewhere, whether hath your Minister by vertue o the said Licences, so married them, and by whom the said Licences were so gran∣ted, and you are likewise required by vertue of your corporall oath to make di∣ligent search in the Register booke of marriages kept within your parish, what parties have beene married by the said authoritie, and if you know any such, present their names, and places where they dwell. Whether have you in your Parish any Curats, Schoolemasters, Physitians, Churgions, Parish Clarkes, or Midwives, licensed by any other authority than of the Lord-bishop of this Diocesse, or his Chancellor, and whether any fees have beene demanded or received by any other besides the Lord Bishop of this Diocesse, or his Chancellor, in the Lord Bishops Visitation, for exhibiting the said licences? Whether any Commissarie, Archdeacon, or Officiall, have at any time, especially within these three yeares last past, intermedled in the placing or dis∣placing of any persons in pewes, in your Parish Churches, or have granted any confirmation of seates, under his seale of office, or by his authority hath caused to be removed the Pulpit, or Font, or reading Deske fom their an∣cient and accustomed place, or given way to making of doores or win∣dowes in Churches or Chappels, or erecting of Galleries? Whether any Commissarie, Archdeacon or Officiall have proved the Wils, or granted Administration of the goods of any beneficed man or Curat dying within his Iurisdiction, or of any other person being in holy Orders? THey are not to bring in any Bills into the Archdeacons Court upon the Articles to be enquired of in their Visitation, by reason of my Lords Visitation, but only now during the said Visitation, to make their presentments upon these Articles. They are therefore charged, that after their Oath taken, and their returne home, they doe require their Minister to reade over both the Book of Canons or Constitutions, set forth by his Majestie, in the Convocation holden in the year of our God, 1604. and also these Articles unto them, and to consider of every particular Article, and of the offences by them to be presented, as also of such persons in their Parish as shall bee noted to offend in the same: and so the Church-wardens and Side-men assembling themselves together within some convenient time, are to make their Bill, an∣swering every Article by it selfe, before the time hereafter appointed them, which Bill shall be signed with the hands of all the Church-wardens and Sidemen, with conference had with their Minister upon the said Bill of present∣ment, who, according to the 26. Canon▪ is to see that the said Church-war∣dens doe their duties in presenting, upon the penaltie in the 26. Canon pre∣scribed. These Bills shall be brought by both the Church-wardens AT the delivery of your Bill of presentment, at the time and place be∣fore set downe, you the Church-wardens are likewise in the said Bill, to set downe the names of all such as have died within your parish at any, time since the day of Iuly last past being Men, Maides or Widowes: and what person or persons have beene married since the said time, and by what Licence or authority: and likewise you the Mini∣ster, Church-wardens and Side-men of every Parish, must in the end of the said Bill of presentment, set downe, the number of all Recusants, and non-Communicants as followeth Recusants men— Recusants women.— Non-Communicants of both sex.— Communicants of both sex in the whole Parish So setting down the number of every one, you the Minister, Church-wardens and Side-men must put your hands to the said Note.
A00215.P4	Articles to be inquired of by the minister, churchwardens, and sidemen of euery parish, and precinct, within the archdeaconrie of London according to the speciall direction of certaine letters heretofore sent to the Lord Bishop of London, from the right honourable lords of the Privie Councell.	[ "Church of England. Archdeaconry of London.", "England and Wales. Privy Council.", "Church of England. Diocese of London. Bishop (1611-1621 : King)" ]	ca. 1615]	T. Purfoot,	[London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Anti-Catholicism -- England -- London.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England -- London.", "Great Britain -- History -- James I, 1603-1625.", "Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century." ]	INprimis, whether there be any in your Parish, either Parishio∣ners, Soiourners, or such as be late came out of other Countries, into your parish, which do refuse, or neglect, to come to diuine Seruice, to their Parish Church, or else where: and what be their names, and Sir-names, & how long they haue refused so to do? 2 Item, how many of their wiues, and Children, aboue the age of Sixteene yeares, Seruants, and other Soiourners abiding in their Houses, doe likewise refuse so to do? And what bee their names, and Sir-names, and how long they haue refused so to doe? 3 Item, whether there be any in your Parish, which bée suspected to haue béen re∣conciled to the Popish Religion? or to haue been absolued? or any that procured, or counselled any thereunto, and what be their names, and Sir-names? 4 Item, whether there bee any in your parish, which be suspected to bée Massing Priests, Reconcilers, Iesuits, Seminaries, or other persons which haue receiued a∣ny orders or authority from the Romish Church, to vse the like: And what be their names and Sir-names? 5 Item, whether there be any Schoolemaisters, within your Parish, which do not bring vp their youth, in the Religion now professed, or bee not themselues dili∣gent, in repairing to diuine Seruice, or bringing their Scholers to it? IN euery Parish, where any manner of person dwelleth, or soiourneth, which re∣fuseth, or neglecteth to go to the Church, to heare diuine Seruice; The Minister, & Churchwardens, of the parish, ar commanded, euery Moneth from henceforth, to go to euery such person, with the Sidemen, or else with two, or thrée honest witnesses, and before those Sidemen, or witnesses, to require euery such person, to repaire to the Church, to heare diuine Seruice. And the sayd Minister, and Churchwardens and Sidemen, are commanded to send a Certificate or pretentment in writing, signed with the hands, markes, and seales of the said Minister, Churchwardens, and Side∣men, to their Ordinarie, alwayes on the tenth day before Midsomer day, on the tenth day before Michaelmas day, on the tenth day before Christmas day, and on the tenth day before the Feast day, of the Annunciation of the blessed Virgin Mary, without further delay. So as returne of such Certificate may be made in time to the Custos Rotulorum at euery Sessions, next ensuing those Feasts, testifying as well the manner, and time of their admonishments, of such Recusants whatsoeuer they be, as their answers; And when, and whether they went to Church, euery Moneth, after such admonition giuen to them as aforesayd. Or whether any such person hath wilfully withdrawne himselfe, from taking, or vnderstanding such admonition; and also declaring the names, sirnames, and abiding places, of euery one that shall of∣fend, in any part, or clause of the aboue written Articles. This euery Minister, and Churchwarden, is straightly charged, to shew his diligence in, and effectually to do, as they, and euery of them, shall and will answer to the contrary, at their perils. You shall bring your Presentment into Mr. Hulets Office at the west end of old Fish street in London, ten dayes before euery Quarter, at the vttermost, specifying the proper, & Sir∣name, title, and addition, of euery person presented, and how many Monethes they haue re∣fused, or neglected to come, to heare diuine Seruice, in their parish Church, before the day of the making of your Presentment.
A00227.P4	Articles to be inquired of in the visitation to be had in the byshopricke of Norwyche, now vacant in the fourth yere of our most drad souerayn lorde Edwarde the sixte ... by the moste Reuerend father in God, Thomas Archebyshop of Cantorbery, prymate of all England and metropolitan.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of Norwich.", "Cranmer, Thomas, 1489-1556.", "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1533-1556 : Cranmer)" ]	M.D.XL.IX. [1549]	[Printed by Reynold Wolfe],	Londini :	eng	[ "Church of England. -- Diocese of Norwich -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England -- Norwich." ]	FYRST, whether they haue exhorted the people to obedi∣ence to the Kynges maiestee, and his ministers, and to vse charitee & loue, one to an other Also, whether any preacher or any other person hath affir¦med the ynges maiestee, that now is, not to be a full kynge, or not to haue his full power and auctoritee in al thynges, duryng his tender age, or his subiectes not to be bounde to obey his la∣wes made in the same age, as well as yf he were xxx. or. xl. yeares of age. Item, whether your persones, vicars and cu∣rates or mynisters, doo vse onely the Mattins, Euensong, celebration of the Lordes supper, and administration of eche of the Sacramentes, and all other Cōmon and open praier, in suche order and forme, as is mencioned in the boke of com∣mon praier, of late sette forthe in englysshe, and none other, or otherwyse. ITEM, whether there be any that doo preache, declare or speake any thyng in the derogation or deprauyng of the said boke of common praier, or seruice of this Churche of Englande, or against any thyng therin cōteyned, or of any part therof. Also, whether any person or persons, what soe∣uer they be, do in any enterludes, plaies, songes, rimes, or by any other open wordes, declare or speake any thyng in the derogation, deprauyng, or despysynge the sayd booke of Seruice. Item, whether they haue charged fathers and mothers, maisters and gouernours of youth, to bring thē vp in som vertuous study or occupatiō Item, whether suche beneficed men as be lau∣fully absent from their benefices, doo leaue their cure to a rude and vnlearned persone, and not to an honest well learned and experte curate, which can and wyll teache you holsome doctrine. Item, whether they haue prouyded in euery of theyr cures one boke of the whole Byble of the largest volume, in Englyshe, and the Paraphra∣sis of Erasmuz also in englyshe vpon the Gos∣pelles, and sette vp the same in some conuenient place in the Churche, where theyr parisheoners maye moste commodiousely resorte to the same. Item, whether they be common haunters and resorters to tauernes or alehouses, geuyng them selues to drynkyng, riottyng, or playeng at vn∣laufull games, and doo not occupy them selues in the readyng or hearyng of some part of holye Scripture, or in some other godly exercise. Item, whether they haue admitted any man to preache in their cures, not beyng laufully ly∣cenced thervnto, or haue refused or denied such to preache, as haue been lycenced accordyngly, Item, whether they haue heretofore declared to their parishioners any thyng to the extollyng or settyng foorthe of pylgremages, relykes, or Images, or lyghtyng of candels, kyssyng, knee∣lyng, deckynge of the same Images, or any su∣che superstition, and haue not openly recanted and reproued the same. Item, whether they haue one boke or regester safely kepte, wherin they write the daye of euery weddynge, christenyng, and buryng. Item, whether they be resident vpon their be∣nefices, and kepe hospitalitee or no, and if they be absent or kepe no hospitalitee, whether thei do make due distribution among the poore paryshe∣oners or not. Item, whether all maner proprietaries, perso∣nes, vicars and clerkes, hauyng churches, cha∣pelles, or mansions, doo keepe theyr chauncel∣les, rectories, and all other howses appertey∣nyng to theym, in due reparations. Item, whether they haue counsailed or moued theyr parisheoners rather to praie in a tunge not knowen, then in englyshe, or to put theyr trust in any prescribed numbre of praiers, as in saiynge ouer a numbre of beades, or other lyke. Also, whether they haue bought theyr benefi∣ces, or come to them by fraude or deceipte. Item, whether they haue geuen open moniti∣on to theyr parisheoners to detecte and present to their ordinary all adulterers and fornicatours, and suche men as haue two wyues lyuynge, and suche women as haue two husbandes lyuynge, within theyr paryshes. Also, whether euery paryshe haue prouyded a stronge cheste for the poore mens boxe, and sette and fastened the same neere to the hygh altare. Item, whether they haue diligentely exhorted and moued their parishoners, and specially when they make theyr testamentes, to geue to the sayd poore mennes boxe, to bestowe the same vppon the poore. Item, whether you knowe any persone within your paryshe, or els where, that is a letter of the woorde of God to bee redde in englyshe, or syn∣cerely preached, or of the execution of the kynges maiestees procedynges in matters of religion. Item, whether there bee any other grammar taught in any schoole within this diocesse, than that whiche is set forth by the kynges maiestee. Item, whether any haue wylfully mainteyned and defended any heresies, errours, or false opi∣nions contrary to the faithe of Christe, and holy Scripture. Item, whether any haue commytted adultery, fornication, or incest, or be common baudes, and receyuers of suche euyll persones, or vehement∣ly suspected of any of the premisses. Item, whether any be braulers, sclanderers, chyders, scolders, and lowers of discord betwene one person and an other. Item, whether you knowe any that vse char∣mes, sorcery, enchauntmentes, witchecraft, soth∣sayeng, or any lyke crafte inuented by the diuell. Item, whether any Inholders or alehouse ke∣pers, doo vse commonly to sell meate and drynke in the tyme of common praier, preachynge, rea∣dynge of the Homilies or scripture. Item, whether you knowe any executours or administratours of dead mens goodes, whiche doo not duely bestowe suche of the sayd goodes, as were geuen and bequeathed, or appoynted to be distributed amonge the poore people, repay∣ryng of high waies, fyndyng of poore scholers, or maryeng of poore maydens, or such other lyke charitable dedes. Item, whether you knowe any that speaketh agaynst the baptisme of chyldren, or agaynst the holy communion. Item, whether ye knowe any that say, that the wickednes of the mynister doothe take away the effecte of Christ is sacramentes. Item, whether ye know any that say, that chri¦sten men can neuer be allowed to repentaunce, yf they synne voluntaryly after baptysme. Item, whether ye knowe any that affirme all thinges to be common, or that there ought to be no magistrates, gentlemen, or riche menne, in christian realmes. Item, whether you knowe any that saye, that christian men may not swere, or take an othe be∣fore a iudge, or go to lawe one with an other: or maye sweare contrary to the trewthe. Item, whether ye know any that say, that pri∣uate personnes may make insurrections, vprors or sedition: or compell men by forse or feare, to gyue them anye of theire goodes. Item, whether you knowe any that holdeth, that Christ dyd not take fleshe and bloude of the blessed virgyne Mary. Item, whether you knowe any that saye, that. Magistrates may not punyshe by death notori∣ous malefactors, or vse any compulsion or warre Item, whether euery Sonday at the least, you haue a communion in your paryshe churche, ac∣cordyng to the kynges graces booke in that be∣halfe, and if not, in whome is the defaute. Item, whether your minister doo admitte any notorious euyll lyuer to the holy communion be∣fore the amendement of his naughty lyfe, or any that is in malyce, before reconciliation be had in that behalfe. Item, whether in the communion, preachyng, or diuine seruice tyme, any iangle, talke, walke or otherwyse trouble or let the same. Item, whether ones in syxe wekes at the least your ministers doo here some chyldren saye the Catechisme openly in the churche of the holyday at after noone before Euensonge, accordyng to the kynges booke in that behalfe. Item, whether any absent them selues from ser¦mons, the readyng of the Homilies, or other di∣uine seruice in the churche on holy daies.
A00229.P4	Articles to be enquired of within the dioces of Norwiche, in the metropoliticall visitation of the moste Reuerend father in God, Mathew, by the prouidence of God, Archebyshop of Canterbury Primate of all Englande, and Metropolitane, in the yeare of our Lorde God, M. D. LXVII.	[ "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1559-1575 : Parker)", "Parker, Matthew, 1504-1575.", "Church of England. Diocese of Norwich." ]	Anno domini M. D. LXVII. [1567]	By Reginalde Wolfe,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	1 FIrste, that you doe with all diligence trauell to re∣duce the state of the clergye vnto one vniforme or∣der in their ministration and preaching: and that wt∣out any parciall respect you will put in dew execution the Queenes maiesties Ecclesiasticall lawes, Statutes, In∣iunctions, and her highnes other commandements gyuen and published in that behalf. 2 Item, yt in all places in your cyrcuite, you giue in charge not onely vnto the curates and ministers, but also vnto the Churchwardens of euery church & chappell, that they doe not admitte and suffer anye person to preache or minister in their seuerall church or chappel, before they shall firste see their seuerall lycences vnder seal in due forme, vnder the payne that may followe thereof. 3 Item, you shall take diligent heede, that no fees but due & of olde accustomed, be exacted or taken of any of yt people by anye register, clerke, somner, or anye other youre mini∣sters or attendantes. 4 Item, for the better certainty & knowledge of all dutyes and fees vnto suche as should pay the same, you shall note the certaine some thereof with one of your hands at the leaste in some parte of euery Instrument or writinge that shall passe your seale or graunt. 5 Item, that you foresee yt no greater price be taken for the Articles which you shall inquire of, together bound with ye Aduertisements then iiij. d. & for ye table of ye degrees ij. d. 6 Item, when you haue fynished your visitation & cyrcuite, (the charges of your vyage being borne and discharged) if any parte of the dew procurations by you receyued of the clergy, do remaine vnspent, all the same you shal distribute to the moste poore and needye of the clergye that be resi∣dentes, and keepe hospitality vpon theyre benefices in the sayde dyoces IN primis, whether Diuine seruice be sayde or longe by youre Minister or Ministers in your seuerall Churches, duelye and reuerently, as it is set forth by the lawes of this realme, with out any kinde of variation. And whether the holy Sa∣cramentes be likewise ministred reuerently, in such manner as by the lawes of this Realme and by the Quenes Maiesties iniunctions, and by thaduertis∣ments set forthe by publike authority, is appointed and prescribed. Item, whether you haue in youre paryshe chur∣ches all things necessary & requisite for Common prayer and administration of the Sacraments, spe cially the booke of Common prayer, the Bible in ye largest volume, the Homilyes, with the Paraphra∣ses of Erasmus: A conuenient Pulpit wel placed: A comly and decent table for the holy Communion, co uered decently, & set in place prescribed by ye Quenes maiesties Iniunctions. The Chest or boxe for the poore men, and al other things necessary in and to the premisses. And whether your Aulters bee taken downe, accordinge to the commaundemente in that behalfe geuen. Item, whether youre Prestes, Curates, or mini∣sters do vse in the time of the celebracion of diuine seruice to weare a surples, prescribed by ye Quenes maiesties Iniunctions and the boke of Common prayer. And whether they do celebrate the same di∣uine seruice in the chauncell or in the Churche, and do vse all Rites and orders prescribed in the boke of Common prayer, &c. and none other. Item, whether your Curates or ministers do pub¦liquely in theire open Churches reade in māner ap∣poynted, the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions an Homelies: The aduertisementes latelye sette forth by publique authoritie. And whether the same in al poyntes be duely obserued. Item, whether youre Curates or ministers or ny of them doe vse to minister the Sacramente of Baptisme in basons, or els in the Fonte standing in the place accustomed. And whether the same fonte be decently kepte. ¶ And whether they do vse to minister the holye Communion in wafer bread ac∣cording to the Queenes Maiesties Iniunctions, or els in common bread. ¶ And also whether they do minister in any prophane Cuppes, Bowles, dis∣shes, or Chalices heretofore vsed at Masse, or els in a decent Communion Cuppe prouided and kept for the same purpose only. And whether the communi∣cants do vse to receyue the holy Communion stan∣dinge, sittinge, or els knealinge. Item, whether ymages and al other monuments of ydolatry and superstition be destroyed and abo∣lyshed in your seuerall parishes: And whether your Churches and Chauncels be well adorned and con¦ueniently kept without waste, destruction, or abuse of anye thinge. Whether the roode lofte bee pulled downe, according to the order prescribed: and of the partition betweene the Chauncell and the Churche be kepte. Whether youre Churchyardes be well fen sed and cleanly kepte. Whether anye sale haue bene made of youre Churche goods, by whome and to whome, and what hathe been don with the monye thereof comming. Whether youre Chauncels and Parsonages be well and sufficiently repaired: Whe¦ther any man haue pulled downe or discouered any , Chauncel, Chappel, Almes house, or suche e, or haue plucked downe ye bells, or haue felled or yled any wood or timber in any Church yarde. em, whether there be any Parsons that intrude m selfe, and presume to exercise any kinde of my∣stery in the churche of God, without imposition of handes & ordinary aucthoritie. Whether theire Churche or Chappell be serued with any readers. Or whether any Minister do remoue from any o∣ther diocese to serue in this, without letters testi∣moniall of thordinary from whome he came, to tes tify the cause of his departinge thence, and of hys behauiour. Or any beinge once preist or Minister, that dothe not minister, or frequente and resorte to the Common prayer now vsed, and at tymes ap∣poynted communicate. And whether anye suche do goe and boaste himselfe lyke a lay man. Item, whether youre Parsons and Uicars be re∣sidente continually vpon their benefices: Whether they giue themselues to deuoute prayer, discreate re∣ding of the Scripture, and godly contemplacion, & releaue the poore charitably to their hability, accor¦dinge to the Queenes Iniunctions. Whether they pray for the prosperous estate of the Quenes Ma∣iestye, as is prescribed in her graces Iniunctions. Item, whether anye of youre ministers dothe or hathe admitted any notoriouse sinner or malicious person out of Charitie, without iuste penance done and reconciliatiō had, to receaue the holy Commu¦nion: or any that hath not receaued the same accor∣dinge as to a Christian appertayneth, and by lawes it is appointed. And whether you do hea or knowe any yt doth vse to say or heare the priua Masse, or doe vse any other seruice then is prescri∣bed by the lawes of this Realme. Item, whether your ministers doe call vppon fa∣thers, mothers, and maisters of youthe, to bringe them vp in the feare of almighty God, in obediēce and in conuenient occupations. Whether they bee peacemakers, and exhorte the people to obediēce to their Prince, & to all other that be in authoritie, to charity and mutual loue among themselues. Whe∣ther they geue themselues to superstition, and bee maintainers of the vnlearned people in ignoraūce. Item, whether your Persons, Uicars, & Curates be cōmon gameners, hunters, haunters of tauerns or alehouses: Suspected of anye notable crime: Fauters of forrein poures, letters of good religion, preachers of corrupt doctrine: stubborne or disobe∣dient to lawes and orders. Whether they be geuē to filthy lucre. Whether they be light either in exaum∣ple of life, or in vnwont and vnsemely apparrell. Item, whether anye of your benefices be vacant, how longe they haue ben vacant: who is Patrone. Whether there be any laye or temporall men, (not beinge within orders) or children, or anye other (with in age) that hathe or enioyeth ani benefice or spiritual promotion: any Patron that suffereth any benefice to be vacante, and taketh the tithes and o∣ther fructes to himselfe. Item, whether your Ministers keepe their regis∣ters well, and do present the copy of them once eue∣ry yeare by Indenture, to the Ordinary or his offi¦cers. And teache the Articles of the fayth, and the Tenne commaundementes, and the Lordes pray∣er. as is prescribed them in the Catechisme. Item, whether youre Parsons and Uicars haue any other or mo benefices, where & in what Coun∣try they bee: Whether they came by them by Sy∣mony, or other vnlawful meanes. Whether they do let their benefice to farme, or els kepe them in their owne handes. Whether they keepe hospitalitye or not. Whether in their absēce they leaue their cures to honest, learned, or expert Curates. Whether they make their ordinarye Sermons, accordinge to the Queenes maiestes Iniunctions. Whether they ad mitte any to preache vnlicensed, or put by any that hath license. Whether they reade the Queenes ma iesties Iniunctions as they oughte to do, and saye theire Seruice sensibly and distinctly. Item, whether the laye people be diligent in com∣minge to the Churche on the holy dayes, and with all humblenes, reuerently and deuoutelye doe geue themselues to the hearinge of Commune prayer in the time thereof, and otherwise occupy themselues in priuate praiers, readinge of Scriptures, or other vertuouse exercise. Yf anye be negligente or wilfull. Whether the forfaiture be leued on their goods to the vse of the poore, according to the lawes of this Realm in yt behalfe prouided. And what mony hath nen gathered by the Churchewardēs of the forfets. Item, whether there be in your quarters any that openly or priuily vse or frequēt any kinde of diuine seruice or common prayer, other then is set forth by the lawes of this Realme: and disturbers of cōmon prayers, or letters of the worde of God to be reade, preached or hearde: Any that by couerte or craftye meanes depraue or contemne ye same: or that speake to ye derogatiō of ye Queenes maiesties aucthority & power, or of ye lawes set out by publike aucthority. Item, whether, there be amonge you any blasphe¦mers of the name of almighty God, adulterers, for¦nicators, baudes, or receauers of such persons. Any suspected of incest or any other notoriouse fault, sin or crime. Any dronkardes, ribaldes, common slaun∣derers of their neighboures, raylers or scolders, so∣wers of discorde betweene neighboures, by playes, times, famouse libels, or otherwise. Item, whether there be in your parishes any In∣keepers or Alewiues, that admit any resort to their houses in tyme of Commone prayer. Anye that commonlye absente them selues from theyre owne Churche: or otherwise idely or lewdlye prophaneth the Sabbath day. Any that keepe any secret cōuen∣ticles, preachings, lectures or readings, contrary to ye lawes. Any suspected of heresy, or that maintain any erronious opinions cōtrary to the lawes of al∣mighty God and good religion, by publique autho∣ritie in this Realme set forth. Item, whether there be in these parties which mi¦nister the goodes of those whiche be deade, without authoritie: any executors yt haue not fulfilled their te¦stators will, specially in paying of legacies geuen to good and godly vses, as to the releife of pouerte, to poore schollers, orphanes, highe waies, mariage of poore maidens, and suche like. Whether youre Ho∣spitals & Almes houses be iustly vsed, accordinge to the foundaciō and auncient ordinaūces of the same. Whether ther be any other placed in thē then poore impotent & needy persons, that hath not other wise where with or whereby to liue. Item, whether there be any which of late haue be¦queathed in their testaments, or other waies ther be appointed by ordinaries, any sūmes of mony, Ie∣welles, Plate, Ornamēts, or annuities for ye erectiō of any obites, diriges, trentals, or any such like vse, now by the lawes of this Realm not permitted: and if there be, that you present the names of such execu¦tors, the quantity and quality of the guifte, that or∣dre may be taken therein accordingly. Item, whether there be any mony or stoke apper∣taininge to anye parishe churche, in anye mannes handes, that refuse or differreth to paye the same: or that vseth fraude, deceite or delaye to make anye accompte in the prelence of the Honestye in the pa∣rishe, for the same. Whether youre Churche war∣dens & others, afore tyme, haue gyuen the yearely accompte, accordinge vnto the custome as it hath been aforetime vsed. whether the store ofthe poore mennes boxe be openlie and indifferentlie giuen where neede is, without parciall affection. whether any stocke of cattel or graine appertaining to your churches, be decaied: by whose negligence, and in whose handes. Item, whether youre schoolemaisters be of a sin∣cere religion, and be diligent in teaching and brin∣ging vp of youth. Whether they teache any other Grāmar, then suche as is appointed by ye Queenes Maiesties Iniunction annexed to the same, or not. Item, whether there be any amonge you that vse sorcerte or inchauntment, magike, incantations, or nigromancie, or that be suspected of the same. Item, whether there bee anye in these partes, that haue maried within degrees of affinitie or consan∣guinitie, by the lawes of God forbidden, so set oute in a table for an Admonition. Any man that hath two wiues, or anie woman that hath two husban∣des. Anie that beinge diuorced or seperated aside, hath maried againe. Anye maried that haue made precontractes. Any that haue made priuye or secrete contractes. Anye that haue maried without banes thrise solemnelye asked. Anye couples maried that liue not together, but slaūderouslie liue a part: Any that haue maried out of the parishe churche, wher thei ought to haue the same solemnised. Item, whether any your Ordinaries within this dioces, theire Chauncellor, Officialls, Cōmissaries, Registrers, & all & singuler others that haue or do exercise any visitation or Iurisdiction ecclesiasticall wtin any part of this dioces, haue vprightly, fayth∣fully and vnfaynedly to ye vttermoste of their pow∣ers obserued in theyr owne persons and towards all other, put in due execution the Queenes maiestis ecclesiasticall lawes, Statutes, Iniunctions, and al her highnes other Commandements published for vniformity of doctrine, and due order of the publik ministration of Gods holy word and sacraments, and haue cōmended and fauored all such as sought the same, & condignely punished all suche as sought the contrary. Item, whether haue any of them at any time wit∣tingly suffered faultes & transgressions to remaine vnpunished, for mony, gayne, pleasure, frendshippe, or any other affectionate respecte, or yf any of them be or haue beene burdensome to the Subiectes of theire seueral Iurisdictions, by exacting or takinge excessiue fees, procurations, any rewardes or Com∣modities by the way of promotion, gift, contributi∣on, helpe, loane, redemption of pennance, omission of quarter Sermons, obtaining of any benefice or office, or any other like wayes or meanes. Generally, whether there be anie euell liuers or offenders of the lawes of almightie God: Anie sus∣pected of any notorious sinne, fault or crime, to the offence of Christian people committed: Anie that stubburnlie refuse to cōforme them selfe to vnitie & good religion: Anie that bruteth abroad rumors of the alteration of the same, or otherwise that di∣sturbeth good orders, and the quietnesse of Christes Churche and Christian congregation.
A00230.P4	Articles to be inquired of, in the first metropoliticall visitation, of the most reuerend father, Richarde by Gods prouidence, archbushop [sic] of Canterbury, and primat of all Englande in, and for the dioces of Noruuich, in the yeare of our Lorde God 1605, and in the first yeare of His Graces translation.	[ "Church of England. Province of Canterbury. Archbishop (1604-1610 : Bancroft)", "Bancroft, Richard, 1544-1610." ]	1605.	Printed by Raph [sic] Blower,	At London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	INPRIMIS, Whether haue you in your seuerall Churcehs and Chappels, the booke of Constitutions or Canons Ecciestastical, ready to be read by your Minister, accord∣ing to his Maiesties pleasure, published by his Highnes Authoritie, vnder the great Seale of England, and whether hath your Minister read the same or any part thereof vpon Sundaies & Hollidaies, in the after∣noone before diuine Seruice accordingly, yea or no? 2. Item, Whether is there any within your Parish, that hath or doth impugne, the Kings Maiesties Supremacy, and authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall: or doe any way or in any part impeach the same, being restored to the Crowne by the Lawes of this Realme established in that behalfe? 3 Item, Whether is there any in your Parish, that denieth the Church of England, by Lawe establishes vnder the Kinges most excellent Maiestie, to be a true & an Apostolicall Church, teaching and mainteyning the Doctrine of the Apostles? 4 Item Whether is there any in your Parish, that doth impugne any of the Articles of Religion, agreed vpon in Anno, 1562, and established in the Church of England. 5 Item, Whether doth your Minister vse to pray for the Kinges Maiestie King Iames, and for the Queenes Maiestie, the Prince & all their Royall Progeny, with addition of such Stile and Ti∣tles, as are due and appertaining to his Maiestie, and exhorte the people to obedience, to his Highnes, and other Maiestrates being in authority vnder him? 6 Item, Whether is there any in your Parish, that doe impugne, or speake against the Rites and Ceremonies, established in the Church of England, or the lawfull vse of them, you shall present their names. 7 Item, are there any in your parish, that doe impugne the gouer∣ment of the Church of England, vnder the Kings most excellent Maiestie by Arch-bushops, Bushops, Deanes Arch-deacens and the rest that beare office in the same: Affirming that the same is Ante-christian, or repugnant to the worde of God. 8 Item, is there any in your parish, that doth impugne the forme of Consecrating and ordeining of Arch-bishops, Bishops, Priests or Deacons, Affirming that the saine is Repugnant to the worde of God, or that they who are so ordered in that forme are not law∣fully made. 9 Item, is there any in your parish, that doth held or frequent any Conventicles, or priuate congregations, or any that doe either make or maintaine any Constitutions, agreed vpon in any such priuate Conventicles or assemblies? 10. Item, Whether any persons haue lurked and tippled in Ta∣uerns or Ale houses, on Sundayes or other Hollidaies, or vsed his or their manuall craft or trade, vpon the said dayes or any of them, and especially in the time of Diuine seruice. 11 Item, are there any in your Parish, that doe or haue propha∣ned (since his Maiesties last general pardon) the Lords day called Sunday, or other Hollidayes contrary to the orders of the Church of England, prescribed in that behalfe? 12 Item, Whether is the prescripte forme of Diuine seruice, vsed by your Minister vpon Sundaies and Hollidayes, according to the booke of Common prayer? And whether doth your Minister duely obserue all the Orders, Rites and Ceremonies, prescribed in the said booke of common Prayer, as well in reading publique Pray∣ers, the Letany as also in administring the Sacraments in such manner and forme as in the booke of common Prayer is inioyned? 13 Item, Whether hath any person in your parish quarrelled or stricken, or vsed any violence vnto or with your Minister, or any other in the Church or Church-yard, or vsed himselfe disorderly in the Church by filthy and prophane talke, or any other rude and im∣modest behauiour? 14 Item whether is that due reuerence, & humble submission vsed within your Church or Chappell, in the time of Diuine ser∣uice, as by the 18. constitution is prescribed, whether each one in ye Church or Chappel do apply and order himselfe there in time of diuine Seruice, as by the latter part of ye same Cōstitution is mos commendably enioyned? 15 Item, Whether the Church wardens and Questmen, from time to time doe their dilligence, in not suffring any idle persons or loytererers, to abide either in the Church-yard or Church-porch in Seruice or Sermon time, but causing them either to come into the Church to heare Diuine seruice, or to depart, and not to dist∣urbe such as are hearers there. 16 Item Whether the Church-wardens doe prouide against e∣uery Communion with the aduice of the Minister, a sufficiente quantity of fine white Bread, and of good and wholesome Wine for the number of the Communicants that shall receiue, and that to be brought in a cleane and sweet standing pot of pewter or of o∣ther pure mettle. 17 Item, Whether doth your Minister administer the holy Com∣munion so often, and at such times as that euery parishioner may receiue the same at least thrice in euery yéere, whereof once at Ea∣ster, as by the booke of common prayer is appointed? And whether doth your Minister receiue the same himselfe, on euery day that he administreth it to others, and vse the words of the Institution ac∣cording to the booke at euery time that the Bread or Wine is renu∣ed, in such manner and forme as by the Proviso of the 21. Cannon is directed, or wherin is he faultie? and whether is warning giuen by him before hand for the Communion, as the 22. Cannon requi∣reth? 18 Item, Whether hath your Minister admitted any Notorious Offendors, or Skismatickes to the Communion: contrary to the 26. and 27. constitutions. 19 Item, Whether the Minister together with yr Churchwardēs and Questmen, do take diligent héed & care: not only that all & eue∣ry of your own Parishioners, do receiue thrice in euery yéere as a∣foresaid: but also, that no straungers of any other Parish do come often, & commonly to your Church from their own parish Church: and you are now to present the names of all those, who being xvj. yeares of age or vpwards, & haue not in their own Parish receiued the Communion, at or since Easter last? 20 Item, Haue any in your parish bin Godfathers or Godmothers to their own childrē: or whether your Minister, or any Godfathers or Godmothers haue vsed, or do vse any other forme, aunswere or speach in Baptisme: then is in the Booke of cōmon prayer appoin∣ted? or whether any which haue not communicated, be admytted to be Godfathers or Godmothers? 21 Item, Whether doth your Minister vse to signe the Children with ye signe of the crosse, when they are baptised: according to the booke of common prayer? and whether he hath deferred, or wilful∣ly refused, to baptise any Infant in his Parish beeing in daunger, hauing bin duly informed of ye weakenes thereof: and whether the childe hath died in his default without baptisme? 22 Item Whether is your Minister continualy resident with you vppon his benefice: or for how long time hath he bin absent? And where is he Resiant for ye most part, & what other benefice hath he? 23 Item Whether doth your minister preach vsualy, according to the constitutions: eyther in his own cure with you, or else in some other church or chappel neere adioyning, where no preacher is? or how often hath he bin negligent in that behalfe? 24 Item. Whether is your Minister a Preacher allowed, if yea: then by whom? if not, Whether doth hée procure Sermons to be preached among you once in euery month at ye least, by such as are lawfully licensed? 25 Item Whether hath your minister an other benefice, and whe∣ther doth he supply his absence by a Curat that is sufficiētly licen∣ced to preach in that cure of his, wheron he himself is not resident? or otherwise in case he doth not find a preaching minister there, by reason of the smalnes thereof?: Whether doth he preach at both of his Benefices vsually him selfe? 26 Item, whether is your Curat licensed to serue by ye Bushop of this Dioces, or any other, and by whom? 27 Item Whether doth your Minister or Curat serue any more cures then one? if yea, then what other cure doth he also serue? 28 Item, If your minister be not licensed to preach as aforesaid, whether doth he take vpon him to expound the Scriptures, eyther in his own cure or else where? if yea, then you are to present him, & specifie the place where he so hath preached. 29 Item, Whether hath any person bin admitted to preach with∣in your church or chappel, but such as you haue well knowne to be sufficiently licensed? whom haue you so admitted you shall present their names: & how often haue any such bin so admitted to preach, and by whose procurement? And whether haue you caused euery straunge preacher, licensed, or not licensed, to subscribe his Name together with the day when he preached: & if he were licēsed, then by whom was he licensed? And whether haue they or any other preached in your Church not being soberly & decently appareled? 30 Item, Whether doth your Lectorer and preacher reade diuine Seruice, & administer the Sacraments in his own person, Twice euery yéere: obseruing all the Cerimonies in the booke of common prayer established? 31 Item, Is there any in your parish, that do refuse to haue their Children baptised: or them-selues to receiue yc Communion at the bandes of your Minister, because he is no preacher. You shall pre∣sent their names. And if your Minister sithence the publishing of the said booke of Canons, hath receiued any such persōs [being not of his own cure] to ye Communion, or Baptised any of their Chil∣dren: you shal likewise present him. 32 Item whether doth your Minister weare the Surplice, whilst he is saying the publicque prayers, & ministring the Sacraments? And if he be any Graduat, whether then doth he also weare vpon his surplice during yc times aforesaid, such a Hood as by the orders of his Uniuersitle is agréeable to his degree? 33 Item, Whether doth your Minister euery Sunday and holli∣day before Euening-prayer, for halfe an houre or more, examine and instruct the youth and ignorant persons of his parish, in the x. commandements, Articles of beliefe, and in the Lords prayer, as also in the Catechisme, set forth in the booke of Common prayer? And whether doe all Fathers, Mothers, Masters and Mistresses, cause their children, seruants and apprentises, to come thither to heare & to be instructed and taught therein, and those that doe not their duties herein, you shall present their names. 34 Item, Whether hath your Ministers without license from the Archbushop, the Bushop of the Diocesse or his Chancellor, solem∣nized mariage betwixt any parties, the banes not being thrée seue∣rall sundaies or hollidaies first published in time of diuine seruice, in the seuerall Churches or Chappels, of their seueral abode accor∣ding to the booke of Common prayer, & that also betwixt the houres of eight and twelue in ye fore-noone. And furthermore, whether hath your minister since the last Cannons published, solemnized any mariage betwixt any persons being vnder the age of 21. yéers, although the banes be thrice asked, before such time as the parents haue made knowne vnto him their consent thervnto, and whether hath he married any of an other Diocesse, who are they? and by what authoritie, and when? 35. Item, Whether doth your Minister euery sunday, bid holidaies & fasting daies, as by the booke of Common prayer is appointed? 36. Item, Whether doth your minister euery sixe monethes, de∣nounce in his parish, all such of his Parish as doe perseuer in the sentence of excommunication, not séeking to be absolued, and whe∣ther hath he admitted into ye church any persō excōmunicat, wt-out a certificat of his absolutiō from ye ordinary or other cōpetent iudg? 37. Item, Whether doth your Minister being a preacher, ende∣uor and labour dilligently, to reclaime the popish recusants, in his parish from their errors: if there be any such abiding? and whether is he painefull in visiting the sicke according to the booke of Com∣mon prayer? 38 Item, Whether is your Parson vicar or Curat, to frequent or to be ouer-conuersant with, or a fauorer of recusants, whereby he is suspected not to be sincere in religion. 39 Item, Whether doe you know or haue heard of any payment, Composition or agréemēt, to, or with the Bushop, Chancellor, or any inferior Officer Ecclesiastical, for suppressing or cōcealing of excōmunication, or other Ecclesiastical censure, of, or against any Recvsant? what summe of Money, or other Cōsideration hath bin received or promised? by, or to any of them in yc respect, by whom? and with whom? and for what summe or other consideration? 40. Item, whether is there in your Church or Chappel one parch∣ment Register Booke, prouided for Christnings, Mariages & Bu∣rials, and whether is the same duely and exactly kept according to the Constitutions in that behalfe prouided? 41 Item, Whether hath your minister or any other preached, bap∣tised Childrē, solemnized Mariage, churched any woman or mini∣nistred the holy Commvnion in any priuate house or houses, other∣wise thē as by law is allowed yea or no? if yea, then where? whom? when and how often hath he offended in any of the Premisses? 42 Item, Whether hath your minister taken vpon him to appoint any publicque or priuate Fasts, prophecies, or exercises not appro∣ued & established by Law or publique authoritie, or hath he attemp∣ted vyon any pretence eyther of possession or obsession, by fasting and prayer to cast out deuils yea or no? 43. Item, whether hath your minister or any other person or per∣sōs: wcin your parish vsed to méet in any priuat house or otherplace, there to consult togither, how to impeach or depraue the Booke of Common prayer, or the Doctrine or Discipline of the Church of England, if yea, then you shall present them all? 44. Item, Whether doth your minister vse such decency & Com∣linesse in his apparell, as by the 74 constitution is inioyned? 45 Item, Whether doe you know any in your parish that hauing heretofore taken vpon him or them, the order of Priest-hoode or of a Deacon, hath since relinquished the same, and betaken himselfe in the course of his life as a lay man neglecting his vocation if yea, then you shall present his name, and the place of his abode? 46 Item, Doth any take vpon him to teach Schoole in your parish wcout speciall licence of his ordinary? & whether doth your Schoole∣maister bring his schollers to the Church to heare Diuine seruice and Sermons? 47 Item, Whether is your minister noted or defamed to haue ob∣teined his benefice by Symony, or reputed to be an incontinente person, a common drunkard a common gamster, or player at dice, or faulty in any other crime punishable by the Eccesiasticall cen∣sures, whereby he is offensiue and scandalous to his function or mi∣nistery. 48 Item, Whether haue you prouided the booke of common pray∣er lately set forth by his Maiesties aucthoritie, and the booke of Ho∣mylies, and whether haue you in your Church or chappell a Fonte of stone set vp in the ancient vsuall place, a conuenient and decent communion Table with a carpet of silke, or some other decente stuffe, and a faire linnen cloth to laye thereon at the Communion time, and whether is the same Table then placed in such conueni∣ent sort wtin the Chauncel or church, as that the minister may be best heard in his prayer & Administration, & that the greater num∣ber may communicate: And whether are the ten commandements set vpon the East ende of your church or chappell, where the people may best see and reade them, and other sentences of holy scripture written on the walls likewise for that purpose? 49 Item, Whether haue you a conuenient seate for your minister to reade Seruice in, together with a comely Pulpit set vp in a con∣uenient place with a decent cloth or cushion for the same: a comely large Surplice, a faire Cōmunion Cup of gold, siluer, or other pure mettle, and a couer agréeable for the same, with all other thinges and ornaments necessarie for the celebration of diuine Seruice and administration of the Sacraments? 50 Item, Whether are your Churches or Chappels with ye Chan∣cels thereof, and your personage or Uickeredge house and all other housing thereto belonging in good reparations, & decent and come∣ly kept as well within as without, the seates well mainteined, a sure coffer with thrée lockes and keyes for the safe kéeping of your Register booke, your Church-yardes wel fenced and kept without abuse, if not, then through whose default & what defects are? 51 Item, Whether haue you or your predecessors Church-war∣dens there suffered since the last pardō, any plaies, feasts, bāquets, Church ales, drinkings, or any other prophane vsages to be kept in your church, Chappell or church yard, or bels to be rung supersti∣iously vpon hollidayes or daies abrogated by Lawe. 52 Item, How many inhabitants within your parish, men or wo∣men aboue th'age of 16 yéeres, do refuse to frequent diuine seruice established by publique authoritie of this Realme, or to receiue the holy Communion, what be their names, and of what degree state or trade of life are they, you are to present them all of both sorts? 53 Item, Whether doe any of the inhabitants of your said parish entertaine within their house any soiorners, lodgers, or any com∣mon resorters and guests, who refuse to frequent diuitie seruice, or receiue ye holy Communion as aforesaid, what be their names? of what quality or condition they are? 54 Item, Whether are any of the said popish recusants of insolent behauiour not without publique offence, or dee boldly buisy them∣selues in seducing and withdrawing others, either abroad or in their owne families by instructing their children in popish Religion, or by refusing to entertaine any especially in place of greatest seruice or trust, but such as concurre with them in opinion of religion? 55. Item, How long the said popish Recusantes haue obstinately abstained either from diuine Seruice, or from the Communion as is aforesaide: Whether of any long time, or onely since his Maie∣sties Reigne? 56 Item, Whether is your Minister a preacher sufficiently qua∣lified and if he be, whether doth he from time to time offer quiet and temperate conference to reclaime the said popish Recusantes from their errors, and whether they or any of them doe refuse such conference with your Minister or any other Preacher, who shall present vnto them his dilligence in that behalfe? 57. Item, What persons aforesaid within your parish either for th'offence aforesaid, or for any other Contumacy, or crime, doe re∣maine excomunicat, what be their names and for what cause, and how long they haue so stoode excomunicate? 58 Item, Whether were you ye Churchwardens and Quest men chosen by the consent of ye Minister & Parishioners: and whether haue the Churchwardens before you, giuen vp a iust accompt for their time, and deliuered to you their successors whatsoeuer money or other things of right belonging to ye Church, which was in their hands, and whether doe you and euery of you diligently sée that all the parishioners doe duely resort to their church euery sunday and holiday, and there continue the whole time of Diuine seruice, and none to walke or stande Idle, or talking in Church or Church∣portch or Churchyarde during that time: and whether do al yt pa∣rishioners and their familes accordingly frequente their Parish Church, & there behaue them-selues soberly, attentiuely, & decent∣ly, al the time of Diuine seruice, yea or no? if no, then you shal pre∣sent their names? 59 Item, Whether doe all persons aboue th'age of 16 yéeres vsu∣ally resort to heare Diuine Seruice vpon sundayes and holidayes approued, and whether hath each one of your parishioners, (being aboue th'age of 16 yéeres aforesaid) receiued the holy Communion thrice this last yéere, chiefely once at Easter in your parish church knéeling, if no, then you shall present their names which haue not so done? 60 Item, Whether haue you a fit parish Clarke aged twenty yéers at least of honest conuersation, and sufficient for reading and writ∣ing, and whether he be paide his wages without fraude according to the most auncient custome of your parish, if not, then by whom in he so defrauded and denied? and whether he be chosen by the par∣son or Uicar or by whome? 61 Item, Whether haue any in your parish béene married within the prohibited degrées, forbidden by the Lawe of God, and expressed in a certaine table published by Authoritie in Anno, 1563. if yea, then you shall present their names, and whether haue you the said Table publiquely set vp in your Church, & fastened to some conue∣nient place there? 62 Itē, whether doth any heretofore diuorced kéep company with any other at Bed and at Boord? what be their names? When and where were they maried? 63 Item, Doth your Minister vse the forme of thankes giuing to women after Child birth, and whether hath he admitted any ther∣vnto, that was begotten with child in adultery or fornication with∣out licence of his ordinarie, and whether haue any maried Wiues refused to come to church according to the booke of common prayer, to giue God thankes after Childe-birth, if any be faulty herein you shall present their names? 64 Itē, whether haue you any in your parish which heretofore be∣ing popish recusants or sectuaries, haue since conformed thēselues and come to church to heare Diuine seruice and receiue the Sacra∣ments if yea, then who they are, and how long si'thence haue they so conformed themselues, and whether doe they still remaine and abide in that conformitie? 65 Item, What Recusant papists are there in your parish, and whether doe they or any of them keep any Schoole-maister in their house, which cōmeth not to church to heare diuine seruice & receiue the Communion? what is his name, and how long hath he taught? 66 Item, Whether haue you any in your parish to your knowledge or by common fame and report, which haue committed adulterie fornication or Incest, which haue not bin publiquely punnished to your knowledge? if yea, then with whome? Are there any which are or by common fame and Reporte are reputed and taken to be common Drunkards, Blasphemers of Gods holy name, common and vsuall Swearers, filthy speakers, Usurers, Symoniacal per∣sons, fighters, Braulers, or Quarellers in Church or Church∣yard, you shall not faile to present their names? 67 Item, whether haue any in your parish receiuedor harbored a∣ny woman gotten with childe out of Wedlocke, and suffered them to depart again without punishment first inflicted on them by their ordinary, you shall truely present as well the partie harboring as harbored, and who is suspected to be father of her child? 68 Item, Whether hath any person within your parish promised or payed any somme of money or other reward directly or indirect∣ly by himselfe or any other, or committed his or her pennance for a∣ny incest, adultery, fornication, or any other Ecclesiastical crime, if so, then with whom? when? and for what? and how hath the same béene imployed? 69 Item, Whether is your Chancelor, and euery other inferior Ecclesiasticall iudge a Maister of Artes, or Batchelor of Lawes at the least, and learned and practised in the civill and Ecclesiasti∣call Lawes, a man of good life and conuersation and Zealously af∣fected in Religion? 70 Item, Whether any person or persōs suspected or detected here∣tofore of incontinency, and therefore departing out of your parish for a season is now returned againe, or in what place else is he or she now abiding to your knowledge or as you haue heard? you shal not faile to present the whole truth in that behalfe? 71 Item, Whether are there in your Parish any Wills not yet proued, or goods of the dead dying intestate left vn-administred by authoritie of the ordinarie in that behalfe? you shal not faile to pre∣sent the Executors, and all others faulty and culpable therein. 72 Item, Hath any Chanceller, Commissary, Arch-deacon, offi∣cial, or any other exercising Ecclesiasticall Iuris-diction within this your Diocesse, or any Register, Apparator, or Minister be∣longing to the same Ecclesiasticall courts, exacted extra-ordinary or greater fées then heretofore of late haue béene accustomed, and whether is there a table of the rates of all fées set vp in their seue∣rall Courts and Offices, or whether they or any of them haue ta∣ken vpon them th'office of Informers or Promotors to the courts, or any other way abused themselues in their Offices contrary to the Lawe and Cannons in that case prouided? 73 Item, Do any, of, or within your Parish affirme, or haue they affirmed that the sacred synode of this Nation assēbled by ye Kings authoritie, is not the true church of England by Representation: or hath or doth any of your parish affirme, that no persons eyther of the Clergie or laity, that were not pertinently present in ye said late Synode, are subiect to the decrées thereof in causes Ecclesiasti∣cal, made & ratified by ye Kings supreame Aucthoritie: because they gaue not vp their voices vnto them, yée shal present their names? 74 Item, is there any among you, that haue or doe depraue the foresaid late Synode, saying or affirming, that ye same was a com∣pany of such persons as did conspire togither against godly and re∣ligious professors of the Gospell, and that therefore both they and their procéedings in that behalfe are and ought to be despised and contemned or words to the like effect, you shall not faile to present their names? 75 Item, What Number of Apparators hath euery seueral iudge Ecclesiastical, and wherein, and in what manner is the countrey ouer-burthened and grieued by the said Apparators? 76 Item, Whether doe you know of any other matter of Eccle-siasticall cognisance, worthy the presentment in your iudgement aboue not expressed, which you holde fit to be reformed, and if you doe, you shall likewise present the same by vertue of your oaths.
A00233.P4	Articles to be inquired of vvithin the dioces of Norwich in the first visitation of the R. Reverend Father in God, Matthevv, Lord Bishop of Norwich.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of Norwich. Bishop (1635-1638 : Wren)", "Wren, Matthew, 1585-1667." ]	1636.	By Richard Badger,	Printed at London :	eng	[ "Church of England. -- Diocese of Norwich -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England -- Norwich -- Early works to 1800." ]	ARE there any abiding in your Parish, or resorting to it, who haue wilfully maintained any heresies, errours, or false opinions, con∣trary to the faith of Christ and holy Scripture? Or that do im∣pugne any of the 39. Articles of Religion, agréed vpon in Anno. 1562. and stablished in the Church of England? And is the decla∣ration, which the Kings Maiesty prefixed before those 39. Articles, concerning the setling of the questions late in difference, duly ob∣serued by all within your Parish, according to his Maiesties commandement▪ 2 Be there any in your Parish that haue denied, or perswaded any other to de∣ny, withstand, or impugne, the Kings Maiesties authority, and supremacy, in cau∣ses Ecclesiasticall within this Realme? 3 Is there in your Parish any that hath béene, or is vehemently suspected to haue béene present at any vnlawfull assemblies, conuenticles, or méetings, vnder colour or pretence of any exercise of Religion? Or do any affirme and maintaine such meetings to be lawfull? 4 Be there any abiding in, or resorting to your Parish, that are commonly re∣puted to be ill affected in matter of the religion professed in our Church, or taken to be Recusant Papists, or factious separatists, refusing to repaire vnto the Church, to heare diuine Seruice, and to receiue the holy Communion? Or that haue or do publish, sell or disperse any superstitious, seditious, or schismaticall Bookes, Libels, or Writings, touching the Religion, State, or Ecclesiasticall gouernment of this Kingdome of England? Present their names, qualities, and conditions, if you know or haue heard of any. 1 HAue any in your Parish spoken, or declared any thing in derogation or de∣prauation of the forme of Gods worship, establshed in the Church of Eng∣land, and the administration of the Sacraments, Rites, and Ceremonies, set forth and prescribed in the Booke of Common Prayer? Or do any preach, speak, or de∣clare, that the Book of Common Prayer containeth any thing that is repugnant to the holy Scripture, or not méet to be vsed? Or do vse any scornefull words against those godly Sermons, called, The Homilies of the Church? 2 Hath any in your Parish, caused, procured, or maintained any Minister, to say any common or publike prayer, or to administer the Sacrament of Baptisme, or of the Lords Supper, otherwise, or in any other manner, than is mentioned in the said Book of Common Praier? Or hath any interrupted, hindered, let, or disturbed the Minister in reading of diuine Seruice, or administring the Sa∣craments in such manner, as is mentioned in the said Book? Or hath any inter∣rupted him in his preaching, or reading the Homilies? 3 Is the Sacrament of Baptisme rightly and duly administred according to the forme prescribed in the Booke of Common Prayer; with due obseruation of all Rites and Ceremonies prescribed to be vsed in the same, without adding or al∣tering of any part of any prayers, or interrogatories? Is the signe of the Crosse euery time vsed, and the Surplice neuer but worne in the administring of it? 4 Hath the administration of the Sacrament of Baptisme beene at any time deferred longer than till the next Sunday or Holiday, immediately following the birth of the childe? 5 Hath the Sacrament of Baptisme béene refused to be administred to any chil∣dren, borne in, or out of wedlock, their birth being made knowne to the Minister of the Parish, and they offered vnto him to be baptized? Or haue any such children died vnbaptized? 6 Haue the Parents of the childe baptized, beene at any time admitted to be Godfathers or Godmothers to the same? Or haue any been admitted to be God∣fathers or Godmothers to any child, before they haue receiued the holy Commu∣nion? Or haue any Godfathers or Godmothers vsed any other answers or speech in Baptisme, then is by the Book of Common Prayer appointed? Or haue they giuen to the children baptized any name that is absurd, or inconuenient for so holy an action? 7 Haue any children been baptized in priuate houses, or by any Lay-person, or Midwife, or popish Priest; or by any other than your owne Minister? And haue all children priuately baptized, if they liued, beene afterwards brought to your Church, that the Congregation and the Minister of the Parish (in case they were not baptized by him) might be certified, whether they, or any of them were lawful∣ly baptized or no? 8 Haue the children that haue béene borne to any popish Recusant in your Pa∣rish, beene publikely baptized in your Parish Church, by your owne Parson, Ui∣car, or Curate? Or by whom else were they baptized, or where, to your knowledge, or as you haue heard? 9 Hath the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper béene duely and reuerent∣ly administred in your Church or Chappell, so often and at such conuenient times, that, at least thrice euery yeere (whereof once at Easter) euery parishioner within your Parish, being of the age of 16. yeeres, or vpwards, might receiue the same? 10 Hath the said blessed Sacrament been deliuered vnto any, or receiued by any the Communicants within your Parish, that did vnreuerently either sit, stand, or leane; or that did not deuoutly and humbly kneele vpon their knees, in plaine and open view, without collusion or hypocrisie? 11 Haue any of your Parish, which are openly knowne to liue in notorious sin without repentance; or any excommunicate persons or schismaticks, common and notorious deprauers of the Religion and Gouernment of this Realme (without vnfained sorrow shewed by them for their impiety and wickednesse) been admitted to be partakers of the holy Communion? 12 Hath any of your Parish beene debarred from the said holy Communion, without iust cause, or without intimation presently giuen to the Ordinary or Bishop of the Diocesse? HAue you in your Church or Chappell, the whole Bible in the largest Uolume, of the last translation, the Book of Common Prayer, the two bookes of Homilies, and Bshop-Iewels Apologie, all well and fairely bound? And haue you also in your Church, the forme of the Diuine Seruice, for the 5th day of Nouember, and for the 27th day of March, and the Book of Constitutions or Canons Ecclesiasticall? 2 Haue you in your Church or Chappell, a Font of stone set in the ancient vsu∣all place, whole, and cleane, and fit to hold water? A conueniet and decent Com∣munion Table, with a Carpet of silke, or some other decent stuffe continually laid vpon the Table, at the time of diuine Seruice; and a faire linnen cloth thereon laid, at the time of administring the Communion? And is the same Table placed conueni∣ently, so as the Minister may best be heard in his administration, and the greatest num∣ber may reuerently communicate? To that end doth it ordinarily stand vp at the East end of the Chancell, where the Altar in former times stood, the ends thereof being placed North and South? Is it at any time vsed vnreuerently, by leaning or sitting on it, throwing Hats or any thing else vpon it, or writing on it; or is it abused to any other prophane or common vse? And are the ten Commandemens set vp in your Church or Chappell, where the people may see and reade them, and other chosen sentences also written vpon the walls of your said Church or Chappell, in places conuenient for the same purpose? 3 Haue you in your said Church or Chappell a conuenient seat for your Minister to reade diuine Seruice in? Where doth it stand? how farre from the Chancell? and which way doth the standing thereof cause the Minister to turne his face, when he knéeleth therein at prayer? Haue you also a comely Pulpit set vp in a conuenient place, with a decent Cloth, or Cushion for the same; a comely large Surplice; a faire Com∣munion Cup of siluer, and a couer agréeable to the same; a Flagon of Siluer or Pew∣ter, with all other things, and Ornaments necessary for the celebration of diuine Ser∣uice, and administration of the Sacraments? And haue you a Chest wherein to put the almes for the poore, with thrée locks and keyes vnto it, and another Chest for the kéeping of the Bookes, and the Communion Uessels, and Ornaments of the Church? Or where are they kept? 4 In the said Chest, haue you a Register-booke in Parchment, wherin to register the Christnings, Weddings, and Burials? And is the same booke written and kept in all points according to the Canon? And is the Christian name of the mother, as well as of the father, therein duly registred? And is there a transcript thereof transmitted euery yéere into the Bishops principall Registry? Haue you also a faire Paper-booke, wherein euery Preacher which is a stranger, is to subscribe his name, the day he prea∣ched, and by whose authority he is licensed? And haue you also a Table set vp in your Church, of the Degrées, wherein by Law men are prohibited to marry? 5 Is your Church or Chappell, with the Chancell thereof, and your Parsonage house or Uicarage-house, and all other houses thereto belonging, your parish Almes-house and Church-house, in good reparations? and are they imployed to godly and their right holy vses? And if any of them be ruinated and wasted, in whom is the default? And is your Church, Chancell, and Chappell, decently and comely kept, as well with∣in as without? and are the seats in them well maintained, the Stéeple and Bels pre∣serued, the windowes in no part stopt vp, but well glazed, the roofe and wals cleane, the whole floore kept paued, plaine, and euen, and all things there in orderly and decent sort, without dust, straw, or litter, or any thing that may be either noisome or vnséeme∣ly for the house of God? 6 Is there any in your Parish, that hath or doth refuse to contribute towards the reparation of your Church, or towards the prouision of such things as belong there∣unto? 7 Is your Church-yard, or Chappell-yard well fenced, and kept without abuse? and if not, whose is the default? Hath any person within your memory, or that you haue credibly heard of, incroached vpon the Church-yard, by setting vp any kinde of buil∣ding or fence vpon it, or by opening any doore, gate or stile into it? Hath any vsed that place (consecrated to an holy vse) prophanely or wickedly? Hath any quarrelled or stricken one another, either in the Church or Church-yard? Hath any person behaued himselfe rudely and disorderly in either; or vsed any filthy or prophane talke, or any other rude & immodest behauiour in them? Haue any Playes, Feasts, Banquets, Suppers, Church-ales, Drinkings, Temporall-Courts or Léets, Lay-iuries, Mu∣sters, exercise of dancing, Stoole-ball, Foot-ball, or the like, or any other prophane vsage béene suffered to be kept in your Church, Chappell, or Church-yard? Haue any annoied your Church-yard or the fences thereof, by putting in of Cattell, by hanging vp of cloathes, or by laying any dust, dung, or any other filthinesse there? When Graues are digged, are the bones of the dead piously vsed, and decently interred againe, or laide vp in some fit place as beséemeth Christians? And is the whole consecrate ground kept frée from swine, and all other nastinesse? 8 Are your Church-wardens carefull to take speciall order, that no Dogs be at any time suffered to come into the Church, to the disturbance of the diuine Seruice, and the polluting of that holy place of the Christian Congregation? And do any of the Inha∣bitants (of what condition soeuer) or of their company, bring their Hawkes into the Church, or vsually suffer their Dogs of any kinde to come with them thither, to the pro∣phanation of the house of God, and his holy worship? 9 What Legacies haue beene giuen to the vse and benefit of your Church, and how haue they béen bestowed? Who hath receiued and detained them without due imploy∣ment? Doth any detaine or imbezell, or hath sold and made away any of the Church-goods, or vsed or imployed them otherwise, then by law they ought to doe? 10 Is your Church full, or vacant of an incumbent? And if vacant, who receiueth the fruits thereof, and who serueth the Cure, and by what authority? And is it a Parsonage, Uicarage, or Donatiue? 11 Is there in your parish (or any where about you, that you know or haue heard of) any Church, Chappell, or Oratory, now demolished, or likely to be ruined, or that is conuerted to any priuate or secular vse? 12 Hath any private man, or men, of his or their owne authority (for ought you know) erected any Pewes, or builded any new Seats in your Church? And what Pewes or Seats haue been of late yéeres new built, by whose procurement, and by whose au∣thority? And are all the Pewes and Seats in the Church, so ordered, that they which are in them, may all conueniently knéele downe in the time of prayer, and haue their faces vp East-ward, toward the holy Table? Is the middle Alley of the Church, or any of the other Alleyes or Iles, or the body of the Chancell, built vpon (in any part thereof) for the setting vp of Pewes or Seats, or for the inlarging of any there adioy∣ning? Are there also any kind of Seats at the East end of the Chancell, aboue the Com∣munion Table, or on either side vp euen with it? 13 Are there any priuie Closets, or close Pewes in your Church? Are any Pewes so loftily made, that they doe any way hinder the prospect of the Church or Chancell, or that they which are in them be hidden from the face of the Congregation? What Gal∣leries also haue you in your Church? How are they placed, and in what part of the Church? When were they built, and by what authority? Is not the Church large enough without them to receiue all your owne parishioners? Is any part of the Church hid∣den or darkned thereby, or any of the Parish anoyed or offended by them? 14 Hath any in your parish defaced, or caused to be defaced, or purloined any Monu∣ments or Ornaments in your Church, or any inscriptions of Brasse, any Lead, or Stones there, or the Glasse-windowes? When was it done, and by whom? 15 Hath any popish Recusant being lawfully excommunicate, or any other excom∣municated person béene buried in your Church or Church-yard, before absolution from that censure and excommunication obtained? And if yea, then by whom, and when? 16 Be the profits, tithes, or any commodities Ecclesiasticall, belonging to the Par∣sonage or Uicarage of your Parish, conuerted to the vse and benefit of the Patrons or of any other, and by them receiued and detained? And how long haue they beene so? And is there but a Curate or stipendary Priest kept in any place, where you haue heard or do beleeue, an Incumbent should be possessed, and what allowance hath be? 17 Is there any other Cure annexed to your Parish, or any Chappell of ease belong∣ing to the same? How are they serued, by whom, and vpon what allowance? Or haue you in your Parish any dwelling-house with a Chappell therein; or in which any roome is ordinarily vsed for preaching, or saying the diuine Seruice, and administring the ho∣ly Sacraments? 18 Haue you a true Terrier of all the Glebe-lands, Meadows, Gardens, Orchards, Houses, Stocks, Implements, Tenements, and portions of Tithes, within your Pa∣rish, or without, belonging to your Parsonage or Uicarage, taken by the view of honest men in your said Parish, appointed by the Ordinary? And is it safely kept and preser∣ued, and in whose hands? And hath there a true copie thereof, vnder the hands of the Minister and Church-wardens, béene transmitted and laid vp in the Bishops Regestry, there to continue for a perpetuall memory thereof? And if you haue no such Terrier yet made, you the Church-wardens and Side-men, together with your Parson or Uicar, or in his absence, your Curate, are now appointed to make diligent inquiry of the pre∣mises, and to make, subscribe, and assigne the said Terrier, and to bring in a true copie of it into the Bishops Regestry, as is aforesaid. IS your Minister, Parson, Uicar, or Curate, a Graduate in either of the Uniuersities, yea, or no? And if he be a Graduate, then of what degrée is hee? and what kinde of Hood doth he vse to weare in the Church? 2 Is your Minister a licensed Preacher, yea or no? And if he be licensed, then by whom? Doth he preach vsually in his owne Cure, or in some other Church or Chap∣pell neere adioyning, where there is no Preacher, once euery Sunday? And how often hath he béene negligent in so doing? Doth he also preach standing, and in his Cassock and Gowne (not in a Cloake) with his Surplice and Hood also, if he be a Graduate, and with his head vncouered? And if he be not a licensed Preacher, doth he take vpon him in his owne Cure, or elsewhere, to expound any Scripture or matter of Doctrine, or doth he kéepe himselfe only to the reading of Homilies published by authority; and be∣sides, procure Sermons to be preached amongst you, once euery Moneth at least, by such as are lawfully licensed? And doth he or his Curate vpon euery Sunday when there is no Sermon, reade some one of the Homilies prescribed by authority, and before the said Homily, vse that forme of prayer (only) which is prescribed in the fifty fifth Canon? 3 Is your Minister resident with you vpon his benefice? or if absent, how long time hath he béene so? and where is he resident for the most part? And doth he in his ab∣sence make allowance to the poore, and what allowance doth he make? Hath he any other Benefice, and doth he supply his absence by a Curate that is licensed to preach, and what allowance doth he make to his Curate? 4 Is your Curate licensed by the Bishop of the Dioces? And doth your Minister or Curate serue any more Cures than one? If yea, then what other Cure doth he serue, and how far are his Cures distant one from the other? 5 Hath any being no Minister, or Deacon, presumed at any time to read common prayers openly in your Church or Chappell; or to serue the Cure of your Parish? Or hath any Deacon not hauing receiued the full order of Priesthood, taken vpon him alone to administer the Communion in your Church or Chappell? You are to present the names of any, that haue herein offended. 6 Doth your Minister, Preacher, or Lecturer, begin his Sermon at any time, or part of the diuine Seruice, but immediately after the Beliefe called the Nicene-créed? Doth he before his Sermon (or Homilie, if he reade one) vse any forme of prayer which is of his priuate conceiuing or collecting, and of his owne inuenting or choosing, or doth hee containe himselfe within that briefe forme only, which is prescribed by the Church (in the 55. Canon) thereby to moue the people to ioyne with him in prayer for Christs holy Catholike Church, and for the Kings most excellent Maiestie (naming him and his Royall Titles) for the Quéene, the Prince, and the Royall Issue; for the Arch∣bishops also and the Bishops; for the Councell, the Nobility, the Magistracy and Com∣mons of the Land, and to giue thanks to God for the faithfull departed out of this life? And doth he alwayes conclude it with the Lords Prayer? Doth the Preacher or Mini∣ster also after his Sermon, wholly forbeare to vse any kinde or forme of prayer (not being prescribed,) as also to pronounce the Blessing (out of the Pulpit) wherewith the Church vseth to dismisse ye people? But doth he there conclude, only with, Glory to God the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost: and then comming from the Pulpit (if the Sermon were made within the Church or Chappell) doth he, or whosoeuer then officiates, at the same place, where he left before the Sermon, procéed to reade the remainder of the diuine Seruice, and at the close of all, to giue the Blessing? 7 Doth euery Priest and Seacon in your Parish daily say the Morning and Euening prayer, either priuately or openly, vnlesse he be vpon lawfull cause hindered? Doth your Curate say the same daily in your Church or Chappell, with the tolling of a Bell before he begin? Especially doth your Minister or Curate do it on euery Sunday and Holiday, and their Eues, and on the day of the conuersion of S. Paul, S. Barnabies day, and euery day of the holy wéeke next before Easter; as also on all Wednesdayes and Fridayes, at fit and vsuall times, according to the forme prescribed in the Booke of Common Prayer, in a reuerent manner euer, and as audibly and distinctly as he vseth to preach? Doth he also reade all those Psalmes and Lessons, and no other, with the Collect, Epistle, and Gospell, which are appointed for the day? At the end of euery Psalme, doe they stand and say, Glory be to the Father, &c. and doth he leaue out the Contents of the Chapters? After the Lessons, doth he vse any other Psalme, or Hymne, but those which the Booke of Common Prayer hath appointed? Doth he reade the Créed of S. Athanasius (called the Quicunque vult) on all those dayes for which it is appointed, and the Commination on Ashwednesday, and the Letany on euery Wednesday and Friday? 8 Doth your Minister and Curate, at all times, as well in preaching or reading the Homilies, as in reading the Prayers and the Letany, in administring the holy Sacra∣ments, solemnization of Mariage, burying of the dead, churching of women, and all other Offices of the Church, duly obserue the Orders and Rites prescribed, without omission, alteration, or addition of any thing? And doth he, in performing all and euery of these, weare the Surplice duly, and neuer omit the wearing of the same, nor of his Hood, if he be a Graduate? 9 Doth your Parson or Uicar hauing a Curate vnder him, notwithstanding read diuine Seruice himselfe vpon two seuerall Sundayes in the yéere, publikely at the vsuall times, both in the forenoone and afternoone, in the Church which he possesseth? and doth he also administer both Sacraments, as often in euery yéere in such manner, and with the obseruation of all such Rites and Ceremonies, as are prescribed in the booke of Common Prayer in that behalfe? 10 Doth your Minister, Preacher and Lecturer, euery yéere, of purpose and expresly, (yet not by way of disputation, but by plaine conclusion and determination) teach and declare the lawfull authority which the King hath ouer the State, both Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill; and the iust abolishing of all forraigne power or iurisdiction ouer the same? 11 Doth your Minister publish in his Sermons any doctrine, which is new and strange, and disagréeing from the Word of God, and from the Articles of Christian Faith and Religion, agréed on and published Anno Domini 1562. And doth he teach any thing, which he would haue the people religiously obserue and beleeue, but that which is agréeable to the Scriptures and that which the Catholike Fathers and ancient Bishops haue gathered out of that Doctrine, according to the Canon? 12 Doth your Minister go to the administration of holy Baptisme, euer immediate∣ly after the second Lesson? Doth he alwayes (at first) aske, whether for childe be bap∣tized or no? Afterward, doth he euer vse and neuer omit, both to take the childe in his hands, and also to make the signe of the Crosse, so as to touch the childs forehead in ma∣king the same? Doth he at any time baptize but in the Font, or with any Bason or Paile, or other Uessell set into the Font? Hath he euer deferred or willingly neglected or refused to baptize any infant within the Parish, being in danger of death, notice thereof hauing beene giuen to him? And hath any childe died without baptisme, by his default? 13 Doth your Minister or Curate often admonish the people, that they defer not the baptisme of their infants any longer, after they are borne, than is prescribed, vnlesse vpon a great and reasonable cause, declared to the Minister or Curate and approued by him; nor that they procure them to be baptized at home without great necessity? 14 Hath your Minister admitted any person to answer as Godfather or Godmother, at the christning of a childe, that hath not before receiued the holy Communion, and is not able to recite the Lords Prayer, the ten Commandements, and the Articles of Be∣liefe, and to answer to the same, being required? And doth he, at the Font, as soone as he hath baptized any child, admonish them to bring the child to the Bishop to be confirm∣ed, as soone as he hath learned the Catechisme? 15 Doth your Minister, euery Sunday and holyday before euening prayer, where no Sermon was wont to be, halfe an houre, or more, catechize and instruct the youth and ignorant persons of your parish, in the ten Commandements, the Articles of Beliefe, and the Lords Prayer? And doth be vse for that purpose, the Catechisme set forth in the booke of Common Prayer, and diligently heare, instruct, and teach them in the said Catechisme? Or what other Catechisme doth he vse either in publike or priuate? And bee the youth and ignorant persons of your parish, sent in due time vnto your Church, by them that ought to send them, to be catechized and instructed by the Minister? And if not, you are to present the names of those that make default in sending them, and of all those that vse not to come. 16 Are your after-noone Sermons (if there were wont to be any) turned into cate∣chizing by question and answer, where and whensoeuer, there is great cause appa∣rent to the contrary? And is this truly and sincerely performed, without mockery, or in shew only? 17 Doth your Minister vse to administer the holy Communion, at least thrice in the yéere (whereof once at Easter) to euery parishioner in your Parish, that is sixtéene yeeres of age and vpwards; and first to receiue the same himselfe, knéeling, on euery day that he administreth it to others; and to administer it to none but to such as doe knéele at the receiuing thereof? And doth he alwayes vse the words of Institution, ac∣cording to the Booke of Common Prayer, without alteration, at euery time, that the Bread and Wine is renewed? Doth hee also vse to deliuer the Bread and Wine to euery Communicant seuerally, and with his owne hand, repeating to euery one, all the words appointed to be said at the distribution of the holy Body and Bloud of our Lord IESUS, and vpon no pretence omitting any part of the words, or saying them all but now and then to many at once? And is there warning giuen by him, to the parishioners, publikely in the Church, at morning prayer the Sunday before euery time of his administring of the holy Communion, for their better preparation thereunto? 18 Hath your Minister admitted vnto the holy Communion any of his cure or flock, which bee openly knowne to liue in sinne notorious without repentance, or any that haue maliciously and openly contended with their neighbours, before they be reconciled; or any Church-wardens or Side-men, who hauing taken their oathes, to present to their Ordinarie all such publike offences, as they are particularly char∣ged to inquire of in the Parish, haue and doe notwithstanding, wittingly and irreli∣giously incurre the horrible crime of periury, either in neglecting or refusing to present such publike offences, as they themselues know or haue heard to be committed within your Parish? 19 Hath your Minister at any time admitted vnto the Communion any that re∣fuse to bee present at publike prayers, or who are notorious deprauers of the Booke of Common Prayer and administration of the Sacraments, or of the Orders, Rites, or Ceremonies therein prescribed; or of any thing contained in the thirty nine Articles, or in the Booke of ordaining Priests and Bishops? or who haue spoken against, or depraued his Maiesties Soueraigne Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall, vnlesse they and euery of them do first acknowledge their repentance for their sin, and promise to do so no more? 20 Doth your Minister or Curate admit any to the Communion, before they can say their Catechisme, and be confirmed? 21 Doth your Minister together with the Churchwardens and Quest-men, take di∣ligent héed and care, not onely that all and euery one of your owne Parishioners doe receiue thrice euery yéere; but also that no strangers of any other Parish, doe come often and commonly to your Church from their owne Parish Church, or doe there re∣ceiue the Holy Communion? 22 Doth your Minister, before the seuerall times of the administration of the Lords Supper, admonish and exhort his Parishioners, if any of them haue their consci∣ence troubled and disquieted, to resort vnto him, or to some other learned Minister, and open their griefe, that they may receiue such ghostly counsell and comfort, as their conscience may be relieued, and by the Minister they may receiue the benefit of Absolution, to the quiet of their conscience and auoiding of all scruple? And if any man confesse his secret and hidden sinnes, being sicke or whole, to the Minister, for the vnburthening of his conscience and receiuing of spirituall consolation or ease of minde from him, doth he the said Minister (or hath hee at any time) by word, wri∣ting, or signe, openly or couertly, directly or indirectly, reueale and make knowne to any person whatsoeuer, any crime or offence, so committed to his trust and secresie? 23 Hath your Minister solemnized the mariage of any person vnder the age of twen∣ty one yéeres, without the consent of their Parents or Gouernours; or hath he ma∣ried any, which doe not audibly say and answer in all things appointed by the Litur∣gie; or any without a King, or in times prohibited, or without the Banes first pub∣lished thrée seuerall Sundayes or Holydayes, in time of diuine Seruice, in the seue∣rall Churches or Chappels of their seuerall abodes, without a speciall license from the Arch-bishop, or Bishop of the Diocesse, or his Chancellor, or the Commissary, first had and obtained? And doth hee begin in the body of the Church, and then goe vp to the Table, as is appointed? Also doth your Minister, so oft as there is any mariage, ap∣point to haue a Communion? After the Gospell, doth he say a Sermon (if hee bee li∣censed to preach) wherein to declare the office of man and wife, according to holy Scripture; or else doth hee reade that which the Church hath appointed to bee read at matrimony? 24 Doth your Minister vse the forme of thanksgiuing for women after childe∣birth immediately before the Communion Seruice? Or hath he admitted thereunto any women begotten with-childe in adultery or fornication, without license of his Ordinary? 25 Doth your Minister carefully looke to the reliefe of the poore, and from time to time call vpon his Parishioners to giue somewhat according to their abilities, to godly and charitable vses; especially doth hée in force it vpon them with earnest exhortation (as is prescribed) at the time of the oblation or offering before the Commu∣nion, and vpon their sick beds, or when they make their wils? 26 Doth your Minister or Curate resort vnto such as bee dangerously sicke in your Parish (if he be sent for, or notice thereof be giuen to him) to instruct or comfort them in their distresses, according to the order of the Booke of Common Prayer; not omitting then especially, to mooue them earnestly to liberality towards the poore? 27 If any being sick doe desire the prayers of the Congregation, is it done accor∣ding to the forme in the Liturgie, at the time of diuine Seruice; or is it done onely by giuing their names to the preacher, and mentioning of them in the Pulpit, before or af∣ter Sermon? 28 Hath your Minister euer refused to bury any which ought to be interred with Christian buriall? Or hath hee deferred the same longer than hee should? Doth hee goe before the Corps to the graue, and there say the whole seruice appointed, not omitting the Lesson or any other part? Doth he deuoutly kneele, when hee saith the prayers and the Collect at buriall? or hath he admitted any to Christian buriall, which by the Lawes of the holy Church, or of this Realme, ought not to bee so interred? 29 Doth your Minister being a Preacher and hauing any popish Recusant or Recu∣sants in your Parish, labour diligently with them from time to time, to reclaime them from their errours? Or otherwise is he ouer-conuersant with them, or suspected to fa∣uour them? 30 Hath ydur Minister, (or any other taking vpon him the calling of a Minister) preached, baptized children (except in case of necessity) solemnized mariage, churched any women, or ministred the holy Communion in any priuate house or houses? If yea, then where, when, and how often hath he done it? 31 Doe you know, or haue heard of any which are reputed to be Ministers (or of any other of the Laity, either Male or Female) that presume to make matters of Diuinity their ordinary Table-talke? Or that vnder pretence of holinesse and edifica∣tion, take the liberty at their Trencher-meetings, or where seuerall company (not being all of the same family) are assembled, rashly and prophanely to discourse of holy Scripture? Or amidst their cups, to dispute or determine any Articles of Faith and Religion, or touching any point of doctrine or Ecclesiasticall discipline, at their owne pleasure, and to their owne phansie? You shall name the persons, times, and places, as far as you know, or haue heard, and can remember? 32 Doth your Minister, euery six moneths, in your Parish Church, openly in the time of diuine seruice, vpon some Sunday, denounce and declare, excommunicate by name, such as doe perseuere in the sentence of excommunication, not séeking to bée absolued? And hath he said diuine Seruice, whiles any excommunicate person hath beene present in the Church? Or hath he admitted any person, that hath beene excommunicate, into the Church, without a Certificate of his absolution from his Or∣dinary? Or hath be staied or forborne to denounce any excommunication, or suspension or absolution that hath beene sent him from his Ordinary? 33 Hath your Minister béene at any priuate mé etings or conuenticles, to consult there, about the impeachment or deprauing of the Doctrine of the Church of England, or of the Booke of Common Prayer, or of any part of the gouernement and discipline of the Church; or to practise any forme of their owne, either for worship or discipline? 34 Doth your Minister, vpon Sundayes at Morning Prayer, declare vnto the pa∣rishioners what Fasting-dayes and Holy-dayes are to be kept, the wéeke following? 35 Doth your Minister in the Rogation-dayes, go the perambulation of the circuit of your Parish, saying and vsing the Prayers, Suffrages, and Thanksgiuing vnto God, appointed by Law, according to his dutie; thanking God, for his blessings, and praying for his grace and fauour? 36 Doth your Parson or Uicar maintaine and kéepe in due reparation, the Mansi∣on-house, and all other edifices belonging to his Parsonage or Uicarage, without suffe∣ring them to grow into ruine or decay? 37 Hath your Minister taken vpon him, to appoint, or to hold or continue any pri∣uate or publike Fasts, or meetings, for preaching or lecturing on any working-day, in his owne Parish or elsewhere, or prophesies or exercises, or any other such thing, not approued by his Ordinary for the time being? 38 Is your Minister studious in holy Scripture, and abstaineth from mechanicall trades, bodily labour, soliciting of causes in Law, common buying and selling of Hor∣ses or other Cattell, and all other imployments not befitting his calling and holy Fun∣ction? Doth he vsually weare a Gowne with a standing collar, and sléeues strait at the hands, and a square Cap▪ Doth he in iourneying vse a cloake with sléeues, commonly called a Priests-clerke, without guards, buttons or cuts? Doth he at any time in pub∣like weare any coife or wrought night-cap, but only a plaine cap of black silk, satten, or velet: Doth he at any time goe abroad in his doublet and hose without a coat or cas∣sock, or weare any light coloured stockings? Or is he any way excessie in apparell, either himselfe or his wife? 39 Is your Minister suspected, or knowne to haue obtained his Benefice by any Simonaill compact, directly or indirectly? Or is he reputed to be an incontinent person, a frequenter of Tauernes, Innes, or Ale-houses, a common gamester or play∣er at dice or cards, a common swearer or drunkard, or otherwise faulty in any oher kinde that is scandalous to his function? 40 Hath your Minister publikly in your Parish Church or Chappell, once euery yeere read ouer the Constitutions and Canons Ecclesiasticall agreed vpon by the Clergie of both Prouinces, Ano Dom 1603. in such manner as the same is commanded to bée done? 41 Is there any in your Parish or resorting thereunto, who hauing taken holy Or∣ders of Priest or Deacon, doth voluntarily relinquish and forsakeh hs calling, and liues in the course of his life as a Lay-man? Or any that hauing beene silnced, or suspen∣ded by authority, so remaineth without conforming himselfe in due obedience to the Church? And how doth he imploy his time; and where or whence hath he his mainte∣nance, as you know or haue heard? 42 Are any admitted to preach in your Church, who doe not before the Churchwar∣dens subscribe their nas in your book prouided for that purpose, and the day when he or they preached, and the name of the Bishop or Bishops of whom they had license to preach? 43 Doth any Preacher particularly impugne and confute any doctrine deliuered by any oher Preacher in the same Church, or in any Church neere adioyning, before he hath acquainted the Bishop of the Dioces therewith, and receiued order from him, what to do in that ease? 44 Haue you any Lecturer in your Parish, and on what day is your Lecture? If any such be, doth he, twice at the least euery yéere, reade diuine Seruice both morning and euening, two seuerall Sundayes, publikely in his Surplice and Hood? And also twice in the yéere administer both Sacraments, with such Rites and Ceremonies as are prescribed by the Booke of Common Prayer? 45 Doth the Lecturer (whosoeuer he be) reade the diuine Seruice according to the Li∣turgie printed by authority, in his Surplice and Hood before euery Lecture? 46 Doth your Preacher or Lecturer behaue himselfe in his Lectures and Sermons, as he ought to doe, teaching obedience, and edifying his auditory in matters of faith and good life, without intermedling with matters of State, or newes, or other discour∣ses not fit for the Pulpit; and also without fauouring or abetting Schismaticks or Se∣paratists (that are at home, or are gone abroad) either by speciall prayer for them, or by any other approbation of them? 47 Haue you any Lecture of Combination set up in your Parish? And if so, is it read by a companie of graue and orthodox Diuines, néere adioyning, and in the same Dioces? And doth euery one of them preach in a Gowne and not in a Cloake? And when and by whom were they appointed? And what be their names? 48 Is any single Lecturer (maintained by your Towne or otherwise) suffered to preach, he not first proessing his willingnesse to take vpon him the cure of soules, nor actually taking a Benefice or Cure, so soone as it may be fairely procured for him? What is his name, and what license hath he? And hath he a setled contribution affixed to the Lecturers place; or is it arbitrary, and for this Lecturer only? What sum doth it amount to ordinarily? By whom is it vsually paid or collected, or of late yéeres hath béene? 49 If any Psalmes be vsed to be sung in your Church, before or after the morning and euening prayer, or before or after the Sermons (vpon which occasions only, they are allowed to bee sung in Churches) is it done according to that graue maner (which first was in vse) that such doe sing as can reade the Psalmes, or haue learned them by heart; and not after that vncough and vndecent custome of late taken vp, to haue euery line first read, and then sung by the people? BE there any in your Parish, that haue maried within the degrées of affinity or con∣sanguinity, by the Law of God forbidden, as is expressed in a certaine Table publi∣shed by authority in Anno 1563. And if any haue so maried, what be their names, and where were they maried, and by whom? 2 Hath any béene maried secretly in priuate houses, or without their Parents or Go∣uernours consent signified, being vnder the age of 21. yéeres? 3 Haue any persons beene maried in your Parish, the Banes hauing not been thrice published, three seuerall Sundayes or Holydayes, in time of diuine Seruice? Who were the parties, and who were present at such mariages; and what Minister maried them? 4 Haue any persons by license or without, beene maried in your Parish Church, nei∣ther of them at that time dwelling in your towne? Or hath any mariage (that you know or haue heard of) been made at any time, by license or without, but betweene the houres of eight and twelue in the morning? Or was not the diuine Seruice then openly and duly said, the Assembly being called together by the tolling or ringing of the Bels, as is at other times vsed? Or hath the Minister solemnized any mariage (without Banes published) by vertue of any License granted by the Arch-deacon or his Officiall, or by any other license then of the Arch-bishop or Bishop of this Dioces, or their Chancellours, Commissaries, or Uicars generall, or the Commissary for faculties. And hath any License beene granted by any to such persons as were not of good state and quality? Name the persons and all particulars, as far as you know, or can remember? 5 What popish Recusants, or their children haue béene maried in your parish? In what sort was the matrimony solemnized? when? and by whom? 6 Doe any persons being lawfully maried, liue asunder? and in whom is the default? 7 Doe any (heretofore diuorced or not) keepe company at bed and board, with any other man or woman, then with the person that he and she were maried to? what bee their names? when and where were they maried, and how long haue they continued so together? 8 Haue you any in your Parish, which liue together as man and wife, and yet not knowne, by whom, where, or when they were maried? 9 Haue all new-maried persons (the same day of their mariage) duly receiued the holy Communion? If not, by whose default was it, as you conceiue? BE the Church-wardens chosen by the Minister and Parishioners yéerely in Easter-wéeke, according to the 89. Canon? And hath any taken vpon him to be Church-warden, not being so chosen? Or hath any continued aboue one yeere in his office, without a new choise? 2 Haue any of the Church-wardens retained any of the Church-goods in their hands, and not made a iust account at their going out of their office, of what they haue receiued and expended; or not deliuered to their successors, by Bill indented betwéene them, whatsoeuer money or other things belonging to the Church, that remained in their hands? 3 Are there in your Parish yéerely, two, thrée, or more discréet persons, either chosen by the Ministers and Parishioners in Easter-wéeke; or if they cannot agrée, appointed by the Ordinary to be Side-men, or Assistants in ioynt office with the Church-wardens? 4 What rates or leuies (as you know or haue heard) are yéerely or commonly made in your parish for Church-uses? What is the yeerely summe thereof ordinarily? and what are the particular vses, or where are they written downe, to which the same are for the most part imployed? 5 Doe the Church-wardens and Sides-men or Assistants, diligently see, that all the Parishioners doe duly resort to the Church, vpon all Sundayes and Holydayes, and there continue the whole time of diuine Seruice and Sermon; suffering no idle persons to walke, or talke, or stand idle, either in the Church, Church-yard, or Church-porch, during the time of diuine Seruice or Sermon; but causing them either to come into the Church, or else to depart? And haue they the said Church-wardens and Side-men forborne, either for reward, fauour, or affection, to present them, that haue beene, or are negligent in comming to Church, or that vse to walke or talk therein, or that haue been found by them standing idle, or talking abroad, either in the Church-yard or streets in the time of diuine Seruice or Sermon, on Sundayes or Holydayes; or that haue not receiued the Communion yeerely, at the Feast of Easter, or within one moneth after? 6 Doe you know of any Church-wardens, which within forty dayes after Easter, in their yeere, did not exhibit to the Bishop or his Chancellor, the namer & sirnames of all the parishioners, as well men as women, which (being of the age of 16. yeeres and vpward) receiued not the Communion the Easter before? And haue you, this last yeere exhibited a bill of them? or are you ready now so to doe? 7 Doe the Church-wardens against euery Communion, aduise with the Minister, about the prouiding of a sufficient quantity of fine white-bread, and of good and whole∣some wine, for the number of Communicants that are to receiue? And is the wine brought in a cleane & swéet standing Pot of Pewter, or of other finer metall? Upon the Communion daies, doe your Churchwardens (immediately after the Sermon or Ho∣milie, and the Ministers exhortation to remember the poore) gather the deuotion of the people in a faire and solemne manner, and put the same into the poore mans bore? 8 Haue the Churchwardens suffered the Church, Church-yard, or Chappell, to be prophaned by Playes, games, feasts, banquets, suppers, church-ales, drinkings, tem∣porall Courts, or Léets, Lay-iuries, musters, &c. at any time acted, kept, or held in them? 9 Hath any man, that you know or haue heard of, by spéech or writing, or vpon the assertion of any other man affirmed; That men ought not to take the office, or the Oath of a Churchwarden, or of presenting at the Bishops visitation? Or that the said Oath is vnlawfully giuen them; Or that being taken, it is but of course, and binds them not, nor néede to be regarded; Or that (the said Oath notwithstanding) it is frée for them, neither to make enquirie, nor to answere; but to doe what they list, and to leaue out and passe by whom they will, and what they will, in their presentments? 1 DOe any in your Parish prophane any Sunday or Holiday, by any vnlawfull gaming, drinking or tipling in Tauernes, Innes, or Ale-houses, in the time of Common-Prayer or Sermon; or by working, or doing the worke of their Trades and Occupations? Doe any in your Parish buy or sell, or keepe open their Shops, or set out any wares to be sold on Sundaies, or Holidayes, by themselues, their ser∣uants or apprentices; or haue they any otherwaies prophaned the said daies? And hath the Kings Declaration concerning the lawfull sports and recreations béene published among you, yea or no? If so, when was it done, in what manner, and by whom? 2 Is the fifth day of Nouember obserued and kept in your Parish, with Prayer and Thanksgiuing vnto God, in such Forme, as is by Publike Authoritie appointed for that Day? 3 Is there any in your Parish that hath béen heard to impugne or speake against the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, or the lawfull vse of them; or to affirme by word or writing, that the form of Making and Consecrating Bishops, Priests and Deacons, or any thing therein contained, is repugnant to the word of God; or that the Gouerment of this Church vnder his Maiestie by Archbishops, Bishops and other Ecclesiasticall Officers, is Antichristian? Or hath spoken reproachfully, or disgracefully of the Kings Maiesties Courts Ecclesiasticall, or of the procéedings thereof? 4 Haue you any in your Parish, that doe come to the Sermon onely, and not to Di∣uine Seruice; or which vse to come late to Church, and to depart from Church before the Blessing be giuen, wherewith they are to be dismissed at the end of Seruice? Or that do not reuerently behaue themselues, entring into the Church, and during the time of Diuine Seruice? Doe all (both men and women) deuoutly knéele, when the Gene∣rall confession of sinnes, the Letanie, the Ten Commandements, and all Prayers and Collects are read, as well at Baptismes, Mariages and Burials, as at other parts of the Diuine Seruice? Doe all vse due and lowlie reuerence, when the blessed Name of the Lord IESUS is mentioned: and stand vp when the Articles of the Creed are read? Doe any men couer their heads in the Church, (vnlesse it be for infirmity, in which case, they may only were a coife or night-cap,) or then and there giue them∣selues to babling, talking or walking, and are not attentiue to the Prayers and Hymns, and to heare Gods word read and preached? Doe all say Amen audibly, and make such other answers both in the Letanie, and all other parts of diuine Seruice, as by the Rule of the Common Prayer booke, are to be made by the people? 5 Doth any within your Parish, men or women, being sixteene yeeres of age and vpwards, or any other, lodging or commonly resorting to any house in your Parish, wilfully absent themselues, from your Parish Church or Chappell, vpon Sundayes and Holydayes and other dayes appointed, at morning and euening prayers, or refuse to re∣ceiue the Communion, or perswade others from comming to Church, or receiuing the holy Communion? 6 Haue you any popish or puritanicall Recusants in your Parish, that be of insolent behauiour, not without publike offence; or that do boldly busie themselues in seducing or withdrawing others, either abroad, or in their owne Families, from the Religion esta∣blished in ye Church of England? And how long haue the said popish or puritanicall Recu∣sants obstinately abstained, either from diuine Seruice, or from the Communion? Whether of any long time, or of late only? 7 Are there any in your Parish, who do absent themselues at any time from your own Church, and doe resort to any other Parish or place to heare other preachers? Or are there any in your Parish, that doe communicate, or that do baptise their children in any other Parish? 8 Is there within your Parish in any house or familie, any one that is called or repu∣ted a Chaplaine, or that is knowne or supposed to haue entred into holy Orders? Or any that liueth there in imployment as a scholler? Present their names if there be any such, and how long they haue béene there? 9 Is there any in your Parish, who do refuse to haue their children baptized, or them∣selues to receiue the Communion, at the hand of your Minister, because hee is no Preacher, or doth not edifie in their phansie? 10 Doth any maried woman within your Parish, after childe-birth neglect to come to Church according to the Booke of Common Prayer to giue thankes to God for her safe deliuerance, vailed in a decent manner, as hath beene anciently accustomed? And doth she then knéele in some conuenient place nigh to the Communion Table, wile the Priest (standing by her) giueth thankes for her? And if there be a Communion, doth she then offer her accustomed offerings and receiue the holy Communion? 11 Are there within your Parish or thereunto resorting, any players on Stage, or with Puppets, or any Musitians, Fidlers, Rimers, or Iesters, which do vse any pro∣phane or filthy passages, in their songs, speeches, or gestures, to the dishonour of God, abuse of Scripture, or the corrupting of good manners; or which do publish any thing scandalous to the State, or reproachfull to the Holy Clergy? 12 Haue you any in your Parish that are commonly knowne, or reputed to bee blasphemers of Gods holie Name, common and vsuall swearers, drunkards, vsu∣rers, filthy speakers, adulterers, fornicators, incestuous persons, bawds, concealers of fornicators or adulterers? Haue any in your Parish beene detected of such notorious crimes, and what penance haue they done for the same? 13 What corporall punishment for any such offence, hath beene commuted and chan∣ged into a pecuniary mulct or summe of money, by any Ecclesiasticall Iudge exercising iurisdiction within this Dioces, by vertue of any Graunt or Commission? What was the sum of money by any of them so receiued and taken, and to what vses was the same imployed? And vpon such Commutations, was the vnfained repentance of the delinquent published in the Church? 14 Doe all Fathers, Mothers, Masters, & Mistrisses, cause their children, seruants and apprentises to come to the publike catechizing on Sundayes and Holydayes, to be instructed and taught therein? And those that do not their duties herein, in not sending them to it, or not comming, or not learning and answering, you shall present their names? 15 Haue any in your Parish receiued or harboured any women gotten with-childe out of wedlock, and suffered her to depart without punishment first inflicted on her by the Ordinary? You shall truly present as well the party harbouring, as harboured; and who is suspected to be the father of the childe? 16 Is any person or persons suspected or detected heretofore of incontinency and ther∣fore departing out of your Parish for a season, now returned againe? Or in what place else is he or she now abiding to your knowledge, or as you haue heard? You shall not faile to present the whole truth in that behalfe? 17 Doe all your Parishioners, of what sort soeuer, according as the Church expresly them commandeth, draw néere, and with all Christian humility and reuerence come to the Lords Table, when they are to receiue the holy Communion? And not (after the most contemptuous and vnholy vsage of some, if men did rightly consider) sit still in their Seats or Pewes, to haue the blessed Body and Bloud of our Sauiour go vp and downe, to séek them all the Church ouer? 18 Are there any lately deceased in your Parish, whose last Wils and Testaments haue not yet béene proued? or did they dye intestate? And if so, who hath taken vpon him the administration of their goods, and whether by lawfull authority from the Ordi∣nary, or without? What be the names of such deceased, and of their executors and ad∣ministrators? 19 What persons be excommunicated in your Parish, and for what cause to your knowledge? and how long haue they stood excommunicate? And doe any of them, not being absolued, presume to be present in the Church at diuine Seruice? And doe any familiarly vse the company of such as do obstinately stand excommunicate, knowing the same; and what be their names? 20 Doe you know of any that haue abused the Church-wardens, or other sworne men of your Parish, or giuen them euill words for executing their office, or to disharten and deter them from executing it, as by oath and duty they are bound? HAue you any Schoole-master in your Parish, that teacheth publikely or in priuate houses? Is there any teaching of Schollars to reade or write in the Chancell, or in any part of the Church? Doth any Papist kéepe a Schoolemaster in his house, who commeth not to Church to heare diuine Seruice and to receiue the holy Communi∣on? What is his name, and how long hath he taught there or elsewhere? Doth your Schoolemaster teach any Papists or Sectaries children, that come not to Church? Doth he bring his schollars to church, and duely instruct them all to learne the Catechisme in the Booke of Common Prayer, at the least once euery wéeke; or what other Catechisme doth he teach? Is he of honest and sincere life, and religion, and conuersation? Is he a Graduate and sufficient to teach, and diligent in teaching and bringing vp of youth? 2 Is any thing with-holden and otherwise imployed, that hath béene giuen to the vse of a Schoole in your Parish? What is it? By whom is it imbezelled? 3 What Physitian or Chyrurgion haue you in your Parish, who not being a Doctor of Physick or otherwise sufficiently licensed in either of the Uniuersities, doth notwith∣standing practise physick? What other persons haue you among you, either male or female, who take vpon them to professe physick or chyrurgery? And who be Midwiues in your parish? 4 Haue you a fit Parish-Clark (aged 20. yéeres at least) of honest life, able to reade and write? Are his and the Sextons wages duly paid without fraud or diminution, ac∣cording to the ancient custome of your Parish? By whom is he chosen? Is he diligent in his office, and seruiceable to the Minister? Doth hee keepe the Church cleane and the doores locked? Is there any thing lost or spoyled, by his default? 5 Doth your Clarke or Sexton take vpon him to haue, or suffer any superstitious or any vnseasonable ringing of the bels at any time, or any ringing without good cause, such as the Minister and Church-wardens haue not allowed? When notice is giuen of any Christian passing out of this life, within the Parish, doth he neglect to toll a passing bell, or to ring after the departure? WHat peculiar or exempt iurisdictions know you of, within ye compasse of this parish? 2 Are there any Ecclesiasticall Officers exercising Ecclesiasticall Iurisdicti∣on within this Diocesse, or any Ministers or Clarkes vnder them, who do take or exact any extraordinary fées, for any cause that you know of? 3 Haue any Church-wardens and Quest-men, concealed and not presented any abu∣ses or offences punishable in the Ecclesiasticall Court? Or haue any such offences, be∣ing by them presented to the Chancellor, Archdeacon, Commissary, Officiall, or any other vsing Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction within this Diocesse, beene suppressed, or left vn∣punished, for bribe, reward, pleasure, friendship, feare, or any other partiall respect? 4 Are any Assemblies called Uestry-méetings, held in your Parish? when, and how often are they? In what place, and by whom? Hath any thing (that you haue heard of) been proposed, treated, or concluded therein, touching the diuine Seruice, or the doctrine and discipline of the Church? Or any thing medled with, for the gouernment of the Church or Parish, which belongs to the Ecclesiasticall cognition and Iurisdiction? 5 Doth the Arch-deacon once in thrée yéeres, visit and suruey your Church, touch∣ing the repaires of the same, and vpon any defect found, hath he made certificate of it, as far as you know or haue heard? 6 Are there placed by the Registrar, two Tables containing the seuerall rates and summes of all fées due to the Iudge, and other officers of your Courts; one in the vsu∣all place or consistory, where the Court is kept; the other in the Registry; in such sort as euery man may come to view the same without difficulty? And doth the Chancellor, Arch-deacon, Commissary, or Officiall, or any other Minister of the Court, exact or extort any other greater fées or sums of money, than in the said Tables are contained? 7 Doth any Arch-deacon, Officiall, or Surrogate vnder him, make commutation of any penance; or doth the Chancellor or any Commissary, or any Surrogate vnder any, commute or change any penance or corporall punishment, for any money, without the consent of the Bishop? And what money haue they or any of them receiued for such commutation, and of whom? when, and what was the offence, for which any such sum of money was receiued, or appointed to be paid? 8 Doth the Chancellor, Arch-deacon, Commissary, or Officiall, or any other person vsing Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction, speed any act in any cause, priuately of themselues, and not in the presence of some publike Notary or Actuary? 9 Is the number of Apparitors increased in this Diocesse? And wherein, and in what manner is the Countrey ouer-burthened or grieued by them? Hath any of them vnder pretence of authority, cited or summoned any person vnlawfully; or hath any of them taken any reward for the concealing of any offence or sin, or that the offenders might escape punishment? Who be they that haue so done? Or doe any of them take any fées that are not vsuall? Haue they threatned any to prosecute them, if they had no re∣ward giuen them? Or do any of them cause any party to appeare in any Ecclesiasticall Court within this Diocesse, without a citation first obtained from the Iudge of the Court? 10 Hath any Ecclesiasticall Iudge or Officer whatsoeuer, Aduocate, Registrer, Procter, Clerke, or other such Ministers, any way abused themselues in their Offices, contrary to the Lawes and Canons in that behalfe prouided? 11 Were there any particular or speciall iniunctions giuen (as you know, or haue heard) by the Uicar generall or any other Commissioner, at the last Metropoliticall Uisitation of the most Reuerend the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury his Grace? And how haue the same béene performed or obserued by the Minister or any other of the Pa∣rish, whom they concerne? 12 Lastly, haue you and euery of you, by your selues, read, or haue caused to be read to you, all these Articles? Haue you well examined and inquired into euery particular therein intended? Haue you sincerely, vprightly, & without any partiall affection or con∣cealement, presented and made knowne all and euery of the offenders in any of the par∣ticulars, either as they are taken in truth to be, or by common fame reported? If you know any other matter of Ecclesiasticall cognisance, worthy the presentment in your iudgement and fit to be reformed by Ecclesiasticall censure, though it be not ex∣pressed in these Articles, yet you shall likewise present the same by vertue of your oaths. The Minister also of euery Parish may and ought to ioyne with the Church-wardens, or other Sworne-men, for the presenting of offences; and if they be so irreligious as not to do it, the Minister of himselfe may & ought to present the offences, or the Church-wardens and Quest-men, for not presenting, and is required in his Canonicall obedi∣ence so to doe. There must be distinct answer made to euery Article, and to euery branch thereof, as far as they know, or haue heard of any offence. And if (their Oath and all this aduertisement notwithstanding) any Church-wardens or other Sworne-men, shall follow the customary manner, and be carelesse in inquiring and presenting as they ought, then shall they not be able hereafter to say, that they had not faire warning to the contrary giuen them in the spirit of meeknesse; or to complaine that they are hardly dealt with, if (vpon information and proofe otherwise had) they be called to answer their willfull periury, in some other course of iustice, for neglecting to inquire and present to all the particulars herein proposed? And to the intent that all things aboue mentioned may (by the helpe of God) as well be kept, as set in good order, the Chancellor of the Diocesse, and all the Commissaries are hereby required, that so far as to them in their seuerall places it shall appertaine, when the Synods and Generals are holden respectiuely, they do faithfuly inquire after all these things, & in all places of their Iurisdictions exact a due obseruance of the same. The Parson, Uicar or Curate of this Parish is required to receiue this Booke, and vpon the Sunday next after the receipt hereof, immediatly after the Morning Seruice, to publish the contents of the Process which is sent forth. That all Preachers and Le∣cturers (if there be any in the Parish) together with the Church-wardens both of this present yeere and of the last yeere, and two or three of the chiefest parishioners beside, as also all Physitians, Schoole-masters, Chyrurgions, Midwiues, and Se∣questrators, may take notice of the day & place specified in the said Processe, for appea∣rance at the Lord Bishops Uisitation: and after publication so made, this book of Arti∣cles is to be presently deliuered to some of the said Church-wardens, for the vse of them∣selues and the rest that are to make Presentments.
A00234.P4	Newes out of France for the gentlemen of England a stratagem most ventrously attempted, and valiantly atchiued by the French King, the 27. day of Iuly. anno Domini 1591 : wherein is desciphered, what trust His Royall Maiestie reposeth on the valour of the English, and their duetifull seruice vnto him at all assayes : newes also touching 16. shippes taken nigh the hauen of deepe, and the discomfiture of the Popes forces transported into France towards the ayde of the leaguers, both concurring on the 28. of Iuly last past : vvith a report of the princely meeting, and honorable conioyning of the whole power of the French King the sixt day of this present moneth of August, consisting of English, Germane, and his owne people.	[ "G. B." ]	[1591?]	For Iohn Kid ...,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "France -- History -- Henry IV, 1589-1610." ]	GEntlemen, whereas the old world admired Ha∣nibal for but scaling the Alpes, Caesar for build∣ing a bridg ouer Rheyne, Pompey for subduing a few barbarous Territo∣ries, leaue now to mar∣uaile at the strategems, the world affordes you greater maruailes. Looke on the experienced prowesse of your owne Countreymen, farre exceeding the puissance of base Pa∣gans, who as they bee presidents most ho∣norable: so are they by your steps, and plau∣dities to be honoured. Imitate the vertues of your Ancestours, that all the world may ring of your noble acts, of your Ancestours said I, nay of our Caualiers yet liuing, who as they be equall in valour to the best of any time; so are they before al other to be followed of your persons at this time. Remember the fortitude of Norris neuer quailed, consider the magnani∣mitie of Williams neuer daunted, and worthie Yorkes forwardnes neuer impeached: But what should I compile a catalogue of them, whose valours and vertues are best knowne vnto you: onely this our Soueraigne, and the whole commonwealth intreates you, that as whilom your politique Predecessours, & now these your martiall Progenitours by their ex∣ploytes haue attayned the heigth of renowne in the world; so yee like renowned Children of so renowned Parents, would by your couragious enterprises brandish your names and fames throughout the world: facite, & valete. NOthing (saith Quintilian) so much commēdeth the per∣son of the writer, as the truth of the subiect, he proposeth to write: And certes nothing aduaunced so highly Iulius Caesars historie, as truth po∣lished with Eloquence dis∣creetely: for as in the iudge∣ment of the wise the one without the other had argued great imperfection: so both intermingled sauour of won∣derfull discretion, and so much the rather, because the Author seemeth estranged from Philautie, & Ambi∣tion. I cannot but praise them of ancient time, & touch some in these dayes, who either for that they know not, or care not for truth, or wil not inquire after the truth, wil be sure to publish nothing but vntruth, mispending their time, misdemeaning their braine, and misusing their pen, no lesse foes to themselues, then back friends to the welminded. I speake this (Gentlemen) for that this Pamphlet had many dayes sithence come to your view, had not these apish Pamphleters neither left waie for themselues, nor other, any further to thrust out their heads: But whereas this obortiue Pygmey dare peepe out, and shew his face to the world, vnderstand that it is but vnder sureties, on conditiō, that he neither mut∣ter, speake, nor write any thing but truth, or at the least that whereof he can alleadge sufficient authoritie: who although hee hath been staied, but not brought to a blancke, therein taketh so much the more heartie grace, because he knoweth some of these counterfeites will bee driuen to a Nonplus: And thus much I will saye, and and in saying truly auouch (being priuie to all his pro∣ceedings) that at this time he will not, (nay if he would he may not) neither would hee if hee might speake any more than truth, or that hath been credibly informed, or that commonly among the best passeth for truth, wherein if peraduenture hee speake not so much, as some of you knowe; or write so much, as others heare, thinke, that neither his eares, nor his eyes are so large, as to heare and see all things done in his owne countrey, much lesse ouer Sea in a forrayne climate: but accept his Newes fauourably, as he giues it friendly, and if in any iot hee shall offend you, hee most humbly craues your pardon, euer remayning courteously at your commande. THe French King (who for his singular wisedome de∣serueth to be reckoned a se∣con Solomon, and inuin∣cible fortitude an other Sampson) hauing drawen his forces downe into Pi∣cardie, presented his armes before the town of Noyan, & begirt the same, where hauing continued the siege some few dayes, no daye frée from some hard skir∣mish, hot incounter, or daungerous assault, the losse for the most part falling on the enemies, whereby the said towne was in ieopardie to haue reuolted (which was practised by some) to the King his part, in so much they stoode on tearmes of yeelding, but that they had some small hope of succour, and supply of victualles to be sent them from Roan for the conuoy∣ing whereof (as they vnderstoode) should bée sent Mounsier Tauanas late commaunder of Roan, whose forses consisted of 400. Horse, and 5000. footemen e∣uery way well fitted for such a seruice, carrying mindes resolutely determined (as appeared by the insuing conflict) by some sudden surprise to haue rai∣sed the siege, yea and indaungered the Kinges owne person, if God (who hath promised to defend his ser∣uant Iosua, that is his faithfull magistrates, & bring the counsailes of the wicked to naught) had not by straunge meanes miraculously discouered their ma∣licious treacherie, making his verie enimies his willing friendes at such an exigent. For Monsier Iean de Primadian, Registerer to the Bishoppe of Roan priuie to their intentions, although (as they tearme him) a Catholique, yet mooued in conscience to crosse by what meanes possible hée could any wic∣ked action, or attempt that might touch the safetie of the King his soueraigne person, manifested by let∣ters the day before, the whole plot of treason inten∣ded toward his Maiestie. Whereupon the King no lesse desirous to take the opportunitie, then carefull to preuent the euil, immediatly that night commaun∣ded a Cornet of horse, conducted by a braue French Captaine to discouer the Enimie, who by the breake of day approched the walles of Roan, where estsoones they had spied issuing forth, the foresaid companies in martch toward Noyan, whereupon they present∣ly retired, till by some meanes, and in some conue∣niēt place for the purpose happily they might charge them, or at the least discry their determinations: ther∣of to certify his Maiesty, which (as God would) they performed luckely: for hauing ambushe themselues in the skirt of a wood, on the sudden charged the eni∣mies vauncurriers, ledde by a hardie gentleman (as it seemed.) For notwithstanding our sudden char∣ging them (which was done to the proofe,) whereby they were well nigh discomfited, and that the said leader hardly escaped himselfe, with some few in his companie by his retreate, yet loth to receiue so great a wound to his reputation, as to be mated, or rather vanquished by so small a troupe, as was ours, secon∣ded ye rest of his followers, yet fighting: but though he performed resolutely his part therein, yet was it his fortune to be taken hardly with life, by one May∣ster Thomas Robartes an English gentleman, the rest were all chased and taken prisoners, euen at the front of the enimies battalious, with little losse on our side, to the number of some 23. men, hurt, taken, and slaine: But the foresaid Prisoner being with ex∣pedition conuaied to the King, confirmed all that be∣fore by letters his maiestie had intelligence of, and disclosed also, what wayes, and meanes they had layd downe to surprise his Maiesties forces. The K. supposing it not necessarie to suffer them make their approach in sight of Noyan, forthwith consulted to incounter them further of, sending foorth scouces to barre the newes of their comming from the towne, determining himselfe to follow (as he might) with part of his armie (for hée thought it altogether trou∣blesome, and vnméete to dislodge the whole.) And in regarde of the resolute English (for so hée tearmeth them) whom he ment most to imploy in this seruice, of whom also he had good experience, for such like ser∣uices heretofore by them performed, his Maiestie de∣crees to vse the fewer of his owne Nation, and there∣fore sending secretly for his approued champion Sir Roger Williams, imparted vnto him both what had bin performed, as also his intention: of which the re∣doubted Cheualier was verie ioyful, & as forward as valiant, greedily thirsted for the incounter, & thought euery minute an hower, til they were marching. All things being put in readines for the iourney, sudden∣ly the espialles returned with newes of the enemies approach, and their order: which Sir Roger Wil∣liams vnderstanding, euer like himselfe, and hauing now (as he thought) found a danger equall to his heart) which heart through his good fortune hath got∣ten a courage to despise al dangers) earnestly desired his Maiestie doo him the honour of the first incoun∣ter, in regarde of the safetie of his Maiesties owne person; which the King through intreatie graun∣ted. This request obtayned, and our Vauncurriers in view of the Enemie, worde was brought the King thereof, and being (as God would) in a place situate by nature for the purpose, his Maiestie caused a squa∣dr on of pikes to march forward strongly armed, and in the Reregard of them vndiscouered certaine com∣panies of Musquetters on the left side, in manner of an ambush (yet as a wing to the mayne Squadron) was Sir Roger Williams, and with him certaine Cornets of horse, and some companies of Musquet∣ters, to second those of ours, that the Enemie had sight of, and were now readie to incounter: on the right wing was the King with most of the horse in the fielde, as well shot as other, somewhat behinde Sir Roger lying also in ambuscado, to answere the hope of the other, if néede required: But in such sort▪ as when occasion was offered, ye sayd Horsmen with those of Sir Roger Williams, answered his Maie∣sties expectation, and suddenly pursuing the oppor∣tunitie (while 300. of their horse were charging our mayne Battaile, (which strongly indured the shock) inclosed the Enemie, and happily at the first incoun∣ter, being hotly maintained, discomfited them, and very vigorously pursued the victorie, which (by the omnipotent power of GOD especially, and trium∣phant valour of the English) being gotten, as ha∣uing chased, and slaughtered them almost the space of two leagues, the retreict sounded, the dead were ouerlooked, and prisoners numbred: The dead were many, and captiues some fewe, all for the most part men of name, worth raunsoming, amongst whome was the Generall himselfe, Monsieur Tauanas Leiu∣tenant of Roan, sore hurt, and likewise his Nephew Commaunder of the Fort of S. Katharins taken prisoner: which glorie was renownedly atchieued on all parts the 27. day of Iuly, Anno Domini 1591. The Lord the giuer of victorie bee praysed therefore. This one thing remayneth yet in this report vn∣touched, which I cannot any way omit, and all true hearted Englishmen may bée ioyfull to record. For the French King both in this pettie battaile, and at all times els, perceiuing the hearts of the English readie prest to doo him seruice, and their haughtie mindes prompt to attempt any graund enterprise, (whereby either glorie, or gaine may he purchased) as also the swift forwardnes, and forward swiftnes of his Eagle Sir Roger Williams, to soare ouer and detallant the Martiall foes of so Martiall a field, his Maiestie well noting it, and in noting it scanning what was best to bee done, called them before him, where yéelding first his royall Sister, and them all immortall and most heartie thankes for their payne∣full, and no lesse powerfull seruice, vttered many gracious words to the euerlasting commendation of all England. Thus farre concerning this heroi∣call Stratagem, and wonderfull, and no lesse wor∣thie exployte, effected by the flower of Chiualrie, and mirrour of Curtesie the French King now raign∣ing. Newes is also brought to the French Ledger of the taking of 16. Ships of the Leaguers without any perill, all well laden with commodious Mar∣chandize, and prouision for warre, right against and nigh the Hauen of Deepe the 28. day of Iuly last past, which were fraught for Roan, (some say for Newhauen) but by diuine prouidence brought the∣ther. The mightie GOD of Israel neuer send vs worse newes. Newes also from the Dukedome of Sauoy, how Monsieur de Eguidiers Gouernour of his Maie∣sties Forces in those parts, incountred the troupes of horse, that were sent into France by the Pope to∣wards the strengthning of the Leaguers, and ouer∣threwe foure hundred of them a little belowe the Alpes; the rest miserably escaping by flight, the 28. day of Iuly also: Some say the remnaut is retur∣ned into Italie: others that they yet houer and liu∣ger in the Countrey. But howsoeuer it be, it is to be hoped they shall haue as infortunate successe, as they haue had hetherto: no other reason I can assigne thereof, but this, that God now in these letter times vouchsafeth to bring things to speedie euen▪ there by to hasten the comming of his Sonne to iudge∣ment, for that hee hath promised to shorten those dayes; and we knowe by all accompts that they are both likely to bee shortened, and drawe to an ende. For who doubteth but as that butcherly Citie, (Rome I meane) and bloudie Nation was first founded in bloud, (the one Brother bathing his hands in the bloud of the other) so shee shall ende in bloud and abominable desolation, as her stiffenecked Sister Ierusalem did before her. And to beleeue this I am so much ye rather incited, because I both heare and see daily by the omnipotent power, and out∣stretched arme of GOD, that both that Citie, that Kingdome, and all the friends and adherents of the same, doo come to perpetuall ruine, and vtter destruc∣tion, as is now exemplifled by the noble Rebels, and rebellious Nobles of France: for who estéemeth that euer the Duke de Mayne, or those noble perso∣nages, that irreligiously resist their God, and proud∣ly rebell against their Soueraigne, could haue béen brought to so extreame miserie, and grieuous cala∣mitie, as to flye from Citie to Citie, from Coast to Coast, from Countrey to Countrey, and finde no sa∣fetie, eyther in inward Conscience, or outward con∣uersation, if they were not euen those, on whom God predestinated to powre his dreadfull and execrable vengeance, permitting them like castaway Cayne, no place of safegard, but to become runnagates ouer all the fare of the earth. A second reason also forcible enough I haue to perswade me, that euen now the kingdome of Anti∣christ is falling, and shortly (the Lorde of hostes knowes how soone) will fall, for that another piller of his chayre, or rather a mayne proppe of his paui∣li begins to shrink, his golden Metropolis (Spaine I meane) who hauing now many hundred yeares maintained his Religion, fostred his sucklings, pani∣pred his shauelings, defended his Inquisition, and furthered his proceedings, in part ereth and is wearie of hir burden, a burden in deede no lesse bur∣den some, then combersome both to bodie and soule. For within these fewe dayes, not a moneth sithence, variance hapning betweene the chiefe Masters of the Inquisition, and the Kings Arch-secretarie, Sa∣rogosa, a citie of Aragon (wherin the saide Secreta∣rie was borne (began to take armes against the In∣quisition, and approoue unexpected, and vntrue posi∣tions (as they tearmed them) contrarie to their De∣cretalls, their Doctours, their Diuines, and diuells. A Kingdome (saith our Sauiour) deuided in itselfe, cannot stand: certes then the kingdome of Sathan deuided, must needes be ruinated: for as by concord small things come to perfection: so by discorde the greatest powers, puissantes, and principalities, that euer haue béen in the Worlde, bend to destruction. Weigh the state of the 4. Monarchies both flouri∣shing and declining, the cause of their establishment, and originall of their decaye, and yee shall finde con∣cord a meane to the one, and discord a mother of the other: bath bringing foorth strange effects. But to come nigher, what was the first cause of planting the Gospell (for which so many haue, and yet spend their dearest bloud in France) but their first supplan∣ting of common quiet, their vnspeakeable butche∣ries, horrible martyrdonies, and execrable massa∣kers, all doubtles begon, and practised by the suffe∣rance of God to none other end, but to raise vp fresh feedes, and nourish the increase of the Gospell, cal∣ling home thousands of soules elected to his king∣dome. This did France, and wee are daily to hope, and howerly to pray for the like of Spayne: The Lord open their eyes to discerne white from black, light from darkenes, truth from errour in due time according to his good will and pleasure. But leauing Spayne, let vs returne agayne to France, from wherlie euery day (the Lord for his merries sake increase it) are heard blissefull and most happie notes, his Maiesties affayres successiuely prospering an all sides. For sithence the departine of our Souldiers from London, which was on the 23. 24. 25. and 26. dayes of Iuly last, vnto this 12. of August, besides the Newes already set downe, many matters of great importance haue chaunced, the veritie whereof (for that I cannot attayne, and learne the circumstances directly) I passe them ouer in silence, onely of this passell insuing, I haue recei∣ued credible information, that on the sixt day of this moneth, being the 16. after their computation at Bloys, his Maiesties Forces all met, and royally co∣united themselues together, at what time the braue worthies and warlike Gallants of Germany appea∣ring on horsebacke in Martiall order, euery one throughly furnished with all habiliments necessarie, were first welcomed by his Maiestie, and entertay∣ned of the Campe with a peale of ordinance ioyful∣ly. But whereas in the letter (from whence I cop∣pied out this Newes) all his Forces be named, and yet no mention made of the English, I suppose hée meant it by the forces of the Almaygnes onely, and those his own subiects that were sent out of Brytain to ioyne with his Maiesties hoast there, and none o∣therwise. For there is newes come lately, that the Earle with his companies remaine yet about Deipe, there staying a while on weightie considera∣tions, till they heare further. But how euer it bee, this is most certaine, that his Maiestie hath a good∣lie armie, besides those warlike troupes the right Honorable Earle of Essex is to come with, who how they were appointed, is knowne to al England, and I neede not now discourse. Thus farre concerning the prosperous successe, and fortunate progresse of this mighty Prince, whom the Lorde hath preserued from time to time, from yeare to yeare, day to day, hower to hower, so many times, yeares, dayes, and howers most miraculoufly from all the furious inuasions, and cancared conspi∣racies of all his enemies, and made him to triumphe ouer them, outliuing the most part, reclayming by his vertues the better sort, and taming by policie the peruerse and obstinate, being snatched from the chawes of the Lyons, deliuered from the gates of Death, and reserued from infinite perills (as the wide world confesseth) by diuine prouidence, to none other end, but to declare the wonderous workes of the Lorde, and shew forth his mightie acts vnto the Princes of the earth, and especially that Man of sin, and strumpet of Babylon, foster-father of brauls and battayles among Christian Princes, and generally the Bloudsucker, Butcher, and tormentour of all Europe, whome God in due time at his good plea∣sure will by the hand of this his annoynted (as hee did by Dauid fighting against the vncircumcised, Philistin,) terrifie, torment, scourge, and confound, which he hath begon by his English Debora first, and wil finish in this his Champion, (making them both mirrours for all Potentates) that all the world, and especially the kingdome of Antichrist may acknow∣ledge, that there is a God that ruleth in Israel, and protecteth the house of Iaacob, making his enemies his footestooles. The Lord in mercy graunt it, to the comfort of his little flock, the abolishment of sinne, confusion of his enemies, and establishment of his owne glorie in Sion, and let all faithfull Soldiers, and loyall subiects say, Amen, and crie in feruent zeale of spirit, Lord Iesus come quickely, euen so. Amen.
A00235.P4	A new song, called Jacke Doues resolution by which he doth show, that he cares not a rush how ere the world goe. To the tune of, To driue the cold winter away.	[ "G. B., fl. 1592-1597." ]	[ca. 1635]	for Iohn Wright and are to be sold at his shop in Giltspur-street at the signe of the Bible,	Printed at London :	eng	[ "Ballads, English -- 17th century." ]
A00249.P4	A consolatory letter to all the afflicted Catholikes in England	[ "H. B., fl. 1588." ]	1588?]	Arundel House by John Charlewood?,	Imprinted at Roan in Normandy [i.e. London :	eng	[ "Catholics -- England." ]	RIght Noble Lordes, and worshippfull Gentlemē with other worthy Confessors of Christ his Church, and religion, & gene∣rally all ye that vnder the name of wilfull and obstinate Recusants, but in verye deed be∣cause you be true and constant Catholickes, eyther alredy haue ben, or by likelihood may be herafter, endomaged in your worldly goods and possessions, empeached of liberty, or other wyse persecuted and afflicted. If the light of fayth did as clearely shine, & the fire of god∣ly zeale and charity were now as feruent in mens harts, as it was in the golden dayes of those first Christians among whome the pre∣cious blood of our Sauior was yet warme, the memory of the blessed Apostles most fresh, & the example of invincible Martirs in euery sex age and condition so frequent as that no∣thing could be more cōmon then dayly to see men and women, olde and young, rich & poore Priestes and secular for Christs sake to offer them selues with willing and glad mindes to all kinde of exquisite and greuous torments. If it might please God (I say) but in some parte to renue & kindle againe the deuotion of those times, in this our dull age & dead season: ney¦ther should this present persecutiō seeme so ter∣rible, as now I feare it seemeth, to many: ney¦ther should it be needfull at all to vse so much comfort, encouragement, and exhortation as now perhapps to a great number shal be very necessary to be applyed. For so farr were the most Christians in that flourishing prime tyde and cleare. Noone dayes of the Church from being afrayde of any kind of death (although most cruell and painfull) that euery one dee∣med him selfe the more happy, by how much more he might endure for the loue of our Sa∣uiour: and as for temporall goods they were then so litle esteemed as that many preuented the persecutors hands, by selling all that they had, and distributing their money for the re∣liefe of their poore Christian brethren. But now (alas) that saying of the Prophet Iere∣mie is to playnly verified of this our miserable time:Hier: 6 Vae nobis quia declinauirdies quia longiores factae sunt vmbrae vesperi: woe to vs because the day is farr spent, because the shadowes are growen longer in the eauening. The light of true knowledge being diminished charity waxing colde, & iniquity encreasing, the shadowes of transitory things ar become so greate, that now a mole hill appeareth more then a mountayne did in times past, the losse of a litle money, is now accompted greater, thē here-tofore of a whole world of wealth, yea more at this day perhapps ar dismayed at the pinching of their purse, then would in former age haue ben appalled at the tearing of their fleshe & breaking in sunder of all their bones.Heb: 6 I meane not in this speach to include many of you most constant and approued Confessors of whom I confidently trust better things and nearer to saluation: who haue well dserud that honorable testimony, which Saint Paule giueth to the Hebrues huing susteyned al∣ready a great fight of passions:Heb: 10 on the one part by reproches and tribulations made a specta∣cle: and on thother part made companions of them that cōuersed in such sort. You haue ta∣ken compassion on them that were in bondes: the spoyl of your owne goods you haue taken with ioy, knowing that you haue a better and a more permanent substance Ther remay∣neth for you no more but that you doe not lose your cōfidēce which hath a great renumeratiō. How long this persecutiō shall continue, & to what extremitie it may grow hereafter, God knoweth: And although we may hope the best yet in respect of our sinns, we haue cause also to feare the worst. Therfore patience is nece∣sarie for you: that doing the will of god, you may receiue the promise for yet a litle & a ve∣rie litle while, he that is to come, will come, & will not slacke. Liue you in the meane while by the assured fayth & hope of Christ his cō∣ming, and withdraw not your selues from the Catholike Church, being redy to resist vsque ad saguinem.Heb: 12 Even to the patient shedding of your blood, if the glory of Christ his name shall so require. But I speake of the base min∣ded multitude who hardlye be perswaded in hope of felicitie in the life to come to liue here with patience in penury or willingly to endure a paynfull death: who ar ether with holdē by feare of penall lawes agaynst their cōsciēces, frō the harbour of saluation: or if they be yet in the Church, they stagger and ar ready to fall at the terror & blast of euery new statute that commeth forth, behauing them selues in the meane time so coldly in their profession, that scarcely shall you perceiue them by any out∣ward acte to be Catholickes. For these espea∣cially I haue taken in hand this labour of ex∣hortation, although I trust it shal-be accepta¦ble to you also, who by likelihod haue lesse need to be comforted:Tertu: ad Mar∣tires. for even those that fight or runne best are encouraged not onlye by their maisters and gouernours, but also by the vul∣gar multitude that standeth a farr of: & that which to others is a necessary perswasion, to you is a great and excellent commendation: for so much as you do that of your selues with out externall admonition, wher vnto others haue neede to be often and vehementlye ex¦horted. And if I profite not otherwise by this endevour, yet I hope I shall reape profite by calling to remembraunce that which maye bring comfort to my selfe, wherof I confesse I stand in neede, in respect of the sorowe which I suffer for your affliction my deare beloued contrymen, and for the lamētable state of our natiue Land, being absent in body, yet alway∣es present with you in minde and spirit, & like∣wise doe I need the prayers of good folke which I besech all Catholikes that shall read this sim¦ple treatise of their charitable goodnes to be∣stow vpon me. ANd now to come to my intended matter. The weyght of this presēt persecution seemeth chiefly to consist in two penall statutes: thone enforcing you to make shew by outward signes of yelding to a contrary religiō: the other debarring you from practise of your owne: the one proposing vnto you de∣triment of temporall goods: the other thretning bodily deth: I meāe thone in flicting penalty, of .xx. pownd by the month to be exacted of all those that re¦fuse to be present at the schismaticall prayers now called in England by the name of diuine seruice, the other for∣bidding you to receyue catholicke Pri∣ests, and consequently excluding you from the benefite of god his seruice & Sacramēts, vnder no lesse payne thē for the same to suffer death as in case of fe∣lony. Agaynst the terror of both these, lawes, I intend to geue such comfort, as it shall please god by my poore pen to aforde. And first I will assay to geue a cordiall agaynst the thirten monthes mulct, as that which may extend it selfe more generally, and is more like to be put in execution, then that other lawe which draweth blood at the first encoū¦ter: the world being more earnestly set in these dayes to thirst after money, thē to desire the shedding of mens blood. And like as pesecution beginneth com∣monlye with lesser penalties before it proceed to greater: so shall it not be a misse to keepe the same order in apply∣ing remedye to these afflictions: The loue of worldly goods being not so na∣turall as the care of keeping of a mans life, & therfore ordinarily the lose more easlly digested. Although many will say that they would rather dye, speedely, then liue a long time in miserie: The re∣son of this their iudgement may be ge∣uen for that they haue already some fee¦ling of want in this life, but of deathe they haue not yet tasted, neyther doe they feele it so much, being in their opi¦nion farther from them: but if death were iminēt, I thinke ther are very few that would not saue their liues if they could although with very hard condi∣tions for their maner of liuing: so that comonly that is found true, although it were vttered by the Father & Author of lyes: pellem pro pelle, et cuncta que habet homo dabit pro anima sua:Iob: 2. Skyne for skyne and all that a man hath he will geue for his soule, that is to say for the redemp∣tion of his naturall lyfe. Yet neuerthe∣lesse ther is good hope that if we maye perswade men to endure patiently the with-drawing of goods & liuings, they will more boldly aduenture if it shal-be needfull, the losse of liues: the depar∣ting from these temporall possessions, being one especiall payne, that mē ha∣uing substance doe find at the time of their death being also a greate cause why they feare to dye, and therfore ma¦ny times a great impedimēt to the hap∣py atchiuing of glorious martirdom. ACording to this order therfore let vs first consider this penalty of twē¦ty pownd by the month, for what cause it is layde vpon you, what incōuenien∣ces it bringeth, and what recompence you maye expect in time to come for this vrgent detriment. So that waying the goodnes of your cause, and ioyning therto hope of future reward, you may rather reioyce in the gayne that is to come, then sorow for the present losse, or feare the distresse or incommoditye that may ensue. And first touching the cause wherfore your purses be thus pu∣nished. You suffer because you ar Cath∣olickes, or as the world termeth you re¦cusants: Let vs see therfore what you re¦fuse to doe, and vpon what ground: & although you haue the same declared more at large in sundry learned treaty∣ses, it shall not be amisse perhaps to call some few poynts amongst the rest to re¦membraunce. YOu refuse to doe directly agaynst your conscience,1 Doing a∣gaynst con¦science in Psal: 54 to descend quick vnto hell, and to be swallowed vp a liue by your enemies, for Saint Augustine sayeth, when thou knowest it to be e∣uill which thou doest, and yet doest the same, thou doest downe quicke vn∣to hell. And in a nother place,in Psal: 123 those are they sayeth he that are swallowed vp a∣lyue, who know a thing to be euill, and doe geue consent with their tongues. And great reason haue you to shun this manifest and wilfull perdition of your owne soules, knowinge that as Saint Paule sayeth,Ro: 14 he that discerneth, that is to saye, he that iudgeth a thing to be euill although it were otherwise indif∣ferent, if he doe it, is damned: because, not of fayth, but because he doeth not according to his conscience and know∣ledg, for all that is not of fayth, all that is done agynst a man his conscience, is sinne albeit the thinge were of it selfe lawfull: much rather if it be vtterly vn∣lawfull, as the going to church with he∣retikes is holdē in euery discreete mans conscience and iudgement: And Saint Iames sayeth,io: 4 to one knowinge to doe good, & not doing it: to him it is sinne, much rather if a man know a thinge to be euill & do it, his offence must needs be great.ot 14 Blessed ar you therfore in re∣fusing to condemne your selues by do∣ing contrary to that which you best a∣low. Dshmo∣g of 2 god.ALso you refuse to dishonor god by fleeing from his banner and furni∣shing his enimies campe with your visi∣ble presence: Where as it is written in the Prouerbs:Prouer∣bes: 14 That in the multitude of his people is the kings dignity, & in the smale nū∣ber of his folke, the ignominy of a Prince.Psal: 31 And ther-fore of such as shrinke awaye in time of aduersity our Sauiour complay¦neth in one of the psalmes in behalfe of him selfe and of his spouse the Catho∣like Church in lamentable manner say∣inge: Aboue all myne enimies I haue byn made a reproch to my neighbours and a feare to mine acquaintance exce∣dingly: they that did see me haue fled forth from me, vpon which place Saint Augustine sayth,in Psal. 31 that the departure of those that had seene & known the Chu∣rch is more greeuous & altogether in∣tollerable, thē the obstinate resistinge of those that haue byn nouseled & bro∣ught vp in error from their infancy. And therfore it followeth after a few words in the aforesayde psalme, I haue heard the disprayse of manye dwelling round about me. As vndoubtedly, yf you should forsake god, for feare of tē∣porall losse, you should geue occasion to many to blasphem god as if he were not able to deliuer you, or as if you had no trust in his power and goodnes say∣ing. Non est salus ipsis in deo eorum: They haue no saluatiō in their god,Psal: 3. they haue no hope or assurance in their religion which they haue hyther to professed. You shall also geue them occasion to thinke very euill of the Catholike reli∣gion by seeming to make lesse accompt of the defence & professiō of the same, then of a litle money, yea then of all your worldlye goods and possessions. They that trouble you shall reioyse yf you be moued,Psal: 12. but doe you hope still in our Lord his mercy. 3 Scandall.YOu refuse likewise not only to geue this cause of reioysing to your ad∣uersaries, but also to make a shew of e∣uill, that by doing that which is euill of it selfe to induce many weakelings de∣pending on your example, as your chil∣dren, your seruaunts, friends, neygh∣bours, & others, partly hauing iudge∣ment and knowledge to follow you to church agaynst their consciences, and partly being ignorāt, to allow the schis∣maticall seruice now vsed, and finally to like of heresy wherby (so much as li∣eth in you) you should be homicides and destroyers of their soules: for as Saint Paule sayeth,1 Cor: 8 If a man se him that hath knowledge, sitt at a table in the Idols temple: shall not his conscience being weake be edified to eate things sacrificed to Idols? vpon which place of Saint Paule, the famous doctor saint Augustine inferreth, that we ar forbid∣den to vse or to doe that wher-by we maye be thought to doe any thinge in the honour of straūge gods,Aug: epst: 154: ad Publi∣colam. receiuing it in such sort, that although in harte we despise such things yet we edifie or induce those that know not our harts in deed to honour the same. In lke mā∣ner to compare the case of goinge to church in these our dayes vnto meates offered to Idols. If men shall see you in churches in time of sacriligious seruice should not their consciences be edified eyther to thinke yt the seruice of God, or at the lest with out feare to frequēt the same: and so in tract of time to like and allow of heresy, and so sinning a∣gaynst your brethren & stryking their weake consciences: you shall sinne a∣gaynst Christ. Therfore sayeth the Apo¦stle if meate scandalize my brother: I will neuer eate flesh. Of the same mynd was that notable Eleazaurus who cho∣se rather to dye,2 Mach: 6. then to make so much as a shew of eating meates forbidden by the lawe: saying that he would first be sent vnto hell: for sayeth he it is not seemly for our age to fayne: that many young men thinking Eleazaurus now of ninty yeares age to haue passed to the lyfe of the gentills, may also them selues thorough my dissimulation, and for a litle time of this corruptible lyfe be deceyued, & therby I may procure a blemish & malediction to myne olde age for although I be deliuered at this presēt time from the tormēts of men, yet shall I not escape the hand of the al¦mighty, neyther aliue nor dead. And shoulde not men haue greate cause to thinke that you were passed to the lyfe & conuersation of heretikes seeing you to differ nothing from them in princi∣pall signes & tokens of religion should you not cause many to saye: ther is no differēce, men contēding among them selues haue made these controuersies, god is to be honoured euery wher: yf the very silence of a man in matter of fayth by Saint Augustins Iudgement should cause many to thinke all religiō indifferent?Aug. De pastoribus cap. 7. And therfore thryse well aduised ar you in refusing to doe such an acte wherby your catholike brethrē might be offēded, scandalized,Rom. 14 or wea∣kened. MOreouer you refuse,4 Deniall of the fayth. by confor∣ming your selues (as men terme it) to the proceedings of a nother re∣ligion, to denye that fayth, which you vndoubtedly knowe to be most true, sincere, vniuersall, & auncient as that wherin you haue byn borne and bap∣tised, wherin al your worthy auncetors haue liued and dyed, which alwayes & onlye hath floryshed in this Realme of Englande till within these late yeares: yeelding in euerye age most plentiful fruite of deuotion towards God, of o∣bedience towardes Princes and other superiors, of mercy towards the poore, of charity, of trueth, fidelity, and plaine dealing of all sortes of men towards their neighbours. And that you shold so denye your faith by going to church with the protestantes, yet is it moste playn by the nature of the thing it selfe being an acte properlye belonging to Religion, by the intente of the lawe, being made to no other ende but to exacte of you some signe of yeelding in matters of conscience, by your longe refusal and suffering for the same cause heretofore, by the iudgment of the ad∣uersaries holding them-selues satisfied if you relent but in this one poynte of or externall behauior, and finally by the confession of all men of any meane vnderstanding, if they wil vtter plainly what they thinke▪ & if it were thought heretofore in times of persecutiō that the onlye wearing of a garland in cer∣tayne feastes of Idoles were to be hol∣den as a signe that a man had denyed his fayth: In so muche that Tertulian saythe,Liber. De corona mi¦litis. although a Christian man hold his peace whiles others doe sacrifice to false goddes, yet by wearing that gar∣lande vppon his head he maketh aun∣swere in fauour of Idolatrye: where∣as this was a thing by nature indiffe∣rent being onlye made a signe of reli∣gion by vse and opinion of men: what shall wee iudge then of ioyning with protestants in their publike prayers and seruice which is peculier to them, as the blessed Sacrifice of the Masse is common to all Catholikes. And ther∣fore as wee are knowen by the one, so they are knowen and discerned by the other.Tert. De Idola. If it were not permitted hereto fore that Christians shold in anye sorte conforme them-selues to the Gentils, not euen so-much as to hang a lantern or a branche of Laurell at their dores, when greate feastes were celybrated in honour of Idoles? How can it be lawfull to keepe feastes with hereticks and to enter into their churches when they are busied in suche actes whereby they are distinguished not onlye from Catholiques, but also one secte and sorte of them from a nother? If it were thought a great offence, to be present at the publike spectackles & playes,Tertu. et Cip. De spectaculis be¦cause the beginning and fynall ende of them was the honour of Idoles: Is it possible that a catholike mā shold safly exhibit his presence at such kinde of seruice as had beginning by deuisiō from the Church, and was inuēted for the setting forth of heresie? Let vs here what Tertulian saith of the aforesayde plaies in a peculier treatis of that argu¦ment, he requireth herein the iudgmēt of the very Gentils, whether Christians might be there present or no. For saith he They most of all vnderstād a man to be made a Christian by the refusing of such spec∣takles. Therfore he denieth manifestlye who taketh away the thing wherby he is knowen. In like maner may we saye at this present: the protestants especi∣ally vnderstande that one is become a Catholike by the refusing of their chur¦ches. Therfore he denyeth himselfe to be a Catholike, whosoeuer fayleth in this poynt pf his profession. Nether let anye man thinke to escape this daūger of deniall by subtile euations: For as S.Cyp. Epis. 31. Ciprian saieth whosoeuer seeketh de∣ceytfull sleightes to excuse him-selfe hath denied, and he that will seeme to haue satisfied the Edicts or lawes pro∣posed a gainst the Gospel hath obeyed euen in this, that he wolde seeme to haue obeyed. Now who-soeuer shall thus by his outwarde acte denye him∣selfe to be a Catholike, shall therby de∣nyethe whole Catholike religion: e∣uen as he that denyeth him-selfe to be a Christian, denyeth Christe. And con∣sequently a Christian and Catholique being all one, to goe to Churche with heretickes is plainely to denye Christ: As contrarie-wise to refuse their con∣uenticles is a cleere cōfession of Christ. And this is a most important reason of your refusall where-vpon I haue stayed the longer, because it concerneth you as muche, as to be acknowleged or de∣nyed before God the Father and all his Angels when Christe shall come in his maiestie to iudge the worlde.Mat. 10. HEreof it foloweth also that you re∣fuse by damnable schisme to seuer your selues from the Church your mo∣ther,5 Schisme. where-by you shoulde cease to haue God to your father:CiP. De vnitate Ecclesiae. yea you shold cease altogether to be Christians: for by the iudgement of S. Cyprian & S. Augustine he is no Christian, who is not in the church of Christ. Wherby you sholde departe out of Noes arke, & commit your selues to present drow¦ning. Wherby you sholde be debarred frō eating the lambe in God his house, & so be exterminated from the people of God. Wherby you sholde be found out of the house of Raab:Exo. 12. Ios. 6. to perishe most vndoubtedlye by the sworde of Gods iudgment. Wherby you shold be diuided from the bodye of Christ, ha∣uing him no longer to be your heade, receyuing no influence of his grace,Aug. De vnitate ec¦clesica. 16 no liuely motion of his spirite, no parte of his merits, no fruite of his blessed pas∣sion. Wherby you sholde be cut of frō the true vine and so wither, & become fuel for hel fier.Io. 15. Wherby you shold lose the felowship & cōmunion of holy An∣gels & sancts in heauen, being also ex∣cluded from the suffrages of the milli∣tant church here in earth. You should be seuered from the promises of Christ by forsaking his spouse,Cip. De vnitate. and ioyning your selues to the aduouterous cōgre¦cation. You should be excluded from the rewardes of the heauenly kingdōe, by forsaking her,Aug: de Bap: con: Dona: li: i. ca: 2. that is apointed there to raygne. You sholde lose the benefit of your baptisme, and withal the right that you haue to receaue other Sacra∣ments, which cannot be fruitfully recei¦ued, but in the Catholike church.de verb: Domu. 1. ser. 11. You should depriue your selues of the mea∣nes to haue remissiō, so much as of one veniall sinne, although you sholde pu∣nishe your selues with neuer so hard & austere penance. You should lose the fruite of all your good woorkes here∣tofore done,EP: 152: de fide ad Petrum: ca 39. making all your actions from thence-forthe altogether vnpro∣fitable, in respecte of euerlasting lyfe: although you sholde liue neuer so law∣dablye, although you sholde geue ne∣uer so great almes, although you shold shed your blood for the name of christ, yet continuing so out of the churche, you could by no meanes be saued. To be shorte you sholde breake that vnity for whiche our Sauiour so earnestlye prayed vnto his Father. For the esta∣blishing wherof,Io. 17. 11. he suffered his Passiō and shedd his most pretious bloode. In defence of which vnitye Dionisius Alexandrinus holdeth it no lesse glori∣ous to dye,Eus. Ec∣clesi histo. Liber. 7. Cap. 37. then to suffer for refusing to sacrifice to Idols. For saithe he, in that euerie one suffereth martirdome for one soule, but in this case for the whole Churche. Now that all these in∣conueniences here mentioned, & what soeuer else may be comprehended vn∣der the detestable name of scisme, shold ensue of your going to the protestants churches, I thinke it maye be manifest by these reasons folowing.Psal. 121 First of all the Church is a city or cōmon wealth, hauing a participation or felowship of spirituall benefits with-in itselfe: and therfore whosoeuer doth communicat in spirituall things with any other cō∣gregation, must needs be diuided frō the fellowshipe of the Church & from those benefits which cannot be recei∣ued but in the same society, euen as he that should ioyne with the enimye of his countrey should worthily be depri∣ued of all such priuileges as he enioy∣ed at home. Neyther is it possible for one to participate at once with two distinct churches no more thē for one member to be in two seuerall bodyes you cannot drincke the chalice of our Lorde sayeth Saint Paule,1. Cor. 10 and the cha∣lice of deuills, you cānot be partakers of the table of our Lorde, and of the table of deuills. So likewise you cānot be of Christ his Church and repayre to Sathans Sinnagogue. But some per∣haps will answer that by going to chu∣rch they doe not in deed participate, but only seme to participat with those of a nother religion. To this I saye: Se∣condlye that as the Churche is visible, so must all her members be knowne & manifest. So that no man can rightly saye him-selfe to be in the Church, al∣though in bodily apparance he ioyne with heretickes. For wher-as he visibly exhibiteth his presence, there is he a visible member, and not other where. For a Cathecumen might saye muche better that he is mentally in the Chur∣ch, and yet is he not properly & actu∣ally accounted of the Church, nor is admitted to any Sacrament before he be baptised. Saint Cornelius in a cer∣tayne epistle to Saint Ciprian,Cyp. Ep. 46. maketh mentiō of some that were reduced frō the schisme of Nouatus who protested openly that although they seemed to cōmunicate in some sorte with a schis∣maticall and hereticall man, yet neuer∣thelesse their sincere mindes were al∣wayes within the church. And thinke you the moste parte of Scismatickes at this daye wolde not saye as muche, if this excuse were sufficient. But this is not enough, neither did it then suffice those men vntil they were openlye re∣conciled to the church, and admitted in presence of the whole concistorie of priestes at Rome. And furthermore their reconciliation was notified to the whole people, to the end that al might see them present in the church whome before they had seene with sorowe, to err & wander as sheepe dispersed from the Catholike flocke.Conf. 8. ca. 2. Also S. Augustin reportethe of one Victorinus, a man greatly honored in Rome for his ex∣cellent learning and eloquence, that being conuerted from Idolatrie to the Christian religion, he deferred a longe while, or feare to displease his worldly friendes, to make open shew of that he beleeued in secrete. And yet saying of∣ten to some of his faithful acqaintāce, that he was alreadie a christian, he was alwayes tolde that they wolde not so repute him, vntil they saw him in the church of Christ, wher-vnto he wolde replye in scornful manner, asking whe∣ther the walles made men to be Chris∣tians? as manye at this daye wil aske, whether their resorte to the material churche of heretikes, can make them cease to be of the Catholike churche? But in the ende, by God his grace, he turned ouer the leafe, and going glad∣lye to the church, he was instructed in the faythe, baptised and made a true Christian. And when the time came, that he should make profession of his faythe before the faythful people, for that was then the manner for suche as were newly conuerted: It was offered him that he should do it more secretly, leste so great an assemblye at the firste should abash him. But he made choyse to confesse his fayth before the whole multitude. And so he did most confi∣dentlye, the whole people cryeing for ioye: Victorinus Victorinus. A notable example, to be folowed by many a Vic¦torinus in our age; I meane manye an honorable man, & famous scholer being in harte and conscience Catho∣likes: & withal it is an euident proofe, that it sufficeth not to be a Catholike in secret, vnlesse by outwarde signes a man doe also shew and professe his re∣ligion, according to the saying of our Sauiour,Math. 5. that Men doe not light a candle and put it vnder a bushel, but on a candlestick that it may shine to all that are in the house. Therfore sayth he, Let your lyght so shyne before men: Let the confession of your fayth, and your good conuersation be so manifeste, that they maye see your good woorkes, and gloryfie your father which is in heauen. Thirdly therfore it is to be con∣siddered that the Church for maintay∣ning of her visible vnitye hath certaine outwarde signes, wherin her children do participat one with a nother, wher∣by she is knowen and distinguished frō other companies. For as S.To 7 Cō∣tra Faus∣tum. Li. 19. Ep. 11. Augustine sayth, Into no name of religion, either true or false, can men be firmely com∣pacted excepte they be tyed together by some fellowship of visible signes or sacraments. And these outward signes are esspeciallye the blessed Scacrifice, the holy sacramentes of the same, pub∣like prayers and seruice of God, which are not in the protestants churches. And therfore whosoeuer resorteth thi∣ther, doth manifestly fayle in these to∣kens of his profession, and so diuideth himselfe frō the visible vnity. Fourthly this vnitye requireth not onlye that a man participate in sacramentes and prayers, but also that he be obediente to his lawfull pastours. And now it is euident that the whole churche in the Councel of Trent by condemning the heresies of this time, hath also forbid∣den vs to haue felowship with the fo∣lowers of those heresies in diuine thin∣ges. Neither was it needful by expresse wordes to prohibit the comming to their churches: seing that it was for∣bidden expresly to pray with heretikes euen by the Cannons of the Apostles, and in diuers ages by sundry Councels whiche wee shal haue occasion to cite herafter. And who knoweth not that the meaning, will and commaūdement of all Catholike pastors at this daye, is that we shold abstaine from the a fore∣sayd churches vnder no lesse payne, thē to be cast out of the true church. Fiftly the practice of our country is most ma¦nifest, wherby those that only haue bin presēt at the scismatical seruice, are hol∣den for very scismatikes, & accordingly are dealt withal in their rising vp from their ruine, and they in the mean time in their owne consciences do acknow∣ledge them-selues to be debarred from the vse of al holye Sacraments. Sixtly al this is grounded vpon great reason: for like as the protestants are heretikes in respect of their false doctrine, so are the scismatikes in their different man∣ner of seruing God. And therfore who soeuer doth but seeme to concurr with them in that outward acte of seruice, the Churche being not able to searche his harte and minde, but iudging him acording to that which he sheweth out¦wardly,Aug. cont aduersar. Legis et Proph. ca. 17. must needs cēsure him as a scis∣matike. Which censure is more gree∣uous & terrible, then if a man were ad¦iudged to be striken with a sworde, to be consumed with fire, or to be deuou∣red with wilde beastes: And more bit∣terly and vnhappily is a man bound by the keyes of the church after such iudg¦ment, then by any other most greuous and harde bondes, albeit they were of yron or Adamant stone. Neither let a∣nye man thinke to be acquite from the crime of scisme, or from this heauy cē∣sure, because his acte of going to the protestants churche is constrayned by feare of worldlye losse and not altoge∣ther voluntarie. For although he wold not doe this acte, if the feare were re∣moued, yet according to the condition of this presente time, he choseth it as most expedient for him. And therfore al circumstances considdered, and as thinges goe now it is more voluntary, then against his wil, and simpliciter as it is termed & as the case now standeth it is voluntarie. For if feare might haue excused, the Churche had done greate wrong, not onlye to those who had de∣nyed their fayth by doing sacrifice, or casting of incence into the fyre before Idoles, through constraint of torment, but euen to those who had geuen vp their names among thē that sacrificed: al which sortes of offenders were long time with-holden from the Sacramēts and caused to doe harde penance: yea manye of them were not admitted to the company of the faithful, vntil that eyther the persecution ceased, or that the extreme poynt of death ouertoke them, or if such faynt hartes might be holden blamelesse, where should be∣come the glorye of martirs, or the in∣uincible perseuerance of constant Con¦fessors. And therfore great cause haue you rather to suffer your selues to be condemned to the payment of twenty poūdes by the moneth, then to be sub∣iecte to this so iust and withal so heuye damnation. 6 Dissimu∣lation.LIkewise you refuse to dissemble in matters belonging to God & your conscience, which kind of dissimulatiō S. Augustine reckeneth for the first and worst kind of detestable lying:De Ciuita te Dei. Li. 6. Ca. 10. Therfore in one place speaking or Seneca, who in his harte knew the Idols of the gen∣tils to be most false and vayne and yet by his outward behauiour, seemed to honour them, the same doctor pro∣nounceth this sentence in this sorte: that he dyd more damnablye worship those false gods, for-somuch as those thinges which he did faynedly, he did them in suche sorte, that the people thought him to doe them truely and in deede from his harte: and in a trea∣tis of purpose writtē against the Priscil∣lianists,Liber. De mendacio. who defended it as a thing law∣ful, for a man to counterfayt a contra∣rye religion for aduantage, and also a∣gainst certain Catholikes (who forsoth as they sayd) to espye and finde out he∣retiks, would put on a visard of heresy:Cōtramē∣dacium. He determineth that dissimulation in no wise to be vsed: shewing that if they shold cōuert any of those heretikes, by going among thē in that sort, yet shold they as muche confirme their disciples in that errour of thinking it lawful to lye & dissēble,Cap. 3. et. 4. as they shold edify them in other poynts of doctrine. So that nei¦ther the catholiks shold know whether an heretike were in other things cōuer∣ted or no, so long as he remained in that doctrine of lying: Nether shold the new conuert knowe when or wherin to be∣leue his maister whom he had found in many thinges here to fore haue bin a dissembler & a lyar. In the same trea∣tis he reciteth the example of Iehu, who fained to cōmit Idolatrye, therby to entrape the priestes of Baal, as wic∣ked and sacriligious and by no meanes to be folowed. For neuer did the Apos∣tles who were in deed right holye and true martyrs, any such thing for the sa∣uing of their owne lyues, as this King did vppon indiscreete zeale to take a∣way the liues of others.Rom. 14 And wherfore? because that with the harte we beleue to Iustice: but with the mouth confes∣sion is made to saluation. Which con∣fession is of dutye and necessity when soeuer a man by his silence, should be thought to haue forsaken his faythe, or that the religiō should be the worse lyked of, or that others should be indu¦ced to wauer, in their fayth, thorough dissimulation. All whiche conditions may & doe concurr in this case of yel∣ding to heretikes to resorte to theyr churches and seruice. And here it is to be noted that the Priscillianists were not the first, that would warrant men to de∣nye their fayth in time of persecution. It was certayne hundred yeares before the doctrine of the Helaesaites: and some time before them it was taught by the Gnostikes or Valentinians against whome Tertulian purposlye did write a booke called Scorpiacum,Eus. Ecc. Hist. Li. 6 cap. 31. as it were a remedye against the biting of Scorpians. A neces¦sarye medicine for these dissembling dayes, wherin as it sayde, the obscure familie of Loue haue sett vpp a gaine this schole of lying. And as for the pro¦testants although they doe not openly holde and maintayne this doctrine of dissimulation: yet as it appereth by the behauiour of their espials in sūdrie places it is much practised a mong thē & therfore not greatly disalowed. But this playing on both handes is odious a mong men euen in humane matters. For as Tully sayth. Odio digna est dissi∣mulatio.De officijs Dissimulation is worthy of ha∣tred. And contrarywise he saythe, that which is true simple & sincere, is most agreable to mans nature. So we see by experience there is nothing more re∣pugnant to a noble courage, then for feare or fauour to please a nother mans humor, contrarye to his owne lyking. Therfore Aristotle describing the con∣ditions of one that is Magnanimus, of loftye and noble minde assigneth this for one that he is no dissembler. Also a mong the moral vertues he reckneth Trueth for one, wherby a man sheweth himselfe in his lyfe, to be suche as he is in deede inwardly. Furthermore in all cōmon weales wisely gouerned, those that haue remayned neuters in ciuile dissention, haue bin suspected as frin∣des to none and common enemyes to all. And surely me thinketh there shold be good hope that your mercyefull Prince with her honourable counsell should in tyme considder, and lyke wel of your playne dealing and sinceritye: wherby it appereth manifestly that you doe not temporise, nor expecte anye daye to come: other then the general daye wherin Christ shal geue to euerye one according to his woorkes good or euil. But for this as it shal please God. Now to our purpose, it is certayne that dissimulation dothe highlye displease him, especially in matters belonging to his seruice:Leu. 11. In figure wherof some fow∣les that partly liue vppon the lande, & Partlye in the water were holden vn∣cleane in the olde lawe. It was likewise forbidden in detestation of doublenes for anye man to sowe his ground with two kindes of seede,Deut. 22 to plowe with an oxe and an asse, to weare a garment of lincywolsie. And to the same purpose belonged so many ceremonies, orday∣ned for the distinguishing of God his people from straungers to the end that they might in no wise be like in aparel, in dyate, in al kinde of outward beha∣uiour. And more plainly wisdome her selfe in the prouerbes declareth that she doth hate & detest a double tōgue.Pro. 8. Likewise the wise-man forbiddeth to come to God with a double harte. woe be to the mā of double hart (saith he) to him that goeth two wayes vppon the earth at once.Ecclesi∣asti. 2. The harte that goeth two wayes shal not haue successe, and a wicked harte shal be scandalised by his proceedings. Therfore he admoni∣sheth. Non sumere faciem contrafaciem, not to make a shewe against a mans inward conscience, as it is playnly expounded by that which foloweth. Neyther do thou receaue a lye against thy soule. That is to say doe not make false semblance to thine owne damnation. The Prophet Helias cryeth vnto the people in God his be∣halfe of the ten tribes.4. Re. 18 How long doe you halte on both partes? If our Lord be God fo∣low him, or yf Baal be God folow him. And in the same booke of the Kinges they ar cōmended by God his owne mouth,19 who had not bowed their knees before Baal neyther had they kissed the Idols hand. Our Sauiour him-selfe affirmeth that no man can serue two masters,Mat. 6. God and Māmon, but either he shall hate the one and loue the other:Luc. 11. or susteyn the one, and cō∣tēne the other. He that is not with me (saith our Lord) is against me, and he that gathe∣reth not with me, scattereth.Apo. 3. And in saynt Iohns Reuelation he complaynetn of one that is neyther colde nor hott. I would (sayth he) thou were colde or hott. A true Catholike or a flat heretike. But because thou art luke warme & neyther colde nor hott, I will begin to caste the out of my mouth. For dread therfore to be cast of by almighty God, you doe iustly refuse to please the world by double dealing: Keeping as you doe that faythful and vpright course which is most honoura∣ble for the setting forthe of your reli∣gion, most seemly for your magnani∣mitye, most honest before men, and moste free from suspition of treache∣rye, and therfore most dutiful towards your Prince, whom you should rather delude then obey by fained conformi∣tye, wheras now you performe the true obediēce of good subiects by suffering patiently whatsoeuer the lawe of your countrye shal laye vppon you. BEsides al this you refuse to come to the Protestantes congregation,7 Participa¦tion. for feare to be partakers of the sinnes ther in committed, & so to be ioyned with them in punishment. This auoyding of suche as are authors or folowerers of new sectes and schismes is commanded by God him-selfe, and therfore by no meanes can be dispenced withal. An ex¦ample of this commaundement and of transgression against the same, & with∣al of punishment due for such offence, we haue in the first patern of al schsme I meane the sedition of Corē,Num. 14 Dathan and Abiron. From whose tabernacles the people were cōmanded to depart, & not to touch those thinges whih did belong vnto them, least they should be inwrapped in their sinnes. And imedi∣atly the earthe opening swalowed vpp the captayns, and two hundred & fifty of their complyces were slayn with fire from heauen. Yea fortye thousand and seauen hundred of the people for mur∣muring in their behalfe, the next daye were destroyed by fire.3 Reg. 13 The man of god who was sent to Ieroboam the author of diuision in the people of Israel, was commaunded not to eate nor drinke a mong the schismatikes: And for doing the contrary he was slayne by a Lyon in the waye. The godly King Iosaphat is greuouslye reprehended for ioyning with an Infidel euen in temporal mat∣ters.Par. 19. Thou geuest ayd vnto the vngod∣lye (saythe one Prophet vnto him) and thou art ioyned in friendship to those that hate our Lorde: And therfore in deede thou dydest deserue our Lordes wrath. Therfore the Prophet Dauid,Psal. 1. describing a happy and wise man saith, Blessed is the man that hath not gone a waye in the counsell of the vngodly, and hathe not stoode in the waye of sinners, and hath not sitt in the chayer of pestilence. In whiche verse may be noted three degres of cō∣senting to schisme: The first are of those that goe a waye through frayltye, the second are those that standeth therin by continuance, the thirde are those that defend and teache it to others as a thing lawful, who may verely be sayd to sitt in the chayer of pestelence, teach¦ing the doctrine of Balaam to geue scā∣dal. Ouer many such haue bene in our dayes, and I praye God there be not yet some remayning.Apo. 2. But let them take heede, for Christ wil come quicklye & wil fight against them with the sworde of his mouthe: that is to saye with the trueth of his worde.Lib. De spectaculis The a foresayde verse Tertuliā thinketh sufficiēt, to for∣bid al resort to al vnlawful assemblies, whether they be gathered with entent of Idolatrye, of iniquitye, or for vani∣ties sake, as wanton playes and disho∣nest spectacles, although they be not expreslye forbidden in scripture. And therfore vndoubtedly it may wel be ap¦plied vnto the cōuenticles of heretiks, wherin so many vngodly folke concurt together in the verye acte of dishonou∣ring God, by impugning his true reli∣gion: of contempt of the churche, by vsurpatiō of their new deuised seruice, & of derision of Christs Sacraments by profane rites of their owne friuolous inuention.Psal. 25. Yet furthermore the same royal Prophet in an other psalme decla¦ring his owne innocency sayth, I haue not sitten, that is to say I haue not stay∣ed any while with the councel of vani∣tye, and with them that doe wickedlye I wil not goe in by once seeming to a∣lowe that which they doe, I haue hated the church of the malignant, and with the vngodly I wil not sitt. I wil wash my handes among innocents, and I wil cō∣passe thine altar round a bout by clea∣uing fast to Christe and his Catholike Church. And within a few wordes. I haue loued the cōelynes of thy house, and the dwelling place of thy glory. As a Catholike might saye, the cause wher¦fore I refrayne in this sort from wicked company of heretiks in their churches, is the loue and zeale whiche I beare to the beauty of Gods Church, the mer∣ueylous disposition of her seruice, the reuerend maiesty of her Sacraments, & decent order of her Ceremonies, wher of I find no resemblance in the newe deformed congregation. In an other Psalme he saythe after, he hath spoken of vngodly men.Psal. 141 I wil not cōmunicat with their elect or chosen men. Which S. Augus∣tine in his time applyed to the cheefe masters of the Manachies who were cal¦led Electi. And we may applye it wel ro all those of Caluins crew who most vn∣doubtedly presume, that they are e∣lected by God and predestinat to euer∣lasting saluation.Psal. 49. Contrariwise in an other Psalme, an euil man is reprehen∣ded by God, with these wordes. Thou didest see a theefe and didest runne with him, and with aduouterers thou didest lay thy por∣tion. Heretikes are the theeues by stea∣ling and abusing the Scripture. They are also aduouterers by corrupting the sincerity of simple mens faith with false doctrine. And whereof did proceede such boldnes, to ioyne and take parte with iniquity? Thou hast thought wic∣kedly, that I wil be like vnto thee, as commonly men wil saye God is mercy¦ful as gentle to beare with schisme as thou to fauour heresye. I wil reproue thee, and saye it to thy face, by char∣ging thee with it at the dreadful day of iudgment. But these places may seme a like for the auoyding of al euil com∣panye. Now more particularly for the shunning of such as wilfully diuide thē selues from Gods church: we reade in the Gospel of S. Iohn, that the Iewes did not communicate with the Samary¦tans, who were schismatikes in respect of the olde law and therfore were most abhorred by the faithful folke of Gods people: And although they did also ab¦stayne from hauing conuersation with other Infidels.Mat. 18. Wher-vppon our Saui∣our geueth vs a rule, to shunn an here∣tike, or anye one that disobayeth the Churche euen as the Iewes did deteste the Heathen and the Publicane. And the like cōmandement hath ben geuen continualye by the blessed Apostles in their writings. First by S. Paule.Rom. 16 I desire you brethern (sayth he) to marke, them that make dissentions & scandals contrary to doc∣trine which you haue learned and auoyd thē. The reasone he yeldeth within a few words, for that this cōpany is perilous: Because by sweete speeches & benedictiōs they seduce the hartes of innocents. By often na∣ming of the Lord, and his woorde, by frequēt cyting of Scripture, by reading the Gospel, the Psalmes, & other partes of the olde and new Testament, they steale to them by title and litle the min¦des of ignorant people.2. Cor. 6. And to the Co∣rinthians he vrgeth the matter more vehemenlye after that he hathe geuen commandement not to beare the yoke with Insidels (that is to say) not to com¦municate with them in anye sorte in their woorkes of infidelitye: shewing by diuers poynts of disagreement, that there could be no felowshipe or conue¦niencie betwene them. First in respect of the diuers disposition of their wils, what participation hath Iustice with iniquitye. Iustice requireth that a man exhibet his seruice to God in the Ca∣tholike Church, & it is great iniquitie to withdraw him-selfe and others from the same seruice as heritikes do by ray∣sing perticuler factions. Then because of their different doctrine: What soci∣etie is there betwene light & darknes? So you haue bene brought vpp in the lignt of Gods trueth, and the protes∣tantes wander in darknes of sunderye foule and absurde errors. Thirdlye be∣cause of the diuers Authors and foun∣ders of their congregations: what a∣greemēt betwene Christ & Belial? Now Christ hath builded his Church vppon the succession of S. Peeter, and Belial the spirite of disobedience is the verye beginner of all heretical and schismat∣tical conuentickles. Fourthlye because their whole state differeth: what parte hath the faithful with the heretikes or Infidels, yea and the worse sorte of In∣fidels, because of their departure from the faythe once receyued: by reasone wherof their error is lesse excuseable, their malice commonly greater, their company more perilous for infection, and lesse hope of their recouerye, then of such as neuer knew Christs religion. Lastly for the diuersitie of their exter∣nal seruice: What agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols? for you ar the Temple of the liuing God sayth the Apostle, which he proueth by that say∣ing in the lawe that God wil dwel and walke in them and wil be their God & they shal be his people. So the whole Catholike church is the Tēple of God: but the doctrine of heretikes, their cō∣munion & al their other external rites of religion are spiritual Idoles of their owne inuention, and haue succeded in place of grosse and carnal Idolatry and therfore no lesse to be shunned and de∣tested. For which cause sayth the Apos∣tle aledging the Prophet Isay and Iere∣mye,Isay. 52. Goe out of the midst of them, by geuing no credit to their false teaching, and seaperat your selues by auoyding of occasions of conta∣gion and touche not the vncleane by seeming in anye sorte to consent vnto their wickednes: and I will receyue you, and I will be a father to you: and you shalbe my sonnes and daugh∣ters, sayth our Lorde omnipotent. Likewise to the Thessalonians he denounceth in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that they should withdraw them-selues frō euerye brother walking in ordinatly & not according to the tradition which they had receyued:2. Thess. 3. Also yf any were dis∣obediente they should note him by an epis∣tle and not companye with him, that he might be confounded: Wihche is one principal cause why the Churche layeth vppon heretikes this payne to be excluded frō the societye of her children, intending therby their correctiō, as hauing more power ouer them then other Infidels. A nother cause which is the peril, leste the sincere parte should be corrupted by their companye, is expressed in one of the Epistles to Timothye where it is sayde:2. Timo. 2. That their speache spredeth as a can¦ker, pernitiously creeping from one member to a nother. Also the same Apostle com∣mandeth Titus by expresse worde to auoyd an heretike,Timo. 3. knowing that such a one is subuerted, that is to saye, he is commonly past hope of amendment, and condemned by his owne iudgmēt, by his wilful running out of the Catho¦like churche. And agreably vnto this S. Iohn in one of his epistles, sayth. Yf anye man come vnto you, and bring not thys doctrine [meaning that which had bene taught by the Apostles & other lawful pastors] receyue him not into thy house, nor saye, God saue you, vnto him, for he that say∣eth vnto him, God saue you, communicateth with his wicked wordes. And in his Reue∣lation he maketh reporte of Christ his owne wordes denouncing terrible pu∣nishment vnto all that shal participate with heresie,Apo. 2. vnder figure of those that cōmited aduoutry with a certein famos woman. And in the same booke of Pro. phecye he reherseth the voyce of an Aungel who geueth warning vnto the seruants of God to auoyd & flye al vn∣godly godly cōpany,Apo. 18. signified by the name & figure of wicked Babylon: Lest they shold be partakers of her sinnes and therby should receyue of her plagues, and punishmētes. This poynte was diligently obserued by S. Iohn himself who refused to tary in the same bathe with Cerinthus the enemye of truth, lest the bath should fal downe and oppresse them bothe: Also by Po∣licarpus S. Iohn his scholer, who would not take acquaintance of Marcian that famous heretike, otherwise then by cal¦ling him the deuils eldest sonne: And by S. Anthonie, of whom it is written that he could not indure to speake one peaceable worde to an heretike. And al¦though it be permitted in places where heretikes are in great multitude, for ne¦cessities sake to cōuerse and haue de∣ling with them in worldly affayres, so long as they be not by name excomu∣nicated and denounced: yet to haue felowship with them in actes of religiō, it neuer was nor could be allowed or suffered: But hath bene alwayes forbid den, as I sayde before by the Cannons of the Church reyued from the blessed Apostles.Can. 12. 45.46. 63. The authority of which Can∣nons moued Origen to refuse by anye meanes to be present at prayers with a certain heretike called Paule.Eus. L. 6. Ca. 2. The same also moued Heraclas to cast out of the Churche certayne Christians because they had vsed the cōpanye of heretiks, and not to be admitted againe before they had publikly declared whatsoeuer they had harde of those enemies of the trueth,L. 7. C. 6 notwithstanding that he knewe them from their verye harte to be tur∣ned from all error and false doctryne. The like is decreed by the blessed Pope and martyr Fabian,Ep. 1. Ant. ca. 1 Laod. ca. 9.33. Car. 4. ca 71.72.73. De vnit. Ecc. ver∣sus finem. and by the Coun∣sels of Antioche and Laodicea, by the fourthe Counsel of Carthage, and dy∣uers others. The same hath ben taught by holy Doctors, as by S. Cyprian, who speaking of heretiks and schismatikes, sayth. we must depart frō such offēders, or ra¦ther we must flye frō them in haste, lest that ioyning our selues with such as walke peruersly going with them in the waye of their error & cryme, and wandering a straye from the right and course of our iorney, we be holden guilty of lyke offence. And by S. Augustine who entring into conference with one of the Manachies secte,Cont. Ep. Fund. cap 3. maketh exception of three thinges, whiche in no wise he wolde consente to doe. First that he wolde not praye with them: Secondly that he wolde not keepe solemne con∣uenticles with them: Thirdlye that he wolde not take vpon him the name of a Manichie. More-ouer it hathe bene practised by the whole church of al ages as may appeere by the exāple of those godly people of Allexādria, Samosata, Edessus,Theodo. Li. 2.17. Li. 4.19. 14.16. with diuers other Cityes wher whole multitudes wolde rather choose to suffer deathe then once to enter the churches while the Arian prelats were present: Whose godly zeale maye wel confound the colde deuotion of this vnhappy time wherin so few are found in comparison of a great number who in hart doe beleeue the Catholike reli∣gion, so few there be I saye that wil be content to sustayne the losse of a fewe goods for the open profession of their fayth. Yea many there be that wil not take knowledge of this case wherof in times past no man was ignorant, no not the verye heretikes, as Arians Donatists and suche like, all hauing their seueral churches by them selues, and refusing to communicate either with Catholiks or with any other sect disagreing from their opinion. AND this maye be a nother impor∣tant reason of your most iust,8 The iudg∣ment of In¦fidels. and aduised refusal: I meane the very iudg∣ment and example of al Infidels touch∣ing participation with those of a no∣ther religion, the Iewes doe not enter into the churches of Christians. The Turkes hold it for a signe of Mahomets religiō for one to come into their mos∣keyes, the Lutherans and Caluinistes haue their seueral congregations one distincte from thother, and al the pro∣testantes in other countryes refuse to be present at the Catholike seruice. So did as manye of them as had zeale or care of their cōscience in the late dayes of Quene Mary. In which time a famos preacher of their faction, inroled for a martire in Fox his booke, making an∣swere to a certayn woman who deman∣ded of him whether she might goe to mattens and euensong [for to goe to masse her conscience would not suffer her] pronounced and gaue his sentēce in this or in muche like sorte: that to goe to anye parte of the seruice then vsed, sholde be a thing greatly against the honour of God, and contrarye to the charitye due vnto her neyghbour. It sholde be against God his honour, because (sayth he) God is not to be ho∣nored but in such sort as he hath com∣maūded and taught by his worde mea∣ning by God his worde expresse Scrip∣ture, where-as we include also suche trueth, as God hath reuealed vnto his Churche. Also he sayde that by going vnto such seruice she should denye and disalowe of the whole doctrine of the Gospel. And concerning breach of cha¦rity towardes her neyghbour, she shold therby seuer her selfe from the congre∣gation of the faithful. She should great lye confirme the obstinate Papists in their error, she should cause the weake Protestants to wauer in their religion, and she should greatly offend the more firme sort of Gospellers. Beholde here the cause wherfore Catholiks be afflic∣ted, determined by the iudgment of a Protestant preacher and recorded in the a fore-sayd booke of Fox his mon∣sterous monuments. Which thing be∣ing wel cosiddered wolde make one to woūder, that we should be so vrged by the Protestants at this daye to doe the same thing whiche in their owne case, they haue thought & must thinke very damnable seing that this common con¦sent of all sectes and religions must ne∣des shew it to be a thing forbidden not only by man his ordinance, but by the verye lawe of God and nature and con¦sequently to be repugnant to the iudg∣ment of euerye one that hathe in his breste, but anye lytle sparke of vpright¦nes and sinceritye.9 Mislike of the seruice AND now lastlye to make vpp this matter of defence for your not go¦ing to the church, you refuse to resort to such a seruice as besides that it hath bene deuised by the English Protestāts a mong them selues, besides that it is condemned of other sectes, besides that yt hathe no lyke paterne or plat∣forme a mongste their Euangelicall brethren in other countries, besides false translation of Scripture, the defect of a lawful minister, the want of sacri∣fice, sacraments, reuerent ceremonies, and other things belonging to the ho∣nour of God which are conteyned in the Catholike seruice, besides false doc¦trine and blasphemye which must nee∣des be offensiue to all religious eares, is mislyked of most euen at home and hath bene impugned by sundery prin∣ted pamphelets which hath geuen oc∣casion of writing great bookes of con∣trouersie: Yea by all liklyhoode it had bene chaūged long before this day had not the grauer sorte made staye of the matter, for feare to incurr the note of inconstancie, yea in the last parlament holden in your Realme anno. 29. wher in this monthly exaction was more ag∣grauated vpon you with peril of a grea¦ter forfayture, a booke was exhibited for the reformation of the forme of cō¦mon prayer now vsed, neyther was the matter determined otherwise then by contrarye commaundement of the su∣periors: although one wold thinke by reasone it should haue bene agreed a∣mongste them-selues, what seruyce they should thinke beste to vse before you should haue bene compelled vn∣der so greuous a payne to resorte vnto their churches. Lo now you see here the causes of your refusal. A most hap∣pye refusal vndoubtedly yf you conti∣nue therin being grounded vppon so good reasons of conscience, of duetye towards God, of charity towards your Catholike bretheren, of respect to re∣ligion, of reuērece towards the Church of common honestie and playne dea∣ling amongst men, of care to auoyde the felowship of other mens sinnes, be∣ing also iust, as that euen those that do moste persecute you, yf the case were their owne: must needes plead for thē selues with the like alegations, and fy∣nally being moued with mislyke of the seruice where-vnto you are now com∣maūded to resort, in which poynt your aduersaryes cannot iustly reproue you, them-selues being not yet agreed whe∣ther it be the seruice of God or no, & manye of them earnestly mainteyning the contrarye. NOW Let vs considder what losse you shal sustayne for this refusall. You shal lose, so manye of you as shal not be able to discharge and aunswere this heauye summes, your whole sub∣stance of moue-able goods, and suche as haue landes, shal lose moreouer two partes of their reuenewes, and those that are of more abilitye to supporte this greeuous burthen shal be greatlye impouerished & forced to abridge thē∣selues of that which otherwise should be verye conueniēt for their estate and calling. A verye hard case vndoubtdely, but yet not so harde but that by Gods grace it maye be easilye digested. And firste of all those that haue greater ly∣uinges doe lesse stand in neede of com∣forte and with more quiete minds may sustayn the losse that shal fall vpon thē:Comfort for them of more a∣billity. bothe for that they maye holde them∣selues the better cōtented in respect of thākfulnes towards God to lose a litle for his sake, hauing receiued much: & farthermore because the inconueniēce which they shal suffer is but the abasing of their out-warde countenance in the world, which I hope there is no Catho∣like but wil patiētly and gladly indure if it wer for no other cause yet for chris¦tian humilitye and modestye. To such of you therfore as are of greater calling and haue more wher-with to mayntain your selues, I saye that I trust there is none of you that so looketh towardes preferment but that you wil rather be content likewise to be aflicted with the people of God, then by offending God to haue temporal pleasure for a while,Exo. 2 Heb. 11 esteeming the reproche which you shal suffer for Christ greater riches then the treasure of the Egiptians that is to saye of the whole worlde. There is none of you that so atendeth to purchase lands for the encreasing of your patrimonye but that you haue greater care by good deedes to buy the kingdome of heauē. For if you purchase here on earth [you are as it were] not possessing:Cor. 7. And yf you reioyce in the worlde you are as yf you reioyced not: And yf you vse the world as thogh you vsed it not. Because the figure of this world passeth awaye I trust you account your selues here as straungers and Pilgrims,1. Pet. 2. and therfore you seeke to haue houses to dwel in for a while and not as though you should remayne in them for euer. You shal be hindred by this persecution from pro∣uiding for your children so plentifully as otherwise you would, but you shal leaue vnto them Gods blessing whiche is more then al earthly riches. You shal not marrye your daughters so richlye nor with so great portiōs, but you shal matche them with Cotholikes who in this tyme of common necessitye shal more esteeme of religion thē of riches, and shal more regard vertuous behaui∣our then vayne brauerye. You shal per¦hapes not haue so great attendance of seruants, but you shal be attended with Angels whersoeuer you goe. And if you keepe not so greate familyes yet you maye keepe such as be deuout towards God and faithful towards your selues: As vndoubtedlye you shal make them much the better by this your example of suffering for Gods cause. Also you shal haue the lesse to aunswere for ma∣nye idle persons and in a smaller num∣ber you shal haue the fewer euyl. You shal keepe lesse hospitality among your neyghbours, but you shal be the lesse enuyed by your aduersaryes, and with∣al you shal haue lesse occasion to enter¦tayne vnthankful heretikes anb schis∣matikes, who preying vpon your mo∣nye, can the lesse expecte to be fedd at your tables. Yea perhaps you shal be able to bestow more largelye vpon the domestical of fayth or if your almes be lesse for lack of ability your good-wils shal be rather the more. For as you know the widdowes two mites is more then any riche mans treasure and good folke wil considder, that you are afflic∣ted Catholiks and therfore wil require the lesse at your handes. I trust you wil always folow the rule of good Tobias,Tob. 4. to be merciful in such sorte as you shal be able, and if you haue much, to geue aboundantly: If you haue litle, to be∣stowe yet a lytle willynglye: yea this whiche shal-be the greatest almes that could be geuen. For as that blessed mar¦tyr Sir Thomas more sayth, whē a man loseth anye thing for Gods cause, al∣though the deuils escheator sease vpon it, yet it is rendred to God. And as for delicate and sumptuous fare, gaye ap∣parrel & other external worldly pompe I hope you are so farr frō being in loue with anye of those thinges that rather you wil thanke God for geuing you oc¦casion to cut of such superfluous expen¦ces. But now for suche of you as haue lytle & therfore not being able to sa∣tisfie the penaltye shal lose two partes of that which you haue, and for suche whose substance consisteth wholye or for the most parte in moueable goods, and therfore are lyke to lose all and so to fal into great pouerty: there is great cause why they should be releeued by such whom god hath blessed more larg¦lye with temporal benefits, and wher∣fore they should be comforted agaynst the extremity of this imminent storme of worldlye affliction. And yet perad∣uenture it shal be easier for some of thē to descend from their meane state vnto the lowest then for some other that haue borne a great port to come down but to a certayn mediocrity of liuing. For where there be lest possessiōs, ther is manye times lesse loue of the world: Although in deede there be no greate differēce between leesing much or litle for Gods sake, so that a man beare like loue towards God. But to such of you now whose losse may be more greuous or that maye fall in to greater wante I directe my speach, desiring you to con∣sydder a while the condition of these earthlye goods and the burthen of po∣uertye whiche maye light vpon you in the hardest case that may be foreseene by mans reasone.Comfort for the poore. So shall you see ney∣ther the losse to be so great nor the in∣conuenience that maye follow therof so intollerable, as at the first sighte it might be esteemed. AND First touching wordly goods I myghte tell you accordyng to some phylosophers,Considera¦tion of ri∣ches. yea by the iudge∣mente of manye Christyan Doctors, that they are not worthye the name of goods, because they make not their pos¦sessors any thing the better. But rather they make them for the most parte farr the worse: for so much as they are the occasion of pryde whiche is the verye worme and disease that foloweth ry∣ches. They kindle couetousnes & ther fore they be lyke to colde water being drounke by a man that is in some hott disease: the more that he drinketh the more it increaseth his thirst. They are matter of intemperance and ouer deli∣cate lining. They geue impunity to vi∣ces and consequently are occasion of manye sinnes. I might saye that they are common to good and to euil men, but more commonlye they ar bestow∣ed vpon the euil then vppon the good. Beholde sinners haue obteyned riches, sayth Dauid in one Psalme:Psal. 72. And this is so dis∣posed for sundrye good reasons. First because we shoulde vnderstande these earthlye possessions not to be the true goods nor the rewarde whiche we ex∣pect to receyue, also because those wic∣ked men are manye tymes rewarded with earthlye ryches for some morall good which they haue done being not worthye at all of better recompence. And for the most part this aboundance of wealth, is an occasion wherfore they become more vitious & so is permitted vnto them as matter of more greeuous damnation. I might saye vnto you that none of these externall thinges whiche a man possesseth are to be called hys owne, because they are not within him self, & therfore it is not in a mās power to keepe or not to leese them. This mo¦ued certayne Phylosophers as Bias and Stilpo of Megara being spoylled of all that whiche they had, to boaste that they caryed with them all their goods, meaning that they had not loste theyr inward vertues. This bragg they made perhaps more confidently then truely, but how much better may a Christian saye that although he be depryued of his earthlye goods, yet he hopeth that he shal not lose his fayth, his trust, and his loue towards God, and consequent lye he shal not lose God himselfe the geuer of all goodnes and the onlye ry∣ches that maye suffice and cause him to line content and happye. I might shew to you out of profane historyes that manye Philosophers either for loue of knowledge or desire of vayne glorye as Anacharsis, Crates, Antisthenes, and almost all those of like studye and pro∣fession, and manye worthye Captayns and honourable men in their common wealthes, as Aristides and Phocion a∣mong the Athenians, and among the Romanes, Fabritius and M. Curius, haue eyther chosen to become poore, or haue refused to be made rich, when occasion was offered. I might proue further by good reason, that this exter¦nal wealth, is no otherways profitable, but when it is wel bestowed. And how can it be bestowed with more aduaū∣tage, then being forsaken for gods loue and for the redemption of your owne soules. Otherwise what benefite hath the rich man by his great aboūdance? Or what doe his large possessiōs auayle him? Are they profitable in respect of his health? we see that moste wealthy men can hardlye repayre their bodies by contynuall applying of medicyne, where-as the poore man contynueth sound without healpe of physike. Hath he more libertye to goe where he wil, or more freedome to do what him best pleaseth? vndoubtedlye no. For set∣ting a side the couetous mā whose hart is alwayes tyed and chayned vnto his money, and take what riche man you wil, he is more restrayned from bestow¦ing his tyme at his pleasure by the ma∣nifolde instance of his tēporal affayres then the poore cottier, by the necessi∣tye of getting his dayly liuing by day∣lye labour. But dothe he enioye more pleasures? No surely. For although he haue perhapps greater store of delights yet pleasure cōsisteth rather in rarenes then in continual vse, & rather in mens desires, then in the nature of thinges themselues. The rich man can scarcely finde any dayntyes that maye content his appetite, where as the poore hath hūger for his sauce to al kind of meats. As it is written in the Prouerbs.Pro. 7. That the soule which is already fully satisfied wil tread the hony combe vnder foote: but the hungry wil take men bitter for swete. The rich man tosseth vp and doune in his softe bedd after a ful stomake, where as the poore man, sleepeth soundly vpon his simple couche, after meane dyet, by reasone of his long dayes labour. Sleepe is sweete, (sayth wise Salomon) to him that worketh whether he eate lytle or muche:Eccle. 5, but the ful∣nes of a rich man doth not suffer him to sleep. The rich hath moe fauning friends per¦aduenture, but he hathe lesse assurance of their fidelitye because they maye be friendes in respect of his riches, rather then for the loue of his persone. He is serued of many, but withal he hath the charge to prouid for many.Eccle. 5. Wher ther is much wealth, ther be also many that eate to cō¦sume the sāe, & than what doth it profit the pos¦sessor, but that he seeth his riches with his eyes. He hath the name of Lord & maister, but in dede he hath but the stewardship & disposition of these earthly goods to the benefit of others, who liue at his cost more quietly or merely then him-selfe: hauing no more for his owne parte thē wil feede one belly & cloth one backe, fare he neuer so wel, or be he clothed neuer so trimly. But perhapps the rich are lesse subiect to iniuries and oppres∣sions? It is altogether contrarye. For the poore man lyueth without molesta¦tion of any if you consider him as he is poore: and if he be any wayes troubled it is in respect of some litle goods that he hath or procureth to haue. But the rich man is more often a pray to those that are more mightye and riche, then the poore people are to him-selfe. He is had in gelosie by his superiors, he is impugned by his equalls, he is enuyed and vndermined by his inferiors, he is betrayed many times for his money by his seruants, yea by his owne children. Therfore I might saye farther, that by cōmon experiēce the hauing of world∣lye pelfe is matter of care, how it maye be kepte, how it may be imployed, and how it may be increased. It is occasion of feare: for the rich man feareth those that be richer then him-selfe, and such as be poorer: he feareth theeues, he fea¦reh chaūge of weather. He feareth strā∣gers in time of war, he feareth his neigh¦bours when there is peace: he feareth his owne familye, he scarcely dare trust his owne handes. Furthermore it bree∣deth sutes and contentions: it prouo∣keth enemyties, it procureth a thousād perils, so that we see mo to haue pery∣shed for their riches, then to haue died for famine. And if we shal geue credite to the holye Scriptures, this base and earthly baggage, is often times a great impediment to mens saluation. Ther∣fore sayth out Sauiour:Mat. 19. That a rich man shall hardly enter into the kingdome of heauē: Yea that it is more easye for a Camell to passe through the streicte eye of a needle. The rea∣sons herof be many, first the multitude of cares, which these worldlye goodes commonly bring with them, in respect whereof they are called thornes that suffocate and choke vp the seede of god his word.Mat. 13. eSecondly the delycate man∣ner of lyfe which the most part of weal¦thye folke leade, and therfore saith our Sauiour:Luc. 6. wo to you that be rich, because you haue your consolation. Also because it is harde to haue manye possessions, and not to loue them beyond measure.Luc. 14. And you know wel that whosoeuer so much loueth these earthly goods that he be not ready to renounce and forsake thē all for the loue of God when the cause so requireth, cannot be the disciple of Christ, neither can he haue part in god his kingdome. Hereof it came that he which had bought a farme, & he which had bought fiue yoke of oxen refused to come to the supper, wher-vnto they were inuited. Moreouer it is very harde to haue much, and not to couet more▪ wherby worldly mē desiring to be rich doe fall as S. Paule saith into temptatiō,1. Tim. 6 and into the snare of the deuil, and ma∣nye desyres vnprofitable and hurteful which drown men into distruction and perdition: The proufe herof is very eui∣dent by the manyfolde intricate cases wher-with euen they that thinke them selues to haue vpright consciences be ofte intangled and doe offend by pre∣tence of Tytles, by ordinary buying sel∣ling and bargayning, and other tempo¦ral dealings and affayres. For these and many other considerations I say to you as vnto Christians, and vnto men that haue care of their soules health. That what-soeuer it is possible for you to haue in this worlde, were it neuer so properly called by the name of goods, were it neuer so rightlye termed your owne, were it neuer so profitable, so pleasant and so apt to good vses yea al∣though you ment to imploye it to the best vse that might be deuised, cannot yet be so much worth as that you shold for the retayning of the same displease God by one mortal sinne and muche lesse seperate your selfe frō the Church by heynous and damnable schisme and participation with heresye.Mat. 16. For what should it profit you to gaine the whole worlde and sustayne the damage of your soules. And specially since al that you possesse hath come vnto you freely by God his gifte and then thinke with your selues what a greuous poynt of ingratitude it shold be to forsake the geuer for any parte of that which he hath geuen. This consid∣deration moued blessed Iob to beare paciently the losse of al his wealth and not to offend God, so much as with a∣nye impacient or foolish woorde.Iob. 1. Na∣ked I came out of my motheres wombe (saith he) and naked I shall retourne thyther, our Lorde hath geuen, our Lorde hath taken a∣waye: as it hathe pleased our Lorde, so it is done the name of our Lorde be blessed. It is greatly to be noted that although the Sabeans had taken away his oxen and asses, although the Chaldies had spo∣led him of his Cammels, although the deuil had cōsumed his shepe with fire, and had raysed a winde to ouerthrowe his house, and to oppresse his children, yet he saith our Lord hath taken away, knowing wel that none of these things coulde haue hapned without God his permyssion and special prouydence: which may teache you in all losses that may fal out, to considder God his ordi∣nance, and so to reste contented accep∣ting his holy wil and disposition. Con∣formably to those wordes of Iob S. Paule saythe.1. Tim. 6 we brought nothing into thys worlde: doubtlesse neither can we take awaye anye thing. Considder I praye you how bare, how needy and destitute of all helpe, you were firste borne, and how you differd nothing from the poorest childe that is brought to light, setting a side the care and prouision of others that were nere about you. And thē shal you wel perceyue that whatsoeuer you now enioye, or haue enioyed hath bene bestowed vpon you thorough God his infinite bountye and liberalytye, and what a poynte of clownishe inciuylitye would you thinke it were for a beggers brat, being taken by some great Prince into his courte, who should cause him to be dayntilye nourished and richlye appareled, intending after-wardes to make him heyre of his kyngdome, to sett at naught the great fauour of that Prince, & wilfully to forsake his courte yf he would dot in al things make him so large allowance as he had done be∣fore. And euen lyke vncourtesy, naye infinite tymes more should it be for a∣nye man after so great number of be∣nefites receiued at God his hands, be∣sides the expectation of heauen in time to come, to sett naught by his grace, to neglect his fauour, to commit hye trea¦son against him for the sauing of a litle worldlye trashe whiche he alone hath geuen, and when it pleaseth hym can take it a way againe. This point I besech you to waye aduisedlye, and with-al to consider the second parte of S. Paules sentence that most certaynlye you shal carye nothyng wyth you out of thys world. Thinke what vnspeakable grefe it shal-be for one that hath displeased God for the sauyng of hys worldlye goodes when at the time of his death he must depart and leaue his fayre hou∣ses, his goodlye mānors and lordships and al that he helde most deere in this lyfe: neyther that nor al the substance of the worlde if he had it to geue can procure him one houres respite for pe∣nance, and much lesse can obtayne his saluation.Psal. 49. He shall not geue the price of re∣demption of his owne soule. Saith Dauid of the rich man trusting in his riches: whē he dyeth he shall not take with him all that he hath, neyther shall his glorye goe downe with him. But perhapps he trusteth to leaue hys possessyons to his chyldren, the Psalme seemeth to affirme the cōtrary: They shall leaue their ryches to straungers, which is to be vnderstood as S. Augus∣tine saith vpō that place, that although their children succeed them in the pos¦session of their patrymonyes yet can they nothing relieue the miseryes of their friends being damned to hel fire, and what profit then doe they reape to them-selues. Their sepulchers are their hou¦ses for euer, they haue prepared to them-selues costlye monumentes as if they should dwell in thē perpetually not prouiding for the mansions wherin they should liue in deede euerlastingly. But what becommeth of the poore sou¦les who reape no benefite of their so∣lemne funerals, & stately tombes, but rather haue their paynes agrauated, it foloweth within a while that the wic∣ked rich man shal enter euen into the generation of his fathers, that is to say of vngodly men that here to fore hath bene lyke to him-selfe and he shal not see light for euer, because when he was here he delighted in darknes, and re∣ioyced in false goodes, not louing the true goodes he shal therfore goe hence to hel: after the darkenes of his drea∣mes wherin he imagined to himselfe a deceitful kinde of felicity he shalbe ge∣uen ouer to the darkenes of eternall tormentes. Looke into those houses, I meane those Sepulchers, and considder the lengthe,Psal. 75. breadeth, and height of those mansions, and compare the same, with those statelye roomes wherin they dwelled here-tofore. Looke vpon their decayed nature, their rotten bones and consumed members. See whether you can di∣scerne the maister from the seruant, the riche man frō the begger, the Prince from his poo∣rest subiect. Cōsidder what is become of their gallant traynes of seruitors, their gorgeous ap∣parell, their goodly plate, and costly furniture. See whether they haue now anye vse of these thinges. All is earth, all is dust, all is wormes all is putrefaction. And what shalbe the state of such fooles at the day of Iudge∣ment? The Prophet telleth vs in a no∣ther psalme that the louers of thys worlde whome he calleth the men of riches: Haue slepte their sleepe, and waking they haue foūd nothing in their hands. whiles they were here in this lyfe they thought thē selues to be happye, they slept in their desires, they were delighted in vayne pompes, but at the daye of resurrection, they haue found their handes empty for lacke of good woorkes being destitute of al that wherin they gloried before. Tel me what comforte had the riche man burning in the flames of hel, who before neglected to geue his crommes to poore Lazarus, by remembrance of his former wealth, his dainty foode, & sumptuous clothing. Or what reaped that other curmogion of all his aboun¦dance. To whom thinking to enlarge his barnes, and to make mery with his store for a long time together: It was sayde, Thou foole this night they shal require thy soule of thee.Luc. 12. And these thinges whiche thou hast prouided, whose shal they be? Note wel those wordes. Whose shall they be? A man heapeth vp treasures saythe the Psalme,Psal. 38. and knoweth not for whom he ga∣thereth them. Whether for an vnthank∣ful, or a prodigal childe. Whether they shal be euicted by his aduersaries tho∣rough coloure of lawe, or shal to the Prince by attaynder, or shall come to the marchants hands by way of vsury. O deare Catholikes, lifte vp your eyes, and looke vpon this general day of wa∣king from the sleepe of death,Sap. 5. see with what constancie you shal stande in that dreadful day, if you be now constant, against those which haue opressed you and haue taken awaye from you the fruites of your labours. Behold againe how your persecutors shalbe troubled with horrible feare, and shal woūder at your sodayne and vnexpected salua∣tion: how they shal saye within them∣selues with much anguish of spirit and groning: what hath our pride profited vs? or what the boasting of our riches auayled vs? al those thinges haue pas∣sed awaye like a shadowe with a greate deale more, whiche is expressed in the booke of wisdome. And as you would not in that daye chaūge with them, yf you might enioye a thousand worldes: So now thinke your selues more happy what-soeuer you shal leese for Christe his sake, then yf for a temporal cōmo∣dity you should be ioyned to that cōm¦pany of the damned to suffer extreame cōfusion and torments that neuer shal haue end. Consider besides al this the vncertayntye of riches euen in this life to what daungers and chaunces they are subiect, and how they ebb & flowe from one to a nother. Therfore if riches flow aboūdantly, sett not your harts vpon thē, in suche wise that you flow with-al and rūne frō God in this time of persecu∣tion.Psal. 61. Truste not so much in the incer∣tayntye of worldly goodes so that you lose for them the hope of your heauen lye heritage. Be not deceitful in your waytes to deceyue your selues with to much accompt of vanity, but esteeme al temporal thinges as they are, accor∣ding vnto the conditions which I haue layde downe before you. Considera¦tion of pouertye.NOW If riches be no more to be esteemed then as it may apeare by these reasons here recited, let vs waye likewise the burden and incōuenience of pouertye whether by any meanes it may be endured with quiet and indiffe¦rent mind. A light burthē vndoubtedly supposing sufficiencie as we shal proue herafter, with the presēce of gods grace yea in this case when it is sustayned for Gods sake a sweete and delightful bur∣then. And first in those riches which ar common to al men by nature. As the inflūece of the heauens, the commodi∣tye of the bryght and warme sunne the goodlye moone, the cleere sterres, the pure and freshe ayre: And many other benefits of Gods creatures, there is no doubt but that pouertye enioyeth her parte more freely, more often and with more delight, then doth the rich man, who for the most parte leadeth his lyfe in a close house and when he goeth a∣broad he attēdeth not to take pleasure in such thinges hauing his minde occu∣pied about his manifolde temporal bu¦sines. And for the vse of al necessaryes we haue partlye heretofore compared the rich and poore together, and now we maye saye agayne that the poore haue their substance with lesse coste & care & their rest with lesse disturbance. They are also serued more surely & du∣lye By their owne indeuour then those wealthy folke for whom the prouision. of Sea and Lande wil not suffice who cannot cōtriue how they may lay their heades at conuenient ease and for whō all the seruice of men in liuerye coates is to litle. O happy pouerty that is not forced to make friendes in court, to re∣tayn counsailers for the barr, to wayte vpon atturneyes, to folow sise and ses∣sions, to make her part strong by ban∣ding of men against her aduersaryes. She is not vexed with exactions she is ei¦ther more safe in common calamityes to abide without daunger, or more rea¦dye to flye and escape: she aduentureth not her selfe by sea for lucres sake and therfore is not in perill of pirates: she maye better goe without weapon by lande, for as the common prouerbe is she may singe before a theefe. And to the exercise of vertue she is no impedi∣mēt but rather many times a great fur∣therance. She is companion with hu∣militye she is mother of modestye and temperance maintayner of sobryetye schoole-mistres and teacher of patiēce nurse of deuotion & contēplation. On∣ly in geuing of corporal almes, she see∣meth to be inferyor and yet she is not excluded from geuing a cupp of colde water which may be meritorious of life euerlasting she maye feede a prophet with alitle oyle and flower she may en∣tertayne Christ in a poore fishers house she may washe the weried feete of gods pilgrims. She may healpe and serue the sicke she may visite and comfort priso∣ners if shee cannot otherwise releeue them. She may further the cause of re∣ligion, if not by money, yet by industry of minde and bodilye trauaile.Rom. 6. Aquila and Priscilla were poore folkes and li∣ued by the labour of their handes by making of tentes and yet S. Paule cal∣leth them his helpers in Christ Iesus to whom not only he geueth thankes but also al the churches of the Gentiles: & morouer they had a domestical church of their owne. But one obiectiō is here needful to be answered, wherfore Salo∣mon should earnestly desire God not to geue him beggerye leste perhaps he should be compelled to steale, and to forsweare the name of his God. The answere is easelye geuen that Salomon spake according to the state of the olde Testament,Pro. 30. and in the person of the im¦perfect, who maye fall into such incon∣ueniences when they become poore a∣gainst their wils by worldly mischāce. But such peril is in no wise to be feared when a man leaueth or loseth his good¦des and willinglye be commeth poore for the loue of God.Mat. 19. Otherwise if po∣uerty were an impediment to saluation our Sauiour would not haue proposed it as a poynt of perfection to a certayn rich yoūg man that asked him coūsaile what he should doe ouer and besides the keping of Gods commandements. Yea which is more he would not haue consecrated the same in his owne per∣son as it was fore-tolde of him in one of the Psames.Psal. 39. I am a begger and a poore man, saith Dauid in the figure of christ. This is a singuler prerogatiue of pouer¦tye and a principal motiue to al Chris∣tians to sustayne gladly anye want for his sake who was made poore where as he was riche that by his pouertye we might be rich. What subiect would dis¦dayn to folowe the fashion of his soue∣raygne?2. Cor. 8 what soldier wold thinke scorn to be attyred like his Captayne? what scholler would be ashamed to resemble his maister in his profession? Now our Lorde and King our Captayne our M. Iesus Christe dyd choose to be borne poore to be swadled in simple clothes and to be layd in a maūger. His blessed mother was poore and so was holy Io∣septh the guardian of his infancie.Mat. 3. His birth was first reueiled to poore sheep∣herds.Mat. 5. His fore runner S. Iohn baptist was poore being clothed with a camels skinn and fed with locust and wyld ho∣nye.Luc. 9. He began his preaching with com¦mendation of pouerty: he led a poore life hauing not where to rest his head.Mat. 19. He chose for his Apostles poore men, or yf they had anye thing before, they lefte al whē they folowed him. He gaue it for a principal token that he was the true Messias that he preached the glad tidings of the Gospel to the poore.Mat. 11. He dyed poore hauing no house nor roofe to couer him, not lying vpon a softe bedd but hanging vpon his hard crosse hauing a crown of thorne in stead of a pillowe for his head: being spoyled of his clothes to the bare skinn whiles the wicked soldiers that crucified him de∣uided his garments among them and cast lotts for his coate: being withal so destitute of friendes yea in his burning thirst he could get nothing to drinke but sower vineger. But what speake I of his pouertye? He shead his pretious blood for your redemption: And can you thinke much for his loue to depart from a litle worldly pelfe and vile trum¦pery?1. Cor. 2 S. Paule describing generally the calling of Chrystians saythe, That God hath not chosen many wyse according to the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble: And like-wise S. Iames sayth,Iac. 2. That god hath chosen the poore in this worlde, rich in fayth, and heyres of the kingdome which God hath promised to them that loue him. And one would thinke that the heauenly wisdōe preferring the poore in this sorte were better to be trusted then the iudgment of worldly folke who cōmonly esteme of a man according to his money. 3 Rewarde for Recu∣santes.AND Thus hauing pondered the se¦ueral conditions of riches and po∣uertye, it remayneth to be considered what further aduantage you may haue, if for conscience sake you shal be driuē to exchange the one for the other: to the ende that seeing before your eyes assurance of most vndoubted gayne, you maye boldlye aduenture vpon a bargain so beneficial, wherin almighty God him-selfe becommeth your deb∣tor. For he that is faythful and true, hath promised with his owne mouthe,Mat. 19. That who soeuer forgoeth anye thing for his loue shall receyue a hundreth fold, and shall possesse lyfe euerlasting. You shal receyue an hundred fold as an earned pennye in this lyfe, and lyfe euerlasting shal be your reward in time to come. This hū∣dred fold as it maye diuers wayes be vnderstode, so principally,A hun∣dred folde I thinke yt may be taken to consiste in three thin∣ges, in sufficiencye, of necessaryes for the present tyme,Sufficiēcy. in quietnes and con∣tentment of minde, and in manye o∣ther spiritual guiftes and graces. First concerning sufficiency of tēporal thin∣ges. It consisteth in Gods prouidence, in his almightye power and fatherlye goodnes we haue many promises ther∣of, and manye examples, bothe in the old and newe Testament, as where it is sayde,Psal. 32. That the eyes of our Lorde are vpon thē that feare him and vpon those that trust in his mercy to deliuer their soules from death and to nourishe them in famyne: that there is no pouerty or want to those that feare him. That the rich haue lacked,Psal. 33. and haue ben hun¦gery by reason of their couetous and insatiable mindes,Psal. 36. but they that seeke our Lord shall not fayle to haue all good. That the iust shall not be confounded, in the euill and hard time, & in the dayes of famine they shalbe satisfied. Like-wise in the Prouerbs it is said that God will not afflicte with famine the soule of the iust. And as for examples we might bringe greate store for proofe of this poynt wherby it may appeare that not only God doth not suffer his seruants to be destitute of things belonging to the sustentation of their tēporal life, but furthermore when it pleaseth him he rewardeth them aboundantly euen in this worlde.Gen. ca. 12. Abraham forsooke hys countrye and kinse-folke and wente at God his cōmandement into a straūge lande where he had no foote of posses∣sion, and God blessed him with world∣lye substance during his lyfe, and three hūdred yeares & more after his death, he gaue that whole land to be possessed by his posteritye.Gen. ca. 32. Iacob passed Iordein with his staffe fleeing from his brother Esau into Mesopotamia,Gen. ca. 41. but he retur∣ned agayne with two troupes hauing wyues and children, and great aboun∣dance of cattell. Ioseph was solde into Egipt as a bondslaue & there for righ∣teousnes sake was thrust downe into a dungeon, but after a while it pleased God to deliuer him and to make him ruler of the whole countrye.Exo. ca. 3 Moyses forsoke the wealth of Egipt and kepte sheepe in the desert: and it pleased god ther to apeare vnto him & to make him gouernour ouer his people. Holy Iob was abased euen to sitt vpon the dung∣hil ful of sores,Iob. ca. 42. but in the ende God be¦stowed vpon him double welth to that which he had before.Reg. Li. 3. ca. 17. 19. Elias was poore and fled from the persecution of Iesa∣bel but he was sufficiently fed, once by the rauens that daylye broughte him meate, and a nother tyme by bread which God miraculously prouided for him. Elizeus was poore,Re. Li. 4. cap. 4. but he was su∣ed vnto by great Princes: yea he was able to feede others by bread miracu∣louslye multiplyed.Tob. c. 1. Blessed Toby was spoyled of al his substance by the wic∣ked King Senu-Acherib for his cha∣ritye towardes the dead: but after for∣tye fyue dayes he was restored to hys house and to al his possessions agayne.Daniell. Cap. 14. Daniel for his religion towards God, was cast into the Lions den, but he was fedd by a Prophet being wonderfullye brought out of the lande of Iurye for that purpose.Machabi orum. Li. 4. Cap. 2. And so as Mathias sayde to his sonnes, consider through-out e∣uery generation, and you shal see, that al which trust in him are not weakned nor ouerthrowne. But what doe I re∣hearse the example of godlye men, our Sauiour sendeth vs,Mat. 6. euen vnto the fou∣les of the ayre to see how they are fed, & to the lillies of the fielde to beholde how they are clothed to thende that we should not doubte of God his pro∣uidence, for meate drinke clothing & other thinges necessary for the mayn∣tenance of this lyfe. And vndoubtedly this is a consideration of great impor∣tance. For if God of his goodnes extēd to feed the pore wormes of the earth:Psal. 31. As it is written in the Psalme, That he openeth his hand and filleth euery lining cre¦ture with blessing,Psa. 144. if he bestow foode euen vpō¦pon the yong Rauens,Psal. 146 being not succoured by their dames that brought them forth. If ney¦ther the feather of anye foule, nor the leafe of any tree, be destitute of his pro¦uidence, yf the verye Infidels be visi∣ted daylye with God hys benefyttes whiche they receyue of the Sunne,Iob. ca. 39. the Ayre, and the Earth yeelding her frui∣tes in due time, how muche rather wil he prouide for his seruantes that suffer affliction for the glorye of his name. How much rather will he prouide for you O ye of verye smale faith sayth our Sauiour. Is not the lyfe more then the meate:Mat. 6. and the bodye more then the rayment? Therfore he that hath geuen the greater benefites, wil not fayle to prouide for the lesse. Your father knoweth that you neede al these thinges, and who wil mistrust the prouysion of so mightye, so wyse, so good and so louing a father. Seeke ther∣fore first the kingdome of God and the iustice of him: Take care how you maye saue your owne soules, & please God: And all these thinges shalbe geuen you besides, so that you shal not nede to feare anye in∣cōuenience by losse of temporal goods for god his cause. For declaratiō of this prouidence:Luc. 10. Our Sauiour when he sent his Apostles first to preache, he forbad them to carye Purse, or scrip or shoes, and a litle before his Passion he asked them When I sent you Without purse and scrip and shoes,Luc. 22. did you lacke anye thing? But they sayde nothing. And after Christe his ascension when they went into farther countryes and therfore stode in more neede, and had lesse prouision for ne∣cessaries, heare what S. Paule saythe of him-selfe and other his fellowes.S. Pa. ad Cor. cap. 4. Epi. secūd In all thinges we suffer tribulation, and are not in distresse, we want, but are not destitute: we suffer persecution, but are not forsaken: we are cast downe,Cap. 6. but we perishe not. And with∣in two chapters of the same epistle af∣ter a great number of thinges recyted that might seme contrary at the first ap¦parance, he maketh vpp the sentence with these wordes, As needye, but inri∣ching manye, as hauing nothing, and posses∣sing all thinges. Meaning that they had the whole world and all God his crea∣tures at cōmandement. And least you should thinke this priuiledge proper to the Apostles and to none other, be∣holde the poore Hebrues,Act. 4. the very first flowers of Gods Church, who sold al that they had & gaue the price to be distributed in godly vses: and you shal perceiue that they receiued their hun∣dreth folde by Gods prouision, when the Gentils of sunderye nations were careful to contribute to their reliefe,Rom. 16 & S. Paule him-selfe was collector and bearer of the almes bestowed vpon thē. And among holye Martyrs as we reade of manye that haue bene fed by the ser¦uice of Angels, so we find very few that eyther in prison or out of prison haue perished for lacke of sustenance. And in the number of Hermites that wil∣linglye became poore for Christe hys sake, we reade of S. Paule fed by a Ra∣uen, and S. Gyles nourished by the milke of an Hinde. And among thou∣sands that be extremelye poore in di∣uers religious familes, doe we not see that the most of them lyue and finde no great defect of necessaries? And can anye man doubt of sufficiencie, hauing so manye examples of Gods goodnes in this behalfe? Or is not this suffici∣encie as muche as al the wealthe of the world can afforde, and therfore an hun¦dreth folde in cōparison of that which anye one man possesseth. Especialye if a contented minde be ioyned therwith al.2. Tim. 6 According to that saying of S. Paule. Piety with sufficiency is a great gayne. Therfore saythe he, Hauing foode, and where-with to be couered, with these we are content. 2 Content∣mente of mynde.THIS Quietnes & contentment of mynde proceedeth especiallye of Gods grace whiche tempereth the ap∣petite of man, being before insatiable and crying stil after, bring, bring, al∣though he haue neuer so muche alrea∣dye. And as the desire of hauing more, is a great tormente to couetous riche men, enwrapping them with many ca∣res, and setting them about much vn∣happye busines: so this limiting of a mans desire, to be contente with that which God sendeth, be it more or litle is a singuler benefite, more worth then anye golde, yea such a one as no world lye treasure can procure. For tell me I pray you is it not much better to cure a man of his feuer, which causeth him stil to desire drinke and neuer to be satisfi∣ed, then to geue him drinke at his de∣syre and not to quench but rather to kindle this thirst. Here-of it commeth to be true which is sayde in one of the Psalmes. A litle is better to the iuste man,Psal: 36. then the aboundante riches of sinners. And that whiche S. Hierome saythe.Epi. ad. Pauiinū. The beleeuing man hath a world of riches: to the couetous mā nothing is enough. And the verye heathen Philosophers, acknowledged that for a man to be cō∣tente with his owne was the greatest & the most certayne riches: And it was a cōmon saying among them. The mind of a man is riche, and not his cofer. Of this contented minde, we haue an ex∣ample of S. Paule, who sayth speaking of himselfe. I know both to be brought low,Phil. 4. I know also to abound: (euerye wher and in all thinges I am instructed) both to be full, & to be hungerye, both to abounde and to suffer penurye. And if anye man should saye: I am not S. Paule, I am not an Apostle: let him at leaste, not be found inferiour to Socrates a heythen man, who not∣withstanding that he was pore, passing one tyme thorough the market place, and seing great store of diuers wares, sayd with him-selfe. How many things be here, that I doe not desire. And can not the grace of God worke as muche in the harte of a faythful man falling in to pouertye for his loue by meanes of persecution? I thinke there is none of you that haue bene conuerted to God from the way of sinne, and loue of this wretched worlde, especiallye hauing lost anye thing for Gods cause, that he hath not withal felt by experience the proofe of this poynte, and therfore I shal not neede to-stande longer in con∣firming the same. 3 Spirytuall graces.AND As for spiritual giftes and gra¦ces whiche God bestoweth vpon those that willinglye forgoe their tem∣poral goods for his loue: S. Peter was a poore fisher and for his boate whiche he lefte at Christs commandement he receiued the gouerment of Christe his Church,Luc. 5. in place of his nett. The worde of God was committed vnto him and for his trade of taking fishes to their di¦struction,Act. 3. he was made a fisher of mens soules to saluatiō.Cap: 5. He had neither gold nor siluer but with hys worde in the name of Christ he could cure the lame,Cap: 9. with his onlye shadow he could heale the sicke, and by his prayers he could rayse the dead againe to life.Phil. 3. S. Paule esteemed the things that were gaynes to him before to be detriments for the exceeding loue of Christ:Act, 9. And he was made a vessel of election to cary Gods name before the Gentils, to teache & cōuert the greatest parte of the world. He was rapte into the thirde heauen,2. Co. 14 & sawe the ioyes of Paradise. His name was terrible to wicked spirites,Act. 19. his very napkins and handkerchifs had efficacy to cure all kind of malladies. The reste of Christs Apostles for that litle which they frosooke at his bidding, receyued authoritye to preach the Gospel,Psal. 44. ver∣tue to cure diseases, and power to cast out deuils.Mat. 19. They were made Princes ouer the whole earth, and appoynted iudges of the worlde in time to come. S. Anthony. S. Hilarion and others be came willinglye poore, where-by they might more freelye serue God: and they became as it were Angels here in earth, they were made euen in this life fellowes with heauenly spirits,2. Pet. 1 conque∣rors of deuils, phisitions for infirmities, fathers of many spiritual children, tea∣chers of manye Relygious familyes, and Lordes ouer all Gods creatures. Who could liue more poorelye then S. Francis or S. Dominike chose to lyue for Christes sake and yet theyr lyues were miraculous their memory at this daye continueth honourable and the fruites of their doctrine and examples haue bene found thorough out al chris¦tendome almoste innumerable. And though such excellent prerogatiues ar not bestowed vpon euery one yet there be certain giftes which God bestoweth vpon al that truly serue him and much more vpon those that suffer anye thing for the profession of his true catholike fayth. I meane his grace wherby they are made in a sorte pertakers of the de¦uine nature, wherby their soules are bewtified and made amyable in Gods sight, wherby they are inabled to per∣forme the offices of all vertues, and wher-with they are armed against al as¦saultes and temptations. The lighte of vnderstanding wherby they perceyue Gods goodnes and withal they knowe the vanitye and vncertainty of al thin∣ges that be in this worlde. The com∣fortes of the holye Ghost which neuer fayle to them that willingly weane thē selues from worldly solaces. The quiet∣nes of a pure conscience, which as the wise-man sayth Is lyke a continuall feaste.Pro. 15. The increase of Gods loue which ma∣keth al afflictions light and easye. The hope and confidence of Gods merciful fauour and protection whiche causeth them euen to reioyce in their greatest tribulations. The libertye of spyrite wherby they finde them selues free frō the base seruitude of earthlye desires. The gift of patience, wherby they en∣dure quietly and gladly whatsoeuer af∣fliction is layde vpon them for Christe his name. The marueylous comforte, which all good folke receyue at theyr departing out of this vale of miserye. These and many other be the rewards wher-with al temporal domage is re∣compensed not only a hundreth, but euen an hundreth thousande folde yf one might vse any comparison as suer∣lye there is non to be made in this case. Life euer∣lasting.NOW If Gods payments be so plen¦tiful in this lyfe what thinke you is contained in thes words Vita aeterna, life euerlasting. Among al the tēporal bene fits that god hath bestowed vpō vs, ther is none more dearly estemed, non more carefully defended then is our lyfe: al∣though it be short & vnsure to continue subiect to many chaūges annoyed with sundry wantes & distresses, in wrapped on euerye side with infinite miseryes, and rather to be called a death then a lyfe. If then we make such accompt of this lyfe wherin we are daylye dying, the state wherof, is so vncertayne, so mutable, so ful of necessities, labours, paynes, woes, and al kinde of wret∣chednes: How greatly should we de∣syre to enioye a perpetual lyfe, a lyfe voyd of al peril, free from al mutation, wherin is no defecte, no trauayle, no sorow: A quiet lyfe, a lyfe abounding with all kinde of good, and in euerye respect a most happye and blessed lyfe. There is scarslye any man that desireth not to lyue although he be sure by ly∣uing longer to suffer manye afflictions both of minde and bodye: and for the purchasing of a litle false felicitye, con∣sisting in transitorye goods, honours, and soueraygntye, although it shal in∣dure but a verye smale while, we see that men spare for no expence, they shunn no trauayle, and finallye they refuse not to doe or suffer anye thing, wherby they maye attayne vnto theyr desired ende. Now when true felicitye and secure eternitye shal be so happily ioyned together, that neyther there shal be anye feeling of present wante nor anye doubt of defect to fall heraf∣ter, is not this a lyfe to be procured and to be purchased with any bodylye payne, or temporal losse whatsoeuer maye be imagined greatest. Dearly be∣loued Catholikes it is not possible to conceyue with thought, muche lesse to expresse with wordes the dignytye of thys rewarde which is reserued for you, yf you perseuer faythfull to the ende.Mat. 24. Eye hath not seene, nor eare hath not hearde, neyther hathe it ascended into the harte of man,1. Cor. 2. what thinges god hath prepa∣red for them that loue hym. Therfore it maye rather be cōmended with silence then sufficientlye sett forthe by anye speach. Yet neuerthelesse somewhat I meane to saye touching this most hap∣pye inheritance when I shal haue pas∣sed ouer the vttermost poynte of perse∣cution which is the sheading of blood. In the meane time to comforte you a∣gainst the losse of your worldly goods, I maye be bolde to saye hauing al∣mightye God for my warrant that for the losse of worldlye offices which you might beare in the common wealth, and nowe doe forbeare them for con∣science sake, you shal be all crowned Kinges in that heauenlye,Mat. 5. blessed, and euerlasting kingdome. For your lands whiche maye be taken from you, you shal enioye euery one of you the lande of the liuing without disturbance,Psal. 141 en∣uye, or contradiction. For supplye of the wants which yon maye fall into by the spoile of your moueable goods youIsaie. 49. shal be sure neyther to suffer hunger nor thirst nor other necessitye.Apo. 7. In lieu of your howses of timber and stone, which happylye you shal forgoe, and most sure you are not long to continue in them, besides that they may also fall to ruine by some mischance:2 Cor. 5. you shal haue mansyon places in heauen not built with hand which cannot decaye, and you shal dwel in them for euer. For the disgrace wherin you lyue be∣ing in a manner debarred from the court & from the sight of your PrinceIsa. 33. you shal see the King of Kinges in his maiesty being presēt before his throne and seruing him daye and night in his Temple. You shal see God,Apo. 7. you shal loue God, you shal prayse God fore∣uer. You shal haue Pallaces for prisons, you shal haue gratulations of Angels,Ioan. 12. for the reproche which you suffer a∣mong men. In stead of earthly honour & seruice,Luc. 12. you shal haue honour from God the father, yea you shal haue christ him-selfe to serue and minyster vnto you the greatest prefermente that by anye harte could be desired. Conclusiō of this first parte.AND Thus seeing your refusal and abstayning from the protestantes churches to be most iust &: reasonable: The losse which you shal sustayne for so good a cause to indifferent mindes tol∣lerable: The recompence whiche you shal receaue with-out all proportion [both here and in the lyfe to come] in∣comparable:Iac. 5. I exhorte you all (deare country-men and beloued brethren in Christe) to follow the example of hus∣band men who committ their seede to the ground nothing mistrusting to re∣ceyue in time the precious fruite of the earth albeit their seede be for a tyme buried and trodden vnder foote, and sowsed with showers and bittten with many a cruel winter storme: It is now winter with you, the seede which you must caste into the ground are these worldlye goodes which you shal either leese or geue for Gods-sake. Feare not the pinching colde of this hard season nor the sharpe stormes of persecution. For shortlye the spring tyme of the re∣surrection shal come, and then your plentiful fruites shal appeare, and you shal haue a glad sommer of heauenlye ioye, and a perpetual haruest of perfect blessednes. Immytate here-in those merchaūtes who are contente to haue their money transported by waye of exchange into suche places where they maye receyue it more commodiously. Your countrye is heauen, be contented that your goodes be transported the∣ther, although by the handes of suche as thinke to spoyle you. God him-selfe wil be your assurance for receipt of the whole. And wher-as men are glad to geue some-what for the exchaūge, you shal haue manyfolde gayne both in re∣specte of quantitye and quallitye. You shal haue muche for a little, golde for siluer, thinges spiritual and euerlasting for bodylye and corruptible thinges. At the least-wise prouide for your safe∣tye as passengers doe on the sea in out∣ragious tempest, they cast awaye theyr goods and ar contented so that them∣selues maye come safe to lande. The vi∣olence of this present storme may per∣haps be suche by Gods sufferance as that you shal hardly keepe your wealth and saue your soules withal, be content to be depriued of the one, wherby you maye preserue the other, arriuing safe at the heauenlye porte, where al your friendes and kinse-folke expecte you: I mean the nine orders of Angels with al, Apostles, Martyrs, Virgins, Confes∣sors,Psal. 141 & other glorious Sayntes, among whom you shal haue no lack, and with whom you shal liue and reioyce euer∣lastinglye. Set before your eyes the no∣table constancie and firme resolution of those three worthy yong Hebrues, who being captiues in a strange lande,Dan. 3. destitute of frindes, and depriued of al humane ayde and comforte, would choose rather to be caste a lyue into a burning fornace, then to worshipp the statue of Nabuchodonosor, or to doe anye honour to his Gods. Deare Ca∣tholikes your case is some-what like, albeit the extremitye be not euery way so great, they being in peril of death, and you onlye at this present in dan∣ger to leese your goods & liuelyhoods. The fornace of pouertye is threatned to al those that shal refute to honour Caluins bread, and Cranmers commu∣nion booke by the assistance of their bodylye presence. But feare not the ter¦ryble flames of extreeme necessitye. Geue no eare to the vayne sounde and pernicious Musike of worldly & carnal mens perswasions who geue you coun∣sel to reserue your selues for a better daye and in the meane tyme to dallye and dissemble with the world and not to lett your enemies take the spoyle of your goodes where-by they maye try∣umphe ouer you. But assure your sel∣ues, howsoeuer the conditions of times shal change this is your tyme of tryal wherin you must eyther saue your sou∣les and wynn gloryous crownes for your faythful confessyon or else you shal damne your selues by cowardlye yealding to doe aginst your cōscience. And to saye the verye trueth, the deuil is your onlye enemye: these men that afflicte you temporallye are more your friends, then they are aware of: They are but fyles to polyshe and make you bright, they are but hammers to bring you to good fashion, they are but rod∣des of correction to keepe you in due awe and obedience to your heauenlye Father. The only triumphe and victory whiche the fiende your mortal aduer∣sarye seeketh is, to make you caste a∣waye your soules by greuous sinne and damnable deuisyon from God hys Churche: and contrary-wise, your con¦stant perseuerance shalbe to his confu∣sion and to your great honour and re∣nowme. Be not moued with the mul∣titude of those whiche fale thorough faynte harte and lacke of patience, but looke to the cōmendable example of theise three young men whom I nowe speake of, and make aunswere as they did that your God whom you worship can deliuer you from this burning fur∣nace, and from the handes of al those that persecute and oppresse you. And if he wil not, yet make it knowen vnto al men that you wil neyther by worde deede nor anye kinde of outwarde sem¦blance, alowe or acknowledge anye other religion then that which, by the consent of al Christendome hath bene and is accounted Catholike. Dreade not the flames of penurye in this lyfe, knowing that if you be caste into thys furnace, Christ him-selfe wil come and ioyne in companye with you, causing this feruent flame of worldlye wante, to become lyke a freshe ayre or com∣fortable dew, by spiritual comfort tho∣rough his grace. The fire shal not hurte or greeue you, it shal only burne your bondes and sett you at lybertye from sundrye noysome cares of this worlde. Your persecutors are those who euen now are scorched with this flame be∣ing al-wayes needye, and desirous to haue more, possesse they neuer so much. And the daye wil once come (I would for their partes it might be otherwise) whē you shal eate, & they shal be hunge∣rye: you shall drincke and they shal-be thirstye, you shal-be glad, and they shal be confounded: you shal prayse God thorough exultation of hart: and they shal crye for inwarde sorowe,Esaie. 65 and shal howle thorough contrition of spirite, I meane al this in the next life: in hope wherof I desire you to continew stead∣faste and firme in the way of our Lord, and that you may the better perseuer, I exhorte you to cōmend your selues to God by your owne prayers and by the deuotion of others which you may purchase by your almes, now whiles you are able, releeuing those that be al-readye in necessitye. And especially you maye appease God his wrathe by hauing the blessed Sacryfice daylye of∣fered in your houses, for your owne states and for our whole countrye, al∣so your chiefest armour against all as∣saultes shal-be the holye Sacramentes for the admynistring where-of, and for your spiritual comforte otherwise, yt shal-be necessary for you to retaine and to make muche of those godlye Priestes with you, who be emongest you in daylye perril of theyr lyues for your soules health. Whiche is the se∣cond thing where-vnto I meane to ex∣horte you: In the meane tyme I desire you to take this in good worthe vn∣til God shal make me able to performe the reste. And with-all I humblye and earnestly beseeche the God of all grace, who hathe called vs vnto his eternal glorye in Christe Iesus, to perfyt you, hauing suffered a lyttle, to confyrme, and sta∣blishe you. To him be all honour and glorye for euer and euer. Amen.
A00254.P4	Iniunctions giuen by the Reuerend Father in Christ John by Gods prouidence, Bishop of Sarisburie [sic], aswel to the cleargie, as to the churche wardens and enquirers of euerye seueral parish, aswel of his peculiar as general iurisdiction within and of the diocesse of Sarum to be obserued and kept of euery of them in their offices and callings, as to them shal appertaine, for the aduauncement of Gods honor, thincrease of vertue, and good order to be continued within his sayd diocesse, and the same to be enquired of and put in vse by all the Archdeacons, commissaries, and other officers excercising ecclesiastical iurisdiction vnder the sayde Bishop according to the limittes of their seueral offices and iurisdictions, in their synodes, visitations, inquiries, and courts.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of Salisbury. Bishop (1559-1571 : Jewel)", "Jewel, John, 1522-1571." ]	1569. February. 22.	By Henry Denham for Richard Iackson, and are to be sold in Gutter Lane at the signe of the red Lion,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	INPRIMIS, you must trauell diligently and painefully to sette forth Gods true reli∣gion, and adourne the same wyth example of godlye lyfe, being cir∣cumspect that you of∣fende no man, eyther by light behauiour, or by light apparell. 2 Item, vpon euery Sunday and holyday, ye shall in your Churche at conuenient houres reuerently and distinctly say or sing the Common prayer appoynted by the lawes of thys Realme, both in the fore noone and after noone, so turning and placing your selues, as the people may best heare the same, and vpon euerye Wednesday and Fridaye (not beyng holydaye) ye shall say the Letanie and other Prayers appoynted for the day, and shall also at all tymes requisite and conuenient, duely and reuerently minister the two holy Sacraments according to such order as is set forth in the booke of Common prayer, and admini∣stration of the Sacraments. &c. 3 Item, ye shall euery Sunday, and euerye holye day openly in the Churche, heare and instruct the children and seruauntes of both sexes within your parish, at the least so many of them at once by course as the tyme will serue, and as ye may well heare and instruct for an houre at the least before Euening prayer, in the ten commaundements, the Articles of the beliefe, and the Lordes prayer, and diligently examine and teach them the Cathechisme, set forth in the booke of common prayer. 4 Item, to the intent this thing maye bee more effectuallye executed, ye shall take the names of all the children and seruaunts of both sexes in your pa∣rish that be aboue sixe yeres of age, and vnder twen∣tie, which can not saye the Catechisine, and shall call by course certaine of them by name, euery Sun∣day and euery holye day to come to the Catechisme, whereby you may easilye note and obserue, what parentes or maisters be negligent in sendyng theyr children and seruauntes to be instructed, and take occasion thereof both priuately and openly to exhort them to send their youth as they are appointed. 5 Item, you shall not admitte to the receyuing of the holy Communion any of your Parishe, whiche be openly knowne to liue in anye notorious sinne without repentance, vnlesse the same person do first openly reconcile him or hirselfe again to ye saticti∣on of the congregation, nor any malicious person that is notoriously out of charitye, without priuate reconciliation first made to the party agaynst whom the malice shall be conceyued and borne. 6 Item, you shall not admit to the holy Commu∣nion any of your parishe, men, or women, beyng a∣boue twentie yeares of age, that can not say by heart the ten commaundements, the Articles of the fayth, and the Lordes prayer, nor any beyng aboue twelue yeres, and vnder twentie yeres of age, that can not saye by heart the Catechisme that is set forth in the booke of common prayer. 7 Item, for that purpose ye shal before Easter and all other times of the yeare when the holy Commu∣nion is to be by you ministred, giue warning before vnto your parishoners to come vnto you, eyther in the after noone of some Sunday or holy day, or the day before they purpose to receyue, or at some other times before, as necessitie shall cause you to appoint, if there be any multitude, or in the morning at the furthest, before they shall receyue, so that it be afore the beginning of Morning prayer, so many of them as intende to receyue, and not onelye to signifie vnto you their names, to thintent ye may keepe a register or note of all such persons as from time to time shall communicate, but also to be by you examined, whe∣ther they can say by hart the ten commaundements, the articles of the fayth, the Lordes prayer, and the Catechisme, according as after the diuersitie of their ages is aboue required, and such of them as either can not or will not recite the same by heart vnto you, ye shall repell and put backe from the holy Commu∣nion, vntill they shall be able and willing to learne, and by heart recite the same vnto you. For your bet∣ter assistance wherein, ye shall call vpon and require the Churchwardens and sworne men of your parish to be present, one of them at the least, at euery suche examination to thintent they maye helpe to put this good order in practise, and take a note of such wilfull and negligent persons, as shall be founde faultie in this behalfe, & so present the same to the Ordinarie. 8 Item, ye shall not admit to aunswere as God∣fathers or Godmothers at the christening of anye childe, any person or persons, except he, she, and they haue before receyued the holy Communion, and can say by hart the articles of the christian faith, and will recite the same before the Minister, if he, she, or they be therevnto required. 9 Item, ye shall euery Sunday when there is no sermon in your Churche, distinctly and plainely read one of the Homelies set forth by the Queenes Ma∣iesties authoritie or one part thereof at the least, in such sort as the same is appoynted to be read. 10 Item, ye shall not take vpon you to expounde any scripture or matter of doctrine by way of exhor∣tation or otherwise, in your owne Churche or other where, vnlesse ye be admitted so to doe, by the Or∣dinarie, or be licenced to preach. 11 Item, you shall reade openly in your Church in time of diuine seruice, twice euery yeare vpon some of the Sundayes within one moneth next after the feastes of Easter and Saint Michaell tharchaun∣gell, plainly without addition or chaunge: A decla∣ration of certaine principall articles of religion, set forth by both the Archbishops and the rest of the Bi∣shops of this realme, for the vnitie of doctrine. 12 Item, you shal preach, or by such as are lawfully licensed, shall cause to be preached in the Churches where ye are Persons or Uicars, one sermon euery quarter of the yeare at the least. 13 Item, none of you shal serue. ij. cures at one time without speciall licence vnder your ordinaries seale. 14 Item, no Curate shall serue anye cure within this Diocesse, without speciall licence in writing vn∣der the Ordinaries seale. 15 Item, for the putting of the Churchewardens and sworne men better in remembraunce of theyr dutie, in obseruing and noting all such as do offende in not comming to diuine seruice, ye shall openlye e∣uery sunday after ye haue read the second lesson at Morning and Euening prayer, monish and warne the Churchwardens and sworn men of your parish, to loke to their charge in this behalfe, and to obserue who contrary to the lawe doe that day offende, ey∣ther in absenting themselues negligentlye or wil∣fully from their parish Church or Chappel, or vnre∣uerently vse themselues in the time of diuine seruice and so note the same, to the entent they may eyther present such offenders to the Ordinarie, when they shall be required therevnto, or leuie and take by way of distresse to the vse of the poore, such forfeytures as are appoynted by a statute made in that behalfe. 16 Item, ye shall from time to tyme diligently call vpon and exhort your Parishioners to conferre and giue towardes the reliefe of the poore as they maye well spare, and speciallye when ye visite them that be sicke, and make their testaments, and for your owne partes also shall charitablye relieue the poore to your habilitie. 17 Item, ye shall dayly read at the least one chap∣ter of the olde testament, and another of the newe, with good aduisement, and such of you as be vnder the degree of a Maister of Arte, shall prouide and haue of your owne, according to the Queenes Ma∣iesties Iniunctions at the least the newe testament, both in Latin and Englishe conferring the one with the other, euery day one Chapter therof at the least, so that vpon the examination of the Archdeacon, Cō∣missary or their officers, in synodes and visitations, it may appeare how ye profite in the studie of holy Scripture. 18 Finally, any of you shall not keepe any suspec∣ted woman in your house, or be an incontinent li∣uer, giuen to drunkennesse or ydlenesse, or be a haun∣ter of Tauernes, Alehouses, or suspected places, or a hunter, hawker, dicer, carder, tabler, swearer, or o∣therwise giue any euill example of life, but contrari∣wise at all times when ye shall haue leysure, ye shall heare or read somwhat of holy scripture, or shall oc∣cupie your selues with some other honest studie or exercise, and oftentymes giue your selues to earnest prayer. And shall alway doe the thinges which ap∣pertaine to honestie, and moue your Parishioners to quiet and concorde, helping to reconcile them which shall happen to be at variance at any time, and by all meanes ye can, endeuor to profite the common wealth, hauing alwayes in mind that ye ought to ex∣cel all other in puritie of life, and should be examples to the people to liue well & christianly, not giuing a∣ny way iust cause of offence. INprimis, yt you the Church wardens and enquirers in euerye Parish within the Diocesse of Sa∣rum shall vpon your othes duly and truly certifie and present in writing vnto the Ordinarie, Archedcacon of the place, or Commissarie, or to other officers ap∣poynted in this behalfe, once or oftener in euery yere as hereafter is appoynted, at such certaine dayes and places as shall bee signified vnto you from time to tyme, all such matters as hereafter ensue. That is to say. 1 First, ye shall certifie and present once in euerye quarter of a yeare, whether your Personnes, Ui∣cars, and Curates, doe diligentlye, obedientlye, and duly obserue and keepe all the sayde Iniunctions gi∣uen vnto them, as is aboue mencioned, so far forth as the same doe anye maner of way concerne them or any of them, and if they doe not, then which and how many of the said Iniunctions do they not kepe, and in what poynts doe they violate and breake the same. 2 Item, whether the Queenes maiesties Iniunc∣tions be quarterly read by your Persons, Uicars, or Curates. 3 Item, to certifie and present quarterly whether there be any among you, that is a hinderer of true religion, or a fauourer of the Romish power, or that stubbornely refuseth to conforme himselfe to vnitie and godly religion, set forth by common aucthoritie, or anye that wilfully and obstinatelye defende or maintaine any herisies, or false doctrine, contrary to the holye scriptures, and what his or their names are. 4 Item, to present quarterly, whether any parish Clark or any other persō not being ordred at ye least for a Deacon, doe presume to solemnise matrimonie or minister the sacrament of baptisme, or deliuer to the communicants the Lordes cup at the celebration of the holy communion, and what he or they be, that so doe. And whether anye person not beyng a Mini∣ster, Deacon, or at the least tollerated by the Ordina∣rie in writyng, doe attempt to say the common pray∣er, and other diuine seruice openlye in the Churche, and what he is that so doth. 5 Item, to certify quarterly, whether your Curate presume to serue in your Parishe Churche without licence from the Ordinarie in writing, and vnder seale, or whether anye serue twoo cures without li∣cence. 6 Item, to certifie yearely at the visitation, whe∣ther your Parishe haue a Bible of their owne, the booke of common prayer, a Psalter, the two bookes of Homilies, the boke called the Paraphrases of E∣rasmus, and other bookes requisite, and a fayre and comly Communion cup of siluer with a couer of sil∣uer for the same, which couer may serue for the mi∣nistration of the Lordes breade. 7 Item, to certifie likewise, whether your Quiere be comlye and orderly kept, whether ye haue a faire and comly Communion table standing vpō a frame with a faire linnen cloth to lay vpon the same, and some carpet or couering of silke, Buckeram, or suche like for the cleane keping thereof, and a decent large Surples with sleeues for the Minister, to be vsed of him in all his ministration within the Church, and also a chist or boxe for the almose of the poore. 8 Item, to certifie quarterly, whether your regi∣ster booke of christenings, mariages and burials, be duly kept, and the same christenings, mariages, and burials as they happen from time to time, be entred by your Minister into the same booke, in the presence of you the Churchwardens or one of you. 9 Item, to certifie quarterly, whether whē any chri∣stian body is in passing, the bell be tolled, & the Mi∣nister called to comfort the sicke person, and after the time of his or hir passing, there be any more ringing but one short peale before the buriall, and another short peale after the buriall. And whether on all Saints day after Euening prayer there be any rin∣ging in your Church, or other superstitious ceremo∣nies vsed, tending to the maintenance of the popish purgatorie, or of praying for the dead, and who they be that vse or doe the same. And whether there be any ringing or tolling of Belles on Sundayes or holy dayes betweene Morning prayer and the Le∣tanie, or in any time of diuine seruice, or reading of ye homilies or preaching, except one bel, in cōuenient time to be rong or tolled before the sermon. And who they be that so do ring, or toll the belles otherwise. 10 Item, to present yearelye at the visitation, whether there be anye in your parish, man or wo∣man, being of conuenient age, that hath not receiued the holy communion thrise at the least in euery yere, and namelye at Easter or thereabout for once, and what their names are. And whether yearely before Easter at such conuenient times (and namelye on Sundayes in Lent at after noone) as the Person, Uicar, or Curate shall appoint and require his pa∣rishioners to recite vnto him the Catechisme, or at the least the Lordes prayer, the Articles of the chri∣stian beliefe, & the ten commaundements by hart in English, if any wilfully & stubbornly refuse to recite the same, whether you the Churchwardens & sworn mē, or some of you, do assist & aid the minister therin. 11 Item, to present quarterly, whether such schole∣maisters as teach in your parish, be of a sincere and sounde religion, and be diligent in teaching and bringyng vp of your youth godly, and whether also they be allowed by the Ordinarie to teach. 12 Item, to certifie and present quarterly, whether all fathers, mothers, and maisters of your Parishe cause their children and seruauntes both mankinde and womankind, being aboue sixe yeares of age, and vnder twentie yeres, which haue not learned the ca∣techisme, or at the least such & so many of thē as your minister shall appoint, diligently to come to ye church euery sunday & euery holyday at the time appointed, and there obediently to heare, learne, & be ordred by your Minister, vntill such tyme as they haue learned all the sayd catechisme by hart, & what be the names of those that do not cause their children and seruants so to come to the church to be instructed & examined. 13 Item, to certifie and present quarterly, whether the lay people of your Parish especially housholders hauing no lawfull excuse to be absent, doe faithfully and diligently endeuor themselues to resort to their parish church or Chappel on the holy dayes, & chiefly on the Sundaies, to Morning and Euening praier, and vpon reasonable let thereof, to some other vsuall place where common prayer is vsed, & then, & there abide orderly & soberly, during all the time of cōmon praier, Homilies, preachings, & other seruice of God there vsed, and what bee the names of those that negligentlye or wilfully absent themselues, or come very late to the Church vpon the Sundaies and ho∣ly dayes, but especially vpon the Sundayes. 14 Item, to certifie & present quarterly the names of such of your parishioners as walke, talk, or other∣wise vnreuerently behaue themselues in the church, or vse any gaming abroade, or in any house, or sit in the streates or churchyarde, or in anye Tauerne or Alehouse, vpon the Sunday or other holy day in the time of common prayer, sermon, or reading of any of the Homilies. 15 Item, to certifie and present quarterly, whether you the Churchwardens and sworne men doe leuie and gather of euery person that wilfully or negli∣gently absenteth him or hir selfe from their Parishe church, or vnreuerently behaueth him or hir selfe in the church in time of diuine seruice vpon the Sun∣daies and other holy daies, the forfaiture of. xij. d. for euery such offence, according to a statute made in the first yere of the Queenes maiesties raign that now is, and haue put the same forfaitures to the vse of the poore of the parish, and what particuler sūmes of money are quarterlye forfayted that way, and by whome, and howe much thereof is leuied and deli∣uered to the Collectors of the poore. And if any such forfaitures be not leuied incase of such offences, by whose default it happeneth, that the same are not leuied, and what be the names of such as offende that way, and doe not pay the saide forfaiture. 16 Item, to certifie and present quarterly, whether there be any Innekepers, alehousekepers, Uictual∣lers, or Tiplers, within your parish, yt admit or suf∣fer any persou or persons in their houses, to eate & drinke, or play at cardes, tables, or other games in time of common prayer, preaching or reading of Ho∣milies on the sundayes or holy dayes, and whether there be any shops open on sundayes or holy dayes, or any Butchers or others, that vse to sell meat or o∣ther things vpon the sundayes or holy dayes in lyke tyme of common prayer, preaching, or reading of the Homilies, & what be the names of the persons that so offende. And whether in any Fayres or common Markets falling vpō the sunday, there be any shew∣ing of any wares before Morning prayer be done. 17 Item, to certifie and to present likewise, whether you haue Collectors for the poore of your Parishe, whether they do their duetie in gathering weekely, and distributing the almes of the poore, according to a statute made in the fift yere of the Queenes Ma∣iesties raigne, and make a iust accompt thereof quarterly. 18 Item, to certifie and present likewise all such persons as be of habilitie and doe obstinately or fro∣wardly refuse to giue reasonablye towardes the re∣liefe of the poore, or doe wilfullye discourage others from so charitable a dede, and what be their names. 19 Item, to certifie & present at ye least quarterly all swearers and blasphemers of Gods name, all drun∣kerds, adulterers, fornicators, ribauldes, incestuous persons, bawdes or receiuers of such incōtinent per∣sons, or of straunge women with childe, whose hus∣bands are vnknowen, or any persons that are vehe∣mently suspected of suche faultes, or that be not of good name and fame, touching such crimes and faultes, and all sowers of discorde betweene neigh∣bor and neighbor within your Parish. 20 Item, to certify likewise, whether your church and chauncell be sufficiently repayred, and cleanlye kept, and the mansion house of your Person or Ui∣car with buyldings therevnto belonging likewyse well repayred, and your Churchyarde well fensed, and cleanly kept, and if any of the same be ruynous, & in decay, through whose default it is so. Whether the Churchwardens of the last yeare were enioyned to haue repayred any part of the Church, or to haue fenced the Churchyard, & did neglect to do the same. 21 Item, to certifie whether the Churchwardens of the last yeare haue giuen to the Parish a iust ac∣compt of the church goodes that were committed to their charge, & what church goodes they haue solde, and to whome and whether to the profite of the church or no? And whether any person suppresse the last will of the dead, and performe not Legacies be∣quethed to the church, or to Orphanes, pore maydes mariages, high wayes, scholes, or to any other god∣ly vse. 22 Item, to certifie & present, whether the church∣wardens and sworne men of the last yere haue of a∣ny priuate corrupt affection concealed any crime, or other disorder in their tyme done in your parish, and haue not presented the same to the Archdeacon, or Commissarie, or other officers, hauing bene charged and enioyned vpon their othes to present the same, and what crime or disorder the same was. And whether they or any of thē at any such time or times as they shoulde haue bene at diuine seruice in the church vpon the sundayes and holydayes, and should there haue obserued such Persons as then were ab∣sent from the Church, haue themselues bene absent frō the church, & haue sit in ye tauerne or alehouse, or haue bene ydle else where, or at ye boules, cards, ta∣bles, or other gaming, in time of diuine seruice with∣out regard of their office or dutie in that behalfe. 23 Item, to certifie and present once in the yeare, whether for the retayning of the perambulation of the circuite of your Parish in the Rogation dayes, commonly called the Gang weeke, your Minister, and your Clerke without wearing any Surplesses vpon them, and you the Churchwardens and sworn men, with certaine others of the substanciall men of your Parishe, doe yearelye walke the accustomed boundes of your Parish, with giuing of thanks, and vsing of such order of prayers and Homilies, as be appoynted by the Queenes Maiests aucthoritie in that behalfe, without carying of banners, staying at crosses, or vsing anye other superstitious ceremo∣nies in any of your perambulations. 24 Item, to present likewise, whether there haue bene any Lordes of misrule, or disguised persons in Christmas, or daunsers, minstrels, or May gamers, at any other time, that haue vnreuerently come in∣to your Church, and there played vuseemely parts, with scoffes, iets, and ribauldrie talke, or daunsing, and namely in time of Common prayer, and what their names be, and the names also of such others as came with them to maintaine such disorder. 25 Item, to present quarterly, whether ye knowe any to be maryed within the degrees of affinitie or consanguinitie prohibited by the lawes of God, or any that beyng diuorced and seperated for the same, doe yet notwithstanding cohabite and keepe com∣panie still togither, or whether any beyng maryed without those degrees haue vnlawfullye forsaken their Wyues, or Husbandes, or marryed others. For the more certaine knowledge of which degrees, you shall procure, that the Table touching the de∣grees of Matrimonie st set foorth by the most Re∣uerend father in God Mathew Archbishop of Can∣torburye, be fastened in some conuenient place in your Church.
A00256.P4	Articles to be enquired of, vvithin the Diocesse of Sarisbury, in the first visitation of the right reuerend father in God, Martin, by the prouidence of God, Lord Bishoppe of Sarum holden in the yeere of our Lord God, 1619.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of Salisbury. Bishop (1618-1619 : Fotherby)", "Fotherby, Martin, Bishop of Salisbury, 1559-1619." ]	1619.	Printed by Iohn Beale,	At London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	WHether hath your Minister read the constitutions set forth by his Maiesty, once euery yeere vpon some son∣day or holidaies in the afternoone before diuine ser∣uice, according as by the Canons he is bound? 2 Whether doth your Minister vse to pray for the Kings Maiestie King Iames, and [for the Quéenes Maiesty] the Prince and all their royall progeny, giuing vnto him such stile and title of supreme Gouernour in all causes and ouer all persons, as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall, as by law are due vnto him, ex∣horting their Parishioners to yéelde him obedience according to the same, and also in their sermons do pray for all Archbishops, Bishops, and other Ecclesiasticall persons, according to the 55. Canon? 3 Whether is the prescript forme of diuine seruice vsed by your Mini∣ster vpon sondaies, holidaies wednesdaies & fridaies according to the book of common praier? and whether doth your Minister duly obserue all the orders, rites & ceremonies prescribed in the said book of common prayer, aswell in reading publique praiers, the Letany, as also in admi∣nistring the sacraments in such manner & forme, wearing the surplesse as by the book of common prayer by law now established is inioyned? 4 Whether doth your Minister administer the holy Communion so often, & at such times as that euery Parishioner, may receiue the same at least thrice in euery yeare, whereof one at Easter, as by the booke of common praier is appointed: And whether doth your Minister receiue the same himselfe on euery day that he administreth it to others, knée∣ling at the same, & administreth it to none but such as doe knéele at the receiuing thereof, and vse the words of the institution according to the booke at euery time that the bread or wine is receiued, in such manner and forme as by the Prouiso of the 21. Canon is directed, or wherein is hée faultie, and whether is warning giuen by him before hand for the Communion, as the 22. Canon requireth. 5 Whether hath your Minister admitted any notorious offenders, or Schismatiques to the Communion, contrarie to the 26. and 27. consti∣tutions, without satisfaction by due course of law before enioined them or reiected any from the communion who were not by publike pre∣sentment or other open scandal infamous and detected of some notori∣ous crime by common fame published in the parish? 6 Whether the Minister together with the Churchwardens & Quest∣en, doe take diligent heede and care, not onely that all and euerie of your owne Parishioners, doe reue thri in euery yre, as aforesaid: but also that o of any other Parish doe forsake their owne Minister and Parish to receiue with you contrary to the 28 Canon? 7 Whether hath your Minister, Church-wardens, and Sidemen pre∣sented vnto th Lord Bishop or his Chancellor within forty dayes after Easter the names of all the Parishioners, as wel men as women, which being aboue 6. yéeres of age, receiued not the Communion, at, or a∣bout Easter before, according to the 112. Canon. 8 Whether doth your Minister vse to signe the Children with the sign of the crosse, when they are baptized, according to the Booke of common prayer, and the thirtith Canon? and whether he hath deferred, or wilful∣ly refused to baptize any infant in his Parish being in danger, hauing béene duly informed of the weakenesse thereof? and whether the childe hath dyed in his default without baptisme, contrary to the 68 and 69 Canons? 9 Whether is your Minister continually resident with you vpon his be∣nefice? or for how long time hath he béene absent? and where is he resi∣dent for the most part? and what other benefice hath hée? 10 Whether doth your Minister, being a Preacher, preach vsually ac∣cording to the constitutions, either in his owne Cure with you once eue∣rie Sunday, or else in some other Church or Chappell néere adioyning, where no Preacher is, according to the 45 Canon? or how hath he béene negligent in that behalfe? 11 Whether is your Minister a Preacher allowed? If yea, then by whom? If no, whether doth hée procure Sermons to be preached among you once in euery moneth at the least, by such as are lawfully licenced, according to the 46. Canon? or doth he contribute towards a licenced Preacher, if his liuing will beare it? 12 Whether hath your Minister another benefice? and whether doth he supply his absence by a Curate, that is sufficiently licenced to preach in that cure of his whereon he himselfe is not resident? or otherwise in case he doth not find a preaching Minister there, by reason of the smal∣nes thereof, whether doth he preach at both his benefices sually him∣selfe, according to the 47. Canon. 13 Whether is your Curate licenced to serue by the L. Bishop of this Dioces, or by any other, and by whom? Whether doth your Minister or Curate serue any more cures then one, contrarie to the 48. Canon: If yea, then what other cure doth he also serue? 14 If your minister be not licenced to preach as aforesaid, whether doh he reade Homilies, or rather take vpon him to epound the sriptures, either in his owne cure or else where, cōtrary to the 49. canon: if you thē you are to present him, & sperie the place where he so hth preached? 15 Whether hath any person béene admitted to preach within your Church or Chappel, but such as you haue wel known to be sufficiently licenced? whom haue you so admitted? you shall present their names: and how often haue any such béene admitted to preach, & by whose pro∣curement? And whether haue you caused euery strange Preacher, licen∣ced or not licenced, to subscribe his name together with the day when he preached according to the 50. and 51. Canons? And if he were l∣cenced, then by whom was he licenced? And whether haue they, or any other, preached in your Church not being soberly and decently appa∣relled, according to the 74. Canon? 16 Whether doth your Lecturer and Preacher reade Diuine seruice, and administer the Sacraments in his owne person twice euery yeare obseruing al the ceremonies in the book of common-prayer established, according to the 56. Canon? 17 Whether doth your Minister weare the Surplesse, whilest he is saying publique praiers, and administring the Sacraments? And if hée be any Graduate, whether then doth he weare also vpon his Surplesse, during the times afore said, such a hd as by the oers of his Uniuer∣sity is agréeable to his degrée, according to the 58. Canon? 18 Whether doth your Minister, euery Sonday, & Holiday, before e∣uening praier, for half an houre or more, examine and instruct the youth, and ignorant persons of his parish, in the ten Commandemets, the Ar∣ticles of Reliefe and in the Lords praier, as also in the Catechisme last set forth in the booke of common-praier, whereby the children of the pa∣rish may be prepared for confirmation, according to the 60 Canon. 19 Whether hath your Minister without licence from the Archbishop, the Bishop of the Dioces, or his Chancelor, solemnized mariage be∣twixt any parties, the Banes not being thrée seueral Sondaies, or Ho∣lidaies first publised, in time of Diuine Seruice, in the seuerall chur∣che or Chappels of seuerall abode, according to the booke of common∣praier and the 62. Canon? and that also betwixt the houres of eight and twelue in the forenoone, contrarie to the 102. Canon. 20 Whether hath your Minister since the last Canons published, solem nized any mariage betwixt any persons, being vnder the age of 21. yéers, although the Ba e thrice asked, before such time as the Pa∣rents hath made knowne vnto him their consents therunto, contrarie t the 99. and 100. Canons? I whether hath he maried any of another Dioces? who are they? and by what authoritie and when? 21 Whether doth your Minister vpon Sondaies at morning praier de clare vnto the Parishioners what holidaies & fasting daies are appoin∣ted to be kept, the wéeke following, according to the 64. Canon, wherby the e put in minde to prepare themselues accordingly, and to repaire to Church to publicke prayer as by law they are bound. 22 Whether doth your Minister in the Rogation daies vse the Peram∣bulation, mooue the people to giue thanks to God for his benefits, vsing such Psalmes, Praiers, Homilies as are to that end set forth. 23 Whether doth any man (being neither Minister nor Deacon) read common Praier openly in your Church or Chappel, or administer the Sacrament of Baptisme, or solemnize matrimonie, or take vpon him to practise any other ministeriall dutie in the Church, that is prescribed to be executed by such as are either Ministers or Deacons? And what is his name that so doth? 24 Whether doth your Minister euery sixe Moneths denounce in his Church all such of his parish as doe perseuere in the sentence of excom∣munication not séeking to be absolued? And whether hath he admitted any person excomunicated into the Church without a certificate of his Absolution, from the Ordinary or other competent Iudge vnder seale. 25 Whether doth your Minister being a Preacher, endeauour and la∣bour diligently with mildnesse and temperance to conferre with, and thereby to reclaime the Popish Recusants in his parish from their er∣rors, if there be any such there being? And whether is he painefull in vi∣siting the sicke according to the book of common praier and the Canons in that case prouided? 26 Whether is your Parson, Uicar, Lecturer, or Curate too much fre∣quent or ouer conuersant with, or a fauourer of Recusants, whereby he may be suspected not to be sincere in Religion? 27 Whether hath your Minister or any other taking vpon him the place of a Minister, preached, baptized children (vnlesse in case of neces∣sitie) solemnized mariage, churched any woman, or ministred the holy Communion in any priuate house or houses? If yea, then where? whom when? And how often hath he so offended in any of the premisses? 28 Whether hath your Minister taken vpon him to appoint any pub∣like or priuate fasts or prophecies not approued and established by law or publicke authority? Or hath he attempted, vpon any pretence either of possession or obsession, by fasting and prayer to cast out diuels contra∣ry vnto the 72. Canon? 29 Whether hath your Minister or any person or persons within your parish vsed to méete in any priuate house or other place, and to hold pri∣uate conuenticles contrary to the 73. Canon? If yea, then you shall present them all and euery one of them. 30 Whether doth your Minister vse such decency and comlinesse in his apparell as by the constitution is inioyned as well at home as when he goeth abroad? 31 Whether doe you know in your parish any that hauing heretofore taken vpon him or them the order of Priesthood or of a Deacon, hath since relinquished the same, and betaken himselfe in the course of his life as a Lay-man, neglecting his vocation? If yea, then you shall present his name and the place of his aboad. 32 Whether is your Minister noted or defamed to haue obtained his Benefice by Simonie, or reputed to bee an incontinent person, or doth kéepe any man or woman in his house that are suspected either to be of euil Religion or of bad life, or himself to be a common drunkard, or to be a common haunter of Tauernes, Alehouses, or other suspected places, a common Gamester or plaier at dice or other vnlawful games, a com∣mon swearer, or notorious person, or faultie in any other crime puni∣shable by ecclesiasticall censures, wherby he is offensiue and scandalous to his function or ministerie. 33 Whether doth your Minister vse the forme of thanksgiuing to wo∣men after their childbirth, and whether hath he admitted any thereun∣to that was begotten with childe in adulterie or fornication, without li∣cense of his ordinarie? And whether haue any maried wiues refused to come to Church according to the booke of common prayer to giue God thankes after child-birth? If any be faultie herein you shal present their ames. 34 Whether doth your Minister baptize any children in any Fason or other vessell then in the ordinary Font being placed in the Church ac∣cording to the 81. Canon, or doth vse to put any bason into it? 35 Item whether is the prescript forme of diuine seruice vsed by your Minister, vpon the éeues of Sondaies and Holidaies according to the booke of common-praier? and doth he reade the Letany vpon euery wednesday and friday as is required by the 15 canon? and whether doth euery house-houlder of your parish dwelling within halfe a mile of the Church come or send thither accordingly. 36 Item whether hath your Minister married any without a ring? hath he admitted any to be God-father, or God-mother, to any child that hath not receiued the Communion? doth he refuse to burie any which ought to be interred in christian buriall, or deferre the same lon∣ger then he should, or burie any in christian buriall, which by the consti∣tutions of the church of England ought not so to be interred. 37 Item whether hath your Minister vsed the prescript forme of thanksgiuing for his Maiesties deliuerance vpon the fift of August and the fift of Nouember according to the ordinance in that behalfe. 38 Item whether doth your Minister and such others that preach in your church or chapple, or reade any Lecture or Homilie, before and at the beginning of euery such Sermon, Lecture or Homilie, mooue the people to ioyne with him in praier, in such maner, & forme, and to such effect as in the 55. , herein you shall present his . 39 Item whether hath there béen any que tion bet preacher and preacher, in your Church or Chappel, touching any Ser∣mons of doctrine, or otherwise formly preached by any other preacher either in your parish church, or in any chappell re ing: for the auing of offence and that may grw thereby. you are diligently to obserue the directions of the 53. , and so to present it. 40 Item whether hath your Minister taken especiall care to prepare the children and youth of his psh (not being as yet confirmed) to be made itte for confirmation against this next visitation, or in whm is the fault. 1 VVHether haue you in your seuerall Churches & Chappels the booke of constitutions or Canons ecclesiasticall ready to be read by yur Minister according to his Maiesties pleasure, publi∣shed by his highnesse authoriti vnder the great seale of England? 2 Whether is there in your Church or Chappell one parchment Re∣gister booke prouided for christings; mariages; and burials? And whe∣ther is the same duely and exactly kept according to the constitutions in that behalfe prouided, and a transcript therof brought in yrely with∣in one moneth after Easter into my Lord Bishops Registers office? And whether doth your Minister vpon euery Sonday read the ames of all such as haue béene maried, christed, or buried the wéeke before? 3 Whether haue you prouided the booke of common-prayer lately commanded by his Maiesties authoritie onely to be vsed, together with a Bible of the largest volume, and last translation; the two bookes of thanks giuing for his Maiesties deliuerance vpon the 5. of August and fifte of Nouember; and the booke of Homilies, and two Psalters: and whether haue you in your Church or Chappel a Font of stone set vp in the auncient vsuall place, a conuenient and decent Com∣munion Table standing vpon a frame with a carpet of ke or some o∣ther decent stuffe, and a aire ath to lay thereon at the Com∣munion time? And whether is the same table then placed in such con∣uenient sort within the Chancell or Church as that the Minister may be best heard in his prayer and administration, and that the greater number may communicate? And whether are the ten Commādements set vp on the East end of your Church or Chappell where the people may best sé and reade them, and other Sentences of holy Scrip∣ture written on the walles likewise for the same purpose? 4 Whether haue you a conuenient seate for your Minister to reade Seruice , together with a comely Pulpit set vp in a conuenient place with a decent cloth or cushion for the same, a comely large Surplesse, a faire Communion Cup of uer, and acoer agréeable for the same, a standing of pewter or purer mettall to put the wine in, whereby it may be set vpon the Communion table at the time of the blessing there∣of, with all oer things and ornaments necessary for the celebration of Diuine Seruice and administration of the Sacraments, and a strong chest for the almes of the poore, with thrée lockes and keyes, and another chest for the kéeping of the Ornaments of the Church, and Register Booke? 5 Whether are your Church or Chappels with the Chauncels there∣of, and your Parsonage or Uicaredge house, and all other housing there∣to belonging, in good reparations, and decently and comely kept, aswell within as without, the seates well maintained, your Churchyards wel fenced and kept without abuse according to the 85. Canon? If not, then through whose default & what defects are? All these things in these Ar∣ticles, to be prepared, according to the Canons vnder the title appertai∣ning to Churches. 6 Item whether haue you a terrier of the gléebe-lands, and other rights, duties and possessions belonging to your Parsonage and Uica∣radge? if no, then to enquire thereof vpon the view and knowledge of honest substantiall men, within your parish, together with the aduice of your Person and Uicar, and the same so made to certifie and bring vn∣to vs, that it may be safely kept in our Registrie ad perpetuam rei memo∣riam, at this our first episcopall visitation. 1 VVHether do you know or haue heard of any payment, com∣position, or agréement, to, or with any exercising ecclesia∣sticall iurisdictiō within this Dioces, or any their Registers or officers Ecclesiasticall, for suppressing or concealing of excomunication, or o∣ther Ecclesiasticall censure, of, or against any Recusant? what summe of money or other consideration hath béene receiued, or promised by, or to any of them for concealing of them? by whom, and with whom? 2 Whether any vsing Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in this Dioces, their Registers, Actuaries, Apparitors, or Summoners, haue at any time winked at, and suffered any adulterers, fornicators, inces, or other faults or offences presented vnto them, to passe and remaine vnpuni∣shed and vncorrected, for money, rewards, bribes, pleasure, friendship, or any other partiall respect? 3 Whether hath any exercising ecclesiasticall iurisdiction within this Dioces, or any Register, Apparitor, or Minister belonging to the Ec∣clesiasticall courts, exacted extraordinarie or greater fees then hereto∣fore of late haue béene accustomed? and whether is there a Table of the rates of al fées set vp in seuerall courts and offices, or whether they or any of them haue taken vpon them the office of Informers or Pro∣moters to the courtes, or any other way abused themselues in their offices contrary to the law and canons in that case prouided? 4 Item, are your Ecclesiasticall Iudges and their substitutes masters of Arts, or Batchellors of the Law at the least, learned and practised in the ciuill and ecclesiasticall Lawes, men of good ife and fame, zea∣louslie affected in Religion? and iust and vpright in executing their offices? haue they heard any matter of office priuately in their cham∣bers, without their sworne Registers, or their Deputies presence? do you know, or haue you heard of any summes of money to be taken by them, or any of their officers, of any dying intestate, vpon pretence to bestow the same in pios vsus, and how hath the same béene bestowed? 5 Item, what number of Apparitors hath euery seuerall iudge Ec∣clesiastical, and wherein, and in what manner is the country ouer-bur∣thened with them? and whether haue they caused, or summoned any to appeare in the said courts without a presentment or a citation first had, or whether haue they threatned any to prosecute them in the said courts, if they would not giue them some rewards? and what bribes in that behalfe haue they taken? 6 Whether hath there béene within your seuerall Parishes since the day of last past any wills proued or administrati∣ons graunted by the Archdeacon and his Official? or any knowne in∣continent persons? or any suspected of that vice, or any other offenders whatsoeuer (hauing not before the said day of last past béene duly presented by their Churchwardens) for the same béene called or cited by the Archdeacon or his Official? If yea, then you must present their names, and their offences, now at this visitation, for that since the said day of last the Archdeacons authoritie was restrained and suspended by inhibition, and al iurisdiction Ecclesi∣asticall euer since hath béene in the Lord Bishop, 1 VVHether the Schoolemaster or Schoolemasters withinyour parish openly or priuately in any Noble or Gentlemans house, or in any other place, be of good & sincere religion, life, and con∣uersation, and be diligent in teaching and bringing vp of youth, & whe∣ther they haue béene examined, allowed, and licencedfor Schoolmasters by the Ordinarie in that behalfe? and how many seuerall Schoolema∣sters haue you? and what be their names? 2 Whether your Schoolemaster or Schoolemasters doe themselues re∣ceiue the holy Communion as often as they ought to doe, and whether doe all their Schollers, which be of age sufficient, and of capacity by in∣struction to receiue the Lords Supper, come to the Communion either in your Church, or where their Parents dwel, once euerie yeare, and be diligent to heare common-praier? 3 Whether the Schoolemaster or Schoolemasters either priuate or publicke do teach their schollers the Catechisme authorised by publicke authoritie, at the least once euery week, and do instruct & examine them in the same, or do teach any other Catechisme, and what Catechisme it is that they do so teach? 4 Whether your Schoolemaster, or Schoolemasters, or any of them bée knowne or suspected to reade vnto their schollers priuatelie any vn lawful books, or priuatlie to instruct them in their yong yéeres either in Poperie, superstition, or disobedience, or contempt to his Maiestie, and his lawes Ecclesiasticall by publicke authoritie allowed? 5 Whether your Schoolemaster, or Schoolemasters, or any of them vnder pretence of Catechising their schollers, which is a most godly or∣der carefully by them to be obserued, do kéepe Lectures, readings or ex∣position in diuinitie in their houses, hauing repaire vnto them of peo∣ple not being of their owne familie and houshold? 6 What Reccusant Papists are there in your parish? and whether doe they, or any of them kéep any Schoolemaster in their house, which com∣meth not to Church to heare Diuine Seruice, & receiue the Commu∣nion? what is his name? and how long hath he taught? 7 Whether the Schoolemasters within your parish doe teach his or their schollers any other Grammar thenthat which is commonly called the Kings Grammar, set forth by the authoritie of K. Henry the eight, teaching the prescript forme thereof, whereby their schollers may per∣fectly vnderstand their Grammer rules and constructions? 1 VVHether is there any in your parish, that hath or dooth impugne the Kings Maiesties supremacy, and authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall, or doe any way or in any part impeache the same, being restored to the Crowne by the lawes of this Realme esta∣blished in that behalfe? 2 Whether is there any in your parish, that deieth the Church of England by law established vnder the Kings most excellent Maiestie, to be a true and Apostolicall church, teaching and maintaining the doc∣trine of the Apostles? 3 Whether is there any in your parish, that doth impugne any of the Articles of Religion agréed vpon in Anno 1562. and established in the Church of England? 4 Whether is there any in your parish, that doth impugne or speak a∣gainst the rites and ceremonies established in the Church of England, or the lawfull vse of them? you shall present their names. 5 Whether are there any in your parish, that do impugne the gouern∣ment of the Church of England vnder the Kings most excellent Maie∣sty by Archbishops, Bishops, Deanes, Archdeacons, and the rest that beare office in the same, affirming that the same is Antichristian or re∣pugnant to the word of God? 6 Whether is there any in your parish, that doe impugne the forme of consecrating & ordaining of Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, or Dea∣cons, affirming that the same is repugnant to the word of God, or that they who are so ordered in that forme, are not lawfully made? 7 Whether is thre any in your parish, that doth hold or frequent a∣ny conunticles or priuate méetings, and there do conferre or agrée vp∣on any priuate orders, other then such as are by the Canons set forth by publique authoritie, to be by them or any others in Church gouern∣ment obserued? 8 Whether any person haue lurked and tippled in Tauernes, or Ale∣houses, on Sondaies or other holidaies, or vsed his or their manuall craft or trade, or kéepe their shops open vpon the said daies, or any of them, and espectally in the time of Diuine seruice? 9 Whether are there any in your Parish, that doe or haue profaned the Lords day called Sonday, or other Holidaies, contrarie to the or∣ders of the church of England, prescribed in that behalfe? 10 Whether hath any person in your Parish quarrelled, or stric∣ken or vsed any violence vnto, or with your Minister, or any other in the Church or Churchyard, or vsed himselfe disorderlie in the Church, by lthy and profane talke, or any other rude and immodest behauiour? 11 Whether is that due reuerence, and humble submission vsed with∣in your chur chapple in the time of Diuine seruice, as by the 18. constitution is prescribed? and whether each one in the Church or chappell doe apply and order himselfe there in time of Diuine , as by the letter part of the same constitution is most commendably en∣ioyned? 12 Whether the Churchwardens and Questmen from time to time do their diligence in not suffering any idle persons or loiterers, to abide either in the Churchyard or Church porch in seruice or Sermon time, but causing them either to come into the Church to heare diuine ser∣uice, or to depart, and not to disturb such as are hearers there? 13 Whether the Churchwardens doe prouide against euery Commu∣nion with the aduice of the Minister, a sufficient quantitie of fine white bread, and of good and wholsome wine, for the number of the commu∣nicants, that shall receiue, and that to be brought in a cleane and swéet standing pot of pewter or other pure metall. 14 Whether haue any in your Parish béene Godfathers or Godmo∣thers to their owne children? Or whether your Minister, or any Godfathers or Godmothers haue vsed or doe vse any other forme, answere, or speach in Baptisme, then is in the booke of common praier appointed? or whether any which haue not communicated, be ad∣mitted to be Godfathers or Godmothers, contrarie to the twentie ninth Canon? 15 Whether is there any in your parish, that doth refuse to haue their children baptized, or themselues to receiue the communion at the hands of your Minister, because hee is no Preacher? you shall present their names. And if your Minister since the publishing of the said booke of Canons, haue receiued any such persons (being not of his owne cure) to the communion, or baptized any of their children, you shall likewise present him? 16 Whether doe all the Fathers, Mothers, Masters, & Mistresses cause their children, seruants and apprentices to come to the catechisme vp∣on the Sondaies and Holidaies before euening prayer to heare and to be instructed and taught therein? and those that e not their duties herein, you present their names. 17 Whether haue you or your Predecessors, Church-wardens suffe∣red any playes, feasts, banquets, church-ales, drinkings or any other profane vsages, to be kept in your church, chappels, or churchyard, or els to rung superstitioe vpon holidaies or Eues abrogated by the booke of common-prayer, contrary to the 88. canon? 12 How many inhabitants within your Parish, men or women a∣boue the age of sixtéene yéeres, do refuse to frequent Diuine seruice e∣stablished by publike authority of this Realme, or to receiue the holy Communion, or are negligent therein? what be their names? and of what degrée, state, or trade of life are hey? you are to present them all f both forts. 19 Whether haue you or your Predecessors brought vnto my Lord Bishop or his Chauncellour, within fortie daies next after Easter, the names of all such as haue not communicated that Easter before, con∣trary to the 11. 2. Canon? 20 Whether do any of the Inhabitants of your said parish entertaine within their house any soiurners, lodgers, or any common resorters and guests, who refuse to frequent Diuine seruice, or receiue the holic Communion as aforesaid? what be their names? of what quality or condition are they? 21 Whether are any of the said Popish Recusants of insolent beha∣uiour not without publike offence, or doe boldly busie themselues in seducing and withdrawing others either abroad or in their owne fami∣lies, by instructing their children in Popish Religion, or by refusing o entertaine any, especially in place of greatest seruice or trust, but such as concur with them in opinion of religion? and what be their names that so do? 22 How long the said Popish Recusants haue obstinately abstained either from Diuine seruice, or from the Communion as is aforesaid? whether of any long time, or only since his Maiesties raigne, and how long? 23 What persons aforesaid within your parish, either for the offence aforesaid, or for any other contumacy or crime, doe remaine excommu∣nicated? what bee their names? and for what cause? and how long haue they so stood excommunicate? 24 Whether were you the Churchwardens and Questmen chosen by the consent of the Minister and parishioners in Easterke, accor∣ding vnto the 89. and 90. canons? and whether haue the churchwar∣dens before you giuen vp a iust accompt for their time, and deliuered to you their Successors, whatsoeuer money or other things of right be∣longing to the church, which was in their hands, according to the 89. Canon? 25 Whether doe all persons aboue the age of sixtéene yéeres vsualie resot to hears Diuine seruice vpon sondaies and holidaies approued, and whether hath each one of your Parishioners (being aboue the age of sixtéene yeares as aforesaide) receiued the holy communion thrice this last yeare, chiefely once at Easter in your Parish Church knée∣ling? If no, then you shall present their names, which haue not so done? 26 Whether haue you a fit Parish Clerke, aged 20. yres atleast, of honest conuersation & sufficient for reading and writting? and whether he be payed his wages without fraud according to the most auncient customs of your Parish? If not, then by whom is he so defrauded and denied? and whether he be chosen by the Parson or Uicar, or by whom according to the 91. Canon. 27 Whether haue any in your Parish béene maried within the prohi∣bite degrées, forbidden by the Lawe, and expressed in a certaine Table published by authority in Anno 1563? If yea, then your shall present their names, and whether haue you the said Table publikely set vp in your Church, and fastened to some conuenient place? 28 Whether doth any heretofore diuorced kéepe company with any o∣ther at bed and at boord as man & wife? what be their names? when and where they maried? and how long haue they so continued? 29 Whether haue you any in your Parish, which heretofore being po∣pish Recusants or Sectaries, haue since conformed themselues & come to Church to heare Diuine, seruice and receiue the Sacraments? If yea, then who they are? And how long since haue they so conformed themselues? and whether doe they still remaine and abide in that con∣formity? 30 Whether haue you any in your parish to your knowledg or by com∣mon fame and report, which haue committed adulterie, fornication, or incest, or any bawdes harborers or receiuers of such persons, or pub∣likely suspected thereof, which haue not béen publikely punished to your knowledge? If yea, then with whom, and whether are there anie which are by common fame and report reputed & taken to be common drunkards, blasphemers of Gods holy name, common and vsual swea∣rers, filthic speakers, raylers, sowers of discord amongst their neigh∣bours, or speakers against Ministers marriages, Usurers contrarie to the statute made in the 37. yeare of K. Henry the eight, Symonicall persons, fighters, brawlers or quarrellers in Church or Churchyard? you shall not faile to present their names. 31 Whether haue any in your parish receiued or harboured any wo∣man gotten with childe out of wedlock, and suffered them againe to de∣part without pennance first inflicted vpon them by their ordinary? You shall truelie present aswel the partie harbouring as harboured, and who is suspected to haue committed incontinencie with her. 32 Whether anie person or persons suspected or detected heretofore of Incontinency, and therfore departing out of your parish for a season, is now returned againe? or in what place else is he or she now abiding to your knowledge, or as you haue heard? you shal not faile to present the whole truth in that behalfe. 33 Whether are there in your parish anie wils not yet prooued, or goods of the dead dying intestate, left vnadministred by the authority of the Ordinarie in that behalfe? you shall not faile to present the Exe∣cutors and all others faulty and culpable therein. 34 Whether any of or within your parish affirme, that the sacred Synode of this nation assembled by the authority is not the true Church of England by representati or hath or dooth any of your parish affirme, th no persons either of the Clergie or La tie, that were not personally present in the said la Synode, are to the decrées thereof in causes Ecclesiasticall made and ratified by the Kings supreame authority, because they gaue not vp their voices vnto them? you shall present their names. 35 Whether is there any among you, that ha or do the aforesaid late Synod, saying or affirming, that the same was a company o such persons as did conspire together against godly and religious Professors of the Gospell, and that therefore both they and their pro∣céedings in that behalfe are and ought to be dispised and contemned, or words to the like effect? you shall not faile to present their names. 36 Whether there bee any person or persons Ecclesiasticall or tem∣porall within your Parish or else where within this Dioces, that haue retained and kept in their custodie, or that read, sell, vtter, disperse, cary or deliuer to others any English books, or Libels set forth either on this side or beyond the seas, by Papists or Sectaries, against the ings su∣premacie in causes Ecclesiasticall, or against true Religion and Ca∣tholik doctrine now publikely professed in this Church, or the gouern∣ment or Discipline of the Church of England, now within this Realm receiued and established by common authoritie, and what their names and surnames are? 35 Whether there bée any in your parish who are noted, knowne or suspected to conceale or kéep hiddē in their houses any Masse books, por∣tesses, briaries, or other bookes of Popery and superition, or any Challices, Copes, Uestments, Albes, or other ornaments of supersti∣tion, vncancelled or vndefaced, which it is to be coniectured, they doe kéepe for a day, as they call it? 38 Whether any of your Parishioners hauing a Preacher to their Parson, Uicar, or Curate, doe absent themselues from his Sermons, and resort to any other place to heare other Preachers? 39 Whether there be any Inkéepers, Alewiues, Uictualers, or ip∣lers, that suffer or doe admit any person or persons in their houses to eate, drink, or play at dice, cards, tables, bowles, or such like games, in the time of common-prayer or sermon on the Sondaies, or Holi∣daies: or any Butchers, or other that commonly vse to sell meat or o∣ther things in the time of common prayer, preaching or reading of Ho∣milies▪ and whether in Faires or common Markets falling vpon Ho∣lidaies, there be shewing of any wares before morning prayer be and whether any Markets and selling of wares be vsed or su in any Churchyards on the Sabboth day by common packmen and ped∣lers going about, or any Butchers? 40 Whether hath your Minister or any of the parish without the con∣sent or priuitie of the Ordinarie, caused any to doe penance or bee pu∣nished either openly or otherwise, for any crime punishable by the Ec∣clesiastical lawes onely, and what be the names of the parties that haue béene so punished, and in what manner? 41 Whether there be any in your Parish, who will come to heare the sermon, but will not come to the publique praier appointed by the booke of common-praier, making a schisme or diuision (as it were) betwéene the vse of publike praier, & preaching? and whether there be any, who being present at publick praier, do not deuoutly and humbly knéele vp∣on their knées, at such times as by the booke of common prayer they are appointed, to wit, when they make a generall confession of their sinnes: when all prayers and collects are read: in the time of the Leta∣nie: when the ten Commandements are read: and at the receiuing of the holy communion? and what are their names, that haue at any time shewed themselues vndutifull and vnreuerent in that behalfe? 42 Whether there be any maried woman or others within your Pa∣rish, which after childbirth, refuse or contemne to come to the Church to giue God thankes for their diliuerie, and to haue the praiers pub∣likely appointed on that behalfe by the booke of common prayer? 43 Whether any within your parish doe resort vnto Farnes, fieldes, woods, priuate houses, or to any extraordinarie exposition of scriptures or conferences together? or that be drawers or perswaders of others to any such schismaticall conuenticles? 44 Whether any doe kéepe their children vnbaptized longer then is conuenient, vnlesse that it be for sicknesse of the child, or other vrgent occasion? And whether any doe carrie their children from the Parish they are borne in, to other Parishes to be baptized, and so refuse their owne Parish: or doe bring strange Ministers into their owne hou∣ses to baptize their children priuately according to their owne fanta∣sies? 45 Item, whether haue you any Coniurers, Charmers, lcours, Witches, or Fortune-tellers within your Parish? who are they, and who doe resort to them for counsell? 46 Item, haue you the Church wardens exhibited into the Bishoppes Registrie a true copie of the names of all such as haue béene christened, married, or buried within your parish this last yéere, according to the 70. Canon? 47 Item, whether hath the fift of August, and the fifth of Nouem∣ber béene kept holy, and thanksgiuings made to God, for his Maie∣sties, and the States happy delrance, according to the Ordinance in that behalfe? 48 Item, whether haue you, or your Predecessors Churchwardens, (according to the branch of a Statute mentioned in the latter end of this booke) leuied twelue pence for euery Sondaies absence to the vse of the poore of your parish, of the lands, goods, and tenemens of euery one that hath without lawful execuse absented himselfe from his parish church? if not, you are to present it your selues by vertue of your oaths? If yea, then hath the money béene imploied to that vse, and distributed accordingly. 49 Whether do you know of any other matter of Ecclesiasticall cog∣nizance, worthy the presentment in your iudgement, aboue not expressed, which you hold fit to be reformed? and if you doe, you shall likewise present the same by ver∣tue of your Oaths.
A00257.P4	The true discripcion of a childe with ruffes borne in the parish of Micheham in the cou[n]tie of Surrey in the yeere of our Lord. M.D.LXvi	[ "H. B., fl. 1566." ]	Anno domini. M.D.Lxvi. the .xx. of August [1566]	By Iohn Allde and Richarde Iohnes and are to be solde at the long shop adioining vnto S. Mildreds Churche in the Pultrie and at the litle shop adioining to the northwest doore of Paules Churche,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Skin -- Diseases -- Early works to 1800.", "Monsters -- Early works to 1800." ]	The for part and the back part THis presēt yeere of our Lord M. D. Lxvi the .vii. day of Iune one Helene Iermin the wife of Iohn Iermin Husbandman Dwelling in the parishe of Micheham was deliuered of a Woman Childe named Christiā beeing aftur this maner & fourme following. That is to say, the Face comly & of a cheerful countenaūce. The Armes and hands, Leggs and Feet of right shape, and the Body wt all other members therunto apperteinīg, wel proporciōed in due fourme & order, sauing yt it is as it were wunderfully clothed with suche a Flesshy skin as the like at no time hath ben seene. For it hath the said flesshy skin behinde like vnto a Neckerchef growing from the reines of the Back vp vnto the neck as it were with many Ruffes set one after another and beeing as it were somthing gathered, euery Ruf about an inche brode hauīg here growing on the edges of the same, & so wt Ruffes cōming ouer ye Shoulders and couering some part of ye Armes proceding vp vnto the nape of the neck behinde and almoste round about the neck, like as many womens Gownes be, not cloce to gither before: but that the throte beeing (with a faire white skin) bare betweene bothe the sides of the ruffes, the said ruffes about the neck beeing double and as it were thick gathered, muche like vnto the Ruffes that many do vse to weare about their necks. ¶ This Childe beforsaid (the day of the date vnder written)was to be seene in Glene Alley in Suthwark beeing aliue and x weeks olde and iiii. dayes not vnlikly to liue long.
A00259.P4	Moriemini. A verie profitable sermon preached before her Maiestie at the court, about xiij. yeares since: by H.B.	[ "H. B., fl. 1593.", "Broughton, Hugh, 1549-1612, attributed name." ]	1593.	Printed [R. Field for] by Iohn VVolfe,	London :	eng	[ "Sermons, English -- 16th century." ]	THe princely Prophet Dauid, being himself aduaunced by the goodnesse of God, to be king ouer Israell, by dayly experience plainly saw, how common a thing it is, that the great and mightie, the rich and wealthie men of this world, doe many times forget both them selues, what they be, and their God, from whom they be. And glorying in nobilitie, and swelling in au∣thoritie, and swimming in worldly wealth, do trust in their treasures, and seeke their owne pleasures, & thinke them selues Gods. Therefore, that the great personages of this world should not be deceiued with their great estates in this world, and thinke them selues Gods to worke their own willes, and neglect the will and wayes of the euerliuing God. The Prophet here doth plainely tell them, that though they be Gods, that is, Gods in maiestie, Gods in authoritie, Gods in wealth and glorie, & in all the things of this world liue like Gods among men: yet are they but Gods on earth, and Gods of earth, that is, earthy and mortal Gods, and must die like other men, and part from all their pompe, & render accompt to the God of heauen for their earthy Godhead. And this (me thinke) is the purpose of the Prophet in these words, I haue said, ye are Gods: But ye shall die like men. Wherein the Pro∣phet setteth downe two special pointes of Princes and great personages 1. Their Maiestie, in these words, I haue said, ye are Gods, there∣in giuing to note 2. Their mortality, in these wordes, But ye shall die like men: therein also noting death. For that they shall die, like men. As the Prophet Dauid by the spirit of God in this place, euen so the same spirit in sundry places of the holy Scrip∣tures doth call the Princes and great personages of this world, Gods. 1 So the Lord God himselfe said vnto Moses, I willExod. 12. 12. be auenged of all the Gods in Egypt: meaning Pharao, & all the men of might in Egypt. 2 And Moses the man of God amongst other, gaue this law to the people of God; Thou shalt not speakeExod. 22. 28. euill of the Gods: meaning the heads and rulers of the people. 3 And our sauiour Christ in the gospell saith; Is itIoh. 10. 34. not written in the law, I haue said, ye are gods? Ratifying and confirming, that the men of this world are well cal∣led Gods in the word of God. And the reason why they be called Gods, the queene of Saba rendreth, when she saith to king Salomon; Blessed2. Para. 9. 8. be the Lord thy God, which had a loue to thee, to set thee king on his seat, that thou maist be king, for the Lord thy God. Plainly testifying that the Princes and great perso∣nages in this world, do sit on Gods seat, by Gods appoint∣ment, in stead of God, therefore called gods. I haue said, ye are Gods, that is, Ye sit on Gods seat by Gods appointmēt, in stead of God, ye represent Gods ma∣iestie, and beare Gods authoritie, therefore ye are Gods. And for that ye are gods, that is, set on Gods seate, by Gods appointment, in stead of God, therefore this dutie is due vnto you by all, that are vnder you, to honour and o∣bey you euen for the Lord. 1 For so the Lord God himselfe in the first comman∣dement of the second table commandeth, To honour Fa∣therExod. 20. 12. and mother, that is, to honor and obey all superiors, rulers, and gouernors, and promiseth long life for fulfil∣ling the same. 2 And our sauiour Christ comming not to breake the law, but to fulfill the law, in token of his obedience, according to the law paid tribute to Caesar, commanding Peter to take a hooke, and cast into the sea, and in theMat. 17. 27. mouth of the first fish he gat, he should find a peece of twentie pence, that take (saith he) and giue them for tri∣bute for thee and me. 3 And when the Iewes came vnto him, and asked him, whether they should pay tribute to Caesar, or not, heMat. 22. 21. sayd vnto them, Giue vnto Caesar the things that are Cae∣sars: teaching all subiects obedience to their Caesars, that is, their Princes, heads, and gouernours. 4 S. Paul in the 13. to the Romanes, setteth downeRom. 13. 1. sundrie reasons to proue, that euery soule ought to be sub∣iect to the higher powers, as to the ordinance of God. 5 And S. Peter is plaine: Submit your selues to eue∣ry1. Pet. 2. 13. ordinance of man, that is, euen for the Lord: whether it be to the king, as hauing the prehemi∣nence: or to the rulers appointed by him, for the punish∣ment of euill doers, but for the praise of them, that do wel. Thus the Spirit of God doth teach the people of God in the word of God, that the Princes and great personages of this world are gods, that is, set on Gods seate, by Gods appointment, in stead of God: they represent Gods maie∣stie, and beare Gods authoritie: and therefore this dutie is due vnto them by all, that are subiect to them, to honor and obey them euen for the Lord. Whence then is that spirite, and whence is that do∣ctrine, that setteth on subiects to conspiracies, rebellions, and treasons? and teacheth them by gunshot, by witch∣craft, by coniuring, by sorcerie, by dealings with the de∣uill him selfe, to worke mischiefe against their naturall Prince, and their natiue countrey? and yet telleth them, that therein they do God seruice, and promise them par∣dons, and hight them heauen for their disobedience? Surely, surely, spiritus mendax in ore Prophetarum, that3. Reg. 22. 2 is, a lying spirit, the spirit of the deuill and Antichrist is in the mouths of such teachers, and the harts of such dealers. For the Spirit of God by the wiseman saith: Wish noEccles. 10. 20 euill to the king in thy thought, & speake no euill against great men in thy secret chamber: for the foules of the aire will bewray thee. The foules of the aire, that is, the de∣uill (for so our Sauiour Christ in the parable of the sowerMatt. 13. 15. expoundeth the foules of the aire to signifie the deuill.) The deuill, that setteth traitours on worke, he will paye them their hire, that is, he wil bewray their wicked pra∣ctises against their Princes, to their shame and confusion. For ye are Gods, that is, set on Gods seate, by Gods ap∣pointment, in stead of God, ye represent Gods maiestie, and beare Gods authoritie: therefore this dutie is due vn∣to you by all that are vnder you, to honor and obey you, euen for the Lord. Yet some thinke them selues set free from this dutie of obedience to their naturall Prince, by betaking thē selues to the protection of the holy father, and by reconciling them selues to his subiection. As for their natural Prince, the present state, and Religion, they are in doubt of the goodnesse of them, that they be not of God, nor agreeable to the word and will of God. Yet haue they seene, and full wel do know, how won∣derfully God hath blessed, prospered, and preserued vs by this Prince, in this state, and for this Religion by the space of these two and twentie yeares and vpwardes. And in all this time, neither Balac his treacherie, nor Ba∣lamNum. 23. his curse for money hath preuayled against vs. For howe could they curse whom God doth blesse? how could they hurt whom God doth defend? And yet too well they know, that Balac hath bragged, and Balam hath banned, that is, the Pope hath cursed, and the popish haue cōspired: Papists haue deuised, & Atheists haue practised cunning conspiracies, trecherous treasons, pestilent pra∣ctises, and diuelish deuises against the Prince, against the state, and against the religion; onely God his holy hand hath still from time to time preserued and maintained the Prince, the state, and the Religion: whereby they might see (were they not too too blind, & will not see) that God doth loue and like, prosper & blesse, the Prince, the state, and the Religion. But these busie rebellious Frogs, that cannot yet like the blessed blocke of so peaceable a prince, must needs at length haue a deuouring Storke. God for his mercies sake turn their harts, or ouerturne all that take their parts. And for that ye are Gods, set on Gods seat by Gods ap∣pointment, in stead of God, therefore this dutie is also due vnto you by them that are vnder you, to pray continually to the liuing God for you. So S. Paul teacheth saying; I exhort you, 1 That1. Tim. 2. 1. praiers, supplications, intercessions, and giuing of thanks, be made for all men, especially for kings, and all that are in authoritie. 2 And the reason why, the wise man rendreth, where he saith, The hart of the king is in the hand of the Lord:Pro. 21. 1. Therefore the people are to pray to the Lord to dispose the hart of the king and all that are in authoritie, to his good will and pleasure. 3 So Dauid praied for the king & said; Giue the kingPsal. 72. 1. thy iudgements, O Lord, and thy righteousnesse to the kings sonne: then shall hee iudge the people according vnto right, and defend the poore. 4 And when our sauiour Christ came to Hierusa∣lem riding like a king, the people that went before him,Matt. 21. 9. and they that came after him, cried vnto him Hosanna, i. Hoschianna, i. Lord saue the king, Lord saue the king. Which action allowed by our sauiour Christ, teacheth the Christians to cry Hosanna, that is, to pray continually for the peace, wealth and safetie of the Prince, and all that are in authoritie. Ye are Gods to be praid for to the superior God, yet not to be prated of by inferior men: by the wise to be ad∣uised, yet not to be chatted of by euery vnaduised. The law of God by Moses, Thou shalt not speake euillExod. 22. 28. of the Gods, was giuen to bridle the licentious libertie of mens tongues, in pratling of Princes and other great per∣sonages. For, that euerie prentise should prate of Princes, and e∣uerie Cobler seeme a Counsellor, and euerie Iack Straw deuise a new law, and euerie medling mate mislike the whole state, is neither commendable by the word of God, not tollerable in a Christian common-wealth: yee are Gods to be praied for, not to be prated of. And thus much breefly of the dutie due vnto you, for that ye are Gods. The God of heauen grant, that all dutie due vnto you, may of all parts be faithfully performed vnto you, to ho∣nor and obey you, and pray to God for you. And for that ye are Gods, that is, set on Gods seate, by Gods appointment, in stead of God: therefore there is a dutie also required of you towards that God, that hath made you gods. For you are gods, not the gods of the heathen, siluer & gold, the workes of mens handes, which haue eyes andPsal. 115. 3. see not, eares and heare not, mouthes and speake not, hands and handle not, feet and walke not, neither is there any breath in their nosthrils: but ye are gods, liuely gods, and haue eyes to see, and eares to heare, mouths to speake, and hands to worke the things, that are good and plea∣sing to the euerliuing God. Therefore the Prophet Dauid saith vnto you: BringPsal. 29. 1. vnto the Lord, ô ye mightie, bring yong rammes vnto the Lord, ascribe vnto the Lord your worship, and your strength: giue the Lord the honor due vnto his name, & worshippe the Lord with an holy worshippe. By which words the prophet teacheth plainly, that there is a dutie required of you that are mightie, towards that God, that hath made you gods. But it becomes not me, perhaps, to tell you gods your dutie, yet thus much without offence, I hope, I may say, saying it truly: that the God of heauen is angrie with the gods on earth for want of dutie. Rom. 1. 28. For the wrath of God in heauen is reuealed, & made manifest against the gods on earth by sundrie signes and tokens of Gods wrath, both in the heauens aboue, and in the earth beneath. For euen of late dayes amongst vs the often eclypses of the Sunne and the Moone, the diuerse Cometes and blazing starres, the sundrie sights and lights in the aire, the rise resemblances of fire and bloud in the clouds, the maine monstruous & strange birthes (though some seeme to render some naturall reasons for them) yet are they vnnaturall, and the wrath of God is reuealed by them. As for the late earthquake amongst vs, that was soone forgotten of vs, because it passed away so soone, and did so litle hurt amongst vs. Yet the prophet Dauid saith,Psal. 18. 7. The earth trembled and quaked, the verie foundations of the hilles shooke, and were moued, because God is wroth. The prophet telleth plainly, that the trembling and quaking of the earth, is a sure signe and token of the wrath of God in heauen. And that the late earthquake a∣mongst vs, did passe so soone away from vs, and with so litle hurt among vs, is an argument, that the wrath of God against vs, is yet mixed with much mercie towards vs, threatning vs so terribly, and yet sparing vs so merci∣fully. Thus then by sundrie signes & tokens it is euident and plaine, that the God of heauen is angry with the gods on earth for want of dutie. For some being aduanced by God to be gods, do liue without God, that is, without the knowledge and feare of God, and become Dauids fooles, and saye in theirPsal. 14. 1. hearts, There is no God. But set vp their hornes on high,Psalm. 75. 6. and say with a stiffe necke, That promotion commeth from the East and from the West, that is, They say, their honour and authoritie, their lands and great liuings, their credit and their countenaunce comes to them by heritage, by birth and parentage, or by the worthinesse of their wit and policie, or by the deserts of their labours and industrie. Therefore they offer sacrifice to their nets (sayth theHabac. 1. 16. Lord by the Prophet) and burne incense to their yarne, because by thē their portion is made fat, that is, they boast of their birth, they vaunt of their value, their wisedome, and their worth, because by them they thinke they haue whatsoeuer they haue. And so set their whole delightLuc. 16. 19. with the rich glutton to be finely fed and trimly clad, and hauing wealth inough in store for many yeares, they sayLuc. 12. 19. to their soules, Soule take thine ease, eat, drinke and bee merrie; and grow to be like to that wicked iudge, NecLuc. 18. 4. Deum timere, nec hominem reuereri, that is, neither to feare God nor care for man. For these godlesse Gods haue commonly, if not conti∣nually about them, bewitching Elimasses, that is, besottingAct. 13. 8. epicures, Machiuilists, and Atheists, which feed thē with the follies of their owne fansies, and peruert them from all care and feare of God, from reading, hearing, or belee∣uing the word of God. But when God had giuen his people rest in the daies of Asa king of Iuda, the king and all the people made a2. Pat. 15. 12. couenaunt with the Lord to seeke and serue the Lord their God with all their harts, and with all their soules: And they made a law, that whosoeuer would not serue the Lord God, should die for it, were he small or great. Oh if we would well consider the peace and rest, the prosperitie and plentie, where with the Lord hath blessed vs in the daies of our Asa, that is, our gratious queene Elizabeth, we haue great cause to make a couenant with the Lord, to seeke and serue the Lord our God with all our hearts, and with all our soules. But if Asa his law were in England, That whosoeuer would not serue the Lord God should die for it, were he small or great, then surely God should be a great deale better serued both of small and great. For our peace and rest, our prosperitie and plentie, hath bred a godlesse securitie both in small and great: and the God of heauen is angrie with the gods on earth for want of dutie. For some being aduanced by God to be gods, do yet with Achab mislike good Elias, and maintaine Baals3. Reg. 16. 32. priests, that is, they cannot like of the preaching & prea∣chers of the word of God, but maintaine bald priests to nusle them in Idolatrie and superstition still: such must be their chaplens, their schoolemaisters, stewards of their houses, clearks of their kitchins, and beare all the sway. By sufferance whereof it is come to passe, that not onely themselues are hardned in their superstition, past hope to be wonne, but also their children, a great number that haue bene borne since your Maiesties raigne, are so taught in their trade, that they are become more obsti∣nate enemies to the state and religion, then their fathers are. And this is one great cause, why after so long prea∣ching of Gods truth, the enemies of truth are so smallie decreased, nay so mightily increased amongst vs. O what a happie thing had it bene for this land, if the children of such as are knowne to be superstitious, had bene taken from their parents at the yeares of discretion, and committed to the education of such, as are knowne to loue the state and religion. But better late then neuer, they say, Nunquam sera est ad bonos mores via. Christ and his Gospell hath a long time, two & twen∣tie yeares bene on foot in England, and faine would ride, as he did somtime in Hierusalem, with some glorie. And. 1. 2. for this purpose he hath sent foorth his two Disciples to bring both the old Asse and the yoong Colt vnto him. The two disciples are Doctrine and Discipline, the word and the sword, ministers and magistrats: both which are sent out, that is, appointed and commaunded by Christ, to bring both the old stubborne asses, and the yoong wild colts to Christ, that is, to the preaching & teaching of the gospell of Christ. These two disciples haue a long time bene in bringing, and haue not yet brought neither the old asles nor the yoong colts to Christ, because they do not go togither to bring them; disciple Doctrine faine would bring them, but disciple Discipline is verie slacke to go with him: the one seekes means by counsell to bring them to Christ, the other makes means manie times by countenaunce to staie them from Christ. And the one without the other cannot bring them to Christ. Surely, Dominus his opus habet, that is, The Lord hathMatt. 21. 3. need of them. Now therfore I most humblie beseech your Maiestie euen for Christ his sake, and on Christs behalfe, to giue a new and a straight charge to these two disciples, to go togither speedilie, and to ioine togither effectuallie, to bring both the old stubborne asses, and the yoong wild colts to Christ, that is, to the preaching and teaching of the gospell of Christ, to the saluation of their soules through faith in Christ. Let Christ now no longer staie on foot amongst vs, least at last he be troden vnder foot of vs: for whilest we be still carelesse of their conuersion, they seeke and worke our vtter subuersion. And the God of heauen is alreadie angrie with the gods on earth, for want of this dutie. For some being aduaunced of God to be gods, do countenaunce such as seeke to discountenaunce the prea∣ching and preachers of the word of God: both the car∣pers at their liues, and the catchers at their liuings. Euerie accuser hath too too manie hearers, and too many bea∣rers against Gods ministers, to abate their credit & their countenaunce: and euerie shifter now becomes a suter, to pill and pull away their liuings and their maintainance. But when these dallying Dalilaes, haue curtold SampsonsIudic. 16. 21. locks, and robbed him of his strength, that is, when they haue curtold the clergies countenance, and robbed them of their maintenance, Sampson shall become a blind Sampson, that is, the Clergie shall become a blind Clergie, and pull downe the house of Gods wrath and vengeance both vpon themselues, and vpon those pilling Philistines that sought their decay. To be short and plaine, Gods word and religion is contemned by Atheists, condemned by Papists, slaunde∣red by schismatikes, hindered by too many, not faithfully furthered by anie. And because the loue of Gods word and religion thus in England is decreased, therefore the wrath of God against England is increased. For as the Oracle told the men of Athens, that the strongest state and best defense of their citie, was i. Their rotten wood; meaning their good laws that were graued in wood, and by antiquitie were waxen rotten. Euen so the heauenly oracles of the liuing God tel vs, that the strongest staie, and best defense of a christian common wealth, is the preaching and teaching of the word of God, the true religion and seruice of God. So sayth the Prophet Dauid; There is no king thatPsal. 33. 16. can be saued by the multitude of an hoast, neither is anie mightie man deliuered by his much strength: a horse isPsal. 118. 16. accounted but a vaine thing to saue a man, but the hand of the Lord hath the preheminence: the hand of the Lord is mightie in operation, the hand of the Lord bringeth mightie things to passe. 1 Nymrod and his confederates thought themseluesGen. 11. 1. safe, when they builded their Babell vp to the heauens: but all their high Babell was but a bable, that is, a verie vaine deuise, and came soone to confusion. 2 Arphaxad trusted in his strong and well fenced ci∣tieIudith 1. 1. Ecbatanis, but Ecbatanis could not hold him when the hand of the Lord was against him. Pharao trusted in the multitude of his chariots andExod. 14. 28. horsemen, and how soone were they all ouerwhelmed in the red sea. So, not Nymrods high Babels, that is, not high castels and towers: not Arphaxads Ecbatanis, that is, not strong townes and well fenced cities: not Pharaos chariots and horsemen, that is, not the multitude of men and muniti∣on, but the holie hand of the Lord, for his word, and by his word is the strength and stay of the people of God. Not the wals of Bethulia, but the hand of the LordIudith 13. 4. held out Holophernes, and strengthened weake Iudith to hacke off his head. Therefore that we in England haue bene so long, so mightily, and so miraculously saued and deliuered from the hands of them that hate vs, (which are so many, so mightie, and so maliciously bent against vs) that their tre∣cheries and conspiracies, their counsels & confederacies, haue bene so many times reuealed, and so many waies preuented, that they haue not taken from vs our most gratious Queene Elizabeth by their gunshot, their witchcraft, their coniuring, their sorcerie, and their dealings with the Diuell himselfe, to the vtter ouer∣throwe of the present state and Religion. All this, and all else hath not bene so much by the wisedome of man, by the counsell or carefull circumspection of man, but by the mercifull goodnesse of the Lord our God towardes vs, and by the holie hand of the Lord our God ouer vs, onely for his word and religi∣on amongst vs. For so the prophet Elyzeus, when he saw Elias taken4. Reg. 2. 12. vp from him, he cried after him: O my father, ô my fa∣ther, the chariots and the horsemen, the chariots and the horsemen of Israell. Plainely testifying, that Elias the Prophet of the Lord, who had plentifully preached the word of the Lord in Israell, he was the chariots and the horsemen, that is, the strength and staie of Israell. And euen so doubtlesse Elias, that is, the preaching and teaching of the word of God, the true religion and ser∣uice of God in England, is the chariots and horsemen, that is, the strength and the stay of England. Make much then of Elias, O make much of Elias.3. Reg. 17. 3. Let not Achab his accusations make you beleeue, that Elias troubleth all England: not Elias, but Achab, that is, not the religion, but the enemies of the religion, their trecheries and conspiracies, their counsels and confede∣racies, their crackings, and their priuie packings, trouble all England. Make much of Elias, O make much of Elias. Let not3. Reg. 18. 10 the godlesse Iezabels driue Elias out of house and home, and make him to liue in the wildernesse and be fed of the rauens, or else to liue vpon the poore pittance of the wid∣dow at Sareptha, that is, Let not the godlesse greedie sort take away the preachers lands and liuings, and put them to liue vpon small pensions, or little deuotions. Make much of Elias, O make much of Elias, yet make not a cloake of Elias to cast about you in foule weather, and cast from you in faire weather. Thinke it not inough3. Reg. 18. 10. to seeke for Elias in the time of drought and dearth, and care not for him in the time of plentie and rest, that is, Thinke it not enough when any trouble or aduersitie comes, then to crie Religion, Religion, the Gospell, the Gospell, and when all is quiet and well, then to haue no care of Religion and the Gospell. O make much of religi∣on both in weale and woe, Religion is your strength and stay both in weale and woe. And the more the loue of Gods word and religion in you decreaseth, the more the wrath of God against you increaseth. For the Lord is2. Par. 15. 2. with you whilest you are with the Lord, and when you seeke him, he will be found of you, and when you forsake him, he will also forsake you. The God of all mercies graunt, that you gods on earth may carefully performe your dutie to the God of heauen, that al want of dutie being speedily amēded, Gods wrath for the same may in time be preuēted, that God may con∣tinue a good God towards England still, 1 When God made man first, he made him after theGen. 1. 27. image and likenesse of God, but his bodily substance heGen. 2. 7. made of the dust and slime of the earth, that man should not boast himselfe of the image of God, whereunto he was made, considering the earthly substaunce wherof he was made. 2 And when God had giuen him the Lordship ouerGen. 3. 19. all the things of the earth, that man should not swell with his great authoritie, God put man in mind of his mor∣talitie, saying; Thou shalt turne againe to the earth, from whence thou camest. 3 And when good father Abraham found fauor withGen. 18. 27. God to talke with God, least in talking with God he should forget himselfe towards his God, he still abated himselfe with the consideration of his mortalitie, saying; Puluis & cinis, quid loquar ad Dominum? that is, O dust and ashes that I am, why should I presume to speake vnto the Lord? Euen so the spirit of God in this place to abate the glo∣rie, to bridle the vanitie, and daunt the delights of men that are mightie, doth put them in mind of their mortali∣tie: telling princes and all great personages, that though they be gods, that is, gods in maiestie, gods in authoritie, gods in wealth and glorie, and in all things of this world liue like gods among men: yet all your godhead, that is, all your honour and authoritie, all your pleasures & your treasures, all your beautie and your brauerie, all is but earthie, fickle, and transitorie, and all shall leaue you, or you shall leaue all, for you shall die. 1 For so the voice of the Lord commanded the Pro∣phet to crie, That all flesh is grasse, and all the godlinesseEsa. 40. 6. thereof is but a flower of the field: man is but grasse, to day fresh and greene, to morrow cut downe and withe∣red away: man is but a flower of the field, to day sweet and goodly, to morrow faded and fallen away. 2 And S. Iames sayth, What is our life but a vapourIac. 4. 14. or a smoake, which for a while appeareth, and suddenly vanisheth away? 3 And the Poet sayth; Puluis & vmbra sumus, i. We be but dust, we be but a shadow. The wind bloweth, the dust is soone puffed away: the sunne shineth, and the sha∣dow is suddenly carried away: Man is but dust soon puf∣fed away, man is but a shadow suddenly carried away. And it is a common prouerbe: Homo bulla, i. Man is but a bubble of the water, soone vp, soone downe. Man is but grasse, soone withered away: but a flower soone faded away: but a smoke soone vanishing away: but dust soone puffed away: but a shadow suddenly carried away: but a bubble of the water soone sunk away: And though ye be gods then, yet must ye die. And as the Prophet sayth; Your pompe and yourEsa. 14. 11. pride shall be layd into the graue: wormes shall lie vn∣der you, and wormes shall be your couering. For all your goodly estate in this world, is but like the great glorious image that Nabuchodonosor saw in aDan. 2. 3. dreame, whose head was of gold, the shoulders of siluer, the bellie of brasse, the legges of yron, but the feet of clay: & a little stone was cast against the great glorious image, and hit him vpon the earthie feet, and downe it fell, and brake all in peeces. Euch so all your golden heads, that is, al your honours and great glorie: all your siluer shoulders, that is, all your beautie and your brauerie: all your brassie bellies, that is, all your pleasures and worldly treasures: all your yron legges, that is, all your strength, youth, and health, all stands vpon earthie, clayie fickle feet, and a little stroke of death shall hit vpon their earth and clay, and footing fails, and downe fals all. For all is but like vnto Ionas his guord, which for a day,Ion. 4. 7. for a time, for a while, makes a goodly shadow (and yet but a shadow) ouer Ionas his head, and suddenly, euen in one night, the worme of Gods wrath pierceth the root, and all your goodly guords wither cleane away. And then your pompe and your pride is laid into the graue: wormes lie vnder you, and wormes be your couering. Though Ezechias for a while boast of his treasures,Esa. 39. 2. his gold, his siluer, and all his goodly iewels, yet he hea∣reth this message from the Lord: Man set thine house inEsa. 38. 1. an order for thou shalt die. Though Balthasar for a while seemes to bath in blisse,Dan. 5. 25. feasting and banquetting with his nobles and his concu∣bines, yet suddenly he seeth the fingers write vpō his wal; Mene, mene, Thecell, Vpharsin, that is, Thy daies are num∣bred and come to an end. Though man for a while seeme neuer so honourable and mightie, neuer so rich and welthie, neuer so yoong, and lustie, neuer so beautifull and comely, neuer so for∣tunate and happie, yet must he in time set his things in an order, for he shall die, and the finger of God shall suddenly write vpon his painted wall, Mene, mene, that is, Thy daies are numbred and come to an end: and thy pompe and thy pride shall be layd into the graue, wormes shal lie vnder thee, and wormes shall be thy couering. Yet are they all dead. Yet are they all dead. Are all dead. Are all dead. And you that be gods, must also die. Veniet enim ho∣ra, &c. (sayth S. Chrysostom) Doubtlesse the houre will come, when thou must needs part from all thy worldly wealth, and shalt carrie nought away therof: (for nought thou broughtest into this world, nought shalt thou carrie out.) Then what shall become of thy beautifull face, thy glistering eyes, thy pampered body, so finely fed, so trimly clad? Nónne omnia puluis? omnia cinis? omnia putredo & foetor? that is, Shall not then all be dust? all a∣shes? all rottennesse and filthinesse? Haec est via vniuersa carnis, that is, This is the way that all flesh must go. I haue sayd: Ye are gods, But ye shall dye. And as it is certaine that ye shall die, so is it, that ye shall die like men: and if you shall die like men, then shall you rise againe from death. So sayth S. Paul, As by a man death came to men: euen1. Cor. 15. 21. so by a man came the rising againe from death to men. For as by Adam all men shall die, euen so by Christ, all men shall rise againe from death. Christ is the resurrection and the life, whosoeuer be∣leeuethIoh. 11. 26. in him shall neuer die. Therefore the Prophet Dauid sayd of himselfe: I shallPsal. 117. 17. Psal. 26. 13. not die but liue: and shall see the goodnesse of God in the land of the liuing. And good Iob sayd of himselfe: I know that my Re∣deemerIob. 19. 25. liueth, and that I shall rise againe in the last day, and shall be couered againe with my skin, and shall see God in my flesh, and I my selfe shall behold him, not with other, but with these same eies. And our sauiour Christ sayth of the dead Damosell:Matt. 9. 24. She is not dead, but sleepeth. And the scriptures of God do often testifie of the dead, that they sleepe: for that euen as they that sleepe, do wakeIohn 11. 11. 1. Cor. 15. 18. 1. Thes. 4. 3. and rise againe, euen so the dead shall rise againe. As ma∣ny as die in Christ, shall be partakers of the resurrection vnto saluation: and as many as die without Christ, shall rise againe to condemnation. But what need I stand to prooue the resurrection of the dead? The sect of the Sadduces, that beleeue no resurrectionAct. 23. 23. of the dead, neither angell, nor spirit, is sufficiently confu∣ted by our sauiour Christ in the gospell. And that godlesse sort that say: Our life is but a breathSap. 2. 2. in our nosthrils, and our bodies shall returne to dust and ashes, and our soules shall vanish into the softaire, are al∣readie condemned by the wise man. To spend speech then in that point, it needs not, or it boots not. Therefore to conclude, I haue sayd, Ye are gods, but ye shall die like men, and your bodies shall returne to the earth from whence they came, and your soules shall re∣turne to God that gaue them, there to render an account to the God of heauen for your earthy godhead, and to receiue the iudgement, either to the ioy that neuer shall haue end, or els to the paine that neuer shall haue end. So sayth S. Paul, All must appeare before the iudge∣mentRom. 14. 10. seat of Christ, that euerie one may yeeld vnto God an account of himselfe. For all in this life are but the Lord his stewards, andLuc. 16. 1. when Death the Lord his bailiffe, shall arrest you with his writ, Non amplius villicabere, then must you appeare before the great iudge, and render an account euerie one of his stewardship. Then, then (O man, whatsoeuer thou art) then shalt thou see vpon thy right hand, thine owne sinnes accusing thee: vpon thy left hand infinit leagions of diuels plea∣ding against thee: aboue thee, the terrible countinance of the iust iudge against thee: vnderneath thee, the ga∣ping gulfe of hell fire to deuoure thee: within thee, thine owne conscience condemning thee. Miser homo, quid tum facies? i. O miserable man, what wilt thou then do? La∣tere impossibile, apparere intollerabile, i. To hide thee then it is not possible, to shew thy selfe then is a thing intolle∣rable. For then the Lord shall trie out thy workes, & searchSap. 6. 3. out thine imaginations, and all thy secret thoughts, shall be layd open before thee, And the heauens shall bewraieIob. 20. 27. thine iniquities, and the earth shall rise vp against thee, and all thy sinnes shall lie at thy doore, and all thy mis∣deedsGen. 4. 3. shall be rife in thy remembrance. Then they, that now account it but a sport to sinne, and take great pleasure in the workes of wickednesse, shall then houle and crie in the anguish of their owne soules, and say: O we haue sinned, we haue dealt wicked∣ly, we haue forsaken the wayes of the Lord, and haue followed the paths of perdition in sinne. Woe there∣fore vnto vs: for the Lord shall heape sorrowe vp∣on sorrow vnto our soules, and we shall neuer find rest. Then shall they crie to the hilles, fall vpon vs, and toApoc. 6. 16. the mountaines, Couer vs from the face of the Lambe. Nay, they shall creepe into the holes and caues of theEsa. 2. 19. earth, to hide themselues from the feare of the Lord, and from the glorie of his Maiestie: yet shall they not escape the iudgements of the Lord, and they that beare rule, shalSap. 6. 6, 7. haue the sorer triall: and the mightie shall be mightilie tormented. Heare therefore, heare euerie one the good counsell of that good father to euerie one: Cogita, vndè sis, & e∣rubesce:ern. in serm. quodam. vbisis, & ingemisce: quò sis iturus, & contre∣misce, that is, Thinke still, O man, whence thou art, vz. of the dust and slime of the earth, be not high minded, but humble thy selfe. Thinke still, O man, where thou art: vz. In a world of woe and wickednesse: delight not in it, but mourne and lament it. Thinke still, O man, whither thou shalt, vz. to the iudgement seat of God: forget it not, but tremble at it. So that whither thou catest or drinkest, or whatsoeuerHierom. super Matth. thou doest, thou still thinke, thou hearest the trumpet sound, Arise ye dead, and come to iudgement. And this continuall cogitation of death, wil be a greatAug. lib. ex∣hortat. moderation to the actions of this life, to make preparati∣on in time for death. Knowing, that though ye be gods, that is, set on Gods seat, by Gods appointment, in stead of God: though ye represent Gods maiestie, and beare Gods authoritie, and in all the things of this world, liue like gods among men, yet are you but gods on earth, and gods of earth, that is, earthie and mortall gods, and must die like other men, and part from all your pompe, and render account to the God of heauen for your earthie godhead. And thus I haue sayd, Ye are gods, but ye shall die like men. God be mercifull therefore vnto vs, and blesse vs, and graunt vs his heauenly spirit and grace, that we that be vnder you; may honour and obey you, and pray to God for you, as our dutie is to you, for that ye are gods: and that you gods on earth may carefully performe your du∣tie to the God of heauen, that when you shal die like men, and part from your earthie godhead, you may returne to the God of heauen, and haue the fruition of the eternall godhead, by the death and merits of Christ Iesus the sonne of God, To whom, with the Father, and the Holy-ghost, be all honour, praise, and glorie▪ for euer and euer,
A00260.P4	Articles to be enquired of, by the church-vvardens, and sworne-men, in the visitation of the right worshipfull, the Archdeacon of Surrey	[ "Church of England. Archdeaconry of Surrey." ]	1626.	By Miles Flesher,	Printed at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	WHether is your Church or Chappell, with the Chancell there∣of, and euery part of either of them, well and sufficiently re∣paired, glased, paued, or any thing noysome or vnséemely? 2 Whether is your Church-yard well fenced, as hath béene accustomed? if not, whose default is it? 3 Whether hath there béene any fighting, chiding, brawling, or quarel∣ling in your Church or Church-yard: and by whom? 4 Whether is the mansion house of your Parson, Vicar, or Curate, with all the building thereunto belonging, and Church-house sufficiently repai∣red, maintained, and to their right vses, imployed? 5 Whether haue you in your Church the Bible in the largest Volume, the booke of common prayer lately authorized by his maiestie, the bookes of Ho∣milies allowed, the two Psalters, a conuenient Pulpit for the Preaching, a decent seat for the Minister to say Seruice in, conueniently placed, a strong chest with an hole in the lid, & three lockes and keyes, one for the Minister, the other for the Church-wardens, for the Almes of the poore, & the kéeping the Register Booke of the Christenings, Mariages and burials? 6 Whether haue you in your Church a Font of stone for Baptisme, set in the ancient vsuall place, a decent Table for the Communion conueniently placed, couered with silke or other decent stuffe in time of diuine Seruice, and with a faire Linnen cloth ouer that, at the administration of the Com∣munion? 7 Whether haue you all such Bels, ornaments, and other vtensils as haue anciently belōged vnto your Church: a Communion cup of siluer with a couer; a faire standing pot or stoope of siluer or pewter for the Wine vpon the Communion Table, a comely surplesse with large sléeues, a Register booke of parchment for Christenings, Mariages, & Burials, a booke for the names of all strange Preachers, subscribed with their names, & the names of the Bishop or others by whom they had Licence? 8 Whether are wéekly the names and surnames of all persons maried, christened, and buried, and of their parents, with the day and yeare, en∣tred into your said parchment booke, and euery leafe being full, subscribed by you the Ministers and Church-wardens? 9 Whether are all your seats in your Church in good repaire, cleanly kept, conueniently placed, & the parishioners in them, or else-where orderly set & is ther any contention or striuing for any seat or place amongst them? 10 Whether in any of your Churches the partition betwéene the Chan∣cell and the body of the Church, be taken away? And how long since, and by whom? haue you a Terrier of all the gleab-land, and other appurti∣nancies belonging to your Church? WHether is the whole Common praier said or sung by your Mini∣ster both morning and euening, distinctly and reuerently euery Sunday and holyday, and on their Eues, and at conuenient & vsuall times of those dayes and in most conuenient place of the Church, for the edifying of the people? 2 Whether doth your Minister obserue the orders, rytes, and ceremonies prescribed in the booke of Common prayer, in reading the holy Scriptures, prayers and administration of the Sacraments, without diminishing in re∣gard of preaching, or any other respect, or adding any thing in the matter or forme thereof? doth he baptize in any basin or other vessel, and not in the or∣dinary Font? 3 Whether doth your Minister on Wednesdayes and Frydayes, not be∣ing holydayes at the accustomed houres of seruice, resort to the Church, and say the Letany prescribed, & doth your Clarke or Sexton giue warning before, by foulling of a bell on those dayes? 4 Whether doth your Minister, as oft, as he administreth the Commu∣nion weare the Surplesse & first receiue it himselfe? Whether doth he vse any bread or wine newly brought, before the words of institution be rehear∣sed, and the bread and wine present on the table? whether doth he deliuer the bread and wine to euery communicant seuerally? 5 Whether doth your Minister giue warning publikely in the Church at morning prayer, the Sunday before hée administreth the Communion for the better preparation of the Parishioners? 6 Whether hath your Minister admitted to the Communion any noto∣rious sinner openly knowne or defamed, or any who hath openly and mali∣ciously contended with his neighbor, before repentance and reconciliation made and done by appoyntment of the Ordinary? 7 Whether hath your Minister admitted to the Cōmunion any Church∣warden or Sideman, who hath wittingly and willingly neglected (con∣trary to his oth) to present any publike offence or scandall, being moued to present either by some of his neighbours, the Minister, or his Ordinary? 8 Whether hath your Minister administred the Communion to any but such as knéele, or doe any refuse to kneele? hath he administred to any who refuse to be present at publike Prayer? or is there any who hath depraued the Book of common Prayer, administration of the Sacraments, or the Rites and Ceremonies prescribed, or the Articles of Religion agréed vpon anno Dom. 1562. or the booke of ordering Priests and Bishops: or spoken against his Maiesties Supremacie: or haue any béene for these causes re∣pelled, and what be their names? 9 Whether hath your Minister more Benefices then one? if he haue, how farre distant are they; how often is he absent in the yeare? when he is absent, hath he an allowed Preacher for his Curate? 10 Whether is your Minister and allowed Preacher? if he be, doth he euery Sunday in your Church, or some other néer adioyning where no Preacher is, preach one Sermon euery Sunday? 11 Whether doth your Minister being no Preacher allowed presume to expound the Scripture in his owne Cure, or elsewhere? doth he procure euery Moneth a Sermon to be preached in his Cure by preachers lawfully licensed, and on euery Sunday when there is no Sermon, doth he or his Curate read some one of the Homilies prescribed? 12 Whether is your Curate allowed by the Ordinary vnder his hand and seale, to serue in your Cure, and whether doth he serue two Churches or Chappels in one day? 13 Whether doth your Minister in saying the publike prayers & vsually administring the Sacraments, weare a decent Surplesse with sléeues? and being Graduate, doth hee weare therewith a hood by the order of the Uni∣uersities, agréeable to his degree? 14 Whether hath your Minister or any other Preacher in your Church, preached any thing to confute or impugne any doctrine deliuered by any o∣ther preacher, and hath hée and they vsed the prayer for Christs Catholike Church, as is prescribed by the Canon? 15 Whether hath or doth any preach in your Church which refuseth to conforme himselfe to the Lawes, Rites and Ordinances established, or which hath not first shewed a sufficient Licence? 16 Whether doth your Minister in his Sermons foure times in the yeare at the least, teach and declare the Kings Maiesties power within his Realmes to be the highest power vnder God, to whom, all within the same owe most loyalty & obedience, & that al foraine power is iustly taken away? 17 Whether doth your Minister euery Sunday and Holyday halfe an houre before Euening prayer or more, eramine and instruct the youth in the ten Commandements, the Beléefe, the Lords Prayer, and the Cate∣chisme set forth in the booke of Common Prayer? 18 Whether hath your Minister married any which haue not béene thrée seuerall Sundayes or holydayes asked in your Church in the time of Di∣uine seruice, without Licence? and hath hée without Licence, married any, or with any Licence but onely from the Lord Archbishop of Canter∣bury, the Bishop of the Diocesse, or his Chancellour? 19 Whether hath your Minister either with Licence or without, mar∣ried any at other times then betwéene the houres of Eight and Twelue in the forenoone, or in any priuate house, or before their Parents or Gouer∣nours (the parties being vnder the age of 21. yeares) haue testified their consents? 20 Whether doth your Minister declare to the people euery Sunday at the time appointed, what holydayes and fasting dayes be the wéeke follow∣ing? doth he being a Preacher conferre with all Recusants, and persons ex∣communicate or suspended in his parish: being no Preacher, doth he procure a sufficient Preacher to reclaime them thereby? 21 Whether doth your Minister kéepe a note of all persons excommuni∣cate, and once euery six months doth he denounce them which haue not ob∣tained their absolution, on some Sunday in seruice time, that others may be admonished to refraine their company? 22 Whether deth your Minister hauing notice giuen him diligently vi∣sit the sicke (the Disease not being infectious) doth he instruct and comfort them, doth he then mooue them to make their Testaments, and remember the poore, and other workes of charity? 23 Whether hath your Minister refused to baptize any childe brought to the Church vpon any Sunday or Holyday, or to bury any corps brought into the Church or Churchyard, or to Church any woman, hauing had con∣uenient warning thereof? 24 Whether hath your Minister, being truly informed of the danger of death of any infant vnbaptized, and being desired to goe to the place where the child is, to baptize it, neglected to goe, by meanes whereof the child died vnbaptized? 25 Whether doth your Minister at any time preach or administer the Communion in any priuate house, or church any women except when any are so impotent that they cannot goe to Church, or are very dangerously sicke, where and how often hath he so done? 26 Whether hath your Minister held or appointed any publike Fast, or béene present at any? doth he or any other person in your Parish hold any Lecture or exercise, without the Licence of the Bishop, vnder his hand or seale, or attempt by fasting, or other wise to cast out any deuils? 27 Whether hath there been any secret conuenticles or méetings in your Parish, by any Priest, Minister, or others, tending to the deprauing of the forme of Prayer, Doctrine, or the gouernment of the Church? 28 Whether doth your Minister in his iourney, weare a cloake with sléeues, called a Priests cloake? 29 Whether doth your Minister resort to any Tauernes or Alehouses, or doth he boord or lodge in any such place? or doth vse any base or seruile labour, drinking, riot, dice, cards, tables, or any other vnlawfull games? Is he contentious, a hunter hawker, dancer, swearer, suspected of any incon∣tinency, or hath giuen any euill example of life? 30 Whether is there in your Parish any Minister or Deacon, who hath forsaken his calling, vsing himselfe in his course of life as a Gentleman or other Lay man? Or any that is not in holy Orders, read Common prayer or vse any ministeriall duty in your Church or Chappell? VVHether haue you in your Parish any Schoole-master, who teach∣eth either in publike Schoole, or priuate house, is he of sound reli∣gion, or doth he giue any euil example of life? is he alowed by the Ordinary? or doth your Minister or Curate teach? and is he allowed in like manner? 2 Whether doth your Minister or Schoolemaster who teacheth, teach the Catechisme by authority set forth? WHether haue you a Parish Clarke sufficient for his place, of the age of 20 years at the least? is he of honest conuersation, can he reade, write, and sing? is he diligent in his office, and seruice∣able to his Minister, and not giuen to ouermuch drinke, or any other vice? is he chosen by the Parson or Vicar, doth he take vpon him his Clarkeship before he hath taken the Oath of Supremacy before the Lord Bishop, or his Commissary? 2 Whether doth your Clarke meddle with any thing aboue his office, as churching of women, burying of the dead, reading of prayers, or the like? 3 Whether doth your Clarke or Sexton kéepe your Church cleane, the doores fast locked, is any thing by his default lost or spoiled in the Church? doth he suffer any vnseasonable ringing, or any prophane exercise in your Church? 4 Whether doth your Clarke or Sexton, when any is passing out of this life, neglect to toll a Bell, hauing notice thereof, or the party being dead, doth he suffer any more then one short peale, and before his huriall one, and after the same another? 5 Whether doth any in your Parish refuse to pay vnto the parish Clark or Sexton, such wages as are vnto them due, and haue beene accustomably payed? VVHether hath any in your Parish spoken against or any way im∣pugned the Kings Maiesties Supremacy in causes Ecclesiasti∣call, the truth and doctrine of the Church of England, the forme of Gods worship contained in the Booke of Common prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments? 2 Whether hath any in your parish spoken against or impugned the rites & ceremonies established in the Church, the gouernment by Archbishops, Bishops, Deanes, Archdeacons, and others that beare office in the same? 3 Whether any haue in your parish spoken against or impugned the form of making & consecrating Bishops, Priests or Deacons, or haue any sepa∣rated themselues from the society of the congregation, & combined in a new Frotherhood, or depraued the Synod lately held by the Kings authority? 4 Whether doth any in your Parish profane, violate, or misspend he Sunday or holyday, or any part of them, vsing any offensiue conuersation, or worldly labour in those dayes? 5 Whether haue any in your Parish in the time of Diuine Seruice, co∣uered his head, albeit he hath no infirmity, in which case a cap or night∣coyfe is allowed: or is there any who hath not reuerently knéeled when the generall confession, Let any, or other prayers are read, and which doe not stand vp at the saying of the Beleefe? 6 Whether hath any in your Parish disturbed the Seruice or Sermon by walking, talking, or any other way, or departed out of the Church du∣ring the Seruice or Sermon, without some vrgent cause, or loytered about the Church or Church-porch? 7 Whether doe all Parishioners receiue the holy Communion thrice euery yeare at the least, whereof the feast of Easter to be one, & haue all be∣ing of the age of xvii yeares duly receiued, or not? 8 Whether hath any Parent béene vrged to be present, or admitted to answer as Godfather for his owne child, or hath any Godfather or God∣mother made any other answer or spéech then is prescribed by the Booke, or haue any béen admitted for such a baptisme, who haue not first receiued the Communion, doe anie kéepe their children longer then is conuenient? 9 Whether doe all Fathers, Mothers, Masters and Mistresses, come & cause their children, seruants and Aprentices to come duely to the Church, and according to the Ministers directions to be instructed or catechized? 10 Whether haue any persons maried together within the degrées of consanguinitie or affinitie prohibited, set forth in a Table, appointed to be placed in euerie Church? 11 Whether haue any persons once lawfully married, forsaken each o∣ther, or doe liue asunder without the authoritie of the Ordinarie, or doe any being diuorced or separated, marry againe the former wife or husband yet liuing? 12 Whether haue any béene maried in the times wherein mariage is by law restrained, without lawfull Licence viz. frō the Saturday next before Aduent Sunday, until the fourteenth of Januarie: and from the Satur∣day next before Septuagesima Sunday, vntill the Munday next after Low Sunday: and from the Sunday next before the Rogation wéeke, vntill Trinity Sunday? 13 Whether haue any in your Parish vnreuerently vsed your Minister, or haue any laid violent hands vpon him, or disgraced his office and calling by word or déed? 14 Whether haue you in your Parish any dweller or soiourner, who is a maintainer of popish Doctrine or suspected to kéepe schismaticall bookes, or to fauour any heresie or errour? 15 Whether haue you any common resorters vnto your Church, which are not of your parish, or doe any such, heare diuine seruice, and receiue the Communion amongst you: what be their names, and of what parish are they? 16 Whether haue any in time of diuine Seruice, vpon sundaies or holi∣dayes, opened their shops, exercised their trade, vsed any gaming, béene in Taverne or Alehouse, or otherwise imployed? 17 Whether are there in your Parish by common fame and report, any Adulterers, Fornicators, Incestuous persons, Bawdes, receiuers, close fauourers, ciueyers away, or which suffer to depart any incontinent per∣sons vnpunished? and blasphemers, common swearers, drunkards, ribas, vsurers, malicious slanderers, scolds, or sowers of discord, or any defamed of the said crimes? 18 Whether doe any in your Parish administer the goods of the dead without authority, or suppresse their will and testament? 19 Whether doe any refuse to pay to the reparations, ornaments, and other things required in your Church, as they are indifferently sessed, or any other dwelling out of your parish, which hold land in your parish? 20 Whether hath any person excommunicated, béene suffered to heare diuine Seruice or Sermon, to receiue the Sacraments, to be maried or churched: or haue any excommunicate been buried in Christian buriall? doe any frequent their company, who be they? 21 Whether hath any in your parish béen christned, churched, buryed, or receiued the Communion, or béen maried out of your Church without li∣cence both parties dwelling in your parish? 22 Whether haue all women in your Parish deliuered of child, come at conuenient time after to Church to giue thankes, and haue they béen chur∣ched according to the booke of common prayer? 23 Whether hath the perambulation of the circuit of the parish béene obserued once euery yéere: if not whose default is it? 24 Whether haue any in your parish giuen she church-wardens, or Side-men, or any of them; euill words, for doing their duty according to their oath and conscience? VVHether doe any in your Parish take vpon them to be Church∣warden or Sideman, which are not lawfully chosen by the Mi∣nister and parishioners according to the canon, or doe any continue that of∣fice longer then one yeere, except he be chosen againe, and are all such offi∣cers chosen yeerly in Easter wéeke? 2 Whether doe your Church-wardens within one moneth at most, af∣ter their yeare ended, before the Minister and parishioners, giue vp a iust account of all such money, and other things, as they haue receiued, and be∣stowed? haue they deliuered all remaining in their hands belonging to the Church or parish, by bill indented, to the next Churchwarden? 3 Whether haue the Churchwardens, with the aduice of the Minister from time to time prouided a sufficient quantity of fine white bread, and wine for the number of Communicants? 4 Whether doe the Church-wardens and Sworne-men before euery Uisitation and at other times, when there is iust occasion, méet and confer about their presentments and the answering of their Articles? and who hath (after notice giuen him of the time and place) carelesly absented him∣selfe? 5 Whether the forfeiture of twelue pence for absence from Church, ap∣pointed by statute for the vse of the poore, be taken & leauied by the church∣wardens and imployed according to the said statute: and whether is the same forfeiture taken of all persons which stand wilfully suspended or ex∣communicated? 6 Whether haue any Church-wardens lost, sold, or detained any goods, Ornaments, Bels, Rents, or implements of the Church? 7 Whether doe the Church-wardens and Side-men, suffer any to say diuine Seruice, or preach, being not lawfully allowed? & doe they, about the midst of Diuine Seruice, vsually walke out of the Church, and sée who are abroad in any Alehouse, or elsewhere absent, or euill imployed, and whe∣ther haue they presented all such to the Ordinary? 8 Whether doe you know or haue heard a fame of any offence commit∣ted, or duty omitted by any of your parish, before your time, and heretofore not presented to the Ordinary, or as yet not reformed, and whether haue you presented the same? 9 Whether hath any part of your Church béen lately altered, new built, or any addition made thereunto, the wals pulled downe, new doores made into the Church, or any sollaries built there by any, without allowance of the Ordinary? 10 Whether is any part of your Church imployed to any prophane vse, is your Church-porch, Church walls, and Church-yard, cleanly kept without any annoyance, in whose default is such annoyance? 11 Finally, doe you know of any matter or cause, which is a breach of the lawes Ecclesiasticall, here not expressed?
A00261.P4	A bryefe and plaine declaracion of certayne sente[n]ces in this litle boke folowing to satisfie the consciences of them that haue iudged me therby to be a fauourer of the Anabaptistes.	[ "I. B., fl. 1547.", "Bale, John, 1495-1563, attributed author.", "Bradford, John, 1510?-1555, attributed author." ]	1547]	J. Day?,	[London :	eng	[ "Protestantism -- Apologetic works -- Early works to 1800.", "Christian life -- Protestant authors -- Early works to 1800.", "Anabaptists -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800." ]	I Beleue in God the father almighty, ma∣ker of heauē & earth. And in Iesu Christ hys onely sonne oure Lorde, whyche was con∣ceyued by the holye gooste, and borne of Ma∣rye the virgyn. He suffered vnder Poncius Pylate, he was crucifyed, dead and buryed. He desended to hell, and rose the thyrde daye from death. He ascended to the heauens, and syttteth on the ryght hande of God the father almyghty. And frō thens shal he come to iudge the quicke and dead. I beleue in the holy goost the holy churche catholyke, to be a congrega∣cion of sayntes, to haue remission of synnes, the resurrection of the fleshe, and the euerla∣stynge lyfe. ☞ At the fyrst we beleue in one God. Deut. vi. & father of our lorde Iesus Christ. ii. Cor. i. the whyche is the Lorde of heauen and earth. Luke. xi. and creatour of al creatures. Hebre. i. Yea he is father of vs all. Ephe. iiii. the which hath elected vs to be his crildren through Iesu Christe. Ephe. i. And therfore shall we hym all onely worship, & besyde hym none other gods. Deut. v. Also we shall feare him as an almigh ty god. Psal. xxxiiii. and as a mercyfull father we shal loue him wyth al oure hertes, with all our soule, and wyth al our power and mynde. Mat. xxii. and vpon him muste stande all oure hope. Hiere. vii. For he is the father of lyghte. Iacob. i. of the whythe all mankynde lyueth, Actu. xvii. both odelye goodes Prouerbeo. x. euerlastynge saluacion. Psalm. xxxvii. togy∣ther wyth al perfyte gyftes come, and descen∣ded. Iacob. i. ☞ Forthermore we beleue in Iesu Christe, the sōne of the lyuing god our lorde. i. Cor. vii The whiche is the very bryghtnesse of his fa∣thers glorye, and the verye ymage of his sub∣staunce. Hebre. i. Yea he is the onely begotten sonne of the father. Iohn. i. come forth out of the mouth of the moste hyghest God. Eccles. i. xxiii. fyrst borne before all creatures. Collos. i. Thorowe the whiche all thynges are created. Heb. i. In whom we haue redempcion, namely remission of synnes thorow his bloude. Col. i. wyth the whyche he hath wasshed vs. Apoc. i. and hath also recōciled vs agayne to hys most holy and gloriouse father. Ephes i. ii. that were afore enemyes to God. Roma. viii. ¶ For after the tyme that god had made man after his ymage and similitude, he set hym in∣to Paradise, that he shoulde eate of al the fru∣ites of the garden of pleasure, exceptynge hym the tre of knowledge of good & euyil. Gene. ii. But man hath disobeyed the Lorde his God, and transgressed his commaūdement. Gen. iii. Thorowe the whyche disobedience and trans∣gression of the godlye commaundement, death and curse is come ouer all mankynde. Rom. v. And when there was no helpe nor comfort for man, wherby he myghte haue bene redemed or delyuered out of Sathans power. Then had God the merciful father pitie vpon mankinde and promised thē a sead namely Iesus Christ, his onelye begotten sonne, the whiche shoulde treade vpon te head of the serpent, and ouer∣come the deuyll, and restore thē to lyfe agayne. Gene. iii. And lyke wyse as god is ryghtuouse in al his wayes, and holye in all his workes. Psal. criv. and ew in al his wordes. Psal. li. so hath he kepte all his promyses truely. And as the tyme was fulfylled. Gala. iiii. God let hys worde descende into the wombe of the vyrgyn Marye, and by the workynge of the holy gooste be came fleshe: as Iohn wytnesseth saiyng: The word became flesh & dwelt amonge vs, & we saw his glory, as the glory of the one∣ly begottē sonne of the father ful of grace and verite Iohn. i. Also thys onely begotten sone of god by the powre of the holy ghoste became man and is become lyke vnto vs in all thinges except synne Hebre. ii. He hathsuffered death for our sake. Esay. liii. and hath taken awaye Sathans powre, and restored lyfe in agyne. i. Timot. vi. yea he is made vnto vs wysdome and ryghtwysnes, sanctyfyenge and redemp∣tion. i. Cor. i. And lykewyse as he dyed for our synnes. Hebre. ii. so is he rysen agayn through the powre of his father Roma. vi. for our righ tuousnes Roma. iiii. And as he oftentymes shewed hym felfe after his resurreccyon, vnto his dyscyples. Acti. i. so is he ascended into hea uen in thyr presence. Luke. xxiiii. And sytteth at the right hande of the almighty rather. Ro. viii. Aboue all rule, and myght, and dominion and aboue all that maye be named, not onely in thys world, but also in the world to come phesi. i. And hath subdewed all thynges vn∣der hys fete. Hebre. ii. in summa, he is alorde a∣boue all lordes, and a kyng aboue all kynges. Apo. xix. yea he is an almighty god with his fa ther. Apo. xxii. Iohn. x. And neuerthelesse he is also our onely aduocate and mediator. i. Iohn. ii. Tymo. ii. our onely hye priest. Hebre. v. the sacrifyce that he hath done for our synnes, a∣bydeth of valure for euermore. ebre x. ☞ Forthermore likewyse as Christ our lord is ascended vp into heauen, so shall he come a∣gayne from heauen Act. i. wyth the dominion of his father, & with the angels. Mat. xxv. for to gyue euery man rewarde after his workes, yea for to iuge yt quicke & dead. Act. x. Tim. iiii ☞ We beleue also in the holy gost god with the father & the sōne, which holy goste is a tea∣cher of all chrysten. Ioh. xiiii. and he doth cloth them with his gyftes, and giueth euery one the measure of feyth after his owne wyll. i. Corin xii. and kepeth them vnmouable in one fayth, for he is a ruler of the christian congregacyon Acti. xx. He is also the anoyntement. i. Iohn. ii. wherwith all christē are anoynted, and of that behalfe are called the anoynted of the lorde. Psal. ciiii. ☞ So is this holy gost geuē vnto the christē as an erneste of theyr inherytaunce to theyr re dempcyon, and they agayne be his owne to the prayse of his glorye Ephesi. i. In summa it is impossible without this holy ghoste to knowe god ryghtly. i. Cor. ii. or with all the hole herte to beleue vpon hun. i. Corin. xii. or to call vpon him as a father. Roma. viii. And therfore doth god poure this his holy ghoste vpon his chil dren, wherby thei may rightly knowe him, and ryghtly beleue in hym, and as a ryght father call vpon hym. Sata. iiii. ☞ This is our belefe to the father sōne and holy ghoste, which thre we knowledge to be one god. Deut. vi. whose seate is the heauen, and the erth is a benche of his fete. Esay. xivi. yea the which is an euerlastynge. ii. Mach. i. an almyghty. Psal. v. a ryhgtuouse. Psa. ii. and a mercyfull god. Psal. cxiv. The which alone wylbe worshypped and serued. Deu. vi. For he can alone helpe vs. Esaye. xliii. whyche he doth for his names sáke & not for oure rygh tuousenes sake Esay. rliii. ☞ Forthermore as we haue said that al they that do beleue are ioyned togyther, & through the holy goost knitte in vnitie, so is there a chri sten church, the with is buylded of lyuing sto∣nes. i. Pet. ii. which church is the house of god. Heb. iii. & the house of god is the congregacion of God. i. Timoi. iii. and the congregacyon of God is the bodye of Christ. Ephesians. i. And seynge that al right christians are one bodye. . Cor. r. in the which they al through one spirite are baptised. i. Cor. rii. So muste there be a cō∣munion of sayntes, namely that al sayntes or true beleuers are also ioyned togyther in vni∣tie, as the membres of one body. Rom. xii. And in this cōmuniō of saintes is remission of sin∣nes, & that wout it is no sinne forgiuē, nor any hope of saluacion. Ephe. ii. yea like as it is vn∣possible yt a mēbre cā lyue that is not in the bo dy, so is it possible yt any man may lyue in hys soule, & cā be releaced out of death by remissiō of synne, the which is not a mēbre of the body of Christ. For Christ hath recōciled vs al vnto god his father in one bodye. Ephe. ii. And ther fore must al they stāde in variaūce yt are no bres of this body, of yt which Christ is yt head. Eph. i. to the which he giueth saluaciō. Eph. ☞ Now must we also knowe that howe be it that God alwayes forgyueth synnes. Esay. xliii. yet hath Christ giuen vnto his congrega∣cion power to bynde and to lowse which shall not be vnderscāde after the antichrist doctrine the byshoppe of Rome hath power to remitte synnes, but the christen congregacion whose heade is Christe, and not the Romyshe Ante∣christ, and is rewled of the holy gooste and not of the fornicatyshe spirite of the Prophetysse Iesabell. Thys congregacion I saye hath po∣wer to bynde & lowse (that is to saye) all what she byndeth other lowseth is done by the po∣wer of oure Lorde Iesu Christe. i. Cor. v. and thorow the holy goste, as a rewler of the chri∣sten congregacion. Actu. xx. so is there in the christen congregacion remission of synnes. ☞ There shal be also a general resurrection of the fleshe, namely that all they that are dead shal ryse agayne, some to euerlastyng lyfe, and some to euerlasting dampnacion. Iohn. v And they that shall lyue and remayne vntyl the cō∣myng of our Lorde Iesu Christe, they shall be chaunged in the twynkelynge of an eye, at the tyme of the last ompet. i. Corhin. xv. For the trompet (sayth Paule) shal blow, and the dead shal ryse vncorruptible, and we shalbe chaun∣ged. For this corruptible body must put on vn corruptibilitie, and thys mortall bodye muste put on immortalitie. i. Corhin. xv. ☞ At the laste is there also an euerlastynge lyfe. Iohn. xvii. whyche all they shall receyue that beleue on Iesu Ihrist. Iohn. vl. and sted∣fastlye abyde in good workes sekynge prayse honour, and immortalitie. Roma. ii. ☞ Thys is the summe of oure beliefe, yea and a ryght christen beliefe, thorowe the which fayth all ryghtuouse lyue. Aac. ii. And wyth out the whyth beliefe no man may please god. Heb. xv. Therfore must the euerlastynge God be blessed, that out of his immeasurable mercy and grace, hath gyuen vs thys fayth thorowe Iesu Christe. Ephe. ii. And this is the some of our fayth wyth the shortest. BAptysme is a sacramenttall token, the whiche is geuen vs of Christe. Math. xxviiii. And is at the fyrste an entrynge into the christen congregacyon (as Paule sayth) we are baptysed in one spirite to be one bodye. i. Corhi. xii. ☞ Secondarily, it is a fountayne of regene∣racion, as Paul witnesseth, saying that Christ hath saued vs by the fountayne of the newe byrthe, and renewynge of the holy gooste. Tit. . Not that the water doth saue vs, for no∣thynge can saue vs, but ouely god, Esay. xliii. But after that our Lorde Iesu christ hath spo ken: that he that beleueth and is baptised shal be saued. Mar. xvi. and Goddes worde is ve∣ritie. Iohan. xvii and his promyses maye not fayle. Psal. cxlvii. Therefore muste baptisme neads bringe saluacion vnto them that in be∣liefe are baptised, not for the workes sake, but for goddes worde and promises Du. viii. ☞ Thyrdely baptysme is a couenaunt of a good conscience to god. i. Pet. iii. namelye that he that in beliefe is baptised, bindeth him selfe or maketh a couenaunt with god: that from thens forth he wyll lyue after hys wyll. And of this couenauntes behalfe, whiche muste be done out of a cleane faythfull herte, hath the baptysme powre, and not for the waters sake, wherwith the fylthynesse of the fleshe myghte be washed awaye. But wythout it be that the hertes of them that are baptysed, be cleansed. Act. xv. thorowe Goddes worde. Iohn. rv. the water can not them. Wherwith it is also proued, that baptisme without fayth may in no wyse be broked. ☞ Forthly baptisme sygnifieth an offeryng of the fleshe, and a resurrectyon into a newe lyfe, as we haue vnto the Romaines, know ye not (sayeth Paule) that al we whiche are bap∣tysed, in the name of Iesu Christe, are bapty∣sed, to dye wyth him. Therfore are we buryed wyth hym by baptysme for to dye, that lyke wyse as Christ was raysed vp from death, by the glory of the father, euē so we should walke in a newe lyfe. . Rom. vi. This is now short∣ly expressed what baptysme is, and what it sig¦nifyeth. Nowe muste we also knowe, that se∣ynge no good worke wythout fayth maye be done. Rom. xiiii. So muste he that shal be bap∣tysed beleue, or els he can not ryghtly be bapti∣sed, as we maye clearelye vnderstande in the wordes of Christ Iesu, wherwyth he hath in¦stitute this baptysme, and commaunded his a∣postles, sayinge: Go and preache the gospell to creatures, he that beleueth and is baptysed, shalbe saued. Mar. xvi. Here wyll no sophisti∣ reasonynges and dreames be alowed, for the Lorde wyll destroye the wysedome of the wyse, and wyll take awaye the vnderstanding of the prudent, and wyl make the wisedome of thys worlde folishnesse. i. Cor i. and. iii. But the worde of God shal abyde for euer. i. Pet. i. And Christe sayeth: that heauen and earth shal perishe, but my wordes shal abide. Mat. xxiiii. Therfore muste also the wordes of Christe (he that beleueth and is baptysed &c.) not be alte∣red or chaunged. And seynge that Christe hath instituted or ordeyned fayth afore baptisme, so muste he that shal be baptised beleue, or els the wordes of Christ suffereth force, and are who¦lye and falslye altered and chaunged, as we now a dayes alas may e, and it is a miserable thynge, that thys baptysme is so euyll vnder∣stande, and so shamefully broken. And seynge that the scripture doth so clearely therof wyt∣nesse. Though that all the wytnesses of scrip∣ture perteynyng to thys matter, be not here al∣ledged for the shortnesse sake, yet do we take out one of them, namely the example of the A∣postle Philip, which when he shewed Goddes worde vnto the gelded man, whyche was the chamberlayne to Candas, Quene of the Mo∣ryans, and he him selfe desyred to be baptised, but the ewe minister of god Philip, woulde not baptyse hym, excepte he dyd not onely be∣leue, but also openly cōfessed it. Act. viii. This example is well worthye to be marked, for t the fyrste we maye se here the greate diligence and howe desyrous the chamberlayne was of baptysme, whyche is a learnyng vnto al them that loue theyr saluacion, that they shal desyre thys worke hertelye, and not deferre it, b as sone as they by hearyng of the worde of . Roma. x. wyth the operacion of the holy gost i. Cor. xi. hath receyued fayth. And yf there be any mā that wyl not be satisfied with this en∣sample of Philip, let hym perceyue also howe Ananias dyd compel Paule, saying vnto him: why taryest thou? aryse and be baptysed, and washe a waye thy synnes. Atu. xxii. Here we se that Baptysme, after the fayth is receyued, maye not be deferred. Therfore hath the cham berlayne with greate diligence desyred baptis∣me after that he dyd beleue, saying vnto Phi∣lip: Beholde here is water, what shoulde lefte me to be baptysed? Actuum. viii. Forthermore seynge he trewe minister of God Philippe, woulde not baptyse hym, excepte he confes∣sed his fayth: doubtlesse he hath therwyth tea∣ched vs, that all they that wyll be baptysed, muste confesse theyr beliefe, as ye se the cham∣berlayne dyd. But for as muche as all the former scriptures are spoken of them onelye that bee of yeres of discretion before they receyue the fayeth of Christ: It is no altering of the institution and worde of Christe, to baptyse the innocentes and vnbeleuynge infauntes, whyche haue not as yet receyued the vse of reason, wherby they myght decerne fayth to beleue and professe the name of Christe. For as in the circumsition of the olde lawe the fayth of the parentes suffi∣ced to make the chylde one of the chosen peo∣ple of God, notwythstandyng that the circum∣sicion of the flesh is not circūsicion (as Paule wrytteth to the Romaynes) but the circumsi∣on of the herte, euen so in the baptisme of our infantes, notwythstandynge that the washing of the body in water is not baptysme, but the washynge of the soule in the bloude of Christe by fayth: yet shall the fayth of the parentes be accepted of God and theyr chyldren made mē∣bers of the churche of Christe therby. Yf anye require wytnesses of the scripture for thys as∣sersion: lette hym reade and consyder well the storye of Samson, and Samuell, wyth other lyke storyes of the olde testament, wherin may easilie be perceyued how god dyd then accepte the chyldren for the parentes fayth. Let him cō syder also the stories of the gospel, wherin ap∣peareth how Christ woulde not haue the chyl∣drē kepte frō him when theyr parētes brought them to hym that he myght laye his handes v∣pon them, and how certeyne chyldren were cu∣red of diseases euen for the fayeth that was founde in theyr parentes. And laste of all it is euident both in the Actes, and Epistles of the Apostles, that when certeyne men receyued the gospell, both they and theyr whole housholdes were baptysed. Where it is not to be thought that the infantes were reiected, bycause they could not vnderstande the Apostles preaching. For saynte Paule wrytiynge to the Corhin∣thians as concernynge the chyldren begotten betwene an heathen man and a faythfull wo∣man, or betwene an heathen woman & a fayth∣full man: sayeth that the chyldren are cleane by the reasone that one of his parentes is fayth∣full. And what other thynge shoulde e meane thery but that God accepteth those chyldren for members of his churche, whom the fayth∣full parentes do wyllyngly brynge to the foun tayne of regeneratiō, there to receyue the signe of the euerlastynge couenaunte betwene God and vs? And yf any man wyl wyllingly with∣stande Christe and his Apostles, and do other wyse then Christe hath commaunded, and his Apostles taughte and dyd, he is blynded, but his blyndnesse shall waxe mani∣fest well ynough. Lykewyse as the Egypcians sorcerars, the whiche wythstode Moy∣ses and Aaron, but at the laste were ma∣nifestlye seen and kno∣wen. ii. Timo. iii. Thys is wyth the shortest the fayth of our baptisme. THe supper of the lorde, is a memoriall tokē of the suffering and death of Ie∣su Christe and is instituted of Chryste for this cause, that the faythfull congregacyon of Ie∣su Chryst, sholde come togyther, for to shewe the death of Iesu Chryst, and his benefytes, laudynge and thankynge hym, magnyfyenge his holy name, and then also eate of this bread and dryncke of thys wyne, to a remembraunce that Chryste hath gyuen his body and shed his bloude for vs. Math xxvi. And because that it is a comyn vse that a token of remembraunce hath the name of the thynge that is remenbred by it. Therfore hath Chryst called the breade his bodye, and the wyne his bloude: not that his substaunce is in the breade and wyne, but that we sholde remember hym therby. Lyke∣wyse as the aster lābe was called the passyng by, and yet was it not in it selfe the very pas syng by, but a token or remembraunce of the passyng by. Deynge now that the easter lambe hath the name of the thing that the Israelites remembred by it, and wherby they myght euer lastyngly kepe in remembraunce the benefytes of god, right conuenient is it that Christe hath called the breade his body, and the wyne hys bloud bicause that we shoulde remēber therby his death and passion, yea the only sacrifice of his body, whiche he hath sufferyd to be broken and his bloud to be shed for vs. Neuerthelesse how be it that the materyall body of Chryste is not in the bread, nor his bloude in the wyne, yet neuerthelesse is the supper of the Lorde parttakynge (but spyrytually) of the body and bloud of Chryste, as Paule sayth: Is not the uppe of thankes geuyng wherwith we gyue thākes, a parte taking of the bloud of Christ? And the bread that we breake, is it not the takyng of the body of Chryste? These wordes of Paule do witnesse clerely that the faythful eate the body of Christ spiritually, vnder the breade and wyne yea lykewyse as a bryde re∣ceyueth her housbande with a rynge, euen so receyue the faithfull Christe to be theyr owne and euerlastynge saluacyon. But that some men wyll haue that the bodyly presence sholde be in the breade, is a great mysse vnderstan∣dynge of the godly worde: yea it is an ante∣chrystes doctryne, which is contrary bothe to our fayth and to al holy scrypture. For we be leue and holy scrypture beareth wytnes, that Chryste after his resurrection is ascended vp into heauen, and sytteth vpon the ryght hand of his almighty father. Rom. viii. And bideth ther as concernynge hys bodyly presence, but spiritually he hath promised to abide with vs to the ende of the worlde in hys worde Mat. xxviii. And seynge that now Chryste as concer nyng his bodely presence abydeth at the ryght hand of his father Hebre. x. so may not the bo∣dy of Chryste be in the breade. And agayne it is agaynst all truth that Chryste at one tyme hath ben in many or diuers places, as touching his body. Forthermore we do dayly se what dredful ydolatrye is srong out of the carnall vnderstandynge of these wordes of Chryste: This is my body, and yet dayly spryngeth, to the great and abominable slaunder of the ho∣noure of god so that men worshype a piece of breade for theyr god, yea and holde that to be theyr maker. And the papystes locke hym in olde and syluer, not remēbrynge what Paule and Stephen wytnesse sayenge: The mooste hyghest wyll not dwell in temples made wyth mannes handes. Actes. vii. and. xvii. O blynde men that are so bewytched of the whore, that ye can not nor wyll not beleue the manifeste truth, O blyndnesse and great presumptuous∣nesse of the papistes, that wyll take vpon them to fetche Iesu Christe out of heauen, into a piece of breade, whyche is consumable, as we clearelye se by experience, and that it shoulde be worshypped for God, whyche is euerlastynge and vnchaungeable. Nowe what remedye for we can not helpe it, therfore muste we do as the Lorde Iesu Christe spake vnto hys apo∣stles of the phariseis, sayinge: Let them go for they are blynde, and leaders of the blinde, whē one blynde leadeth an othr, so fall they both into the dytche. Mat. xv. But the Lorde muste be thāked that out of his vnmeasurable grace hath ned our eyes, that we can se & knowe, wherfore we shal take the bread and the wyne in the supper, namely for a memoriall and to∣ken of the sufferyng and death of Iesu Christ yea for the body and bloud of Christe: but that for the by names sake, and not of the material thynges behalfe, as is aboue rehearsed of the Easter Lambe. ☞ Forthermore the supper of the Lorde is also a ioynynge togyther of the christen cōre∣gacion in loue. And also the congregacion that wyl holde thys supper, muste be well appoyn∣ted and ioyned togyther in brotherly loue, yea they must stande in one spirite and soule. Phi∣lip. i. hauing a burning loue. For Paule sayth: we many are one breade and one bodye, in as muche as we are partakers of one bread. Lyke wise as yt mebres of one body are not in stri one agaynste an other: but in a charitable vni∣tie seruynge one an other. i. Corhi. xii. so maye there no stryfe nor debate be founde in the con gregacion of God. i. Corhin. i. so that any man shoulde onely care and take thought for hym selfe, and not care nor loke vpon his brothers lacke, but the one muste helpe and care for the other in al thynges necessary, where he can or maye Gal. vi. and no man must seke that, that is his, but euery one the others wealth. Phi∣lip. ii. And lykewise as of the graynes of corne can not be baken breade, but through fyre: euē so can not the congregacion be a right spiritu∣all lofe (wherof Paule speaketh) but through burning loue & charitie. And so ought yt christē congregacion to be one lofe. i. Cor. x. For lyke∣wyse as many graynes are sowen to the entēt that breade shoulde be baked of it. So soweth the greate father of housholde his preciouse wheate into the acre or grounde of this world, to the entent that they all shoulde become one lofe, and breake the supper of the Lorde right∣ly after the wordes of Paule: we many are all one breade and one body, in as much as we are parte takers of one breade. i. Cor. x. And where so euer the congregacion is not so apoynted and the breade broken in thys maner, there is the bread eaten, and the wyne drōken to a iud∣gement, from the whiche God the merciful fa∣ther wyll defende and kepe all diligent lo∣uers of the euerlastyng trueth tho∣owe his vnexpressable goodnesse and mercye. VVE beleue also that god the heauēly fa∣ther, hath gyuen to his onely begotten sone Iesu Christe, al powre in heauen and erth Math. xxviii. yea as Paule sayth: He hath set hym on his ryght hande in heauenly thynges aboue all powre, rule, myght and domynyon, and a boue al that maye be named not onely in this worlde, but also in the worlde tocome. Ephe. i. Aboue all this hath the heauēly father especyally instituted and ordeined Iesu Christ his onely begotten sonne, to be a kyng ouer the mount of Syon that is to say, ouer the fayth¦full congregacyon. Psalm. ii. whiche faythful congregacion is the kyngdome of Chryst. Col. i. And the domynyon of thys kyngdome stan∣deth not in a carnall dominion or powre: But lykewise as the lorde is a spirite. ii. Corhinthi∣ans. iii. euen so is hys kyngdome spirituall in∣wardly within vs. Luke. xvii. and not of this worlde. Iohn. xviii. wherefore the prophete za∣charie promysed vs a kynge thorough the holy ghoste, the which shold not come with viiable dominion, nor great worldly tryumphe, but wt an humble and a meke spyrite, And shoulde not ule as a worldly kynge ouer the carnal Sy∣on or Israel, but shoulde rayngne a spirytuall kynge, and rule the spirituall Israelytes with the scepter of his godly worde. And these are the wordes of the prophet. Reioyse thou great lye O doughter Syon, be glad O doughter Ierusalem, beholde thy kynge cometh vnto the owly and symple is he, he rideth vpon an Asse and vpon the foele of an Asse, euen thy right∣wyse and sauyour, and he hym selfe is poore . ix. These wordes of the prophete wytnesse clearely that Christes kyngdome is spirituall, and standeth not in any outward dominion. Iohn. xviii. And lykewyse all these prophetes do witnesse in these chapyters folowing. Esa. iiii. ix. Ierem. xxiii. xxxii. Esechi. xxxiiii. xxxvii. Myth. iiii. Therfore do we holde the doctryne of the carnal kingdome of Christ to be a dred∣full errowr, and a great heresye, yea we holde it to be an heresye, of the Chilcastes, the which now agayne is raysed amongest thē of Myn∣ster, & hath breyded her out in other places, to the great slaunder and hinderaunce of the true gospel of god. Forthermore yf any man take vpon him and presume to be the promysed Da uyd or a kynge of Syon as Iohn Layden at Mynster hath done, hym do we holde for an antechriste aboue all antichristes, yea boue the Romysh Antechryste. How dredful so euer he hath slaundered god, and exalted hym selfe a∣gainst the almighty god, and yet it is not com to suche an abhominacion, as to put hym selfe a kynge of Sion, or to take vpon hym to be a promysed dauyd: But in these dayes ryse so many abhominable and presumptuous spirite fulfylled with all maner of wyckednes, and sathans pride, that take vpon them to rebbe Iesu Christe of his kingli scpter, and to take it vnto them selfes: wo be vnto all suche dred ful slaunderers of the godly maiesty or powre. wo be also vnto the seduceres which go about with witchecrafte wherwith they haue begy∣led many men. Wooe be also vnto all them whyche do not seperate them selues frō those antechrystes and seducers, but yet do seke help or comforte of them, yea that leaue the verye Moyen Iesu Christ and desire other goddes to go afore them, vpon thē shal fal that which is spoken of by the prophete Ieremye: Lorde they that do forsake the shalbe destroyed, and they that turne from the shall be ashamed, and theyr names shall be wrytten in the earthe, for they haue leaft the, the lyuynge fountayne of water. Beholde therfore wyll we by the grace of God, abyde by oure spirituall Kynge Iesu Christe, and pray hym that his kyngdome may encrease in vs, yea that he wyll defende vs from all euyll and reserue vs to his euerlastyng heauenly kyngdome, to his glory and honoure for euer. SEynge that the whole Gospell of our Sauiour wytnesseth that the christian must suffer, & in no wyse may reuenge the euil. So that we thynke by the helpe of god, not to turne from the holsome doctrine of our Lorde Iesu Christ. For it is righte conuenient that a seruaunt wyth his lordes cōmaundement, and a disciple wyth his maysters doctrine to be cō∣tented. Mat x. And here now may no sophisti∣cal cauillacions nor fonde ymaginacions be a∣lowed, as though the wordes of Iesu Christe shoulde nowe be at an ende. And seynge that Christ sayth vnto his apostles: what I say vn to you, that do I saye vnto al, watche ye, hea∣uen and earth shal perishe, but my wordes shal neuer peryshe. Therfore do we holde them for dreadful seducers and abominable heretykes, that wll preume to saye, that the doctrine of Iesu Christ (as cōcernyng suffering) should be t an ende, & that the christen shoulde no more nede to suffer, but that they shoulde cast away the weapons wher wt the apostles haue fought as theyr epistles rchearse, & put vpon them the harneys of Dauid, yea that they shoulde de∣stroy the whole worlde wt the material sworde and also take the worlde vnto them selues. O what a blinde dreame is this, which is spronge out of Sathā, & is cōtrary to the whole gospel of our lorde Iesu Christ. O what an iniquitie is this of thē, that wyl with the chyldrē of Is∣rael leaue the lorde the foūtayne of lyuing wa∣ters, & dygge them selues pyttes the whyche do seme faye, but they cā giue no water. O what a blindnes, yea what a folyshnes is it of them, that for the sayinges of the prophetes, whyche they vnderstande not, wyll refuse & leaue the moste highest prophet, the onely begottē sonne of god, & the euerlastynge veritie Iesu Christe and do not dreade to exalte the olde testamente aboue the new, & to set Moyses aboue Christ? O god shal now the new testament auoyed for the olde, & shal the preciouse bloud of the inno∣cent lambe Iesu Christ be coūted lesse then the bloud of calues? O lorde how are these mē so blynded that they with the styffenecked Isra∣elites do abhorre the lyuing breade of heauen, and do desyre he flesh of Egypt, that is to say they do refuse Iesu Christe the very breade of heauen, & do huger after mennes doctrine and inuēted dres, & after isceyuable prophetes? But we wyl by the grace of god abyde by our lorde & maister Iesu Christ, & holde it vndni∣able, that no vncleane doctrine whiche myghte be agaynst the gospel of our lorde Iesu Christ maye be broughte in or suffered, but he alone muste be allowed, for he is lorde maister & Sa∣uiour, & besydes him is none other. In summa we know of none other veritie, nor of none o∣ther waye, of none other lyfe, but onely of Ie∣su Christe. Iohn. xiiii. For thys cause yf there come any prophecies or visions that wil draw vs from this holsome doctrine of Iesu Christ they muste be accursed. Furthermore how and wyth what weapons that the christian shall fyghte, doth Paule clearelye teache vs to the Ephesians in the syxte Chapter wyth these wordes: Stande therfore and your loynes gyr ded about wyth the truth, hauyng on, the brest plate of rightuousenes, and shodde vpon your fete wyth the gospell of peace, that you maye be prepared, aoue all thynges take holde of the shelde of fayth, wher wyth ye may quentch the fyry dartes of the wycked, & take the helme of saluacion, and the sworde of he spirite, whyche is the worde of God. And Iohn sayth Al that is borne of god ouercometh the world. And thys is the victorye that ouercometh the worlde, euen our fayth. Who is it that ouer∣cometh the worlde, but he that beleueth that Iesus is the sonne of God. Out of these wor∣des of Iohn maye all ryght christians wel vn∣derstande that the victorye standeth in an vp∣ryghte fayeth, and not in anye carnall and outward weapon. And we do holde it wyth the Apostle Iohn, and are also content wyth Paule, so that we wyl holde wyth them, all straunge doctrine whyche myght be contrary to the Gospell of Iesu Christe, for vtter∣ly accursed. Gala. i. OF matrymonye we do hold now in the newe testament not after the wyl of Moyses nor after the ensampel of the patriat ches, but as god instytuted it in paradyse, and as it was restituted agayne of Chryste, and brought agayn to the fyrst institucion, namely that Matrimony is a ioynynge togyther of persons, that is to say a man and a woman, af ter the wordes of the lord: They two shall be one fleshe. Genes. ii. And for this cause hath Paule commaunded the byshopes & deacons, euery one of thē to be a housband of one wyfe Out of the whiche texte muste nedes folowe, that no chrysten man may haue more then one wife, or els had Paule robbed the byshoppes and deacons of theyr comon chrystian lyber∣tye, yea he had tangled them in a snare, which is vnpossyble. i. Cor. vi. so is it not to be foūde in any apostels wrytynge, that any Chrysten man in or after the apostels tymes hath bene Polygamus (that is to saye) hath had manye wyues. What yt the apostles haue not taught nor vsed, in theyr congregacyon, that shal not wee teache nor vse as an necessarye thinge o mans saluacyon. For els muste it folowe that the apostels had not knowen nor taught all the trueh, which is against the words and promise of Iesu Christ, which promised to his apostels sayeng: when the conforter the holy ghoste shal come he shall teache you all the trueth. Ihon. xiiii. And Paul toke god to witnesse yt present day that he was pure from the bloud of al mē for he had kept nothing backe but had shewed them all the coūsell of god, Acti. xx. Nowe is it well knowen that Paule taughte not that a Chrysten man shoulde haue many wyues, and therfore it is not the counsell or wyll of God: but muche more is the counsel and wyl of god, that a christian shall haue but one wyfe. Se∣ynge that all the newe Testament alway spea keth of one man and one wyfe, as appeareth by these chapirers. Mathewe. xix. Marke. x. . Timothe. iii. Titu. i. i. Corhinth. vii. Ephe. v. And therfore can not we approue the Iewes Poligamians the whyche some haue begonne. But we holde vs after the ensample of Adam and Eue, and also in thys matter it is restitu∣sted agayne by Christe. Mathew. xix. Marke. x. we are also wel cōtented with Paule, which doth saye that for auoydyng fornicacion eue∣rye man shall haue his owne wyfe, and euerye woman her owne husbande Also that Matri∣mony is a soyynge togyther of man and wo∣man, after the worde of the Lorde: These two shall be one fleshe. Genesis. ii. Mathewe. xix. Marke. x. Ephesians. v. ☞ Thys is the confession of oure fayth, in the which we hope that nothyng shal be foūde but the pure trueth of the Gospell, yf so be that it be not iudged after mannes good thyn∣kynge, but onelye after the rule of thy Godlye worde. And notwythstandynge bycause that we wyll gyue no plase vnto the sclaunderers, that of a presumptuouse hygh mynded spirite myghte sclaunder or rayse vpon vs, we are al∣wayes readye, and offer our selues, that yf a∣ny christen man beyng learned in the scripture, can reproue vs wyth Goddes worde in anye thynge that shoulde fayle vs of the trueth, to hym we shall and wyll alwayes gladly as dis∣ciples vnto ther maiste gyue place, and glad∣ly wyth all toy sulnesse of the spirite, receye al christen doctrine of hym. Seynge that Peter a prince of the Apostles muste suffer that he was rebulted of Paule, reasone it is that we shoulde suffer to be rebuked, yf we throughe mannes ignoraunce were fallen in erroure, we that are poore seruaūtes of the Lorde, & skant∣ly haue receyued one pounde, where as Peter had receyued fyue, the whyche our vnderstan∣dyng is no more to be lykened to the high apo∣stles wisdome, then a gnat by a camell. And we know also that Solomon sayth: Be not wyse in thyne owne conceyte. And agayne: He that refuseth to be refourmed, despiseth his owne soule, but he that submitteth hym selfe to cor∣rection is wyse. And for thys cause wyl we al∣wayes be diligent to heare, and with all mke∣nes submitte our selues vnto him, that coulde teach vs any doctrine, more agreable to the ho∣ly scripture: But yf any man wyll condempne our fayth without the iudgement of scripture & iudge it after the prouerbe: as the blinde iug∣geth the colour, that muste & wyl we suffer for gods sake. Also yf any mā wil be our Pharao and treade vs downe bicause yt we be Ilsrae∣lites or fayne would be, in this wyl we aso cō fort vs wt the holy scripture, hoping yt our hea uēly father shall haue mercy ouer vs, through Iesu Christ, & strēgth vs so wt his holy goste, yt we shal not care for the dreadful sclaūder o∣uer our fayth. And we perceyuing yt blyndnes of the comō people, & the great tyrāny of certē princes, so yt the comō people are so blinded in their memory, yt they cā not iudge the light frō darkenes nor the right frō vnrightuousnes or lyes frō the truth, yea they crie ouer Iesu that be shalbe crucified, and Baraas shalbe let go. And also dyuers prynces are so full of tyrāny that they do persecute the chrysten, and wyth∣out any mercy put them to the moste greuous and cruell death, not remembryng that the in∣nocent bloude of the ryghtuouse Abell cryeth for vengeaunce, agaynste the murderer Cain, vnto God in heauen. Neuerthelesse the scrip∣ture must be fulilled, namely that all they that wyll lyue godly in Chryste Iesu, muste suffer prsecucyon. And chryst sayth to his apostels: Haue they persecuted me, they shall also perse∣cute you. And therfore saith Iohn in his epis∣tle: Beold what loue the father hath shewed on vs, that we should be called his chylderne: Therfore the world doth not knowe you, by∣cause it knoweth not hym. With those and more other scriptures, maye wee comforte our selues, and especyallye wyth the wordes of Chryste, sayeng: Blessed are they that suffer persecucyon for ryghtuousnes sake, for theyrs is the kyngdom of heauen. Blessed are ye whē men ruyle you and persecute you, and falsely say all maner euill sayenges agaynste you, for my names sake. Reioyse and be glad, for great is your rewarde in heauen And we praye god our heauenlye father, thorow oure lorde Iesu Chryste▪ the which out of his vnmeasurable mercye and grace, hathe gyuen vs a cleare vp∣ryght fyth, that he kepe and reserue vs forth in thys peryllous tyme, frome all false doc∣trynes of the mynisters of the hellish Sathan And that we thorowe the Aungells coloure, which they often tymes haue vpon them, may not be pererted to aue the trueth of god And forthere do wee praye vnto the lorde. that he wyll so strength and fortyfye vs with his holy gooste, that we do not ware wery ofs sufferynge persecution for the ryghtuousnesset sake: but that we maye be able to stande in all dreadfull sclaunder, and tyrannous persecuci∣ons of the wycked Antechristes spirites, yea and that we rather, yf it be neade suffer thys bodely death, byding in our fayth, then we shoulde forsake it, and dye eter∣nally. Frō the which eternal death the Lorde God preserue them that loue and seke hym wyth all theyr hert through Iesu Christe our Saui∣our. To whom be laude, prayse, honour, ma∣estie, and domi∣nion, for euer.
A00263.P4	Articles to be enquired of by the church-wardens and sworne-men, within the diocesse of Winchester in the visitation of the Reuerend Father in God, Thomas Bishop of Winton, in his triennall visitation, holden 1603 in the first yeere of the raigne of Our Most Gracious Soueraigne Lord, Iames by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c.	[ "Church of England. Diocese of Winchester. Bishop (1597-1616 : Bilson)", "Bilson, Thomas, 1546 or 7-1616." ]	1603.	By Thomas Purfoot,	Printed at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	Articles to bee enquired of, by the Church-wardens and Sworne-men, within the Diocesse of Winchester, and the trueth thereof to be by them, vpon their oathes, certainely presented to the Bishop or his Deputie, with perticular answere to euerie Article. Generally, what faults soeuer you know to be within your parishes not specified or mentioned in these Articles, & punishable by the Ecclesiastical laws, you shall by vertue of your oath aforesaide duely and truely present them to your Ordinarie, that reformation may be had accordingly. These subscribed Articles, are specially enioyned and comman∣ded by the said Reuerend father, to be from time to time ob∣serued by the Minister and Churchwardens of euery church.
A00265.P4	Articles to be inquired of, by the churchwardens and sworne men within the Archdea[c]onrie of Worcester in the visitation of the R. Worshipful M. Iohn Iohnson Doctor of Divinitie, Archdeacon of the Archdeaconry of Worcester aforesaide, in this present yeare of our Lorde God, 1609.	[ "Church of England. Archdeaconry of Worcester.", "Johnson, John, Archdeacon of Worcester." ]	1609.	Printed by Ralph Blower,	At London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Pastoral letters and charges.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	1 VVHether any do serue as Minister, or Curat, in your Church or Chappel, not being lawfully Ordered ac∣cording to the Lawes of this Realme of Englande: And Whether your Minister hath obteyned his Be∣nefice, by any Simonicall Compact, eyther directly, or indirectly. 2 Whether your Parson or Vicar be not resident vpon his Bene∣fice (and being alowed to preach) and doth he not preach in his owne person, one Sermon euery Sunday: And if hee bee not him-sealfe a Preacher allowed: Doth he not procure one Sermon euery Moneth at the least, to be preached in your Church, and those also, by Prea∣chers lawfully lycenced. And if your Parson or Vicar reside not con∣tinually with you, is the cure supplyed by a sufficient Curat yt is lear∣ned and a licensed Preacher? And how many Sermons haue you had in your Church or Chappell within thiese twelue moneths last past, and by whom preached? 3 Whether your Minister be negligent in the study of holy Scrip∣tures, or workes of his calling, or vseth he to play at any vn-lawfull games? I he an Ale-house hunter, or a sower of discord, and not a peace-maker, or is hee Noted. Famed or Suspected, of any notorious Crime? Doth he not vse the Surplice in time of diuine prayers, and in administring of the holy Sacraments, and also, such comly attire, as well in the Church, as else where, agreeable to his Calling, as is prescribed by the Canons of the Cōuocation lately set foorth by ye Kings Aucthority: Or hath he admitted any vnlawfully begotten wt Childe to her publique Thankes-giuing in the Church after her Deliuery: otherwise, then in a white shéets, in forme of a penitent person: Or hath he receiued to ye holy Communion, any excommunicat person, or Scismatike, or any knowne to be notorious Offenders, without ap∣parant signes of Repentance: Or hath hee reiected or put backe a∣ny from ye Communion, without good & iust cause therein. 4 Whether doth not your minister euery Sunday, when there is no Sermon, reade some part of an Homilie? Doth he not in ye church before Evening prayer, teach▪ instruct & exammin the Youth of Con∣uenient age, in ye Cathechisme & principles of Religion. And whe∣ther vppon Wednsdayes & Fridayes, the Letante, and other prayers be not read in the Church as to inioyned. And doth not your minister vse the dayes of per-ambulation accustomed, and in such manner al∣so, as is allowable▪ and no otherwise. 5 Whether doth your minister serue two cures, or doth any serue as Curat in your parish, or preach, or any teach schoole publiquely, or in any priuat house not licensed vnder yt Ordinaries Seale. 6 Whether hath your minister made any wast or spoyle of his be¦nefice, or suffreth be his Chauncell, or houses, or any part thereof, be vn-repayred, or to fall into ruin or decay. 7 Whether hath your Minister neglected the publique reading the late Canons and Constitutions in the Church, as is required the Intimating of holidaies and fasting daies appointed to be kept or the setting downe in the Church Registrie, and publishing openli in the Church vppon the Saboth daies: the names of all such as we Baptized Maried and Buried the whole weeke before. And hath & not one Key of the Coffer where the Register booke concerning to premisses is kept. 8 Whether your Minister, hath admitted any of another parish receiue the hofte Communion in disparish Church, or hath admi¦nistred the holy Communion to any which doe kneele at the re∣ying ▪ excomunicate persons publiquelie in the Church, till he receiue a war∣rant to the Contrarie, or a Certificate of their Absolutions from the office where they were excommunicate. Hath he maried any within the Degrees of Consanguinitie, or affinitie forbidden, or in time pro∣hibited or without banes of Matrimony thrice solemlie, asked in the Church three seuerall sundaies or holidaies vnles it be by licence of the ordinarie vnder seale: or at any other time of the daie then betwixt the howers of eight and Twelue of the Clocke in the forenone, or that your minister admitted any to be God fathers or God mothers to any Child in your parish before he or she such god father or godmo∣ther hath bin partaker of the holie Communion. 9 WHether haue you not in your Chucrh or Chappell, The booke of common prayer lately set foorth by the Kings Authoritie, the great English Bible, of the trāslations Authorised, ye two volumes, and all other bookes commaunded, a table of the Ten Commaunde∣ments, and a Table of the degrées forbidding mariag, a conueneint Pulpit, a Comelis Communion table on a frame, A recent Linnen Cloath to couer the said Table, with some other Couering or Carpet of silke or such like, A Communion Cuppe and Couer of siluer. A faire standing pot of Pewter or purer mel for the Communion wine, A decent Surplesse wt sléeues, A Font of stone for Baptising of Children A Chest for the almes Box and another for the Register booke with three locks and Keyes a péecs, And to there a transcript yearely giuen vp to the ordinarie of all Christnings weddings and burialls as the Lawes requier. 10 Whether is your Church and Chauncell in the roofe walles, windowes seates and pauement, and in euery other part thereof well and sufficientlie repaired. And the Churchyard well and sufficientlie with good rales and sufficient ples, or stone wall, fenced and kept swéet and cleane, if not, in whose default, and are your bells and bell∣ropes & all other apurtenantes thereto belonging in good order or not. 11 Whether haue not your Churchw, from time, to time, truelie leuied xij d for euerie sunday, of those which absent themselues from their parish Church to the vse of the poore or deteyne they any of the common ocke or ae they not made and deliuered vp a iust accompt to the parishioners of all their receipts and bursements, Whether is the poore-mans Box orderlie kept, and such Somes of Money as are giuen distributed too the poore accordingly, or haue your Churchwar∣dens continued in that office aboue one yeare without a new election. And were your churchwardens elected in the Easter weeke as by the late canons Authorised by his Maiestie, is required. 12 Whether is there any in your parish that doe refuse to come to their parish church or chappell to diuine prayers and Sermones vpon the Lords days commonly called Sundaies or vppon al other festiual or holidaies, appointed by his Maiesties authoritie, or any that doe not orderlie frequent the same, and doe not resort to their said church, or chappell vpon such daies to diuine praiers and Sermons: and there behaue not themselues soblery and discreetlie in hearing attentiuely the Scriptures reade and in ioyning with the Minister and people, in prayers as becometh, or doe not reuerently remaine with their heads vncouered at such times and places aforesaid. And whether the said parishioners especiallie one of euery house at least doe not fre∣quent their said church or chappell to diuine prayers vppon wednes∣daies and Fridaies. 13 Whether any in your parish being of the Age of xvj yeares or aboue, haue not receiued the holy communion in your parish church or chappel, and that humbly kneeling, three severall times in this last yeare at the least, of which Easter to be one, or any that haue not brought or seat their children Seruants and youth to the church vpon Sundaies aud holidaies in the afternoone to be catechised according to the order latelie appointed by the canons. And whether any doe not humblie kneele at the generall confessions and praiers and at their re∣ceiuing the holy communion or any that vse any talking walking or other vnseemly behauiour in the church or churchyard in time of deuine Seruice and Sacrament or doe any way disturbs common praiers Preaching or other exercises of religion. 14 Whether▪ any Dauncers players of Enterludes or such like, or any other doe Daunce play or vse any vnseemly parts or games, or sell any victualls or other Marchandise in the church or churchyard or doe vse to sit in the street, tauernes, Alehowses or at home during seruice time and exercises of gods Worship▪ and is there any that suffer any such in their Houses at seruice time, and who be they: or be there any feastes drinckings, Churchales, temporall Courtes, laye Iuries musters, or other prophane vsage in the Church or church∣yard or any superstitious ringing of belles: vppon holidaies or Eues abrogated by authoritye. 15 Whether any in your parish vppon the Saboth daies or holidaies doe vse their Trade, or doe any other woorke or labour as brewing baking, washing, or such like, or doe open their shoppes for sale of wares vppon those daies. 16 Whether is there any in your parish knowen or suspected to re∣sort or to go to any Masse▪ or to any other such secret meetings any maynteyners of superstition, or false Opinions, contrarie to the booke of common praier or Articles of religion or any that speake against the Established gouerment of the church in this Realme. 17 Whether is there in your Parish, any Childe or Children which haue bin Baptized by any midwife, or other laye person, whoe they be that haue see donne, and what and who bee the parents of such childe or children and whether any childe hath not bin brought to the church to be Baptized, or doth any person take vpon him or her to be godfather or godmother to any child before he or she hath receiued the holie com∣munion. 18 Whether haue you a Parrish clarke in your church or chappell, was he chosen by the Minister, is he dutifull and dilligent to the Mi∣nister, and learned, and sufficient to discharge his place. And doth he orderly Demeane himselfe and discharge his said office accordingly as he ought, and is there any that with-hold his accustomed duties from him. 19 Whether are ther any in your parish who are known suspected or famed, to be of euil life, to be incestuous persons Adulterers, fornica∣tors, aus, or barhorers of incontinent persōs in their houses, or who haue conueyed them away before they haue made satisfaction to the congregation offended. Any drunkards, Ribands, Kailers, common slaunderers makers of libels, scoulds or sowers of discord, any swear∣ors, Blasphemers of Gods name, or prophaners of his Saboth, or any that haue fought, or stricken, or brawled in the Church, or church∣yarde. 20 Whether is ther any in your parish which hath, or hath had, at one time two wiues, or any woeman two Husbandes any maryed with in the Degrees of Consanguinitie or affinitie forbidden. Any diuerced keeping companie stil together. Any maried which without order of lawe liue a sunder and not together as man and wife, Any married which haue made precontracts to others or any maried without banes thrice solemly asked in the Church three seueral sundaies or holidaies in the seuerall places of their aboade, otherwise then by licence of the ordinarie, or anie that marry foorth of the parish Church where they dwell, or that marry without Consent of their parents or gardians or at anie other time of the daie then betwixt the howers of eight and twelue in the forenoone. 21. Whether is there any in your parish that haue or doe take any Vsurie or interest aboue Ten in the hundred for a yeare for Lending their Money Corne &c. or by any indirect meanes and Colourable practises in bargaining, doe vse that Detestable Crime, to the pinch∣ing and eating by of the Poore: by their Excessiue gaine. 22 Whether is there any in your Parish that doe presume to enter∣meddle or Deale with the goods of any Deceased before the will (if he made any) be Lawfuly proued, or before Adminstration (if he died intestate) be duly committed vnto him vnder seale, or is there any hinderers of the Performans of such will or Administration. Any forgets or Changers of testaments or any Executors that haue not fullfilled the Testators will, Especiallie in not paieing Legacies giuen to the Church, to the poore, to amend High waies or to such like good and Godly vses. 23 Whether haue your Churchwardens and sidemen trulie Noted and set downe in writing in a paper booke for that purpose, the names of all Preachers which come to them from any other place, and hath euery such Preacher Subscribed his name therto with the day when he preached, and the name of the Bushop of whom he had Licence to preach according to the 52 Canon. 24 Generallie Whether doe you know any other Ecclesiasticall matter, worthy of presenting or no. And if you do, by the oathes you haue Taken you shall trulie present the same, aswell now as heere∣after, when it shall come to your knowledg.
A00267.P4	Iniunctions giuen by the most reuerende father in Christ, Edmonde by the prouidence of God, Archbishop of Yorke primate of England, and Metropolitane, in his Metropoliticall visitation of the prouince of Yorke, aswell to the clergie, as to the laytie of the same prouince. Anno do. 1571.	[ "Church of England. Province of York. Archbishop (1570-1576 : Grindal)", "Grindal, Edmund, 1519?-1583." ]	[1571]	By [H. Denham for?] William Seres,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	INPRIMIS, you must trauel diligently and paine∣fully to set forth Gods true religion, and adourne the same with example of god∣ly life, being circumspect, that you offende no man ey∣ther by light behauiour, or by light apparell. 2 Item, vpon euery Sunday and Holyday, yee shall in your Churche or Chappell, at conuenient howers, reuerently and di∣stinctly say, or sing the Common prayer, appointed by the lawes of this Realme, both in the forenoone and afternoone, standing in a pulpit, or seate appointed for that purpose, and so turnyng your face towards the people, as they may best heare the same, and vpon euery Wednesday and Friday in the forenoone (not beyng holy day) ye shall in like manner saie the Letanie, and o∣ther Praiers appointed for the daie, and likewise the euenyng, Praier euery Saterday & holy Euen, and shall also at all times requisite and conuenient, duely and reuerently minister the two holy Sacraments, that is to say, Baptisme and the Lordes Supper, commonly called the holy Communion, accordyng to such order, as is set forth in the booke of Common prayer, and administration of the Sacramentes. 3 Item, ye shall minister the holy Communion euery mo∣neth ones at the least in euery of your Churches, & Chappels, where ministration of the Sacramentes is permitted: And to the intent that the people may better vnderstande theyr due∣ties, and come the better prepared to the holy Communion, ye shall monethly exhort your Parishioners to come to the same, and alwaies giue them warnyng therof, the next Sunday be∣fore yée ministre the same, declaring vnto them, that by the lawes of this Realme, euery person of conuenient age is bound to receiue the holy Communion, at the least thrée times in the yéere, and namely at Easter for ones. 4 Item, that at all times when yée minister the holy Sa∣cramentes, and vpon Sundaies and other holy daies, when ye say the Common prayer and other diuine seruice in your Pa∣rishe Churches and Chappelles (and likewise at all Mariages & Burials, ye shal (when ye minister) weare a cleane and decent surples with large sléeues) and shall Minister the Holy commu∣nion in no challice, nor any prophane cup or glasse, but in a Communion cup of Siluer, and with a couer of Siluer, ap∣pointed also for the ministration of the Communion bread: ye shall not deliuer the Communion bread vnto the people into their mouthes, but into their handes, nor shall vse at the Mini∣stration of the communion any gestures, rites or Ceremonies, not appointed by the booke of Common prayer, as crossinge or breathing ouer the Sacramentall▪ bread and Wine, nor any shewing or liftinge vp of the same to the people, to be by them worshipped and adored, nor any such like, nor shall vse any Oile or Chrisme, Tapers, Spattle, or any other Popishe ceremony in the ministration of the Sacrament of Baptisme. 5 Item, ye shall euery Sunday and Holy day openly in your Church or chappell, call for, heare, and instructe the chil∣dren and seruantes, both menkinde and womenkinde, that be of conuenient age within your Parishe (at the least so many of them at once by course, as the time will serue, and as you may well heare and instruct for an hower at the least) before Eue∣ning praier in the ten commaundementes, the articles of the Beliefe, and the Lordes prayer in Englishe, and diligently exa∣mine and teache them the Catechisme set forth in the booke of Common prayer. And to thintent this thinge may be more ef∣fectually executed, ye shall take the names of all the children, yong men, maydens and seruantes in your Parishe, that be aboue six yeres of age and vnder twentie, which can not say the Cathechisme, & shall call by course certaine of them by name, e∣euery Sunday and euery Holy day, to come to the Catechisme, whereby you may easily note and obserue what Parentes or Maisters be negligent in sending their children, and seruantes to be instructed and take occasion thereof, both priuately and o∣penly to exhorte them to sende their youth, as they are appoin∣ted, and shall present the refusers to the ordinarie. 6 Item, you shall not admitte to the receiuing of the holy Communion any of your Parish, which be openly knowen to liue in any notorious sinne, as Incest, Adulterie, Fornication, Drunkennes, much Swearing, Bawderie, Usurie, or suche like, without dewe penaunce firste donne to the satisfaction of the congregation, nor any malicious person that is out of Cha∣ritie, or that hath done open wrong to his neighbour by woorde or déede, without dewe reconciliation firste made to the partie that is wronged or maliced. 7 Item, you shall not admitte to the holy Communion a∣ny of your Parishe, men or women being aboue fower and twentie yéeres of age, that can not say by heart, at the least the tenne Commaundementes, the articles of the Faith, and the Lordes praier in English, nor any being fouretene yéeres and aboue, and vnder fower and twentie yéeres of age that can not say by harte the Catechisme, that is set forth in the saide booke of common Praier. 8 Item, for that purpose ye shal before Easter and al other times of the yeare, when the holy Communion is to be by you ministred, giue warning before vnto your Parishioners to come vnto you, either in the afternoone of some Sunday or ho∣ly daie, or the daie before they purpose to receiue, or at some o∣ther times before, as necessitie shall cause you to appointe, if there be any multitude, or (if the numbre be but small) in the morning at the farthest, before they shall receiue, so that it be before the beginning of Morning prayer, so many of them, as intende to receiue, & not onely to signifie vnto you their names, to the intent ye may kéepe a Register or note of all suche per∣sons as from time to time shall communicate, but also to be by you examined, whether they can saie by heart the tenne com∣maundementes, the Articles of the Faith, the Lordes prayer, and the Catechisme, according as after the diuersitie of their ages is aboue required, and such of them as either can not, or will not recite the same by harte vnto you, ye shall repell and put backe from the holy Communion, vntill they shall be able & willing to learne, and can by harte recite the same vnto you: for your better assistance wherin, ye shall call vpon and require the Churchwardens and Sworne men of your Parishe to be present (one of them at the least) at euery such examination, to thintent they may helpe to put this good order in practise, and ye shall take a note of such wilfull and negligent persons, as ye shall finde faultie in this behalfe, and so presente the same, and the Churchwardens, and Sworne men also, to the Ordinarie if they shall refuse so to assiste you. 9 Item ye shall not marry any persons, or aske the Banes of Matrimonie betwene any persons which before were single, vnlesse they can saie the Catechisme by harte, and will recite the same vnto you before the asking of the Banes. And ye shall not marry any persons without the Banes be thrise on thrée se∣uerall Sundaies or Holydayes first openly asked, without any impediment or forbidding. Neither shall ye marry any persons within the degrées of affinitie or consanguinitie by the Lawes of God forbidden, so set out for an admonition in a table lately appointed to be affixed in your parishe Churche. For the bet∣ter knowledge of which degrées ye shall reade vnto your Pa∣rishioners the saide Table euery yéere twise at the least. 10 Item, ye shall not admitte to aunswere as Godfathers or Godmothers at the Christening of any Childe, any person or persons, except he, shée, and they, haue before receiued the holy Communion, and can saie by hearte the articles of the Chri∣stian Faith in Englishe, and will recite the same before you at the time of Ministration of Baptisme, or before the Minister, if he, she, or they be therevnto required: And being yong folkes, except he, shée, and they can say by hart the whole Catechisme, and will recite the same before you, as is aforesaide. 11 Item, ye shall not Church any vnmaried woman which hath bene gotten with childe out of lawfull Matrimonie, except it be vpon some Sunday or Holy daie, and except shée either be∣fore her childebirth haue done dewe penaunce for hir faulte, to the satisfaction of the congregation, or at hir comming to be Churched, shée doe openly acknowledge hir faulte before the congregation accordingly, and shewe hir selfe to be very peni∣tent for the same: Leauing it frée for the Ordinary to punishe hir further at his discretion. 12 Item, ye shall euery Sunday when there is no Sermon in your Church or Chappell, distinctly and plainely reade in the pulpit, some one of the Homelies set forth by the Quéenes Ma∣iesties authoritie, or one parte thereof at the least, in such sorte as the same are deuided and appointed to be read, by the two bookes of the Homelies. And euery Holy day when there is no Sermon, ye shall immediatly after the Gospell, plainely and di∣stinctly recite to your Parishioners the Lordes praier, the Ar∣ticles of the faith, and the tenne Commaundementes in En∣glishe, and being not admitted by the Ordinary or other lawful auctoritie, ye shall not expounde any Scripture or matter of doctrine, by the waie of exhortation or otherwise, and thereby omitte and leaue of the reading of the Homelies. 13 Item, you shall plainely & distinctly reade in your Church or Chappel vnto the people betwene the Letanie and the Com∣munion, the forme of commination againste sinners, with certaine praiers following the same, set forth in the later ende of the booke of common Praier, thrée times at the least in the yéere, that is to saie for orders sake, yéerely vpon one of the twoo Sundaies next before Gaster, for the first time, vpon one of the twoo Sundaies next before the feaste of Pentecoste for the se∣conde time: and for the thirde time vpon one of the twoo Sun∣daies next before the feaste of the birthe of our Lorde, ouer and besides the accustomed reading thereof vpon the firste day of Lente. 14 Item, you shall reade openly in your Church in these of diuine seruice, twise euery yéere vpon some of the Sundaies within one Moneth, next after the feastes of Easter and sainte Michaell the Archangel, plainely, without addition or chainge: a declaration of certaine principall Articles of Religion sette foorth by both the Archebishoppes, and the reste of the Bishops of this Realme for the vnitie of Doctrine. 15 Item, ye shall not proclaime, bid or obserue, nor willing∣ly suffer your Parishioners to obserue any Holy daies or ca∣sting daies heretofore abrogated, or not appointed by the newe Kalender of the Booke of common Praier, to be vsed or kept as Holy daies or Fasting daies, nor giue the people any know∣ledge thereof by any indirect meanes. 16 Item, ye shall kéepe well the Registers of al Weddings, Burials and Christeninges within your Parishe, according to thorder prescribed in the Quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions▪ and shall present a coppie of them euery yéere once, by Indenture to the Ordinarie or his Officers. 17 Item, you shall Preach or by suche as are lawfully li∣cenced, shall cause to be Preached in the Churches where you are Persons or Uicars, one Sermon euery quarter of the yeare at the least. 18 Item, no Minister or Priest shal serue twoo cures at one time, nor say common seruice in any priuate mans house, with∣out special license vnder the Ordinaries seale. Nor any Curate shall serue any one cure within this Prouince, without letters testimonial of the Ordinary of the place, from whence he came, testifiyng the cause of his departinge from thence, and of his be∣hauiour there, nor onles he shall first obteine and haue speciall license in writing vnder the seale of the Ordinarie of the place whereunto he commeth, for his admission to such a cure, and shall shewe the same to the Churchwardens: before he enter to serue any such cure. 19 Item, ye shall reade openly in your Churches & Chap∣pels, in time of diuine seruice the Quéenes Maiesties Iniuncti∣ons euery quarter of a yéere once: And these our Iniunctions concerning aswell the Clergie as the Laytie, euery halfe yéere once. 20 Item, for the putting of the Churchwardens and sworne men, better in remembrance of their dewtie, in obseruing and noting all such persons of your parishe, as doe offende in not co∣ming to Diuine seruice, ye shall openly euery Sunday after ye haue read the second Lesson, at Morning and Euening praier, monishe and warne the Churchwardens and Sworne men of your Parishe, to looke to their Othes and charge in this behalf, and to obserue who contrary to the Lawe doe that day offende, either in absenting them selues negligently or wilfully from their parishe Church or Chappell, or vnreuerently vse them selues in the time of Diuine seruice, and so note the same to the intent they may either present such offenders to the Ordinary, when they shalbe required therevnto, or leuye and take by way of distresse to the vse of the Poore, suche forfeitures as are ap∣pointed by a Statute, made in the first yéere of the Quéenes Maiesties Reigne in that behalfe, and if the Churchwardens and Sworne men be negligent, or shall refuse to doe their dutie that way, ye shall present to the Ordinarie both them, and all such others of your Parishe as shall offende either in absenting themselfes from the Church, or by vnreuerent beha∣uiour in the Church contrary to the same Statute. 21 Item, ye shall from time to time diligently call vpon & exhort your Parishioners to contribute and giue towardes the reliefe of the Poore, as they may well spare, and specially when ye visite them that be sicke, and make their Testamentes, and for your owne partes also, ye shall charitably relieue the Poore to your habilitie. 22 Item, ye shall daily reade at the least one chapter of the Old Testament, and an other of the Newe, with good aduise∣ment, and such of you as be vnder the degrée of a maister of Arte shall prouide and haue of your owne, according to the Quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions, at the least the New Testa∣ment both in Latine and English, conferring the one with the other, euery daie one Chapter thereof at the least, so that vpon the examination of the Archedeacon, Commissary or their Of∣ficers, in Synodes and Uisitations, or at other appointed times it may appeare, how ye profite in the studie of holy Scripture. 23 Item, ye shall not kéepe or suffer to be kept in your per∣sonage or Uicaridge houses, any Alehouses, Tipling Houses, or Tauerns, nor shal sell Ale, Béere or Wine, nor any of you shal kéepe any suspected woman in your house, or be an incontinent liuer, giuen to Drunkennesse or Idlenesse, nor any of you be∣yng vnmaried, shall kéepe in your house any woman vnder the age of thréescore yéeres, excepte shée be your Daughter by for∣mer Mariage, or be your Mother, Aunte, Sister, or Niece, and such an one as ye shall kéepe, shalbe of good name and fame, nor any of you shalbe a haunter of Tauernes, Alehouses, or su∣spected places, or a Hunter, Hawker, Dicer, Carder, Tabler, Swearer, or otherwise giue any euill example of life, but con∣trarywise at all times when ye shall haue leysure, ye shal heare or reade some parte of holy Scripture, or some other good Au∣thours, or shall occupie your selues with some other honest stu∣die or exercise, & oftentimes giue your selues to earnest praier, and shalbe diligent in visiting the sicke & comforting of them. 24 Item, you shall exhorte your Parishioners to obedience towardes their Prince, and all other that be in authoritie, and to charitie and mutuall loue amongst themselues, helping to reconcile thē which shall happen to be at variance at any time, and if ye can not Preache, ye shall teache children to reade, to write, & to know their dueties towards God, their Prince, Pa∣rentes, and all others: and by all meanes ye can, ye shall ende∣uour your selues to profite the Common Wealth, hauing al∣waies in minde that ye ought to excell all other in puritie of life, and should be examples to the people to liue well and Chri∣stianly, not giuing any way iuste cause of offence. 25 Item, all Proprietaries Parsons, Uicars, and Clerkes, hauing Churches or Chappels within this prouince, shall cause the Chauncels or Quéeres of their Churches or Chappels to be from time to time, accordinge to the Quéenes Maiesties In∣iunctions in that behalfe, sufficiently repaired and mainteined in good estate, and all Parsons, Uicars and other Clerkes, ha∣uing Mansion houses belonging to their promocions, shall like∣wise repaire and kéepe the same in good estate, and vpon the same Chauncels or Quéeres, and Mansion houses with buil∣dinges therevnto belonging, being in decaye, shall yéerely be∣stowe according to the same Iniunctions the fift parte of that their benefice, till they be fully repayred, and being repaired, shall mainteine the same in good estate and order▪ FIrst wée doe enioyne and straitly commaunde, that from hencefoorth no parish Clerke nor any other par∣son, not being ordered at the least for a Deacon, shall presume to solemnize Matrimonie, or to Minister the Sacrament of Baptisme, or to deliuer to the Communicantes the Lordes Cuppe at the celebration of the holy Communion. And that no person not being a Minister, Deacon, or at the least tollerated by the Ordinarie in writing, doe attempt to sup∣plie thoffice of the Minister in saying of Diuine seruice openly in any Church or Chappell. 2 Item, to thintent that the people may the better heare the Morninge and Eueninge Prayer, when the same by the Minister is saide, & be the more edified thereby, we doe enioyne that the Churchwardens of euery parishe, in places aswell ex∣empt as not exempt at the charges of the Parishe, shall procure a decent low Pulpit to be erected and made in the body of the Church out of hande, wherein the Minister shall stande with his face towardes the people, when he readeth Morninge and Euening prayer. Prouided alwaies that where the Churches are very small, it shall suffise that the Minister stande in his ac∣customed stall in the Quéere: So that a conuenient deske or lecterne with a rowme to turne his face towardes the people be there prouided by the saide Churchwardens at the charges of the parishe. The iudgement and order whereof and also the forme and order of the Pulpit or seate aforesaide in greater Churches, wée doe referre vnto the Archdeacon of the place or to his Officiall. Prouided also that the prayers and other ser∣uice appointed for the Ministration of the holy Communion, be saide and done at the Commūion table, except the Epistle and Gospell, which shalbe read in the saide pulpit or stall, and also the tenne commaundementes when there is no Communion. 3 Item, that the Churchwardens according to the custome of euery parishe shalbe chosen by the consent aswell of the Par∣son, Uicare, or Curate, as of the Parishioners, otherwise they shall not be Churchwardens, neyther shall they continue anye lenger, than one yeare in that office, except perhappes they shal be chosen againe: They shall not sell or alienate any Belles or other church goodes, without consent of the Ordinarie, in wri∣ting first had, nor shal put the money that shall come of any such sale, to any other vse than to the reparations of their Churches or Chappelles, or for prouiding of necessaries for the same Churches or Chappels. And all Churchwardens at the ende of euery yeare shall give vp to the Parson, Uicare, or Curate, and their Parishioners a iuste accompte written in a booke to be prouided at the charges of the Parishe for that purpose, of al suche money, ornamentes, stocke, rentes, or other Churche goodes, as they haue receiued, during the time they were in of∣fice, and also shall particulerly shewe, what coste they haue be∣stowed in reparations & other thinges for the vse of the Church. And going out of their offices they shall truely deliuer vp in the sight of the Parishioners to the next Churchwardens, and note in the saide Churche booke, whatsoeuer money, ornamentes, stocke, or other Church goodes shall remaine and be in their handes at the time of giuing vp of their accomptes. 4 Item, that the Churchwardens in euery Parishe shall at the costes and charges of the Parishe prouide (if the same be not already prouided) all thinges necessary & requisite for com∣mon Prayer and Administration of the holy Sacramentes, on this side the .xx. day of next ensuyng, specially the booke of Common prayer, with the newe Kalender and a Psal∣ter to the same, the English Bible in the largest volume, the two Tomes of the Homelies, with the Homelies lately written against Rebellion, the table of the tenne Commaundementes, a conuenient Pulpitte well placed, a comely and decent table, standing on a framefor the holy Communion, with a faire lin∣nen clothe to lay vpon the same, and some couering of Silke, Buckram, or other such like, for the cleane kéeping thereof, a fayre and comely Communion cuppe of siluer, and a couer of siluer for the same, which may serue also for the ministration of the Communion bread, a decent large Surplesse with sléeues, a sure Coffer with two lockes and keyes, for kéeping of the Re∣gister booke, and a strong chest or Boxe for the almose of the paire, with thrée lockes and keyes to the same, and all other things necessarie in and to the premisses. And shall also prouide before the sayde day, the Paraphrases of Erasmus in English vpon the Gospels, and the same set vp in some conuenient place within their church or chappell, the charges whereof, the person or proprietarie and Parishioners shall by equall portions beare according to the Quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions, all which bookes must be whole and not torne or vnperfit in any wise. And the Churchwardens also shal from time to time, at the charges of the Parish, prouide bread and wine for the Communion. And for that purpose shal take some order among the Parishioners, that euery one may pay such a reasonable summe towards the same, as may suffice for the finding of breade and wine for the Communion throughout the whole yeare, so as no Communi∣on at any tyme be disappoynted for want of bread and wine. 5 Item, that the Churchwardens shall sée that in theyr churches and chappels, all Aultars be vtterly taken downe and cléere remooued euen vnto the foundation, and the place where they stoode paued, and the wall wherevnto they ioyned, whited ouer, and made vniforme with the reast, so as no breach or rup∣ture appeare. And that the Aulterstones be broken, defaced, and bestewed to some common vse. And that the Roode loftes be ta∣ken downe, and altered so, that the vpper bordes and timber thereof both behinde and aboue, where the Rood lately did hang, and also the soller or loft be quite taken downe vnto the crosse beame, wherevnto the particion betwéene the Quéere and the bodie of the church is fastened, and that the sayde beame haue some conuenient creast put vpon the same. And that all the bordes, beames, and other stuffe of the Roode loftes, be solde by the churchwardens to the vse of the church, so as no part there∣of be kept and reserued. 6 Item that the churchwardens shall from time to time, sée that their churches and chappels, and the stéeples thereof be di∣ligently and well repayred, with leade, tyle, slate, or shingle, lyme, stone, tymber, glasse, and all other necessaries, and that their churches and chappels be kept cleane and decently, that they be not lothsome to any, eyther by dust, sande, grauell, or anye filth, and that there bée no feastes, dinners, or common drinkings kept in the church, and that the churchyardes be well fenced and clenly kept, and that no folkes be suffered to daunce in the same. 7 Item, that the Churchwardens and Minister shall sée, that Antiphoners, Masse bookes, Grayles, Portesses, Proces∣sionals, Manualles, Legendaries, and all other bookes of late belonging to their church or chappell, which serued for the su∣persticious latine seruice, be vtterly defaced, rent, & abolished. And that all Uestments, Albes, Tunicles, Stoles, Phanons, Pixes, Paxes, Handbelles, Sacringbelles, Senscers, Crisma∣tories, Crosses, Candlestickes, Holy water stocks or Fattes, Images, and all other reliques and monuments of supersti∣tion & ydolatrie be vtterly defaced, broken & destroyed, & if they cannot come by any of the same, they shall present to the Ordi∣nary what they cannot come by, and in whose custodie the same is, to ye intent further order may bée taken for ye defacing therof. 8 Item, when anye man or woman dwelling néere to the church in any Citie, Borough, or great towne, is in passing out of this life, the Parishe clarke or Sextan shall knoll the bell to mooue the people to pray for the sicke person. And after the time of the departing of any christian bodie out of this life, the churchwardens shall sée, that neyther there be any more ring∣ing, but one short peale before the buriall, and another short peale after the buriall without ringing of any handbels or other superfluous or supersticious ringing, eyther before or at the time of the buriall or at any time after the same, nor any o∣ther forme of seruicesayde or song, or other ceremonies vsed at any buriall, than are appointed by the booke of common prayer. And also that neyther on all Saints day after Euening prayer, nor the day next after, of late called all Soules day, there be any ringing at all other then to common prayer, when the same shall happen to fall vpon the Sunday. And that no Moneth myndes or yearely commemorations of the dead, nor any other supersticious ceremonies be obserued or vsed which tende to the maintenaunce eyther of prayer for the deade, or of the Popishe Purgatorie. 9 Item, that the Churchwardens shall not suffer any ring∣ing or tolling of Belles to be on Sundayes or holydayes vsed, betwéene the morning prayer, Letanie, and Communion, nor in any other tyme of common prayer, reading of the Homelies, or of preaching, except it be one Bell in conuenient time to bée rong, or knolled before a Sermon, nor shall suffer any other ringing to be vsed vpon Saintes euens or festiuall dayes, sa∣uing to common prayer, and that moderately and without ex∣cesse, nor the Minister shall pawse or stay betweene the morning prayer, Letanie and Communion, but shall continue and saye the morning prayer, Letanie, and communion, or the seruice appoynted to be sayde, when there is no Communion, togither without any intermission, to the intent the people may conti∣nue togither in prayer, and hearing the worde of God, and not depart out of the church, during all the time of the whole di∣uine seruice. 10 Item that all fathers, mothers, maysters and other go∣uerners of youth, shall in euery parish, cause their children and seruaunts both menkinde and womenkinde, being aboue seuen yeares of age, and vnder twentie yeares, which haue not lear∣ned the Catechisme, or at the least such and so many of them as the Minister shall appoynt, diligently to come to the church, euery Sunday, and euery holy day at the time appoynted, and there diligently & obediently to heare, learne, and be ordered by the Minister, vntill such time as they haue learned all the sayde Catechisme by heart, and shall giue to the Minister the names of all their children and seruauntes both men kinde and women kinde, being aboue seuen yeares, and vnder twentie yeares of age, to the intent he may call for them to be examined and in∣structed in the sayde Cathechisme. And if any of the sayde fa∣thers, mothers, maysters, or other gouernours of youth shall re∣fuse or neglect so to sende their children or seruauntes vnto the Minister to be examined, and instructed at the tymes appoyn∣ted, or to giue theyr names, as is aforesayd, or if any of the sayd yong folkes shall refuse to be examined and instructed, that then the Minister and Churchwardens shall present such negligent persons, and refusers, to the Ordinarie, to be by him punished accordingly. 11 Item, that all men and women of fourtene yeares of age, and vpwardes, shall (as by the lawes of this realme they are bounde) receyue in their owne parishe Churches or Chappels, the holy communion thrise at the least euery yeare, and namely at Easter, or there aboutes for once, and yearely before Easter at conuenient times (and namely on Sundaies in Lent at after noone, or in some of the workedayes next before Easter) as the person, vicare, or curate, shall appoynt, they shall, before they re∣ceyue, come to the Minister, and recite to him, such of them as be of fouretene yeares or aboue, and vnder .xxiiij. yeares of age, the whole Catechisme by heart, and such of them as be of .xxiiij. yeares of age and vpwardes, the Catechisme, or at the least, the Lordes prayer, the articles of the fayth, and the tenne com∣maundements, likewise by heart in Englishe, and whosoeuer eyther cannot, or wilfully and stubburnely shall refuse to recite and say the same by heart before their Minister, shall be repel∣led and put back from the Communion Table. And the church∣wardens and Minister shall present all such refusers, and all o∣thers that shall not receyue thrise a yeare the holy Communi∣on, vnto the Ordinarie yearely at the next visitation after Easter. 12 Item, the Churchwardens shall not suffer any Pedler or others whatsoeuer, to set out any wares so sale, eyther in the Porches of Churches, or in the Churchyardes, nor any where else on holy dayes or Sundayes, whiles any part of diuine ser∣uice is in doyng, or whiles any sermon is in preaching. 13 Item, that no Inkéeper, Alehousekéeper, Uictualer, or Typler shall admit or suffer any person or persons in his house or backeside, to eate, drinke, or play at cardes, Tables, Bowles, or other games in tyme of common prayer, preachings, or rea∣ding of Homelyes on the Sundayes, or holy dayes, and that there be no shoppes set open on Sundayes or holydayes, nor a∣ny Butchers or others suffered to sell meate or other thinges vppon the Sundayes or holy dayes in lyke time of common prayer, preaching, or reading of the Homelyes. And that in a∣ny fayres or common Markets, falling vpon the Sunday, there be no shewing of any wares before all the Morning seruice and the Sermon (if there be any) be done. And if any shall offend in this behalfe, the Churchwardens and sworne men, after once warning giuen vnto them, shall present them by name vnto the Ordinarie. 14 Item, that the laye people of euery Parish (as they bée bounde by the lawes of this Realme) and especially housholders hauing no lawfull excuse to be absent, shall faythfully and dili∣gently endeuour themselues, to resort with their children and seruaunts to their parishe Church or Chappell on the holye dayes, & chiefly vpon the Sundayes, both to Morning and Eue∣ning prayer, and other diuine seruice, and vpon reasonable let therof, to some other vsuall place where common praier is vsed, and then and there abide orderly and soberly during all the time of common prayer, Homelies, Sermons, and other seruice of God there vsed, reuerently and deuoutly giuing themselues to prayer, and hearing of the worde of God. And that the church∣wardens and sworne men, aboue all others, shall be diligent in frequenting and resorting to their parishe churches or chap∣pels vpon Sundayes and holy dayes, to the intent they maye note and marke all such persons as vpon any such dayes shall absent themselues from the Church, and vppon such absence shall exami ne them of the cause thereof. 15 Item, that the churchwardens and sworne men shall not suffer any persons to walke, talke or otherwise vnreuerently to behaue themselues in any church or chappell, nor to vse any ga∣ming, or to sitt abrode in the stréetes or churchyardes, or in any Tauerne or Alehouse, vpon the Sundayes or other holy dayes, in the time of diuine seruice, or of any Sermon, whether it bée before noone or after noone, but after warning once giuen, shall punishe both them and all others that negligently, or wilfully shall absent themselues from diuine seruice, or come very late to the church vpon Sundayes or holy dayes, hauing no lawfull let or hinderaunce, and those also that without any iust cause shall depart out of the Church before the diuine seruice or ser∣mon be done: according to a statute made in the first yeare of the Quéenes Maiesties reigne, printed and set forth in the be∣ginning of the booke of common prayer: that is to saye, the Churchwardens shall leuie and take of euery one that wilfully or negligently so shall offend, the forteyfure of xij▪ pence for eue∣rie such offence, and shall also present them to the Ordinarie: which forfeytures they shall leuie, according to the same statute by distrayning the goodes, landes and tenements of such offen∣ders, and shall (as by the same statute they are appoynted) deli∣uer the money that commeth thereof to the Collectors, for the vse of the poore people of the same parishe. 16 Item, that no person or persons whatsoeuer, shall weare Beades, or pray eyther in Latine or in English vpon Beades or knottes, or any other like supersticious thing, nor shall pray vpon any popish Latine or English Primer, or other like booke, nor shall burne any candels in the church superstitiously vpon the feast of the purification of the virgin Marie, commonly cal∣led Candlemasse day, nor shall resort to anye popishe priest for shrift or auriculer confession in Lent, or at any other time, nor shal worship any crosse, or any Image or picture vpon the same, nor giue any reuerence therevnto, nor supersticiously shal make vpon themselues the signe of the crosse, when they first enter into any church to pray, nor shall say De profundis for the dead, or rest at any crosse in carying any corps to burying, nor shall leaue any little crosses of wood there. 17 Item that yearely at Midsommer, the person, vicar, or curate, and churchwardens, shall choose two Collectors or more for the reliefe of the poore of euery Parishe, according to a sta∣tute made in that behalfe, in the fift yeare of the Quéenes Ma∣iesties reigne, intituled an art for the reliefe of the poore, and re∣newed in the last Parliament, which collectors shall wéekely ga∣ther the charitable almose of the Parishioners, and destribute the same to the poore where most néede shall be, without fraude or partialitie, and shall quarterly make vnto the person, vicar, or curate, and churchwardens, a iust account thereof in wri∣ting. And if any person of habilitie shall obstinately or froward∣ly refuse to giue reasonably towardes the reliefe of the poore, or shall wilfully discourage others from so charitable a déede, or shall withdrawe his accustomed almose without iust cause, the churchwardens and sworne men shall present to the Ordinarie euery such person so refusing to giue, discouraging others, or withdrawing his accustomed almose, that reformation may be had therein. 18 Item, that for the retayning of the Perambulation of the circuite of euerie Parishe yearely, the person, vicar, or curate, and churchwardens, with certaine of the substanciall men of euerie Parishe, such as the Minister and Churchwardens shall thinke méete to require, shall in the dayes of the Rogations commonly called the crosse wéeke, or gang dayes, walke the ac∣customed boundes of euerie Parishe, and in the same peram∣bulation, or going aboute, the Minister shall vse none other ce∣remonie, than to say in Englishe the two Psalmes beginning Benedic anima mea domine: that is to say, the Ciij. Psalme, and the .Ciiij. Psalme, and such sentences of scripture as be ap∣poynted by the Quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions, with the Le∣tanie and Suffrages following the same, and reading one Ho∣melie alreadie deuised & set forth for that purpose, without wea∣ring anye Surplesses, carying of Banners, or Handbels, or staying at Crosses, or such like popish ceremonies. 19 Item, that the Minister & churchwardens shall not suffer any Lordes of misrule, or Sommer Lordes, or Ladies, or any disguised persons, or othexs in Christmasse, or at May games, or any Minstrels, Morice dauncers, or others, at Rishbearings or at any other times, to come vnreuerently into any Church, or Chappell, or Churchyarde, and there daunce, or play anye vnseemely partes, with scoffes, ieastes, wanton iestures, or ry∣baulde talke, namely, in the time of diuine seruice, or of anye sermon. 20 Item that no schoolmayster shall teach either openly or priuately in any Gentlemans house, or in any other place, vn∣lesse he be of good and sincere Religion and conuersation, and be first examined, allowed, and licenced by the Ordinarie in wry∣ting vnder his seale: he shall not teach any thing contrarie to the order of Religion nowe set forth by publike authoritie, hée shall teach his schollers the Catechisme in Latine lately sette forth, and such sentences of scripture (besides prophane chaste Authours) as shall be most méete to mooue them to the loue and due reuerence of Gods true Religion nowe truely set forth by the Quéenes Maiestie, and to induce them to all godlinesse and honest conuersation. 21 Item, that no parishe Clarke be appoynted agaynst the good will, or without the consent of the person, vicar, or curate, in any Parishe, and that he be obedient to the person, vicar, and curate, especially in the time of celebration of diuine seruice, or of the Sacraments, or in any preparation therevnto. And that he be able also to reade the first Lesson, the Epistle, and the Psalmes, with aunsweares to the Suffrages as is vsed, and that he kéepe the bookes and ornaments of the church fayre and cleane, and cause the Church and Quiere, the Communion ta∣ble, the Pulpet, and the Font, to be kept decent, and made cleane agaynst seruice time, the Communion, Sermon, and Bap∣tisme, and also that he endeuour himselfe to teache yong chil∣dren to reade, if he be able so to doe. 22 Item, that the Churchwardens and sworne men of eue∣rie Parishe shall halfeyearely from time to time present to the Ordinarie the names of all such persons of their Parishe, as be eyther blasphemers of the name of God, great or often swea∣rers, adulterers, fornicators, incestuous persons, bawdes, or receyuers of naughtie and incontinent persons, or harbourers of women with childe, which be vnmaryed, conueying or suffe∣ring them to go away before they do any penaunce, or make sa∣tisfaction to the Congregation, or that be vehemently suspected of such faultes, or that be not of good name and fame, touching such faultes and crimes, or that be drunkardes, or rybauldes, or that be malicious, contentious, or vncharitable persons, com∣mon slaunderers of their neighbours, raylers, scolders, or sow∣ers of discorde betwéene neighbours. And also all such as be Usurers, that is to say, all those, that lend money, corne, ware, or other thing, and receyue gaine therfore, ouer and aboue that which they lende. 23 Item, that the Churchwardens, and sworne men of eue∣rie Parishe, shall likewise halfeyearly present to the Ordinarie all such persons as eyther heretofore haue maryed, and bée not diuorced, or hereafter shall marie within the degrées of affinitie, or consanguinitie, by the lawes of God forbidden, so set out for an admonition in a Table lately appointed to be affixed in eue∣rie Parishe church of this prouince, or that being diuorced or seperated for the same, do yet notwithstanding cohabite, and kéepe companie still togither. And also all persons being mary∣ed without those degrées, that haue vnlawfully forsaken theyr wiues, or husbands, and maryed others, and if any man haue two wiues at once, or any woman two husbands at once, or if any being diuorced or seperated asunder, have maried againe: If any be maried that haue made a precontract. If any haue maryed without banes thrise solemnely asked in the Church. If any cooples be maryed that liue not togither, but slaunderously liue apart, or if any haue maryed out of the parish church where they ought to haue solemnised mariage, the churchwardens and sworne men shall likewise present the same halfeyearely to the Ordinarie. 24 Item, the Churchwardens and sworne men of euerie parish shall likewise halfeyearely present to the Ordinarie the names of all such persons whatsoeuer, eyther of the Clergie or Laytie, that be fauourers of the Romishe and forreyne power, letters of true Religion; hearers or sayers of Masse, or of any Latine seruice, Preachers or setters forth of corrupt and popish doctrine, mainteyners of sectaryes, disturbers of diuine seruice, kéepers of any secrete conuenticles, preachings or lectures, re∣ceyuers of any vacabonde popishe priestes, or other notorious mislikers of true Religion, or mainteyners of the vnlearned people in ignorance and error, encouraging and moouing them rather to pray in an vnknowne tongue than in English, or that stubburnely refuse to conforme themselues to vnitie and godly Religion nowe established by publike authoritie. 25 And finally, the Churchwardens and sworne men of euery Parish shall likewise halfeyearely present to the Ordina∣rie, whether all these Iniunctions giuen as is aboue, aswell to the Clergie, as to the Laytie, be duely obserued and kept, and if they be not, then which and howe many of the sayd Iniunctions be not kept, and by whom, and in what poynt any person or per∣sons doe violate and breake the same. All which Iniunctions we doe charge and commaund to be inuiolably performed and obserued of all persons whome they shall concerne within our prouince of Yorke, vpon paine of con∣tempt, and of excomunication, and other censures of the church by the ecclesiasticall lawes of this Realme in such like cases li∣mitted and appoynted. WHether common prayer be song or sayde, by your per∣son, Uicar or Curate in your seuerall Churches or Chap∣pels, distinctly and reuerently, & in such order, as it is set forth by the lawes of this Realme, without any kinde of alterati∣on, and at due and conuenient houres. And whether your Mi∣nister so turne himselfe and stande in such place of your Church or Chauncell, as the people may best here the same. And whether the holye Sacraments be likewyse ministred reue∣rently in such maner, as by the lawes of this realme is appoyn∣ted. And whether vpon Wednesdayes, and Fridayes, not béeing holydayes, the Letanie and other prayers, appoynted for the day, be sayde accordingly? 2 Whether you haue in your parish Churches and Chappels, all things necessary and requisite for common prayer▪ and admi∣nistration of the Sacraments, specially the Booke of common prayer with the newe kalender, a Psalter, the Englishe Bible in the largiest volume, the two Tomes of the Homelyes, the Para∣phrases of Erasmus translated into Englishe, the table of the ten cōmaundements, a conuenient Pulpit well placed, a comely and decent table, standing on a frame, for the holy Communion, with a fayre lynnen cloth to lay vpon the same, and some couering of silke, Buckram, or other such like, for the cleane kéeping thereof, a fayre and comely Communion cup of siluer, and a couer of siluer for the same, which may serue also for the ministration of the com∣munion bread, a decent large surplesse with sléeues, a sure Coffer with two locks & keies for the kéeping of the Register booke, and a strong chest or boxe for the almose of the poore with thrée locks and keyes to the same, and all other things necessary in and to the premisses? 3 Whether the forme of commination agaynst sinners, with certaine prayers following the same, set forth in the latter ende of the booke of common prayer, to be vsed at diuers tymes in the yeare, be by your Minister plainely and distinctly red in your Church or Chappel vnto the people, betwéene the Letany, and the cōmemoration or ministration of the holy cōmunion, thrée times at the least in the yeare, that is to say for order sake, yearely vpon one of the thrée Sundayes next before Easter, for the first tyme, vpon one of the two Sundayes next before the feast of Pentecost for the seconde tyme. And for the thirde tyme, vpon one of the two Sundayes next before the feast of the birth of our Lord, ouer and besides the accustomed reading therof vpon the first day of Lent? 4 Whether in your churches and chappels, all Aulters be vt∣terly taken downe and cleane remooued, euen vnto the foundati∣on, and the place where they stoode, paued, and the wall, where∣vnto they ioyned, whited ouer, and made vniforme with the reast, so as no breach or rupture appeare. And whether your Roodlofts be taken downe, and altered so, that the vpper partes thereof with the soller or loft be quite taken downe vnto the crosse beame, and that the sayde beame haue some conuenient creast put vpon the same? 5 Whether your Churches and Chappels with the chauncels thereof be well and sufficiently repayred, and kept without abuse of any thing. And whether your churchyardes be well fensed, and clenly kept. And if any part thereof be in decay, through whose de∣fault it is so? 6 Whether all and euery Antiphonars, Masse bookes, Grailes, Portesses, Processionals, Manualles, Legendaryes, and all other bookes of late belonging to your Church or Chappell, which ser∣ued for the supersticious Latine seruice, be vtterly defaced, rent, and abholished, and if they be not, through whose default that is, and in whose kéeping they remaine. And whether all Uestments, Albes, Tunicles, Stoles, Phanons, Pixes, Paxes, Handbelles, Sacringbelles, Senseres, Crismatories, Crosses, Candlestickes, Holy water stocks, Images, and such other reliques and monu∣ments of superstition and Idolatrie be vtterly defaced, broken, and destroied. And if not, where & in whose custodie they remaine? 7 Whether your person, vicar, curate, or minister, doe weare any cope in your Parish church or chappell, or minister the holy Communion in any Chalice heretofore vsed at Masse, or in anye prophane cuppe or glasse, or vse at the ministration thereof anye gestures, rites, or ceremonies, not appoynted by the booke of com∣mon prayer, as crossing or breathing ouer the sacramentall bread, and wine, or shewing the same to the people, to be worshipped and adored, or any such lyke, of vse any Oyle and Chrisme, Tapers, spattle, or any other Popish ceremonie in the ministration of the Sacrament of Baptisme? 8 Whether any holy dayes or fasting dayes heretofore abro∣gated, or not appoynted to be vsed, as holy daies, or fasting daies, by the newe Kalender of the booke of common prayer, be eyther proclaymed, and bidden by your Person, Uicar or Curate, or be superstitiously obserued by any of your parish, and what be their names, that so doe obserue the same, and whether there be anye ringing or tolling of Belles to call the people togither vsed in any of those dayes, more or otherwise, then commonly is vsed vpon other dayes, that be kept as workedayes? 9 Whether, when anye man or woman is in passing out of this lyfe, the Bell be tolled, to mooue the people to pray for the sicke person, especially in all places, where the sicke person dwel∣leth néere vnto the Church, and whether after the time of his or hir passing out of this worlde, there be any more ringing, but one short peale before the buriall, and another short peale after the buriall, without any other superfluous or supersticious ring∣ing. And whether on all Saintes daye after Euening praier, there be any ringing at all, or any other supersticious ceremonie vsed, tending to the maintenaunce of Popishe purgatorie, or of prayer for the deade, and who they be, that vse the same. And whether there be any ringing, or knolling of belles on sundayes or holy dayes, betwene morning prayer, and the Letanie, or in a∣ny time of the common prayer, reading of the Homelies, or of preaching, except one Bell in conuenient time to be rong or tol∣led before the Sermon, or any other ringing vsed vpon Saintes éeues or festiuall dayes, sauing to common prayer, and that with∣out excesse, and who doth ring or knolle otherwise? 10 Whether your Person or Uicar, haue preached, or cause to be duely preached in your Church, his quarterly, or monethly Sermons, as by the Quéenes Iniunctions he is bounde, and what be the names of such, as haue preached for him, and whe∣ther he hath admitted any man to preach, not hauing sufficient licence, or hath inhibited or letted anye from preaching, hauing sufficient licence? 11 Whether any Person or Persons, not being ordred at the least for a Deacon, or licenced by the Ordinarie, do say common prayer openly in your Church or Chappell, or anye not being at the least a Deacon, doe solemnise Matrimonie, or administer the Sacrament of Baptisme, or deliuer vnto the Communicants the Lordes Cup, at the celebracion of the holye Communion, and what he, or they be, that so doe. And whether the Person, Uicar, or Fermer of your benefice, do cause or suffer, any Curat or Mi∣nister to serue your Church, before he be examined, and admit∣ted by the ordinarie, or his deputie in writing, and doe shewe his licence to the Churchwardens, and whether any Curat doe serue two Cures at one time, without the speciall licence of the Ordi∣narie, or his deputie in that behalfe, in writing first had? 12 Whether your Person, Uicar, or Curat, doe euerie Sun∣day, when there is no Sermon, reade distinctly and playnly some parte of the Homilies, prescribed and set forth by the Quéenes authoritie to be read, and euery holy day, when there is no Ser∣mon immediatly after the Gospell, openly, plainely, and distinct∣ly, recyte to his Parishioners, the Lordes prayer, the Articles of the fayth, and the tenne Commaundements in english, and whe∣ther anye Minister not admitted by the Ordinarie, or by other lawfull authoritie, doe erpounde any scripture, or matter of doc∣trine, by the way of exhortation, or otherwyse, and thereby omit and leaue of the reading of the Homelies? 13 Whether your Person, Uicar, or Curat doe euery Sunday and holy day, openly in the Church call for, here, and instruct all the Children, Apprentises, and seruaunts of both sexes, that be of conuenient age within your Parish, or at the least so many of them by course, as the time will serue, and as he may well heare and instruct, for halfe an houre at the least, before or at the eue∣ning prayer, in the tenne Commaundementes, the Articles of the beliefe, and the Lords prayer, and diligentlye examine and teach them the Catechisme, set forth in the booke of common prayer. And whether for that purpose, he doth take the names of them all, and by course call certaine of them by name euery sun∣day, & holy day, to come to the teaching of the same Catechisme? 14 Whether all fathers and mothers, maysters, and dames of your Parishe, cause their children, seruauntes and apprentises, both mankinde and womankind, being aboue seuen yeres of age, and vnder twentie, which haue not learned the Catechisme, to come to the Church on Sundayes and holydayes, at the tymes appointed, or at the least such and so manye of them, as your minister shall appoynt, and there diligently and obediently to heare and to be ordered by the minister, vntill such tyme, as they haue learned the same Catechisme, and what be the names of those, that doe not cause their children, seruaunts, and apprentises, so to come to the church, to be instructed and examined, and howe many of the sayde children, sruaunts, and apprentises be in your Parish, which being aboue seuen yeares olde, and vnder twentie yeares of age, can not saye by heart the sayde Catechisme, and what be their names and age, and with whom they dwell. 15 Whether your Person Uicar, Curate, or other Minister in your Church or Chappell, hath admitted to the receyuing of the holy Communion, any open and notorious sinner, or euill liuer, by whom the congregation is offended, without due penance first done, to the satisfaction of the congregation, or any malicious per∣son, that is out of charitie, or that hath done any open wrong to his neighbour by worde or déede, without due reconciliation first made to the partie that is wronged? 16 Whether your person, vicar, curate, or minister, hath ad∣mitted to the holy Communion any of his Parishe, being aboue twentie yeares of age, eyther mankind or womankind, that can∣not say by heart the ten Commaundements, the Articles of the fayth, and the Lordes prayer in English, and what be the names of such, as cannot say the same, or being aboue fourtéene yeares, and vnder twenty yeares of age, that can not say the Catechisme, set forth in the sayde booke of common prayer. And whether he marry any persons, which were single before, that cannot say the Catechisme. And whether he vseth to examine his Parishioners at conuenient tymes before he administer vnto them, and name∣ly before Easter yearely, to the intent he maye knowe, whether they can say by heart the same, which is required in this behalfe, or no? 17 Whether your Priestes and Ministers be peacemakers, and no brawlers, or sowers of discorde, and exhort their Parishio∣ners to obedience towardes their Prince, and all other, that be in authoritie, and to charitie and mutuall loue among themselues, whether they be diligent in visiting the sick, and comforting them, and doe mooue them earnestly, especially when they make theyr Testaments, to consider the necessitie of the poore, and to giue to their boxe or chest, their charitable deuotion and almose? 18 Whether they neglect the studie of the holye Scriptures and of the worde of God, and whether such of them as be vnder the degrée of a mayster of Arte haue of their owne, at the least the newe Testament, both in English and Latine, and whether they doe euery day with good aduisement conferre one Chapter of the Latine and English togither at the least. And whether they haue giuen due accompt thereof, and to whome? 19 Whether anye of your persons, vicars, curates, or mini∣sters be fauourers of the Romishe or forreyne power, letters of true religion, preachers of corrupt and Popishe doctrine, or main∣teyners of sectaryes, or doe set forth and extoll vaine and supersti∣cious religion, or be mainteyners of the vnlearned people in igno∣raunce, and errour, encouraging or moouing them, rather to pray in an vnknowne tongue, than in Englishe, or to put their trust in a certain number of prayers, as in saying ouer a number of beades, Ladie Psalters, or other like? 20 Whether any doe preach, declare, or speake any thing in derogation of the booke of common prayer, which is set forth by the lawes of this Realme, dispraysing the same, or any thing ther∣in contained? 21 Whether your persons, vicars, & curates, haue twise in the yere vpon some Sundaye within one Moneth next after Easter and Michaelmasse, read openly in the church, after the gospell be said, plainly without addition or chaunge, a declaratiō of certaine principall articles of religion set forth by both the Archbishops, and the reast of the Bishops of this realme for vnity of doctrine? 22 Whether your person, vicare, curate, minister, or reader, doe church any vnmaried woman, which hath bene gotten wyth childe out of lawfull mariage, & say for hir the forme of thankesgi∣uing of women after childbirth, except such an vnmaried woman haue either before hir childbirth, done due penaunce for hir fault to the satisfaction of the congregation, or at hir comming to giue hankes, doe openly acknowledge hir fault before the congrega∣ion, at the appoyntment of the Minister, according to order pre∣scribed to the sayde Minister, by the Ordinarie or his Deputie, the same churching to be had alwayes on some Sunday or holye day, and vpon none other day? 23 Whether any of your Persons, Uicars, Curates, or Mi∣nisters, or any other Priest, or any lay man or woman, doe wil∣fully maintayne, or defende any heresies, false opinions, or popish errours, contrarie to the lawes of almightie God, and true doc∣trine, by publique authoritie in this realme nowe set forth, and what be their names. And whether any kéepe any secret conuen∣ticles, preachings, lectures, or redings contrarie to the law. And what be their names? 24 Whether there be any in your Parish, that openly, or pri∣uatly say Masse, or heare Masse, or any other kinde of seruice, or prayer, than is set fourth by the lawes of this Realme. 25 Whether any popish Priestes, or runnagat persons, misli∣kers, or deprauers of true religion, that doe not minister, or fre∣quent common prayer now vsed, nor communicate at tymes ap∣poynted by the law, doe resort secretly or openly into your Pa∣rish, and to whome, and of whome be they receyued, harbored, and releeued, and what be their names and surnames, or by what names are they called? 26 Whether your Persons and Uicars, be resident and dwell continually vpon their Benefites, doing their dueties in prea∣ching, reading, and ministring the Sacramentes, and whether they kéepe hospitalitie, according as their lyuinges will extende, And whether their houses and Chauncelles be well repayred and vpholden? 27 Whether they or any of them haue mo Benefices than one, how many, and in what countries they be, and what be the names thereof? 28 Whether they, when they be absent from their Benefices, doe leaue their cures to a rude and vnlearned Person, and not to an honest, and well learned expert Curate, which can, and will teach the people wholsome doctrine, and whether in their absence they doe procure learned men to Preach in their Churches, and Cures, at least one Sermon euery quarter of a yere? 29 Whether such Persons and Uicars as be not resident, nei∣ther kéepe hospitalitie, doe reléeue their poore Parishioners, and what giue they yerely to them, and if they be not resident, and may dispende yerely twentie poundes or aboue, eyther in this di∣ocesse, or else where, whether doe they distribute euerie yeare among their poore parishoners, at the least the fortieth part of the fruites of their benefices, where they be not resident? 30 Whether your Persons, Uicars, Curates, and Ministers, kéepe well their Registers of all Weddinges, Buryinges, and Christnings within your Parishe, and doe present a coppie of them once euery yere, by Indenture to the ordinarie, or his of∣ficers. And whether they rede the Quéenes Maiesties Iniuncti∣ons euery quarter of a yere once, or no? 31 Whether they, or any of them, kéepe any suspected women in their houses, or be incontinent persons, giuen to Dronken∣nesse, Idlenesse, or be haunters of Tauernes, Alehouses, or sus∣pected places, or be hunters, haukers, dicers, carders, Tablers, Swerers, or otherwise suspected of any notorious crime, or giue any euill example of lyfe, and whether they (as they ought to doe) occupie themselues in the reading, or hearing of some part of the holy scripture, or other good Author, or in some other godly or lau∣dable exercyse, méete for their vocation? 32 Whether they, or any of them, doe kéepe or suffer to be kept in their Personage or Uicarege houses, any Alehouses, Tip∣pling houses, or Tauernes, or doe sell Ale, Bere, or Wine? 33 Whether your Persons or Uicars, haue bought their Be∣nefices, or come to them by Simonie, fraude, or deceit, or by any colourable pact, or other vnlawfull meane whatsoeuer, or be vehe∣mently suspected or diffamed thereof. And whether they kéepe in their owne handes, or haue dimised, and let to ferme their Per∣sonages, and Uicareges, or their Glebe lande, or Tithes, or any part thereof, and whether any such lease be made for the per∣fourmaunce of any Simoniacall pact, made directly or indirectly, betwéene the Incumbent and the patrone, or betwéene the In∣cumbent and anye other person, for the presenting of the same Incumbent to that Benefice? 34 Whether any patrone of any Benefice, or other Person or Persons, hauing Thaduousion, or gift of any Benefice within this Dioces, haue couenaunted & practised with any priest or Mi∣nister, presented by him to any benefice, to haue of him, or his friende, any somme of readie money, for presenting him to the same, or haue exacted by promyse or bonde any lease, eyther of the whole benifice, limitting the rent farre vnder the iust value, or of the Mansion house, Glebe landes, or any portion of the Tithes, and fruites of the same Benefice, paying lytle or nothing there∣fore, or hauing reserued their owne Tythes, within the Benefice, frée vnto themselues, or else haue extorted some yerely pension, or other yerely commoditie to him, his childe, seruaunt, or friend, for preferring any to the same Benefice, or otherwise haue made againe by any colour, deceit, or Simoniacall pact, in bestowing the saide Benefice, and whether any such patrone or other Per∣son be vehemently suspected or defamed of any such Simonie, or Simoniacall pact? 35 Whether the Church of your Parishe be now vacant, and destitute of an incumbent, or no, and if it be, howe long it hath béene vacant, and who is the Patrone, and whether he suffereth the benefice to lye vacant, and occupieth the glebe lande, and ta∣keth the tythes, and other fruites to himselfe, during the time of the vacation, or who else occupieth and taketh the same? 36 Whether there bée any lay or temporall man, not béeing within orders, or any childe that hath, or enioyeth any benefice or spirituall promotion? 37 Whether any Priest or Minister be come into this Dioces, out of any other Dioces, to serue any cure here, without letters testimoniall of the Ordinary, from whence he came, to testifie the cause of his departing from thence, and of his behauiour there? 38 Whether for the reteyning of the perambulation of the cir∣cuite of your Parishe, the person, vicar, or curate, churchwardens and certaine of the substanciall men of the Parish, in the dayes of the Rogations, commonly called the gang dayes, walke the accu∣stomed bounds of your Parish, and whether in the same peram∣bulation, and going about, the curate doe vse any other rite or ce∣remonie, then to say or sing in English, the two Psalmes, begin∣ning, Benedic anima mea domino, that is to say, the .Ciij. psalme, and the .Ciiij. Psalme, and such sentences of Scripture, as be ap∣pointed by the Quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions, with the Letany, and Suffrages following the same, and reading one Homilie, al∣readie deuised and set foorth for that purpose, without wearing a∣ny Surplesses, carying of Banners, or Handbelles, or staying at Crosses, or other such like Popish ceremonies? 39 Whether anye Parishe Clarke be appoynted agaynst the good will, or without the consent of the person, vicar, or curate, whether he be not obedient to the person, vicar, or curate, especi∣ally in the time of celebration of diuine seruice, or of the Sacra∣ments, or in any preparation therevnto. And whether he be able, and readie to read the first Lesson, the Epistle, and the Psalmes, with aunswere to the suffrages as is vsed, and whether he kéepe not the bookes, and ornaments of the Church, fayre and cleane, and cause the Church and Quéere, the Communion Table, the Pulpet, and the Font to be made decent and cleane, agaynst ser∣uice time, the communion, sermon, and baptisme? 40 Whether there be any man or woman in your Parish that resorteth to any Popish priest for shrift or auricular confession, or any that within thrée yeares now last past, hath béene reconciled vnto the Pope, or to the church of Rome, or any that is reputed or suspected so to be, and whether there be any, that refuse to come to the Church to heare diuine seruice, or to communicate accor∣ding to the order now established by publicke authoritie, and what be their names? 41 Whether there be anye person or persons, ecclesiasticall or temporall within your Parish, or else where, within this Dio∣ces, that of late haue retayned, or kept in theyr custodie, or that read, sell, vtter, disperse, cary, or deliuer to others anye Englishe bookes, set forth of late yeares at Louain, or in any other place be∣yonde the seas, by Harding, Dorman, Allen, Saunders, Staple∣ton, Marshall, or any of them, or by any other Englishe Papist, eyther agaynst the Quéenes Maiesties Supremacie in matters ecclesiasticall, or agaynst true religion, and catholicke Doctrine now receyued, and established by common authoritie within thys Realme, and what their names and surnames are? 42 Whether there be any in your Parishe, that vseth to pray in English, or in Latine, vpon Beades, or other such like thing, or vpon any superstitious popishe, Primer, or other like booke, and what be their names? 43 Whether the people of your parish, especially housholders, hauing no lawfull excuse to be absent, doe faythfullye, and dili∣gently endeuour themselues, to resort with their Children and Seruauntes, to their parish Church or Chappell, on the holye dayes, and chiefly vpon the Sundayes, to Morning and Euening prayer, & vpon reasonable let thereof, to some vsuall place, where common prayer is vsed, and then and there abyde orderly and so∣berly, during the time of common prayer, Homelyes, Ser∣mons, and other seruice of God there vsed, reuerentlye, and de∣uoutly giuing themselues to the hearing thereof, and occupying themselues at times conuenient in priuate prayer, & who they be that eyther negligently or wilfully absent themselues, or come very late to the Church, vpon the Sundayes especially, or that walke, talke, or otherwise vnreuerently behaue themselues in the Church, or vse any gaming abrode, or in any house, or sit in the Stretes, or Churchyarde, or in any Tauerne or Alehouse vpon the Sundaye, or other holy day, in the time of common prayer, Sermons, or reading of the Homelies, eyther before noone, or after noone? 44 Whether the forfeyture of twelue pence, for euerye such offence, appoynted by a statute, made in the first yere of the Quéenes Maiesties raigne, be leuied and taken according to the same Statute, by the Churchwardens of euerye person that so offendeth, and by them be put to the vse of the poore of the parish, and if it be not, by whose default it is not leuied. And what per∣ticuler sommes of money haue béene forfaited that way, and by whome since the feast of Easter in the yere of our Lorde. 1570. vntill the day of giuing vp the presentment concerning these Ar∣ticles. And so from time to time, as the said Churchwardens and swornemen shall be appoynted to present in this behalfe, and how much of such forfeitures haue bene deliuered to the vse of the poore of the parish, and to whome the same hath béene deliuered? 45 Whether ye knowe any, that in the time of the reding of the Letanie, or of any other part of the common prayer, or in the time of the Sermon, or of reding the Homelies, or anye part of the Scriptures to the parishioners, any person haue departed out of the Church without iust and necessarie cause, or that distur∣beth the Minister, or preacher any maner of wayes in the time of diuine seruice, or Sermon. And whether any in contempt of their parish Church or Minister doe resort to any other church or no? 46 Whether there be any Inkéepers, Alewiues, Uitailors, or Tipplers, that suffer or doe admit any person or persons, in their houses to eate, drinke, or play at Cardes, Tables, or such lyke games in the time of common prayer or Sermon, on the Sun∣daies or holy daies. And whether there be anye Shoppes set o∣pen on Sundayes or Holy dayes, or any Butchers or others, that commonly vse to sell meate, or other things, in the time of com∣mon prayer, preaching or reding of the Homelies. And whe∣ther in any Faires or common Marketes, falling vpon the Sun∣day, there be any shewing of any wares before the diuine seruice be done? And whether any Markets or selling of any wares be vsed or suffred in any Church yardes? 47 Whether for the putting of the Churchwardens and Swornemen the better in remembraunce of their duetie in obser∣uing and noting such, as offend in not comming to diuine seruice, your Minister or reader doe openly euery Sunday, after he haue red the seconde Lesson at morning and euening prayer, monish and warne the Churchwardens and swornemen to looke to their charge in this behalfe, and to obserue who contrarie to the sayde Statute offende in absenting themselues negligently, or wilful∣ly from their parish Church or Chappell, or vnreuerently (as is aforesaide) vse themselues in the time of diuine seruice? 48 Whether the Churchwardens of the last yeare haue gi∣uen to the parish a iust accompt of the church goodes and rentes that were committed to their charge, according vnto the custome that hath béene afore time vsed, and what church goodes they or any other haue solde, and to whome, and whether to the profite of your church or no? And what hath béene done with the money thereof comming? 49 Whether the churchwardens, and swornemen of the last yere, haue of any priuat corrupt affection concealed any crime, or other disorder in their time done in your parishe, and haue not presented the same to ye Bishop, Chauncelor, Archedeacon, Com∣missarie, or such other as had authoritie to reforme the same, and whether they or any of them, at any such time, as they shoulde haue béene at diuine seruice on Sundaies, or Holy dayes, and shoulde there haue obserued others, that were absent, haue béene away themselues at home, or in some Tauerne, or Alehouse, or else about some worldly businesse, or at Bowles, Cardes, Tables, or other gaming, without regarde of their office and duetie in that behalfe? 50 Whether any man hath pulled downe or discouered any church, chauncell, or chappell, or any part of anye of them, any church porche, Uestrie, or Stéeple, almose house, or such like, or haue plucked downe the Belles, or haue felled or spoyled anye wood or timber in any church yarde? 51 Whether your Hospitals, Spittles and almose houses be well and godly vsed according to the foundation and auncient or∣dinances of the same, whether there be any other placed in them, than poore impotent and néedie persons, that haue not where∣with, or whereby to liue? 52 Whether haue ye Collectors for the poore of your Parish, whether doe they their duetie in gathering and distributing the almose of the parishoners, according to a statute thereof made in the fift yeare of the Quéenes Maiesties raigne, and make a iust accompt thereof quarterly, what sommes of money the Churchwardens or sworne men of the last yeare haue leuied, and delyuered to the sayde Collectors of the forfeytures of such persons, as haue not duely resorted to their Parishe Church or Chappell, vpon Sundayes and Holydayes, during the time that they were in office, bringing a true certificate in wryting therof from the sayde Collectors, at such time as ye giue vp your pre∣sentment? 53 Whether there be any person or persons in your Parishe of habilitie, that obstinatly or frowardly refuse to giue reasona∣bly towards the helpe and reliefe of the poore, or doe wylfully dis∣courage others from so charitable a déede, and what be their names, and what sommes doth anye of them withdrawe, which he or shée before was wont to giue, there being no iust cause so to doe? 54 Whether there be any in your Parishe, that minister the goodes of those that be dead, without lawfull authoritie, or anye that suppresse the last will of the dead, or any executors, that haue not fulfilled their testators will, specially in paying of Legacies giuen to the Church, or to other good and godly vses, as to the re∣liefe of pouertie, to Orphanes, poore Scollers, poore Maydes ma∣riages; high waies, Scooles, and such lyke? 55 Whether there be any, which of late haue bequeathed in their testaments, or otherwise anye Ordinarie hath appoynted any Iewels, Plate, Ornamentes, cattle, or graine, or other mooueable stocks, Annuities, or sommes of money for the erection or finding of any obittes, diriges, trentales, torches, lights, Ta∣pers, Lampes, or any such lyke vse now by lawe forbidden, which are not payde out of any landes, and wherevnto the Quéenes Maiestie, is not entitled, by any Acte of Parliament, and if there be any such Legacie or appointment, what is the names of such testators, and of the executors of their Testamentes, what is the quantitie and qualitie of the gift, and to what godlye and lawfull vse is the same conuerted and employed? 56 Whether there be any money or stocke appertayning to your Parishe Church or Chappell, or to the poore of your Pa∣rishe, in any mans handes, that refuseth or deferreth to pay the same, or that vseth frawde, deceit or delay to make any accompt in the presence of the honest of the Parishe for the same. And whether any such stock be decayed, by whose negligence, and in whose handes. And whether the store of the poore mens Box be openly, and indifferently giuen where néede is, without partiall affection? 57 Whether the Schoolemasters which teach within your Parish, eyther openly or priuately in any Noble or Gentlemans house, or in any other place there, be of good and sincere religion, and conuersation, and be diligent in teaching and bringing vp of youth, whether they be examined, allowed, and licenced by the Ordinarie or his officer in that behalfe, whether they teach the Grammer set forth by King Henry the eyght of Noble memory, and none other, whether they teach any thing contrarie to the order of religion now established by publick authoritie. And whe∣ther they teache not their Schollers the Catechisme in Latine, lately set forth, and such Sentences of Scripture, as shall be most expedient, and méete to moue them to the loue and due reuerence of Gods true religion, nowe truely set forth by the Quéenes Maiesties authoritie, and to induce them to all godlinesse and ho∣nest conuersation, and what be the names and surnames of all such Schoolemasters and teachers of youth within your Parish, as well of such as teach publikely, as those that teach in the hou∣ses of Noble men, Gentlemen, or other priuate men? 58 Whether there be anye among you that vse Sorcerie, Witchcraft, or inchauntment, Magick, incantations or Nigro∣mancie, or that be suspected of the same, and whether anye vse any charmes or vnlawfull prayers, or inuocations in Latine, or otherwise, and namely Midwiues in the tyme of womens tra∣uaile of childe, and what be their names? 59 Whether there be among you anye blasphemers of the name of God, great or often swearers, adulterers, fornicators, incestuous persons▪ Bawdes or receyuers of noughtie and incon∣tinent persons, or harborers of women with childe which be vn∣maried, conueying or suffering them to go away before they doe any penaunce, or make satisfaction to the congregation, or any that be vehemently suspected of such faultes, or that be not of good name and fame touching such crimes and faultes, any dron∣kards, or ribalds, or any that be malicious, contentious, or vn∣charitable persons, common slaunderers of their neighbors, ray∣lers, scolders, or sowers of discorde betweene neighbors? 60 Whether there be any in these partes, that haue maried within the degrées of affinitie or consanguinitie, by the lawes of God forbidden, so set out for an admonition, in a table nowe ap∣pointed to be affixed in euerie Parishe church within this Dio∣ces, or any that being diuorsed or seperated for the same, doe yet notwithstanding cohabite and kéepe companie still togither, or any that being maried without those degrées, haue vnlawfully forsaken their wiues or husbands, and maried others. Any man that hath two wiues, or any woman that hath two husbandes, any that being diuorced or seperated a sunder, haue maried a∣gaine. Anye maried, that haue made precontracts. Anye that haue made priuie or secret contracts. Any that haue maried with∣out baines thrise solemnly asked. Any cupples maried, that lyue not togither, but slaunderously liue apart. Any that haue maried out of the Parishe church, where they ought to haue solemnised their mariage? 61 Whether the Minister and Churchwardens haue suffe∣red any Lordes of Misrule or Sommer Lordes or Ladies, or any disguised persons, or others in Christmasse, or at May games, or any Morice dauncers, or others at rishe bearings, or at anye other times, to come vnreuerently into the church, or churchyard, and there to daunce, or playe any vnseemely partes with scoffes, iestes, wanton gestures, or ribalde talke, namely in the time of common praier. And what they be that commit such disorder, or accompanie or maintaine them? 62 Whether the Archedeacon, Chauncelor, Commissarie, officiall or anie other vsing Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in this Di∣oces, their Registrares or Actuaries, Apparitors or Summo∣ners, haue at any time winked at and suffered anye adulteries, fornications, incestes, or other faultes and offences, to passe and remaine vnpunished, and vncorrected, for money, rewardes, bribes, pleasure, friendship, or any other parciall or affectionate respect, or anie of them haue béene burdensom to anie in this Dioces, by exacting or taking excessiue fées, excessiue procura¦tions, anie rewardes, or commodities, by the way of promotion, gift, contribution, helpe, redemption of penaunce, omission of quarter Sermons, obtaining of any benefices, or office, or anie other like wayes or meanes? 63 How many Adulteries, Incestes, and Fornications, are notoriously knowne to haue béene committed in your Parishe, since Easter. 1570. How many offenders in any such faultes haue béene put to open penaunce, and openly corrected, and how many haue béene winked at, and borne withall, or haue fined and payed money to the Archedeacon, Chauncelor, Commissarie, Officiall, or their deputies, or to the Deanes, Registrares, or Somners, or any of them, for to escape open punishment, and correction: And what their names 64 Whether the Deanes Rurals, and Somners, of them doe pay any annuall rent, fée, or pention for their offices, and what they pay, and to whome? 65 Generally whether therebe among you, any notorious e∣uill liuers, or any suspected of any notorious sinne, fault or crime, to the offence of Christian people committed, any that stubborne∣ly refuse to conforme themseues to vnitie and godly religion, now established by publike authoritie, or any that bruteth abrode ru∣mors of the alteration of the same, or otherwise that disturbeth good orders, and the quietnesse of Christs Church, and the Chri∣stian congregacion. YE shall sweare by Almightie God, that ye shall diligently consider all and euery the Articles gyuen to you in charge, and make a true aunswere vn∣to the same in writing presenting all & euery such person and persons, dwel∣ling within your Parish, as haue committed any offence or fault, or made any default, mentioned ni any of the same Articles, or which are vehemently sus∣pected or diffamed of anye such offence, fault or default, wherein ye shall not present any person or persons, of any euill will, malice or hatred▪ contrarie to the truth, nor shall for loue, fauour, mede, dreade or anye corrupt affection, spare to present any, that be offendours, suspected or diffamed in any of these cases, but shal doe vprightly, as men hauing the feare of God before your eyes and desirous to maintaine vertue, and suppresse vice. So God helpe you.
A00268.P4	Articles to be enquired off, within the prouince of Yorke, in the Metropoliticall visitation of the most reuerend father in God Edwin Archbishoppe of Yorke, primate of England and Metropolitane. In the .xix. and .xx. yeare, of the raigne of our most gratious souereigne Lady Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, Fraunce and Ireland Queene, defendor of the fayth, &c. 1577. &. 1578.	[ "Church of England. Province of York. Archbishop (1576-1588 : Sandys)", "Sandys, Edwin, 1516?-1588." ]	[1578?]	By [H. Denham for?] William Seres,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Early works to 1800.", "Visitations, Ecclesiastical -- England." ]	FIrst whether Commō praier be sayd in your church or chappel vpon the Sundaies & holy dayes at con∣uenient houres, reuerently, distinctly, and in such order without any kinde of alteration, as is appoynted by the booke of Commō prayer? And whether your Minister so turne himselfe, and stande in such place of your Church or Chauncell, as the people may best here the same? And whether the holy Sacraments be duely and reue∣rently ministred in such manner, as is set foorth by the same booke? And whether vpon wednesdayes and Fri∣daies, the Letany and other prayers be sayd accordingly, & the comminatiō against sinners redde thryce yearely. 2 Whether you haue in your Church or chappell, all things necessarie and requisite for common prayer & administration of the holy Sacramentes, specially the booke of Common prayer with the newe Kalender, the Psalter, the Bible of the largest volume, the Homilies, bothe the firste and seconde Tome, a comely and de∣cent Table standing on a frame, for the Communion Table, with a fayre linnen cloth to lay vpon the same, and some coueringe of Silke, Buckram or other such like, for the cleane kéeping thereof, a fayre and comely Communion Cup of Siluer, and a couer of Siluer for the same, which may serue for the administration of the LORDES BREAD, a comely large Surples with wyde sléeues, and of fine lynnen cloth for your Minister to weare, & all other things necessary for the premisses, with a comely pulpet conueniently placed, and also a Chest or Boxe for the poore? 3 Whether your Person, Vicar or Curate, at all tymes in saying the common prayer vpon sundayes and holydayes, and in administring of the Sacraments, doth vse and weare the Surples, yea or no? or doe suffer any other to saye the common prayer, or minister either of the Sacraments in your Church, not wearing the same? 4 Whether any Person or persons not being or∣dered at the least for a Deacon, or lycenced by the Ordi∣nary, do saye common prayer openly in your Church or Chappell, or any not being at the least a Deacon, do so∣lemnize Matrimonie, or administer the Sacrament of Baptisme, or deliuer vnto the communicants the Lords Cup at the celebration of the holy communion, & what he or they be that so do? And whether the Person, Vi∣car, or Farmer of your benefice, doe cause any Curate to serue your Church before he be examined and admit∣ted by the Ordinary, or his deputie in writing? 5 Whether your Person, Vicar or Curate, hath or doth maintaine any doctrine contrary or repugnant to any of the Articles agréed vpon by ye Clergie in the Con∣uocation holden at London, Anno Domini. 1562. And whether they haue publikely or secretly taught any doc∣trine tending to the discredit and disprayse eyther of the Booke of common prayer, or of the receiued order, for gouernment in the Church, or make any other innoua∣tion? And whether they haue permitted any man so teaching or making such innouation, and what be their names? 6 Whether your Person or Vicar haue any mo benefices than one, how many, and in what countrie be they, and what are theyr names, and who is the Pa∣trone of his benefice or benefices. And whether he be re∣sident vpon his benefice, and kéepe hospitalitie or no, and if he be absēt, whether he doth relieue his parishioners, and what he giueth them, and if he may dispend twenty pounde or aboue by yeare, and be not resident, whether he doth distribute the .xl. part of the benefice where he is not resident among the poore of the Parish, or no? And whether any vittaling, typling, or ale selling be had and kept within the mansion house of any Person or Vicar. 7 Whether any person or persons be admitted to aunswere as Godfathers or Godmothers at the Christe∣ning of any childe, except he or she haue before receiued the holy communion, and can say by heart the Articles of the Christian faith, the ten commaundements of God, and the Lords prayer▪ and will recite the same before the Minister, if he or she be therevnto required? 8 Whether for the retayning of the perambulation of the circuite of your parish, the Minister and Clarke, with the Churchwardens, and certaine of the substanti∣all men of the parish in the dayes of Rogations, walke about your parish according to the Quéenes Maiesties Iniunctions? 9 Whether the Register booke of al Christenings, Mariages, and Burialls, that happē in your parish from tyme to tyme, be duely kept and the same Christenings, Mariages, and Burialls, entred into the same Booke by your Minister, according to the Quéenes Maiesties In∣iunctions? And whether ye haue one Coffer with two lockes, for the kéeping of the same Register Booke, or no? 10 Whether your Person, Vicar, or Curate, doe kéepe any suspected woman in his house, or be an incon∣tinent Person, giuen to dronkennesse, or idlenesse, or be a haunter of Tauerns, Alehouses, or suspected places, a Hunter, Hawker, Dicer, Carder, Tabler, Swerer, or o∣therwyse giue any euill example of lyfe? And whether his apparell be comely and graue? And whether he be diligent in visiting the sicke, especially if he be therevn∣to required? 11 Whether when any christiā body is in passing, the Bell be tolled, to moue the people to pray for the sick person, especially in the greater townes, where the sicke person dwelleth néere vnto the church? & whether after the tyme of his or hir passing out of this world, ther be any more ringing but one short peale before the buriall and another short peale after the buriall? And whether on all Saints day after Euening prayer, there be any ringing at all in your Church or Chappell, or any other superstitious ceremonies vsed, tēding to the maintenāce of the popish purgatorie, or praying for the dead, & who they be that vse or doe the same? And whether there be any ringing on Sundayes or holy dayes in the seruice tyme, or betwene morning prayer and the Letany, or at any other times, contrary to good order or lawe? 12 Whether your Minister do at the least euery second Sunday, & euery holy day openly in the Church, (especially when it is fayre weather) here, examine, and instruct the children, apprentices, and seruaunts of both the sexes, that be of conuenient age within your parish, in the Catechisme allowed and set foorth with certaine additions, or at the least so many of them by course as cannot say the same by hart, and as he may well heare and instruct, for an houre at the least before or after the Euening prayer? And whether for that purpose he doth take the names of them all, and by course call certaine of them by name euery seconde sunday and holy days to come to the teaching of the same Catechisme, vntyl they haue learned the same? 13 Whether all fathers, mothers, masters, and dames, of your parish, cause theyr children, seruaunts, apprentizes, both mankinde & womankinde, being abou sixe yeares of age & vnder twentie, which have not lear∣ned the Catechisme, to come to the Church on the Sun∣dayes and holy dayes, at the times to them appointed, or at the least such and so many of them as your Mini∣ster shall appoint, and there diligently and obediently to heare, and to be ordred by the minister vntill such tyme as they haue learned the same Catechisme, and what be the names of those that do not cause theyr children, ser∣uaunts, and apprentices so to come to the Church to be instructed and examined, and how many of the sayd chil∣dren, seruauntes & apprentices, be in your parish, which being aboue seauen yeares olde, & vnder twentie yeares of age, cannot saye by heart the sayde Catechisme, and what be their names and age, and with whome they dwell? 14 Whether your Person or Vicar hath preached or caused to be preached foure sermons at the least eue∣ry yeare in your Church and what be the names of him or those that so did preach? and whether they were law∣fully licenced so to preach, if any other than your Per∣son or Vicar did preach the same? and whether if ther be no Sermon, your Minister do reade for the moste part euery Sunday distinctly and plainlye, some part of the Homelies appointed to be reade? And whether any Minister not admitted by the Ordinary, do expounde a∣ny scripture or matter of doctrine, by way of exhortati∣on or otherwyse, and thereby omit and leaue off the rea∣ding of the Homilies already set out. 15 Whether your Minister hath admitted to the receiuing of the holy Communion, any open and noto∣rious sinner or euill liuer, by whome the congregation is offended, without due penance first done, to the satis∣faction of the cōgregation. Or any malicious person yt is notoriously known to be out of charitie, or yt hath done any open wrōg to his neighbour, by word or déede, wtout due reconciliation first made to the partie that is wron∣ged, according as is required by the Booke of common prayer? 16 Whether your Minister hath admitted to the holy Communion any of his parish being aboue twenty yeares of age, either mākinde or womankinde, that can not say by heart the ten commaundements, the articles of the fayth, & the Lordes prayer, or being aboue twelue yeares and vnder twentie yeares of age, that cannot say by heart the sayde Catechisme? And whether he marry any persons which were single before, that cannot saye the sayde Catechisme? And whether he vseth to examine his parishioners at conuenient tymes, to the intent he may know whether they can say the same which is re∣quired or no? 17 Whether your Minister doe Church any vn∣maryed woman after they haue bene deliuered of theyr children begotten vnlawfully, before they haue acknow∣ledged theyr faultes openly, occording to the order pre∣scribed by the Ordinarie, or his deputie? 18 Whether there be any in your parish, man or woman, being of conuenient age, that hath not receiued the holy Communion thrice at the least this last yeare, and namely at Easter last or ther about for once, & what be theyr names? And for what cause they do abstayne from the holy Communion? And whether yearely be∣fore Easter at conuenient tymes, & namely on Sundayes in Lent at afternoone, or such other dayes in the wéeke next before Easter, such of your parishioners as the Person, Vicar, or Curate shall appoint, & require to come vnto him, do come and recite vnto him the Catechisme, or at the least, the Lordes prayer, the articles of the chri∣stian beliefe, and the ten cōmaundements by hart in En∣glish, and if any so required do wilfully and stubburnely refuse to come & recite the same? Whether the Church∣wardens and sworne men or any of them do assist the Minister therein, that such stubburne persons may be re∣buked and expelled from the communion at that tyme, and so presented to the Ordinarie? 19 Whether the people of your parishe, especially householders, hauing no lawfull excuse to be absent, doe faithfully and diligently endeuor themselues to resorte with their children and seruants to their parish Church or Chappell on the holydayes, & chiefly vpon Sundaies, to Morning and Euening prayer, and vpon reasonable let therof to some other Church or Chappell, wher com∣mon prayer is vsed, and then and there abide orderly & soberly during the time of common prayer, Homelies, preachings, and other seruice of God there vsed, reue∣rently and deuoutly giuing themselues to the hearing thereof, and occupying themselues at tymes conuenient in priuate prayer, and who they be that either negligēt∣ly or wilfully absēt themselues or come very late to the Church vpon Sundaies especially, or that walke, talke, or otherwise vnreuerently behaue themselues in the Church, or vse any gaming abroade, or pastime in anye house, or sit in the stréets or Churchyard, or in any Ta∣uerne or Alehouse vpon the Sunday or holydaye, in the tyme of common prayer, Sermon, or reading of the Ho∣melies, either before noone, or after noone? 20 Whether the forfeiture of twelue pence for euery absence from common prayer, appointed by a sta∣tute made in the firste yeare of the Quéenes Maiesties raigne, & set foorth in the beginning of the booke of com∣mon prayer, hath bene leuied and taken according to the same statute, by your Churchwardens of the last yeare, of euery person that so hath offended, and by them be put to the vse of the poore of the parish, and if it be not, by whose default it is not leuied, and what perticular summes of money haue bene forfeyted that way, and by whome, since Easter in ye yeare of our Lord 1575. vntill the daye of giuing vp the presentment concerning these Articles, and so from time to time as the sayd Church∣wardens and sworne men shall be appointed to present in this behalfe, and how much of such forfeytures haue bene leuied by the Churchwardens, and by them deliue∣red to the vse of the poore of the parishe, and to whome the same hath bene deliuered? 21 Whether your Church or Chappell & Chauncell, be sufficiētly repayred & clenly kept, & the mansion house of your Parson & Vicar, with ye buildings therevnto be∣longing, likewise sufficiently repayred, & your Church∣yarde well fenced and clenly kept, and if any of ye same be ruinous and in decay, through whose default it is so? whether the Churchwardens of the last yeare were en∣ioyned to haue repaired any part of the Church, or fen∣ced the Churchyard, & did neglect to do the same? 22 Whether there be any Inkéepers, Alewius, Vi∣tailers, or tiplers, that suffer or do admit any person or persons in their houses to eate, drinck, or play at cards, Tables, or such lyke games, in time of commō praier or Sermon on the Sundaies and holydayes? and whether there be any shoppes open on Sūdayes or holydayes, or there be any Butchers or others that vse to sell meate or other things in the tyme of cōmon prayer, preaching, or reading of the Homelies? And whether in any Faires or common Markets falling vpon the Sunday, there be any showing of any wares before the diuine seruice be done in the forenoone? 23 Whether for the putting of the churchwardens and sworn men the better in remembraūce of theyr du∣tie in obseruing & noting such as offend in not cōming to diuine seruice, your Minister or reader do openly eue∣ry Sunday after he haue read the second lesson at Mor∣ning and euening prayer, monish & warne the Church∣wardens & sworne men to looke to theyr charge in this behalfe, and to obserue who contrary to the sayde statute offende in absenting themselues negligētly or wilfully from their parish Church or Chappell, or vnreuerently as is aforesayd, vse thēselues in time of diuine seruice? 24 Whether the Churchwardens of the last yeare haue giuen to the parishe a iust account of the Church-goods that were committed to their charge, and what Church goods they haue solde, & to whome, and whether to ye profit of the Church or no? And whether any person suppresse the last wil of the dead, & performe not legacies bequethed to the Church, or to Orphanes, poore Maides mariages, high wayes, schooles, or any other godly vse? 25 Whether there be in your parish any that be ma∣licious, contencious, or vncharitable persons, séeking the vniust vexation of their neighbours, scoldes, common swearers, or blasphemers of the name of god, any forni∣catours, adulterers, incestous persons, bawdes, or recey∣uers of such incontinent persons, or harbourers of wo∣men with childe which be vnmaried, conueying or suf∣fering them to go away before they haue done any pe∣naūce, or make satisfactiō to ye cōgregation, or any persōs that are vehemētly suspected of such faults, or that be not of good name & fame, touching such crimes & faultes, any cōmon drūkards, ribawds, or other notorious euil liuers? 26 Whether there be any that be maried in degrées forbidden, or that haue maried two wiues, or two hus∣bands both liuing, or that liue not together with theyr wiues, and what be theyr names? any maried that haue made precōtracts, any that haue maryed without banes thrise solemly asked, or yt haue maried foorth of their pa∣rish church wher they ought to haue solēnised mariage? 27 Whether there be any man or woman in your parish that vseth witchcraft, Sorcery, Charmes, or vn∣lawfull prayer, or inuocations in Latine or English, or vpon any christian body, or beast, or any that resorteth to the same for counsell or helpe, & what be their names? 28 Whether any person or persons within your parish haue committed vsury, contrary to an Act against Vsury, made in the xxxvii. yeare of the raigne of the late King Henry the eight, and lately reuiued, and what are the names of such Vsurers? And what is the maner of their Vsury? 29 Whether the Scholemasters yt teach in your pa∣rish either openly, or priuateli in any Gentlemans house or others, be of a good & sincere religion & conuersation, & be diligēt in teaching of youth? whether they be exami∣ned, allowed, & licenced to teach by ye Ordinarie or his deputie? and whether they teach the Catechisme allowed & cōmaunded by ye now Archbishop of Caunterbury both in English and Latin vnto their scholers, accordinge to their capacities, and what be their names? 30 Whether there be any among you that is a hin∣derer of true religion, or a fautour of the romish power, or that stubburnly refuseth to come to the church, or to cōmunicate, or otherwise will not conforme himselfe to vnite & godly religion, set forth by cōmon authoritie, or any that wilfully or obstinately doth defend or maintain any heresies, errours, or false doctrine, cōtrary to the ho∣ly scriptures, and what be his or their names? 31 Whether in your churches & chappels all alters be vtterly taken down & cleane remoued euen vnto the foundation, & the place where they stoode paued, and the wall whervnto they ioyned, whited ouer, and made vni∣forme with the rest, so as no breach or rupture appeare? And whether your roode lofts be taken downe and alte∣red so, that the vpper parts therof with the soller or loft be quite taken down vnto the crosse beame, and that the said beame haue some conueniēt crest put vpon ye same? 32 Whether all & euery Antiphoners, masse bookes, grailes, portesses, processionals, manualles, legendaries, and all other bookes of late belonging to your church or chappell, which serued for ye superstitious latine seruice, be vtterly defaced, rent, and abolished, and if they be not, through whose default that is, & in whose kéeping they remaine? And whither all vestmentes, albes, tunicles, stoles, phanons, pixes, paxes, handbells, sacringbells, cen∣sers, chrismatories, crosses, candlestickes, holy water∣sticks, ymages, and such other reliques & monumentes of superstition and idolatry be vtterly defaced, broken, and destroied? And if not, where, and in whose custody they remaine? 33 Whether there be any man or woman in your parish, yt resorteth to any popish priest for shrift or auri∣culer cōfessiō, or any other within thrée yeares nowe last past hath bene reconciled vnto the Pope, or to ye church of Rome, or any yt is reputed or suspected so to be? And whether ther be any ye refuse to come to ye church to hear diuine seruice, or to cōmunicate accordīg to ye order now established by publique authoritie, and what be their names? 34 Whether there be any person or persons ecclesi∣astical or temporal within your parish or els wher with∣in this diocese, that of late hath reteyned or kept in their custody, or that reade, sell, vtter, disperse, cary, or deliuer to others any English bookes, set foorth of late yeares at Louain, or in any other place beyond ye seas, by Harding, Dorman, Allen, Sanders, Stapleton, Marshal, Bristow, or any of them, or by any other English papist, either a∣gainst ye Quéenes meiesties supremacy in matters eccle∣siastical, or against true religiō, & catholique doctrin now receiued & established by common authoritie within this realme, and what their names and surnames are? 35 Whether your Hospitals, spittles, & almesehouses be well & godly vsed according to the fundatiōs & aūcient ordinances of ye same? whether ther be any other placed in them then poore impotēt and néedy persons, that haue not wherewith or whereby to liue. 36 Whether ye Deanes Ruralles & Sumners, or any, of them do pay annual rent fée or pension for their offices, pay and to whom· Adulteries, Incestes, and For∣ni within your Parishe or of Easter 1577. How many bene put to open pe∣ how many haue ben aue fined and payed cellor, Commissarye, to the Deanes, Regi∣ to escape open punish∣ what theyr names and sur∣ che deacon, cōmissarie, officiall ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in or actuaries, apparitors or time wincked at, and suffered , incests, or other faultes maine vnpunished and vncor∣ bribes, pleasure, friendship, tionate respect, or any of thē in this dioces, by exacting excessiue procurations, any re∣, or any other like wayes, or the Archdeacon hath any Summer doth wéekely finde out offendors and before the Archdeacon, and whether the do heare or determine any matter other are presented by the church wardens and sworn his visitation den yearely next after the feast of the iurisdiction of a Bishop in Archdeacorie▪ Whether any morice dauncers, ish earers▪ any others haue come vnreuerntly in the church or churchyard, and there daunced, or played any vnséemely
A00271.P4	The copy of a letter lately vvritten by a Spanishe gentleman, to his freind in England in refutation of sundry calumnies, there falsly bruited, and spred emonge the people. The originall vvhereof vvas vvritten in Spanish, since the authors being in England, vvho by reason of a ship of those that miscaried of the late Armado, vvas taken, and there detained prisoner, vntill his deliuery by ransome. Now newly translated into Englishe, for the benefite of those (of that nation) that vnderstand not the Spanishe tounge.	[ "Verstegan, Richard, ca. 1550-1640." ]	Anno, M.D.LXXXIX. [1589]	Printed by J. Trognesius],	[Antwerp :	eng	[ "Great Britain -- History -- Elizabeth, 1558-1603 -- Early works to 1800." ]	GOOD Sir, and courteous freinde, since the tyme of my late de∣liuery from captiuitie, I haue often called to mynde, hovv de∣sirous I founde you, to vnder∣stand the truthe of our intentiō, thoughe litle doubtfull of the iustnesse of our cause: but seing the suspitious Iealousy of guilty conscyences, permitted not such conuersation as accordeth vvith humaine curtesy: and that free speach is theare so fatr intolerable, that men are examyned by torture, not ouly of there indifferent vvoordes, but euen of their very thoughtes, and future actions, I vvished oportuni∣tie to giue you satisfaction, but vsed silence, to auoyde your trooble. Well, seing it hathe since pleased God, to lend me lyf, liberty, and meanes to send vnto you (vvhich in so dangerous and vvatchfull a vvorld is moste difficill to be founde) I could not omitt to vvrite at this present, vvhereby your self, and such others, as to vvhome you may vvith safty commu∣nicate it, may be the better satisfied. It is to you very apparent, and vvel knovvne to the vvhole vvorld, hovv it hathe of late pleased God, to dispose of mens actions, according to his ovvne pleasure: vvhich vve vvill rather accepte as a punishment for our sinnes, then take for a discou∣ragement to our cause. Neither can our eni¦myes therein, receaue any occasion to be the more insolent, or to glory, in that they deserue not, sithe theire valour, neuer made our enterprise frustrate: themselues confessing, it vvas not donne by the puisance of man, but by the povver of God: vvhich they let not to say, may giue sufficient proof of their cause: not seeming to remember, hovv sundry examples can giue testimony, of diuers attempts misfortuned at the first, that aftervvard haue succe∣ded vvel: And of all others, that that of the chil∣dren of Israell is the moste notable: They being comaunded, at tvvo seuerall tymes, by God him∣self, to make vvar against the tribe of Beniamin,Iudic. cap. 20. vvere notvvithstanding at bothe those tymes ouer∣throvvne, vvho yet at the laste preuailed, to the great foile and confusion of there enimyes. And to giue you an example neerer home, you may reade,Polid. Vir∣gil. hovv the expedition that Iulius Ceaser made into England, not for that the Britaines had assisted his rebells robbed his treasure, or entruded them∣selues into his dominions: but only for that they had aydid the frenche, vvhen he made vvar against them: came at the first to no effect, yet vvere those Britaines no vvhit the more assured of securitie, for the yeare follovving he returned agai∣ne, and gat the victorie. God hathe punished vs for our sinnes vvhich are great, but the punishment of our faultes, excu∣seth not your far greater offences, your superiours must vvel knovve they haue deserued a plague, and their guilty consciences greatly feare to fynde it, hovvsoeuer they strugle and striue against God, as did Nemrode, vvhen vvith his Giants he buylded the tovvre of Babilon,Gene. cap. thincking there vvas no other way to ouerthrowe there designementes, then a newe inundation. Vaine are those persuasions of theirs, that our losses are irrecouerable, and that there remaineth for vs, neither hope nor comforte. Which yf it were so, yet are not they freed from deserued vengeance, and that it is not so, a litle tyme can make mani∣fest. Such speaches only argue, that they haue ma∣de a resolution to run on in all impiety, and to trie to the vttermoste, vvhether Gods puisance or their vngodly practises can moste preuaile: vvhere in they shall vvell fynde, that he can many wayes confounde the vvicked, vvhen themselues shall no vvay preuent it. Meane vvhyle, there outvvarde courage is mixte vvith invvarde care, and there fayned Ioy vvith restlesse iealousy: vvho in seeming to feare nothing, are seene to start at their ovvne shadovves. This intolerable feare is more manifested in your Englishe Gouernment, then in any state els in the vvhole vvorld: the great impression thereof enforcing them, to all their spyings abroade, and inquisitions at home: searchings of houses more at midnighte then at noone dayes, apprehensions, examinations, and such daily exercise, and practise of the racke, as neuer the like vvas hard of: still fyn∣ding by experience, that neuer more labour hathe bin employed to lesse purpose, those innocents only able to confesse no more, then that vvhich cō∣cerneth their ovvne religion and conscience: not∣vvithstanding all vvhich, the remedies remaining (rather to patche vp the state of a body so far in∣fected, then to cure an incurable disease) are prin∣cipally grounded, vpon extreme tyranny, and deepe dissimulation. Their tyranny is chiefly extended, to the Catho∣liques of your owne country, of whome very many before, and sundry since our disastre, they haue cruelly executed: and by false lying libells after there deathes, haue soughte to insinuate that they vvere of conspiracie vvith vs, albeit it pleased God to discouer this their great iniustice, euen in the very execution thereof, for tvvo of that nomber vvich vvere nexte after condemned to deathe for treason, condescending throughe frailty, to recant their religion, vvere forthvvith pardoned, and re∣stored to libertie. Which benefyte of lyf, all the others mighte aswell and as easely haue enioyed as they, yf the grace of God, had not in them bin the greater. Which euidently argueth for vvhat cause they vvere condemned, since recantation from treason, after or afore condemnation to death, I neuer knevve could saue a mannes lyf, yf him∣self list. Touching their dissimulation, being the groun∣de and substance of their, gouernment, and contey∣ning the infynite nombers of deceatfull practises, false fictions, and slaunderous lies, vvhich asvvell in the vvorld abroade, as also at home, they haue arti∣ficially exercysed, in euery action, is suche a labo∣rinthe to looke into, that it vvould rather require a vvhole volume, then a brief relation. I vvil there fore leaue the nomber of those vnto such as by longe experience, haue made better obseruation then my self: & for breuitie only sett dovvne, some fevve notable examples of their vntrue speaches, familiar to your selues, vvherevvith they haue foughte to make odious to the people, to calum∣niate and condemne, such as themselues pleased. By vvhich fevve you may receaue lighte to looke into the others, and to giue such credit to the like hereafter, as experience hathe prooued, the former to deserue. It may therefore please yon (amonge many late rumours of the lyke condition and qualitie) to cal to remembrance vvhat dispytefull pamphlets, and odious reportes, vvere bruited against the late duke of Northfolke, but you may vvel assure your self, that neuer any one man of sence belieued, that the said Duke euer intended, to haue fyred London in fovvre places. You haue hard of images of vvax hidden in the earthe, vvhereof bothe bookes and ballettes vvere spred aboute the country, that this vvas don by Catholiques, to consume the Queene, and some other: for the vvhich cause, one Hardinge a prote∣stant minister of Islington vvas apprehended, char∣ged that he vvas a Papist, moste cruelly racked, and vniustly condemned to death. And yon haue vn∣derstood aftervvard, that one Elkes another prote∣stant, confessed himself to haue bin the doer there of: yet not to destroy the Queene, but to obtaine the loue of some Londoners vvyf. So likevvise of that other shamful and ridicu∣lous rumour, raised against sundry honnorable Gentlemen, vvhich being a litle to folishly hādled by the accusers at the begining,The like vvas since bched by M. stafford but t vvoold not take. vvas for very shame in the end, lett fall and syncke avvay. Notvvith¦standing it vvas most terrible for the tyme, to heare tell, that the Queene, and the vvhole Courte, should haue bin blovvne vp vvith gonnpovvder, vvhich vvas said to be conueyed thether in trunc∣kes, and stravved vnder the rushes. An infynite nomber of suche like blazes haue bin made, amonge vvhich, the often kylling of the Queene, and the sundry plotts for the fyring of London, are no meane may-games. But hovv false and fayned soeuer they vvere, there turnes thereby haue bin serued to such purpose, that it hathe ex∣tended, euen to the losses of the liues and landes, of many of greatest vertue and honnour, in the whole Realme,Such deui∣s haue seued to exting he the Aun∣cient nobi∣l. vvhose innocencies and vniuste suffrings, equytie and truthe, attend tyme to discouer, hovv confidently soeuer in the meane vvhyle, vntruthes are reported: hovv generally they may happen to be belieued, and hovv daungerous it be for any man in their first aduancement, any vvay to insi∣nuate the contrary. The vviser sorte vvell seing by experience, vvhereunto all tendeth, are so suffi∣ciently vvarned by others harme, that they dare not but seeme to say and soothe, vvhatsoeuer is agreeable to the humours of their superiours. Wel knovving that any ly, be it neuer so absurd, must receaue free passage, yf so be, it fetche his first originall from the Courte. But to dravve to my intended purpose, and to come to that, which concerneth the honnour of my owne soueraigne, the Kinge Catholique of Spaine: In those particulers whereupon I knovv you expect my awnsvvere, of vvhose myld and sweete proceedings, albeit the whole vvorld hathe seene sufficient proof: vvhose very nature abhorreth ri∣gour, and vvhose compassionate mynde neuer seeketh reuēge: vvho pardoneth such offences, that to much mercy is rather his faulte, then to seuere iustice: and forgiueth the greatest contempts, that subiects can comitt against there soueraignes: yet is he not free from the venemous tonges of stinging vipers, nor exempt from the lying libells of the ma∣litious Englishe. Pardō me good Sir, that I speake of your nation as I haue cause, meaning only those that haue giuen the same: the foule mouthes of your ministers neuer spared to raile against his Ca∣tholique Maiesty, nor no contemptible rascall, to reuile him at his pleasure, nothing vvas more fre∣quēt then the defaming of my Kynge, nor nothing omitted that might make him most odious. It vvas made a very cleare case, that you should all haue bin broughte vnder the bondage of straungers. Who had deuyded your country amonge them, & alotted to themselues, the landes and lyuings, of all the nobilitie and Gentlemen of the Realme: That your wyues and daughters should be violated. That we broughte irons to mareke your Children vnder the age of seauen yeares, to the end they mighte be knowne, to be come of the people of a Conquered country. And that your Goods should be robbed and taken from you, &c. To ansvvere all which (since you somtyme vrged me, when the tyme nothing serued to giue you sa∣tisfaction) I am novv to desire you, firste to consi∣der, that the questiō vvhether his Catholique Maiesty, hathe iuste cause or not, to make vvar against England, is so cleare a case, that no man honest and vvise, can in his conscience doubte thereof. And yf vve looke back into former tymes, vve shall fynde great vvarres, inuasions, and conquests, achiued for farr lesse matters, then the longe taking parte vvith his rebells, or a nomber of other Englishe iniu∣ries, that can giue sufficient cause vnto our Kynge, all vvhich sinister dealings, haning bin long shado∣wed, & shrovvded vnder egregious dissimulations, are now lastly broken oute, into moste opē & appa∣rent iniustice, in the sighte of all the vvorld: and in such foule and shamlesse manner, as is odious to all honest myndes: by filching and stealing of his trea∣sure on the one syde, by sneaking, and encroaching, into his tovvnes and countries, on the other syde: all after a very vile and theevis he fassion. Hauing gayned by force, no one tovvne they hold, not skarsly defended and kepte by valour, such as his maiesties forces hathe besieged: althonghe by trea∣chery, periuty,At Bergues . and coosinage, they hauesomtyme preuented intended exploits. The iniuries then that his Maiesty hathe recey∣ued, beeing so many, and so manifest, that long since he hathe had cause to attempte that, where vnto of latter tymes, he hathe bin more and more pronoked. It esteth to regard, vvhether this cause be giuen him, by the superiours or subiects. That it should proceede from the people, noman can deeme, that it comes from the prince, noman can deny. Whether the reuenge of the faultes of a fewe, should generally extend to the vtter ruyne, & sub∣uersion of a vvhole nation, no reason can proue: neither hathe such reuenge bin alvvaies comon to pagans and infidells, muche lesse once ment by a Christian king, and most clement prince. Looke vvhether his proceedings haue bin tyrannous, to∣vvard any of his ovvne subiects: and vvhether euer any haue entred into more outragious rebellions, then those of the lovve countries, vvho after there longe misdemeamour, did at the lenghte euen vt∣terly renounce & abiure him: receyued the Duke of Alençon of fraunce, inuested him into the Duchie of Brabant, and svvare vnto him obedience. All vvhich actiōs of theirs, hauing had suche successe, as commonly ensueth the equity of such causes: and many of their cities, since reduced vnto his Maiesties obedience, no one man of them all, hathe for any his former offences bin executed. Truthe it is, that the Duke of Alua, did hereto∣fore vse some seueritie tovvards them, yet not other then they had deserued, and for one executed by him, your iustice of England vvould haue hāged an hundreth, yf the like case had bin theirs. But notvvithstanding that this vvas donne, by due and lawfull iustice, yet vvas it so farr disagreable to his Maiesties mynde, that the said Duke beeing called into Spaine: of all the Gouernours vvhich since that tyme haue bin sent thether, no one, nor they all, haue vsed any thing lyke, the lyke seueritie: albeit there offences since,There chei∣fest cause of rebellion vvas for heresy, vvhich no ne of their preuileges alovved. haue so farr exceeded there faultes afore, as the taking of armes (in defence of their priuileges, as they then vntruly spake) is dif∣ferēt from the denying there soueraigne, & electing another. Yet such grace and fauour do they fynde, euē at this day, that yeilding thēselues, and their ci∣ties vnder his obediēce: they are not only absolute∣ly pardoned,As those of S. Ger enbreg, &c. but vvhich is more meruelous, they are vvith great summes of mony ritchly revvar∣ded. And such subiects of his, that as rebells do yet remaine out vnpardoned, are themselues the cause thereof, because they seeke it not. It is further to be considered, that there is no Kynge in Europe, that hathe more different natiōs, of more diuers landes & languages to his subiects, then his Maiesty hathe. The entire Monarchie of Spaine, conteyning sundry kyngedomes, is gouer∣ned in one moste flourishinge and peaceable estate, and the Prouince of Portugall, newly anexed there vnto, remaineth in more better condition, then it was in other tymes afore. The nobilitie thereof, notwithstanding some resistance at the first, after that they had maturely cōsidered the cause, together with his maiesties mercyfull disposition, & lefte of to preferr the pretence of Don Anthonio: were not only receiued into his great grace and fauout, and confirmed in their owne auncient possessions, but were further gratifyed by his Maiesty, with sundry great honours and dignities. And the comon people eftsoones released of many great taxes and tributes, that their former princes had imposed vppon them. He hathe of Italians, those of the Kyngdomes of Napls and Sicilia, the duchie of Millan, and of di∣uers Iles of the Mediterraneum sea. He hathe Germaines, of the Duchie of Luxem∣bourge: And Burgundians, of the higher prouince: beeing all gouerned in great quyet, and farr better estate, then euer vnder any other, their former Prin∣ces. Hauing found no conquest, thraldome, muta∣tion, or inconuenience whatsoeuer to auoy them but fully enioy the comfortes and comodities of their countries, vnder the obedience of such a soueraigne, as hathe more better mighte & meanes to defend them, then any Prince his people in the world, moste free and farr from any lykelyhoode of rebellion. In which same obedience, his subiects of the Netherlandes, had doubtlesse longe liued, had they not bin situate so neere the noysome in∣fection of their Englishe neighbours, whose pernitious venim, hathe not only anoyed them, but also Frace, and Scotland, the nexte inhabitants on the ther sydes: And whose malice so exceedeth, were thr meanes according, that they would not leaue, neither Europe nor India, free from such infection. And for a further proof, of his Maiesties mylde nature, and benignitie, I shall desire you to conder, that there is nothing that can possibly, more moue and stir vp the indignation of a Prince, then the open disloyall and repugnant insolency, of his owne people. And that no subiects in our dayes, haue exceeded his, all the vvorld will wit∣nesse. Notwithstanding all which, looke whether any bloudy, cruel, or vnchristian desire of reuenge, hathe apeered in him, and looke whether it be pos∣sible that more lenity mighte be shewed vnto such, then his Maiesty hathe donne. The truthe whereof, beeing so apparent, plaine & manifest, I leaue vnto your owne self in cōscyēce to discerne whether thease examples of his Maiesties pro∣ceedings, will not sufficiently awnswere, vnto all the calumnies and lies, that his aduersaries can possibly inuent to make him odious. Looke whe∣ther after such a generall reuolt wherein so many had so iustly deserued to loose bothe their liues, & liuings, whether their lands are deuyded to straun∣gers, there wyues violated, their Children marcked with hot Irons, there goods robbed and taken from them, &c. Or rather, whether they do not liue in all securitie and quiet possession of their owne. And yf by reason of the restrainte of their trafique they are not presently in their former aboundance, they may wholly impute that vnto you, beeing the only cause theerof. But of the like compassion had of a Prince on his people, yon cannot shevve any examples paste or present, in the whole world. This Sweete and gratious disposition of his Ma∣iesty, beeing so publyke, & notorious, how is it pos∣sible, that euer such vnchristi cruelty, could more be intended to the Englishe nation, then to any others: or that any man offence can imagine, why he should more hate them, then any his owne treacherous and rebellious subiects. His great wisdome well seeing, and obseruing, that the originall of this rancour, principally proceedeth from some fewe in present aucthoritie, whose vngratious designes are executed by persons, neither of honour, nor honesty. And others of the vulgar sorte of people, who with applause of their superiours, concurr in thease courses: he can well discerne, rather to do it of litle discretion, then of great malice: themselues not beeing of capacitie, to consider the equitie, or iustnesse of the cause. And his Maiesty espetially considereth, that great multytudes, are ouer borne, by the impious tyranny, of powrable persons, ontwardly to con∣descend to that, which inwardly they contemne: sustayning contrary to the nature of so noble a Na∣tion, the generall reproche of particuler mens dishonorable actions: whose case doubtlesse, he dothe rather pittie, then desire to punish. All the world knoweth that his Maiesty hathe euer had a most singuler affection to the Englishe people, and your selues by experience haue per∣fectly found it. There could neuer kynge cōdescēd to cōditions more honorable & profitable for you, then his Maiesty did at his beeing in England. I suppose mōsieur of fraunce, in his late mocke ma∣riage, neuer offred you the like. His Maiesties actiōs were withoute dissimulatiō, as the cōsequēce well declared, for beeing maried to your Queene, and proclaymed Kynge, yet soughte not to setle him∣self in the Crowne: nor to possesse any portes, tow∣nes, or castells, in the whole countrie. But after the deceasse, of the moste vertuous Queene Mary his wyf, gaue place and quyet entrance vnto the Lady Elizabeth. Giuing also vnto her, all his said wyues Iewells, which himself mighte iustly haue claymed and kepte. And presently after her coming to the crowne, he then being vpon conditions to cōclude a peace with the frenche kynge, vppō the taking of S. Quintines, did moste earnestly stick, at the rēdringe of the towne of Calis, to the Englishe againe: she hauing at that present her ambassadors there, and as it seemed, for the same purpose, but after his Maiesty had so earnestly vrged this mat∣ter, that vnlesse it mighte be graunted there could be no accorde the french then flatly confessed, that notwithstanding the Englishe ontwardly solici∣ted for Calis: yet they had secretly assured them, that their Queene cared not therefore: which his Maiesty afterward founde so in dede, and per∣ceaued the fraude, that it imported. But to leaue thease deuyses, to other like dooble dealings, let vs returne to the tyme, when our Kinge remained with you in England: and see with what affable curtesy he entreated you, what great liberalitie he vsed to all sortes in generall, and what honorable pensions he gaue to all your Noble men in particu∣ler, with infinyte other fauours: among all which, the sauing of this womans lyf, who beeing co∣mitted, and in case to be condemned, not for reli∣gion, for she had and hard Masse,First vvith . pretending to be Catholique:After vvith o∣thers, as the letters found her testified. but for conspiringe of treason, and rebellion, against her soueraigne, and sister: was benefyte (as it seemeth) not best bestovved, bause it hathe bin woorst requyted, sundry other signes of his moste affectionate fauour, hath he shwed to your nation: and of all others the greatst is, that he hathe had so longe patience, to reuenge so many iniuries, as from thēce he hathe receyued, Notwithstāding all those, he hathe euer contynu∣ed his princely, benignity, neuer hurtig nor ha¦ting, the good for the euill, but relieuing nom∣bers with very large entretainements, who ha∣uing abandoned, the comodities of their country, for their conscyence, and religion, haue themselues to liue in his dominions. Yea his bounty and beneuolence, in very meere giftes, and liberalities, to sundry nations in generall, are so great: that he freely giueth away by the yeare, more then the Queene of England can yearely dispend. What should I be tedious to stand vppon those points, that his enemyes intend, to haue bin his intention: or the termes of tyranny, that euery hedge minister, can amplyfy against vs. That you should all haue bin broughte vnder the bondage of strangers, who had made deuision of your lands and lyuings amonge themselues, as thoughe all Spaine, and Portugall, the Indies, east and west, Italy, and the lowe Countries, yea almoste half the world, were so pestred with people: that there were no habitation lefte for vs, but that we must needes by daunger of sea and land, seeke to take it from you perforce: whereas you may well knowe, there hathe no necessitie constreyned vs, to abandon our landes, and liuings, in our owne naturall and ample country of Spaine, which we prefer before any septentrionall region. And albeit we were enforced to change our residence, yet can we make choise of many places, as frutefull and pleasant as England is, and obtaine them, with farr lesse difficulty. It may be, that this persuasion of danger to loose there landes, hathe moued sundry of your gentlemen of late dayes, to sell away theirs, and to purchase more assured credit, haue sett themselues forvvard in great brauery, to be seene in your seruice, for the which I doubte not, but they haue bin rewarded▪ with kynde courtly coun∣tenances: and are in possibilitie, so soone as occa∣sion shall require,Protections are the best revvards that they are to ex∣pect. with easy sute (for there full re∣compence) to obtaine protections, that no officer shall arrest them, when they shall haue lesse mony then land. Your impudent ministers, whose mouthes are made the trompets, to sounde oute vntruthes: can tell you as confidently, as had they bin of the Kyn∣ges counsell, into what great bondage you should haue bin broughte, and how-much you liberty, should haue bin abridged. Maruell not that these companions, call your reformation a conquest: and condemne the moste Clement Kynge of the world, of intended cruellty it behoueth them moste, to speake in this matter, and to exercyse to the vttermoste, the loudnes of their lying, because it concerneth aswell their owne benefyte, as those from whome they receaue their instructions, per∣happs in deede, the large liberty that they take to them selues had bin somwhat abridged, & many a Royall and Noble sermon lefte vnmade,The ordina∣ry prices of sermons. wherewith thease wedded priests of Baal, do maintaine their women, and new generation. This bondage semeth to be the more grieuous, because it is said to be vnder straungers: would to God there were lesse difference, betweene Chri∣stian and Christian, and more discord, betwene Englishe,The rebelles Flaunders. and Turke, you haue not had so fewe, as fyfty thowsand straungers amonge you, more then twenty yeares together, and therefore you mighte the better beare, a smaller number. That your wyues and daughters should be de∣flowred, is a matter, that more men then ministers cannot brooke, and yet seldome amonge soldiers not guyded by good disciplyne, this plague in par∣ticuler is incident, but hereunto can I tell you, that your liberty of the late Gospell hathe prouy∣ded a more sufficient remedy, to auoyde this incō∣uenience, then any other: insomuch that such of the soldiers themselues, as were so ill disposed, could tell, that they should fynde harlots more then enoughe, alredy prouided. Those tirrible tales, that we broughte Irons wherewith to marke your Children, vnder the age of seauen yeares, to the end they mighte be knowne, to be the race of a conquered nation, do doubtlesse sounde moste lamentably: but to com∣forte you herein, thus much may I say, that albeit a man do vtterly refuse to belieue them, I dare warrant him, he shall neuer be damned, for that incredulitie: but by the way I could wishe you to note, that yf they did not thinke they had framed the people to belieue what they list they would neuer feede them with such palpable vntruthes, and yf therefore you shall thinke them, to haue as litle honesty, as they thinke you to haue witt, you shall do them no iniury at all. That your goods should be robbed and taken from you, you neede not greatly feare, for it semeth that now of late, more then here-tofore, her Maie∣sties collectours and receyuers, haue taken such order to take it from you, to saue it from vs: that they haue sent it oute of England to Zealand, and other places ouer the seas, wherefore you needed not feare this misery: but rather haue hoped, that Spanish pistolets, should haue bin more comon and currant in England, then euer they were afore. To the other ridiculous, and friuolous forgeries, that we broughte halters to hange you, and whips to whip you, I can say litle, other then that I am very sory, that in all this ample prouision, we for∣gat to bring whetstones to giue to those that told you this, and bables for such as did belieue them. But to leaue all such absurd lies, to the wisdomes of the creditors, it is more necessary to see whereun∣to they serued, & whether theire further meaning, may thereby be made manifest. The truthe is, and easely it dothe appere, that they were not only in∣uented, to make them moste odious, that ment you least euill: but also to blynde and bleare, the eyes of the people, by putting into there heades, the feares of future miseries, to the end they should the lesse behold, there owne present cala∣myties, and those that by their improuident practi∣ses are sure to ensue, albeit they neuer had neede to feare any forraine enimy: but to leade dryue and dispose of you, as of brute beasts, withoute soules, sence, or vnderstanding: where & to what, themselues like and allowe, euer prouyding to keepe you in ignorance, and principally of that, which moste concerneth your owne comon wel∣fare: as amonge others it plainely appeereth, in the prohibiting vnder great paine, & deuising of othes of association, that none may once moue, or call in question to knowe, who is to succede their Queene, after her deathe: as thoughe it were treason to say she should die, or an insufferable cryme to knowe that, whereof they mighte receaue comforte, of continuing their owne quyet, after her decease. And as thoughe they desyred all fe∣licity to end with them, not caring what confu∣sion, ciuill discention, and bloudshedd, mighte afterward fall amonge the Englishe, by the Englishe themselues. A resolution doubtlesse moste indurable, and vnchristian: vnnaturall is that father, that throughe inordinate auarice, leaueth his family to fall to all discorde and discention. But impious is that prince, that in preseruing disorde∣red pleasure, leaueth the people in such possibilitie to be killed, in the confusion of so many com∣petitours. But lett vs looke into lesse matters then thease, and see whether they deny not, the very priuileges of reasonable creatures, prohibiting by publyke comaundement, that none may once aske or en∣quyre, how thinges do ordinarily passe in the world abrode. Neither to demaunde, heare, read, or write, any newes of any matter whatsoeuer, be it true or vntrue: yea scarsly of that, which tou∣cheth mens priuate negotiatiōs. The only restray∣ning of which free speech, is of it self a very euydent and sufficient signe, of a Tyrannous estate, and a markable suspition, of sinister dealing. By this brydle you are rayned and broughte, to all beastly & slauishe seruytude, withoute any know∣ledge or consideration, either of reason, cause, or conscyence, of that wherein bothe your bodies and soules are employed: and somuch of your substan∣contributed, which to the menaginge of thease vn∣iust quarrels haue bin so great and so grieuous, that it hathe exceeded all the former subsidies and exactiōs, that any seauen of your princes predecess∣ours, haue had of their subiects, to make their law∣full warres. You pay, what they please to demaūde, you beare what they list to lay vppon you, you are made to say and soothe, to whatsoeuer they will, be it neuer so false, fonde, and vnlykely: you are pressed, compelled, vnpaied, clapte vnder hat∣ches, and caryed you knowe not where, nor to what end, & when such of you as are lefte aliue, do returne home againe (yf not caryed sick throughe the streats of London by whole carte loades, in the Lord of Lecester his Trophee) you see how you are rewarded, and how your creditt and con∣dition is encreased, by that it was afore. You are cutt of from all trade and trafique, with the moste ritche, and opulent countries aboute you, retaining no hope of any outward comoditie, other then can be gotten by robbery and piracie. The prosperitie whereof you fynde such, that you see your selues no whitt thereby disburdened, of any your encreasing subsidies, and exactions. This great misery and dayly desolation, dothe more and more make, your Gentlemen bare, and your Marchants banckrupte, it consumeth the Comons, and continually wasteth the wealth of the Realme: As wisemen do see, thoughe they dare not say it, and all men do fynde, thoughe they do not see it. It would exceede the compasse of a letter, to lay open vnto you euery important affliction, but that shall not neede, for experience will teach you to descerne them, each day more then other, and you shall further feele the smart, before you fynde the remedy. Wo woorthe the causers of your calamities, who for their owne priuate ambitious desire to rule, haue run on, in all desperate and dangerous attempts whatsoeuer: and haue lastly by violence, drawne vppon their owne heades, that which nei∣ther thēselues, nor the whole Realme can vphold. Where are now those infallible groundes, that your great Machiauelist, laide downe at the be∣gining, when he so boldly presumed to alter reli∣gion, and to begin his new Gospell, with an extra∣ordinary gouernement, whose resolutions to con∣tinew the Republique, were according to the di∣rection of the vnholy Ghoste, in the determyninge of religion. The first was, to establishe their estate, by main∣tayning rebellions of the subiects of France, Flaun∣ders, and Scotlande. That failing, the second was, by the credit that they had in the lowe Countries, to giue and transpose parte thereof to the frenche: and thereby to kindle a warr, betweene the two houses, of fraunce and Spaine. This failing, then to ioyne with, and to giue portes and succours, to all pirates, to vex and anoy the said two houses, yf they should ioyne. And lastly, thease all failing, there was one re∣medy left to redresse all againe: which was, by the new singing, of an old maingy Masse: so vilely it pleased him to terme the moste blessed Sacrifice of the Churche, where by the way, you haue here to note the religion of an Athiest. I am enforced for breuitie, to lay downe vnto you, when, where, and in what manner, thease plottes haue bin put in practyse: neither shall I now greatly neede to stand thereon, for to the woonder of the world, the annoyance of their neighbours, the ignominy of themselues, and the imminent danger of the whole Realme, the three former (perhapps corrected, & augmented, by the authour) haue bin very orderly effectuated, the last remedy only remayning. All which plottes and practises, tyme & truthe, hauinge ouerworne and discouered: you are now to cōsider, what benefites they haue broughte vnto you. And therefore looke into what state and con∣dition you are now lefte, and to what hope and possibilitie you are deliuered: see first, whether themselues, in their hoary heares, are not full of feare and perplexitie, whether the people be not generally in pouertie and decay,The Englishe pract Tur∣kes & other infids a∣gast Chri∣stendome. and the Realme in restlesse tourmoile and trouble: And being aban∣doned of all exteriour comforte, whether any one powrable Christian prince, knowing your cause, dothe compassionate your case, and lastly looke, whether you are not lefte to retyre, to Turckes, Moores, and Barbarians, for succour. The Kyngdomes of Scotland, Denmarcke, Swethen, and sundry states of Germany, that maintaine opi∣nions, contrary to the Catholique aith, from the which they are falne, and in the which, the moste parte of Christendome dothe remaine: are not in any such feare: either of forreyne or domesticall daungers. They make not such ordinary exclama∣tions, and false allarmes, of treason and treachery, neither do they thereupon, Tyrannously practise to cutt of, and kill, whome they please: for albeit that they are almoste as farr infected, with as foule heresies, yet haue they muche more morrall hone∣sty: their heresy hauing only hurte themselues, and they not seeking the hurt of others. They haue not supported the rebellions of other subiects against their soueraignes, neither haue they practi∣sed with Pagans or Turckes:They made fiers and feasts for ioy vpon the murther of the Quee∣ne of Scot∣land. they haue quartered no priests, nor Murthered no Queenes, nor made tri∣umphes of ioy & victory, vpon the committing of moste monstrous iniustice, neither by any other publike barbarous vilanies, broughte themselues in such dread and distresse. And that it may more better appeere vnto you, how your dealings, are lyked and allowed, of other protestant princes: it is not impertinent to my pur∣pose, to giue you one example. At such tyme as it was bruited abroade, that your. Queene had resol∣ued to entrude herself into his Maiesties dominiōs, a marchant of the lowe Countries, arryuing at Stockholme, was demaunded of the Kynge of Swe∣then, whether it were true that the Queene, of England had put herself in possession of any the Kynge of Spaine his countries, or townes there, yea quoth he it is true: Then quoth the Kynge, she hathe euen stakte downe her owne crowne, and standes in faire possibilitie, to be put out of all. Me¦thinkes your self, or any indifferent Englishe protestant, whose zeale dothe not ouerbeare his discretion, may muche maruell, that England so much and so many wayes seeming to be troobled, is so litle pittied of other people in the world abroade. And beeing gouerned by a woman, your case muste be the more capable of pittie, seeing men naturally are giuen, to compassionate that sexe. But alas my good freind, you may see these false faces dismasked long since, and all the world, to be aswell acquainted with Englishe clamours, as is the fysher of Nylus, with the teares of the Crocodile. Neither can any of those vaine, false, & lying libells, that from thence are spred abroade, any whit now a dayes serue your turnes, other then to noosell vp those, that you can keepe from seeing or hearing the contrary, for how cuningly soeuer the couloured woordes therein are contriued, men make your actions the comentaries. In the durance of your expyred yeares, your prince enioyed the fulnesse of her pleasure, and her fauorytes their vncontrouled aucthoritie, then ad¦vancinge their felicitie, and vsing all benefytes of tyme: after all which, you now rest doubtfull, whether your play will conclude, as a comedy, or tragedy: the truthe of all felicitie beeing tryed at the last, and no assured happynesse afore the end. When I enter into consideration, of the present state of your country, I call to remembrance, that at my beeing at Salamanca, some fyue yeares paste, an Englishe Gentleman shewed me, the woorke of an old Englishe poet, beeing the moste renow∣med, that euer wrote in the Englishe tounge: in the begining whereof were certaine verses, which in manner of a prophesy, so perfectly discribed then, the future state of England, that at this day, it is the very liuely pourtraict thereof ad Viuum. I requested of him the sence in Spanishe, and the meeter in Englishe, which is thus. Althoughe I haue hard, that by the new lawes of England, it is made a trespasse, no lesse then trea∣son, to talke of old prophesies: yet haue I presumed to repeat thease English rymes, because they are comon to be redd, in publyke printed bookes amonge your selues. That the authour had the spirite of prophesy I will not say, but how this ac∣cordeth with the present tyme, your self shall see. First touchinge the failing of the faith, it is manifest that he ment no other, then the faith Catholique, which had so lōge lasted, & so vniuer∣sally bin belieued: and was there then preached & taughte by priests, for ministers at that tyme were vnmade and created: which faith is now failed in those apostataes, from whence your ministers fetche their original: diuers of them being yet lyuing, that somtyme said Masse in the Catholique Churche, and do nowe say Comunion in the pro∣testant congregation. The effect of which great defect of faith, hathe in a short season so suffi∣ciently appeered, not only in the encreasing com∣panies, of many sortes of protestants, puritanes, Anabaptistes, and louing families, but euen in the bringing foorthe of sundry such monsters, as dare boldly deny our sauiour Christ himself:As Ham Levvis Cole. Kett, &c. whereby you may see, that forsaking the faith that contem∣ned all heresy, you haue embraced a doctrine, that conteyneth all blasphemy. Euery man in his owne particuler experience, hathe had such infynite examples, of your notable corruption of English iustice, that he seeith, it is better to haue a bad cause, supported by the fauour of the courte, then a good cause, withoute the cre∣dit of a courtier: The aucthoritie of those lordes, hauing of late dayes extended so far,Extreme violating of Iustice. as to the discharging of suche oute of prison, as haue lyen vpon executions, leauing their creditours vnsatis∣fied. Suche was the soueraigne puisance, of the late Lorde of Lecester,D. Iulio, &c. that he could not only extin∣guishe his owne manifest murthers, and open in∣iustice, but his Lord-ships will was a lawe suffi∣cient,Those that had indeb∣ted themsel¦ues by his seruice of Holand he revvarded aftervvard vvith pro∣tections. to defend the faultes of others: and his great plenty of protections, of more force then vertue. Mony, mighte, and fauour, doe so sway the iustice of England, and so alter the condition of euery case, that more wilfull murthers, capitall fellonies, and criminall offences are now pardoned, then euer afore.The iudge can tell, the ury vvhether the Queene vvill haue the accused found guil∣ty or not. There are none that can liue, whome they list to kill: nor none can offend, whome they please to fauour. Truthe it is, that there is nothing punished more then vertue, nor nothing permit∣ted more then vice. There is no blasphemy com∣parable to the denyall of feminine supremacy, nor no offence against God, so grieuously punished. There is no deathe so terrible, as that which is or∣dayned for deuoutest Christians, nor nothing more offensyue, then the faithe of their forfathers: who yf they were aliue and Catholiques, their children would condemne, and quarter for traytours. According to your good Religion, and wel orde∣red lawes, the rest of your actions, do rightly con∣curr: and your open allowance of rapyne and rob∣bery, dothe manifest to the world, that you haue made a resignation of all honnour, and abandoned all honesty: not caring what the whole world pre∣sent, not all posterities to come, shall accompte of your actions: the blot & blemishe thereof, beeing so reprochefull, that Englād somtyme so famous, for vertue and iustice, is now esteemed a receptacle for pyrates,The greater parte of the nations ma¦ritines in all Europe, haue ob¦bed by the English. and a den of theeues. And those litle companions, that are there dayly hanged for try∣fles, beeing suche (for the moste parte) as your sel∣ues haue robbed first, by employing them in your seruice, withoute giuing them their payes, wherein hauing consumed their owne substance, are after∣ward enforced to steale, for the very maintenance of lyf: Are not hanged somuch for the facte, as for the manner of comitting it, for yf they did it, in any place oute of England, were it neuer so farr westward, nor neuer somuch in value, it should be reckned very righte and lawfull purchase. And they should be so farr from the danger of han∣ging, that they should be rewarded with the dignity of knyghthoode.As Sir Frauncis Drake, &c. Touching the sinne of Leachery, I can litle say, other then by heare say. And that is, it was neuer more comon in the country, nor of more creditt in the courte: no, not before the enlarging of Kenelm∣worthe Castell, nor in the erecting of Haumbey house nor during the tyme of the setting vpp of all the edifices, situate vpō the lyke foundation: as it hathe bin since the very finishing, of Rauleghs Arcke. Thus you may see, how Faith is fayled, Robbery allowed, and Leachery moste delighted in. The cō∣fusion to follow, is now nexte to be expected: but by whome, when, and in what manner, resteth in the deuyne disposition, of almighty God, whose Iustice, no earthly power (muche lesse any Englishe policie) can possibly resist. Tyme woorketh alteration in all things, and in this world there is nothing, that is not subiect to change: all estates encrease, diminish, are tossed, turned, fall, and are destroyed. Which consisteth not, as Plato the heathen Philosopher saith, in the circuyte and limmits of a certaine Period: but in the pleasure, of the Celestiall Soueraigne. Those hauing their beeing moste assured, and durable, that are founded on religion, and iustice. All plants saith our sauiour, that my heauenly father hathe not planted, shalbe plucked vp by the rootes. All temporall gouernments throughoute the world, notwithstāding all worldly wit, power, and practises, whatsoeuer: haue and do daily, so alter and change, that fewe or none can be founde, to haue continued any long course of tyme, in one order and rule. Only the Catholique Churche of Christe, depending vpon the direction of the holy Ghoste, hathe still remayned in one same faithe and visible Monarchie, almoste sixteene hun∣dreth yeares. During which tyme, diuers kyng∣domes haue bin diuersly trāsposed vpsyde downe: and those only found to be least subiect to muta∣tion, that moste haue bin directed by the gouuer∣nours of that Churche. The aforesaid philosopher saith further, that Republiques are neuer happy, but when princes are louers of wisdome, or louers of wisdome do rule:Sp. 6. but Salomon speaking by a mouthe more de∣uyne, exhorteth princes to searche (true) wisdome, to the end, they may raigne Iustly in earthe, and eternally in heauen. Would to God, the resolution of your rulers, had bin laid vppon these groundes, then had the most woorthy for wisdome and ver∣tue, bin preferred, and none for vice, and vilany, aduaunced to chiefest aucthoritie. Then had not his late excelsi obtained the greatest rule of all,His excelen∣te alias Le∣er. be∣cause of all others, he kepte the greatest ill rule himself: then had they neuer vpholden there vnsta∣ble estate, by the only annoyance of their neigh∣bours, nor by their great iniustice, drawne so many daungers, together at the last. Then had the be∣gining bin Godly, the continuance quiet, and the end happy. The Realme of England, hathe in other tymes, bin as often subiect to chaunge, as other countries in the world: but more comonly carying there∣with, the blood of the best nobility: what great effusion of blood, ensued the coronarion of Kynge Henry the fourthe, at what tyme, the diuision of the two houses of Yorcke,Phil. de Co∣es. and Lancaster, began: which lasted the lyues and reignes, of three Kynges following, and was not wholy extyncte, vntill the tyme of Kynge Henry the seauenth. During which tyme, there died in diuers battailes, skir∣mishes, and executions, foure score, of the blood Royall: and the very flowre of the Nobility of England, with infynite other valiant personages, besydes sundry Lords and gentlemen, consumed in prisons at home, or enforced abroade in banish∣ment, miserably to end the rest of their dayes. In this great confusion, each party as they preuailed, condemned the other for traitors: that in the end, all the whole nobilitie and people, were on the one and the other syde, so taken and vsed. Since which tyme, euen of late, in our owne age and memory, we haue seene sundry chaunges: amonge all which, our Lord delt moste mercifully, when moste daunger was feared: at what tyme, Iohn Dudley Duke of Northumberlaend, hauing maryed the Lady Iane to one of his sonnes, and proclaymed them Kynge and Queene, thereby to exclude and cut of the righte of Queene Mary, and pretence of Eliza∣beth, it pleased the deuyne prouydēce so to dispose, that with-out battaile or bloudshed of the peo∣ple, the punishment only extēded, to the principall parties, and some fewe accessaries themselues, Thus may sundry examples of your owne changes shewe you, that alterations are no newe thinges: but that they are bothe comon and gene∣rall. Neither can any be so sencelesse (althoughe suche great iniquity had neuer bin cōmitted) as to think your estate were euer stable, or that no new gouernment, did not euer bringe at the least, the change of many mens particuler estates. But the case beeing now such as it is, that his Catholique Maiesty, is not only highly iniuried, and continually vrged: but the whole repose and quyet of Christendome so disturbed, that either his Maiesty or some other prince, must of force seeke the reformation of your country: not for any par∣ticuler comoditie, but for a generall good. Where∣unto in truthe, his Maiesty is especially more obligated, then any other: insomuch, that yf there were no cause at all of religion to moue him, yet in regard of the comon iniuryes, dayly donne vnto him, he is euen bounde in righte, reason, and iustice, to do it: & that yf neither he, nor any other should attempte thesame, you are notwithstan∣ding assured of ciuill dissention, no heire to the Crowne apparently knowne, and so many compe∣titiours, to make claime at once, and the wrathe & indignation of God, for so great impietie, by one meanes or other to be satisfied: I cannot see whe∣ther the plague of ciuill war, will be easier, then the inconuenience of foreyne inuasion: neither can I see, how you can auoyde the leaste of them bothe. Neither do you desire with Dauid, rather to fall into the handes of God, then into the handes of men, but persist in the augmentation, of your wounted wickednes. It may somtymes please God of his great mercy, to spare a whole citie, for a fewe iust persons the∣rein. And the only hope that remayneth, for the easy reclayminge of your country, is the blood of so many martis, there powred oute: which being so pretious in his sighte, may be the meane so to mit∣tigate his highe indignation, that the innocent shall not be confounded with the impious, but rather, that many multitudes by there meanes may be saued. It may also stand with his great goodnesse, to make his Catholique Maiesty the meane, for the recouery thereof, not to conquer, or make muta∣tion, of auncient lawes and liberties, which he ne∣uer intended: but only to reduce it, to the old con∣corde and communion of christendome. This doubtlesse would be the happiest, & easiest meanes of all other: the heroycall endeuours of his Maie∣sty considered: whose proceedings in all mercy, myldnes and grace, lie open to the vewe, of hea∣uen and earthe, neither needeth the tounge or pen of any man, declare them: excepte only, to manifest the malice of his aduersaries, vnto those whome they so impudently abuse. His Maiesty also much relying (amonge others of greatest wisdome and vertue of your owne nation) vpon the graue counsell and aduise, of the Cardinall of England, whose exceeding care and naturall affection, to his deare country, is awnswerable to his great vertue, wisdome, & learning. You are not heere to regard, the raylings of those, that accompte his grace and all the other exyled Englyshe, traytors, & enemies, to their countrie: falsly saying, that they haue sold it, to the Pope and Kynge of Spaine: as thoughe it were possible, that so great impiety, could remaine amonge so many, so vertuous, so wise, so learned, so honorable, and so vnited in consanguinitie, throughoute the whole countrie: that your Cardi∣nall (as I am well enformed) is of kin and alyance, almost vnto all the Gentlemen, of the countie of Lancaster. And the other Gentlemen lincked in lyke sorte, welnighe vnto all the honorable and woorshipfull families, in euery other prouince, being bounde by the very lawes of nature, to the loue of their country and kindred, yf no cause of religion, or reason els did moue them. And as thoghe your superiours owne, notorious vniuste actions, did not more vehemently vrge reuenge, or hasten reformation, then any persuation els, that possibly mighte be made. Those of your nation that now liue in exile, re∣tayning the true loue, and affection, that Christians oughte to cary to their country, preferring the soule before the body, do first desire the conuersion of there dere countrymen, kindred, & freinds, from a confused chaos of heresies, to the one only Ca∣tholique & Apostolique faith. Nexte, the auncient tranquilitie, and quyet accorde thereof, with other Christian countries. And to manifest this their true and sincere affection they are moste redy, and willing, to aduenture the losse of there owne liues. Whereas those that vniustly accuse them, could be content, so that their present aucthoritie mighte continewe, to suffer your soules in all abhominable heresies, to come to vtter damnation, and to leaue you in conclusion, to cut the one the others throte, and so to lye open to the rapyne and spoile, of so-many, as by their meanes you haue offēded. These of all others, be the the greatest enemyes to your comon wealth, odious to God, and man, and trai∣tours not only to one prince, and country, but to Christ, and all Christendome, and haue cause to consider this sentence of the sacred scripture, Regnum a gente in gentem transfertur, propter iniustitias, & iniurias,Eccles. 10. & contumelias, & diuersos dolos. that is, A Kyngdome is transferred from one people to another, because of iniustice, of iniuries, and contumelies, and diuers deceyts. These now fynding no further refuge, or assured succour, of Turck, traytor, heretyke, or Barbarian: do labour to put you, in all feare, of ex∣treme daunger and detryment, intended against you: meaning yf the woorst fall, to make your bo∣dies the Bulwarckes, wherewith themselues wilbe defended: so that you should feele the smarte, howsoeuer they shifte with the shame. Which harme in dede may happen, to the more wilfull & vnaduised, whereas those that be of better con∣sideration, may fynde the meane of there owne safty, and assurance, to rest in themselues, by embracinge those remedies, that it shall please God of his great goodnesse, in such cases to pro∣uyde. Vnto whose deuyne wisdome, & determy∣nation, all must euer be referred, and vnto whose holy protection, I comend your self: AFTER that I had finished this my letter, vnderstanding that throughe defaulte of wynde, together with some difficulty that the mes∣senger put, about his more safe and speedy pass∣age: he was not lyke to departe so soone, as himself had promised, and I expected, I therefore detained this letter, some dayes in my handes vnsealed, at∣tending suche oportunitie, as mighte neerest con∣curr to our desires. In the meane season, I vnderstood by letters from Roan, that the great and extraordinary en∣glishe fleete, furnished at the charges of so many, who either of force, or fauour, had streyned them∣selues to serue,. they knew not well whome, where, nor when: yet now, after long delay, great coun∣sell, and correspondence of freinds, they were de∣parted, from the west parte of England, aboute the first of May, stilo nouo: vnder the conduct (by sea) of the glorious & famous man Sir, Frauncis Drake, who a litle before, had promised the Queene his mistres, to bring the Kynge of Spaine to very great pouerty, and misery. And the charge of seruice by land, was committed to Sir Iohn Noris, whose ex∣perience, the englishe were woont greatly to mag∣nify. The rest of their Captaines, and soldiers, were the best that they had: hauing retyred the princi∣pall of those, from those partes of the low coun∣tries, which they presently possesse. Very shortly after, I vnderstood by other letters, from the afore said place, and the same party. That the English were arryued, not very farr from St. Iames in Galitia. Perhaps with some intention in their way, to haue visited that place, of especiall de∣uotion, to the riches and ornaments there. Where albeit, that very many strangers, from all partes of Europe: according to an old custome of christians, do continually come on pilgrimage. And that vnto such, the inhabitants thereaboutes do freely giue leaue, and relief: Yet they now seeing the English to approche, in a manner muche different from other pilgrimes, haue accordingly giuen them a farr other kynde of entertaiment, insomuch (that as my freind writeth) those that lately so arro∣gantly boasted, of some detrimēt of ours: which all rhe world knoweth, came not throughe englishe power or puisance, but by the very wyndes, and seas, which it pleased God to permitt to our pu∣nishment: Haue now receyued such a check, for that insolencie, that they may see our selues are made the instruments, by our owne armes, to cha∣stice them. Touching the manner and particulari∣ties, I cannot at this present fully certify you. Those your self may there, better vnderstand, yf you haue any secrett freind in courte, otherwise you shall hardly come by the certainty, for I feare it wilbe made treason to talke thereof, among the comon sorte of men. Yf you can come by the names of those men of marke: number of soldiers, shipps, and artillery, that you haue lost: I pray you vse some meanes, to send them ouer, because I wold gladly see, how our aduises shall differ. The author of the late pamphlet, printed at London in English, & frenche, and entituled. The copie of a letter sent from England to don Bernardine de Mendoza, Ambassador in Fraunce for the Kyng of Spaine, no doubte, yf he will take the paines, can very well pen it to the print, be∣cause I knowe, he will cary a great care, aboute the putting downe of euery particuler. And wheras in the beginning of that letter, the author seemeth to be very sad and sorowfull:A counter∣fait Catho∣lique. after so late, and long expected comforte, to haue an oc∣casion to signify the lamentable losse, and vtter dis∣solution, of all hope. Now I can assure him, he may make a peece of amends, in sending ouer at this tyme such good newes, as can somwhat counter∣uaile the former ill: And yf it shall please him to make an estimate, of the one & the others losses, to see who hathe sustayned the greater: he must also sett downe some reasons, to shewe which of bothe is best able to beare it, & the moste lyke, soonest to recouer it: for by thease considerations, a man shall surest come to the certainety. Thus good Sir, vn∣derstanding of this bearers present occasion to de∣parte, who now attendeth the closing vp of my let∣ter, I am enforced heere to conclude. Once more committing you to God, & wishing you most hartely well to fare. Iune 1589.
A00275.P4	To my faythfull bretheren now affycted ...	[ "Whittingham, William, d. 1579, attrib. name." ]	1566]	E. van der Erve,	[Emden :	eng	[ "Church vestments -- England -- Early works to 1800." ]	DEare Brethren, because we are crea∣tid for gods glory the edification one of another in Christ, and are bounde to serue thervnto by wealthe or woo, lyfe or death, and cheifly, they to whom God haue geuen the greter gyftes, and whom he hath callyd to higher romes, are moste bounde to be zelous for gods glory with godly zelousie to profyt the churche and sponse of Christe vnder their charge, and that by no subteltye as the Apostel warnithe, they shulde be cor∣rupted from the symplicitie of Christ: ther∣fore there is no doubt of your good zealle and diligence. My good fathers & deare bre∣thren, who ar first callid to the battel, to stri∣ue for gods glory and the edification of his people, against the Romish reliques and ra∣ges of Antichrist, I doubt not but that you wyl coragiouslye and constantlye in Christ, rape at these rages of Gods enemyes, and that you will by this occasion race vp many as grete enormites that we all know, & labo¦re to race out all the dregges & remnants of transformid popery, that are crept into En∣gland, by to much lenite of them that wylbe namid the Lordes of the cleargie: what is he that hath the zeale of gods glory before his face, that wyl not ioyne both in prayer, and in sufferinge with you, in so good a cause, that is so much for gods glory, and the edi∣ficacion of gods church, in the pure simpli∣cite of Christes word & sacramentes, wherin our enemies and persecutours are strangely bewitchid. I wote not by what Circes cupe, that they do make suche a diuersite betwixt Christes worde & his sacramentes, that they can not thinke the worde of God safelye y∣noughe preachid, & honorably inough hand∣lyd, without cap, cope, surplis. But that the sacraments the maryinge, the buryinge, the churching of wemen, & other church seruice, as they call it, muste nedes be decored with crossinge, with capping, wt surplessing, with knelinge, with preti wafer cakes, and other knackes of poperi. O Paule that thou were a lyue, thou durst tell those politike gentel∣men, that ther hath bin to much laboure be∣stoued vpon them in vaine, thou durste say vnto them, as thou didest to y• Corinthians, that they eat not the Lordes supper, but pley a pagent of their owne to blynde the people, and kepe them still in supersticion, fare from the symplicite of Christes supper: but howe many sely sowles is ther that dothe beleue veryly, that they haue an English masse, and so put no difference betwene truth & falshod, betwene Christ and antichrist, betwene God and the deuell, they are strangely bewitched. I say that thus wyll bynde theyr Englyshe presthode & sacraments, but muche more en∣chauntid that can fynd no garments to plea¦se them. But such as haue ben polutid open∣ly with popishe supersticion & Idolatry, but most of all in this point shall theyr madnes apere to all posterites, that they make these Antichristian rages Causam sine qua non, that is, a cause without which ther is no holy mi∣nistery in Christ, so that this shall make an Englyshe preste, be he neuer suche a dolt or vnlearnid in the knouledge of the scripture as we haue very manye, and without these romisshe reliques not Paule hym selfe shal∣be admittid (as one of them dyd blaspheme & the rest of them in effecte do affirme) well agaynste suche popishe chaffer and popery, hathe byne longe agone foughten witheall, when the gret captaines of that religion ly∣uyd, and yet God gaue the victory. Therfor let vs not fear now, although it doth begine to sture agayn, for ther is no craft, conninge, counsell, wysdom, or policy against the Lord. We haue Christ & hys Apostells & the Pro∣phetes euer stryuing agaynst the Ipocrites of their time on our syde. a stran for popishe polici we haue the worde of God to warant vs, to rote out al monuments of supersticion and Idolatry, & are charged to abhor them, to accompt them, accursed, and to defy them, and to detest them as menstreous clowtes, they haue not the worde of God for them. And what wysdom is in them, sayth god by his Prophet Jeremi, they talke of obedience & concorde, but ther is no obedience against the Lorde, no nor concorde to be desired, but wher gods glory and verite is preserued, Els better to haue al the worlde in hurly burleis, and heauen & earth to shake, then one ioyte of gods glory shulde decaie. So far forth as in vs leithe, we haue theyr owne lawes and proclamacions, to rote out all monuments of supersticion and Idolatrye, & theyr oune wordes are contrarye to theyr doinges. Yt shulde apere that they repent their reforma∣tion proclamid, as did y• Isralites, they buyl∣de agayn that which ons they haue distroied and this is doue openlye that all the worlde may wonder, and behold: but what is done secretlye, god wyll one daye haue it declarid openly, ye they make the name of god & this doctrine that we professe to be euell spoken of alredy. By many of theyr doinges, theyr iudgement hasteth that for such causes per∣secute Gods true preachers. Wherfor let vs not feare theyr threteninges, ther can none persecute the godly for this cause & trasshe. but ether such as are nether hote nor colde, and then they shalbe vomyted out vnlesse their zeale encrease, or such as haue no God before their eies, whose god is their bellie, or is open papists, whom god hathe geuen vp o a reprobate sense, wherfore we must thus ake it, that they ar gods rodds for oure sin∣nes, because we haue not ben more zelous in Gods cause, nether carefull to seke his glo∣rye, that wolfe Wynchester & blodie bucher Bonar fought once against many godli men for the grounde of this gere, and thei had all the power of the Realme seruinge theyr lu∣stes, but beholde how the Lorde in short time ouerthrew them al, to giue vs coradge to go forwarde, the Lord forgeue vs, we ar to slac∣ke and neglygent in heauenly thynges, this monster Bonar remainithe and is fed as pa∣pists say, for their sakes, & it must be graun∣tyd, it is for some purpos, althoughe he be a traytor and an enemi to the crowne and re∣alme, and bothe to God and man, whiche brunnid godes holy testament, murderid his saintes and his servātes. But what the Lord requyrith to be done wythe false Prophe∣tes it is manyfest: we haue bothe the lawe of god & man for vs, But we ar answerid nay, you your sealues shalbe compellid to turne your coates and cappes, and get you into his leueris, and to be lyke him in your gar∣ments. O Elyas that thou lyuedste, or that thy spyrit weare amongst vs, thou wolde say with the Prophet Sophoni, that God will vysit the werears of this Idolatours garmentes or strange aparell, thou woldest say, that thinges dedicatid once to idolatry, is not indifferent, thou woldest say reuerence to the sacramēt is wrought by doctrine and discipline, and not by popisshe & Idolatours garments, thou woldest saye, what decency can ther be gaynyd to the sacramēts, by that which hath byn deuisyd & vsyd to deface it, if the golde ordeinyd by god for the reuerence and decenci of the Jewes temple, is not to be admittyd to beutify the churche of Christe, much lesse copes brought in by papistes the enemyes of god, and alwayes continwyd in their seruice as ornamētes of their religion in no wyse ought of vs Christians to be re∣taynid. But the papistes triumphe and glori in their assembles, that the hote gospelars shalbe driuen to their doltishe attires, for the Lords sake let vs neuer giue them any cau∣se of Joye, thoughe we shoulde dye for yt: Moyses wold not yelde on hoofe of a beste in gods busines, he wolde not leue the lou∣pe vnmade, nor make a button or a claspe more or lesse. Eleasar will not decemble by eatynge of vnlawfull meates, the faythfull Isralites wolde not receyue so muche as an yi bushe. Contrariwyse Orygen caryinge a braunche and professynge, that he bare it for Christ at the first. But was afterwarde compellid to open Idolatry, so cursid a thing it is to geue any place to the wicked: all the papistes that saye, they worship Christ in the crosse, and God in the sacrament, do still vn∣der these wordes continew still in their Ido∣latri, beware of deceitfull wordes, that couer wickid purposes, to drawe vs from Christiā symplicite. Let vs stand constantly agaynste all abuses, and repent for our former cold∣nes in religion, and our synnes, and call for healpe from aboue, for the hand of the Lorde is not shortenid: we ar assured that we seke Gods glory, and our aduersaries may see, yf they can se any thinge, that this thinge that they seke is not for gods glory, seing the pa∣pistes the enemyes of God, doe so desyre yt and glory in yt. And reioyse, that we, whom they most hate, cannot besafe but vnder their garments: we ar assurid that we seke godes glory in folowinge Christ his Aposteles and Prophets. who euer dispised these pharisai∣call outward faces and visures, Christe fyn∣dethe fault withe the garmentes of the pha∣riseis. Paule counteth all his pharisaicall, shew to be donge. Zachari saithe, that the false Prophet shalbe ashamed of his prophe∣cye, and forsake his garments wherin he de∣ceyuid. & shal the true Prophetes be fayne to crepe into their coules? for by the same au∣torite may be comaundid any peace of pope∣ry, so that it be namyd policie. Ezechias and Josias knew no suche authoritie, but they say: It is for policie, For it plainly apearithe that ther is lesse care for religion, then for policie. But beware that the example of Je∣roboham be not folowed, that made such li∣ke prestes for policie as wolde do as he com∣maundid them. Achaz of policie brought the fashion of an alter into Jerusalem, as he sa∣we at Damascus, where he had ouercome the Idolatours and their Idolls, but cursed was his policie, and so at all they that wil retai∣ne any thinge of their Idolatrie. Nabucho∣donosors Idoll was for vnitye and policie, but without the warraunt of gods worde, ther is neyther good vnitye nor police. The godlie father Bucr callithe the tenthes and the first fruites sacriledge and roberie, they be kept stil for policie. Crosse and candelstic∣kes at supersticious, though they be kepte. I wot not for what policie the adoration of the Sacrament in the countres, where they knocke and knele to a wafer cake is a popi∣she policie. That wemen baptise, that plura∣lites, tot quot impropriacions, non residen∣ce, despensacions, suspensions, excomunica∣tions, & absolucions, for money at grauntyd, yt is evell, like as are many other inormites berowed from Rome, which remayne in the name of policie. All these thinges were ab∣horryd as popishe supersticious, and Idola∣tries, amonge our gospellers both bishops & others, when they were vnder gods roddes in pouerte. But how thei now haue learnid courtely deuinite, to grounde all apon poli∣cie? Humble them agayne o Lorde, that they do not forget the, and thy great kindnes and mercie shewid apon them, and sture vp their hartes and myndes, that they may be care∣full ouer thy pore flocke. O Christe, whom thou hast dearly bought, by this theyr poli∣cy ar blindid, & carithe for no more, but that thei may haue this supersticious shew which is so stifely maintained. Let him mumble as he liste, yf he be thus apparelid, al his serui∣ce is well ynough, otherwyse yt is nothing worthe, Thus cause you them to perishe by your polices, for whome Christ hathe dyed. further more, yf poperi be superstitious and idolatrous, euel and wicked, as yet ther was neuer a worse thinge in the worlde, then ar we commaunded to absteine from all parti∣cipatio the o, and from all the shewe therof ab omni specie mali, that is, from all shewe of wickidnes. These garments were the shewe of their blasphemous preasthod, herein they dyd singe and saye their supersticious idola∣trous seruice, they dyd sence their Idolls and healpe forwarde theyr Idolatrous masses, what policie can it be then to weare this ge∣re. But a supersticious wickid and popishe policie, they doe it for policie, they saye, that their priestes may be knowen and magnifi∣ed of men. Dyd not the Pharisies vse the sa∣me policie, to doe all their workes and make all their garmentes bothe Philacteris vpon their headdes, and their wide and syde robes and borders, that they might be more expec∣table, and notorious to the people: but their woo is throtenid aboue al other sinners. To suche ypocrites, as beinge voyde of all true holynes, delite in all outward shewes, theyr curse is most inculcate, their polyci is that y• preistes shall weare white in the churches to signify their vertue▪ their purenes, and ho¦lines. and when they go fourth of the church they must weare blacke gownes and blacke hornes, for cōtrary polycies, and for dyuers significacions, Our master Christes polycie was expressyd in one worde, fede, fede, fede. and the Prophetes before, and the Apostel∣les afterwarde, yf Christe be the wysdome of the father, the true ministers shalbe well inough knowen, by that one marke which he geueth: and yf that he haue not that mar¦ke better vnknowen then knowen, both for him selfe and others, therfore lett them not saye for shame, that they seeke gods glorie, Christes wil, or the edification of his church, by their polycie. Why les they thretē & stope the spredinge of gods worde and fedinge of Christes flocke, cōmandyd by writing to ex∣cōmunicate the most faithful laborers in the planting of the gospell, because thei will not weare the rages of popery, to expulse y• most valiant soldiars agaynst the Romishe Anti∣christ, the most earnest ouerthrowars of the kyngdom of satan, which standith in sin and blindnes. O beware you, that wilbe Lordes ouer the flockes, that you be not sore puny∣shed for your pryde, towardes your brethren, and your cowardlines in gods cause, that for Princes pleasures and pompose liuinges, do turne poperi into policie, and to become our persecutors vnder the cloke of policie: it we∣re better to lose your liuings, then to disple∣ase god in persecutinge of youre brethren, & hinder the course of the worde. But as oure deutie is, we wyll praye for you, and for all our brethren in the ministeri, that god of his grace would graunte vs more zeale for his glorie, than any of vs hathe had heretofore, more desire to edifie, Christes people in pure simplicite, to present them a chast virgin vn∣to Christ, then hitherto hathe apeared, that when the hedeshepherde shall cal to accoun∣te, we be not ashamyd▪ But beinge founde perfecte in all good workes, may receiue the crowne prepared, as for you deare brethren whome God hath callyd into the brunte of the batell, The Lorde kepe ye constant, that ye yelde nether to tolleracion, nether to anye other subtelte persuasious of dispensacions, or lycences which were to fortifie their Ro∣mishe practises. but as you fyght the Lords fyght, be valiant. God will not leue you, ne∣ther forsake you, as you seke gods glorye, god wyll glorifye you, and as by you Chri∣stes church is edifyed, comfortid and confir∣mid in Christian simplycite, so shall you re∣ceyue comfort by Christe your heede captai∣ne, when you shalbe callyd to geue acomptes of your stewardshippes, and to be rewardyd for your fidelite, the matter is not so smalle as the worlde do take yt, yt wyll appeare be∣fore all be endyd, what an harde thinge it is, to cut of the rages of the Hidra of Rome, it is beutifull, but poysonful, ther is no daling with such a mounster, beware of lokyng bac¦ke to Sodome or delyght anye witte in the garments of Babilone, neyther once touche the poysonid cupe, though yt be of golde or gliteringe. Let vs repent of our former syn∣nes vnfaynidlye, and then shall we abhor and stamp vnder our fette these rages, that were apoyntid to supersticion and idolatry, Let vs hate the blasphemous preasthode, so iniuri∣ous to Christes preisthode, that euery pache and token of it be in execration, detestation, and accursed, and take no parte of yt vpon our heddes nor backes, least we be accursed as it is. Let vs not make the heritage of god as a byrde of many colours, holdinge of di∣uers religions, Let vs not mixe the Jewes with the gentills, let vs not in no wise mixt this our religion with any thinge of Anti∣christ, let vs not confyrme the blinde in their blindnes, neyther the weacke in their super∣sticion. But rather let vs take awaye, if we can, the names, memories, and all monumēts of poperye and that Antichristes priesthod. Let vs open our wyndous with Daniel, and professe what we ar: their cruelte shalbe our glorie. Let vs followe paull, that knew that the truthe gospel cold not be retainyd, if any Jewishe cerimonies were mayntainyd. Lett vs rather neuer weare anye garment, then we should weare those, wherby our brethren shulde be weakened, offendyd or boldenyd to take parte with the idolatours, & so through our hautines in knouledge, oure weake bre∣thren perishe, for whom Christ died. Behold and marke well, how they falle backwarde that yelde in anye iote, and se how they are edifyed, and increase in godlines, which holde that ryght waye that you goe in, the which the Lorde increase you, & vs all, and strenthen vs with his holy spyrit, that we may con∣tinewe to oure lyues ende, al wayes both by our thoughtes, wordes, and workes, to auaunce his glorye and honor dayly more and more, now and for euer. TO my faythfull and deare brethren in Christ Jesu, as in comen daungers of fier, or suche lyke, welbelouyd, they that be fare of, com to socoure those that ha∣ue nede, so I beinge out of iepordie and fartru Chri¦stian loue of, can not but of deuty wyshe well to those that be touchyd about the popishe apparell in thys libertye of Gods truthe, whyche is tought plainely without offencis, in y• grea∣tyst misterys of our religion and saluacion, yt is much to be maruayled, that this small controuersye of aparell should be so heuelythe pract of the wic∣kid. taken. But this is the mallis of satan, that wher he can not ouerthrow the greatist mat¦ters, he will cause great troubels in trifels. Peter and Paule agreyde in the greatyste articles of our saluacion, and yet they diffe∣ryd so about meattes, that Paule withstodeThe infir∣mites of the godl and rebuckid hym openly. Paule and Bat∣nabas fell at suche bytter contention, whe∣ther Marke shuld go with them or no, that they partyd companyes, and eyther of them went sondry waies. God defend vs from thethe con∣stance of the god▪ lyke. Paule circumcisyd Timothe when ther was hope to wine the Jewes: but when they wold haue it of necessite, he would not cir∣cumcise Titus, therfore compellinge would not be vsyd in thinges of liberte, yt is a la∣mētable case, that among them that are civil & full of knouledge, that yt shuld come thus to passe. Consyder dearly belouyd, I besech you; how that all countres, whiche haue re∣formid religion, haue cast away the popishe aparell with the pope: and yet we that wyll be taken for the best gospelars, are contentid to kepe it as an holie religion. Marke well also how many godly and learnid ministers ther be here in all countres, that be so zelous not onlie to forsake the wickyd doctrine of poperie, ready to leue the minystry, & to lose lyuinges, rather then to be lyke the popishe teachers of supersticious order in aparell or behaviour. This realme hath such skacite of teachers, that yf so many worthye men and learnid shuld be cast out of the ministrie for suche small matters, many placis shulde be destitude of preachers, & yt wold geue an in∣curable offence to all the fauourars of gods truthe here, and in other countres, also shall we make so much and so precious of the po¦pes rages that other reformyd places, exte∣me as uyle & filthye. God forbid. S. Paule byddich wemen vse suche aparell as beco∣mith them that profes true godlines, which rule is muche more to be obseruid of men, & especiallye of preachers. But yf we forsake popery as wickid, shall we say that their a∣parell becommith saintes, and professars of tru holines. Saint Paule bydith vs refraine from al outward shew of evell, but surely in kepinge of this popishe aparell, we forbear not an outwarde shew of much euell, yf po∣pery be iudgid evell, as greter wickidnes can not be, as we wolde haue a diuers shewe of aparel to be knowē from the comon people, so is yt necessary in aparell, to haue a shew, howe a protestante is to be knowen from a papiste. Yt hathe pleasyd God to call vs to preache his heuenly worde to that hye office, God geue you grace and vs all to seke hys honor & glorie: yf we so do with a pure hart and mynde, he hath promysed, He that hono∣rith me, I will glorify him, and he that con∣temnith me, I wyll contemne him. Let ther be no curtisye made to healpe gods people now they be in danger. Call to your remem∣braunce Quene Easter, she begaue to make curtisy to speke in yt cause, but Mardocheus sayd vnto her: Yf thou now hold thy peace, God shall delyuer by an other meane, & yet thou & thy fathers house shall peryshe. You that can and may do good, do it whyle tyme is offerid, the tyme will come when it wylbe to late: yet god wyll comfort his by some o∣ther meane: It ys a perilous thinge, not to healpe in the tyme of neade, & not to suffer religion to goe forward in all syncerite, and to further gods cause when ye maye, when Terenti a good Christian captaine returnid with great triumphe & victory, the Emperor Valerius bade him are what he wold, and he shuld haue it for his good seruice: he hauing God before his cyes, desyryd nether ryches, nether honor, but those which had aduente∣red their liues for true religion, might haue a church alowid them, to serue their god pu¦rely in, & seueral from the Arrians. The Em¦perour beyng angrie with his request, pul∣lyd his supplicacion in pecis, and bade him axe som other thing. but he gathered vp the pecis of his, paper and sayd: I haue receuid my rewarde, I wyll axe nothinge els, God encrece about Princes the small nomber of suche zelous suters & promoters of religion, and then no doubt gods glorye shall florishe when we seke his dewe honor, and not oure owne profyte. But to avoide contencion & scisme Austen gevith good counsel to godly and quiet men, that they mercifully correcte that whiche they can, & that which they can not, paciently beare, grone and morne, with loue, vntil▪ god ether correct or amend them. But how this Christian loue shuld be kept in this church, when so manye godlie for so small thinges shalbe thruste out, & also how many already is from the ministery & theyr lyuinges, yt passyth manye good and godlie wittes to conceyue. S. Pauls rule in suche thinges, sayth: All thinges to me is lawfull, but all thinges is not erpedient: all thinges to me is lawfull, but all thinges edefye not. Therfor in this case we must not so suttelly dispute, what Christian liberte will suffer vs to do, but what is metist and most edefying for Christian charite, & promoting Christian and pure religion. But surely how popishe aparell shuld edefie, or set forwarde the gos∣pell of Christ Jesus, it can not be seen of the multitude, nay, it is to much fealt how gred∣ly it reioysith the aduersaries of the truth, when they see what we borowe of them; & contend for the same as thinges necessarie▪ marke well the bysshopes wearing of their whyte rochets, what grounde they fyrste had, and from whence they receyuid it. Ther was a certayne man, namid Sisinius an he∣riticke bishop of the Noacions, and he first begane yt. all those other popish trashe hath the lyke foundacions, but they haue to long contineuyd & pleasyd poperie, which is beg∣gerly pacchid vp of al sortes of cerimones, & that they coulde neuer be routyd out sence, no not from manie professors of the gospel. Wherfore you that se others that is come to a better perfection, grudge not at yt, but be thankfull to God, though thynges may be borne wythe for a tyme for Christian ly∣bertes sake, in hope to winne the weake. yet when lyberte is turnyd into necessite, yt ys evell, & no lenger lyberte: and that, that was for wynning the weake sufferid for a tyme, is become the confyrminge of the frowarde in their obstinacie. Paul vsyd circūcision for a tyme as of lyberte, but when it was vrgyd of necessite, he wold not bende vnto it. That famous father Master Bucer, when he was aryd why he wolde not weare a square cape, made aunswere, because hys heade was not foure square. wherin surelye he notyd well the comlynes of aparell to be, when yt was fassionyd lyke the body, & a gret folly when a square cape was set on a rounde heade. God be mercyfull vnto vs, and graunte vs vprightly to seke hys honore wyth all car∣nestnes & simplicite. The Lorde comfort his afflictid church, & graunte that in this oulde age of the worlde, we may serue the Lord of hostes in synglenes of hart, and laboure to rote out all stomblinge blockes in religion, that Christes glorie maye nakydly shyne of yt sealue, without all tradicions or inuenci∣ons of men, as in the begynninge when yt was purest, and all such deuyses vnknowen, but inuentid of late to bleare the eyes of the ignorant, with outwarde shewe of holines. God graunt that we may geue all honor to whom al honore is deue, both inwardly and outwardly, to serve hym vnfaynedlye al the dayes of oure lyfe. Fare well deare brethren in the Lorde Jesu, who euer kepe vs in hys fayth, feare, and loue, for euer. WHen I do remember, dearly belouyd, the great charge inioynyd vnto vs of almyghtie God, & the strayghte ac∣counte that we shall haue to make, for the ryghte vse and dispensacion of his myste∣ries, I fynde no comparison myght iustly moue any Christyan to doubt of the bet∣ter of those two choyses, only that whych makythe a shewe for the mayntenaunce of popishe apparel is the opynion of indiffe∣rency,marke wel good Chri∣styan. whych thynge he yt wyll perswade, must fyrst proue that it tendythe to Go∣des glory. Concurrythe wythe his worde, edefyeth his churche, mayntaynyth Chri∣styan lyberte: whych condycions & circun∣stances if they wante, The thynge whych otherwyse by nature is indifferent, dothe degenerat and become hurtfull. but howe can Godes glory be auaunced by those po∣pishe garmētes whych supersticyous men & Antychrist haue inuentyd for the mayn∣teyninge & beuty fyinge of Idolatry, what agrement can mans supersticious inuen∣cyons haue wythe the eternall worde of God, what edifycacion can there be wher the spirit of god is greuyd, Christes lytill∣ous discoragyd, y• weake brethren broughtthe bōdage of ceremo∣nies what it bringith into doubt of relygyon, the wyckyd pa∣pists confyrmyd in their errour, And ado∣re new set open to all Popish tradycions and Antychristian impietie: nether can any man call this Christian lybertie, where a yoke is layd vpon the dysciples neckes, where the consciens is cloggyd, true prea∣chers thretenyd, the curse of Godes worde stayed, the congregacyons spoylyd of god∣lye and learnyd pastors, the Sacramentes brought vnder subieccyon of Idolators & supersticious vestiments, therefore where either the formar condycion wante or this latter be annexsyd, yt can not be callyd a thynge mere indifferent. Augustine vpon indifferent thyngs say the, Those thynges that are not contrarye to faythe, nether yet contrarye to good manners, and haue somwhat to exhorte to the amendemēt of lyfe, whersoeuer we se such thynges com∣maundyd, or do know to be institutid, we do not only alowe, but also we will folow them in praysynge and imytatinge them: yf the infyrmyte of some do not let that yt shuld be a further detrimente or damage, here Augustine requiryth two poynts in thyngs indifferent. First that they induce to a better lyfe, & do serue to edyfycacion, next that we beware lest any offence come therbye, or any weake consciens be hynde∣rydmarke wel the nature of indiffe∣rēt thinges in y• curse of religion, Christ hym selfe geuyth a good warning saynge, wo be to offences, there myght be brought dyuers examples and testymonies to proue, that thynges whych of them selues haue byne or are indifferēt, by circunstāce & abusinge becom euel, what thynge is more requirid for sondry causis in this lyfe, then fastinge, and for the dayes & tymes, what thynges can be more indifferent. yet yf by y• obser∣uacion of dayes and appoyntinge of tymethe godly wil haue nothinge to do in ce∣rimonies of the wic∣ked. we shuld confirme the opinion of the wyc∣kyd, & so gyue consente to them we were worthely to be blamyd & reprouyd, as Au∣gustine wytnessith wryting after this sort, To faste on the Sonday is a great offen∣ce, cheflye after y• detestable heresye of the Manichees, whych is planlye contrary to the Catholyke fayth of manye, & the scrip∣tures of God dyd shew it selfe, whych cō∣stitutyd to their hearers, to fast on ye Son∣day, was a most mete daye. Tertulian in his boke De corona militis, defendyth the cause of a soudyar that was zelous for the glory of god, & wold not weare a garlonde on his heade as y• rest of his felowes dyd, lest he shuld seame to consent with ye Idola¦tors,God send vs manye suche ze∣lours chri∣styanes. & so bringe true relygion into doubt, & wheras many of the Christiās myslyhid of this soudyars facte, which for so smal a try fill wolde hasarde the Emperors fauor and so auenture his lyfe, seinge to weare the garlonde was not agaynste y• scriptu∣res. Tertullian who iustifyed this zelous acte answerethe on this soudiars behalfe sayinge: Yf for this cause it may be sayd y• he myght lawfully be crownyd, because the scriptures do not forbyd it, by this sa∣me reason it shalbe answered, that therfor he ought not to be crounyd, because ye scrip¦tures doth not commande it. The Coun∣sel of Toletane ordenyd that in Baptymse shulde be vsyd but one dyppynge, lest they shuld seame to consente with the heretiks whiche vsed to dypp the child thryse, & sen∣dynge to Gregory for his counsell herein, they receuyd this answere, for the eschew∣inge of the sclaunder of scisme and trady∣cion of the heritikes, let vs hold the sym∣ple vse of Baptisme, les they whiche amō∣gest vs do vse to dypp thry se to allowe the assercyon of the heretykes, whyle y• folow their not onlye to holde the Idoll as accursyd, but also that we vtterlye abhorre and ac∣counte moste abhominable thynges that apperteyne ther vnto, and haue nothynge to do with it, least we be snaryd with it, rede we not in the Machabees, howe the Lorde distroyd all those that had any stuff2. mach. 12 Josua. 7. of the Idolls, and howe was Achan pla∣gyd for reseruynge those thynges, whych the Lorde wold haue dystroyd and accut∣syd,a suttle practys. we reade that Juliamis the aposta∣ta causyd the heathen to accomodat them selues to the maners of the Christyans, and theyr vsages thynkyng by this mea∣nes to entice them to Paganisme, and yf we compell the godlye to conforme them¦selues to the Papistes, I greatlye feare, least we fall into Papisme: alas, that such compulsyon shuld be vsyd toward vs, and so great lenite towards the Papistes, how many Papistes inioye lyberte & lyuyngs, whyche neyther haue sworne obedyene to the Quenes maiestie, nether do yet anye parte of deutye towardes theyr miserable stlockes, those mysers laughe, and trium∣phe to se vs thus delt wythe, not ashamyd here vpon to bragg, that they truste that the rest of theyr thynges wyll folow. But he that sittyth in the heauens, shal laughe them to thorne, and at leangthe shal geue an end to oure depe syghinges, and dely∣uer vs from all heuynes sorowes and my∣seris, wherfore let vs neuer yealde to this tryumphe of the Pope agaynst Christe, Lorde Jesus be mercyfull vnto vs, and let thy wrathe be pouryd vpon them that call not on the name of the Lorde, yf true re∣formacyon can not be had. Yet lett Chri∣styan lybertie preuayle agaynst compul∣sion to euell, lett not the Papistes abuse vs as the Jewys dyd the Christyans, when they had the temporall sworde on theyr syde, pytey ye dyssolate churches heare the cryes and gronyns of so manye thousan∣des of godes pore children that hunger and thyrst for sprituall fode, we neade not to apealle to godes worde, to the prymati∣ue church to the iust plages whyche hath byne pouryd and is pouryd contynuallye, vpon the wordle for lacke of true refor∣macyon of relygyon, but let your owne conscience iudge betwene oure cause and oure enemyes, and yf we seke nothynge but godes glorye craue equitie and ryght desyre Christyan lybertie, labor to ouer∣throwe Idolatry and to wyne soulys vn∣to Christe, why shulde we not be harde, why are we so vncharitably dealt with all the Lorde moue youre hartes and open your eies, that we may all prayse gloryfy his holy name, that when the end of oure pylgrymage shalbe endyd most ioyfullye we maye rest with hym in his euerlastinge glory through Christ oure sauyour, to whome wyth the Father and the Holygost be all prayse glorye and honor, for euer. TO my faythfull Brethren, we geue thankes to God for your constan∣cie and vpryght delynge in this gret controuersie now raysyd by packynge of enemys about the wearinge of popish ap∣parell, and as ye haue well begonne, ther is no doubt, but the Lorde in mercy shall kepe ye pure and blameles to the ende. It hathe byne no small ioye and comfort to many godlye and good Churches, which dayly and howerly prayeth for your per∣seuerāce, and that it wolde please God to ease it, whē his good will and pleasure is. So on the other syde muche lamentynge the blyndnes of those that goeth about to defende it: but especiallye those that are become persecutors of their godly & faith∣full brethren: but as charite requireth, we desyre God neuer laye it to theyr charge, but geue them grace to ryse agayne vnto whom we leue them wether they stande or falle. Let Lottes wyfe be a warnynge in tyme to take hede. Moses that blessyd ser¦uant of God wolde not alter the valew of a curten, or a lytill pyne in the Arche, so ze∣lous was he in the Lordes worke: nor ne∣uer brought any thynge out of his owne heade to the people: But had always the warrant of the worde for hym, to cōclude, what so euer may be obiected agaynst the refusars of those ydolators garmētes, for what so euer they brynge, may be redused into this poyntes, that Godly men ether nede not or ought not to be scrupulous in so small a matter, which answer ye shall vnderstand as folowith with an answere to a question at the end hereof. The Lord for his Christ sake make Ephrahim and Manassis agre, that we maye all with on hart and mynde vnfaynydly seke Godes glorye, the edificacion of his people, that we may lyue in all godly peace, vnyte, and concord. This grant, o Lorde, for Christ Jesus sake, to whom, with the, and the Holy goste, be all prayse, glory, and honor for euer and euer. DEarly belouyd, you that haue wyt∣te, vnderstanding, and wyll to be in∣structyd in this controuersi▪ now raysyd in the Churche about apparell, at thys tyme thys shall suffyce. Yt is true that the teachers of handye craftes affyr∣me, that no man can attayne to suche ex∣cellente perfeccyon in worke, as maye be disputed of by reasone, muche lesse when the rule of religion muste be framyd accor¦dynge to the rule of Godes wyll, which is y• rule of all perfeccyon, may we loke that any thyng can so perfectly be performyd of vnperfect mā, that in all poynts yt may answere to the perfeccion that God requi∣rith: neuertheles God requirith his seruice to be suche as hym sealfe is, deuyne, pure, syncere, vnmingled, and in no parte corru∣ptyd, and as lacke of strenthe shal not ex∣cuse vs, in that we can not, so neclygence makythe vs more wickyd, yf that we may performe, and we will not. Fyrste we are requiryd to loue God with all our hartes, all our myndes, and all our strength, that precisenes is comendable, which withhol∣dith not a lytill, whē all is requiryd. ThouDeut. 18. shalt be perfect with thy Lorde thy god. Thou shalt not bende ether to thy ryght∣hande, or to the leafte. Thou shalt nether maudyd. Thou shalt not inquier for the gods of the Gentyls, sayinge: Howe dyd those Gentyles serue theyr godes. Thou shalt not do so to the Lorde thy god. For whatsoeuer the Lorde abhorreth, that dyd they to theyr godes. God wyll haue his children so to abhorre these supersticion, y• they shuld fle euen from that infecciō thatThe zeall that God requirith. comythe by hearynge. Furthermore, so many thinges as ar cōmandyd of leprous, mēstreous, dead bodys, were many, which myght not be touchyd without defyling, what other thinges were they in that ru∣de people, but exercises of precyse purenesGod kepe vs frō all outwarde shew of Popery. and cleanes, the obseruance of suche sha∣dowes, althoughe it hath byn longe synce abolyshyd, yet the euerlastinge truthe re∣maynyth: muche more in presence of the bodye, that no prophane or defylyd thinge may be minglyd with gods seruice. Mo∣reouer god forbydyth all strange corrup∣tious mixtures, whē he forbyddyth them to sowe land with diuers seedes, to plow∣ghe with an oxe and an asse, to weare ly∣nyne and wollen to gether. For lyberte & costome euen in ye leaste matters bredythe boldnes, & in hys cōmandement god hath also respecte to the hynde of apparell. Fy∣nallie when this ceaes is streachyd euenmarke well. to brute beastes, who wold not beleue that God requirith an vtter detestacion of all vncleanes, especially in religion. Seing all these lawes perteyne to the fyrst cōmande∣ment, accordinge to the same precise rule dyd the holy fathers exercise them selues vnto puryte, therfore it is neuer rede that the godly Patriarches dyd sacrifyce vpon the Idolators alters, but whyther soeuer they remouid, always they buyldid neweExample of holy men. alters. Furthermore Abraham wolde not take a thryde of the Kynge of Sodoma. Jacob buryed the earinges that weare or∣namentes of supersticion, with the Idoles them selues. Moyses to blemishe the ser∣uice of God wolde accepte no condicions at all, there shall not remayne on houe, saythe he very precislye. Dauith wold not take the names of the Idoles in his lypes. Ezechias brake the brasen serpēt, not only chāgyd the vse of it. The Holyghost pray∣sitheWhat gre∣ter heryty∣kes cā ther be, then the Papistes? those godly Kinges, which destroyed the highe places, as Ezechias and Josias, in whiche places somtyme the people dyd worship god. Elyazer wold not fayne that he dyd cate swynes fleshe. S. Pawle byd∣dythe, Refrayne from all shew of euyll. S. John forbyddyth vs to salute an hery∣tyke eneus wytnessith, when he mett an heri∣tyke, wolde not gyue hym other answere, but that he knewe hym to be the Deuells eldeste sonne. for suche feare had the A∣postels & theyr disciples, that they wolde not comunicate withe on worde with any that had corruptyd the faith. Fynallie S. Pawle in playne wordes cōmandyth pre∣cisnes,Ephe. 5. sayinge, Take hede that ye walke precislye or exactlye, for so the greke wor∣de signifieth. Last of all, let vs not forget what our Sauiour Christ saythe: He that is faythfull in the leaste, wyl be faythfull in the moste. Who also teachith vs, howe faythfully and precislye we shulde walke, what colde be more precisly spoken of, the law shall passe vntyll all be fullfyllyd, and he that breakyth one of the leaste cōman¦dements, and teachith other so to do, ether by worde, or by example, shalbe least in the Kyngdome of heauen. Yt is euident by these reasons and examples, that no pre∣cisenes or scrupulosite in godes religion, can be to muche or blame worthie. Tow∣chinge y• substance, ther is no controuersy, but yt is lawfull as the good creature of god, and to this purpose pertayne those sayinges: The kyngdome of heauen is ne∣ther meate nor drynke. Meate cōmendith vs not to god. Whatsoeuer enterithe in to the mouth, defylyth not the man. All thinges ar cleane to them that ar cleane▪ & other lyke places of scripture, all which they pertayne to the matter or creature & substance only, not to euery vse, fassion, or maner of vsynge. It is to muche doltyshe∣nes, not to vnderstand all thynge a ryght, excepte we wyll also conclude of the same places, that by glotony, dronkenes, whor∣dome, disquisyd aparell, and suche lyke, the lawe of god is not brokē. garments ther∣fore that ar vrgyd in respecte of the forme and vse, they are not indifferent, and fyrst of the ende, which they labor so muche to proue that it is chaungyd, that those thin¦ges which before were vsyd to supersticiō, now are cōmandyd for order & comlynes. No godly man doubtyth, but the Quenes Maieste intendinge an other end in com∣manding of those thinges, then the Papi∣stes vsyd them for. But who so well consi∣derith y• nature of those thinges, shall play∣nely se, that the end which the commander propoundyth, dothe not folowe, but accor∣dinge to the diuersite of them y• vse them, and them that iudge of them, a cleane cō∣trary end ensuythe, for many popishe pre∣stes vse them to the same supersticious end that they dyd in Popery, and greatest of all is y• multitude of ignorant people, that iudgith none otherwyse of them. All menCor. 8. haue not knowledge, for some with con∣science of the Idole, euen yet do eate meate offred to Idoles. So Gedcon made an E∣phode, not that y• people shulde go a who∣ryngeJud. 8. after it, yet was it the destruction of hym and his howse for euer. Secondly it can not serue for order and comlynes,Cor. 14. which hath in it no necessary cause of edi∣fying. Let all thinges be donne for edify∣ing. Nether can it be conuertyd to y• com∣lynes of the Christian Churche, which is the chaste spowse of Christ, which is takē from Antichrist, and the fylthye whore of Babylon. What cōsent hath Christ with Belyall: what porcion hath the faythfull with the infydell: or what agrement hath the temple of God with Images? Yf the reason of S. Paule be examynyd, by the2. Cor. 6. which he dissuadith the Corynthians frō eating of meate offeryd to Idoles, the sa∣me may be also extendyd to garmēts con∣secratyd to Idolatry. The nature of cery∣monies and rytes is to make the vser to haue felowship with the principall of that religion, as the Jewes of the alter, Chri∣stians with Christ, and Gentils with De∣uells. As manye as are partakers of the breade which we breake, are partakers of the bodye of Christe. They therfore that eate meate offeryd to Idoles, are parta∣kers of deuells. And as many as are bap∣tized haue put on Christ: it is not to be fea¦ryd, leaste as many as weare antychristes robes, wil take more yf auctorite comand it, neyther dothe the auctoryte of the Chri¦stian Magistrat excuse vs, except we thin∣ke, that Sergius Paulus myght permyteAct. 15. Deut. 12. that S. Paule had forbydden the sentence of Jamys, which is, that the gentyls shul∣de abstayne from the polucion of Idoles, God will borowe nothynge of Idoles to garnysh or become his religion. thou shalt not do so to the Lorde thy god, but rather he commandyth vtterly to destroye theyr alters, woddes, pyllers, and theyr very na∣mes. He forbyddyth them also to brynge any thinge in to theyr howses that belon∣gythe to Idoles. Esaye chap. 30. byddyth those that are earnestly turnyd to the wor¦shippe of god, to cast awaye the reliques of Idolatrie, You shall, sayth he, put outthat is all thing be∣longing to Idolatry. the couerynge of the Imagis of syluer, & the precious vestymēts of the goldē Ima∣gis, and thou shalt caste them awaye lyke a menstrous clowte, and saye vnto yt: A∣uawnte, or get the hence. Fynallye when all godly men abhorre the monstrous ap∣parell of Fryers, Monkes, Chanons, I can not se, by what order they shulde exte∣me the ornaments of Popishe Preastes, whose order is as wyckyd as Freyers, Monkes, or any other, which thyng may be sayd of the reste of the Popishe ceremo¦nies, which may all with lyke precepte and coloure, & by as good reason be receuid in the Churches as those. But admyttinge that these thynges were neuer so indiffe∣rent, yet it can not be that we shulde thyn∣ke them lawfull, for vs to vse them: for euē those thinges, which by them sealues are lawfull, whē an other circumstance is ioy∣nyd to them, then become they vnlawfull for a Christian to vse them, as in these ca∣ses. First we can not cast of all doubtful∣nes, hauing so many reasons on our syde, and so manye examples bothe of learnyd men, and best reformyd Churches, but in all thinges most indifferent. Saint Paule chargith euery mā to be certanly persua∣dyd in his owne mynde, which some men vntruly translate, Let euery man abownde in his owne sence, for he that with doubt of conscience eatyth, which of it sealfe is lawfull, is condemnyd, because he doth it not of fayth. Now the assurance of fayth muste be sought no where, but in Gods worde. Secondlye, thowghe we shulde sa∣tisfye our consciences, yet this man is de∣fylid, which is not persuadid by Gods wor¦de, but encreased by our examples, that he dare do that, whereof before he doubted, and this is to giue an offence, as they cō∣monly call it to anger them, for they that are best pleasyd with these matters, are most offendyd that they stomble and falle, we must not do what so euer is lawfull, but what so euer also is profytable to edi∣fying: nether must we only regarde what lyberte permyttyth, but rather what our brothers proffyt requiryth. Thyrdlye, we maye not altogether neclecte what infy∣dells iudge of vs in the vsynge of thinges lawfull by them sealfes, and therefore S. Paule byddeth them that are callyd to the feastes of the gentyls, so sone as mencyon is made of meate offeryd to Idoles, to ab∣stayne from eatinge of it, because of hym that tolde of it, and his conscience, not of hym sealfe, but of an other. What the Pa¦pistes iudge of vs, maye casely be seene by this, yt Harding for the retayning of those Popishe cerymonies, cōteynith hope that popery shalbe restoryd: what the ignorant people iudge of the reamnants of papistri retaynyd, wyse men may well consyder. Herunto might haue byne ioynid the sen∣tences of olde Doctors, Justinus, Jreneus, Tertullianus, Agustyne, Ambros, Chry∣sostums, Celestinus, & almost all the rest, for abhorrynge the customes and ryghtes of the Jewes and gentyles and heritykes, but Gods truthe nedyth not mans aucto∣ryte, except they that be against vs, in this cause wyll appeale to the fathers, thē shall they perceyue, that in nomber both of Do∣ctors, and sentences, we shall be nothinge inferior to them. In the meane tyme this maye suffyce, to shew fyrst that the precy∣sians is blameles, secondly the garmētes ar not indifferent, & thyrdly that thowghe they were indifferent yet ther is sufficient reason at this tyme, why we shoulde not weare them. Come Lord Jesus, and make an ende of thys wyckyd wordle, that thy sainctes may come to gether, that we may synge with the in thy holy hyll for euer. He that ouercomith shalbe crownyd. Pray, pray, as the Apostell Peter sayth: the end of all thinges is at hand. ALthoughe we muste nedes confesse,Answere. that we haue to much consentyd he∣retofore with the Papiste in robbing and bereuinge God of his glory & honor, yet may we not now in the lyght of Gods truthe contynew a partaker with you in the adulteracion of Christes sacramentes, cōtrary to our consciences & knowledge, wherein we iudge our sealues onlye, not preiudisynge other mens doinge, whō we leaue to God, before whō they ether stand or falle. For oure partes we must render accompte, not obstinatly bent against any thing y• shalbe approuyd by Gods worde. We are persuadyd, that we may not vseMaios. any thinge repugnant to Christian lyber∣te, nor mayntayne an opinion of holynes wher none is, whiche were Ipocrisy, nor consent to Idolatri, which were denyall of the truthe, or discorage the godly, incora∣gynge the wyckyd, nor distroying y• Chur¦che of Christ, which are bownde to edifye, nor consent vnto confusion, wher God re∣quiryth order, nor shew disobedience, wher God requiryth to obeye. But in vsynge of a surples, we shuldeMinor. do that which is repngnaunt to Christian lybertie, maintaine an opinion of holines, where none is, shew consent to Idolatry, deny the truthe, dyscorage the godly, and incorage the wyckyd or vngodly, consent to confusion and shew disobedience, wher God commandithe to obeye. CōclusionWe may not with good conscience, as we are persuadyd weare a surples. The Maior is prouyd by Saynt Paule Gal. 5. who commandyth to Christian li∣bertie, by the example of Christ Matt. 15. who wold not haue his disciples to main∣taynenote the example of good men. an opinion of holynes, whiche the Jewes had in wasshyng of handes: by the doctryne of Pawle. 2. Cor. 6. who wyll haue no agremēt with the temple of God and the Idoles: by the example of Dany∣el. 6. who openid his wyndowe towardes Jerusalem, lest he myght seame to denye his profession or consent with ye wychyd: by the example of Paule Gal. 2. who re∣prouyd Peter for the discoragyng of the godly gentiles, and incoraging of the fro∣ward Jewes: by the doctryne of the same Apostell. 2. Cor. 13. where he teachith that Mynysters haue power to edifye, not to destroye: by the example of Patriarkes, and Prophetes, which in the worshipping of God, wear by no meanes confowndyd withe the Idolators: by the doctryne of Peter and John actes, which affyrmithe to be more ryght to obey God, then men. But for more euident profe herof, we may let you se some practises of auncient Fa∣thers. Tertulian in his boke De corona¦militis, lykythe them vnto dom̄e Idolls, suche as do vse any thinge accordynge to the ornament of Idolles: and further, yf to leane apon an Idoll, is strange from the fayth, what shall seame apon the habytefastyng is good, yet the godly wold not vse it that day as the h ytyk dyd. of an Idoll. Augustyne ad Casulanum, warnythe not to faste on the Sondaye, least therby consente might be shewyd to the wyckyd Maniches. They that weare any thinge after the maner of Idoles, and yf it be strange from fayth to leane apon an Idoll, what is it to weare the habyt of an Idoll. The fourth Counsell of Tole∣tane Canon. 5. for auoydynge of consent with Herytyckes, decreed that once dyp∣pynge shulde be vsyd in Baptysme. A Pa¦pist of our tyme affyrmith that the Apo∣stels to auoyde consent to Judaisme, abo∣lysshed the Sabothe daye, and sanctyfyed the daye of the Lorde. The great Clarke Orygen, as Epiphanius wrytith in his. 2. boke. 1. Tome, caryed palme withe thouBeware of decem∣blyng. that offeryd to the Image Serapis, all∣thoughe he protestyd openly, that he dyd offer vnto Christ, and not vnto Serapis, yet was he excomunycatyd, and cast out of the Church by the Marters and Confes∣sors whiche then were at Athens. The Christian sowdiars which by Julian sul∣telteBeware of deceyt∣full prac∣tyses. were browght to offer incens, as it is wryten Historia Tripartita lib. 6. chap. 30. when they perceuyd theyr faute, whiche vnwares they had commytted in consen∣tyng to Idolatri, they rane forthe into the streats professede theyr relygion, testifyed them sealues to be Christians, affyrmyng that theyr handes only had cōsentyd vnto Paganisme, and that theyr hartes dyd no∣thyngthe natu∣re of true Christian. agre thervnto, and whereas theyr handes had offendyd vnaduysydlye, they wyshyd to bestowe theyr whole bodyes to be tormentyd for Christ, althoughe wyth tormentes and paynes moste creuell and horyble. I trust we nede not to laboure a∣ny further for the profe. By the vse of the surples men are iniciat in to ye Popes cler∣gye, as it aperith by ye Pontifycall, De cle∣rico faciendo. Yf y• Galathians by circum∣cision rather loste theyr lyberte in Christ, then profytyd any thynge, by iniciatinge them sealues in to Judaisme. How maye you retayne the lyberte in Christ, and pro∣fyt in his religion by wearinge the Popes lyuerye, we can not perceaue? But by the vse of the surples, is mayntaynyd an Ipo∣critycall opinion of holynes, ye Pontificall termithe it Habitum sancte religionis, the habyt of an holy religion. Durand lib. 3. de rationale diuinorum, saythe, That it is Destis linea, the lynyne garment, in which they that serue about the seruices of the alter and holy thinges, ought to vse apon theyr clothes, a surples, it is for the whit∣nes of it, or it signifieth the puryte or cha∣stete, accordinge to that sayinge: Let your garments, that is, your workes, be whiteMarke What ly∣ing signes is in the surples in∣uentyd by Papistes. at all tymes, that is cleane: but for his na∣me, it figurith the mortificacion of the fle∣she. It is callyd a Surples, because that in the olde tyme they dyd weare it apon shynny coates, made of the skynnes of the deade, whiche is vsyd to this daye in cer∣tayne Churches, representynge that A∣dame, after he had synnyd, was clothedWith what good con∣science can the godly Weare yt, iudge good Brother. with suche garments. Thyrdly, it notith Innocenci, and therfore it is put on before all other holye vestures, because that they that are deputyd to worshippynge, ought to excell in lyfe and in all vertues, accor∣dyng to the sayinge of the psalme: Inno∣cencies do ryghtly lue vnto me. Four∣thely, for the bredthe of it, it betokenythe Charite, wherefore they are worne apon prophane and cōmon vestures, it is to be markyd that charite coueryth the multi∣tude of synnes. Fyftlye, for the fassyon of it, in that is it made lyke a Crosse, or Jewes gallows, it fygurythe the passion of the Lord, and they y• weare, that ought to be creweyfyed with the vices and con∣cupiscences. In mayntayninge this opi∣nion of holynes, with all other muēcions, which by lyinge seignes, which they haue had to it, we knowe not howe to auoyde consent vnto that Idolatri, which Durant and the Papiste mayntayne and professe, & to deny the Popes cerimonies, the doc∣tryne whiche we teache, howe shuld it not dyscorage the godly, and incorage the su∣persticious in theyr errors: we can not e∣defye the Church of Christ apparentlye, shewinge our sealues to be on of the Po∣pes clergye. Seing S. Paull Thess. 3. wil∣lythe to auoyde all apparens of euyll, and to be shufflyd in a surples, whiche the Po∣pes clergye wear, were rather a confusion then an order, whiche they them sealues wolde be lothe to suffer, if they might get agayne the keys into theyr handes, they wolde crye withe open mowthe, as theyr pontificall teache them, & plucke the sur∣plesThe sur∣ples is an holy gar∣mēt of the Papistes. of our backes by the autoryte of al∣myghtie God the Father, the Sonne, and the Holyghoste. saying, and we take from the all our clerkly habyt, and we put on ye apparell of religion, and depose, degrade, and spoyle the of all orders clerkely bene∣fice,Marke the follye of Papistes. and clerkelye lyuinge, and we restore the to the seruitude and ignominie of the secular habyte. Is it not a disorder, that Christians shoulde shewe them selues sla∣ues to the Popes order? were it not better to serue God in commun attyre, then to please the Pope by disquisinge our selues in supersticious surplessis: were it not bet∣ter to obey God, who wyllyth vs to serue hym in spret, and in truthe, then to obey men, followyng the deuyse of Pope Syl∣uester, the fassyon of the Jewes, and prac∣tyse of the Papistes: where it not better, by leauynge of a Surples to folow Christ in breakynge mens tradicions, thē by the vse therof to be a companion of Popes & Pharises? Yf this do not seame sufficient to proue the Minor at this tyme, it shalbe more at large dyscoursyd hereafter. Con∣cernyng ye Quenes Maiestes commande∣ment, herein we acknowledge our sealues bownde to obey in all thynges lawfullye commaundyd, so can not we be persuadyd to vse that in the minysteri, which our con¦sciences teacheth vs to be replenished with Idolatrous Ipocrisye, & also the example of other men which dothe were it, ought nothing at all to moue vs to were a sur∣ples in the minysterie, no more then to con¦sent with them in persecutyng those men whom they terme sedicious scismatyckes for leauyng them of. Thus as ye se, short∣lye dere Brethren, we leue the surples, as the Popes badge to the shauen Clergye, and you as Gods chosen to the protection of the almyghtie whysshynge, that God may geue vs grace aswell inwardelye as outwardlye, to seke for syncerite, and to wayght with all pacience the good wyll & pleasure of the almygh∣tye, who wyll & can healpe when pleasith hym. Fare ye well in the Lorde Jesus. OH Lord God and heauenly Father, which art a iust Judge to punishe all them, that do contynewe to of∣fende the, as thou art a Father most pyty∣full to receaue to mercy all those, whiche geue ouer themselues to please the, shewe me thy grace and fauour, so that I may be truly touchid withe inward displeasure of my synnes; and that in the place of flatte∣ring my self to slepe in synne, I may be so cast downe in hart, that the rather I may truly with mouthe confesse most humbly to geue the, the honour, glory, and prayse, dew vnto thy holy name, and that as thou of thy greate mercy doste instruct vs the∣revnto by thy holy word, so (for thy na∣mes sake) make that ye same may so ligh∣ten and cleare our conscience, that in dew examination of all our hole lyste, we may truly learne to be angry & displeasid with all our former, and corrupte lyning. Oh that it may please the to drawe nere vnto vs, in addressyng and guydyng our foot∣steppes in the true and perfect may of obe∣dyence to thy holy lawes and cōmaunde∣mentes. Send thy holye Angel to pitche his tentes round about us, that Sathan & is internall army, neuer preuayse against vs, but allways with strong faith we may thorough Jesus Christ withstand all his crafty engins and snares, knowynge vn∣doubtedly that thou neuer forsakest them that put their trust in the. Oh let vs not be led by the infirmytie of our vntowarde fleshe, but strenghten vs by the vertue of the holy spiryte. Suffer vs not to lye vn∣der thy heuy wrathe & vengeaunce throu∣ghe I pocrysye, but rather touche vs so in∣wardly, that we may without ceasyng, sy∣ghe, and grone vnto the, by true and vn∣fayned repentaunce. And althoughe we be not allwayes so wel disposyd to aske & praye, as we ought to do, yet (good Lord) for thy names sake, stretche out thy migh∣tie hande, that by the gratious workyng of thy holy Spirite, our myndes and har∣tes may be drawen from all erthly and cor¦ruptible thinges, so that our prayers may procede of an ernest and inward affection, so that we neuer presume to cōme before y• with a dobell hart, knowing that who∣soeuer askethe and prayeth for anye thing of the, not asking in faith, can not obtey∣ne. Increace our faithe therfore (oh mer∣cyfull Father) that we presently may ly∣uely feele the benefit of remission and par∣don of all our synnes, thoroughe the me∣rytes and death of Christ Jesus our Sa∣uiour, and so work in vs foreuer hereafter to lyue in thy feare, and to stand in awe of thy displeasure, that thou mayst contynew our mercyfull Fa¦ther world without end. God graunt yt.
A00277.P4	To my louynge brethren that is troublyd abowt the popishe aparrell, two short and comfortable epistels. Be ye constant: for the Lorde shall fyght for yow, yowrs in Christ	[ "Gilby, Anthony, ca. 1510-1585.", "Pilkington, James, 1520?-1576." ]	1566]	E. van der Erve,	[Emden :	eng	[ "Church vestments -- England -- Early works to 1800." ]	DEare Brethren, because we are crea∣tid for gods glory the edification one of another in Christ, and are bounde to serue thervnto by wealthe or woo, lyfe or death, and cheifly, they to whom God haue geuen the greter gyftes, and whom he hath callyd to higher romes, are moste bounde to be zelous for gods glory with godly zelousie to profyt the churche and sponse of Christe vnder their charge, and that by no subteltye as the Apostel warnithe, they shulde be cor∣rupted from the symplicitie of Christ: ther∣fore there is no doubt of your good zealle and diligence. My good fathers & deare bre∣thren, who ar first callid to the battel, to stri∣ue for gods glory and the edification of his people, against the Romish reliques and ra∣ges of Antichrist, I doubt not but that you wyl coragiouslye and constantlye in Christ, rape at these rages of Gods enemyes, and that you will by this occasion race vp many as grete enormites that we all know, & labo¦re to race out all the dregges & remnants of transformid popery, that are crept into En∣gland, by to much lenite of them that wylbe namid the Lordes of the cleargie: what is he that hath the zeale of gods glory before his face, that wyl not ioyne both in prayer, and in sufferinge with you, in so good a cause, that is so much for gods glory, and the edi∣fication of gods church, in the pure simpli∣cite of Christes word & sacramentes, wherin our enemies and persecutours are strangely bewitchid. I wote not by what Circes cupe, that they do make suche a diuersite betwixt Christes worde & his sacramentes, that they can not thinke the worde of God safelye y∣noughe preachid, & honorably inough hand∣lyd, without cap, cope, surplis. But that the sacraments the maryinge, the buryinge, the churching of wemen, & other church seruice, as they call it, muste nedes be decored with crossinge, with capping, wt surplessing, with knelinge, with preti wafer cakes, and other knackes of poperi. O Paule that thou were a lyue, thou durst tell those politike gentel∣men, that ther hath bin to much laboure be∣stoued vpon them in vaine, thou durste say vnto them, as thou didest to ye Corinthians, that they eat not the Lordes supper, but pley a pagent of their owne to blynde the people, and kepe them still in supersticion, fare from the symplicite of Christes supper: but howe many sely sowles is ther that dothe beleue veryly, that they haue an English masse, and so put no difference betwene truth & falshod, betwene Christ and antichrist, betwene God and the deuell, they are strangely bewitched. I say that thus wyll bynde theyr Englyshe presthode & sacraments, but muche more en∣chauntid that can fynd no garments to plea¦se them. But such as haue ben polutid open∣ly with popishe supersticion & Idolatry, but most of all in this point shall theyr madnes apere to all posterites, that they make these Antichristian rages Causam sine qua non, that is, a cause without which ther is no holy mi∣nistery in Christ, so that this shall make an Englyshe preste, be he neuer suche a dolt or vnlearnid in the knouledge of the scripture as we haue very manye, and without these romisshe reliques not Paule hym selfe shal∣be admittid (as one of them dyd blaspheme & the rest of them in effecte do affirme) well agaynste suche popishe chaffer and popery, hathe byne longe agone foughten witheall, when the gret captaines of that religion ly∣uyd, and yet God gaue the victory. Therfor let vs not fear now, although it doth begine to sture agayn, for ther is no craft, conninge, counsell, wysdom, or policy against the Lord. We haue Christ & hys Apostells & the Pro∣phetes euer stryuing agaynst the Ipocrites of their time o our yde. a strau for popishe polici we haue the worde of God to warant vs, to rote out al monuments of supersticion and Idolatry, & are charged to abhor them, to accompt them, accursed, and to defy them, and to detest them as menstreous clowtes, they haue not the worde of God for them. And what wysdom is in them, sayth god by his Prophet Jeremi, they talke of obedience & concorde, but ther is no obedience against the Lorde, no nor concorde to be desired, but wher gods glory and verite is preserued, Els better to haue al the worlde in hurly burleis, and heauen & earth to shake, then one ioyte of gods glory shulde decaie. So far forth as in vs leithe, we haue theyr owne lawes and proclamacions, to rote out all monuments of supersticion and Idolatrye, & theyr oune wordes are contrarye to theyr doinges. Yt shulde apere that they repent their reforma∣cion proclamid, as did ye Isralites, they buyl∣de agayn that which ons they haue distroied and this is doue openlye that all the worlde may wonder, and behold: but what is done secretlye, god wyll one daye haue it declarid openly, ye they make the name of god & this doctrine that we professe to be euell spoken of alredy. By many of theyr doinges, theyr iudgement hasteth that for such causes per∣secute Gods true preachers. Wherfore let vs ot feare theyr threteninges, ther can none ersecute the godly for this cause & trasshe. ut ether such as are nether hote nor colde, nd then they shalbe vomyted out vnlesse heir zeale encrease, or such as haue no God before their eies, whose god is their bellie, or ls open papists, whom god hathe geuen vp o a reprobate sense, wherfore we must thus take it, that they ar gods rodds for oure sin∣nes, because we haue not ben more zelous in Gods cause, nether carefull to seke his glo∣rye, that wolfe Wynchester & blodie bucher Bonar fought once against many godli men for the grounde of this gere, and thei had all the power of the Realme seruinge theyr lu∣stes, but beholde how the Lorde in short time ouerthrew them al, to giue vs coradge to go forwarde, the Lord forgeue vs, we ar to slac∣ke and neglygent in heauenly thynges, this monster Bonar remainithe and is fed as pa∣pists say, for their sakes, & it must be graun∣tyd, it is for some purpos, althoughe he be a traytor and an enemi to the crowne and re∣alme, and bothe to God and man, whiche brunnid godes holy testament, murderid his saintes and his servātes. But what the Lord requyrith to be done wythe false Prophe∣tes it is manyfest: we haue bothe the lawe of god & man for vs, But we ar answerid nay, you your sealues shalbe compellid to turne your coates and cappes, and get you into his leueris, and to be lyke him in your gar∣ments. O Elyas that thou lyuedste, or tha thy spyrit weare amongst vs, thou woldes say with the Prophet Sophoni, that God will vysit the werears of this Idolatours garmentes or strange aparell, thou woldest say, that thinges dedicatid once to idolatry, is not indifferent, thou woldest say reuerence to the sacramēt is wrought by doctrine and discipline, and not by popisshe & Idolatours garments, thou woldest saye, what decency can ther be gaynyd to the sacramēts, by that which hath byn deuisyd & vsyd to deface it, if the golde ordeinyd by god for the reuerence and decenci of the Jewes temple, is not to be admittyd to beutify the churche of Christe, much lesse copes brought in by papistes the enemyes of god, and alwayes continwyd in their seruice as ornamētes of their religion in no wyse ought of vs Christians to be re∣taynid. But the papistes triumphe and glori in their assembles, that the hote gospelars shalbe driuen to their doltishe attires, for the Lords sake let vs neuer giue them any cau∣se of Joye, thoughe we shoulde dye for yt: Moyses wold not yelde on hoofe of a beste in gods busines, he wolde not leue the lou∣pe vnmade, nor make a button or a claspe more or lesse. Eleasar will not decemble by eatynge of vnlawfull meates, the faythfull Isralites wolde not receyue so muche as an yuibushe. Contrariwyse Orygen caryinge a braunche and professynge, that he bare it for Christ at the first. But was afterwarde compellid to open Idolatry, so cursid a thing it is to geue any place to the wicked: all the papistes that saye, they worship Christ in the crosse, and God in the sacrament, do still vn∣der these wordes continew still in their Ido∣latri, beware of deceitfull wordes, that couer wickid purposes, to drawe vs from Christiā symplicite. Let vs stand constantly agaynste all abuses, and repent for our former cold∣nes in religion, and our synnes, and call for healpe from aboue, for the hand of the Lorde is not shortenid: we ar assured that we seke Gods glory, and our aduersaries may see, yf they can se any thinge, that this thinge that they seke is not for gods glory, seing the pa∣pistes the enemyes of God, doe so desyre yt and glory in yt. And reioyse, that we, whom they most hate, cannot be safe but vnder their garments: we ar assurid that we seke godes glory in folowinge Christ his Aposteles and Prophets. who euer dispised these pharisai∣call outward faces and visures, Christe fyn∣dethe fault withe the garmentes of the pha∣riseis. Paule counteth all his pharisaicall, shew to be donge. Zachari saithe, that the false Prophet shalbe ashamed of his prophe∣cye, and forsake his garments wherin he de∣reyuid. & shal the true Prophetes be fayne to crepe into their coules? for by the same au∣torite may be comaundid any peace of pope∣ry, so that it be namyd policie. Ezechias and Josias knew no suche aucthoritie, but they say: It is for policie, For it plainly apearithe that ther is lesse care for religion, then for policie. But beware that the example of Je∣roboham be not folowed, that made such li∣ke prestes for policie as wolde do as he com∣maundid them. Achaz of policie brought the fashion of an alter into Jerusalem, as he sa∣we at Damascus, where he had ouercome the Idolatours and their Idolls, but cursed was his policie, and so ar all they that wil retai∣ne any thinge of their Idolatrie. Nabucho∣donosors Idoll was for vnitye and policie, but without the warraunt of gods worde, ther is neyther good vnitye nor police. The godlie father Bucer callithe the tenthes and the first fruites sacriledge and roberie, they be kept stil for policie. Crosse and candelstic∣kes ar supersticious, though they be kepte. I wot not for what policie the adoration of the Sacrament in the countres, where they knocke and knele to a wafer take is a popi∣she policie. That wemen baptise, that plura∣lites, tot quots impropriacions, non residen∣ce, despensacions, suspensions, excomunica∣tions, & absolucions, for money at grauntyd, yt is evell, like as are many other inormites borowed from Rome, which remayne in the name of policie. All these thinges were ab∣horryd as popishe supersticious, and Idola∣tries, amonge our gospellers both bishops & others, when they were vnder gods roddes in pouerte. But how thei now haue learnid courtely deuinite, to grounde all apon poli∣cie? Humble them agayne o Lorde, that they do not forget the, and thy great kindnes and mercie shewid apon them, and sture vp their hartes and myndes, that they may be care∣full ouer thy pore flocke. O Christe, whom thou hast dearly bought, by this theyr poli∣cy at blindid, & carithe for no more, but that thei may haue this supersticious shew which is so stifely maintained. Let him mumble as he liste, yf he be thus apparelid, al his serui∣ce is well ynough, otherwyse yt is nothing worthe, Thus cause you them to perishe by your polices, for whome Christ hathe dyed. further more, yf poperi be superstitious and idolatrous, evel and wicked, as yet ther was neuer a worse thinge in the worlde, then ar we commaunded to absteine from all parti∣cipatio thero, and from all the shewe therof ab omni specie mali, that is, from all shewe of wickidnes. These garments were the shewe of their blasphemous preisthod, herein they dyd singe and saye their supersticious idola∣trous seruice, they dyd sence their Idolls and healpe forwarde theyr Idolatrous masses, what policie can it be then to weare this ge∣re. But a supersticious wickid and popishe policie, they doe it for policie, they saye, that their priestes may be knowen and magnifi∣ed of men. Dyd not the Pharisies vse the sa∣me policie, to doe all their workes and make all their garmentes bothe Philacteris vpon their headdes, and their wide and syde robes and borders, that they might be more expec∣table, and notorious to the people: but their woo is thretenid aboue al other sinners. To suche ypocrites, as beinge voyde of all true holynes, delite in all outward shewes, theyr curse is most inculcate, their polyci is that ye preistes shall weare white in the churches to signify their vertue▪ their purenes, and ho¦lines. and when they go fourth of the church they must weare blacke gownes and blacke hornes, for cōtrary polycies, and for dyuers significations, Our master Christes polycie was expressyd in one worde, fede, fede, fede. and the Prophetes before, and the Apostel∣les afterwarde, yf Christe be the wysdome of the father, the true ministers shalbe well inough knowen, by that one marke which he geueth: and yf that he haue not that mar¦ke better vnknowen then knowen, both for him selfe and others, therfore lett them not saye for shame, that they seeke gods glorie, Christes wil, or the edification of his church, by their polycie. Whyles they thretē & stope the spredinge of gods worde and fedinge of Christes flocke, cōmandyd by writing to ex∣cōmunicate the most faithful laborers in the planting of the gospell, because thei will not weare the rages of popery, to expulse ye most valiant soldiars agaynst the Romishe Anti∣christ, the most earnest ouerthrowars of the kyngdom of satan, which standith in sin and blindnes. O beware you, that wilbe Lordes ouer the flockes, that you be not sore puny∣shed for your pryde, towardes your brethren, and your cowardlines in gods cause, that for Princes pleasures and pompose liuinges, do turne poperi into policie, and to become our persecutors vnder the cloke of policie: it we∣re better to lose your liuings, then to disple∣ase god in persecutinge of youre brethren, & hinder the course of the worde. But as oure deutie is, we wyll praye for you, and for all our brethren in the ministeri, that god of his grace would graunte vs more zeale for his glorie, than any of vs hathe had heretofore, more desire to edifie, Christes people in pure simplicite, to present them a chast virgin vn∣to Christ, then hitherto hathe apeared, that when the hedeshepherde shall cal to accoun∣te, we be not ashamyd. But beinge founde perfecte in all good workes, may receiue the crowne prepared, as for you deare brethren whome God hath callyd into the brunte of the batell, The Lorde kepe ye constant, that ye yelde nether to tolleracion, nether to anye other subtelte persuasions of dispensacions, or lycences which were to fortifie their Ro∣mishe practises. but as you fyght the Lords fyght, be valiant. God will not leue you, ne∣ther forsake you, as you seke gods glorye, god wyll glorifye you, and as by you Chri∣stes church is edifyed, comfortid and confir∣mid in Christian simplycite, so shall you re∣ceyue comfort by Christe your heede captai∣ne, when you shalbe callyd to geue acomptes of your stewardshippes, and to be rewardyd for your fidelite, the matter is not so smalle as the worlde do take yt, yt wyll appeare be∣fore all be endyd, what an harde thinge it is, to cut of the rages of the Hidra of Rome, it is beutifull, but poysonful, ther is no daling with such a mounster, beware of lokyng bac¦ke to Sodome or delyght anye witte in the garments of Babilone, neyther once touche the poysonid cupe, though yt be of golde or gliteringe. Let vs repent of our former syn∣nes vnfaynidlye, and then shall we abhor and stamp vnder our fette these rages, that were apoyntid to supersticion and idolatry, Let vs hate the blasphemous preasthode, so iniuri∣ous to Christes preisthode, that euery pache and token of it be in execration, detestation, and accursed, and take no parte of yt vpon our heddes nor backes, least we be accursed as it is. Let vs not make the heritage of god as a byrde of many colours, holdinge of di∣ners religions, Let vs not mixte the Jewes with the gentills, let vs not in no wise mixt this our religion with any thinge of Anti∣christ, let vs not confyrme the blinde in their blindnes, neyther the weacke in their super∣sticion. But rather let vs take awaye, if we can, the names, memories, and all monumēts of poperye and that Antichristes priesthod. Let vs open our wyndous with Daniel, and professe what we at: their cruelte shalbe our glorie. Let vs followe Paull, that knew that the truthe gospel cold not be retainyd, if any Jewishe cerimonies were mayntainyd. Lett vs rather neuer weare anye garment, then we should weare those, wherby our brethren shulde be weakened, offendyd or boldenyd to take parte with the idolatours, & so through our hautines in knouledge, oure weake bre∣thren perishe, for whom Christ died. Behold and marke well, how they falle backwarde that yelde in anye iote, and se how they are edifyed, and increase in godlines, which holde that ryght waye that you goe in, the which the Lorde increase you, & vs all, and strenthen vs with his holy spyrit, that we may con∣tinewe to oure lyues ende, al wayes both by our thoughtes, wordes, and workes, to avaunce his glorye and honor dayly more and more, now and for euer. TO my faythfull and deare brethren in Christ Jesu, as in comen daungers of fier, or suche lyke, welbelouyd, they that be fare of, com to socoure those that ha∣ue nede, so I beinge out of iepordie and far of,tru Chri¦stian loue▪ can not but of deuty wyshe well to those that be touchyd about the popishe apparell in thys libertye of Gods truthe, whyche is tought plainely without offencis, in ye grea∣tyst misterys of our religion and saluacion, yt is much to be marvayled, that this small controuersye of aparell should be so heuely taken.the practi of the wic¦kid. But this is the mallis of satan, that wher he can not ouerthrow the greatist mat¦ters, he will cause great troubels in trifels. Peter and Paule agreyde in the greatyste articles of our saluacion, and yet they diffe∣ryd so about meattes, that Paule withstode and rebuckid hym openly.the infir∣mites of the godly▪ Paule and Bar∣nabas fell at suche bytter contention, whe∣ther Marke shuld go with them or no, that they partyd companyes, and eyther of them went sondry waies. God defend vs from the lyke.the con∣stance of the godl Paule circumcisyd Timothe when ther was hope to wine the Jewes: but when they wold haue it of necessite, he would not cir∣cumcise Titus, therfore compellinge would not be vsyd in thinges of liberte, yt is a la∣mētable case, that among them that are civil & full of knouledge, that yt shuld come thus to passe. Consyder dearly belouyd, I besech you; how that all countres, whiche haue re∣formid religion, haue cast away the popishe aparell with the pope: and yet we that wyll be taken for the best gospelars, are contentid to kepe it as an holie religion. Marke well also how many godly and learnid ministers ther be here in all countres, that be so zelous not onlie to forsake the wickyd doctrine of poperie, ready to leue the minystry, & to lose lyuinges, rather then to be lyke the popishe teachers of supersticious order in aparell or behaviour. This realme hath such skacite of teachers, that yf so many worthye men and learnid shuld be cast out of the ministrie for suche small matters, many placis shulde be destitude of preachers, & yt wold geue an in∣curable offence to all the fauourars of gods truthe here, and in other countres, also shall we make so much and so precious of the po¦pes rages that other reformyd places, exte∣me as vyle & filthye, God forbid. S. Paule byddith wemen vse suche aparell as beco∣mith them that profes true godlines, which rule is muche more to be obseruid of men, & especiallye of preachers. But yf we forsake popery as wickid, shall we say that their a∣parell becommith saintes, and professars of tru holines. Saint Paule bydith vs refraine from al outward shew of evell, but surely in kepinge of this popishe aparell, we forbear not an outwarde shew of much euell, yf po∣pery be iudgid evell, as greter wickidnes can not be, as we wolde haue a diuers shewe of aparel to be knowē from the comon people, so is yt necessary in aparell, to haue a shew, howe a protestate is to be knowen from a papiste. Yt hathe pleasyd God to call vs to preache his heuenly worde to that hye office, God geue you grace and vs all to seke hys honor & glorie: yf we so do with a pure hart and mynde, he hath promysed, He that hono∣rith me, I will glorify him, and he that con∣temnith me, I wyll contemne him. Let ther be no curtisye made to healpe gods people now they be in danger. Call to your remem∣braunce Quene Easter, she begane to make curtisy to speke in yt cause, but Mardocheus sayd vnto her: Yf thou now hold thy peace, God shall delyuer by an other meane, & yet thou & thy fathers house shall peryshe. You that can and may do good, do it whyle tyme is offerid, the tyme will come when it wylbe to late: yet god wyll comfort his by some o∣ther meane: It ys a perilous thinge, not to healpe in the tyme of neade, & not to suffer religion to goe forward in all syncerite, and to further gods cause when ye maye, when Terenti a good Christian captaine returnid with great triumphe & victory, the Emperor Valerius bade him axe what he wold. and he shuld haue it for his good seruice: he hauing God before his eyes, desyryd nether ryches, nether honor, but those which had aduente∣red their liues for true religion, might haue a church alowid them, to serue their god pu¦rely in, & seueral from the Arrians. The Em¦perour beyng angrie with his request, pul∣lyd his supplicacion in pecis, and bade him axe som other thing. but he gathered vp the pecis of his, paper and sayd: I haue receuid my rewarde, I wyll axe nothinge els, God encrece about Princes the small nomber of suche zelous futers & promoters of religion, and then no doubt gods glorye shall florishe when we seke his dewe honor, and not oure owne profyte. But to avoide contencion & scisme Austen gevith good counsel to godly and quiet men, that they mercifully correcte that whiche they can, & that which they can not, paciently beare, grone and morne, with loue, vntil god ether correct or amend them. But how this Christian loue shuld be kept in this church, when so manye godlie for so small thinges shalbe thruste out, & also how many already is from the ministery & theyr lyuinges, yt passyth manye good and godlie wittes to conceyue. S. Pauls rule in suche thinges, sayth: All thinges to me is lawfull, but all thinges is not expedient: all thinges to me is lawfull, but all thinges edefye not. Therfor in this case we must not so suttelly dispute, what Christian liberte will suffer vs to do, but what is metist and most edefying for Christian charite, & promoting Christian and pure religion. But surely how popishe aparell shuld edefie, or set forwarde the gos∣pell of Christ Jesus, it can not be seen of the multitude, nay, it is to much fealt how gred∣ly it reioysith the aduersaries of the truth, when they see what we borowe of them; & contend for the same as thinges necessarie. marke well the bysshopes wearing of their whyte rochets, what grounde they fyrste had, and from whence they receyuid it. Ther was a certayne man, namid Sisinius an he∣riticke bishop of the Novaions, and he first begane yt. all those other popish trashe hath the lyke foundaions, but they haue to long contineuyd & pleasyd poperie, which is beg∣gerly pacchid vp of al sortes of cerimones, & that they coulde neuer be routyd out sence, no not from manie professors of the gospel. Wherfore you that se others that is come to a better perfection, grudge not at yt, but be thankfull to God, though thynges may be borne wythe for a tyme for Christian ly∣bertes sake, in hope to winne the weake. yet when lyberte is turnyd into necessite, yt ys evell, & no lenger lyberte: and that, that was for wynning the weake sufferid for a tyme, is become the confyrminge of the frowarde in their obstinacie. Paul vsyd circūcision for a tyme as of lyberte, but when it was vrgyd of necessite, he wold not bende vnto it. That famous father Master Bucer, when he was axyd why he wolde not weare a square cape, made aunswere, because hys heade was not foure square. wherin surelye he notyd well the comlynes of aparell to be, when yt was fassionyd lyke the body, & a gret folly when a square cape was set on a rounde heade. God be mercyfull vnto vs, and graunte vs vprightly to seke hys honore wyth all ear∣nestnes & simplicite. The Lorde comfort his afflictid church, & graunte that in this oulde age of the worlde, we may serue the Lord of hostes in synglenes of hart, and laboure to rote out all stomblinge blockes in religion, that Christes glorie maye nakydly shyne of yt sealue, without all tradicions or inuenci∣ons of men, as in the begynninge when yt was purest, and all such deuyses vnknowen, but inuentid of late to bleare the eyes of the ignorant, with outwarde shewe of holines. God graunt that we may geue all honor to whom al honore is deue, both inwardly and outwardly, to serve hym vnfaynedlye al the dayes of oure lyfe. Fare well deare brethren in the Lorde Jesu, who euer kepe vs in hys fayth, feare, and loue, for euer. WHen I do remember, dearly belouyd, the great charge inioynyd vnto vs of almyghtie God, & the strayghte ac∣counte that we shall haue to make, for the ryghte vse and dispensacion of his myste∣ries, I fynde no comparison myght iustly moue any Christyan to doubt of the bet∣ter of those two choyses, only that whych makythe a shewe for the mayntenaunce of popishe apparel is the opynion of indiffe∣rency,marke wel good Chri∣styan. whych thynge he yt wyll perswade, must fyrst proue that it tendythe to Go∣des glory. Concurrythe wythe his worde, edefyeth his churche, mayntaynyth Chri∣styan lyberte: whych condycions & circum∣stances if they wante, The thynge whych otherwyse by nature is indifferent, dothe degenerat and become hurtfull. but howe can Godes glory be auaunced by those po∣pishe garmētes whych supersticyous men & Antychrist haue inuentyd for the mayn∣teyninge & beutyfyinge of Idolatry, what agrement can mans supersticious inuen∣cyons haue wythe the eternall worde of God, what edifycacion can there be wher the spirit of god is greuyd, Christes lytill∣ous discoragyd,the bōdage of ceremo∣nies what it bringith ye weake brethren brought into doubt of relygyon, the wyckyd pa∣pists confyrmyd in their errour, And ado∣re new set open to all Popish tradycions and Antychristian impietie: nether can any man call this Christian lybertie, where a yoke is layd vpon the dysciples neckes, where the consciens is cloggyd, true prea∣chers thretenyd, the curse of Godes worde stayed, the congregacyons spoylyd of god∣lye and learnyd pastors, the Sacramentes brought vnder subieccyon of Idolators & supersticious vestiments, therefore where either the formar condycion wante or this latter be annexsyd, yt can not be callyd a thynge mere indifferent. Augustine vpon indifferent thyngs saythe, Those thynges that are not contrarye to faythe, nether yet contrarye to good manners, and haue somwhat to exhorte to the amendemēt of lyfe, whersoeuer we se such thynges com∣maundyd, or do know to be institutid, we do not only alowe, but also we will folow them in praysynge and imytatinge them: yf the infyrmyte of some do not let that yt shuld be a further detrimente or damage, here Augustine requiryth two poynts in thyngs indifferent. First that they induce to a better lyfe, & do serue to edyfycacion, next that we beware lest any offence come therbye,marke wel the nature of indiffe∣rēt thinges or any weake consciens be hynde∣ryd in ye curse of religion, Christ hym selfe geuyth a good warning saynge, wo be to offences, there myght be brought dyuers examples and testymonies to proue, that thynges whych of them selues haue byne or are indifferēt, by circunstāce & abusinge becom euel, what thynge is more requirid for sondry causis in this lyfe, then fastinge, and for the dayes & tymes, what thynges can be more indifferent. yet yf by ye obser∣uacion of dayes and appoyntinge of tyme we shuld confirme the opinion of the wyc∣kyd,the godly wil haue nothinge to do in ce∣rimonies of the wic∣ked. & so gyue consente to them we were worthely to be blamyd & reprouyd, as Au∣gustine wytnessith wryting after this sort, To faste on the Sonday is a great offen∣ce, cheflye after yt detestable heresye of the Manichees, whych is planlye contrary to the Catholyke fayth of manye, & the scrip∣tures of God dyd shew it selfe, whych cō∣stitutyd to their hearers, to fast on ye Son∣day, was a most mete daye. Tertulian in his boke De corona militis, defendyth the cause of a soudyar that was zelous for the glory of god, & wold not weare a garlonde on his heade as ye rest of his felowes dyd, lest he shuld seame to consent with ye Idola¦tors,God send vs manye suche ze∣lours chri∣styanes. & so bringe true relygion into doubt, & wheras many of the Christiās myslykid of this soudyars facte, which for so smal a tryfill wolde hasarde the Emperors fauor and so auenture his lyfe, seinge to weare the garlonde was not agaynste ye scriptu∣res. Tertullian who iustifyed this zelous acte answerethe on this soudiars behalfe sayinge: Yf for this cause it may be sayd yt he myght lawfully be crownyd, because the scriptures do not forbyd it, by this sa∣me reason it shalbe answered, that therfor he ought not to be crounyd, because ye scrip¦tures doth not commande it. The Coun∣sel of Toletane ordenyd that in Baptymse shulde be vsyd but one dyppynge, lest they shuld seame to consente with the heretiks whiche vsed to dypp the child thryse, & sen∣dynge to Gregory for his counsell herein, they receuyd this answere, for the eschew∣inge of the sclaunder of scisme and trady∣cion of the heritikes, let vs hold the sym∣ple vse of Baptisme, lest they whiche amō∣gest vs do vse to dypp thryse to allowe the assercyon of the heretykes, whyle y• folow not onlye to holde the Idoll as accursyd, but also that we vtterlye abhorre and ac∣counte moste abhominable thynges that apperteyne ther unto, and haue nothynge to do with it, least we be snaryd with it, rede we not in the Machabees. howe the Lorde distroyd all those that had any stuff of the Idolls,2. mach. 12. Josua. 7. and howe was Achan pla∣gyd for reseruynge those thynges, whych the Lorde wold haue dystroyd and accur∣syd,a suttle practys. we reade that Julianus the aposta∣ta causyd the heathen to accomodat them selues to the maners of the Christyans, and theyr vsages thynkyng by this mea∣nes to entice them to Paganisme, and yf we compell the godlye to conforme them selues to the Papistes, I greatlye feare, least we fall into Papisme: alas, that such compulsyon shuld be vsyd toward vs, and so great lenite towards the Papistes, how many Papistes inioye lyberte & lyuyngs, whyche neyther haue sworne obedyenc to the Quenes maiestie, nether do yet anye parte of deutye towardes theyr miserable flockes, those mysers laughe, and trium∣phe to se vs thus delt wythe, not ashamyd here vpon to bragg, that they truste that the rest of theyr thynges wyll folow. But he that sittyth in the heauens, shal laughe them to skorne, and at leangthe shal geue an end to oure depe syghinges, and dely∣uer vs from all heuynes sorowes and my∣seris, wherfore let vs neuer yealde to this tryumphe of the Pope agaynst Christe, Lorde Jesus be mercyfull vnto vs, and let thy wrathe be pouryd vpon them that call not on the name of the Lorde, yf true re∣formacyon can not be had. Yet lett Chri∣styan lybertie preuayle agaynst compul∣sion to euell, lett not the Papistes abuse vs as the Jewys dyd the Christyans, when they had the temporall sworde on theyr syde, pytey ye dyssolate churches heare the cryes and gronyns of so manye thousan∣des of godes pore children that hunger and thyrst for sprituall fode, we neade not to apealle to godes worde, to the prymati∣ue church to the iust plages whyche hath byne pouryd and is pouryd contynuallye, vpon the wordle for lacke of true refor∣macyon of relygyon, but let your owne conscience iudge betwene oure cause and oure enemyes, and yf we seke nothynge but godes glorye craue equitie and ryght desyre Christyan lybertie, labor to ouer∣throwe Idolatry and to wyne soulys vn∣to Christe, why shulde we not be harde, why are we so vncharitably dealt with all the Lorde moue youre hartes and open your eies, that we may all prayse gloryfy his holy name, that when the end of oure pylgrymage shalbe endyd most ioyfullye we maye test with hym in his euerlastinge glory through Christ oure sauyour, to whome wyth the Father and the Holygost be all prayse glorye and honor, for euer. TO my faythfull Brethren, we geue thankes to God for your constan∣cie and vpryght delynge in this gret controuersie now raysyd by packynge of enemys about the wearinge of popish ap∣parell, and as ye haue well begonne, ther is no doubt, but the Lorde in mercy shall kepe ye pure and blameles to the ende. It hathe byne no small ioye and comfort to many godlye and good Churches, which dayly and howerly prayeth for your per∣seuerāce, and that it wolde please God to ease it, whē his good will and pleasure is. So on the other syde muche lamentynge the blyndnes of those that goeth about to defende it: but especiallye those that are become persecutors of their godly & faith∣full brethren: but as charite requireth, we desyre God neuer laye it to theyr charge, but geue them grace to ryse agayne vnto whom we lee them wether they stande or falle. Let Lottes wyfe be a warnynge in tyme to take hede. Moses that blessyd ser¦uant of God wolde not alter the valew of a curten, or a lytill pyne in the Arcke, so ze∣lous was he in the Lordes worke: nor ne∣uer brought any thynge out of his owne heade to the people: But had always the warrant of the worde for hym, to cōclude, what so euer may be obiected agaynst the refusars of those ydolators garmētes, for what so euer they brynge, may be redused into this poyntes, that Godly men ether nede not or ought not to be scrupulous in so small a matter, which answer ye shall vnderstand as folowith with an answere to a question at the end hereof. The Lord for his Christ sake make Ephrahim and Manassis agre, that we maye all with on hart and mynde vnfaynydly seke Godes glorye, the edificacion of his people, that we may lyue in all godly peace, vnyte, and concord. This grant, o Lorde, for Christ Jesus sake, to whom, with the, and the Holy goste, be all prayse, glory, and honor for euer and euer. Fare ye well deare Brethren. Dearly elouy, you that haue wyt∣te, vnderstanding, and wyll to be in∣structyd in this controuersi. now raysyd in the Churche about apparell, at thys tyme thys shall suffyce. Yt is true that the teachers of handye craftes affyr∣me, that no man can attayne to suche ex∣cellente perfeccyon in worke, as maye be disputed of by reasone, muche lesse when the rule of religion muste be framyd accor¦dynge to the rule of Godes wyll, which is ye rule of all perfeccyon, may we loke that any thyng can so perfectly be performyd of vnperfect mā, that in all poynts yt may answere to the perfeccion that God requi∣rith: neuertheles God requirith his seruice to be suche as hym sealfe is, deuyne, pure, syncere, vnmingled, and in no parte corru∣ptyd, and as lacke of strenthe shal not ex∣cuse vs, in that we can not, so nelygence makythe vs more wickyd, yf that we may performe, and we will not. Fyrste we are requiryd to loue God with all our hartes, all our myndes, and all our strength, that precisenes is comendable, which withhol∣dith not a lytill,Deut. 18. whē all is requiryd. Thou shalt be perfect with thy Lorde thy god. Thou shalt not bende ether to thy ryght-hande, or to the leafte. Thou shalt nether madyd. Thou shalt not inquier for th gods of the Gentyls, sayinge: Howe dyd those Gentyles serue theyr godes. Thou shalt not do so to the Lorde thy god. For whatsoeuer the Lorde abhorreth, that dyd they to theyr godes. God wyll haue his children so to abhorre these supersticion, yt they shuld fle euen from that infecciō that comythe by hearynge.The zeall that God requirith. Furthermore, so many thinges as ar cōmandyd of leprous, mēstreous, dead bodys, were many, which myght not be touchyd without defyling, what other thinges were they in that ru∣de people,God kepe vs frō all outwarde shew of Popery. but exercises of precyse purenes and cleanes, the obseruance of suche sha∣dowes, althoughe it hath byn longe synce abolyshyd, yet the euerlastinge truthe re∣maynyth: muche more in presence of the bodye, that no prophane or defylyd thinge may be minglyd with gods seruice. Mo∣reouer god forbydyth all strange corrup∣tions mixtures, whē he forbyddyth them to sowe land with diuers seedes, to plow∣ghe with an oxe and an asse, to weare ly∣nyne and wollen to gether. For lyberte & costome euen in ye leaste matters bredythe boldnes, & in hys cōmandement god hath also respecte to the hynde of apparell. Fy∣nallie when this cleanes is euen to brute beastes,marke well. who wold not beleue that God requirith an vtter detestacion of all vncleanes, especially in religion. Seing all these lawes perteyne to the fyrst cōmande∣ment, accordinge to the same precise rule dyd the holy fathers exercise them selues vnto puryte, therfore it is neuer rede that the godly Patriarches dyd sacrifyce vpon the Idolators alters, but whythersoeuer they remouid, always they buyldid newe alters.Example of holy men. Furthermore Abraham wolde not take a thryde of the Kynge of Sodoma. Jacob buryed the eatinges that weare or∣namentes of supersticion, with the Idoles them selues. Moyses to blemishe the ser∣uice of God wolde accepte no condicions at all, there shall not remayne on house, saythe he very precislye. Dauith wold not take the names of the Idoles in his lypes. Ezechias brake the brasen serpēt, not only chāgyd the vse of it.what gre∣ter heryty∣kes cā ther be, then the Papistes? The Holyghost pray∣sithe those godly Kinges, which destroyed the highe places, as Ezechias and Josias, in whiche places somtyme the people dyd worship god. Elyazer wold not fayne that he dyd eate swynes fleshe. S. Pawle byd∣dythe, Refrayne from all shew of euyll. S. John forbyddyth vs to salute an hery∣tyke wytnessith, when he mett an heri∣tyke, wolde not gyue hym other answere, but that he knewe hym to be the Deuells eldeste sonne. for suche feare had the A∣postels & theyr disciples, that they wolde not comunicate withe on worde with any that had corruptyd the faith. Fynallie S. Pawle in playne wordes cōmandyth pre∣cisnes,Ephe. 5. sayinge, Take hede that ye walke precislye or exactlye, for so the greke wor∣de signifieth. Last of all, let vs not forget what our Sauiour Christ saythe: He that is faythfull in the leaste, wyl be faythfull in the moste. Who also teachith vs, howe faythfully and precislye we shulde walke, what colde be more precisly spoken of, the law shall passe vntyll all be fullfyllyd, and he that breakyth one of the leaste cōman¦dements, and teachith other so to do, ether by worde, or by example, shalbe least in the Kyngdome of heauen. Yt is euident by these reasons and examples, that no pre∣cisenes or scrupulosite in godes religion, can be to muche or blame worthie. Tow∣chinge ye substance, ther is no controuersy, but yt is lawfull as the good creature of god, and to this purpose pertayne those sayinges: The kyngdome of heauen is ne∣ther meate nor drynke. Meate cōmendith vs not to god. Whatsoeuer enterithe in to the mouth, defylyth not the man. All thinges ar cleane to them that ar cleane. & other lyke places of scripture, all which they pertayne to the matter or creature & substance only, not to euery vse, fassion, or maner of vsynge. It is to muche doltyshe∣nes, not to vnderstand all thynge a ryght, excepte we wyll also conclude of the same places, that by glotony, dronkenes, whor∣dome, disquisyd aparell, and suche lyke, the lawe of god is not brokē. garments ther∣fore that ar vrgyd in respecte of the forme and vse, they are not indifferent, and fyrst of the ende, which they labor so muche to proue that it is chaungyd, that those thin¦ges which before were vsyd to supersticiō, now are cōmandyd for order & comlynes. No godly man doubtyth, but the Quenes Maieste intendinge an other end in com∣manding of those thinges, then the Papi∣stes vsyd them for. But who so well consi∣derith ye nature of those thinges, shall play∣nely se, that the end which the commander propoundyth, dothe not folowe, but accor∣dinge to the diuersite of them yt vse them, and them that iudge of them, a cleane cō∣trary end ensuythe, for many popishe pre∣stes vse them to the same supersticious end that they dyd in Popery, and greatest of all is ye multitude of ignorant people, that iudgith none otherwyse of them.Cor. 8. All men haue not knowledge, for some with con∣science of the Idole, euen yet do eate meate offred to Idoles. So Gedeon made an E∣phode, not that ye people shulde go a who∣rynge after it,Jud. 8. yet was it the destruction of hym and his howse for euer. Secondly it can not serue for order and comlynes,Cor. 14. which hath in it no necessary cause of edi∣fying. Let all thinges be donne for edify∣ing. Nether can it be conuertyd to ye com∣lynes of the Christian Churche, which is the chaste spowse of Christ, which is takē from Antichrist, and the fylthye whore of Babylon. What cōsent hath Christ with Belyall: what porcion hath the faythfull with the infydell: or what agrement hath the temple of God with Images? Yf the reason of S. Paule be examynyd,2. Cor. 6. by the which he dissuadith the Corynthians frō eating of meate offeryd to Idoles, the sa∣me may be also extendyd to garmēts con∣secratyd to Idolatry. The nature of cery∣monies and rytes is to make the vser to haue felowship with the principall of that religion, as the Jewes of the alter, Chri∣stians with Christ, and Gentils with De∣uells. As manye as are partakers of the breade which we breake, are partakers of the bodye of Christe. They therfore that eate meate offeryd to Idoles, are parta∣kers of deuells. And as many as are bap∣tized haue put on Christ: it is not to be fea¦ryd, leaste as many as weare antychristes robes, wil take more yf auctorite comand it, neyther dothe the auctoryte of the Chri¦stian Magistrat excuse vs, except we thin∣ke, that Sergius Paulus myght permyte that S. Paule had forbydden the sentence of Jamys,Act. 15. Deut. 12. which is, that the gentyls shul∣de abstayne from the polucion of Idoles, God will borowe nothynge of Idoles to garnysh or become his religion. thou shalt not do so to the Lorde thy god, but rather he commandyth vtterly to destroye theyr alters, woddes, pyllers, and theyr very na∣mes. He forbyddyth them also to brynge any thinge in to theyr howses that belon∣gythe to Idoles. Esaye chap. 30. byddyth those that are earnestly turnyd to the wor¦shippe of god, to cast awaye the reliques of Idolatrie, You shall, sayth he, put out the couerynge of the Imagis of syluer,that is all thing be∣longing to Idolatry. & the precious vestymēts of the goldē Ima∣gis, and thou shalt caste them awaye lyke a menstrous clowte, and saye vnto yt: A∣uawnte, or get the hence. Fynallye when all godly men abhorre the monstrous ap∣parell of Fryers, Monkes, Chanons, I can not se, by what order they shulde exte∣me the ornaments of Popishe Preastes, whose order is as wyckyd as Freyers, Monkes, or any other, which thyng may be sayd of the reste of the Popishe ceremo¦nies, which may all with lyke precepte and coloure, & by as good reason be receuid in the Churches as those. But admyttinge that these thynges were neuer so indiffe∣rent, yet it can not be that we shulde thyn∣ke them lawfull, for vs to vse them: For euē those thinges, which by them sealues are lawfull, whē an other circumstance is ioy∣nyd to them, then become they vnlawfull for a Christian to vse them, as in these ca∣ses. First we can not cast of all doubtful∣nes, hauing so many reasons on our syde, and so manye examples bothe of learnyd men, and best reformyd Churches, but in all thinges most indifferent. Saint Paule chargith euery mā to be certanly persua∣dyd in his owne mynde, which some men vntruly translate, Let euery man abownde in his owne sence, for he that with doubt of conscience eatyth, which of it sealfe is lawfull, is condemnyd, because he doth it not of fayth. Now the assurance of fayth muste be sought no where, but in Gods worde. Secondlye, thowghe we shulde sa∣tisfye our consciences, yet this man is de∣fylid, which is not persuadid by Gods wor¦de, but encreased by our examples, that he dare do that, whereof before he doubted, and this is to geue an offence, as they cō∣monly call it to anger them, for they that are best pleasyd with these matters, are most offendyd that they stomble and falle, we must not do what so euer is lawfull, but what so euer also is profytable to edi∣fying: nether must we only regarde what lyberte permyttyth, but rather what our brothers proffyt requiryth. Thyrdlye, we maye not altogether neclecte what infy∣dells iudge of vs in the vsynge of thinges lawfull by them sealfes, and therefore S. Paule byddeth them that are callyd to the feastes of the gentyls, so sone as mencyon is made of meate offeryd to Idoles, to ab∣stayne from eatinge of it, because of hym that tolde of it, and his conscience, not of hym sealfe, but of an other. What the Pa¦pistes iudge of vs, maye casely be seene by this, ye Harding for the retayning of those Popishe cerymonies, cōteynith hope that popery shalbe restoryd: what the ignorant people iudge of the reamnants of papistri retaynyd, wyse men may well consyder. Herunto might haue byne ioynid the sen∣tences of olde Doctors, Justinus, Ireneus, Tertullianus, Agustyne, Ambros, Chry∣sostums, Celestinus, & almost all the rest, for abhorrynge the customes and ryghtes of the Jewes and gentyles and heritykes, but Gods truthe nedyth not mans aucto∣ryte, except they that be against vs, in this cause wyll appeale to the fathers, thē shall they perceyue, that in nomber both of Do∣ctors, and sentences, we shall be nothinge inferior to them. In the meane tyme this maye suffyce, to shew fyrst that the precy∣sians is blameles, secondly the garmētes ar not indifferent, & thyrdly that thowghe they were indifferent yet ther is sufficient reason at this tyme, why we shoulde not weare them. Come Lord Jesus, and make an ende of thys wyckyd wordle, that thy sainctes may come to gether, that we may synge with the in thy holy hyll for euer. He that ouercomith, shalbe crownyd. Pray, pray, as the Apostell Peter sayth: the end of all thinges is at hand. ALthoughe we muste nedes confesse,Answere. that we haue to much consentyd he∣retofore with the Papiste in robbing and bereuinge God of his glory & honor, yet may we not now in the lyght of Gods truthe contynew a partaker with you in the adulteracion of Christes sacramentes, cōtrary to our consciences & knowledge, wherein we iudge our sealues onlye, not preiudisynge other mens doinge, whō we leaue to God, before whō they ether stand or falle. For oure partes we must render accompte, not obstinatly bent against any thing yt shalbe approuyd by Gods worde. We are persuadyd,Maior. that we may not vse any thinge repugnant to Christian lyber∣te, nor mayntayne an opinion of holynes wher none is, whiche were Ipocrisy, nor consent to Idolatri, which were denyall of the truthe, or discorage the godly, incora∣gynge the wyckyd, nor distroying ye Chur¦che of Christ, which are bownde to edifye, nor consent vnto confusion, wher God re∣quiryth order, nor shew disobedience, wher God requiryth to obeye. But in vsynge of a surples,Minor. we shulde do that which is repugnaunt to Christian lybertie, maintaine an opinion of holines, where none is, shew consent to Idolatry, deny the truthe, dyscorage the godly, and incorage the wyckyd or vngodly, consent to confusion and shew disobedience, wher God commandithe to obeye. We may not with good conscience,Cōclusion as we are persuadyd weare a surples. The Maior is prouyd by Saynt Paule Gal. 5. who commandyth to Christian li∣bertie, by the example of Christ Matt. 15. who wold not haue his disciples to main∣tayne an opinion of holynes,note the example of good men. whiche the Jewes had in wasshyng of handes: by the doctryne of Pawle. 2. Cor. 6. who wyll haue no agremēt with the temple of God and the Idoles: by the example of Dany∣el. 6. who openid his wyndowe towardes Jerusalem, lest he myght seame to denye his profession or consent with ye wyckyd: by the example of Paule Gal. 2. who re∣prouyd Peter for the discoragyng of the godly gentiles, and incoraging of the fro∣ward Jewes: by the doctryne of the same Apostell. 2. Cor. 13. where he teachith that Mynysters haue power to edifye, not to destroye: by the example of Patriarkes, and Prophetes, which in the worshipping of God, wear by no meanes confowndyd withe the Idolators: by the doctryne of Peter and John actes, which affyrmithe to be more ryght to obey God, then men. But for more euident profe herof, we may let you se some practises of auncient Fa∣thers. Tertulian in his boke De corona militis, lykythe them vnto dom̄e Idolls, suche as do vse any thinge accordynge to the ornament of Idolles: and further, yf to leane apon an Idoll, is strange from the fayth,fastyng is good, yet the godly wold not vse it that day, as the herytyk dyd. what shall seame apon the habyte of an Idoll. Augustyne ad Casulanum, warnythe not to faste on the Sondaye, least therby consente might be shewyd to the wyckyd Maniches. They that weare any thinge after the maner of Idoles, and yf it be strange from fayth to leane apon an Idoll, what is it to weare the habyt of an Idoll. The fourth Counsell of Tole∣tane Canon. 5. for auoydynge of consent with Herytyckes, decreed that once dyp∣pynge shulde be vsyd in Baptysme. A Pa¦pist of our tyme affyrmith that the Apo∣stels to auoyde consent to Judaisme, abo∣lysshed the Sabothe daye, and sanctyfyed the daye of the Lorde. The great Clarke Orygen, as Epiphanius wrytith in his. 2. boke. 1.Beware of decem∣blyng. Tome, caryed palme withe thos that offeryd to the Image Serapis, all∣thoughe he protestyd openly, that he dyd offer vnto Christ, and not vnto Serapis, yet was he excomunycatyd, and cast out of the Church by the Marters and Confes∣sors whiche then were at Athens. The Christian sowdiars which by Julian sul∣telte were browght to offer incens,Beware of deceyt∣full prac∣tyses. as it is wryten Historia Tripartita lib. 6. chap. 30. when they perceuyd theyr faute, whiche vnwares they had commytted in consen∣tyng to Idolatri, they rane forthe into the streats professede theyr relygion, testifyed them sealues to be Christians, affyrmyng that theyr handes only had cōsentyd vnto Paganisme,the natu∣re of true Christian. and that theyr hartes dyd no∣thyng agre thervnto, and whereas theyr handes had offendyd vnadvysydlye, they wyshyd to bestowe theyr whole bodyes to be tormentyd for Christ, althoughe wyth tormentes and paynes moste creuell and horyble. I trust we nede not to laboure a∣ny further for the profe. By the vse of the surples men are iniciat in to ye Popes cler∣gye, as it aperith by ye Pontifycall, De cle∣rico faciendo. Yf ye Galathians by circum∣cision rather loste theyr lyberte in Christ, then profytyd any thynge, by iniciatinge them sealues in to Judaisme. How maye you retayne the lyberte in Christ, and pro∣fyt in his religion by wearinge the Popes lyuerye, we can not perceaue? But by the vse of the surples, is mayntaynyd an Ipo∣critycall opinion of holynes, ye Pontificall termithe it Habitum sancte religionis, the habyt of an holy religion. Durand lib. 3. de rationale diuinorum, saythe, That it is Destis linea, the lynyne garment, in which they that serue about the seruices of the alter and holy thinges, ought to vse apon theyr clothes, a surples, it is for the whit∣nes of it, or it signifieth the puryte or cha∣stete, accordinge to that sayinge: Let your garments, that is, your workes, be white at all tymes,Marke what ly∣ing signes is in the surples in∣uentyd by Papistes. that is cleane: but for his na∣me, it figurith the mortification of the fle∣she. It is callyd a Surples, because that in the olde tyme they dyd weare it apon skynny coates, made of the skynnes of the deade, whiche is vsyd to this daye in cer∣tayne Churches, representynge that A∣dame, after he had synnyd,with what good con∣science can the godly weare yt, iudge good Brother. was clothed with suche garments. Thyrdly, it notith Innocenci, and therfore it is put on before all other holye vestures, because that they that are deputyd to worshippynge, ought to excell in lyfe and in all vertues, accor∣dyng to the sayinge of the psalme: Inno∣cencies do ryghtly cleue vnto me. Four∣thely, for the bredthe of it, it betokenythe Charite, wherefore they are worne apon prophane and cōmon vestures, it is to be markyd that charite coueryth the multi∣tude of synnes. Fyftlye, for the fassyon of it, in that is it made lyke a Crosse, or Jewes gallows, it fygurythe the passion of the Lord, and they yt weare, that ought to be creweyfyed with the vices and con∣cupiscences. In mayntayninge this opi∣nion of holynes, with all other inuēcions, which by lyinge seignes, which they haue had to it, we knowe not howe to auoyde consent vnto that Idolatri, which Durant and the Papiste mayntayne and professe, & to deny the Popes cerimonies, the doc∣tryne whiche we teache, howe shuld it not dyscorage the godly, and incorage the su∣persticious in theyr errors? we can not e∣defye the Church of Christ apparentlye, shewinge our sealues to be on of the Po∣pes clergye. Seing S. Paull Thess. 3. wil∣lythe to auoyde all apparens of euyll, and to be shufflyd in a surples, whiche the Po∣pes clergye wear, were rather a confusion then an order, whiche they them sealues wolde be lothe to suffer, if they might get agayne the keys into theyr handes, they wolde crye withe open mowthe, as theyr pontificall teache them, & plucke the sur∣ples of our backes by the autoryte of al∣myghtie God the Father,The sur∣ples is an holy gar∣mēt of the Papistes. the Sonne, and the Holyghoste. saying, and we take from the all our clerkly habyt, and we put on ye apparell of religion, and depose, degrade, and spoyle the of all orders clerkely bene∣fice, and clerkelye lyuinge,Marke the follye of Papistes. and we restore the to the seruitude and ignominie of the secular habyte. Is it not a disorder, that Christians shoulde shewe them selues sla∣ues to the Popes order? were it not better to serue God in commun attyre, then to please the Pope by disquisinge our selues in supersticious surplessis: were it not bet∣ter to obey God, who wyllyth vs to serue hym in spret, and in truthe, then to obey men, followyng the deuyse of Pope Syl∣uester, the fassyon of the Jewes, and prac∣tyse of the Papistes▪ where it not better, by leauynge of a Surples to folow Christ in breakynge mens tradicions, thē by the vse therof to be a companion of Popes & Pharises? Yf this do not seame sufficient to proue the Minor at this tyme, it shalbe more at large dyscoursyd hereafter. Con∣cernyng ye Quenes Maiestes commande∣ment, herein we acknowledge our sealues bownde to obey in all thynges lawfullye commaundyd, so can not we be persuadyd to vse that in the minysteri, which our con¦sciences teacheth vs to be replenished with Idolatrous Ipocrisye, & also the example of other men which dothe were it, ought nothing at all to moue vs to were a sur∣ples in the minysterie, no more then to con¦sent with them in persecutyng those men whom they terme sedicious scismatyckes for leauyng them of. Thus as ye se, short∣lye dere Brethren, we leue the surples, as the Popes badge to the shauen Clergye, and you as Gods chosen to the protection of the almyghtie whysshynge, that God may geue vs grace aswell inwardelye as outwardlye, to seke for syncerite, and to wayght with all pacience the good wyll & pleasure of the almygh∣tye, who wyll & can healpe when pleasith hym. Fare ye well in the Lorde Jesus. OH Lord God and heauenly Father, which art a iust Judge to punishe all them, that do contynewe to of∣fende the, as thou art a Father most pyty∣full to receaue to mercy all those, whiche geue ouer themselues to please the, shewe me thy grace and fauour, so that I may be truly touchid withe inward displeasure of my synnes, and that in the place of flatte∣ring my self to slepe in synne, I may be so cast downe in hart, that the rather I may truly with mouthe confesse most humbly to geue the, the honour, glory, and prayse, dew vnto thy holy name, and that as thou of thy greate mercy doste instruct vs the∣revnto by thy holy word, so (for thy na∣mes sake) make that ye same may so ligh∣ten and cleare our conscience, that in dew examination of all our hole lyffe, we may truly learne to be angry & displeasid with all our former, and corrupte lyuing. Oh that it may please the to drawe nere vnto vs, in addressyng and guydyng our foot∣steppes in the true and perfect way of obe∣dyence to thy holy lawes and cōmaunde∣mentes. Send thy holye Angel to pitche his tentes round about vs, that Sathan & is internall army, neuer preuayle again vs, but allways with strong faith we may thorough Jesus Christ withstand all his crafty engins and snares, knowynge vn∣doubtedly that thou neuer forsakest them that put their trust in the. Oh let vs not be led by the infirmytie of our vntowarde fleshe, but strenghten vs by the vertue of the holy spiryte. Suffer vs not to lye vn∣der thy heuy wrathe & vengeaunce throu∣ghe Ipocrysye, but rather touche vs so in∣wardly, that we may without ceasyng, sy∣ghe, and grone vnto the, by true and vn∣fayned repentaunce. And althoughe we be not allwayes so wel disposyd to aske & praye, as we ought to do, yet (good Lord) for thy names sake, stretche out thy migh∣tie hande, that by the gratious workyng of thy holy Spirite, our myndes and har∣tes may be drawen from all erthly and cor¦ruptible thinges, so that our prayers may procede of an ernest and inward affection, so that we neuer presume to cōme before yu with a dobell hart, knowing that who∣soeuer askethe and prayeth for anye thing of the, not asking in faith, can not obtey∣ne. Increace our faithe therfore (oh mer∣cyfull Father) that we presently may ly∣uely feele the benefit of remission and par∣don of all our synnes, thoroughe the me∣rytes and death of Christ Jesus our Sa∣uiour, and so work in vs foreuer hereafter to lyue in thy feare, and to stand in awe of thy displeasure, that thou mayst contynew our mercyfull Fa¦ther world without end.
A00281.P4	A defense of the ecclesiasticall regiment in Englande defaced by T. C. in his replie agaynst D. VVhitgifte. Seene and allowed according to the order appoynted in the Queenes Maiesties iniunctions.	[ "Northampton, Henry Howard, Earl of, 1540-1614." ]	Anno. 1574.	By Henry Bynneman, for Humfrey Toy,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Cartwright, Thomas, 1535-1603. -- Replye to an answere made of M. Doctor Whitgifte -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.", "Whitgift, John, 1530?-1604.", "Church of England -- Discipline -- Early works to 1800." ]	IT was my hap not long sithence to light vppon a slender Pamphlet entitu∣led A replie to an answere made by D. VVhitgifte. &c. whiche at the first blushe for diuers causes brought me into expec∣tation of some greate & weightie causes, whereof it behoued the whole bodie of the Realme to be enformed. For who would thinke that a man of M. Cartwrightes studie and continuance, would encounter with so strong an aduersarie: that a loy∣al subiect as he ought to be, would vnder∣mine a state so well established: or last of all, a man so well qualified in all his do∣ings as he would séeme to be, vse such bit∣ter, vehement, & vntemperate speaches, as he hath done, vnlesse the truthe were manifestly & apparantly on his side? But this hope of mine, was soone made fru∣strate, and deceyued: for both the first in∣gredience, discouered the secrete poyson, and the misliking of al men in generall (a fewe vnaduised persons and of small ac∣compt excepted) condēned peremptoryli the vntemperate, fonde & slaunderous dis∣couries of this vnquiet and disguised Apo∣stle. Yet still being doubtfull betwéene so great resemblāce, & so little truth, so faire a colour & so little beautie, which way to resolue my iudgemēt, I helde the steadiest course to be both mistrust of mine owne skill, and ielousi of cōmon brutes (which in these dayes rather encline to priuate factions than playne and simple dealing) till by diligent examination & pondering of the argumentes, I might discerne the difference. At length me thought I sawe an euident and perfect patterne of those counterfeyte and lying Prophets, which as Ieremie sayeth, falsly prophesied in the name of God without commaunde∣ment, Ierem. 14 vttering nothing els but seductio∣nem Ierem. 23. cordis sui: the disceitfulnesse of their hart, whiche runne before they be sent, or haue theyr errande deliuered them. And last of all, Loquūtur pacem cū amico, & occul∣tè ponut illi insidias: they speake peace with Ierem. 9. their friende, and priuilie lay snares for him, which striue to make waste and desolate the kingdome of our sauiour Christe by Math. 12. Math. 13. deuidyng of the same, corrupt the grayne by scatteryng fares: Whose vnitie is di∣uision, and charitie moste bitter slaunder, and as the Prophet sayeth, Sapientes sunt Ierem. 4. ad mala, bona autem facere nescierunt: they are wyse to do euill, but they knowe not how to do good. And rast these things may ra∣ther séeme to be vttered vpon the splene and chler, than any stdfaste and assu∣red grounve, I appeale to the platte∣forme of Master Cartwryghts Replie: from whence I durste vndertake to picke out Tullie his iuectiues againste Ca∣teline and Uerres, if by any casualtie or misaduenture they shoulde happen to miscarrie. First, the ministers thēselues are cal∣led players, idcotes, and I know not what beside: the Bishops iurisdiction muste be quite displaced, & the Quaenes Maiestie depriued of hir iuste supremacie, & that by the same arguments which Saūders vseth in his late infamous libell agaynst hir gouernment: wise men gather by this good beginning, what will be the ende of their vngraciouse enterprise, were they setteled once or fully established in frée possessiō of their libertie: where euery mā wil be his owne caruer without respect, & leuel his doings by the president of no su∣perior: where malice is the ground of all deuises, and religion brought in, onely for pretence and color: where generally new points of doctrine are deuised, but no good example of life & conuersation practised: where nothing is sought but libertie, in meate, drinke, obedience, and apparel: no∣thing tendered, but disorder, nothing fur∣thered but contempt & faction. What can we looke for in the end, but ex terra vnius la∣bi & eorundem sermonum: of a lande of one Gene. 11. language and one speach, a cōfused Babell of iudgement & vnderstanding: Supreme authoritie is the only brake which restrai∣neth such brainesicke cotes frō their vn∣tamed affection: & therefore I blame them the lesse, though they woulde shake off the bitte of due obedience, and wander with∣out controlment. The surest way to giue the camisad lustily, is to entrappe the sentinell: and gréedie wolues, muste first dispatch the shepeheardes dogges, before they can possesse theyr bootie, and euen as in skirmishe vpon the seas, the toppe gal∣lant is stricken downe before the shippe be sunke: euen so in the perilous waues of this vnstable worlde, they whiche only bend themselues to make shipwracke of the Churche of Christe, (to make sure worke) strike downe the maste of all au∣thoritie, from whence the Byshops, who in respect of their vocation are moste fitly termed watchmen in the Scripture, may discouer a far off the fléete of Sathan our professed enimie, and eyther stryke sayle for feare of daunger, or prepare them∣selues for a fierce encounter. It gréeueth thē to sée any skilfull person at the helme, by whose good gouernment the nose of our English shippe of pollicie is so kepte against the storme, as bothe the waues and byllowes of their rebellious attēpts are broken, and no suddayne pirrie can driue hir vpon the rockes of disobedience. Howe cunningly soeuer our superinten∣dentes frame the platte of their freshe at∣tempt, (as euery man séeketh the caste way to that whiche he moste desireth) yet if eyther the Captayne be retchlesse of his watche, or the Shepheard carelesse of his fold, or the Pilote to secure in looking to his charge, he cānot be excused of great ouersight and follie, no more may they whiche suffer this cockle to spryng vp so ranke with the purest corne to the destru∣ction of the haruest. Our Sauiour Christe termed Herod vulpem, a foxe: but this is to milde a terme for these Apostles: for albeit a foxe be counted a rauening beaste, yet is the malice of his nature somewhat correc∣ted with this good propertie, that he lo∣ueth not to praie neere home: where as these newe reformers thinke their poy∣son beste bestowed, when it is dispark∣led into euery quarter and corner of the Realme, that beyng conueyed by slaun∣der us livelles, as it were by vaynes and arteries to the very heart, it mighte breake out at laste with more strong and perillous infection: I rather maye compare them with the viper, which can∣not come to light without gnawing and deuouring the bowelles of hir mother. That pollicie of the Serpent whiche our Sauiour Christe so greatly prayseth and Mat. 10. commendeth in the Gospell, was so to caste and folde him selfe, as all the bodie might be a shielde and sauegarde for the head, whereas our people spredde them∣selues at large to giue more scope to any that hath entent to hurt the moste princi∣pall partes. Better it were with the Bi∣shops (whome moste vniusily they terme sleapie watchmen) sometyme to be idle, than euer euill occupied: and rather can I allowe of his looking on in the market, whiche for wante of hyring coulde not labour, than of homo inimius, the enui∣ous Mat. 10. man, that was styring and very bu∣sie in the night to scatter tares amongst Mat. 1. the corne. It is alwayes the propertie of rauenyng beastes, (but neyther of Doues nor Lambes) to seuer and dis∣ioyne the league of mutuall societie. But séeyng in collecting places of the Scripture they haue no better skyll than those chyldren of the Prophettes hadde, whiche in steade of wholesome hearbes made pottage of Colliquintida, Reg. 4. they muste giue men leaue hauing tasted of the bitternesse, to bestowe this Admo∣nition vppon the simple and vnlearned, mors in olla: death is in the potte. And if a∣ny notwithstanding for gréedinesse will taste this daungerous repast, before the bitternesse be taken quite away, I can∣not déeme them other than guilty of their owne destruction. And whereas they do vaunt and boaste themselues of trouble and persecution, as Praxeas the Heretique sometime did in Tertullians time, de carce∣ris Tertul. con∣tra Prax. 1. Pet. 2. taedio: of wearinesse of pryson. We an∣swere with S. Peter, that where the pu∣nishment falleth vpon iuste offence, the merite is but slender. Neyther is there any comparison or lykelyhoode betwéene the dealyng of the cruell stewarde in the Math. 18. Gospell, and our Magistrates in pollicie, sithe the minister of the one was rashe & vnaduised, the other is discrete & sober, the one excéeded the boundes & limites of his commission, the other is warranted bothe by the lawe of God & ciuile pollicie. The stewarde by his dealing brake cha∣ritie, and our gouernours by correction maynteine and preserue an vnitie: and to conclude, whereas these fellowe seruants incurred no penall lawes, these master ministers will follow no common order. If any man be enforced to flye in the mild and temperate gouernment of our graci∣ous Soueraigne, it is by the terror of his priuate conscience, not of any publique lawes. For as Solomon sayth very tru∣ly, Impius fugit nemine persequente: The wic∣ked Pro. 8. flyeth when none doth persecute him. It is not inough to complayne that they are striken à principe Sacerdotum, of the highe Act. . Priest, no more than théeues did of the ci∣uill magistrate, vnlesse they proue that they are striken contra legem, contrarie to the lawe. What the Iewes sayde falsly vnto Christ, we answere truly vnto thē: Non de bon opere lapidantur, sed de blasphe∣mia: Iohn. 10. They are not stoned for their good worke, but for their blasphemie. This is no more but corripere inquietos, to correct 1. Ths. . those that be vnquiet, Equis fraenaincere, to put the bit in the horses mouth, Errantem ouem corripere, to chastē the sheepe that goeth Iames. 3. Ezech. 34. Prou. 9. astray: Dare sapienti occasionem vt sit sapientior. To giue to the wise an occasion that he may be more wise: Ad conuiuium cōpellere, to cō∣pell thē to come to the mariage. Wherfore uc. 14. let suche as carpe at ciuill constitutions, for reforming these disorders, first remē∣ber, that verbis non emendabitur seruus durus: Prou. 29. a stubborne seruant wil not be mended with words: And then ponder with themselues, whether S. Paul account them sonnes, or bastards, whiche were without correction. Hebr. 12. Let them remēber that Christ in the re∣clayming of S. Paule, first stroke, & then taught, seeing as S. Augustine saith, it is as wel the part of a faythful shepheard, Errā∣tem ouem flagello reuocare, To fetche agayne August. ad incntiū. with his whip the sheepe that wandreth: as the pollicie of a théefe, auertendis pecoribus pabulū spargere, By spreading of meate to al∣lure the sheepe from the shepefolde. Better are the strokes of a friend, than the kisses of Pro. 27. an enimie: and he that keepeth him waking still, whiche beeing subiect to the Lethargie, is moste desirous of sleepe: or fettereth a frantike person, the which woulde be wor∣king mischiefe, thoughe to eyther he seeme troublesome, yet to bothe he may be coun∣ted profitable. Better it is with due seue∣ritie to kéepe vniiatem spiritus in vinculo pa∣cis, Ephe. 4. The vnitie of the spirite in the bonde of peace: vnitatem mentis & sententiae, the vni∣tie 1. Cor. . Act. 4. Iudic. 0. of minde and of opinion: Cor vnum & a∣nimam vnam, one heart and one minde: Ean∣dem mentem, idem{que} consilium, the same minde and counsell: and Exscindere conturbantes, Gal. . to cutte of those that be troublesome: than with foolish lenitie to suffer pricking brā∣bles to ouergrowe the vineyarde. NOwe will I enter into a briefe dis∣course of some particulars, whiche chiefly séeme to beare the weighte and stresse of this diuision. And first of al least the greatest parte of our ministerie in Englande may be deemed lame & altogi∣gither vnperfect, for the space of more thā twentie yere, it shall not be vnméete to lay open the féeble principles of this sens∣lesse Paradoxe, that none distayned or de∣filed with vnlawfull sacrifice, may be admit∣ted to the ministerie. I would gladly vn∣derstande by what authoritie these fel∣lowes cleuing so precisely to the letter, can be content, and thinke it not vnlaw∣full to admit an Idolatrous Priest vpon hartie and vnfayned repentance, into that kingly priesthoode, whereof mention is made in S. Peter, & in S. Iohns Keue∣lation, . Pet. 2. Apoc. 1. 5. 20. excluding him from the outwarde function, which onely dependeth vpon the other as chiefe and farre more excellent. May a man become the childe of God, and yet what store of giftes soeuer be impar∣ted to him, of necessitie must be secluded from his ministerie? shall it not séeme presumption in vs mortall creatures, to chalenge a coinheritance with our Redée∣mer in his euerlasting kingdome, and yet be reckened so greate impietie to serue him in this frayle and temporall voca∣tion? Hath Christ by renting of the vayle in sunder giuen frée scope and made a pas∣sage euen for the vilest Idolater that euer was, after regeneration and repentance, into sancta sanctorum, into the holyest, and most couert and secret places of the tem∣ple, debarring them notwithstanding frō disposing of his worde and sacraments? But the Leuites (say they) were so dealt withall in the Lawe: wherevnto I an∣swere, that negandum est argumentum in E∣uangelio: this argument holdeth not in the Gospell, bothe for many reasons fitly and truly alleaged in the Answere to the Ad∣monition, and chiefly bicause amongst vs the merites of Christes death and passion is a more sufficient purgation, & of grea∣ter force and strength, than any Leuiti∣call washing or clensing from vnclean∣nesse. I sée not what can be entended by this newe deuised discipline, but onely restitution of the vayle, and clogging mēs consciences with suche Iewishe obserua∣tion, from the which we are enfranchised already by the Gospel. Surely these trās∣formations, or rather deformations, are so straunge, as if Ouide him selfe were nowe aliue, he would for spite and rage deface and quite blot out his ancient Me∣tamorphosis. Thoughe the ministerie were refused whyle the heart and minde was yet infected with corrupt religion, what maketh this for disproofe of those whiche are mortified wyth sincere de∣uotion? We are taught by the word of God to measure the outwarde action by the in∣warde affection, for as the scripture sayth, Bonus bomo de thesauro cordis sui profert bona, Matth. 13. malus mala. &c A good man out of the trea∣sure of his hart bringeth forth good things: An euil man euill things. And ye heart ought alwayes to be the rule and squire of oure perfection. Now séeing in euident and ex∣presse termes, since the offering of that sa∣crifice which hathe wrought more déepe effectes than euer the law could do, it can not be auoched ye any Idolatrous priest was admitted, or reiected from the mi∣nisterie of the Gospell: bycause none stoode euer yet so well affected in the ho∣ly story of the new Testament to require it, charitie woulde require that whome it hathe pleased GOD to receyue as members of hys mysticall body, those wée shoulde not reiecte from dispensing of hys mysteries. For by howe muche the calling is greater and more honora∣ble of haeres, than seruus haereditaris, of fi∣lius than minister, euen so muche is that benefite to be reckened and accompted of greater value, whereby we are made coinheritors with Christe, than mini∣sters and dispensers of his worde and sa∣cramentes. Wherefore, if the greater bée not prohibited, the lesse maye bée permitted: For séeing all the faythfull are braunches, and Christe the roote: wée the members, and he the head: wé the officers, and he the gouernour: and lase of all, we the seruaunts, and he the Maer: they can alleage no reason why admitting any as members of the Church, we should reiect them from that unction, wherein with greatest benefite to the vniuersall body, they may be em∣ployed. If to auoyd such as had bin Idolatrous, had bin a matter of so great importāce as you make it, I maruel that S. Paul in al Eit. 1. his commission vnto Titus for ye purpose hath no speciall prouiso for suche men by name, considering the store of Idolatrous Priestes which abounded in Crete aboue al other places, béeing (as some write) the natiue soyle of that notorious Idoll Iupi∣ter. It is there thoughte sufficient, that whatsoeuer in time paste the Ministers haue béene, they doe nowe amplecti eum, Tit. . qui secundum doctrinam est, fidelem sermonem, Holde fast the faythfull worde, according to doctrine, without limitatiō of their priest∣hoode. Agayne in the liuely description of a Bishop vnto Timothie, though the Apo∣stle 1. Tim. 3. take exception agaynst many faultes, which are sufficient to disable Ministers: yet maketh he no kinde of mention of vn∣lawfull worshippers: which maketh me iudge, that rather malice to the present state, than desire of reformation hath late∣ly set abroche the lyes of this new fangled doctrine. It had béene no slender ouer∣sight in ye Apostle to maime his diuision, by leauing out one of the chiefest partes, or to giue out that for a perfect paterne, which must be perfited by later worke∣manship. S. Paule rather seemeth to en∣quire what presently they are, than to li∣sten what somtimes they were, and more ready likewise to encourage them in their happie chaunce, than vpbrayde them with their auncient follie: God hath pro∣mised though our sinnes were as red as scarlet, to make them as white as snowe, whereas these followes put vs still in feare of some outward and apparant ble∣mishe: and whereas Christ lyke a true Samaritane, cured the wounde of the af∣flicted trauayler, whome he sounde so greatly endamaged by our common eni∣mie, these vnskilfull surgeons leaue such a scarre behinde them by reason of their helplesse salue, as almost we are as good continue without their medicine. And thus to vpholde these ruinous articles, for a shifte they are forced to abate and qualifie Gods mercy, and pretending deadly fode with the Papistes, endeuour by all meanes to fortifie their strongest bulwarke, I meane deliuerance à culpa, sed non à poena, from the offence, but not from the punishment. If this with other like stuffe, had beene well tryed and exa∣mined before the publishing of their late infamous libell, there would haue appea∣red uster cause to suppresse their owne forgery, than to charge the Answere with strengthening the aduersaries handes, whereas indirectly in mine opinion, they labour nothing more, than to proue what they séeme most willing and desirous to oppugne (as bothe in this, and in the ar∣ticle of Supremacie maye at large ap∣peare) lyke running bargemen whiche euer looke one way, and bende their force another. If the Gospell were indifferently and without respecte deliuered to Iewe and Gentile, circumcision and vncir∣cumcision, Isaac and Ismaell, if God be indifferent vnto bothe, and bothe are iustified by one meane, I can not sée why aswell the nfiell vpon repentaunce, may not be admitted vnto the ministerie, hauing iermdled with vnlawfull sa∣crifice (seeing Leuiticall scruples and ce∣remonies quite abolished) as the Iew which after abrogation of the lawe hath ealt with his auncient and legall cere∣monies: for if any be in worse case than other, Iewes must néedes come formost, bothe for their ingrateful casting off their promised Messias: and bicause we reade that what childe soeuer knoweth his fa∣thers Luk. 12. will, and performeth it not, shall be beaten with many stripes. S. Paule e∣qually Gal. 3. compareth and matcheth in all respects the conuerted Gentiles with the conuerted Iewes: and giueth these none other priuiledge than the other. Wherefore, seeing wee are fully as∣sured by many reasons, that God in Christe hathe absolutely clesed and purged those by the mrytes of his deathe, whome he hathe called to the acknowledging of hys name and cons∣sion of hys truthe: seeing God is o ac∣cepter Act. 10. of persons, but in a Nations embra∣ceth those whiche feare him, and worke righteousnesse: seeing it was reuealed vn∣to S. Peter, neminem communem aut immun∣dum dicere, To call no man common or vn∣cleane. And agayne, Omnia munda mundis Tit. 1. esse, all things be cleane to those that are cleane. Eyther muste our newe instruc∣tors restrayne this clensing and purgatiō to the inward affection only, without res∣pect of the outwarde calling, or else they will runne bankrupte amongst the wy∣ser sort, for want of credite. Rather might men be thankful to God, whē he maketh of stones bread: of persecutors, Pastors: and publisheth his Gospell by the mini∣sterie of those which at the first were the greatest hars and oppugners of the same, than eyther enuye vpon malice, or hinder by vngodly practise, the going for∣warde of present reformation. Stones can not gather mosse with continuall rol∣ling: neyther may wisdome buylde hir neste in a minde vnstled and alwayes wauering. If these textes before alleaged may be thought rather to leane vpon con∣iectures and probabilitie, than grounded vpon certayntie. I woulde gladly be re∣solued by some Cartwrightian, whether Moses were so greatly to be blamed in permitting Iethrothe Idolatrous Priest of Madian, to offer victimas & holocausta Exod. 18. Domino: sacrifices & offerings to the Lord or howe it commeth to passe that Aaron not withstanding his Idolatrie commit∣ted, was yet permitted to retayne his office, ad extremum vitae spiritum: euen tyll Exod. 3. he dyed. I coulde alleage the continuing of Peter in his office, after the thréefolde deniall of his Master, cum fleuisset amrè, Mat. 26. when he had wepte bitterlie, and by out∣warde teares had declared the secret re∣morse of conscience. The lyke maye be sayde of Marcellinus, and sundrie other, Plati. who by terror of the tyme, and frayltie of nature, were enforced to renounce the testimonie of their conscience, and yet for all that restored vpon repentaunce to their former state and dignitie. These places beeing, as in deede they are more euident than that they maye bee shyf∣ted off wyth Sophisticall interpretati∣ons, I fynde no grounde sufficiente to exclude suche persons from the mini∣sterie, as eyther haue beene seduced vp∣pon ignorance, or faynted by infirmitie. And thus muche briefly concerning this article. As for the peoples interest in choosing Ministers, bicause it hath so playnly, lear∣nedly, and truly béene opened in the An∣swere, as neyther any thing may conue∣niently be added, nor reasonable perseus can remayne vnsatisfied, I will let it passe, speaking a worde or two of thys question, VVhether it be lavvfull for man may ofer hym∣selfe to the ministerie. any man vpon the invvarde motion of his conscience, and learned zeale, to proffer himself into the ministery, which seemeth to be so greatly reprehen∣ded by our Reformers. And first of all (to graunt as muche as may be iustly chalenged) I will not denie but whosoeuer labouring to be minister, rather giueth eare, and listeneth to that wicked Cormorant, crying: Soule thou Luke. 12. hast muche good layde vp in store for ma∣ny yeres, eate, drinke, and be merie, than Christe oure Sauiour sounding these sweete and comfortable wordes: Si quis Mar. 8. vult me sequi, deneget seipsum, tollat crucem suam. &c. If any man wyll followe me, let hym denie him selfe, take vp hys crosse, and followe me, is lyker to accompany Diues Epulo, the riche gluton, in eternall payne, than to liue with Lazarus in e∣uerlasting ioy. No man with good consci∣ence, can defende that idle and slothefull stewarde, whiche rather for his ease, and Luk. 16. bicause he would not begge, than vpon a∣ny good entent or purpose vprightly to discharge the same, desired to kéepe his of∣fice, no more than we may iustly discom∣mende their forwardnesse, which studing any gifte of teaching or edifying in them selues, are willing to employ it in the ministerie, considering howe greate the haruest is in comparison of the laborers. And firste of all, we are commaunded Matth. 7. to knocke, and it shall be opened vnto vs, not to stande gaping at the doore fyll some other call vs in: And they of whom it hath pleased God to make his choyse, euen at the eleuenth houre, made prof∣fer of their seruice, as maye be gathe∣red by the Texte, for béeing demaun∣ded the cause of their idlenesse, they gaue none other answere, than Nemo Mat. 10. conuxit nos, no man hath hyred vs. Wher∣by their entent is euidently discouered. If to present our salues before we be out∣wardly summoned and elected, be a mat∣ter of suche weight: why did not Christ rebuke the Scribe for his rashs and vn∣aduised profer, crying, Magister sequar te Matth. 8. quocun{que} ieris, Master I will follow thee whi∣ther thou goest? And this kinde of calling S. Paule him selfe seemeth nothing to mislike in these words: Qui Episcopatum 1. Tim. 3. desiderat, bonum cpus desiderat: He that desi∣reth the office of a Bishop, desireth a good worke. Which words employ a manifest promptnesse and redinesse with some pe∣tition in the partie, rather cōmending the dignitie of the office, than disalowing the forwardnesse & zeale of the requirer. Ma∣ny other textes of Scripture to like effect might be alleaged, if decision of this que∣stion rather stoode vpon heapes of places, than force of arguments, or were sooner ended by multitude of allegations, than certentie of matter. And thus muche to this article. NOw omitting questions of plurali∣ties, presentations, adusons, & such like, which rather séeme to make a noyse vpon the stage, than to serue to edificatiō: Omitting also what may be sayde in de∣fense of reading scripture in the Churche, as an article to plaine to be called in que∣stion. I will nowe bring somewhat for mainteyning & approuing prescripte ap∣parell among the ministers: which can not better be aouched, than by dispro∣uing all suche childishe cauillations, as are obiected to the contrary, whiche alrea∣dy hath bene sufficienth prourmed in the Answere, and this s Aesopicus: (Esopes crow) so shaken of his coule∣red and painted plumes, as he may haue little ioye hereafter to vaunto himselfe in any open audience. And whereas some alleadge that in respect of their abuse these garments shoulde be abandoned: to lette passe Gedeons example, and the president Iudic. 8. of Hierico, which cannot be better mayn∣teyned Iosua, 6. than by the weakenesse of the ad∣uersaries answere, in the one, inferring greater necessitie of fleshe for furnishing the legall sacrifice than we haue of lien in our seruice: in the other, making much a doe aboute purgation by fire, which ser∣ueth no whit at all to the purpose, seyng hereby we may gather that things abu∣sed by vnlawfull ministers may be retey∣ned in a lawfull ministery: yet here vnto may be further added, Manasses in the very selfe same temple frō whence he had remoued, Deos alienos, strange Gods, Instau∣rauit altare Domini, prepared the altare of the 2. Par. 33. Lord And Ezechias that wise & vertuous Prince, setting downe a true and perfect platforme of godly reformatiō, rased not the walles, but clensed ye sanctuarie, which 2. Par. 30. 31. our sauiour séemeth directly to follow in the Gospell, when he rased or defaced not the building, but droue out the Marchāts & vngodly people, albeit he found it quite altered, à domo orationis in speluncam latronū: Iohn. 2. Math. 21. from the house of prayer into a denne of theeues. Receyue we not dayly profite by such things as eyther at the first were de∣uised by ye Panimes, or sithence haue bene abused by pernicious heretiqus? I will not speake of Phisicke, which as ancient writers testifie beyng firste inuented by Aesculapius, was afterwarde practised by Esai. 38. Esaie in the time of Ezechias his sicknes, and now is honored by the commaunde∣ment Eccles. 38. of the scripture: nor of shippes first builded and framed by that idoll Pallas, & yet occupied and vsed by Ionas, Christ, & Paule the Apostle, bicause perhaps our aduersaries will graunt that in suche ne∣cessary things as cānot be forborne with∣out great inconuenience, & which rather appertaine to suffenance than discipline, we may vse a greater libertie than in rites and ceremonies belonging to reli∣giō: but then must they likewise answer, how it commeth to passe that Christe our Sauiour in the celebration of his supper made speciall choyse of bread and wine to represent his death and passion, sayng the same elementes were the wonted ob∣lations whiche were exhibited to Ceres & the dronken Bacchus of the Panimes. The Priests of Cybele (falsely surnamed Deorum mater, the mother of the Goddes) went in mantels during the time of their ministration, so did Samuell, Elias and Eliseus. Ceres had a cōpany of widdowes addicted specially vnto hir seruice, the like in the beginnyng of the Church was pre∣scribed by the Apostles. Apollos seruice was celebrated in verse and meter, the 1. Tt. 5. like did Dauid sing at the funerall of Ab∣ner. 1. Sam. 3. And M. Cartwrighte can be content to sing our Psalmes in meter without of∣fence or grudge of conscience, without ei∣ther warrant or cōmaundement of scrip∣ture. By these & such other like examples & presidents of antiquitie we may plaine∣ly gather that the Gētiles vsage in things decent and comely, neither was impedi∣ment to the auncient Fathers why they might not deale with the same things in an other sorte, after they had bene profa∣ned: or retayne them, beyng first inuen∣ted by vnfaythfull authors. Of whiche minde it was not vnlike that Gregorie was when he had sente Augustine into England to conuert them from their gen∣tilitie, did write to Melitus, saying: Quod Ex Reg∣stro ad Me∣litum epist. 71. diu meum de causa Anglorum cogitans tracta∣ui: videlicet quia phana Idolorum destrui in ea∣dem gente minime debeant, sed ipsa quae in eis sunt Idola destruantur. &c. Quia siphana eadem bene constructa sunt, necesse est vt à cultu Demo∣num in obsequium veri Dei debeant commodari, vt dum gens ipsa eodem pbana sua non videt de∣strui, de corde erorem deponet, & Deum veruns cognoscens ac adorans, ad loca quae consueuit fa∣miliarius concurrat. &c. That is. That vpon deliberation I haue determined that the Churches of the Idols in that Nation ought not to be destroyed, but let the Idols in them be destroyed and pulled downe, for if those Churches be well builded, then they must be changed from the seruice of Deuilles to the seruice of the true God, that the people se∣ing their Churches not destroyed, may in their hearts leaue their errour, and worship∣ping the true God may make their recourse to those places as they were wont. &c. O∣therwise bicause wine was ye cause why Tarquine defloured Lurece: Alexander made away his derest friende: and Lot Genes. 1. commited that incestuouse folly with his doughters: S Paule mighte not licence Timothie to take a cuppe of wine for the 1. Tim. 5. warming of his stomake. We may not vse Phisicke, bicause Aha trusted so much in the Phisicians that he neuer called for 3. Reg. 1. the help of God, the true phisicin both of body and soule. We must abandon all ci∣uill lawes and politique tutions bi∣cause so many woes and curses are de∣nounced in the Gospell againste the doc∣tors and teachers of the lawe. And last of all we may not lay the Scriptures open, bicause the i disposed reader, as S. Peter . . 3. sayeth, oftentimes peruerteth them to his owne destructiō. And (as M. Cartwright teacheth) it is a surer way to remoue a stone of offence and playne the way, than to hyre watchman to giue warning to the passengers. But they say forsoth they were the garmentes of Balamites &c. what then I am sure they will not make the Pa∣pistes worse than the Idolatrous Egipti∣ans, and yet were the children of Israell charged to spoyle thē of their ornaments, and put them vpon their wiues and chil∣dren. Exod. 12. S. Paule was not so scrupulous as it seemeth, nor so precise, when be came into the Idolatrous temple at Athens & Act. 17. picked out of the very stones sufficient matter to confound the peoples ignorāce. He alleageth heathenish Poctes in thrée Act. 17. 1. Cor. 5. Tit. 1. lundry places in deense of Gods truthe, which is, I am sure, as euill as clothing a Christian minister in a popish vesture: for if a man may adorne the spirite of God with suche base and homely matter in comparison, muche more may we set forth ye person which is reputed of a great deale lesse accompt. And last of all, the A∣postle in his voyage towarde Rome, was content to trauayle in a ship consecrated . 28. to the defesable idoll of Casor & Pollur. To this I could alleage (if allegories may goe for payment) that these white gar∣ments Math. 17. Act. 1. Math. 28. Apoc. 3. haue ofter bin taken vp by An∣gels, than worne by Balamites & popish priestes: or if their stomake be to daintie to digest these places, let them peruse & with thēselues in what garment Dauid was clothed with the reste of his 1. Par, 15. cōpany that bare the Arke, & yet was this accoumpted no Heathenish superstition, But it is a sporte to see, how with one petition of the principle these fellowes vndermine the whole estate of ciuile po∣licie, and Ecclesiasticall gouernment: for (say they) forsoth they serue not to edifica∣tion. Surely I maruayle the lesse that cappes & surplices are burdened with this faulte, whiche so often is obiected by M. Cartwright to the whole Cleargie of the) Realine. The case is harde, when euery saucie iacke, discoursing of diuinitie vpon his bench at home, dare presume vpō his owne bare worde, to controll both Prince and state. A mā may sée by this that how greatly soeuer they séeme to repine and grudge at our Bishops pompe and seate in Parliament, yet surely were they tol∣lerated and borne withall a little longer, their consistorie would creepe frō corners to carpets, & their Segniorie ascend from seueral parishes, to Westminster pallas, so great is their desire & longing for per∣fect reformatiō. Wherfore this cōclusion being nakedly & without proofe affirmed, may with like authoritie be reiected. As for the shew of euill, they haue it no more than one bell whiche they allow to ring to sermons, & yet that one, with one more was wōt to knol to mattens. They haue it no more than wine in respecte of dronkenesse: Churches bicause they were the nestes and Celles of Imagerie: Ciuile lawes & constitutions in that they are de∣riued from idolatrous & heathen Princes: and yet did not Paule euill, either in ad∣uising Timothie, to helpe the weakenesse 1. Tim. 5. of his stomacke with a cup of wine, or in chalenging the priuiledge of a Citizen of Act. 22. Rome, to auoyde ye cruell whipping of his enimies. Wherefore to conclude, as their reasons are to childish to require any an∣swere, so their malice is so péeuishe as it deserueth correction. As for their working discorde, the case would quickly be determined, if contenti∣ous and rebellious natures would submit themselues to quiet discipline. Thus we may say reuenewes & possessions worke discord & dissention, bicause sometime vn∣ruly persons pretend a wrongfull title a∣gainst the lawful owner: & yet would M. Cartwright vnwillingly resigne the in∣terest of his owne enheritaunce, to pur∣chase this vnprofitable vnitie. If this rea∣son be allowed of them, call in the Bibels for seare of strife & quareling, suppresse lawes and cōstitutions to auoide conten∣tion, and away with meate & drinke for feare of surfeting. This reason had bene good to persuade poore Naboth to giue vp his vineyarde, least quareling might arise betwene the king and him, & yet I doubte not but this simple man would then haue framed the selfe same answere, whiche in the like case we presently alleadge, Propi∣tius 1. Reg. 21. sit nobis Dominus, ne demus baereditatem Patrum nostrorum vobis. God forbid that we should now reiect & quite abandon what∣soeuer hath cōtinued in our house by ma∣ny discents without iust and lawfull eui∣dence. It cannot iustly be accompted dis∣cord, which procéedeth rather of malice of the person, than the vnlawfulnesse of the thing. For as it is the propertie of a fro∣ward disposition to spurne at the best and wisest kinde of gouernment, so may not godly Princes seeme euer a whit ye more discouraged frō discharging of their dutie: such discord, is cōcorde, and better nouri∣shed, than remoued. If Iustices would re∣signe their office bicause they are some∣time hardly & leudly reported of by vaga∣bondes, neither should equitie beare any sway in the cōmon wealth, nor lawes be put in execution, in respect of causelesse feare, nor any mā within a while be able to keepe his priuate house for feare of opē spoile & robberie. If Consantine had sup∣pressed as many cōstitutions as wrought discord among the wicked, the Churche of Christ had not yet come to his perfect age, but groned in his state and cradle of in∣fancie. There is small heede to be giuen vnto their woordes: for as in this place priestly garmentes are misliked bicause they haue the shew of euill, so in an other place the crosse of Baptisme is condem∣ned, although it signifie the cōbate which we must fight with our aūcient enimies the worlde, the fleshe & the Deuill, vnder ye imperial ensigne of our Sauiour Iesus Christ. Wherfore those that cā disgest no sober discipline, muste néedes be bridled: But aboue all others those gapers after chaunge & alterations with the loytering Athenians, which as Luke reporteth, Ad Act. 17. nibil aliud vacabant, nisi aut dicere aut audire a∣liquid noui, Gaue themselues to nothing els, but eyther to tell, or heare some newes, in time must be restrained. And vntill then, he were very simple in my conceipt, that would suspend his verdite vpon their flit∣ting & vnstable faith, which waxeth and waneth with the moone, ye authors wher∣of séeming alwayes desirous of perfectiō, make wrecke of al good order, & as S. Au∣stine sayeth, labor for nothing more, than non inuenire quod querant, not to finde that they seeke for. Well, seing it is manifest by this, that suche apparell as hath bene mētioned before, worketh discord in none, but those that will be ruled by no order: I come now to the preaching of the gospell, which they say is hindred: but howsoeuer this be affirmed in hast, it will be proued at leysure. For were it is so as they wold ow pretend, we haue the more to yéelde them thākes, that hauing long abused the simplicitie and credulitie of the people to their owne confusion, frame an argumēt therevpon against the sober gouernment & direction of the state. Apparel cānot hin∣der the preaching of the gospell, but their owne contentious & rebellious wrestling with ciuile pollicie, woulde to God them∣selues were but aswell enclined to kéeps vnitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis, The vnitie Ephes. 4. of the spirite in the bonde of peace, as they with whome they quarell for suppressing their schismaticall and diuelish faction. It was the presumption of the Pharisies vaunting themselues of verbum domini & Hierem. 8. lex domini nobiscum est, that bred dissention among the people, & not the wholesome doctrine of our sauiour Christ who hum∣bled himselfe to the moste vile and accur∣sed death of all, for our redemption. For little hope is to be had of the medicines working, where the pacient will obserue no order: Euen so must our superinten∣dentes eyes be setled by profitable and frutefull reading, and theyr mindes quite purged of canker and malicious spea∣king, before eyther they can discerne the outwarde bewtie, or reape the hidden be∣nefite of publike lawes and discipline. Wherefore let them forbeare a while to put toyes in the peoples heades, and no doubte but they will gently and quietly enough be guided and persuaded by their pastours. Keepyng the memory of Aegypt still a∣mongst vs, maketh no more for the taking away of surplices, than taking downe of Churches: nay in very déede not so much,) sith the one was but the ornament of the Prieste, the other is the case and shryne of the Idoll. Wherefore, seyng the whole course of the Scripture whereby this principle is alleaged, Omnia munda mundis, Tit. 1. ouerthroweth quite the sandie foundatiō of this ruynous and vntowarde buyl∣ding, I will lette it passe, and briefly an∣swere vnto that whiche is alleadged for brynging the Ministers in contempt. I would to God it were nowe holden in as greate reputation, and reuerenced as muche, as when these things were bet∣ter thought of. The cause whereof though I ascribe not to the garment, yet is it no impertinent reason to mayntayne, that bothe may stande togither. And touchyng the reason it selfe, (whiche in Logike, is termed Argumentum cōmune, bicause it may aswell be brought against them, & a great deal better, than alleaged by them) litle is to be sayd more, than that it séemeth to be pitied that so strong a cause as they would this should séeme, cā find no better patrones than such as by intēperate zeale bewray the weakenesse of their quarell. Men are brought by these strange opi∣nions into such a maze of doubts & Laby∣rinth of confusion, as scant any one a∣mongst a thousand knoweth where to set∣tle his foote for feare of falling. The grea∣ter part I feare is poysoned and infected with the rustie sect of Academites, suspē∣ding all vpon opinion and probabilitie, but almoste holding and embracing no∣thing vppon assured groundes or appro∣ued certaintie. And yet is this the very fruite and haruest of ambitiouse stryfe for coloured perfection. It is nowe repu∣ted a greate and haynuse crime to of∣fende a sillie artificer in his ignoraunce, and yet a matter of no waight to offende both lawe & ciuile gouernour, appointed by Gods ordinaunce. Their sight is shar∣per than eyther Lynx or Argus in other mēs dealings, but they themselues more blinde than Betels in their owne behaui∣our. A mote cannot escape their censure in their neighbours eye, & yet great beames & rafters lie couered vnder their owne. I maruayle what is become lately of chari∣tie, Quae operit multitudinem peccatorū: which Prou. 10. couereth the multitude of sinnes. Well, I can say no more, but God of his mercie abbridge their power, and contine we the shortnesse of their hornes, or els graunt them greater measure of his grace: for e∣uen as day may be discryed at a litle cre∣uise, so this we finde by good experience, that whēsoeuer the time shall so much fa∣uour them, or the Prince smile vpon thē, that being principes Synagogae, the rulers of the Synagoge, they may lawfully crie out, nos legem habemus, we haue a lawe, the very Iohn. 19. ntittie and song may be, crucifige eum, crucifie hym. For my parte, I make but small accompt of the mildenesse of that beast, whiche neyther biteth nor scracheth when he lacketh bothe téeth and nayles, but rather say with blessed Augustine to the Donatistes, Saeuire se nolle dicunt, ego non August. Epist. 49. posse arbitror, they say they will not be cruel, but I thinke it is bicause they can not. Nexte commeth in encouraging of the obstinate: a weapon surely not vnlike to be aforded by suche rude and rustie cut∣lers. But pitie it is that by grinding out the nickes which it hath already receyued at sundrie frayes and skirmishes, the edge is ground so thinne, as hardly it can ward a freshe encounter withoute cracking quite asunder. Nowe muste M. Carte∣wright furnishe and prepare him selfe to enter the field, not against D. Whitgifte, but Bishop Ridley, neyther shall he now be matched with a learned Minister, but a worthy Martyr, which thought the con∣tinuing of these rites and ornaments in the Churche, a moste perfecte and ready way to agréement and conformitie in re∣ligion Of the same iudgemēt was Cran∣mer, and the best learned of that compa∣nie, which sealed with their bloud the te∣stimonie of their conscience. And thoughe M. Hooper made the matter somewhat dayntie at the first, yet in the ende he dis∣dayned not to prefer other mens know∣ledge before his owne opinion. If any mā obiecte M. Rogers, who by no meanes would be brought to this conformitie, we must craue pardon, dissenting from hym in a poynt more precise than perfect, whi∣che I trust the rather wil be graunted by M. Cartwright, for that himselfe can not allowe his iudgemente in a matter of great importance, I meane in placing euer euery tenne parishes a superinten∣dent, sithe euery Minister must nowe be∣come bothe Metropolitane, Pope, and parishe Priest, within his owne iuris∣diction. But to let examples passe, for couering of this notorious vntruthe, I could first alleage our owne experience, as the surest grounde to proue that men are sooner ledde to lyke of suche a thing as carrieth styll some outwarde shewe and apparance of theyr olde opinion, than where there is no resemblance nor continuaunce at all. Then myghte I presse them wyth examples of former tymes, and presidentes of the beste cal∣led and gouerned states, who thoughte it very daungerous to make any chaunge or innouation in causes politike, muche lesse in matters of religion, whiche haue a déeper roote and grounde in conscience, without some shewe or shaddowe of the auncient gouernmente, althoughe the very substance thereof were quite and cleane abolished. So played the Romanes in prescribing twelue Sergeantes, at corners to gyue attendaunce vpon the Consuls, after that the Kinges were quite displaced, bicause so many were wonte to wayte vpon them while they lyued in chiefest authoritie. Agayne, bycause the sacrifice coulde not bée so∣lemnized wythoute the presence and assystaunce of the Prynce, whose go∣uernmente was quyte suppressed: there was order taken, that for the tyme one shoulde bée appoynted to supplye the rowme, and beare the name of Kyng, ordeyned for the sacrifice, least any thing myghte quayle the peoples deuotion, or offende their conscience. Neyther was this pollicie deuised with∣out great consideration, seeing the cōmon sorte béeing rather guyded by their out∣ward sense, than gouerned by vnderstan∣ding, imagine the later state to be equall with the first, when the eye can discerne no difference: and thereby are the better content to liue in awe and due subiection. Suche simple soules are as well fed with séeing, as hearing, so muche the better, as nature hathe more sufficiently enhabled them by outwarde sense to discerne the one, than knowledge, skill, or experience to iudge of the other. But séeing nothing will content them, but the very Canon of the Scripture, marke whether the same course were not obserued by the kings of Israell and Iuda, whiche may be gathe∣red by the Romanes historie. And first we reade that Dauid ware the crowne of the king of Rabbath, after his famous 2. Sam. 12 2. Chro. 17 victorie. Iehosaphat receyued giftes of the Philistians, as his auncestors had done before him. And euen as the Gentiles sanctified them selues after any pollution, so did the children of Israell after their 2. Chro. 29 transgression. Christ neuer reproueth the Pharisies apparell in the Gospell, but their hipocrisie, leuen, and corruption: and surely by the way I maruell with what conscience they can straine so much at the Papistes tippet, and weare a long gowne, which was the garment both of a Papist and a Pharisie, expressed in the Math. 2 3. Gospell. Did not S. Paule retayne a cer∣tayne shadowe and resemblance of the auncient discipline, when he deriued hys vayling of women from the Iewes (as Tertullian proueth agaynst Marcion) cir∣cumcided Timothie, purified him selfe in Act. 16. Act. 21. Act. 18. the temple after the Iewishe maner, sha∣ued him selfe, with protestation that bee∣ing free, yet had made himselfe, Omnium ser∣uum vt plures lucrifaceret. &c. Seruant vnto all, that he might winne moe: vnto the Ie∣wes 2. Cor. . he became as a Iewe. &c. Belike they would be very lothe, to come thus farre on, marching foote by foote with Paule, that so precisely stande on trifles of very small account. Nowe to proue a prescript kinde of ap∣parel vsed among the ministers, different from the common sorte, I will alleage the selfe same place whiche by them hathe moste corruptly béene abused, to the con∣trarie. 1. Sam. 28. for after the wicked sor∣ceresse had descried to Saule the coniured spirite vnder the likenesse & resemblance of Samuell, he presently demaunded the forme and maner of his going, and béeing answered that he séemed an olde man clo∣thed in a mantell, presently the King af∣firmed that of certaynetie it was Sa∣muell, grounding hym selfe as it sée∣meth, vpon the wearing of his mantell, wherein Samuell differed from the com∣mon sorte, whyle he was yet alyue: for otherwyse neyther his hoare heares, nor Mantell, if it had béene common with ten thousande other, coulde haue moued the King so resolutely to persuade hym selfe, that doubtlesse it was Samuell. For other questions of his fauour, linea∣mentes, or stature, were not in that place demaunded. For confirmation of thys probable coniecture, maye be alleaged, that not onely Elias ware a mantell himselfe in execution of his office, but cast the same vpon Elizeus, when he admitted him to the function and digni∣tie of a Prophet, saying: Quod meum erat 1. Reg. 19. feci tibi, I haue done vnto thee that whiche apperteyned vnto me: as a man woulde saye: I haue bestowed vpon you the out∣warde signe of your election and appro∣bation before God. With which man∣tell 2. Reg. 2. the waters were afterwarde deui∣ded. Whereby it appeareth playnely, that a Mantell was the speciall and pe∣culiar vesture of a Prophet. Our Sa∣uiour Christe béeing a president for all true and well disposed ministers, ware vestem inconsutilem, a garmente withoute Ioh. 19. seame: and yet can I reade of neuer an Artificer gooing in the same liuerie. We reade that Iohn was apparelled wyth Mar. 1. Cammels heare, and that a gyrdle of leather was about his loynes. And least they shoulde escape wyth hys extraor∣dinarie calling (whiche is Master Cart∣wrightes chiefest eyghte, and laste refuge in hys late Replye) I cann proue a more common vse of thys gar∣mente, in some whiche boasted not of any extraordinarie vocation: and suche were those godly men which walked vp and downe in mantles and goates skins, whome S. Paule condemneth not of ig∣norance and superstition, but affirmeth Hebr. 11. the world to be vtterly vnworthy of their vertue. Thus may truth be shadowed for a while, but neuer quite extinguished with colourable dealing: wherefore in myne opinion I thinke a prescript kinde of gar∣ment is no more repugnant to the worde of God, béeing vsed by the Ministers, than the Robes of Parliament, Coller, and Garter, with suche like among the Nobi∣litie, thā Lawyers hoodes, or Doctors ha∣bites, which béeing aswell signa praedicantis, the tokens of a Preacher, as the surples, M. Cartwright himselfe hath béene con∣tent to weare in no closer place than S. Maries Church in Cambridge, and in no lesser companie than the whole Uniuer∣sitie. But nothing striueth agaynst Gods word that serueth our aduersaries turne, though all the Papists in Europe weare it, and though it be as well, or rather a signe of their doctrine, than the surples of their ministerie. But for a conclusion, to make shorte worke, I woulde gladly vnderstande, whether of them selues suche thinges be indifferent, or not: if they graunte them indifferent, both the Prince may lawfully commaunde them, and by this commaundement procéeding from Gods Lieuetenant generall, mini∣sters are enforced to weare them, the Princes Iniunction quite remouing the indifferencie, and restrayning the libertie of the thyng, and byndyng the consci∣ence of hym whiche of pretensed malice breaketh it, for this is, to giue vnto Cesar Math. 22. Rom. 13. the things that are Cesars and to be subiect not onely for feare, but for conscience. For whatsoeuer the Magistrate be, represen∣ting Gods authoritie, to resist him is to resiste Gods ordinance, and hasten Gods heauy iudgement: and therefore did our sauiour Christ submit himself to Pilates wicked & vnconscionable dealing, bicause Ioh. 19. his power & cōmission came not frō man, but God. But if they be not indifferent, I graunt S. Peters affirmation, that magis Act. 4. parendum est deo quàm hominibus, it is better to obey God than man, appealing to these Precisians answere, before the high Cō∣missioners at Lambeth. 1571. for disprofe of this assertion, where they were con∣tent to graunt indifferēcy in these things, and yet restrayned the Prince from com∣maunding them. I could likewyse set all the Germans in a ranke agaynst suche friuolous and wrangling Pastors, de∣claring both in their publike workes, and their priuate letters, a contrary iudge∣ment. For bothe Peter Martyr hauing at large declared the nature of indifferent things, concludeth in these wordes: Pa∣rendū Mart. in. 1. Reg. 18. est igitur Magistratu in adiaphoris quā∣uis dura interdum & grauia videntur, we must obey the Magistrate in indifferent matters, although they seeme somtime to be hard & burdenous. And Luther, Bucer, & all the rest, mainteine the same opinion. Wher∣fore leauing out the opinions of our aun∣cient fathers in this article of prescripte apparell, bicause they are reputed as sus∣pected witnesses, and withall omitting Caluines iudgement touching the anti∣quitie Insti. lib. 4. cap. 5. of the same, I will héere conclude, desiring God to graunt our precise Apo∣stles greater store & plentie of his grace, & poure into thē either lesse abilitie to urt, or better wil to benefit ye church of Christ. Here is good occasion offered to deale in the defense of hr Maiesties supremacie, but séeing the Bishop of Sarisburie his argumentes agaynst D. Harding maye serue as fitly for impugning of these asser tions, I thinke no more can be wel sayd, thā is already printed. And therfore leaue to your learned consideratiōs yt which can not be repeted without some tediousnesse. NOw foloweth the controuersie of Bi∣shops titles, lands & temporalties, in ripping vp wherof, I will as briefly as I can deuise, declare my simple iudgement. And first of all concerning equalitie a∣mong ministers, no man will denie but the same authority is committed to them all in binding, o sing, preaching, or mini∣string of the sacraments, and yet doth this equalitie in ministration nothing hinder a diuersitie in gouernmēt. For to vse our sauiour Christes example, which them selues haue cited for their purpose. Nolite vocari Rabbi, vnus enim est magister vester, vos Mat. 23. autem omnes fratres estis, Be not called Rabbi, for one is your master, and you are all bre∣thren: who knoweth not that euen among brethren, though all of them spring of one roote, and a certayne equalitie be obserued in nature, yet one is called to a hygher place than all the rest, for mayntenance of the house and family. Esau & Iacob bee∣ing both descended of the selfame parēts, were equall in nobilitie, & yet when they met togither, Iacob forgot not so great re∣uerence to his eldest brother, but that he Gen. 33. worshipped him groueling seuen times, in priuate conference was not ashamed to call him Dominū, Lorde. And so fareth it in the church of Christ, wherin though al e brethren in respect of one heauēly father, yet all can not be equall for preseruing of Christian vnitie. As for Principes gentiū do∣minantur, nō erit sic inter vos, The kings of the Mat. 20. Luk. 22. Mar. 10. Gentiles reigne ouer them, but it shal not be so among you. He that noteth that (sic, so) will finde a difference rather to be put be∣twéene both iurisdictions, than one of thē to be quite displaced. He is blind that seeth not ambition rather to be suppressed, than equalitie inferred, as some of the soundest writers do interprete. The practise of this precepte they may finde moste liuely set foorth, whereas our sauiour Christ con∣ueyed Iohn. 6. him selfe quite out of the way, whē the blockishe people woulde néedes haue promoted and aduaunced him to tem∣poral gouernment. But when eyther any question is referred to his decision, or oc∣casion offered to exercise his spiritural iu∣risdiction, marke whether at any time he abase himself to the most inferiour mini∣sters: Rather may we proue a kinde of primacie among the Ministers by the words folowing, Qui maior est in vobis, fiat Luk. 22. sicut iunior: & qui princeps est, sicut qui mini∣strat, Let the greatest among you be as the least: and the chiefest as he that serueth, than disproue it by the sentence going before. And this precept of humilitie séemeth but a limitation to their due authoritie. The vehemencie of the words expressing the commaundement, is no lawfull barre to the iurisdiction of a Minister, as may ap∣peare by conference of textes togither. For although our sauiour vtterly beate downe the titles of ambition, and vnlaw∣full rule in his Apostles by these words, Nolite vocari Rabbi, Be not ye called Rabbi: yet ment he not to exclude any reaso∣nable Math. 23. preheminence, as maye appeare by these words: Vocatis me magistrum & do∣minum, & bene dicitis, sum enim, you call m Iohn. 13. Lord and master, and you say well, for so I am. In which place he may séeme accor∣ding to the letter to chalenge what he had forbidden in his Apostles. But if you vn∣derstande in very deede the pompe and pride of earthly Princes in the one, and reuerent vsage & interteinement of a Mi∣nister in the other, he hath chalenged no further prerogatiue vnto him selfe, thā he hath left vnto his ministers. For in like saith, The sonne of man came not to b ministred vnto, but to minister and vet if . . i this place we vnderstand the ministery porall things for preseruation & su∣ of this , the contrary appea∣: S quis ministrat mihi, me sequatur, if any man minister vnto me, let him follow me, &c. Euen so this one word dominari, to beare rule, maketh the sense more playne & euident, and setteth foorth vnto vs, that our sauiour ment not to re∣moue al kinde of dignitie & preheminence from his Apostles, but rather charged thē, non sic vt principes gentium dominari, not to beare rule so as the Lords of the Gentiles do, that is, with pompe, disdayne, and lofty∣nesse. And if these words should simply & without any limitation be interpreted, there were no differēce to be made in dig∣nitie betwéene the Apostles & the seuentie disciples, vnlesse they cā alleage some good authoritie, wherby it may appeare that in vsing these words, vos autē fratres estis, for you are brethrē, Christ only cōprehēded the 12. omitting the great number: which by scripture will be very hard to do in myne opinion. But put the case equalitie were approued & allowed among the Apostles, séeing that all they were chosen after one maner, by one person, and to one voca∣tion extraordinarie, séeing they were all so plentifully and aboundantly inspired with the holy Ghost, as it was not pos∣sible for them beeing so well guyded to breake into immoderate heates and pas∣sions pernicious to the Gospell, and ther∣fore diuision beeing lesse feared, equalitie might be better abidden. What maketh this, I saye, for equalitie amongest our Cleargy, where faction hath excluded con∣corde, and ambition rather striueth for credite by followers, than charitie séeketh truthe by humblenesse? All tyniber can not be squared by one rule, nor all estates directed by one kinde of pollicie. Our Mi∣nisters, I graunt, succéede them in place, but not in office: and therfore euen as in the Apostles tyme the degrées of Dea∣cons and Ministers were distincte in ho∣nour without offence of any godly con∣science, or contradiction to the Scripture: so in our tyme the Churche of Christ ha∣uing growen to riper state and greater number, requireth other order and direc∣tion. What greater follie can appeare, than to prescribe ye same rules to a Gene∣ral in cōducting of an Armie which euery captayne is bound to obserue in trayning of his hande, or to graunt as large scope in gouernment to the Constable of New∣ington, as to the Maior of Lōdon? I think S. Luke vnderstoode the Scriptures as well as we, & yet in reporting that Bar∣sabas & Sylas were viri primi inter fra∣tres, Act. 15. chiefe men among the brethren: he no∣teth no presumption in them for chal∣lenging vniust authoritie, inequalitie of honour, or transgressing the wordes of Christ our Sauiour, Qui voluerit inter vos primusesse. &c. who so will be chiefe amōgst you. If they say this primacie mentioned in the Actes, was vnderstoode of vertue & forwardnesse in religion, I answere with the Lawyers phrase, hoc est diuinare, this is but gessing, sith it is not like that in zeale they coulde so farre excéede the rest of the Apostles which both liued and continued with them. And thus much briefly by the way to the contrary opposition, for the maintenaunce of the contrary thus will I reason. The degrée of Priests was not equall in the lawe, Ergo, it ought not to be equall in the Gospel: the antecedent may be proued by sundry textes of Scripture, first where Aaron the high priest was cō∣secrated. Exod. 29. Agayne where charge was giuē by the king to Helchias the highe prieste, 2. Reg. 23. & sacerdotibus secundi ordinis, and to the priestes of the seconde order. Here vnto we may adde, where one priest as chiefe and principall sitteth in iudgement & decision Deut. 17. of causes: where the captayne of the soul∣diers tooke Seraiam sacerdotem summum, She∣riah Hierem. 52 the high priest, & Sophoniam sacerdotem secundum, and Sophoniam the second prieste in degree. The like appeareth Hier. 51. & in sundry other places. For whereas men∣tion is made of Abiathar, Achimilech and Sadoch. 2. Sam. 8. Peter Martyrs iudge∣ment is that only Abiathar was the high 2. Sam. 8. priest as in déede he was, & the other two were but Chaplaynes, as we terme thē. The argument is proued by a Topicke place of their owne. For if it be lawfull for them to teach vs ab authoritate negatiuè, there were no Metropolitanes amōg the Iewes beyng Gods chosen people, Ergo there ought to be none among the Chri∣stians, it shall be much more lawfull for vs affirmatiuely to reason thus: There was a difference among the legall priests in honour, Ergo, there oughte to be the lyke among the Christians. But here me thinkes I heare a muttering, that for as muche as the highe Prieste in the lawe bare a figure of our sauiour Christ, whiche vanished at his comming, the lyke preheminence cannot be continued in our Christian Cleargie. No manne doubteth I suppose, but the legall priest∣hood beyng a shaddow of the truthe, va∣nished at the passion and eternall sacri∣fice of our Melchisedech, whiche was of∣fered once for all. But that the highe Prieste was more a figure than the mea∣ner Priestes discharging the same due∣tie, though for honours sake he be after named, or that the Prieste were coun∣ted as a figure partly in respect of digni∣tie, and not onely for his office, is more than euer the aduersarie shall be able to mayntayne. I knowe S. Paule to the Hebrues compareth the sacrifice vppon Hebr. 7. 9. 10. the Crosse made for oure redemption, with the highe Priestes oblation among the Iewes, and rather matcheth Christe with the high priest than the other, for the more honorable comparison, and by rea∣son of mutuall preheminēce, than bicause the other vsing the same sacrifice which he did, bare not as well the figure of Christe as he: wherfore as they will haue no high minister bicause the high priest represen∣ted Christe in figure, so may we in like sorte reiect the meaner ministers, bicause the inferiour Priestes were likewise fi∣gures of our Sauiour Christe and of his office. And as strong is the argument of the one side, as of the other. But if we shoulde graunt them that the high Priest onely were a figure of Christ to come, and therfore the office beyng now decayed the degrée must like wise perish: yet seyng the ministers of Christ represent him nowe paste (vnlesse our sauiour beyng glorified haue loste some of his glory) I knowe not why his ministers may not shine in as perfect glory, & so muche greater as truth excéedeth shaddowes. Wherefore eyther must they now denie that ministers are the deputies of our sauiour Christ (which were to great absurditie) or els alleadge some reason why the nearer ye truth they drawe, the further they shoulde be from dignitie. For euen as obseruing of the paschall lambe was a figure of our Saui∣our Christe and quite abolished by the ob∣lation of the Crosse, notwithstanding the same matter be yet kepte in memory by an other figure, which is the Sacramēts of Christes body and bloud: Euen so, al∣beit the legall priesthood be now abolished & quite displaced, yet why the same pre∣heminence may not yet remayne in re∣membraunce of the highe priest glorified whiche was kepte in figure of the highe priest not yet incarnate, no reason hath bene yet alleaged. Sure I am that the same proportion that is betwene the one figure and the other, is betwene one mi∣nister and another. Wherefore by good reason ought he whiche representeth that which Christ hath done, be of as great ac∣count, as he whiche figured that whiche Christ should do: and so muche more as our benefite is greater. And to proue that of necessitie the honour is not linked or annexed to the office, I can proue that S. Paule acknowledged a reuerence to the person after Christes death had spoyled him of his office, repenting as it were his hastinesse to the Priest, and alleaging out of Exodus. Principi populi tui non maledices, Exod. 22. . 23. Thou shalt not speake euill of the ruler of thy people, in defense of his authoritie. We reade in Luke that euery one which Luke. 19. coulde employ his talent to the greatest profite, was called to chiefe preferment, wherefore he that with one tallent had gayned tenne, was preferred to as many Cities: and he that yeelded fiue was re∣warded by the same proportion. Where∣by we finde equalitie of gouernment not to be so necessary in the Church, but vpon good consideration and worthinesse of the ministers it may be enlarged. Agayne se∣ing the Church militant (as far as weak∣nesse and infirmitie of nature will giue hir leaue) ought to imitate and resemble the pollicie of the Churche triumphant, where diuersitie of degrees may well be proued as Angeli, Archangeli, Throni, do∣minationes, 1. Thes. 4. Col. 1. principatus, potestates, Angels, Archangels, Thrones, dominions, princi∣palities, powers: Wée may conclude that in the Churche militant the lyke may be obserued. If Sainct Paule thought it no presumption to call the Churche the body of Christe. I dare be bolde to saye Eph. 4. that in euery naturall body one member dothe excéede an other in dignitie and ho∣nour, and in direction of the whole, accor∣ding to the strength and abilitie are fitly and conueniently preferred. To proue that euery man shoulde be put in truste according to his skill and abilitie, no play∣ner texte can be alleadged than Math. 25. where the prouident and discrete house∣holder Math. 2. gaue to one fiue talentes, to an other twoo, secundum propriam virtutem, ac∣cordyng to euery mans abylitie: but that one man in giftes dothe excell an other, appeareth first, by the woordes of Paule, where be playnely affirmeth, Maiorem esse 1. Cor. 14. eum qui prophetat quam qui loquitur linguis: That hee is greater that prophesieth than hee that speaketh with tongues. Ergo pre∣heminence amongest the Ministers of the Churche is not onely lawfull, but expedient and profitable. No Realme can well be gouerned where one hath not authoritie aboue the rest. Neyther can a∣ny priuate house be well directed, where the meaner sort stand not in awe of some speciall officer. Wherfore sith the Church is oftentimes compared by Parables to these earthly kingdomes, and S. Paule is not ashamed to resemble it after a sorte 1. Tim. 3. with the gouernment of a priuate house, enhabling a byshop to the one by his pro∣uidence and forecaste in the other, I sée not why that whiche is profitable in the one concerning discipline, may not like∣wise be well thought of in the other for e∣dification. That this preheminence is not lately deuised or newe begonne as some woulde beare the worlde in hande, may soone appeare by these wordes of the Apo∣stle, Spiritus Prophetarum prophetis subiecti sunt, non enim confusionis est deus sed pacis. The 1. Cor. 14. spirites of the Prophetes are subiect to the Prophets, for God is not the God of confu∣sion but of peace. Wherevpon I gather that if the spirite of the Prophetes beyng lightened by the vertue of the holy ghost, were not free from checke of other Pro∣phetes, vpō whom it had pleased almigh∣tie God to bestow his giftes of iudgemēt, knowledge, and learning: muche more ought we to allow the grauest and lear∣nedst sort a dignitie and preheminence in worldly things, whiche ought to be repu∣ted of lesse account and estimation, and by the way the reason following is not to be neglected, for after he hath set an order in directing the congregatiō, attributing the determination of the matter & approue∣ment of the Prophets spirite to the an∣ders by, he streight adioyneth, Non enim Deus est confusionis, God is not the God of confusiō, as who should say, if so ne were not appoynted to decide suche doubtes as might arise eyther vpō ignorance or ma∣lice, all would go to wrecke in haste, and Christian edification be conuerted into mortall hatred. Then would the froste of priuate quarel either sterue the buddes of the gospell, or the rage of spirituall ambi∣tion disturbe the pollicie of euery congre∣gation. But some man will say perhaps, that Christ our sauiour made all his disci∣ples equall in authoritie, I graunt he did so, but yet for order sake it may be an∣swered, that one aboue the reste had some preheminence, whiche Peter Martyr, ve∣ry fitly termeth Primatum ordinis, non pote∣statis: Primacie of order, not of power. For to let passe those fauourable words so of∣ten bestowed more vpon one than all the rest, and the manner of his gouernment quite thorough the Actes (which proueth as much as I affirme) we know that al∣beit Christe sayd to all his disciples in ge∣nerall, Vobis datum est nosse mysteria regni Math. 13. Coelorum, vnto you it is gyuen to knowe the Secretes of the kingdome of heauen, yet when he was transfigured in the Mount he had onely with hym, Peter, Iames, Math. 17. and Iohn, when he cured the daughter of Iairus-one of the Princes of the Syna∣gogue, he tooke no man with him, saue Mark. 5. Peter, Iames and Iohn. And beyng in the greatest agonie of all, when he went to praye before the sufferyng of his Pas∣sion, he made hys speciall choyse of Pe∣ter, Math. 26. Iames and Iohn, to assie him to the very laste. By this it is very cleare, that woordes sometimes generally spo∣ken muste yet bée limited accordyng to the circumstaunce and procéeding of the matter. For Sainct Paule mentionyng by name long after, those Apostles, Qui Gal. 22 videbantur esse columnae, whiche seemed the pillers, expresseth none saue Peter, Iames and Iohn: Lay these places close togither and weygh them in the ballaunce of in∣different iudgement, and I doubte not but the equalitie among the Apostles will not appeare so greate as some are nowe persuaded. Here vnto adde Sainct Paules woordes, Mihi qui videbantur esse Gal. 2. aliquid, nihil cōtulerunt, &c. They that are the chiefe, dyd communicate nothyng with me, &c. And agayne: Nihil minus feci ab his 2. Cor. 11. qui supra modum sunt Apostoli, I suppose I was not inferiour to the chiefe Apostles. And in the same Chapter: Ministri Chri∣sti sunt, plus ego: they are the Mynisters of Christe: I am more. And agayne, Nihil minus feci à magnis Apostolis, I was not in∣feriour to the very chiefe Apostles. If, Qui Gal. 2. videbantur esse aliquid, they which seemed to be great, Columnae, pillers, Magni Apostoli, Apo∣stoli 2. Cor. 11. supra modum, chief of the Apostles: be no significations of superioritie, for mine owne parte I graunt mine ignoraunce and infancie in the Scripture. He thought it neyther an article of Papistrie, nor a breache of Gods commaundement, to challenge some preheminence aboue the rest, when he blusheth not to say, Si am∣plius 2. Cor. 10. aliquid gloriabor de potestate quam dedit mihi dominus in edificationem, non destructio∣nem vestram, non erubescam: If I shall some∣what more boast of the power that the Lord hath giuen vnto me, to edifie, not to destroy you, I neede not to be ashamed. We reade that Barsabas and Sylas are reckened by Luke by no worse style than viri primi Act. 15. inter fratres, chief men among the brethren, without any sparke of emulation among the Brethren. They were neyther called Linsey wolsey Bishoppes, nor Popes of Lambeth, as some haue bene of late, chal∣lengyng no more vnto themselues, than primatum inter fratres, the chiefe authoritie among the bretherne, whiche may be iu∣stified by sounde authoritie. Laste of all I will conclude with. 1. Timoth. 5. where 2. Tim. 5. Sainct Paule alloweth double honour to those that gouerne well, whiche woorde Double presupposing Single (as no com∣paratiue can stande without a positiue) I sée not howe the difference in degree can be auoyded by any sleight or pollicie. This made Caluine so oft and with so constant affirmations to resolue that without this preheminence among the Cleargie, it was not possible by any meane for the Church of Christ to stand. And firste of all wryting vppon these woordes, Sicut Patri filius, Timotheus mihi Caluine in 2. Philip. seruiuit in Euangelio, Timothie dyd seruice vnto me in the Gospell, as a sonne vnto his Father. VVee learne by this place (sayth he) that no suche equalitie was among the Ministers, but one did gouerne and rule the reste by his authoritie and counsell. The same wryter vppon the first of the Actes, graunteth that one of necessitie muste be preferred before the reste in euery con∣gregation. The lyke he hath vpon. 1. Tit. and Philip. 1. and vppon the. 2. Corinth. 10. wée finde this latte conclusion: Quamuis Caluine in 2. Cor. 10. commune sit omnibus Ministris idemque offi∣cium, sunt tamen honoris gradus: Although one and the same office be common to all mynisters, yet be there degrees of honour. Thus one of their chiefest and surest fréendes beginneth nowe to faynte at the very pinche, and was content not onely to publishe with his penne, but practise by example euen till his death, the same authoritie in effect, whiche these fellowes nowe impugne in Englande, bycause it greatly soundeth to the abasing of their credite. Wherefore if Maister Cart∣wright allowe as well of M. Caluines iudgement, as to the worlde he woulde pretende, he muste of necessitie be enfor∣ced to allowe vs one Byshop in euery Ci∣tie, shifte afterwarde as well as we may for laying out a Dioces. And yet if any man will reade his Institutions Lib. 4. Calu. Instit. lib. 4. cap. 4. Cap. 4. he néede not to trauayle farre to finde a reason, sithe Caluine is content to graunte that from the Apostles tyme, Vnicuique ciuitati regio certa fuit attributa, Of Bi∣shops Di∣ocesses. quae Presbyteros inde-sumeret, & quasi corpori illius ciuitatis accenseretur. To euery Ci∣tie there vvas a certayne compasse appoynted vvhiche shoulde take mi∣nisters from thence, and bee as it vvere incorporated to that Cytie. And this in mine opinion is as large a Dioces as any Bishop dothe at this day challenge. Yet by the waye néedes muste I wounder at this péeuishe or rather chil∣dishe spight, dryuyng vs to proue that Dioceses were gouerned by Bishoppes in the Apostles tyme, when not onely whole shyres but scante one Citie was generally saythfull. For what though the Gospell were spredde in many pro∣uinces, yet was it not vniuersally re∣ceyued any where, nor sette foorthe by lawe or published with full authoritie, by their dealyng in this one Article, their cunnyng is moste clearely discouered, and all men made witnesse by the man∣ner of their procéedyng, that truthe is rather fledde, than sought: and their one∣ly purpose séemeth nothing else but for want of proufe by difference of time and state, to pinne the Bishops in suche nar∣row streyghtes as in the ende they should be dryuen to silence. For where as wée haue lefte in Scripture none other pre∣sident wherevnto we shoulde conforme our pollicie and discipline, than the Apo∣stles doinges, if at any tyme wée vrge them with theyr authoritie, eyther in go∣uerayng many prouinces (as Paule did Macedonta, Phentcia, Crete, and diuers other) or many cōtrouersie, then streight they flie to the olde exception of extraor∣dinarie callings: and so by consequent cutting off the Apostles Actes, or at least so mayming them with cauillations, as they can stande no reader in steade, they leaue no scope for any man in maynte∣naunce of true Religion. They deale more haroly with vs than euer Festus did with Paule: for after he had appea∣led to Cesar, he was referred to Kome Act. 25. for trall of his cause, whereas our vn∣friendly Brethren enforce vs to the let∣ter, and yet refuse the letter by Sophisti∣call interpretation, faryng none other∣wise than if they shoulde ide vs strike, and yet holde our hands for frare of after∣clappes. And whereas they can brooke in no respecte the direction of a Dioces, bi∣cause no mention is made of any such by Christ our sauiour, I can likewise saye, that seeing Christ our sauiour before hys departure hence, tooke speciall order for no calling, but onely of the Apostles, nor in any of the foure Euangelistes mention is made of any minister tyed to a certayn congregation, but lefte at large to choose a place wherein to sounde the gladsome ti∣dings, as appeareth by the last commis∣sion. Math. 28. Therfore euery congrega∣tion Math. 28 Mar. 16. maye not haue their minister. But some man will alleage that touching this poynt order was after taken by the A∣postles. I graunt there was, and so like∣wise there would haue béene for gouern∣ment of Dioceses, if the Apostles traueil had béene blessed with so great encrease in their owne time, as that Prouinces as faste as Parishes would haue embraced sincere religion. For seeing that to Peter was committed the Churche of all the Iewes, as Paule had speciall care and ouersight of all the Gentiles. I can not Gal. 2. thinke that these Apostles woulde haue indged the gouernment and direction of a shire or two, to be a matter of so great importance, but that by Gods assistance the viligence of a diligent and watchefull pastor might easily ouercome it. In deede if any man will vndertake to be the only preacher in a shire, or vniuersus Episcopus, vniuersall Bishop in a Prouince, as Iohn the Ambitious prelate of Constantinople woulde haue beene in Gregories time, there were good reason to abate so daun∣gerous a tyrannie: but seeing euery pa∣rishe is nowe furnished of an able and suf∣ficient pastor, and Bishops onely kéepe the place of Moses, to whome the infe∣riour Magistrates referred the causes of greatest weighte, as the Scripture sayth, Leuiora tantūmodo iudicantes, iudging onely Exod. 18. small matters. I neyther sée any reason of abridging their authoritie, nor spoyling the Churche of so necessarie and profita∣ble instrumentes. To chalenge this pre∣regatiue is not (as same deuise) to striue for Monarchies, but to maynteyne that regimente and pollicie whiche euer hathe beene reckened of greatest value, and moste long continuance. We know that euery famous Citie had a territorie annexed vnto it, as a braunch and mem∣ber of the common wealth, which as well in spirituall causes muste be ruled by the Bishop of that Sea, as in ciuill af∣fayres, guided by the ciuill Magistrate. For let our discoursing Preachers quarel as long as they list, and with as good right as sometyme the Phariseys dyd boast and vaunt them selues of verbum Domini, the worde of the Lorde, yet neuer shall it bée thoughte expediente for any state to exempte the smaller Uillages from the iurisdiction of the greatest Cities. For myne owne parte (as one desi∣rous to bée taughte) fayne woulde I heare some reason alleaged, why Ti∣mothie béeyng Byshop at Ephesus (as no doubte he was) hadde not aswell the ouersighte of the Prouince belonging to the citie, as the citie it selfe, or if any man will be so malicious as to quarrell wyth so playne a president, and allowe himselfe for his parte no more, bicause no more is mentioned, I woulde gladly heare what could be sayde to Titus, that had committed to his charge not one Citie as Ephesus, but one whole Ilande, as Eng∣lande is, and that in as large and ample manner as can be deuised. If S. Paule had mentioned any speciall Towne, for the gouernment of whiche he left Titus there, it mighte be thought that the boun∣des and limites of his iurisdiction neuer could haue reached further than the firste appoyntment. But séeing he nameth no particular, but cleaueth to the generall, séeing he sayth not, ideò reliqui te Egubii, I haue therefore lefte thee at Egubium, but ideò reliqui te Cretae, I haue therfore left thee in Creta, I am persuaded in conscience that not any one citie only, but the whole countrey was allotted to his gouernmēt. Of this opinion are diuers excellent and learned Fathers, the very sound of whose authoritie without further stresse, were sufficient to shake M. Cartwright out of his paynted and disguised plumes, with derision of all the auditorie. Neyther doth the Bishops iurisdictions anye more de∣tract from the regiment of Christ our sa∣uiour in his Churche (whatsoeuer be gi∣uen out to make the cause more odious) than Moses, Iosua, or Gedeon did among the Iewes, the latter of whiche number, though he were the guyde and leader of the people, yet playnly and openly affir∣med, that neyther he woulde rule them, Iud. 8. nor his sonne, but God him selfe shoulde gouerne them. And in this respect the Mi∣nisters of God, considering whose lieue∣tenants they are, and whose charge they occupie, haue oftentimes accepted those curtesies at Princes hands, which other∣wise they coulde not iustly, nor of duetie chalenge. So did Elizeus suffer king Io∣as 2. Reg. 13. to visite him in the time of his sicke∣nesse, and Samuell refused not the honor 1. Sam. 13 done him by king Saule, in comming foorth to méete him. But some man will say perhaps, a dio∣cesse is to large a Prouince for one man to gouerne: so could I answere, a king∣dome is to great a burden for one Prince to discharge. But as the one maye be di∣rected by a wise and vertuous gouernour, so keeping those two grounds that euery particular congregation haue an able pa∣stor, and only the greatest matters be re∣ferred to the Bishop (as with vs they are) the other may aswell be ruled by a godly and zelous Bishop. It is straunge that one highe Priest was able to resolue all doubtes, decide controuersies, attend cau∣ses, and exercise all other iurisdiction per∣teining to the Church and Gods religion, without omitting one day the dayly and continuall sacrifice at Ierusalem: where∣as twentie and thrée Bishops are nowe thoughte vnsufficiente to ouersée an I∣lande, scante in quantitie comprehending a thirde parte of that auncient iurisdic∣tion. Surely I can not better compare the manner of these fellowes skirmi∣shing, than to the serpent Hydra, wher∣with Hercules somtime encountred: for euen as for euery head that he stroke off two or three starte vp vpon the sodayne in the selfe same place, euen so our ad∣uersaries striuing to behead the Pope, bring in ten thousande heades or Popes into his place, and exempting euery pri∣uate minister from any superiour within his owne precinct, shape out a monster more vgly to beholde a thousande times than euer it was before. I would be lothe to presse their consciences to examine thē too déepely vpon this poynte, Howe they can disgest a Princes gouernment ouer many states, that wyll not allowe a Bishops iurisdictions ouer a few shires. I am sure it is more harde to discharge one than the other. And where soeuer in the Scripture they can proue the re∣giment of a godly Prince euer many countreys, I will proue the superioritie of a Bishop or highe Priest ouer those shyres. God graunte that this plat∣forme béeing squared out by the president of the Heluetians discipline, carrie not a smacke or sauour of their pollicie, which hathe bereft and spoyled aswell first the Clergie men, then after the Nobilitie and gentlemen of their honour and authoritie, as the Bishops of their dignitie, and by equall authoritie iustifie bothe attempts. No man I think is ignorant but as great care and warinesse is requisite in a king, as in a Bishop, or if any oddes appeare betwéene them, the Prince susteyneth the greater burden, in as much as he dea∣leth both with causes spirituall and ciuil, directing both Priest and people. It were pity these Crocodiles egges should be hat∣ched to soone: if wisedome preuente the worst, no doubt the best will prouide and care for it selfe. And as it is an ill argu∣ment to proue that the Princes charge shoulde be diminished, bicause it is very great, & rather inferreth this consequent, that bicause it is greate, therefore more paynes must be taken in discharge of so waightie an office: so maye we answere for the Cleargie. If this poynt were tho∣roughly examined and boulted oute, it would appeare that neuer a Bishoppe in England exerciseth more large or ample iurisdiction in his diocesse, than Caluine Caluines iurisdiction at Geneua, as large as any bishops in Engld. did within his territorie of Geneua, bée∣ing almost in all causes ioyned in com∣mission with the Sydici, Counselers of the Towne, sometimes medling without his owne precinct with the Churches of Berne. But to let this passe, when they shall proue y• it is more vnlawful for one man to rule a prouince in that order whi∣che the Bishops doe, than a great and po∣pulous Citie, as Caluine did, or that a mā may take charge of a great Citie, and not be bound to answere for the territorie annexed therevnto, as parcell of the bo∣dy, or that any minister may looke to the head, & neglect the hands, or other partes, as néedefull for preseruing of the whole, séeing ye body of Christ, which is y• church, is not monstrous, but orderly & formally cōpacted, in such perfect order, as si qui vnū 1. Cor. 1. mēbrū patitur, omnia mēbra cōpatiuntur, if one mēber suffer any thing, all the other mēbers suffer with it. Whē these things, I say, are iustified by good authoritie, more shall be sayd than is requisite for this presente occasion: wherfore as the shepherd is not only appoynted to haue care & charge of those shéepe, whiche are first put into his hand, & cōmitted to his charge, but euen withal of those lambs which afterwarde shall come & growe in vnum ouile, into one shepefolde, though speciall mention be not presently made of them: euen so I cannot think but the holy ghost, setling and esta∣blishing Bishops at the first in ye most no∣table & famous cities, had a further mea∣ning, that what encrease soeuer should af∣ter procéede of their fruitfull & laborious trauell, should likewise fall to their direc∣tion: which partly may appeare by our sauiours words to Peter, pasce ous, pasce Iohn. 21. agnos, feede my sheepe, feede my lambs. And also if it had bin a matter of so great im∣portance, neither S. Paule would haue concealed it, who reuealed omne consilium Act. 20. dei, the whole councell of God, nor the holy Ghost haue left the Churche so desitute and voyde of counsell in this ase, but that order in some place of the texte or other shoulde haue béene taken for limiting of the Bishops authoritie, séeing that was th scholemaster whiche by promyse shoulde leade vs in omnem veritatem, into Iohn. 16. all truthe. Agayne, whereas euery Citie kepte their territorie in the same religion whiche them selues professed, it is not to be thought but God bestowed ministers in the worthiest seats at first, as Antioch, Hierusalem, Rome, and Constantinople, that both the fruite might spread to the be∣nefite of a great number, and the same toyle and payne which had béene taken to plant religion in the head, mighte by the same instruments be fruitfully continued in the members, and they not denied vn∣worthy to direct the worst, which had led the best, or to rule thē all, that had reclay∣med them all. But put the case that in the first beginning of the Churche, when all things were so raw and out of order as no assurance coulde be had of anything, the gouernment of a prouince were esteemed to great a toile & burden for a single man, as in deed it might with greater probabi∣litie, before the Churches were prouided of sufficient pastors, what maketh this a∣gaynst the state of our English Church & policie, where al men professe one Christ, & hope to be saued by one meane? Wherby the labor is not only greatly qualified, but brought to a maruelous felicitie in cōpa∣rison of the former difficultie. Euen the Church of Scotland, whervnto they do so ofte appeale, ouer euery ten Parishes al∣lowe one superintendent, as may appeare by their booke of seruice lately printed, which is more than our Precisiās wil be brought to like of And thus much concer∣ning Dioceses, bicause they do so greatly grieue your consciences. NOw followeth the name and title of an Archbishop, with the iurisdiction therevnto annexed, which findeth as lit∣tle grace or fauour in their sight as the other did. And first of all they denie that Archiepiscopus, Archebishop, or Metropoli∣tanus, Metropolitane, is mentioned in the scripture. The reason wherof I imagine to be this, that so long as the Apostles liued, who had the same authoritie with a great deale more than our Archbishops now doe chalenge, it was not so expedient to plant in euery prouince an Archbishop as at this day. For séeing they doe bothe constitute & depose Bishops, as the ver∣tue or impietie of the persons did require, what néedes any other to supply y• roome? But now the Apostleship is quite extinct, and yet the same necessitie of a superiour, for preseruing of vnitie and good order, dothe yet remayne. Neyther may thys degrée be thought vnaduisedly appoynted by our auncestors, nor spared without in∣conuenience amōgst al godly Christians: and though the worde Archiepiscopus, Arch∣bishop, be not in the law, yet words of the same effect, as summus sacerdos, princeps sacer∣dotū, princeps prophetiae, the highe priest, the chief priest, the chief of prophecie, and such like, are not wanting. But séeing nothing but the very worde it selfe will please them, what if a man should reason thus? The same that was in the lawe, though after another manner is in the Gospell: but is in the lawe, Ergo, . I maruell what coulde be answered: where fynde they in the lawe the name of Deacon, as it is nowe vsed? and yet I am sure they wyll not vanishe it for lacke of suf∣ficient authoritie: wherefore the Church béeing guyded by offices, and not by ti∣tles, as it was lawfull for the Apostles at the first beginning of the Churche, to deuise a newe name for a newe office: so likewyse, séeing this quiet and securitie in religion craueth another kind of regimēt, than those stormes and persecutions dyd, I would be answered, why the office bée∣ing tolerable, and as the world goeth now very necessarie and expediense, a name may not be coyned, according to the qua∣litie of the calling, without any former president? That one example of creating Deacons, vpon great consideration sal∣ling Act. 6. out more than was foreséene or pro∣uided for at ye beginning, is a good instruc∣tion for vs, that in all respects we are not to be directed by the president of the Apo∣stles age, the tymes béeing different so farre, no more than all diseases are to be cured with one kinde of medicine. For surely to beléeue that in matters of forme we ought to be tyed or fettered to the cra∣dle of Christes Church, and neuer learne to walke alone, or still to féede on milke, and neuer taste any stronger foode, is as chsh ignorance, as to persuade the sim∣ple that God hathe quite debarred hys Church, either from inuenting, disposing, altering, or reforming of suche things as were not at the first more profitable, than nowe they séeme pernicious. Them sel∣ues haue dubbed some petie doctours by the name of Superintendents, and yet no suche name read or mentioned in the scripture. For the proofe of Primates or Archbishops functions out of the worde of God, hath very learnedly béene allea∣ged the president of Titus, whome both Erasmus and other learned wryters thinke to haue béene an Archbishop. But this can not agrée with M. Cartwrights stomake, least the cause should begin now to faynt or hang downe head, wheron he hath already layd so many lustie wagers. For stall me once a Metropolitane in his chayre & seate of gouernmēt, & then adew both equalitie amōg ministers, & the new sprong Presbyterie, whiche are the very groundsels & foundations of this doctrine. Now, what I should rightly terme him but an Archbishop, whō S. Paule left not in a Parishe Church, but in a flourishing Ilande, not to minister the sacramentes onely, but constituere per ciuittes presbyteros, Tit. 1. to appoynt ministers in euery citie: not to winke at his fellowes faultes, but increpa∣re illos durè, sharply to rebuke them, and last of all, not barely to continue what had béene agréed vpon by other, but quae deerant corrigee, to redresse the things that remayne. For mine owne part I am vtterly igno∣rant. Agayne, it is not to be doubted, but after Paule had planted the Gospell of our Sauiour Christe in the Ile of Crete, some ministers he created, which by prea∣ching and godly cōuersation might allure the greater number to their owne salua∣tion, and yet not withstanding him onely he setteth foorth as a patterne for all the Tit. 2. rest to follow. And in the same chapter, which is as muche as euer any Archebi∣shop did chalenge, he giueth him flat com∣mission, arguere cum omni imperio, to reproue with all authoritie: wishing him in any case to shunne contempt, which common∣ly is wont to followe want of credite and authoritie. Last of all, to Titus onely, without mentioning or once naming any of his fellow Bishops, he referreth abso∣lutely the censure and decision of true and false religion, with power to ercommu∣nicate obstinate and froward Heretikes. I could here alledge also good probabili∣ties, why the whole epistle consisting on∣ly of precepts touchyng gouernment and behauiour, in that it is only endorsed and directed vnto Titus, emplith in him a soueraignty aboue the reste to put the same in practise. These are no small pre∣sumptions to support their iudgement, which suppose the same authoritie which Archbishops now enioy, to haue firste be∣gonne and taken roote in Titus, for any thing that I haue hitherto heard alleaged to the contrarie. The Churche is very fit∣ly compared by S. Hillary to a ship tos∣sing vpon the sea, in respect of hir endlesse trouble and veratiō: but as it is not law∣full for euery Mariner to play the pylote, or guide the helme, when stormes and pirries come, no more is it fitte for euery Minister to reach at an Archbishops dig∣nitie, and euen as degrees mainteyne the safety in the one, so do they purchace quiet to the other. The same Churche is cal∣led by Salomon in his Sonets, acies or∣dinata, Cant. 6. a ranke or army set in order: but what order I beséeche you can there be, where there is no difference betwéene the Captayne, Peticaptayne, and the Gene∣rall? who can be ready or forwarde to giue the onset on his enimy, where eue∣ry common Souldiour, nay euery psant dare contend in credite with the Princes deputie, no man acknowledgyng any su∣periour, but wrestleth for the garlande: and looke what tumult commonly dothe followe confoundyng of the states in po∣licie, the same without all doubte muste néedes ensue vpon equalitie among the ministers. They were accursed by Mo∣ses lawe that sought to take away the markes of any mans inheritaunce and iuste possession: and what shall nowe be∣come of those whiche woulde so gladly filche and steale away the limites of eue∣ry state and condition. It is straunge that Gods wisedome shoulde not be as greate in planting of his owne electe and chosen people, as ours in altering y• state and platforme of our auncesters. For whatsoeuer was then reckened most pro∣fitable & expedient for the Iewes, is now accompted most daungerous and burtful to the Christians, their strength is our weakenesse, and men are not ashamed with their owne deuises and inuentions, quite to subuert & ouerthrow Gods hea∣uenly and eternall policie. That the high Priest, figured our Sauiour Christ in his office, any man will easily graunt, but that hée figured him in dignitie and pre∣heminence, more than Moses, Iosua, Da∣uid, or any of the reste, cannot be proued. Wherefore it muste appeare that with the office of the Priest ended his superio∣ritie and preheminence, whiche already is disproued, or else the dignitie may be continued among the Christians, albeit the Sacrifice be quite abolished and ex∣tinct. Wherefore, seyng God amongst the Iewes did firste ordeyne and insti∣tute this superioritie, and the Christi∣an Byshoppes from tyme, as maye ap∣peare by good recorde, beyng as well redde and studied in the scripture as wée, and better able to iudge of the meaning of the Testament by liuing so néere the te∣stators time: sithe antiquitie maketh for it, and only emulation hath oppugned it: sith many benefites arise by good experi∣ence therevpon, and are deriued vnto vs as it were by conduites frō the fountaine without any kinde of inconuenience: sith God hath promised as well to be with Iosua as he was with Moses: and last of Ios. 3. all, seing the contempt of ministers is rec∣kened aniniurie to himself. I would wish . Sam. 8. our busie innouatours to be ware in time and take exāple by the saucy and naughty boyes of Bethel, whiche were torne and rent in sunder with wilde Beares for scornyng and deriding of the prophet E∣lizeus. 2. Reg. 2. If the name of Archbishop be not verbally founde in Scripture, no more is Superintendent: and if they cannot find Metropolitane within the Canon, muche lesse are they able to picke out hypocryte, Linsey woolsey Bishop, Pope of Lābeth and such vsuall titles, as commonly they giue to the graue and learned Bishops. Sure I am, there is great difference be∣twene S. Paules aduise, Seniorem ne incre∣pes, 1. Tim. 5. sed obsecra vt Patrem: Rebuke not an El∣der but exhort him as a Father, and theyr phrase of speaking. We cā hardly iustifie libels diffamatorie, & slaunderous spea∣ches by the presidēt of any Apostle. Now, whereas so much a doe is made aboute ti∣tles of Archbishop and Metropolitane, & the Scripture still alleaged as aduersary in the quarell, I would gladly know whi∣ther the stile of vir nobilis beyng giuen of 1. Sam. 9. 1. Reg. 1. viri potentes, men of might and power, attri∣buted to Sadoc the priest and Nathan the prophet, be not as greate as either Arch∣bishop or Metropolitane: what differeth the name of Summus sacerdos, being so often mentioned in the law, and repeated both Marke. 14. and Luke. 24. from the name of Archbyshop? if this will not serue the turne, nor be receiued for payment, I sée not why S. Paule beyng called Act. 14. Dux verbi, the chiefe speaker. 1. Tin. . Doctor gentium, a teacher of the Gentiles. 2. Cor. 5. Legatus Christi, Christes ambassadour. 1. Cor. . Sapiens architectus, a wise builder. Gal. 4. Angels Dei, an Angell of God. 1. Cor. . Dei cooperarius, Gods labourer: can escape the rigour of your censure, ta∣king vpon him names and titles farre a∣boue the calling of an Archbishop. In like manner S. Luke termeth Gamaliel, Do∣ctorem legis honorabilem, a Doctor of law ho∣norable: Act. 5. and often in the Scripture, the Priests are called Principes, chiefe. But, as well may they bring downe our Dukes, . Chron. 17. Marqueses, Earles and Barōs, as abase our Ministers, seyng the same rule of Scripture is indifferently prescribed to vs all, and as litle mention is there made of one degrée as of another. Thus may they make our sauiour Christe, inferiour to his father, concerning his diuinitie, by∣cause the title of is no where lite∣rally expressed, although the same in ef∣fect by sundry places may be well & iust∣ly gathered. And thus muche in defense of names & titles, although I denie not but otherwise the time mighte better & more fruitefully haue bene employed: seyng as S. Austine saith, vbi de re constat, puerile est de verbo litigare, where the thing is manifest, it is but childish to cōtend for the name: and there is no doubt but ye same spirit which is promised, vs{que} ad consummationem seculi, to Iohn. 14. 16. the end of the world, is as well able to di∣rect the Church by inspiration in these ri∣per yeares, as by outward giftes to direct hir in hir gréene and tēder state of infan∣cie, neyther is it lawfull for vs to suspect, Manum Domini esse abbreuiatam, that the lord hande is shortned. BUt here cōmeth in newe cōplaynt, that Bishops liuings are to great, & reue∣newes to abundant, and therfore must be brought to a great deale lesse proportion. In déede I nothing doubt but such gréedy lrchers, if once their quarell come to snatching, will soone beguile their elders. And yet euē as the wicked strūpt which contended for another womans childe be∣fore Salomon was content to haue it ra∣ther parted & diuided quite asunder, that neither of both might ioy in the partition, than the naturall mother should possesse hir owne: so these lusty gallantes, ey∣ther bycause they liue in vtter dispayre of reputation and preferment, or in re∣spect of priuie malice, disdeyne and emu∣lation, had rather be excluded from all hope of comming to the like degrée, than either tari the time whiche God hath li∣mited, or endure the present credite and reputation of their brethren. But to come somwhat neerer to the poynt, in despight of Satan and all his Ministers, a reaso∣nable proportion muste be allotted to the Bishops, hauing things in gouernment, and trauailing in their office, by these rea∣sons of the Apostle. If we haue ministred 1. Cor. 9. vnto you spiritual things, is it any great mat∣ter if we reape your carnall things? and why this rule may not rather in this place be stinted with the most, than restrayned to the least, seyng Bishops eyther know or should know beste of all other how to vse it, I finde no mention in the Epistle. To what good vses Bishops haue in auncient time employed the profites of their land, the hospitals & other such workes of cha∣ritie standing in the open view and sight of all the world giue sufficient: witnesse: so as to one that vprightly & without any sparke of malice wil suruey their doings, rather may they séeme to haue bene ste∣wards than possessours of their goodes: & to haue layde vp treasure for themselues in heauē, where neither mothes corrupt, nor théeues breake in: nay, I will say more, if M. Cartwright were not very in∣gratefull to that woorthie Uniuersitie where he had his first beginning, he must néedes confesse, were he neuer so impu∣dent and shamelesse, that cōsidering how many famous Colledges haue bene erec∣ted and indued with landes by Bishops of this Realme, euen the Cleargy them∣selues are chiefly bound to reuerēce their memorie, & follow their exāple, by whose liberalitie they were first enhabled vnto the office whiche they vndertake by en∣tring into the ministery. If Bishops had borne as lowe a sayle as Paule did, they had builte as few Colledges as S. Paule did, which I thinke thēselues will graunt no slender hinderaunce bothe to the lear∣ning of our pastors, and proceeding of the Gospel. Then should neither Peterhouse in Cambridge founded by Hugo de Balshā B. of Ely, nor Trinitie hall erected by Batemā B. of Norwich, nor Gonwl hal set vp by a simple parson, nor y• Quéenes colledge first begon & set in hande by An∣drew Duchet rectour of S. Botulphes, nor Iesus colledge brought to ful perfectiō by Alcock B. of Ely, had flourished in ler∣ning at this day to the great cōfort of the realme, & hope of our posteritie: if Heruie Stāton founder of Michael house, wherof M. Cartwright, as it is now incorporate, lately was a mēber, were now aliue, he would thinke himself very vncourteously entreated, to be spoyled of all reuenew in recompēce of so great chari ie. I could al∣ledge the foundation of Magdalene Col∣ledge in Oxford by Wāfet, of the New colledge by Wickhā, of Corpus Christi colledge by Force, all thrée Bishops of the sea of Winchester, of Alsoules colledge by Chichley Archbishop of Canterbury, of Lincolne & Excter colledge by those two bishops, with diuers others, which séeme to be left by Gods eternall prouidence, as an argument to cōfute the shamelesse im∣pudēcy of such starting prelates, as dare presume to charge these learned fathers, with pōpe, ambition & glory. I meruayle that any mā casting but his eye vpō these stately monuments dare once cōceiue an euil thought against ye authors of so wor∣thy an enterprise, or mislike ye cōtinuance of that habilitie which hath brought forth so many benefies vnto our coūtry, & such as all the princes in Europe, stand in ad∣miration of at this day to ye vnspeakeable honour & reputation of this happy Iland. If by warrāt of the scripture I cā proue, that of euil gotten goodes the third decent shall haue no fruition, the long standing & most happy flourishing of these colledges, in despight of al the Cormorants & deuou∣rers of cōmon profite may sufficiently a∣ouch that y• first originall frō whēce this fruict doth spring, I meane ye tēporalities of our cleargy, is neither popish, glorious nor abhominable. And thus much by the way to proue y• bishops haue not always bin mispenders or vnthrifty stewards of their lāds. Now wil I descend to y• exāple of S. Paule, the imitation of whome is so greatly wished by these Precisianes, and yet so little followed in their conuersatiō. And first of all I will not sticke to graunt that S. Paules allowance was but very slender, procéeding of none other cause, than that the Apostle in many things re∣fused his libertie, & renounced that, which in déede was due by scripture, onely to a∣uoyde offence among the cōmon sorte, the greater part of which may be sooner cari∣ed, & more earnestly inflamed to religion with the sparing of a groate, than hearing of a sermon. Wherefore, least to greate charge in finding of the ministers, might alienate the peoples mindes, before they had conceyued any féeling or tast of pure religion, he was content at sundry times to labour with his own hands. But how? Non quasi non habuerimus potestatem, not but 1. Cor. 9. 2. Thess. 3. that we had authoritie, as himselfe allea∣geth. In this respect he disdained not som∣time to make tents, & employ his time in Act. 18. other bodily labour, rather than to grieue or burden the congregation: giuing out this generall rule to as many as professed Christe, If any man will not worke let him . Thess. 3. not eate: And surely this was in déede the very true & literall imitation of our saui∣our Christ, who willed his Disciples, not to be careful what they eate, or what they put vpon thē. This is truly not to possesse Math. 6. Math. 10. Luke. 12. Math. 6. Act. 3. gold or siluer. To heape vp treasure in heaué: & this precept was precisely kept by Pe∣ter, whē he told the creple crauing of his almesse, that he had neither gold nor siluer. But seing thēselues will not be stinted to so hard a diet, but thinke it may be enlar∣ged by differēce of time, I sée no reason to restrayne it rather to a hundred than a thousand poūd: & when they shal find any certaine quātitie limited for preachers in the scripture, excéeding not a reasonable meane, for my part, I wil not vnwilling∣ly subscribe to their opiniō; which hither∣to I déeme more apt to bréede dissention, thā bent to nourish charity. Either would I haue the ministers continue & persist in their first simplicity, or els with suche in∣crease repaire their state as might enable them to kéepe hospitality, & relieue the ne∣cessity 1. Tim. 3. Rom. 12. of the Saincts. How happy would S. Paule haue thought himself, if liuing in this age he might haue séene ye Church so stored by the benefite of ciuill lawes, & liberality of Christian Princes, as the Gospell might be preached without hin∣derance, & the pastours mainteyned with out grudging, seyng that himselfe confes∣seth to haue bene driuen & necessarily en∣forced to the spoyle of certaine Churches for the maintenaunce & reliefe of others. 2. Cor. 11. Num. 21. Wherevpon ensued the collection wher∣of we read, 2. Corin. 9. Eleazar the priest who challenging no more than God had specially prescribed for his diuident, had for one share. 675. shéepe. 72. oxē. 6. asses, 3. prysoners, which I am sure amoūteth aboue the reuenew of some bishops with∣in the realme. Frō thence may they passe by the prophet Elizeus, who notwithstā∣ding he refused the brybes of Naman, 2. Reg. 5. yet would he not forsake the presentes of the king of Aram, although he were an 2. Reg. 8. infidele: Other examples likewise might be alleadged for this purpose, but for as much as other poinctes must be debated, I will as briefly as I can, runne ouer the proportion and allowance, whiche from time to tyme hath bene allowed to the Cleargy in the purest & perfectest religiō. And first of al the Leuites being excluded from inheritance among the cōmon peo∣ple, had both houses within the Citie, and farmes without the citie which might in Leuit. 25. no case be alienated or made away. And therefore Iosephus termeth Nob whiche Saule destroyed Sacerdotum oppidum, the Antiq. Iud. lib. 6. ca. 14. Priestes citie. It was enioyned also to the Leuites among other things as a speciall parte of their vocation, praeesse thesauris do∣mus 1. Cron. 26 Dei, to bee ouer the treasures of the house of god: which were a simple charge were the Church in such beggery & penu∣ry as you woulde haue vs faine beléeue. Againe, beside ye priests allowance rated in y• law for finding of himselfe, he might without offence take that whiche was due Deut. 18. vnto him by inheritāce, wherwith agreeth wel y• presidēt of Abiathar, who being de∣priued of his priesthoode was confined to his own lāde in Arathoth: and that it was his owne inheritaunce may bothe ap∣peare by the very woordes of the Scrip∣ture, agros suos, his landes. And bycause 1. Reg. 2. we are otherwyse assured, that no more might the priestly portion be chopped or chaūged by the incumbent, than Bishops landes may now be alienated frō the sea. How great the Churches reuenew was in those daies, may partly appeare by the quantitie of treasure, which Asa brought 2. Chron. 16. out of the house of God, & by the summe of monie which Ezechias made only of the plate, beyng driuen to a hard shift, as Ri∣chard the first did here in England for his ransome: and likewise by diuision of the land of promise in the Prophet Ezechiel, Ezech. 45. where of foure seueral parts, the Priests and Leuites enioyed fully two: and to this purpose also serueth. 2. Paralep. 34. Wherefore to enter nowe into the new Testament: Firste, we read that Paule will haue a Bishop Hospitalem, a keeper . Tim. 3. of hospitalitie, but howe, and in what sort this charge may be performed in so great scantnesse of allowance I cannot finde: vnlesse a manne will saye that hospita∣litie may as well bée kepte in fiue shil∣lings as in fiue hundred poundes, whiche séemeth to harde and stricte an interpre∣tation for so large and copious a matter. Besides, the practise of this precepte, as we finde it layde open in the Scripture, séemeth to require a more full and effec∣tuall vnderstanding: for at suche time as Paule with all his company remayned Acts. 21. certayne dayes with Philip the Euange∣list, it séemeth not an easie liuing that coulde mainteyne that charge. In déede if Bishops with their purse would eyther make marchaundise of the giftes of the Ghost, as Simon Magus did, and like∣wise Acts. 8. 2. Reg. 5. Gehesi Elizeus seruant, or wastful∣ly mispende their substance in wanton and vnthriftie companie with the prodi∣gall Luk. 15. childe, lauishe out their masters trea∣sure lyke vnfaythfull stewardes, or pine the bare and néedie for want of comforte, with the purpled Cormorant, there were Luk. 16. good reason to abridge and diminishe their reuenue. But whereas rather by our sa∣uiours owne commaundement they doe Luk. 16. purchase friendes by Mammon, séeing they say vnto the poore, Vos meum semper Luk. 15. estis, & omniamea vestra sunt, you are always with me, and all that I haue is yours, séeing they giue to the Sainctes in their neces∣sitie Rom. 12. distribute almes, vt omnia sint munda Luk. 11. illis, that all thinges may be cleane to them, shw their fayth by good déedes, and stand Iac. 2. in readinesse to yéelde an absolute and perfecte accompte, as frayltie will per∣mitte in that dreadful day: no doubt they shall be crowned with rewarde of fayth∣full Stewardes and dispensers, whome the Lorde hath appoynted ouer all: and the portion of the idle Ministers shall be com∣mitted to their dispensation. As I reade that Timothie had a speciall charge to beware of coetousnesse and immoderate desire of honour: so finde I no kind of pre∣hibition, why ministers may not enioy a Christian Princes liberalitie: sith Mus∣culus Musculus willeth mi∣sters not to refuse prin∣ces libera∣lities. in his treatise of Ministers authori∣tie, willeth them in no case to refuse it. Not the lawful vse, but ye abuse of wealth and honour maketh them iustly to be re∣proued: and for myne own part I thinke that bothe Diogenes conceyued greater pride in his contempt of glory, and loyte∣ring in a tunne, than Alexander after all his conquestes sitting in a chayre of ma∣iestie: euen so were the souldiours more proude (as I suppose) of Christes sim∣ple Iohn. 20. coate, than Ioseph was of his gar∣ment wroughte in dyuers colours. Sim∣plicitie Gen. 37. of countenance is oftentimes a cunning vayle for proude and disdayne∣full stomackes, and so doubte I not a whit, but vnder the rounde cappe of one Precisian, lurketh more deadly poyson than vnder the Rochettes of foure and twentie Bishops. It was not tolde Si∣mon Magus that he had no portion in ser∣mone Acts. 8. isto, in this word, bicause of his welth and riches: but for as muche as wyth brosse he durste presume to purchase the gyftes of the holy Ghost. And where our Sauiour Christ sayth, it is harde, he dothe Math. . not say, it is not possible for riche men to enter into the kingdome of heauen. Nowe wheras Master Cartwright plea∣seth him selfe with his owne mirth, and in his opinion very ingeniously, in my iudgemente moste spitèfully reporteth, that were the Bishops such as y• Apostles were, they would make lesse noyse in the stréetes, I wold gladly know what noyse our sauiour Christ made when so many people followed him in flockes and com∣panies? and if he say this trayne was ga∣thered rather in respect of hearing than attending, what shall we say of all those godly people whiche were at hande to minister and doe hym seruice? What noyse made S. Paule in the streates, . 2. when all the people brought him to hys shippe, or wryting to the Corinthians, that perhaps he would tarrie winter, that they might bring him on his way. If all 1. Cor. 16. this were for preaching, then I say, that for any thing you vnderstande, this god∣ly motion may likewise stirre vp dyuers honest men, the rather to attende on Bi∣shops, bicause they seeke instruction in re∣ligion: in whiche case it is the Bishops parte by all meanes to relieue them, as Christ could not for pitie suffer them to M. 4. famish: that folowed for deuotiō. In doubt full cases it may please you still to iudge the best, for that lesson are you taught in Scripture. And though Christ kept them not all in housholde, yet seeing he hath so often termed him selfe patrem, familias; a housholder, I can not otherwise accompt the greater parte than his meniall ser∣uants. I would heare some man declare howe hospitalitie could be maynteyned, without suche instruments as are fittest for that office. The Apostles were not re∣sident in any certayne place, and therfore neyther kepte house, nor stoode in néede of any seruaunts, wheras our Bishops bée∣ing setled in a conuenient familie, and tyed to a certayne congregation, muste guyde their house in another order. I thinke it will be very harde for any Cart∣wright in Englande to proue that Christ had euer a seruingman attending on him with a sworde and a buckler, sauing Pe∣ter, which was a helper of his ministerie: and yet the purest of them al thinkes him self halfe maymed vnlesse he be so accom∣panied. Well, to conclude this poynte, sith neyther Bishops reuenues are char∣geable to the congregation, but rather be∣neficial to the néedy béeing wel employed: and that béeing stewardes of the Chur∣ches goodes, eyther they doe or should doe nothing else than dispose the money brou∣ghte Acts. . vnto their feete by the beléeuers: and the more they haue, in bestowing it well, the greater is their commendati∣on: I will somewhat enter into Mini∣sters and Bishops, dealings in politike and ciuill causes. ANd wheras it is first denied that Bi∣shops should be counsellers to Kings and Princes, I would be resolued whe∣ther to refuse the Princes calling in that order, may stande with the dutie of a sub∣iect? As for nemo militans Deo, &c. no man that warreth (vnto God) hath béene so lear∣nedly . Tim. 2. answered already, as it may nowe goe for no payment. For séeing nothing Num. 9. &. . Deut. 4. &. 11. may be done without the warrāt of Gods sacred worde, and the interpretation of the lawe muste be required of the Priest, whether it be méete to haue such Mala. . Agg. 2. an instrument at hande as alwayes may enforme the Prince of God hys holy will, bothe in matters ciuill and spiri∣tuall, I leaue to the graue consideration of my learned Reader. Nay I will say more, that béeing Christ his Legates, as they are, they can not conueniently be ex∣cluded. For subiects are not bound what∣soeuer Princes charge them, but, quod do∣cuerint Deut. 17. secundum legem Dei, that whiche they teache according to the lawe of God. And in the selfe same chapter the Priest is lin∣ked and ioyned with the Iudge in deci∣ding of all kinde of causes, that nothing should escape them without good ground and warrant of the scripture. So Ieho∣saphat ioyned in commission the Priests and Leuites, & Noble men of Israel, that Iustice might be duely executed. So was 2. Cor. 17. 19. Eleazar appoynted to demaunde Gods pleasure touching Iosua, and he streight∣ly charged, ad verbum eus ingredi & egredi, Num. 27. to goe in and out at his commaundement. This made the worthy king of Israel not only to demaunde, but euen in all respects to followe the aduise of the Priests & Le∣uites. For when Saule in all post haste would néedes haue folowed & pursued the Philistiās, ye priest would not permit him till he were further assured of Gods plea∣sure. 1. Sam. 14 Héere was the king of him selfe ve∣ry prest and forwarde, and the counsell was not vnwilling, and yet the Priest onely did hinder and kéepe backe that en∣terprise: neyther is it a sufficient shifte to say that more was attributed then to Priestes in respecte of reuelation, séeing that kinde of discouerie hauing ceassed, no lesse honour notwithstanding is due to interpretation, and looke what the mi∣nister of the one might chalenge, the other succéeding in place, thoughe not in mira∣cle, and occupying his office, thoughe he wante his singular prerogatiues, maye arrogate without presumption. In lyke maner Samuell inforced Sauls to kyll 1. Sam. 15 1. Sam. 22 king Agag: Dauid commanded Abiathar to abide and tarrie with him in his tents: Abiathar the Priest persuaded Dauid to 1. Sam. 23 2. Sam. 15 pursue his enimies: Sadoc and Abiathar béeing put in speciall trust, detected all the treason and moste wicked practise of vn∣gracious Absalom, like true and faythful subiects, and after were not onely of king Dauids counsell, in recompence of their loyall seruice: but also made acquaynted with the sending of Chusai, a matter of no small importance: and he commaun∣ded to make reporte of the precéeding of all his dealing to Sadoc and Abiathar the Priest. And if it be answered, that eeing made acaynted wyth one particular matter, proueth not the generalitie of a Counselour, I muste néedes alleage the generall cōmission giuen by the king him selfe to Chusai, that he should declare what soeuer he heard in the kings house to Sadoc and Abiathar the Priests. For proofe of this conclusion maye be further alleaged the counsell whiche Nathan & Abiathar gaue 1. Reg. . to Dauid. And Nathan afterwarde in a matter of no lesse account than inheritāce and succession of the crown, aduised Ber∣sabe the Queene how to gouerne and be∣haue Eius. ver. 11 hir self. Iehosaphat would not make warre agaynst his enimies, before he had 1. Reg. 22. the Prophetes counsell. And in all that cruell warre which Achab tooke in hande agaynst Benhadad the king of Syria, he was directed by the Prophets wisedome, 1. Reg. 20. or else it had gone often harder wyth him than it did. King Ioas, as the texte reporteth, ruled passing well, so long as he 2. Reg. 12. was guyded by Ihorda the Bishop. So Herode the king audito Iohanne multa facie∣bat, Mar. 6. & libenter illum audiebat. Diuersitie and hatred for religion may be alleaged as a reason, why neyther S. Peter, nor S. Paule, were admitted into Princes counsels: and no doubt there is, but if they mighte haue stayed, or béene resident in any certayne place, which was contrarie to their profession: and had béene profe∣red any suche preferment, they woulde moste gladly haue embraced so fitte an opportunitie of profiting the Churche of Christ, so vehement and earnest are their writings in exhorting to obediēce, wher∣of better triall cannot be had, than by do∣ing seruice, and employing all our force both of witte and knowledge to the pre∣seruation of our Prince and countrey: As for dealing in ciuil causes, so farre as they are annexed and coherent to a spirituall function, maynteyning peace and kéeping quiet in the countrey, I think it very pro∣fitable and requisite for euery state, and no slender furtherance to that making of atonement, where vnto Christ hathe pro∣mised Matth. 5. so greate rewarde. And althoughe the reasons before alleaged are very fitte and incident to this purpose, yet haue we nowe further to consider of Achimeleth the Priest, which deliuered vnto Dauid 1. Sam. 22 Goliathes sworde, reserued so long time as a monument of his victory, and armed him to the battayle. So Iehoida the priest caused Athaliah that wicked vsurper, to be slayne, restored the crowne to Ioas, and made both the attonement betwéene the King and God, & likewise betwéene the king & the people: he armed the souldiers, & set thē in battel aray, which in our Pre∣cisians iudgement, may séeme actiōs very vnséemely & vnfitting for a Priest & Bi∣shop. 2. Reg. 11. And last of all, the Apostle béeing of∣fended greatly, that any of the faythfull 1. Cor. 6. should cōmence their suites, or go to lawe before an heathen Iudge, enioyneth thē to end their quarels among themselues. By which place two speciall poyntes may be obserued, the one, that S. Paule gaue or∣der for y• ending of all strife which might arise for landes or goodes, whiche is not onely to intermeddle with a ciuill cause, or play the Iustice, but whiche is more, quite to inuert the ordinarie course and processe of the law, and alter the state of ciuill polliic: the seconde is the Apostles reason, à minori ad maius, frō the lesse to the more, after this sorte: Angelos iudicalimus, 1. Cor. 6. ergò multò magis secularia, we shall iudge the Angels, much more things that perteyne to this world. Whereby we see that both the iurisdictions may without offence be ioy∣ned & unit togither. For if any man will say, that this place reacheth aswell to all christiās in general, as to the Apostle, yet shall he be enforced by the worde iudicabi∣mus, we shall iudge, to graunte him equall share amongst the rest, which is asmuche as I require. Although if curiously a man were bent to search the text, by cōferring this place with Luke. 22. from whence it smeth to be taken (for our Sauioure Christ hath promised that his Disciples idge the twelue tribes, and héere the Apostle sath, Angelos iudicabimus, we shall iudge the Angels) the text can not better be vnderstoode, than of the Apostles sitting in iudgement. Wherefore out of bothe the texts conioyned I will thus collecte myne argument: They that shall iudge the Luke. 22. 1. Cor. 6. twelue tribes of Israell, and Angels, may likewise deale in ciuill causes. But the A∣postles shall do so, Ergo, they may do the other. Uiew the places mentioned, & little payne shall serue for proofe of any parte, that malice can withstande without pre∣tence of reason. And thus I doubt not, but by this it dothe sufficiently appeare, that bothe in the old law priests did somtimes intermeddle in cases méerely politike, and likewyse in the Gospell the same au∣thoritie hath beene put in practise. If this be not to deale in ciuill causes, let them call to minde, that God appoynting those by name which should deuide the lande of promise, before all other named Eleazar Num. 34. the Priest, and yet the same office dyd Christ refuse in Luke, béeing not thervn∣to Luk. 12. Num. 27. lawfully called or elected. o Eleazar was reserued diuision of the spoyle, & the same Eleazar was specially appoynted to Num. 2. put the tribe of Gd in possession of ye land of Galaad. That one may exercise bothe functions, appeareth by the example of elchisedech both king of Salem, & like∣wise Gen. 14. Priest of the moste highe God: by Moses, Samuel, and diuers other, which (bearing figures of our sauior Christ, & of that royal priesthoode whervnto al fayth∣ful Christiās are admitted) may serue vs 1. Pet. 2. for a president in framing of our policie. AS for dispensations, sith it is vnpossi∣ble for any law to stand without some limitation, and of necessitie some must be appoynted to consider of the cases, there is good reason why the Bishop should be put in trust, before any other of lesse iudge∣ment, wit, and learning. And therefore séeing that Moses reserued cases of grea∣test weight and importance to his owne decision, after, meaner Iudges were ap∣poynted to attende on lighter matters. And we reade that Moses likewise graunted libellum repudii, a bill of diuorce∣ment, Exod. 18. Mat. 19. although it were ob duriciem cordis, for the hardnesse of their heart, so as they neyther derogate from the worde, nor be contrarie to ciuill policie, suche dispen∣sations may be tolerated. But where they dealt so hardly with offendors, as no man can escape vnpunished, or without doing open penance, this séemeth hardly to a∣grée with the Canon of the Scripture, Math. 18. wherby the Church may not haue know∣ledge vntill the partie haue béene warned priuately, and agayne before witnesses. Our case were very hard if god should al∣wayes deale by rigour without respect of mercy, & a strāge matter it is, that we wil more straightly looke to others, than our selues would be intreated: sith this extre∣mitie is sufficiētly reproued by ye parable of the seruāt which béeing forgiuē his pri∣uate debt, would not remit one halfepeny to his felow seruāts beeing in great decay & misery. The sunne shineth as cōfortably Math. 5. vpon the euil as the good, and God would not permit his Angels to éede the tares Math. 13. vntill the day of harnest. When Ioseph was in conscience persuaded (thoughe vniustly) that the blessed Virgin had forgotten hir promise of fidelitie in ma∣riage, wente he streyght vnto the Priest, and desired to haue the fault detected and published to the people? No: the scrip∣ture sayth, cùm esset vir iustus, & nollet ea Matth. 1. traducere, that he beeing a iust man, woulde not make hir a publike example. And so im∣puteth his vnwillingnesse in charging hir before the multitude, to a kinde of righte∣ousnesse. There may sometime fll oute eyther so great respect & consideration in the cause, as law can haue no ful & perfect course, without a greater inconuenience, and so, Dauid spared oaks life after his disobedience, for feare of disquieting & di∣sturbing 2. Sam. 3. all the armie: or so great repen∣tance in the partie, as better it were fully to reclayme him, thā vtterly to discourage him, and so was the vnthriftie childe re∣stored to his fathers good opinion: or so Luk. 15. great gifts in the offendor, as maye be turned vpon amendemente to the bene∣fie of he vniuersal Church, as Paule of a persecuteur became a zelous . 9. preacher, and yet was not inforced to doe open penance for his former ignorance. This is the way to couple, and as it were to match togither mercy and iustice, and with the charitable Samaritane to min∣gle oyle with vinegar, for the better rece∣uery with pacience. For if too sharpe and biting playsters had bene applyed to the wounded man, of whom we reade, he ne∣uer Luke. 10. possibly could haue endured the secōd dressing: and agayne, if they had bene to milde, the sore must néedes haue rankled with festered matter and corruption. Si praeoccupatus fuerit aliquis sayth S. Paule, Gal. 6. in delicto aliquo, vos qui spirituales estis instau∣rate buiusmodi in spiritu lenitatis, considerantes vosmetipsos, ne & vos tentemini. If a man be fallen by occasion into any faulte, ye that are spirituall restore such an one with the spirite of meekenesse, considering your selfe, least you also be tempted. And that his practise may agrée with the manner of his prea∣ching, we haue a whole Epistle written to Philemon, in the behalfe of a great offender, and yet no callyng on for publicke and open pane. BUt nowe bicause the Presbyterie, as I perceyue is like to be the greatest of∣fice when these felówes set vp house, som∣what shall be sayde to those friuolous ca∣uillations, whiche are made about thys , only to exclude the Bishops from their lawfull iurisdiction. And first of all a man may iustly take exception agaynst the very groundworke and foundation of this popular buylding. For whereas M. Cartwright out of . Paules diuision of . Tim. 5. Seniors, wherof some preached & gouer∣nedboth, others gouerned only, wold glad∣ly frame his Signorie, I would rather thinke that S. Paule in that chapter ra∣ther maketh mention of two kinde of mi∣nisters, wherof the one was chiefly occu∣pied in ministring the sacraments, the o∣ther wholly conuersant in planting of the Gospel. For euen as ye Apostle sayth, Non 1. Cor. 12. omnes interpretantur, all doe not interprete. And agayne, diuisiones ministrationum sunt, 1. . 1. idem autem dominus, there be dyuers kynds of ministeries, and yet but one Lord. So, may it not vnfitly be affirmed that some were called in the first beginning of the Chur∣che, not so deepely and profoundly study∣ed, as zelously and well affected. But this interpretation may not be allowed, bicause the preaching of the Gospel, & mi∣nistring of the sacraments, must needes concurre, and maye be seuered by no au∣thoritie. Wherefore vnto suche as rather will play small game, than be quite lefte out, and quarel vpon their owne deuises, than be at vnitie among their brethren, thus I answere, that séeing the Apostles baptized before they preached, whiche is iustifiable by the very letter of the scrip∣ture, where we find that the Apostles ne∣uer Math. 28. had commission to preach till the last farewell of our sauiour Christ: & yet bap∣tized long before, as may appeare by these words, although he him self did not baptise, Ioh. 4. but his Disciples, séeing S. Paule making a flat diuision betwéene bothe the funi∣ons, sayth, that Christ sent him not to 1. Cor. 1. baptize, but to preache the Gospell. And last of al, séeing the Apostle preached eue∣ry where, and yet professeth playnely, that he neuer christened more than Chris∣pus, Gaius, and the houshold of Stephana, I see no reason, why I may not fitly vnder∣stand this place of such as only ministred, without that painefull & continuall prea∣ching, whiche the Apostles vsed in their toylesome pilgrimage. And Caluine him∣self seuereth and deuideth teaching from the ministration, giuing doctours onely leaue to interprete, and so reseruing the it. lib. 4 cap. 3. other part for pastours. To this I rather bende, in respect of the commō vse of this woord Presbyter in the Scripture: whiche in euery place, as farre as I remember, may wel enough and with good sense im∣ply the calling of minister, without sée∣king for any helpe of Seniours as they do vnderstād them. As for the. 4. Act. where∣by he will néedes mainteine that euery congregation had their Seniours, bicause Paule and Barnabas did constituere per singulas ecclesias Presbyteros: ordeyne Elders in euery Church: First I finde this word Prsbyteros, elders, so limited by Ecclesias, churches, as it may wel be verified, though any Church had but one onely minister: although I will not deale so strictly, but the greater companies might haue more large allowance, as the Apostle writeth, Episcopis & Diaconis qui sunt Philippis, To P. 10 the Bishops and Deacons which are at Phi∣lippos. And to this opinion I am induced the rather, bicause there was not at the first beginning so great a numbre of dis∣crete and sober persens in any congrega∣tion, that they could make a Seigniorie. Againe I meruaile M. Cartwright blush∣eth not in citing this place for Seniours. Act. 14. whiche both all the auncient Fa∣thers and Caluine himself vnderstandeth of ordeyning Ministers. Now to S Ambrose, I will not denie but in the tēder grasse & spring of Christs religion, for want of godly and religious Magistrates, bicause all questions and li∣tigious articles, were for the moste parte ended and determined before vnfaithfull iudges, I will not denie, I say, but vpon the Apostles charitable admonition, a Cō∣sistorie for the time might be created, vn∣till God might sende some better nources for his people. Nowe, what can make more euidently for iustifying of the An∣swere to the Admonitiō, where it proues by sound authoritie, that Seniors were more néedful at the first thā now? What can be more strong, I saye, for prouing that conclusion, than that ratio finalis, the finall cause, whervpon this ordinance was grounded videlicet, ne iudicarētur apud impios 1. Cor. 6. & non apud sanctos, to wit, that they be not iudged by the wicked but by the saincts, hath now ceassed by the pietie of our christian Princes. Wherfore I may wel conclude with the Answere to the Admonitiō, that séeing a christiā Princes is now inuested of the state, the seniors both may & ought to be quite excluded from their iurisdictiō. Now, if this be true that euery congre∣gation had their seniors, it is not like that Antioch, where Christiās first tooke their name, was vnprouided of so necessarie an office. But whereas mention is made of Prophets and Doctours. Act. 13. there is not a worde of Seniors: therfore it is not like that any such were there, and besides questions of religion whiche fell out at Antioche, béeing decided at Ierusalem, argueth no suche domesticall and neigh∣borly iurisdiction. S. Paule repeating al the offices and functions of the Churche. Ephe. 4. speaketh not a worde of seniors, which maketh me doubt of their authori∣tie: for, otherwise I am sure the Apostle would haue alowed them a bench, though one of the meanest & basest in the cōpany. Wherfore, as they reason agaynst Arch∣bishops out of the same chapter, Paule repeating all the offices, nameth none Archbishoppes, Ergo, &c. the lyke argu∣ment may be vsed agaynst these gréene and newfounde Seniors, finding neyther place in doctrine nor in discipline. M. Cartwright him selfe as I take it, wyll not suffer any mingling or intermedling of iurisdictions, whereby the eldership of one Churche, should be tyed or bounde to the constitutions and decrées of another Churche, without their owne election: and yet muste this bée otherwyse, if Presbyterium employ a Seigniorie: for whereas the Apostle gaue the Churches of Syria and Cilicia in charge, to keepe exactly praecepta Seniorum & Apostolorum, Acts. 15. The preceptes of the Elders and the Apo∣stles, it followeth in the next chapter, dog mata decreta ab Apostolis & senioribus qui fue rant Hierosolymis: (to kéepe I say) the de∣crees Act. 16. ordeyned of the Apostles and Elders which were at Ierusalem, bicause we should not thinke these Seniours were peculiar to those Churches. And to say againe that euen these Presbyteri qui fuerunt Hierosoly∣mis, Elders whiche were at Ierusalem, were the Eldership of that Churche, were to charge the Apostles with great iniquitie, in suffering rather the Elders of Ierusa∣lem than of Antioch, to debate those que∣stions, which sprong at Antioch, and ther∣fore aboue all other, required the presence and the assistance of the Antiochean seig∣niorie. No man will denie as I suppose, but aged persons shoulde be vsed with re∣uerence, and as their giftes and qualities are of valew, so are they to be employed by their Prince in places of greatest weight and gouernment. Neyther is it to be misliked though caete is paribus as the Lawiers say, that is: beyng comparable with the other they haue the firste prefer∣ment. So we reade that Abraham com∣mitted the direction of his sonne to is el∣dest Gen. 24. seruant. Moses called the Elders to∣gither, Exod. 17. as witnesses of Gods mightie works. Their aduise is demaunded in Iudg. 8. respect of long experience: they are assem∣bled 1. Reg. 12. 1. Esdr. 6. in counsell by Rehoboam: they con∣tribute to the Temple: and to be shorte, cleane through the Scripture, for their wisedome, wittes, and great experience are for the moste parte vsed in matters of greatest importance: but of any speciall office in maner of a Presbyterie, I finde no syllable in the Scripture. First there∣fore would I knowe, whether these Se∣niors were ministers, or not. If they say, they were: a great resemblance of that gouernment remayneth yet in Cathedral Churches, whiche they persecute wyth deadly poyson: althoughe some of their companie wyll not resigne their fourth Prebende, but recen themselues among the rest, which they call loytering and i∣dle Lubbers: if they denie them to be mi∣nisters, first let them well consider, that whome S. Paule calleth first maiores natu, Acts. 20. Elders, he afterwarde nameth Episcopos ad regendum Dei ecclesiam, à spiritu sancto consti∣tutos, Bishops appoynted by the holy ghost to gouerne the Churches of God. vers. 28. And further, to put them out of hope of any refuge, almost all the writers vnder∣stande these to be Bishops. Wherefore maiores natu, Elders, béeing the same with Episcopi, and Episcopi béeing not Seniors, but Bishops, as we vnderstande them: it followeth that the Seniors whiche S. Paul meaneth, were entred into orders, whiche they can not abyde in any case: neyther can we greatly blame them, for then farewell their Presbyterie. And bi∣cause no man should muse why the mini∣sters are rather termed Presbyteri, Elders, than Sacerdotes, Priests, it must be conside∣red in respect of the Iewishe priesthoode, which was now abolished, the name was likewise shunned among the Apostles, al∣though quite through the scripture I can no where finde rather taken for an officer, thā for a minister. And that it may appeare howe true it is, that Pre∣sbyteri were the same whiche we call Pastores or ministri, Pastors or Ministers, first let vs coniecture by the manner of their creation. For euen the same imposition of hands, which S. Paule mentioneth in 1. Tim. 4. creating ministers, the same Paule and Barnabas vsed in ordeyning those whi∣che we call presbyteros, Seniors. Before Acts. 14. these Seniors was an account giuen of al the procéedings in religiō, and the successe thereof Acts. 21. they were called to all assem∣blies, Acts. 20. they sat in counsell, Acts. 15. Pascunt gregem Domini, they feede the flocke of the Lorde, 1. Pet. 5. and S. Peter calleth them fellow elders. Ibidem. But for him to abide in any place or certen cōgregatiō is neither agréeing with ye order of his life, nor forme of his cōmission receiued. Prae∣dicate Euāgeliū omni creaturae, preach the gos∣pell Math. 28. to euery creature. Wherfore S. Peter béeing & yet no such El∣der as we intreat of: it foloweth that both those elders were ministers as S. Peter was, & S. Peter was no such kind of El∣der as ours are. And thus much touching elders, whose office nether being described nor authority limitted in ye scripture, may be smothered in silence, especially in these dayes, wherein suche cases as are refer∣red to their arbitrement, may sooner be dispatched without them, than ended or deced by them. For my parte, I meane not ane longer to contende with shad∣dowes, seeing M. Cartwright himselfe af∣ter seuen yeres studie for defense of this & such like articles, can not well deuyse to bring them without debarring Iustices of their lawfull iurisdiction & authoritie. TOuching reuerente knéeling at the Communion, M. Cartwright allea∣geth, that by this occasion many can not be prsuaded otherwise to thinke but that their breaden God is still adored on the altar. Whervnto I answere, that if they be not deafe, their eares may leade them to another iudgement: if they heare, and yet continue in that custome, it is ney∣ther sitting nor standing in others, that can amende it, sithe the ground and true occasion of their errour, springes not so much by other mens example, as by their owne persuasion, reteyning yet a smacke of that realitie, whiche sometime they be∣léeued, and can not lightly be remoued. So that in myne opinion, the very way to bring them from this errour, is not to sitte, as vsually we doe at common meat, nor to come and gadde vp and downe the Churche, as men doe at the market, snat∣ching bread héere, and wyne there: but with good authoritie to persuade them to a better iudgement. For no reason it is that we to bring other from their igno∣rance, should detract due reuerence from Gods holy Sacraments. The answere to the Admonition very learnedly allea∣geth, that bicause this Sacrament is a thankesgiuing for all the benefites of our redemption, therefore kneelyng is the fittest site and position of the body. Master Cartwrighte replyeth, that then our knéeling shoulde come after the re∣ceyuing, bicause in the very action our mindes ought wholly to be occupied in meditations of the benefite, which opi∣nion I coulde very well allowe, if there were a meditation voyd of thankfulnesse. But our mouthes béeing ful, sayth he, we are vnfit to speake. Wel reasoned surely, & like a Bacheler of Diuinitie. Is no man thankful vnlesse he doe expresse his mea∣ning verbally? or, doth God respecte our speach more than the zeale & sinceritie of our heart? The ende of M. Cartwrightes meditation is, that afterward we may be the more inflamed. And I thinke rather that presently we may be kindled: séeing in the breaking of bread the passion of Christ béeing represented, oughte in one moment to stirre vp all our powers and senses to be thankfull for our deliuerance out of Egypte. Wherefore, as I lyke of meditations in receyuing, so can I not allowe any of that kind, which is not ioy∣ned with thankefulnesse. And whereas grace at meate is compared with thanks∣giuing at the Cōmunion (though ye gros∣nesse of the cōparison make me blushe in his behalfe, yet seing he must be folowed) I answere, the benefite not to be equall, and therfore the forme & maner of thāks∣giuing ought to be more solemne: for in the one we giue God thanks for the su∣stenance of our body, in the other, for the nourishing and redéeming of our soules. Wherfore as Abrahams man offended not in bowing himselfe, and adoring God after all things had fallen out according Gen. 24. to his looking: nor the woman whiche adorauit prona super terram, worshipped 2. Reg. 4. groueling vpon the earth, before the Pro∣phet, after hir sonne was restored to life, committed any Idolatrie: nor the Math. 15. Cananite, with diuers others: no more doe godly people in bending them selues wholly to the sacred action with the grea∣test zeale, deuotion, and reuerence that possibly they can deuise, séeing that al∣beit God require contrition of the minde, yet doth he not refuse humilitie and reue∣rence of the bodie, béeing exhibited with a duetifull and zelous intention. Was it lawfull for Bersabe making suite to an earthly Prince, for a frayle and transitorie benefice, inuruarese, to bowe 1. Reg. 3. hir selfe, and shall wée be thought Ido∣laters, that hauyng already obteyned this benefite at the hands of our eternall God, for declaring our thankfulnesse by all humilitie? Might the Israelites cadere . Par. 20. proni coram Domino, fall downe prostrate be∣fore the Lorde? Iosua fall downe prostrate before the Arke, only in respect that it was Ios. 7. Arca foederis the Arke of couenant, and that Iud. 20. God him selfe promised to speake from Exod. 25. thence? and should we Christians she we no kinde of reuerence, partaking of those mysteries, whereof the Iewish obserua∣tions were but shaddowes, and which are in very déede the pledges and seales of our redemption, hauing a promise annexed to the worthy receyuing of them, not of spea∣king, but performing the work of our sal∣uation? we read that after the maiestie of God had filled the place, prostrati sacerdotes adorauerant, the Priests falling prostrate wor∣shipped, . Para. 7. and yet the holy Ghost working most effectually in these sacraments, we may not without gret suspitiō of idolatry declare y• thankfulnesse of our harts, with ye reuerēde & curtesie of our knées. I mar∣uell M. Cartwright is so voyd of sense, as to minister new occasiōs dayly of detra∣cting frō due reuerence: seyng al men for the moste part are growne so carelesse of those mysteries, as rather meanes had neede to be deuised of kindling their affec∣tion, than quite extinguishyng or robbyng their deuotion. The reuerence whiche is outwardly exhibited to Princes in the state of policie bréedeth a maruaylous feare and awe in subiectes mindes, which may serue vs for a lesson, that in mini∣string of the Sacrament the greater hu∣militie and reuerence that is vsed, the more vehemently are men rapt, and lif∣ted vp in contemplation of the mysterie. And the more contēptuously wée repaire vnto that banquet, or the more basely we stand affected to that actiō, the leste it must néedes be valued and esteemed among the cōmon sorte: the simplicitie of whose conceyte muste néedes be somewhat fur∣thered by the iudgement of their senses. S. Paule giuing expresse commaunde∣ment that no man shoulde put on his cap or couer his head in the congregation, bi∣cause that omnis vir orans aut prophetans ve∣lato 1. Cor. 11. capite deturpat caput suum: Euery man praying or prophesying hauing his head co∣uered, doth dishonest his head. Ment not as I suppose, that men should keepe off their cappes during the time of publike praier, and sadainly all courtesie laide aparte co∣uer their heades at the beginning of the Communiō. Wherfore either they must affirme that all men may communicate, theyr heades being couered (which in all mens iudgement viewyng and perusing of the text would séeme too great absurdi∣tie) or els giue vs leaue to vse our knées in signe of honour, by the same authoritie that S. Paule commaunded the cappe in token of our reuerence: for as the A∣postle sawe no feare nor light suspition of Idolatrie to put him from the one: no more ought wee vpon light and vayne conceipts to bannish & reproue the other. Wée read both manducauerunt, they eate, & Psalm. 21. adorauerunt, they worshipped, ioyned in one verse togither, whiche S. Augustine vn∣derstandeth August. epist. 120. of the Supper, and yet M. Cartwright will exclude quite the latter parte, which in déede is the chiefest parte, if therein we comprise our thākfulnesse, or else bring it fayre and softly seuen miles after for faulte of easie cariage. Is this mysterie of so greate weight as vpon contempt it bryngeth iudgement, 1. Cor. 11. and yet withall accompted of so simple value, as the receyuer may vse no kinde of reuerence? muste wée humble oure heartes whiche is the greater, and not bende our knées whiche is the lesser? or may the knée be bente at the name of Phil. 2. Iesus, and yet restrayned from reue∣rence in communicating of his Sacra∣mentes? what tyme is more conuenient to adore our sauiour Iesus Christ sitting on the right hande of God the father in heauē, than when the pledges of his pro∣mise & seales of our redemption are most liuely represented to vs? Bylike if we reposed as great affiance in this Sacra∣ment, as the Israelites did in the Arke whiche was of lesse accompt, when they thought it vnpossible for their enemies to preuayle so long as it were in presence, we shoulde be thought to spoyle God of his glory, that thus are now condēned for the signes of due obedience. If it were no Idolatrie in the prophet Dauid, Adorare Psal. 131. in loco vbi steterunt pedes eius, to worship in the place where his feete stoode, I cannot see, why they should be reputed suche ido∣laters, Math. 26. Luke. 22. Mar. 14. 1. Cor. 11. that worship in the place whereas to the worthie receyuer is exhibited the Sacrament of his body & bloud No man is so foolish to adere the signe, but the thing it selfe represented by the signe. For as S. Augustine sayth, while the minde yet cleaueth in these earthly thinges, it is more slowly quickened, but after it is once aduaunced from these corporall si∣militudes to a more spirituall and heauē∣ly substāce, figured by these similitudes, life commeth in the very passage, and is kindled as it were with a brande of fire. But if wée should alwaies make so large allowance of our deuotion, as not to wor∣ship til we had receiued, this flame might rather be quenched by delay, than nou∣rished by contemplation. If a man should reason, that as lawfull it is to declare the thankefulnesse of the minde by the acti∣ons of the bodie at the Communion, as at the preaching, and proue the libertie of the latter, by 1. Cor. 14. where S. Paule reporteth of the simple man, that cōming into the Churche, and finding the very se∣cretes of his heart reuealed, falleth pro∣strate on his face and worshippeth God, much coulde not be answered. And least diuersitie of reason might force a diuers interpretation, the wordes following ey∣ther leane indiffrently to bothe, or more partially to the Communion, pronuntians 1. Cor. 14. quòd verè Deus in vobis sit, affirmyng that God is truly in you, for S. Augustine saith: Signa rerum diuinarum Deus esse voluit visibi∣lia, August. Catec. R cap. 26. res autem inuisibiles in illis bonorari. The signes of heauenly things, God would haue to be visible, but he woulde haue honoured in them thinges that be not visible. And the woordes of the texte are very manifest: Quae videntur tempralie sunt, quaenon viden∣tur 2. Cor. . aeterna: Those thinges that are seene be temporall, but the thinges that are not seene be eternall But this forsoothe in no case may be hidden, since our sauiour Christe receiued sitting at the bourde with his A∣postles. To this obiection I can not bet∣ter answere M. Cartwright, than with his owne authoritie. And euen as once à simple woman appealed frō Philip king of Macedonie ouershot with drynke, to Philip king of Macedonie when he was more sober, so do I appeale frō M. Cart∣wright caried away with the vehemēie and heate of quarrell, to M. Cartwright speaking vpon better ground and vnder∣standing. For in the latter ende of this very treatise, he affirmeth sitting not to be so necessarie, wherfore if it be lawful to inuert the forme which by exāple was prescribed, the safer way is to exchaunge with greater reuerence than with more contempt: they are better to be thought of, that kneele at the Cōmunion soberly, than they which wander vp & downe the Church disorderly, as in most of M. Cart∣wrights Churches at this day we see the practise. For sure I am that cōtinuall mo∣tion and stirring of the bodie, must néedes distemper the quiet of the minde, and quayle the earnest deuotion of the recei∣uer. But some man will replie perhaps, that this rather maketh agaynst walking than sitting, which our Sauiour Christe and all the Apostles vsed: wherevnto I answere, that albeit our Sauiour Christ beyng driuen into great streights of time and leysure, the passion drawyng on so fast, as he coulde not finishe thinges with suche solemnitie as otherwise it is more than lyke he would in the ministration of his supper, he after he was once sette downe to the eating of the Paschall lābe, altered not the site and position of mens bodies, but euen as the figure ended, so brought in the veritie without altering a∣ny circumstance: yet is theyr haste and want of space, no reason, why at greater leysure wee may not vse a greater reue∣rence, no more than wée are bounde to celebrate the supper in the nighte, by∣cause want of tyme inforced Christe to leaue that president: and aswell maye his example binde vs in the one as in the other. I doubte not but the Corinthians were as forwarde in alleaging Christes exāple for supping before the sacrament, as our people are for sitting at the same. Whē S. Paule charged them that there was no time to cōmunicate bicause that vnusquis{que} praesumeret coenam suam ad mandus 1. Cor. 11. candum: euery man tooke his supper before. But the Apostle would not be thus slight ly answered: for making this vngodly custome no better than a contempte of Christes church, he asketh them, an domos non haberent ad manducandum? if they had not houses to eate in? Wherfore albeit in that place S. Paul, expressely name not knee∣ling, yet by the self same reason y• supping in the Churche is turned to supping at home, though Christe vsed bothe his sup∣per and communion in one place and in∣stant, by the same may sitting be turned into kneeling. For as the offenders in the one are reproued quia non diiudicant corpus domini, bycause they make no difference betwéene the Sacrament and other com∣mon meates: so may the other be con∣demned for vsing no more reuerence at the Communion than at a common ta∣ble. Sure I am S. Paule was not to seeke of Christes example in this case, no more than our superintendēts are in the other, and yet it woulde not be taken in part of payment by the Apostle nor ad∣mitted as a veile of their vnreuerente v∣sage. But why stand we still vpon those nice & doubtfull pointes, seing the rule of Paule is stil to be imbraced & holden as a sure foundatiō that any thing may be re∣ceiued, modò honestè & secundū ordinem fiat, 1. Cor. 14. so it be done comely & according to order: wherfore, till they can proue in knéeling dishonestie or disorder, these fond & vaine persuasions will gaine but slēder credite. No man I thinke indifferently conside∣ring the 1. Cor. 11. will be harde to graunt that seing ye Apostle maketh so great dif∣ference betwene the sacramēt & common banquets in the inwarde & priuie exami∣nation, but some differēce should be like∣wise put in the outwarde action. And to such as literally depend vpon the exāple, let this suffise whiche hath alreadie bene alleadged, with this addition, that as we are not bound to imitate our Sauiour in girding himselfe with a towell laying a∣way his garments washing his disciples feete, Iohn. 13. to minister after supper, Mark. 14. in a parlour, Luke. 22. nor to vse that kisse of peace, whereof we read Rom. 16. 2. Cor. 13. and whiche Caluine iudgeth to haue bene ioyned and an∣nexed to the Supper euen from the Apo∣stles tyme: no more are wée of necessi∣tie enforced to followe the Apostles sit∣ting, sithe another site more reuerente and fitte to kindle and inflame oure mindes with true deuotion may bée ap∣poynted and prescribed by the Magi∣gistrate. What though wée reade verie sel∣dome in the Scripture that the Apo∣stles vsed eyther cappe or courtesie to oure Sauiour Christe whyle hée lyued yet among them: was this no reason why Sainct Paule mighte not inioyne the Corinthians to pray bareheaded af∣ter Christe was glorified and ascended: or why wée may not vse that comely re∣uerence whiche is meete for mortall creatures? These questions are to chil∣dishe for a Christian congregation, and méeter for a Iewishe Synagogue. Wherefore séeyng many thinges were at the firste concealed from the Apostles bycause they coulde not beare them, and the holy Ghoste promysed as a guide or Scholemaster which from time to tyme shoulde gouerne and instructe Iohn. 16. them. So doubte I not but as Tertul∣lian sayeth, Ab illo Domini vicario ad perfe∣ctam Tertul. de virg. velād. producti sumus disciplinam, wee are brought to perfect disciplyne by that vicare of the Lorde, who woulde not thus haue suffered the people euen from Christes tyme hitherto (for of lesse antiquitie I speake not) to loyter in ignoraunce and open Idolatrie. Suche cherishinges in sinne may better agrée with the malice of that enimie whiche promysed to bée Spiritus mendax in ore Prophetae: a lying spi∣rite in the mouthe of the Prophete, than with the loue and charitie of that com∣forter whiche shall continue with vs, Vsque ad consummationem seculi, to the end Iohn. 14. 1. Cor. 11. of the worlde: As Sainct Paule did al∣ter some thinges, promising at his re∣tourne to sette other poynctes in order, whiche Sainct Augustine vnderstandeth Epist. 118. of that forme and order of the Commu∣nion whiche is nowe obserued. So doubt I not but those thinges beyng marked whiche are gone before, it shall appeare, that euen the Church of Christ, both may de iure, by right, and hath de facto, in deede decreed and determined as great a matter as this without controlment. And albeit, no man hath bene assistāt at Gods secrete Ierem. 13. counsailes. Yet if euer any were, it must be Paule who being rapt, in tertium coelum 2. Cor. 12. Aug. epist. 118. audiuit arcana quae nemini fas est loqui: into the third heauen heard those secretes which is not lawfull for any man to vtter. Where∣fore to conclude with Augustine, that in thinges indifferent there can bee no better rule for a graue and sobre Chri∣stian, than so to behaue himselfe as the Churche dothe where he liueth, whiche aduice was lykewise giuen to Monicha, Sainct Augustines mother, by S. Am∣brose, Aug. con∣fess. lib. 6. cap. 2. I will here content my selfe with that whiche hath bene sayde for knéeling at the Communion, as sufficient to any reasonable person, though agaynst suche puish quarellers a man can neuer be too well prouided. COncerning the lawfull vse of Holy∣daies although the Answere to the Admonition hath so grauely, learnedly, & soūdly entreated, as scant any probabilitie may be found by Cartwright whereby to seduce ye people. Yet wil I speake a word or two of the strongest oppositiōs, & leaue the rest to your graue considerations. And first of al whereas ye replie defendeth that Gnatsarah may not be proclaymed with∣out Gnatsa∣rah. expresse cōmaundement, pag. 120. let him shewe me by the texte what expresse commaundement good Q. Hester had for Hest. 8. proclaiming Gnatsarah after she had pre∣uented & cut off the treasons of wicked & accursed Haman. I would heare expresse cōmaundements for kéeping holy the day of Iudithes victory amōg the Iewes, not only for the present time, but in perpetuum: Iudith. 1 for euer. What expresse cōmaundement had Iudas with the reste of his brethren for keping holy the feast of the altares, de∣dicating & instituting a holy day in remē∣braunce of the same, ab anno in annum, from 1. Mac. 4 yeare to yeare. Which was not only cōti∣nued til the abrogatiō of the law, but kept by Christ himself & honored with his pre∣sence, Iohn. 10. wherefore although an expresse cō∣maūdement may be foūd in one place, yet that is no proufe why without ye same, o∣thers may not kéepe or proclayme a holy day, we read not any faulte or blame at∣tributed to Herode for giuing all his peo∣ple libertie from their dayly worke, at the feast of his natiuitie, but for putting Iohn Baptist to the sword, wherfore such dain∣tie Marc. 6. dealing in this point seemeth rather to séeke a fault, thā to reforme an error. And wheras M. Cartwright sayeth y• by this meanes ye Christian Easter which should be continuall is fettered to a few daies, as wel may he remoue the Sabboth day, bi∣cause our prayers are likewise fettered to y• day, which should be cōtinuall Who se∣eth not in the Epistle to the Corinthians, 1. Cor. 5. from whence he borroweth this silly shift that the Apostle allegorically discourseth vpon the spirituall Easter, & nothing de∣tracteth frō the cōmemoration of Christs death & passion. The very word, Fermentū malitiae & nequitiae, the leauen of malice and wickednesse, open plainly ye meaning of y• letter. We may gather here the abrogatiō of the Iewish ceremonies, but no prohibi∣tion for Christian holy daies, & though we be forbiddē not to feast in the old leuen. Yet are we not forbiddē to kéepe one solemne day in ye cōmemoratiō of ye death of christ. If this be not guileful wresting & violent racking of the scripture, let all the worlde iudge. By this pretie Logike we may cō∣clude y• the binding of ye Leuites, to serue God morning and euening, was a meane 1. Para. 23 to make thē idle all the day besides. The calling of the people togither at a prescript time to heare ye worde of God read, was a reason why at any other time they should not read y• scripture. But to let this passe, that we offend not in that fault which S. Paule reproueth in y• place, which is the Iewish & ceremoniall obseruation of Ea∣ster, may appeare by y• whiche S. Augu∣stine noteth, for wheras thei did celebrate y• feast of sweete bread, we kéepe the feast of Christes death & passion, not counting the wéekes to Whitsontide after the mā∣ner of the Iewes, but reuerencing the cō∣ming of the holy ghost, & if a man wil but indifferētly cōsider of the matter, he shall scant find any likelihood or resemblaunce betwene thē, further than the eating of ye Lābe did figure Christe to come, as we in celebrating of ye supper retayne his death in memory. And to the ordinarie obiectiō of Dies obseruatis & tēpora, you obserue daies Gal. 4. and times, though I could with August. ad Ianu refer this place to prophestes & pre∣dictions by starre diuinitie, & turne it a∣gainst astrologers, which gouerne world∣ly accidents by times & constellations, or answere with S. Ierome, that it maketh nothing against the Christiās holy daies, yet this I say, that forasmuch as onely it impugneth those that cleaue to Iewishe elements, it cānot be applied against our approued solēnitie for the same. S. Augu∣stine writeth very truly: Nō obseruamus tē∣pora Augu. ad A∣dimantum cap. 16. sed significata: we obserue not times but things signified. wher M. Cartwright saith we may as wel abridge ye libertie giuē by ye. 4. cōmaundemēt in resting, as in wor∣king, whē he shal proue y• god the fathers meaning was that as necessarily we shuld follow him in worke, as sanctifie his rest, we wil subscribe to his opiniō: for besides the sundry limitations to y• rule dispersed through the Scripture to maynteyne the contrarie, euen common reason doth per∣suade, that the ende of that commaunde∣ment was the rest of the Sabboth, not the working of the common days: and all the auncient Fathers so expounde it. It is no newe inuention, but hath béen a custome very auncient, and of long time continued among Gods chosen people, there to erect some monument of Gods mightie works where they haue beene atchiued, that euer they might be gréene and freshe within mens memorie, which as the Ciuill lawe reporteth, is Labilis circa tempora, slipperie about times. The Israelites set stones vp∣right Ios. 4. in remembrance of the water dried vp: The lawe was grauen in pillers: D. 17. the censures were nayled to the altare, that as many as descended not of Aarons lyne, might be discouraged from offering incense on the altar by the example of the Num. 16. Rebels. To be short, séeing the Israelites, were commaunded to engraue a monu∣ment of their deliuerance from Pharao vpon the walles, and to celebrate a yerely feast in remembrance of the same. I think howe farre the benefite of our redemp∣tion excéedeth and surpasseth all the rest, so muche more diligente and carefull shoulde we be, eyther by dayes, or any kynde of circumstance to kéepe it freshe in memorie. For if the Iewishe feastes of Pentecoste and Easter were so abo∣lished, as none other Christian solem∣nitie mighte succéede and enter in their steade, I coulde be very precise in boul∣ting out a reason why Sainct Paule af∣ter the consummation of the law, and en∣ding of the ceremonies, made suche hast from Ephesus, Vt si possibile sibi esset diem Acts. 10. Pentecostes faceret Hierosolymis, That if it were possible he mighte keepe Pentecost at Hierusalem, and promiseth not to re∣moue from thēce till Pentecost or Whit∣sontide 1. Cor. 16. were past. These places make me thinke, that euen vpon the self same days wheron these speciall benefites were be∣stowed, as the resurrection at Easter, the comming of the holy Ghost at Whitson∣tide, some notable memoriall was insti∣tuted and appoynted euen in the Apostles time. Neither doe I gesse or ame in this respect, without all probabilitie, conside∣ring the circumstances both of time and place. And wheras M. Cartwright néedes will wrest S. Austines inuectiue agaynst multitude of ceremonies to our disputa∣tion of holydayes, eyther he is very igno∣rant, as not knowing that learned fa∣thers reuerent estimation of such feasts, or very peeuishe and malicious in forcing him to witnesse agaynst that cause, which as it may appeare by sundry of his wor∣kes, he had in singular reputation. For discrediting of M. Cartwrightes cause, I can vse no greater force than in dri∣uing his probation to the fountayne and originall: for the selfe same place which is héere obiected. . Cor. 5. was vrged by that diuelish & infamous heretike Aerius, skir∣mishing in the self same cause and quarel against ye holy church of christ more thā a thousād yeres ago. For thus is he brought in speaking by Epiphanius, & vttering his Hrs. 7. owne religion. Quid est Pascha quod apud vos perficitur? rursum Iudaicis fabulis addicti estis, non oportet Pascha peragere, Pascha ete∣nim nostrum Christus immolatus est. 1. Cor. 5. what is Easter which you obserue? you are agayne addicted to Iewish fables, you ought not to celebrate the feast of Easter, for Christ our passeouer is offered vp? If this be not sound and holesome doctrine which sprin∣geth from a venemous and poysoned He∣retike of more than a thousande yeares continuance, I report me to the Reader. NOw I can not leaue vntouched their senselesse inuectiues agaynst mour∣ning for our friends departed, béeing in deede warranted and confirmed by more textes of Scripture, than any of that side cā bring for profe of any their vnreasona∣ble Paradoxes. That Gods people haue in all times and ages declared the hea∣uinesse of their minds by the wearing of their garments, appereth Baruc. 4. where a. uc. 4. he did put off the clothing of peace, and put on the sackcloth of prayer: by Daniel, who persuaded the people to pray in fasting, sackecloth, and ashes. Dan. 9. by the. 38. of Daniel. 9. Esay. 38. Esay, wher Ezechias beeing clothed with sackeclothe entred into the house of the Lorde: by the Niniuites, which in signe Ion. 3. of mourning sat in sackecloth and ashes: by Iudith, which clothed hir selfe wt sack∣clothe: Iudit. 4. Hest. 14. by Hester, whiche put off hir Quéenely apparell, and put on vestures méete for mourning. By the example of Betsabe, which was not called to Dauids 2. Sam. bedde, till the time of mourning for hir husbande was expired. If these fellowes can allowe the mourning for our sinnes in a prescript kinde of garment, and yet reproue the mourning for the dead, in speciall garments, as Heathenishe and Hypocriticall, they must be further pres∣sed with Genes. 38. where Thamar put∣ting off the garments of hir widowhoode, gaue hir selfe to more cherefull kinde of going and wearing hir apparell: with the president of Iudith, whiche put off the Iudit. 16. garment of hir widowhoode: and specially by the aduise whiche Ioab gaue the wo∣man of Theua in these words, fayne thy selfe to mourne, and put on mourning ap∣parell, . Sam. 14 and be as a woman that had mourned hir husbande a long tyme. By which thrée places it dothe manyfestly appeare that euen in those dayes as well as nowe mourning in prescript apparell was al∣lowed off. And if any man obiect the pla∣ces aboue cited of sackclothe and ashes, that albeit they were vsed in token of contrition, yet dyd no man weare them as mourning garmentes for the dead: I proue the contrarie by the example of the Princely Prophet, giuing warning to al the companie that attended on the corpse of Abuer to the graue, that they shoulde 2. Sam. 3. put on sackclothe, and mourne at the fune∣rall of Abner. But to these Master Cart∣wright will answere, that many things were graunted in the law to helpe ye peo∣ples hope, bicause they wanted that cleare discerning of the resurrection whiche we haue now attayned. Surely this inuētion might cary some pretence & colour of the truth, if mourning for those which depart this life, were not rather a calling of backe to the vanities of this vnstabl world, than a raysing or stirring of vs vp to the contemplation of a better state. Wherefore (seeing the more playnly we discerne the resurrection, the greater is our libertie) it followeth, that much more vnto vs, than those which liued vnder the lawe, this mourning for the dead is law∣full. But who tolde M. Cartw. that our sight is clearer in the resurrection, than the fathers was whiche lyued vnder the lawe? In déede Christ had not yet rysen for example, whome S. Paule calleth primitias dormientiū, the first fruites of them 1. Cor. 15. that slept, but otherwise that opinion was no lesse sincerely grounded before Chri∣stes comming, thā after our redemption. What helpe néeded Iob to encourage and erect his hope, when he protested playnly, that his firme beleefe is to ryse agayne in the latter day, be clothed with his owne skinne, and see God in his owne flesh, con∣cluding in those wordes, Quem visurus Iob. 19. sum ego & oculi mei conspecturi sunt, & non alius: reposita est haec spes mea in sinu meo, whome I my selfe shall see, and myne eyes shall beholde, and none other for me, this hope is layde vp in my bosome. A thousand places in the scripture might be alleaged to conuince M. Cartw. déepe inuention of manyfest vntruthe, and make euident the Fathers sound and perfect iudgement before the comming of our Sauioure Christ concerning the resurrection, with∣out eyther doubt or errour. And as I can not denie but the fayth of godly persons was greatly strengthned in this article by the rising of our sauiour, so was there nothing added to the soundnesse of their opinion, no more than his comming made those which embraced him, to thinke bet∣ter of his power, than they did expecte in hope, before they could enioy the fruition of his presence. For euen as Christ saith, Abraham exultauit vt videret diem meum, vidit & gauisus est, Abraham reioysed to see my Iohn. 8. daye, he saw it, and was glad. So, for mine owne parte I thinke he did reioyce to sée Christes resurrectiō, none otherwise than if he had at any time liued amongst his vngracious posteritie. But to returne vnto oure matter whence wée haue di∣gressed: nowe that Scripture dothe be∣ginne to fayle the aduersarie, common reason or rather priuate fantasies muste supplie the wante of learning. Twoo freshe argumentes therefore are allead∣ged to exclude this mournyng: one, by∣cause oftentimes it happeneth, that vn∣der a mourning gowne lurketh a mery harte: another, for that it séemeth daun∣gerous by suche instrumentes to pro∣uoke our double sorrowe. Suche trifling circumstances were not vnfitte to am∣plifie a yong mans tale in a schoole of Rhetoricke, but howe they will be accep∣ted in the Churche of Christe, for the ouerthrowyng of a custome so auncient, godly, ciuile, and vniuersally receyued, I referre to euery mans pryuate con∣science. But to be shorte, I answere to the firste, that by the same reason wee may aswell forbidde assemblies in the Churche, and publike prayer, bycause many are more busilie occupied in thin∣king of theyr haruest, than harkenyng to the Scripture, and though there be some greater necessitie in comming to the Churche than wearing mournyng gar∣mentes, yet seyng the one is aswell al∣lowed of, and iustifiable by the worde of God, as the other, the abuse ought to be of no greater force for remouing one, than another. If hypocrisie in some may condemne simplicitie in others, and god∣ly orders bée neglected, bycause some∣time vnder a pleasaunt rose there lurkes a prini canker, neyther may any state be well directed, nor lawes vprightly executed, for nothing is so precious in the worlde, not the worde of God it selfe, but the Deuill hathe bene bolde with it, and his ministers haue abused it. What soeuer hath bene sayde touching abuse in other things before, may serue this turne agayne. And therefore to the seconde poynt I answere, that who so euer is not pinched with griefe vpon the very chaunce it selfe, will lesse bée moued with the garment: and there∣fore as it cannot grounde a sorrowe vn∣lesse it be procured by some other meane, no more can it encrease a sorrowe where greater cause is ministred of griefs by inwarde cogitation, than by outward viewe, and by the erring of the hearte, than the iudgement of the eye. Where∣fore if there bée no stronger oppositions kept in store for a rere defense, than haue marched in the formost rancke, women may kéepe on theyr mournyng gownes for takyng colde this winter. This mourning for the deade among the auncient Romaynes was reputed in women so greate modestie, in men suché true fidelitie, as the first laying hir mour∣ning wéede a parte within a yeare after hir husbandes deathe, was noted of infa∣mie, the penaltie whereof you may finde ff. de his qui. The other were discredited if at any time they did not mourne the de∣parture of their friendes. AND whereas they will not in any case permitte that Ministers shoulde burie, bycause no suche kynde of rule is founde in Scripture I woulde knowe what grounde or warrant they haue to maynteyne that those Disciples of Iohn Baptistes whiche burid hym, Mark. 6. were no elpers in his ministerie, or that those yng had no ministerie in the Churche whiche buried Ananias and Act. 5. or that Ioseph ab Arimathia, (whiche is in the Scripture Dis∣cipulus Iesu, the Disciple of Iesus) had made no entraunce into his ministerie, when he buried his Maister, Math. 27.beyng af∣terwarde the firste that euer sounded or professed the name of Christe within this Isle of Brittannie. If this will not Polydor. lib. 2. serue, I proue that the body of Sainct Stephen was buryed by ministers, if the Apostles may be so accounted, by this playne and simple reason. The bo∣die of Stephen was buryed by those Act. 8. whiche were at Hierusalem, but all the faythfull and religious persons sauyng the Apostles onely, were fldde for heate of persecution eod. cap. vers. 1. Ergo, the bodie of Stephen was buried by the Apostles. But the Priees in the lawe might not come neare the dead: it for∣ceth not, seeing as well this prohibition as other theyr iniunctions beyng cere∣moniall, are dissolued and abrogated by the deathe of Christe. And whereas furder it hath bene obiected that by this occasion ministers are hindred from dis∣charge of duetie, I maruayle what im∣pudencie moueth these prelates to finde themselues so greatly burdned and op∣pressed with a déede of chariti. It ut∣teth as healy vppon their shoulders, and grieueth them as sore to burie their Christian Brother in the Churche, as to labour a whole day at he ploughe. I am sure Dauid had as farre to séeke to directe and gouerne hys dominions as oure Ministers haue to the dischar∣ging of a simple cure, and yet was neyther combrd with attendyng vpon the corpse of Abner to the graue, nor accompanying Ionathas and Saule, al∣beit 2. Sam. 1. 2. Sam. 3. vppon eyther of them he bestowed a funerall commendation, the originall whereof Mayster Cartwright had ra∣ther drawe from Thucidides a Pay∣nime, than from so many other learned and godly Bishops as haue vsed that so∣lemnitie. MUche after this sorte they reason a∣gainst womens veyles at their com∣ming to Church after theyr childbedde, whiche they say importe some dishonest acte goyng before, whiche is very false, ith onely féeblenesse of sight and weake∣nesse of bodie is the reason why ney∣ther they can beholde the lighte, nor en∣dure the pearcing of the ayre. I thinke euen those women whiche chiefly fa∣uour and promote their cause, will in this respecte become their aduersaries. I maruayle that Rebecca feared not this report nor suspicion of dishonestie, when at the firste sighte of hir husbande, shee tooke hir veyle, or Susanna casting on . 34. a veyle when shée least respected the malice of hyr enimies in defense of hir good name and innocencie. These are but scarecrows, and can dryue away none but such as know not a wispe of strawe from a gadde of stéele. But all their modestie is not yet disouered, for af∣ter their vntemperate discourses against womens veyles, they leape into their shéetes, and enter so profoundly into wo∣mens couerte dealings (in very déede al∣togither vnfitting and vnméete for com∣mon speache, muche more for preachers vtterance) as chaste eares can hardely abyde the vanitie of theyr curious and vnciuile reprehension. I Will not here blotte paper with con∣futing all their childishe cauillations aboute Godfathers and Godmothers in baptisme. First they take away the law∣fulnesse of the interrogation before they can reproue the Answerer of presump∣tion, whiche they shall neuer do, so long as Gods woorde gyueth full assurance, that bothe the Iewes before they were baptised by Iohn confessed theyr sinnes in publike, whiche coulde not be without some interrogation: and certayne que∣stions Math. . . 8. were deinaunded lykewise of the before he was Baptized. If they can allow these interrogations bet∣ter in m, than chyldren, I answere, that seyng by their flashly parentes fault they gotte theyr fall, by theyr spirituall parentes promise they muste bée resto∣red: and as they fell not by themselues, so they can not rise without the helpe of others. Reade S. Augustine de Nup. August. de upt. & Concupis. lib. 2. a. 29. & Concupis. Lib. 2. Cap 29. and there shall you finde, that, Qui per sua non possunt, per corda & ora gestantium Diabolo renunci∣ant: they whiche by themselues cannot, do by the heartes and mouthes of such as carie them, renounce the Deuill. The same August. epist 106. proueth that bothe by Aug. epist. 106. authoritie of the Scripture and tradi∣tion of the Churche from the spryng of Christianitie, children haue alwayes answered by their suretis, when they coulde not promise their owne perseue∣raunce in future, by reason of their infir∣mities in present. This libertie is giuen too wardes in lawe during their minori∣tie, muche more to members of Christes congregation in their state of infancie. It is like inoughe the parentes of the blinde man woulde haue answered for him, if he had beene vnder age, as maye be gathered by their wordes: He hathe Iohn. 9. age, let him answere for him selfe. And by as good reason, if it please thm, maye our Preachers giue parentes of blinde children, conceyed and borne in origi∣nall sinne, licence to make answere, and to the little Innocentes, quia aeta∣tem non habent respondere per alios, by∣cause they haue not age, to answere by others. This playne renouncing of the Diuill at the sacrament of baptime by these seely Infants, is alleaged as an ar∣gument inuincible to resute the heresie of Pelagius the heretike, denying origi∣nall sinne, and vrged by Sainct Augu∣stine as Apostolicall, with suche vehe∣mncie of spirite and assurance of the victorie, as if all the worlde were not able to dissolue it. So he sayth in ano∣ther place, that mysterium credulitatis in August. de baptis. cō∣tra Donat. parulis per eorum responsionem à quibus ge∣stantur impletur, The mysterie of beliefe in Infantes is fulfilled by the answering of them of whome they are caryed. Tertul∣lian setteth this moste godly custome as Tertul. the strongest batterie agaynst their pée∣uishe ignorance whiche can brooke no∣thing in the Churche, but what is litte∣rally and ad verbum expressed in the scrip∣ture. Saincte Ba mentioneth thys, , Baill. that is, to renounce Sathan and his Angels. Saincte Ambrse expounding the place of baptisme, Colloss. 2. vseth Abro. su∣per Epis∣lam Col∣ap. 2. these wordes, Haec inquit commonent, vt persuerent in abrenunciatione pompae & pre∣stigiarum Satanae: repete hinc quid sis inter∣rogatus: recognosce quid responderis: renun∣ciasti mundo & operibus eius &c. These doe admonishe that they shoulde persist in re∣nouncing of the pompe and deceytes of Sathan: call to mynde from hence what thou waste asked: remember what thou answeredst: thou renouncedst the worlde, and the workes thereof. Sainct Hierome Hieronim. contra Lu∣cifer. sayth not, that it was toying or daly∣ing, but Solennè in lauahro post Trinita∣tis confessionem interrogare, credis sanctam Ecclesiam? &c. That it was vsuall in bap∣tisme, after the confession of the Trinitie, to aske, doest thou beleeue the holye Churche? &c. And Sainct Cyprian re∣porteth, Cyprian. that the Nouatians among all their innouations durst not exclude this ceremonie from baptisme. AS for signum crucis, the signe of the crosse, whiche you oath in baptisme, s{que} ad nauseam, as thoughe you woulde vo∣ite at it, I saye no mre but with Ter∣tullian, that it was vna ex praecipuis diffe∣n Apo. iis inter Ideos & Christianos, One of the chiefest differences betwixt Iewes and istians: With Cyprian ifying in Cyprian. hys yme, that those whiche were bapti∣sed, were signed with the signe of the crosse: And lae of all, with learned Augu∣stine, Prsente signo cruis Pganitatem ob∣mutese, gst in Que. oi esta. 114. nec audere mutire b reuerentiam Christian maiestatis, that Paganisme is put to silence, the signe of the crosse beeing pre∣sent, and that it dare not mutter for the re∣uerence of Christian maiestie. THe question of fasting is in al poynts as profoundly handled as this other marchaundise: surely it is so simply true that Princes may commaunde a faste vpon any iust occasion, and therby binde the conscience of the disobedient, as poyn∣ting to the textes of Scripture with my finger, whereby it dothe moste euident∣ly appeare, as. 2. Paralipo. 20. Esdras. 8. 2. Chro. 2 1. Esd. 8. Hester. 4. Ionas. 3. Hester. 4. Ionas. 3. ad dyuers others. But some coulde be content to faste, if they were not tyed to certayne meates and dyets, alleaging Sainct Paule for the indifferencie of meates, whiche I graunt to be very true, so that no law∣full Magistrate commaunde or ordayne the contrarie, for then this lybertie is a ruitude, and we that before were lefte at large, are broughte with∣in the compasse of Christian obedience. abstayned from beanes, bi∣cause they were somewhat wyndie, and the yne, and so e many in our dayes abstayne from sundrie di∣shes, not for superstition, but to subdue the flesh. No man forbeareth wine bi∣cause he thinketh it to be vncleane, but bycause it is res luxuriosa, a thing that stir∣reth Prou. 20. vnto wantonnesse. In whiche respect it séemeth men and women in the lawe, what time they sanctified them selues, Num. 6. were prohibited to taste thereof. Shall wée call the Rechabites superstitious fooles, for vsing the prescripte and limi∣ted kinde of abstinence euen agaynst the persuasion of the Prophete, whome God him selfe commended for their inuinci∣ble Iere. 35. and worthy constance? or condemne the Prophete Daniell of too muche scru∣pulositi, for preferryng sua legumina re∣giis dapibus, his pulse before the kinges Dani. 1. dayntie dishes? No, Sainct Austine hath already put vs out of doubte, that Multi non vesuntur carnibus, nec tamen immunda as suberosè putant, many eate not fleshe, and yet they thinke them not supersticiously to be vncleane. This libertie in eating, drinkyng, wearing of apparell, obeying Magistrates, and almost whatsoeuer else commoth in their fingring, discrieth so what contempt of publike order, all their actions are directed. TOuching singing, if a man may qui∣etly debate this matter, why shoulde they so greatly grudge at it, whiche the Prophet Dauid hath so muche commen∣ded? The Psalmes and bookes of the Kings are to well stored of textes of con∣firmation for me to trauell in the repeti∣on. Surely if this be so vngodly an occu∣pation as we are taught, both the. 4000. Leuites which did nothing else but canere 1. Para. 2 in organis quae Dauid fecit ad canendum, sing on the instrumentes which Dauid made to sing on, spente their tyme vnthritily. And Dauid was as muche to blame, who after all his warres were ended, as Iosephus witnesseth, Vario genere carmi∣num Iosep. lib. 7 cap. 10. A tiq Iud. odas in bonorem Dei composit, instru∣mentis{que} muscis comparatis, docuit Leuitas ad pulsum eorum laudes Dei decntare, tam Sab∣tis dibus, quàm in caeieris festiuitatibus: In dyuers kindes of verses made hymnes to the honour of God, and preparing musicall instruments, taught the Leuites at the sound of them, to sing prayses vnto God, as well on the Sabboth days, as at other feastes: and Iudith was as ill an hswife for persua∣ding Iudith. 16 men to beginne to sing in , and other instruments the newe song. It was as great an ouersight in Ezchias to appoynt so many singers and Musici∣ans with cimbals, vyals, and harpes, in the house of God, at the commandement of Dauid, Gd the Kings Sr, and ∣than the prophet, which are all three suf∣ficient paternes of our conformitie. But 1. Para. 29 they saye, our myndes are withdrawne from weighing of the dittie by swéetnesse of the note. Heerevnto I answere, that Ehseus was of an other iudgement, whē he thought him selfe to be greatly quicke∣ned, and lifted vp in his prophecie by the harmonie of a good Musician. And Saule 1. Reg. 3. by experience found the cōtrarie, the text reporting that when the euill spirite came vpō Saul, Dauid tooke an harpe and played with his hande, and Saule was refreshed and was eased: for the euill spirite departed 1. Sam. 1 from him. Wherefore if Musicke haue suche force in daunting euill spirites, it hath (I doubt not) as great power in sup∣pressing ill affections, and therfore might finde greater fauour than to be expelled & thrust out of the Church with so greate extremitie. Of playne and simple though it be to simple for ye house o God, M Cartwright can well enough allowe, marie of this exquisite and perfect cun∣ning, though it be a speciall gift of God, he can conceyue no liking. But seing that both himself doth thinke it greatly for his credite, & somewhat for surderance of the cause, wherein he trauayleth to decke his tale with floures and ornaments of Rhe∣toricke, sith cunning saying, and cunning singing are al one in effect, & Aaron is cō∣mended for vsing the one in his legall mi∣nisterie, I find no warrant to reproue the other in the ministerie of the gospell And if any answer that this skil of musicke is more tollerable in any other place than in the Church, whensoeuer they shall proue that either Christ or any of the ancient fa∣thers were of ye iudgemēt, I wil subscribe to their opinion. Suche ought the singing to be in the Church as may well be heard & conceiued by the people, which limitati beyng well obserued, it maketh no matter how many lauish tōgues vtter their can∣kre venime agaynst so laudable & godly an exercise. The best is, nothing is vsu∣ally song in the Church, but what the peo∣ple hath by rote, & therefore neede we the lesse to feare their wante of edification, so long as the scriptures are distinctly read, & the Psalmes treateably & in good order soūded. In the meane time it may be no∣ted, that singing men are nothing so much beholding vnto thē, as they were to Eze∣chias, for whereas he (as ye scripture wit∣nesseth) spake comfortably to as many as had knowledge to sing vnto ye lord. They 2. Chro. 30 rayle on them, & slaūder them in the most opprobrious & contemptuous māner, that possibly can be deuised, & as hardly dothe this order agree with the counsayle of the wise man, Musiam non impedies, thou shalte Eccles. 32. not hinder Musike. But forsoth this prick∣song is not verbally or litterally cōman∣ded in the Gospell, & therfore may not be allowed. Whervnto I answere, that be∣ing not ceremoniall it is sufficient for any Christian being cleare & frée frō the Ma∣nichies opiniō, that the old testamēt hath approued it. Mary put the case y• in ney∣ther of thē both either this or other rights & ceremonies of the Churche be expresly mētioned, must we therfore straight & in all post haste reiect thē? By what expresse scripture did Abel, Noe, Abrahā, Moses, & other of the auncient fathers, before the law was published, builde altares, & offer sacrifice vnto the Lorde vpō priuate zeale without any generall commaundement? By what text of scripture did the Iewes abstaine in all their meates from eating of that sinewe, whiche shronke in Iacobs thighe after he had struggled & wrestled Gen. 32. with the Angell? By what expresse com∣maundement did Elias buylde an Altare onely vppon twelue stones in remem∣braunce 1. Reg. 18. of the twelue chyldren of Ia∣cob? And to bée shorte, what grounde or warrāt of the scripture had those Recha∣bites whiche forbare the taste of wine by solemne vowe, not at their heauenly & e∣uerlasting, but earthly & mortall fathers Hrm. 35 bidding: what warnyng had the three wise mē to offer Aurum, gold, Thus & Mir∣ram, incense and mirrhe, or Magdalene for Math. 2. anoynting Christes blessed fete: Ncho∣demus Luke. 7. Iohn. 19. to imbaule his glorious body, or the people to spred their garments in the way as our Sauiour went to Hierusalē? Mark. 11. I doubte not but suche precise correctors, woulde haue made some quarell agaynst those zealouse ministers, & haue cried out with Iudas again suche wastfull prodi∣galitie: Iohn. 12. but then shoulde they discrie by Christes acceptaunce, how pleasant oftē∣times our prors are though the present be of simple value. These things were de∣uised by those godly persons to glorifie our sauiours boy, without cōmaundemēt & these ceremonies whiche are now esta∣blished in the Church are deuised to none other end, but to garnish and adorne his ministerie, wherefore sith it doth by this appeare, that Chris somtimes accepteth somethings whiche himselfe gaue not in charge, as oftentimes he did among the Kings of Iuda, neyther the béesomes nor the sunffers whiche M. Cartwright hath borrowed out of the tabernacle shall euer be able to extinguish y^ libertie & freedome of the Gospell. By what other authoritie than the force & strength of fayth was the woman encouraged to hope for health if once she might but touche the hemme of Mark. 5. Christ our sauiours vesture? What scrip∣ture had those godly Christians to main∣tayne Act. 8. their care about the corps of Ste∣phan, seing Christ cōmaunded that disci∣ple which would haue buried his father, that he shoulde suffer the dead to burie the Math. 8. dead? By what expresse commaundemēt did the Apostles receyue the charitie and Act. 4. beneuolence of the people, and dispose it at their owne arbitrt, appoint De∣cons for the asing of their ministerie, cal Act. 6. a counsayle for resoluing of the question that arose de suffocato & sanguine of strang∣led Act. 15. and Houd, binde women to the coue∣ring of their heades, mislike of eating cō∣mon 1. Cor. 11. meates before the ministration of 1. Cor. 11. 1. Cor. 16. 1. Tim. . the Supper, make contribution for the faithfull, to appoynt widdowes for the benefite of the Church? to take order for meate offred vp to Idols, and a thousand 1. Cor. 8. other presidents whiche would be rather tedious than profitable to the reader. For where S. Paule without any warrant of yt scripture, as he sayeth himself, determi∣neth their state to be moste happy whiche abide in true virginitie, if any man al∣leage ye latter end in defense of that parti∣cular where he affirmeth that he hath the spirite of God, by the same reason will I defēd asmuch as now is called in questiō, sith the same spirite is assured to the faith∣ful as a guide and scholemaister, not for a moneth or two, but to the end of ye world. But no way shall this matter sooner be decided, than if we shoulde examine how Iohn. 14. exactly these instructors kéepe the letter of the Scripture, that would prescribe so straight a diet for al the world to follow & yet be cleare enough thēselues frō fasting and from prayer, or at least suche prayer as God hath promysed to accept, beyng voyde of loue and charitie. For surely it is not lyke that they are guiltie in their conscience of breakyng any iotte, which take vpon them to refourme both religion & discipline quite through all the realme. Our sauiour Christe forbad his disciples to possesse gold or siluer, or two coates, & Math. 10. yet is there neuer a one of these refour∣mers, but if he were throughly fted, in his storehouse he would be founde to haue both golde, siluer and three coates. Christe had no house wherin to shrowde his head, Math. 8. and they haue houses and possessions to maintayne their brotherhood. Our saui∣our charged his disciples not to premedi∣tate what they shoulde answere, and they continually studie vpon their problemes. The Apostles might neyther call any mā Math. 23. Father vpon earthe, nor themselues be called Maisters: but with our people is neyther rule nor order vnlesse they be ac∣counted bothe Maisters and Fathers too, howe vnnaturally or vncourteously so∣euer they beare and behaue themselues. Christ taught none other kinde of prayer than that which we vsually terme the Pa∣ter Math. 6. noster, but these will pray at pleasure, and be guided onely by their priuate mo∣tion. The prophet Esaie demaūdeth in the person of God what house can be built to ay. 66. him. Salomon sayeth, that the heauen of heauens cannot conteyne the Lorde, muche 1. Beg. 8. lesse the house that he buylded vnto him. Christe when he went vp to pray, went vp into y• mūt alone. He bad vs shut our Math. 14. chāber doores when wee gaue our selues to prayer & contemplation. He ministred Math. 6. his supper in a parlour. He appeared to his disciples after his resurrection not in a Mark. 14. temple but in a dyning chāber. The time Iohn. 20. is promised in the Scripture when ney∣ther in this mount nor at Hierusalem the true worshippers shall adore but in spi∣rite and truth, that is, mens prayers shall not be tied to any certayne place but be lefte at libertie to euery goly conscience: the Apostles after the Ascention came to∣gither, Iohn. 4. not in a temple but in a parlour. Act. 1. God dwelleth not in temples made with handes: and to conclude, Sainct Iohn de∣scribing Act. 7. the holy Citie coulde finde no Temple in it. These thinges standyng Apoc. 21. thus by warrant of the scripture, I mar∣yle with what conscience our brethren can assemble in an open Church, and not rather pray in hedges, as a number doe of late in Igton and other townes adhe∣rent to the City. Thus may a man refute the godlyest orders that are nowe obser∣ued in the Church, if euery texte vnfitly applyed may be allowed for a sounde and pithy argument agaynst the gouernment and directiō of a state. But to goe forward in that order whiche I haue begonne, to the supper of the Lorde no women were admitted, and yet from our sacraments they are not nowe excluded. Why refuse they not al Lawyers and Iudges, bicause there is but Legislator & Iudex vnus, qui per∣dere Iacob. 4. & liberare potest, one Lawyer and Iudge which can saue & deliuer? Why haue they many readers and instructors, seeing as S. Iames saith, Vnus est magister nster, one Iacob. 3. is our master, non est necesse vt nos doceat ali∣quis, vnctio enim eius docebit nos, There is no neede that any teache vs, for his holy spirite shall teache vs? And Ieremie prophecying of this time, sayth, Non dcbit quisquam Hier. 31. proximum suum & fratrem, dicens cognosce dominum quia omnes scient me, à maiore vs{que} ad maiorem, No man shal teach his neighbour or brother, saying, knowe the Lorde, for all men shall knowe me from the least to the greatest. Why sell they not their goodes Ma. 19. and landes, and giue them to the poore? why giue they not away to euery one Luke. 6. that asketh, and lende without requiring of the principall? why inuite they to their feastes and bankettes their brethren, Luke. 14. friends, and kinsfolkes, whiche is forbid∣den? why goe they not lyke friers bare∣foote? Esay. 20. Luke. 7. why burie they not without the Ci∣tie? why make they weekely their proui∣sion on the Saterday for all the sixe days following, béeing forbidden to be solliciti Math. 6. in crastinmu, carefull for to morrow? why pray they not without ceasing? why will Luke. 18. they néedes be reteyned in seruice by Péeres & noble mē, séeing the Apostle for∣biddeth 1. Cor. 8. ministers to be serui bominū, seruāts of men? Why doth Caluine require a de∣claration of our fayth in baptisme, & the Calu. Instit. lib. 4. cap. 3. sect. 5. child to be sent home agayn with thanks∣giuing, wheras no such order is cōmaun∣ded in the scripture? why go ministers to law with other brethrē, seeing as S. Aug. August. pist. 48. sayth, Apostolorū nullus de iure suo litigauit, none of the Apostles cōtended for his right? why do they communicate fasting, which Luk. 22. Christe with his Apostles dyd after the supper? why kéepe they Sabboth on the Sunday, which Christe obserued accor∣ding to the first institution on the Satter∣day? why féede they not on todes, ser∣pents, and vncleane beastes, as well as others, sithe omne quod viuit nobis est in Gen. 9. cibum, what soeuer lyueth is meate for vs? Wherefore to conclude, whereas these with many other thinges expressed in the letter are omitted by these refourmers, & a multitude of other substituted in their roumes, which are not to be feūd in scrip∣ture, & yet as they think Gods cōmaunde∣mēts not empeached or brokē, séeing they alleage none expresse cōmaundement for many things aboue rehearsed, which not∣withstāding were not vnrewarded at the hāds of god, whervnto also I may aioine S. Paul his resolutiō, ne fidelis maritus vxo∣rē 1. Cor. 7. relquat infidelē, that a faythfull husbande may not leaue his vnbeleeuing wife. Moses gathering a būch of Isope whē he was cō∣māded Exod. 12. to sprinkle yt posts wc blud. Iethros offering of sacrifice: Moses ioyning of o∣ther Exod. 18. in commission with him self without commaundement, whereas onely he had warrant from almightie God, eodem cap. And last of all, his breaking of those very table (wherin God himself had written) onely vpon a zeale and great displeasure conceyued vpon the peoples ignorance. Exod. 2. Laste of all, seeing the Aposrles beeing straightly charged by the words of their commission, to baptise all Nations in the name of the father of the sonne, and of the Math. 28. holy Ghost, did notwithstanding vpon great respect and cōsideration, as it should seeme, baptise in the name of Christ. So Acts. 19. Paule purified himselfe after the Iewish maner in the temple without any war∣rant. Acts. 21. Whereof othe are diligently to be obserued by those that truly follow Chri∣stes line in the obedience of the Gospell. I thinke for my parte the iuill Magi∣strate maye commaunde whatsoeuer is not reugnan to the worde of God, both Luke. 1. August. de Tin. lib. 7, cap. 4. for that we reade in Luke. He that is not agayust vs, is with vs. And as S. Augu∣stine sayth, Licuit loquendi & disputand necessitate, tres personas dicere, non quia scriptu∣ra dicit, sed quia non contradicit, t was lawfull through necessitie of speaking & disputing, to say there be three persons, not bicause the scripture sayth so, but bicause it saythe not agaynst it. These thinges béeing well considered, let these breeders of disention now remember how many instruments of Christes spirituall buyling they haue condemned of corrupt religion, I meane those learned fathers Cranmer and Rid∣ley, whiche neyther ranne without sen∣ding, Iere. 23. Iohn. . brake into the folde refusing the doore & ordinarie meane of calling, spoy∣led Aaron of his priesthoode, burned in∣cense Num. 16. 1. ara. . without commission, supported the Arke without commaundement, or with wicken Donatus creted temple agaynst temple, altar against altar. Aswell may they deface theemorte in the Kalen∣der, as blot their worthy credite with ma∣lice and surmised slaunder. But if these poyntes nowe called into controuersie, were neyther impdimēts in their course, nor stayes to their profession, if the degree and diction of an Archbishop were no hinderance to B. Cranmer, in the ende of his worldly pilgrimage, nor a Rochet sat so harde on B. Ridley his shoulders, but he was able with the same to climbe euen to the highest step of Martyrdome, if the Priestes gowne whiche he ware euen to his death, were chaunged into the robe mentioned in the Reuelation, and his Tippet turned into a crowne of im∣mortalitie: to he short, if these garments were thought not vnworthy to be worne at the wedding of the lamb, and the grea∣test parte of these which watered the pro∣fession of their fayth with streames of bloud, acknowledged the Bishops due preheminence, Christned with godfa∣thers & interrogations, buried the dead, preached funerall sermons, ministred the Communion knéeling, and to be shorte, strictly and exactly performed all things prescribed in the booke of cōmon prayer, (which opprobriously they terme a very vnperfect booke, picked out of the Popishe dunghyll) we must require some respite for a time to stay & suspend our iudgemēt vpon these graue & learned examples, till equall proofe may purchase equall credite. Some of this companie (as I suppose) in Quéene Maries reigne was for a time content to forbeare the pleasure of their countrey, till they might enioy the liberty of their conscience Then was none other doctrine preached than that which at thys presēt is impugned, wherefore eyther they were then blind & ignorant confessors, or at yt least pernicious & vainglorious hypo∣crites: eyther the doctrine which they pro∣fessed in those days was erroneous, or else y• articles now vndiscretly published are sedicious. The scripture sayth it is bonū & Psal. 133. iucūdū habitare fratres in vnū, a good & plea∣sāt thing for brethrē to dwel togither. Christ cōpareth him self with a henne which ga∣thereth hir chickens togither, not with kite which scattereth & seuereth thē a sun∣der. Al Israel came togither as it had bin one mā with ye same minde & counsell, not I. 10. with as many opinions as persons. The whole fraternitie of those which beleued at y• first had but one hart & one soule: the Acts. . holy Ghost found all the Disciples vnani∣mes in domo, all with one accord in one place, Acts. . not praying vnder hedges. S. Paule re∣quireth vnitie of minde and vnderstan∣ding, 1. Cor. 1. bicause the fulnesse of the lawe is charitie, not hatred, backebyting, and Rom. 13. slaundering. The same Apostle teacheth that all authoritie is from God, not from Antichrist, and he will be the author of peace and quietnesse, not of quarels and disorder. We knowe howe unluckelie Roboam spedde in forsaking his graue and auncient Counsell, and following those lustie yonkers, which ledde him by the leuell of their rashe conceyte, not by the certentie and assurance of his Coun∣treys vauntage. Suche wrangling inter∣preters can not deriue their petegree by li∣neall discent from the God of peace. It is nowe to late after long experience to basell mens eyes with shewes and sée∣ming verities. S. Hierome calleth it a childishe prayse (as in deede it is) whiche can not be attayned without abasing o∣ther mens reputation. It is folly far them to striue agaynst the streame, or spurne agaynst the pricke, wherefore I will heere make an ende, wishing that all quarels set aparte, all priuate grudges quite for∣gotten, all ambicious ostentation and as∣piring vnto credite nowe remoued, they will grounde them selues vpon the rocke, and not be shaken with euery blast and puffe of doctrine. If they be the children of Abraham, let them trace their fathers steppes: if they be Eagles, let them not forsake the body, which is the Churche of Christ. Practise muste be lynked with preaching, and the time not wasted in bayne and childishe questions: let them not be curious in trifles, and rechlesse in more wayghtie causes. They muste be∣ware of enquiring after other mens af∣fayres, and negligēce in discharge of their owne vocation. They must acknowledge a duetie to their superiours, and presume not too farre of their rustie talent. They muste continue in seruent prayer with hartie contrition, and not refuse these meanes which God hath appoynted for subduing of our vnbridled & vntamed af∣fections. Let them content them selues with their owne estate, and climbe not highe for feare of a great fall. So may they finde the narrowe way, if they trust their guides, by humble knocking be re∣ceiued into euerlasting blisse, if they kéepe the wedding garment of charitie, where shal be life without death, truth with∣out errour, and felicitie without disturbance, one folde, and one shepheard, in perfect vni∣tie for euer & euer.
A00283.P4	A briefe and plaine declaration, concerning the desires of all those faithfull ministers, that haue and do seeke for the discipline and reformation of the Church of Englande which may serue for a iust apologie, against the false accusations and slaunders of their aduersaries.	[ "Fenner, Dudley, 1558?-1587, attributed name.", "Fulke, William, 1538-1589, attributed name.", "Travers, Walter, 1547 or 8-1635, attributed name." ]	1584.	Printed by Robert Walde-graue,	At London :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800.", "Reformation -- England -- Early works to 1800." ]	THE Churche of God is the house of God,Tim. 3. 15. and therefore ought to bee directed in all thinges,The defini∣tion of the Church. accor∣ding to the or∣der prescribed by the Housholder himselfe: Which order is not to bee learned else-where, but in his Holy worde. The first of these principles or propositions, is the very worde of the holy Ghost vttered by Paul: The seconde followeth necessarily of the first. The thirde is a manifest trueth beleeued of all them, that acknow∣ledge the scripture of God, to bee a perfect rule of all our life, and able to make the man of God perfect,2. Tim. 3. 17. prepared to all good workes. This foundation being surely layde,VVhat mi∣nisters are appointed in the church. against which the gates of hell can∣not preuayle: wee ought diligently and reuerently to searche the holie scriptures, that wee may finde what order our sauiour Christe our onely housholder hath set foorth in them, by which he woulde haue his house or church to be directed in al things, appertaining to the eternall saluati∣on of vs men, his vnprofitable ser∣uants. Nowe we finde in the scrip∣tures, that our sauiour Christe ascen∣ding into Heauen, was not vnmind∣full of his Church on earth,Ephes. 4. 11. but or∣dayned an holy ministerye of men,1. Cor. 12. 28. to the building vp of the body of Christ in vnity of faith and knowledge. We finde also, that as the offices are diuerse of this ministery: so they are not generall vnto all the Church, but as order and necessitye require, for executing of their office, distributed and limitted vnto certaine places or particuler Churches, according to the diuision of Regions, Cities, and Townes. For we reade that Paule and Barnabas ordeyned at Derbe, Lystra, Iconium, Antiochia, &c: Elders by ele∣ction in euery Churche,Act. 14. 23. with Prayer and fasting, and so commended them to the Lorde, in whome they belee∣ued.Titus. 1. 5. Also Paule left Titus in the Ile of Creta, that he shoulde ordaine Elders in euery City, as hee had appointed. Concerning the diuers offices of the Ministery, wee are taught by Saynte Paule. Rom. 12. 6. Also 1. Cor. 12. 28. and Ephes. 4. 11.Rom. 12. 6. 1. Cor. 12. 28 Ephes. 4. 11. Where we reade, that God hath ordained in the ministery of his Church, these se∣uerall offices: Namely, Apostles, Euan∣gelistes, Prophetes, Pastors, Doctours, Go∣uernoures and Deacons: Also men in∣dewed with the giftes of healing, of powers or myracles, and of diuerse tongues. Of these offices, some were tem∣porall, seruing onelye for the firste planting & foundation of the church amonge the Heathen: some are perpetuall, pertaining to the nouri∣shing and building vp the Church for euer. Of the former sort were Apo∣stles, Prophets, Euangelists, men en∣dued with the graces of powers, of healings, and of diuerse tongues. Of the latter kinde are doctors, Pastors, Gouernours and Deacons. The Apo∣stles were ordained by God, and sent foorth immediatly by Christ, hauing a generall Commission to spread the Gospell ouer all the worlde: Which worke when they had accomplished, that office ceased.Math. 28. 19. Such were the 12. Apostles,Mark. 16. 25. Paule and Barnabas, &c. And for this cause the Apostles ap∣pointed Mathias in the place of Iu∣das,Act. 1. 15. according to the Scriptures, per∣mitting neuerthelesse, the election vnto God, by casting of Lots, that the number might bee full, for the first planting of the Churche. But when Herod had slaine Iames the brother of Iohn with the sworde,Act. 12. 2. they chose no man to succeede in his place, because they had no warrant of Gods worde, but the holy ghost, as he sawe it was expedient for the Church, afterward separated Paul and Barnabas which li∣ued at Antioche,Act. 13. 2. as Prophetes and Teachers, to the worke whereto hee had called them. The Prophets were suche as were indued with a singular gifte of Re∣uelation in the interpretation of the Scriptures,1. Cor. 12. and applying them to the present vse of the Church:Ephes. 4. 11. of whome some also did foreshewe of thinges to come,Acts. 11. 28▪ & 21. 10. as Agabus. Also there were in euery City that Prophecied to S. Paul, as he passed by them, that bonds and afflictions were prepared for him at Hierusalem.Acts. 20. 23 This office being in the number of them that were ordeyned for beautifying the Gospell, in the first publishing thereof, it ceassed with that singuler and extraordinary gift, to bee an ordinarye function of the Church. The Euangelists were such as were stirred vp of God, to assist the Apo∣stles in their ministerye of generall charge: in planting the Gospell, and confirming the same by their prea∣ching, but inferiour in dignity to the Apostles.Acts. 8. 5. Such was Philip that firste preached the gospel in Samaria: Whi∣ther Peter and Iohn were sent by the Apostles,Act. 8. 14. to conferre vnto them by prayer and imposition of hands, the visible Graces of the holye Ghoste, which Philip did not. The same Phi∣lip in Act. 21.Acts. 21. 8. verse 8. is called an Euangelist. So is Timothy, 2. Timoth. 4. 5.2. Tim. 2. 5. 5 Such was Titus, Silus, and many other. This office also with the order of the Apostles is expired, and hath no place. Likewise, as wee doe plain∣ly see, that the gifts of healing, of po∣vvers or myracles, and of diuerse tonges, haue long since ceassed to be in the Church: So the offices of them which were groūded vpon these gifts, must also cease and bee determined. Therfore the Papists do vainly retain the name & office of Exorcists, when they cānot cast out diuels: & extream vnction, when they cannot cure dis∣seases: and to speak with straunge tonges, which they haue not by inspi∣ration, & that without any interpre∣tation, which Saint Paule expresly for∣biddeth.1. Corin. 14. There remayneth therefore of these before rehearsed, onely in the Church, these Ecclesiasticall offices instituted of God:VVhat offi∣ces remaine in the Church. namely, Pastors, Doctors, Gouernours, and Deacons: By which the church of God may, accor∣ding to his worde, be directed in all matters, which are commonly called Ecclesiasticall. And therefore as it is vnlawful, so it is vnneedeful for men, following the deuises of their owne brayne, without the warrant of Gods worde, to institute and ordayne anye other offices or kindes of ministerye beside these, appointed & approued by God himself, exercised in the Pri∣mitiue & pure church, vntil the miste∣ry of iniquity working a way for An∣tichristes pride & presumption, chan∣ged Gods ordinance, and brought in al kind of false doctrine & confusion: and now againe, restored in al rightly reformed Churches, with such daylie increase, and glory of the kingdom of Christ, and suppression of the tyran∣nie of Sathan, that the onelye expe∣rience hereof, might bee a sufficient perswasion to vs to leaue this disor∣dered state of ours, wherein we haue so long laboured with so little profit: and to imbrace that most beautifull order of Ecclesiastical regimēt, which God so manifestlye doth blesse and prosper in our neighboures handes. But while we speake of Ecclesiasticall gouernment, it maye bee thought of some, that we shoulde intreat first of the supreame authority of Christian Princes: Whereuppon it seemeth that al the regiment of the church depen∣deth, which is such a myst to dazle the eyes of ignoraunt persons, that they thinke all thinges in the Ecclesiasti∣cal state, ought to be disposed by that onelye high authoritye and absolute power of the Ciuil magistrate. Others there be, with more colour of reason, that referre onely indifferent matters to the disposition of Princes: but in determining indifferēt matters, they shewe themselues not to bee indiffe∣rent Iudges. For, whatsoeuer it shall please the Ciuill Magistrate, or them¦selues, to call or count indifferent, it must be so holden of all men, without anye further enquiry. But of the su∣preame authority of christian princes in Ecclesiasticall causes, howe farre it extēdeth by the word of God: we shal haue better occasiō to intreat hereaf∣ter, when we haue described the Ec∣clesiastical state. And that it is neither needefull nor agreeable to good or∣der of teaching, to begin first there∣with, it may be plaine to euerye man by this reason. The Church of God was perfect in all her regiment, be∣fore there was any Christian Prince: yea, the Churche of God may stande, and doth stande at this day in moste blessed estate, where the Ciuill Magi∣strates, are not the greatest fauorers. By which, it is manifest, that the regi∣ment and gouernement thereof, de∣pendeth not vppon the authority of Princes, but vpon the ordinaunce of God, who hath most mercifully and wisely so established the same, that as with the comfortable ayde of Chri∣stian Magistrates, it may singulerlie flourish & prosper, so without it, it may continue, and against the aduersaries therof preuail. For the church craueth help & defence of christian Princes, to continue & go forward more peacea∣bly & profitably, to the setting vp of the kingdō of Christ: but al hir autho∣rity she receiueth immediatly of God. Let vs therfore return to those offices of Ecclesiasticall regiment, which now remain to be exercised in the Church of God, being instituted & ordained by Christe himselfe, which before we haue proued out of the scriptures to be only these, Doctors, Pastors, Gouernors & Deacons, wherof some appertain to doctrin,Doctors. some to gouernment and dis∣cipline. The duty of doctors & Pastors, is chiefly to teach and instruct the peo¦ple of god, in al things that God hath appointed thē to learne. The office of Elders & Deacons, is to prouide that good order and discipline bee obser∣ued in the church. These offices being rightly established & exercised in the Church, are able to make vs meet to∣gether in the vnity of faith, and know¦ledge of the sonne of God, vnto a per¦fect man acording to doctrine.Ephes. 4. 13. And both for doctrine and order of go∣uernement, to make vs one body of Christe,1. Cor. 12. 27. and members one of ano∣ther. Nowe what shoulde be desired more then this in the church of God? or what wisdom of man can espy bet∣ter then the spirite of God, by what means this shold be brought to effect which we do desire? what mans wit cā deuise better, then the wisdom of god hath expressed? Or whē God hath e∣stablished an order, for the administra¦tiō of his own house: what presūptiō of man dare change it? But what dare not dust & ashes presūe to do against his maker, & that with greatest incō∣uenience, when with best pretences of correcting and reforming that, which they do thinke to be vnperfect in his doings? Exāple thereof we haue most euident. That which is alleaged as the chief defence of this disordered state, which now remaineth in our church: namely, that our fathers of old time were not content with the simple or∣der instituted by Christe, and establi∣shed by his Apostles: but for better gouerning of the Church, thought good some offices to ad therto, some to take away: some to alter & change: and in effect to peruerte and ouer∣throw all Christian and Ecclesiastical pollicie, which was builded vpon the foundation of the Prophetes and A∣postles,Ephes. 2. 20. Iesus Christ being the cheeft corner stone. But how vnhappy a suc∣cesse this good intent, (as they call it) of theirs deserued to haue of God, who alwayes abhorreth all good in∣tentes of men, that are contrarye to the good pleasure of his will, expres∣sed in his holy worde, the age before vs (alasse) hath felt, the present time doth plainly see, and wee praye God the posterity, warned by examples of their auncesters, maye take heede of it. For where there are specially two thinges propounded in the Churche of God: Doctrine and Discipline, as if a man woulde say, knowledge and practise, by which the glory of God is sought and shineth therin: In steed of true Doctrine, followed all man∣ner of corruptions of the same, both in the whole and in euery part there∣of, as ignorance, heresies, idolatry, su∣perstition, &c. The Discipline dege∣nerated vnto intollerable tyrannye and external domination, clean con∣trarye to the commaundemente of Christ, whereof insued all vnbrideled license of vngodly liuing. To be short, the exchaunge of the ordinaunce of God and Christ,2. Thes. 2. 1 brought in nothing else, but the Diuell and Antichriste. Wherefore if we minde such a refor∣mation, as shall bee acceptable to God, & profitable vnto his church: We must thoroughly bee resolued to set vp no new kinde of ministerye, of our owne inuention, neyther for tea∣ching, nor for discipline in the Eccle∣siastical state, but bring all thinges to that most perfect and absolute order, which God himselfe hath established by his worde. And because all offices of the Churche are so lincked togea∣ther, as the members of one bodye, whereof Christe is the heade: we will so describe one part, as the descriptiō of thē al may be sufficiently cōprehen¦ded therin. As if a man wold set forth the manifold office & vses of the hād, he shold declare what it doth alone, & what it doth with the helpe of the o∣ther hand, or with the arme, with the brest, with the knee, or with the foot, &c: what it cā do with diuers kinds of tooles, & what without al maner of in¦strumēts. This order we thought good to obserue, in describing the ministery of the Church, as by which, both the distinction & cōmunicatiō of al offices & seruices in the Church, might most plainli appear. Otherwise we force not by what method, so the same truth be plainly set forth by any mā. And as we controle not other mens methods by ours, so we wold not, that other mens maner of teaching shold be preiudici∣al to ours. This we say because of thē, which either for lack of wit, or thorow too much wilfulnes, if they see any dif¦ference in the form & order of teach∣ing of diuers men, though in matter & substaunce they all agree, they exclaim there is no vnitie, & therfore no truth among thē. Let vs then proceed in our purpose. The office of teaching is the chiefe & principall office that is in the church. By that we be taught to know God, & how to serue him, & what be∣nefits to look for at his hand, without which knowlege, ther cā be no felicity but only destruction loked for, accor∣ding to the saying of the wise man: Wher propheciyng fayleth,Prou. 29. 18. ther the people pe¦rish. The ministery is diuided into two functiōs: they that exercise the first are called Pastors:The office of a Doctor. the other are called Do∣ctors or Teachers. The office of a Doctor is to teach, as the very name doth de∣clare, but yet euery teacher is not mēt thereby, for it appertaineth to Pastors also to teach: yet this latter is distinct frō the former. Almighty God, being carefull that true doctrin should con∣tinue in his church, from time to time most wisely prouided, that certain mē shold be appointed in euery cōgrega∣tion, (whō he hath endued with gifts meete for the same purpose) which shoulde employe themselues, either wholly or principally to the studie of holy scriptures, therebye to learne to auouche the principles of true religi∣on, and to represse and beate downe al false and strange opinions, of which sathan neuer ceaseth to sow the seeds, but cheefly where this office is not set vp & mayntained according to Gods ordinance. These men must not con∣tent themselues with contemplatiue knowledge: but, as by the grace of God they excell other men in vnder∣standing: so they must diligentlye in∣struct other mē in the same learning, and openly confute al false Doctrine and herisie: and especially they ought to take payne in the instruction of such men, as maye bee made meete to serue in the Churche: as Pastoures, and to succeede in their place as Do∣ctours. Their institution is set foorth, 1. Corin. 12. 28. Also Ephes. 4. 11. In the former place the Apostle tea∣cheth, that they are the ordinaunce of God: Sayth he, God hath ordayned in the Church: First Apostles, Secondly Pro∣phets, Thirdly Doctors, or Teachers. In the latter place hee testifieth,Ephes. 4. 11. that our Sauior Christ ascended on high, ledde cap∣iuitie captiue, and hath giuen giftes vnto en, amongst which gifts, he accoun∣eth the function of Teachers. Who oulde then refuse to imbrace the rdinaunce of God? Who should de∣riue vs of the free gyft of Christ? The office of Doctours, is briefly ex∣ressed in Rom. 12. 7.Rom. 12. 7. Let him that is Teacher, attend vppon teaching, where lso it is distinguished from other of∣ces, and namely from the office of astors. For it followeth immediat∣e,Rom. 12. 8. Let him that exhorteth, (which is a rincipall part of a Pastors office, not ecessarily requyred in a Teacher) Be ligent in his exhortation. For the office of Doctours, is onely to teach true doctrine, and to confute all heresies. and false opinions by the worde of God, concerning all Articles & prin∣ples of Christian religion, without applying their teaching to anye par∣ticular state of time, of persons or places. The example or practize of this office, is set foorth Acts. 13. 1. Where it is recorded by S. Luke, that Paule and Barnabas, (before the holy Ghost commanded them to be sepa∣rated for the worke wherevnto he called them) were in the number of prophetes and Doctors, with Symeon Niger, Lucius of Syrene, and Manahen in the Church of Antiochia, where they continued in that office a whol yeare, in which Citie the Disciples were first called by the name of chri∣stians. Act. 11. 26.Acts. 11. 26. Likewise, Apollo which was an eloquent man & migh¦tie in the scriptures, firste at Ephesus but afterward beeing more perfectly instructed in the waye of God, by Aquila and Priscilla in the church of Achaa, exercised the office of a Tea∣cher, with great profite of thē which had beleeued, and to the great con∣fusion of the stiffnecked Iewes, while hee proued plainly by the scriptures, that Iesus was the Christ. Act. 18. 28.Acts. 18. 28. Therefore if we purpose to haue the church to flourish in true knowlege, we must prouide that this office be restored, both in the vniuersities, and in as manie other places as maye be, as well for the better instruction of al men, which are desirous to learne, as especiallye for the information of those, which shoulde occupye the oomes of Pastours, of which sort here ought to be a great number al∣wayes in good towardnesse to take charge of so many seuerall flockes, as must of necessitie be, in so great a Church as this is. Besides Doctors,Pastors and their Titles. there must be Pa∣tours ordained in euery congregati∣on, which haue diuers appellations n the scripture, as Eph. 4. They are alled by the name of Pastours, be∣ause they ought to feede the seueral ocks of Gods sheepe committed to heir charge. As it appeareth Act. 20 8. 1. Peter. 5. 2.Acts. 20. 28. 1. Pet. 5. 2. They are called also Elders, not alwaies in respect of their ge, but of their office and grauitie. or Timothie was but a young man, and yet had the office of an Elder. This name was receiued of an an∣ient custome of the people of Is∣aell, who vsed so to call those that were Rulers and Officers amonge them, as it appeareth by many places both of the old and new Testament,Num. 11. 16. but chiefly in Numb. 11. 16. Where God ordayned seuenty ancientes, to assist Moses in his gouernment, who were also endued at the same time, with the spirite of prophecie, from which time it became an ordinarie office, and name of Gouernours in Israell. Wherein we haue to note a∣gainst the papistes, that the ministers of the Church, are neuer called in the new Testament, by the name of sacrificing Priestes, which were vnder the lawe, but often are called Elders, of the similitude of those ancientes that gouerned the people of God Whereas, if they had beene appoyn∣ted of God to be sacrificers, the si∣militude & name of sacrificing prie∣stes, would a great deale better haue agreed vnto them. But, whereas both these names were vsuall amongst the Iewes, Iereus and Presbyteroi, the one signifiyng sacrificers, and the other Elders: The spirit of God doth often call the ministers Elders, but euer∣more preciselye auoydeth to name them sacrificers or priestes (as we vse the terme): yea, though they succeed them in one principall part of their office, that is to saye in teaching, as it s written.Mala. 2. 7. The lippes of the priest shoulde preserue knowledge, and men shal seeke the law at his mouth. The cause whereof is euident to bee this, that the sacrifi∣cing priesthoode of Aaron,Heb. 7. 12. 24 is wholly translated vnto Christ, in whom one∣ly it resteth, and passeth from him to none other. But by the name of El∣ders, the Pastors are called Act. 14. 23Act. 14 23. Where Paule and Barnabas ordained Elders by election in euerye congre∣gation. And Act. 20. 17.Act. 20. 17. Paule sent for the Elders of Ephesus to Miletū. Also he affirmeth those Elders especially,1. Tim. 5. 17. which labour in preaching and doc∣trine, to be worthy of double honor. Which place also testifieth of an o∣ther kind of Elders, of whom we shal haue occasion to speake more here∣after,Tit. 1. 5. whose office consisteth only in gouernement, and not in publique teaching. Moreouer, he sheweth that he appoynted Titus to ordaine El∣dersin euery Citie, and afterwarde describeth what maner of men hee woulde haue to bee chosen into the office.Iam. 5. 14. Also Saint Iames in Cap. 5. 14. willeth that if anye bee sicke, they shoulde call for the Elders of the Churche, who being indewed with the gifte of healinge at that time, should pray for the diseased, and an∣noint him with oyl, and he should be restored to his health. Finally, Saint Peter,Pet. 5. 2. as a fellowe Elder exhorteth the Elders to employe all their dili∣gence to the feeding of the flocke of God. An other name they haue in the scripture, which is Superintendents, or Ouerseers, because they ought to be vigilant and watchfull, to ouersee the flocke, and euery member there∣of. Which name is neuer vsed in the scripture for such Bishops, as clayme and exercise dominion, and authori∣tie ouer whole regions, & all the Pa∣stours of the same, but only for those that bee Pastours of euery seuerall congregation, hauing no superiority uer their fellow Pastors, but be al of equall dignity and authoritie. So are hey named Act. 20.Act. 20. 17. where S. Luke in he 17. vers. calleth them Elders of the Church of Ephesus. S. Paule in the 28. erse, calleth the same ouerseers: say∣ng, Take heede to your selues and to the hole flocke, ouer which the holy Ghoste ath made you ouerseers, to feede or go∣erne the Church of God, which he hath rchased with his owne bloud. In this lace all the three appellations con∣urre: namely, of ouerseers plaine∣e, and Pastoures inclusiuely in the orde flocke, and in the worde Pot∣ainan, which signifieth to feede or gouern, as a Pastor doeth his sheepe. Where is to bee noted, that By∣shoppes or ouerseers of one Citye were manye, which plainelye argu∣th that they were none such as now a days are commonly called bishops, which can be but one in one whole Diocesse, much lesse many in one ci∣tie. The same thing is to be obser∣ued, in the name of Bishoppes, vsed by S. Paule. Phillip. 1. 1, where he & Timothie sende salutations vnto the Bishops and Deacons of the church,Phillip. 1. 1. which was in the Citie of Philippi: which bishops, were the Elders or pa∣stors, else would he not haue saluted in special words, the Deacons which were in inferiour office, and omitted the Elders, which were of more ex∣cellent calling. In the same maner of speaking,1. Tim. 3. 2. 8. he describeth the qualities of those, which were to be chosen in∣to the office of the bishops and Dea∣cons. Likewise vnto Titus. 1. 5. He calleth them Elders, and immediatly after, discribing the qualities of such, as were meet to be ordained Elders, he calleth them bishops: saying, For this cause did I leaue thee in Creta,Tit. 1. 5. 6. 7. that thou shouldest continue, to redresse the thinges that remaine: and that thou shoul∣dest ordayne Elders in euery Citie, if anie be vnreproueable: the husband of one wife, hauing faithfull Children which are not accused of riot, nor are disobedient. For a Bishop or ouer seer must be vnreprooueable, as the Steward of God, not froward, &c. Fi∣nally, S. Peter, chapter. 5. 1. the place before alleadged, comprehendeth al the three names of Elders, Pastours, & Bishops.1. Pet. 5. 1. The Elders (saith he) which are among you, I beseech. The name of Pastor, is vnderstanded by relation of the names of feeding, and the flocke which he vseth, also by the name of Archipoymē, which signifieth the chief of Pastours, which is our Sauiour Christ. The name of bishops or ouer∣seers is included in the worde Episco∣pountes, which signifieth them which do carefully exercise the office of bi∣shops or ouerseers. His exhortati∣on is this. The Elders which are amongst you I beseech,1. Pet. 5. 1. 2. 3 4. which am also a fellow Elder and a witnesse of the sufferinges of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shalbe reuealed: Feede the flocke of God which is committed vnto you, so much as in you lieth, carefully ouerseeing, not by constraint but willingly, not for filthy lucre, but of a readie minde, not as exercising Lordshippe ouer the heritage, but that you may be ex∣amples to the flocke, and when the chiefe Pastor shall appeare, you shal receiue an in∣corruptible Crowne of glory. S. Peter in this place reprooueth three notable vices, which doe great hurt among the ministers of the Church, if they bee not taken heede of: slouthfulnes in teaching: couetousnes of lucre, & ambitious desire of exercising Lord∣ship: exhorting them to painfull dili∣gence, because they were Byshops or Ouerseers: to a ready care, because they were Pastoures, and therefore should labour for loue of the flock, and not for lucre like hirelinges: to modest humility, because their cheef dignity in that they were Elders, was to excell in Godlinesse, that they might be an ensample to the flock, which cannot bee, except they sub∣mit themselues and their liues, to the common rule of other men: which most excellente vertues if they im∣brace, they shoulde bee sure to bee plentifullye rewarded by him, who onelye deserueth to bee called the cheefe of all Elders, Pastors, and By∣shops: to whome onely these hono∣rable names of Archipresbyter, Ar∣chiepiscopus, Archiepoimen, and suche like, do properly agree. For as the A∣postle calleth our Sauiour Christe in this place, the chiefe Pastor: So in the second Chapiter the 25. vers. he cal∣leth him both the Pastor and Byshop of our soules. Wherefore as he one∣lye is oure chiefe Pastour or Ar∣chiepoimen,Pet. 2. 25. so is hee also our onelye Archbyshoppe: And that the name of Archipresbyter or chiefe of El∣ders, pertayneth tono mortall man, may bee seene by this place, where Saint Peter that excellent and high Apostle, who if anye man coulde, might as well as anye, haue chal∣lenged that name, durste not call him selfe other then Sunpresbyteros, a fellowe Elder, no not when hee sought authoritie to him selfe, by that name to be bold, to exhort the Elders of the Church. But least any man shoulde thinke wee staye onely in names and tearmes, which are not so greatlye materiall: let him consider, that Sainte Peter expresly forbiddeth the Elders, to exercise Lordship ouer their seuerall congre∣gations, how much more ouer their fellowe Elders. Which thing al∣so our Sauiour Christ precisely for∣biddeth, when there was a conten∣tion among his Apostles, about the prymacie.Luk. 22. 25. The kings of the nations haue dominion ouer them, and they that beare rule ouer them are called gratious Lordes or beneficiall, but you shall not be so. Also Math. 20. 25.Mat. 20: 25. and Mark. 10. 41. vpon the ambitious request of the sonnes of Zebedy,Mark. 10. 41. and the disdaine of the o∣ther against them. The Princes of the Gentiles, exercise Lordship ouer them, and they that be great, exercise authoritie ouer them, but it shall not be so amongst you, but who so will be great amongst you, let him be your Minister, and he that will be first a∣mong you, let him be your seruaunt. The same thing he taught by his exam∣ple, when hee washed his Apostles feet,Iohn. 13. 13. and commanded them to shew the like humilitie one towarde an o∣ther, which were all brethren, which he their Lord and maister shewed to∣wards them. Also Math. 23. 8.Mat. 23. 8. &c. he forbiddeth all ambitious Titles of Rabbi, Maister, Father, &c. the rea∣son hee addeth, for you are all Bre∣thren. For these names agree pro∣perly to God & Christ. For the grea∣test dignitie of an Ecclesiasticall per∣son is a ministery, and not a lordship. S. Ioh.3. Iohn. 9. also in his third epistle sharply reprooueth Diotrephes, because he was Philoproteuon, one that desired the primacie in the Church. How∣beit in this case we must take heede, that we spoyle not the ministers of the church, of al their lawfull autho∣ritie. For, although these testimonies of scripture, directly condemne the authoritie of one Pastour aboue an other: yet neither do they set euery pastour at libertie by him selfe, to do what they list without controlment: nor yet doe take away the lawful au∣thoritie he hath ouer his flocke: but that imperious and pompeous do∣minion, which is meet for ciuill ma∣gistrates, and great Potentates to ex∣ercise in worldly affayres: otherwise in respect of their lawfull authoritie, they are called by the Apostle in his Epistle to the Hebrewes,Heb. 13. 7. Guides, such as are appoynted to ouersee the flocke with authority, and vnto them submission and obedience is commaunded in the same Chapi∣ter, verse 17. Other names are applied to them in the Scripture, but they bee for the moste parte more generall, pertaining to all kinde of Teachers in the Church of GOD, both in the time of the Lawe and of the Gospell, as Seers, Pro∣phets, VVatchmen, Angelles, Labourers, Builders, Stewardes, and such like: all which with many other, serue to ex∣presse some parte of their office, as their knowledge, their diligence, their authority, their faithfullnesse, their discretion: also the necessity of them, the commoditie that commeth by them &c. But concerning the names of Pastours, as they are a speciall of∣fice in the Church, this maye suffise. But for as muche as we haue vnder∣taken, so to describe a Pastour and and his office, as all other offices of the Church, may be described there∣with: wee must not staye onelye in the name, but set foorth also the whole substaunce of the person. For which intent, it shall bee necessarye for vs to consider a Pastour or Bi∣shop, these two wayes: in the proper function of his Ministerye, and in gouernement with his Elders: By which we shall vnderstande how this Ministerye ought to bee refourmed and restored amongest vs. As tou∣ching his office, something hath beene sayde before generallye, vn∣der the description of his seuerall names. But now more particular∣lye, wee must examine, what belon∣geth to his charge. The Pastor must be limitted to one onelye congrega∣tion of such competent number, as he, (if hee be but one,) or if they be two, may be sufficient, to the instruc∣tion of all and euerye member of the same Church. And first, he may no more lawfully haue charge of two or three churches, then he can be possi∣bly in diuerse places. No more then a sheephearde of whome he taketh his name, may haue the leading of sun∣drie flockes in diuers places: neither maye he be absent from his charge, with better reason, then a shepheard from his flocke. As for substitutes or hyrelinges, will not bee allowed in this case: for Pastors are substitutes of God, and haue an office of credite committed vnto them, therefore by no good reason may they make any substitutes in their place, or commit their charge vnto an other. The law of a man grounded vppon good rea∣son, alloweth not substitutes of sub∣stitutes: nor committing ouer of an office of credite in temporall mat∣ters. How shall God almighty then take it in good part, when the flocke of Christe, which he hath purchased with his own bloud, shal be so great∣ly neglected, to the endaungering of their euerlasting saluation? Ther∣fore the ordinaunce of God is, that the Pastor should attend vnto his pe∣culiar flocke.1. Pet. 5. That Elders should be ordayned in euery Citie,Tit. 1. 5. Towne and other places. Tit. 1. 5.Tit. 1. 5. and Act: 14. 23. The Apostles ordeined Elders in uery Church of Derbe,Actes. 14. 23 Lystra, Iconi∣m and Tichia, and all the Congrega∣ons about. Secondly, the office of Pastors is, ot onely to teach the same truth in heir seuerall flockes, but also to ap∣ye it to the time and persons, of home they haue charge, with ex∣ortation and reprehension: with onsolation of the afflicted, & threat ing of the obstinate &c. This in we wordes is set foorth by S. Paule eaking of the diuerse Gifts of God his Church,Rom. 12. 7. 8. hee saith: Whether it e hee that teacheth, in his Doctrine, hee that exhorteth, in his exhortati∣. The Doctour therefore teacheth ithout exhortation. The Pastor tea∣heth and exhorteth withall. More larg he setteth forth the same offi∣ in his exhortation vnto the Past∣rs of Ephesus, willing them to folow s example,Acts. 20. whoe supplied that of∣ce, vntill they were able to succeed his Place. Also very breifly and yet fully, hee describeth the same vnto Timothy,2. Tim. 3. 16. 17. shewing first that al his foun∣dation must be out of the scriptures, which were sufficient for all parts o his charge, and then moste earnestly commaundeth him to practise the same with all diligence: his wordes are these,2. Tim. 4. 1. 2▪ All Scripture is inspired of GOD, and profitable for Doctrine, for exhortation, for reformation and for in∣struction, which is in righteousnesse, tha the man of God maye bee prepared to a good workes: Therefore I charge thee be∣fore God, & before the Lord Iesus Christ, which shall iudge the quicke and the deade at his appearing, and in his king∣dome, preache the worde, bee instan in season and out of season: improoue, re∣buke, exhort, with all long suffering and do∣ctrine. The firste part therefore, and the cheefest of a Pastours office or duety is, to feede with wholsome doctrine, the flocke that is committed to his charge, and therefore Sainte Paul describing what manner of men are meete for that charge vnto Timothy, requireth that a Byshop or Pastour bee apt or able to teache:1. Tim. 3. 2. for if a man haue neuer so much knowe∣ledge, and bee not apt or able to teach, he ought by no meanes to be admitted vnto this vocation. And vnto Titus writing Chap. 1. verse 9. he requireth that he be such a one as holdeth fast the faythfull worde,Tit. 2. 9. according to Doctrine, that he also may be able to exhort with wholesome Doctrine, and im∣prooue them that say against it. Where∣vppon it followeth necessarily, that whosoeuer is himselfe ignoraunt in the knowledge of Gods worde, and therefore vnable eyther to exhorte with wholsome doctrine, or to con∣fute them that gainsay it, is altoge∣ther vnmeete for the office of a Pa∣stor or bishop. Wherefore if euer we minde suche a reformation, as God shall thereby bee glorifyed, and his Churche edifyed, wee must vtterlye remooue al the vnlearned pastors, as men by no means to be tollerated to haue any charge ouer the lords flok: & also prouide that herafter none be receiued into that office, but such as are sufficient for their knowledge & abilitie, in teaching to take so waigh∣tie a charge in hand. What man ha∣uing but one hundreth sheep, would make such a man shepheard or ouer∣seer ouer them, as were a naturall I∣diott, or otherwise altogeather vn∣skilfull or vnable to performe those thinges that belong to a shepheard? If no man haue so little care of brute beastes: What brutishe negli∣gence is it to commit the people of God, redeemed with the precious bloud of Iesus Christ, to such vnskil∣full and vnsufficient Pastours, as nei∣ther them selues know the waye of saluation, neither are able to lead o∣ther vnto it, whereof they are igno∣raunt them selues? If there bee no waye of saluation but by faith,Rom. 10. 14. and none can beleeue but such as heare the worde of God preached: O Lorde how miserable is the state of many flockes in this lande, who ei∣ther seldome or neuer heare the worde of God truely preached, and herefore know not how to beleeue that they might be saued. But here it will be aunswered, that, as it is a thing greatly to be desired: To it is altogether vnpossible to pro∣uide the Church of so many learned Pastours, as shoulde take charge of e∣uery seueral congregation. But here∣to we replie, that it is a thing neces∣sarily required at our hands by God almighty, and therefore we must ob∣iect no impossibilitie, especially whē our owne negligence, is the cause of all the difficultie, or if you will so call it, impossibilitie. We confesse it will be harde at the first, but we must doe our endeuour, and commit the successe vnto God, and there is no doubt but in time it will grow to an happy ende. But when we shall be altogether carelesse, as we haue been of long time, and that is worse, not acknowledging anye default in this behalfe, (as there be that doe not): and that is most of all, mayntaining suche lets and hinderaunces as bee continuall nurseies of ignoraunce and ignorant pastors: We may bee a∣shamed to alledge that difficulty, for which none are to be blamed but we our selues. We may be ashamed, now that our church hath had rest and peace, with free preaching of the gos¦pel this 25. or 26. years, vnder the pro¦tection of our most gratious Queen, to bee so vnfurnished of learned Pa∣stors as we are: whereas, if that dili∣gence had bene vsed of all partes, as might and shoulde haue beene em∣ploied of all them, that vnfaignedly seeke the kingdome of God and his righteousnesse, almoste in halfe the time, this necessitie might haue bene well supplied. If we seeke experience, what diligent & carefull prouision is able to do with the blessing of God: looke to our neighbours & brethren in Christ, of Fraunce, whoe although they neuer enioyed one day of such peace, as we haue don so many years: Yet how plentifullie they are furnish∣ed withall kinds of Ecclesiasticall mi∣nisters, and namely with Godly and learned pastors, it would reioyce any Christian heart to beholde in them, nd lament to see the lack in vs. But s for those that acknowledge no de∣ect in our Church, thorow the great multitude of ignoraunt Pastors, We had rather at this time praie to God o lighten their blindenes, then by ny long discourse, to discouer their palpable darkenes. Would to God there were not more difficultie in re∣forming them that maintaine suche inconueniences, as except they bee taken away, we shall neuer be disbur∣dened of the cankers of the church, those vnlearned ministers. For while Nonresidents and Pluralities be re∣teined, we shal neuer want vnlearned Curates, that for small stipendes will supplie the absence of Pluralities and Nonresidentes: Which grosse cor∣ruptions of pastorall office, as they maye haue some honest pretence, so canne they haue no better pre∣tence, neyther are they reteyned with a better conscience, then the Priestes in our Sauiour Christs time, suffered the exchaungers of mony, Grasyers and Pulterers to make a Burse or shambles, and a Pultrie, yea, a denne of theeues of the Temple of God, which was appoynted to be a house of prayer to all nations.Math. 21. 22. Math. 21. 12. Mark. 11. 15. Iohn. 2. 14. But especially,Mark. 11. 15. while the whole office of a Pastour,John. 2. 14. shall be thought to consist in reading onely a prescript number of Psalmes and chapters of the scrip∣tures, with other appointed formes of prayer: and that he maye bee al∣lowed as a sufficient Pastour which doth the thinges, which a Childe of ten yeares olde maye doe as well as he, so long shall we neuer lacke vn∣learned Pastours, ignoraunt and vn∣godly people: Symonicall and sacri∣legious patrones: So long the buil∣ding of Gods Church, shall goe but slowly forwarde, beside other super∣stitious fantasies, mayntained in the peoples heartes, which for shortnesse wee omitte to speake off. What though some saye formall reading might be borne withall for a time, vntill the Church might bee proui∣ded of sufficient Pastours, which yet is not graunted: shall it therefore continue alwayes to the perpetuall decay of knowledge, and hurt of the Church of God? What greater dis∣couragement is there vnto Students then to see the rewardes of learning, bestowed as commonly vppon the ignorant as vpon the learned? What encouragement is it to idlenesse and slouthfulnesse, in them that bee al∣readye in that vocation, to beholde them that take no paine, to liue in wealth and ease, without punishe∣ment of their negligence? But here againe it will be obiec∣ted, because there are not liuinges a∣ble to maintaine all learned Pastors, we must be inforced to admitte ma∣nie ignoraunt ministers. But againe we aunswere, it is our part, not onely to prouide learned Pastours: but al∣so liuinges sufficient to maintayne them, vppon the necessitie of Gods commaundement.Gal. 6. 6. Let him that is in∣structed in the worde (sayth Saint Paul) minister to him,1. Cor. 9. 7. that doth instruct him in all good thinges. Be not deceaued for God is not mocked.Gal. 6. 6. 7. By which saying the A∣postle confuteth all vaine excuses, which manie are wonte to alleadge, why they would contribute nothing to the maintenance of their Pastors: al which he affirmeth to be vain, be∣cause they haue to do with God, and not with men onely: For here is not regarded the liuing of a man, but howe much they esteeme Christ and the Gospell of God. Therefore ex∣cept we will mocke God to his face, Let vs obiect nothing to testifie such shamefull ingratitude, that we would doubt, how they should be prouided of bodely foode, of whom we receiue the foode of our souls, as though we coulde not afford them an earthely recompence, of whome wee receiue heaunely benefits. If nothing had bene before time allotted, towards the liuing of the Pastors; Yet were vvee bounde in payne of damnati∣on, to prouide sufficient for them; and nowe there is somewhat to∣wardes a liuing where there is least, and in all places sufficient, if it were well disposed: Why should we obiect necessity through lacke of iuinges to reteine idols in steede of true Pastors? Looke once a∣gaine into Fraunce (for examples moue muche) and beholde the Churches there impouerished, and spoiled with long warres, persecuti∣on & vnquietnes. They haue neither Byshoppricks, Deaneries, Prebends nor benefices to bestow on their Pastors, and yet minister vnto them all things necessarie for an honest sober life: And shall wee that haue all this while liued in peace, and prosperitie, vnder a godly and re∣ligious Princesse, hauing all these helpes, thincke it is impossible, by disposition of godly and wise gouer∣nours, to appoint a sufficient portion for so manie learned Pastors as are necessarie for our Churches? There is none excuse therefore to be ad∣mitted, but that wee must en∣deuour to the vttermost of our pow¦er that euery seuerall congregation, Church or parrishe be prouided of a learned Pastour. For vnskilful sheep∣heardes haue beene to long thrust vppon vs, to the great dishonour of God and defacing of the Gospell of Christe. We haue hitherto taken vpon vs without warraunt of Gods worde, to allow such for Pastours of mens soules, whom no carefull ow∣ner of Cattell, woulde make ouer∣seer of his sheepes bodyes. Which thing almightye God hath alwayes detested, and signified his mislyking by diuers testimonies, both of the olde and newe Testament. There∣fore he sayeth by the Prophet Esaye, complayning of the vnlearned Pa∣stours of Israell, which was the one∣lye cause of their affliction and mi∣series. Their watchmen are all blinde, they haue no knowledge,Esai. 56. 10. 11. 12. they cannot barke, they lye and sleepe and delight in sleeping, and these greedie dogges can neuer haue ynough, and these sheepheardes cannot vn∣derstande, for they all looke to their owne way, euery one for his aduantage and for his owne purpose. Come I will bring wine, and we wil fill our selues with strong drink, and to morrowe shall bee as, this day, and much more aboundant. If the Prophet had liued in these our days, might he not haue spoken the same more truely of many Shiers in Englande? We see therefore that blinde watch∣men, and ignoraunt dumbe Dogges, and idle greedie Curres and vnlear∣ned sheepheardes that serue for no∣thing, but to fill their owne purses, or their paunches, by the testimonie of God his spirite, are denied to be meet Pastours of the people of God. The prophet Ezechiell also inueigh∣eth at large, against the vnfeeding sheepheardes of Israell:Eze. 34. 2. 3. 4 saying (Woe) be vnto the sheepheardes of Israell which feede them selues: shoulde not the sheepe∣heardes feede the flockes? Yee eate the fat and you cloth you with the wooll: yee kill them that are fedde, but yee feede not the sheepe. The weake haue yee not strengthe∣ned, the sicke haue yee not healed, neither haue yee bound vp the broken, nor brought againe that which was driuen awaye, nei∣ther haue yee sought that which was lost, &c. throughout the whole Chapter. When feeding of Gods sheepe is a matter of so great importaunce, and consisteth of so many partes, which the Prophet hath heere described, how shoulde we admit them whome God reiecteth? which being igno∣raunt and vnlearned, knowe nothing at all, and therefore nothing can do that appertaineth to this charge, or any part thereof. Vndoubtedly the retaining of such, is a manifest token of the vengeance of God against vs, for so he threatneth by the Prophet Zachary:Zac. 15. 16. 16 his wordes are these. And the Lorde sayde vnto me: Take to thee yet the Instrumentes of a foolish Sheepheard, for loe, I will rayse vp a Sheapheard in the Lande, which shall not looke for the thinge that is lost, nor seeke the tender Lambes, nor heale that is hurt: nor feed that which standeth vp, but he shall eat the flesh of the fat, & tear their hooues in peeces. O Idole sheaphearde that leaueth the flocke, the Sworde shall bee vppon his arme, and v∣pon his right eye: his arme shall be cleane dried vp, and his right eye shall bee vtter∣ly darkened. Now, seeing we are taught by these wordes of the Lord God, that it is a greate and horrible plague, to haue the church of God encumbred with such foolish and Idole Sheapheards: Let vs study to remoue such plagues from the flocke of Christe, vvhose armes are cleane dried vp that they haue no force, and their eyes vtterly darkned, that they haue no skill, so that they are not able to perfourme those duties, which pertaine to a vvise and faythfull Sheaphearde, ex∣cepte wee will betraye the Sheepe of Christe, into the mouthes of ra∣uenous Wolues, and speciallye in∣to the teethe of that greate ramp∣ing Lyon the deuill,1. Pet. 1. 8. who neuer cea∣seth going aboute to seeke whome hee may deuoure for his pray. For what doe these readinge Ministers differ from those Idole Sheapheards, which God in his vengeance threat∣neth to sende for the ingratitude of the people? It wil be answered (no doubt) that to supplie their ignorance, there are added to their appointed seruice, ma∣nie Godly & learned homilies, which if they read with their seruice, there is not so great neede of Preaching, & interpretation of the scriptures. We will derogate nothing here from the dignitie of those homilies: we will not accuse here the vnsensible rea∣ding of vnlearned ministers, neither yet the vnreuerent contempt of the ignoraunt hearers; but, which all godly and wise men must needs con∣fesse, those exhortations that are not applied, to the proper circumstan∣ces of times, places, persons and oc∣casions, are of small power to per∣swade any man, and least of all the ignoraunt people, Let long experi∣ence the Mystresse of fooles teach vs, if knowledge the instructer of wise men cannot mooue vs. Howe many papists conuerted? How many igno∣raunt instructed? How many wicked reformed, are ye able to shew by this ignoraunt and vnlearned ministery, with all the helpes of reading of for∣all prayers and homilies, without eaching and applying the Scrip∣res to the proper circumstaunces efore rehearsed? Againe, who seeth ot but he that is so blinde, that he ill see nothing, that these partes of true Pastors duetie, which both the rophetes, Ezechiel and Zachary re∣earse, namely, to strengthen the eake, to heale the sicke, to bind the roken, to seeke the lost, to bring ome that is carried away, to cherish e yong Lambs, to feede the strong eepe. &c. cannot be performed of y man by such means as these, but nely by such one, as is a Godly and arned shepheard. Wherefore, these oore helpes of prescript forme of ading of praiers, of Homilies, and ch like, when they are alleadged to maintaine the ignorance of vnskilful astors, are called no better, by the dgement of God, but the instru∣entes of foolish and idole sheap∣eardes, which haue a certaine pre∣nce of pastorall office, but in effect are altogether vnmeet for the same. Euen as Idiots and Idolles are good for nothing, but able to doe much hurt, concerning whom our sauiour Christ pronounceth this feareful sen¦tence.Math. 15. 14. If the blind lead the blind, they shal both fall into the pit. How long therefore shal wee suffer the blinde to lead the blind, to the destruction of both? Let vs therfore now at the lēgth, remoue these blind guides, and place in their steeds faithfull ouerseers, that may lead the flock of Christ into the way of saluation. The ministers of the church are the salt of the earth.Math. 5. 13. If the salt be vnsauory, wherwith shall it be seaso∣ned, It is good for nothing but to bee cast out, and troden downe of mens feete. Let vs not therfore seek politike shifts to maintain the vnsauory salt, which our Sauiour Christe pronounceth to bee good for nothing but to be cast out. By these and many other testimo∣nies of the scripture, it is as cleere as the Sunne at Noone dayes, that it is the office and duetie of a Pastor, both to be able and willing to teach his flocke, and that no ignorant and vnlearned person is to bee admitted to that charge, or reteined, if hee bee rept in, no more then a blind mā is to be suffred in an office, which must be executed only with the sight: or a Humbe Dog to giue warning which cannot barke: or an Idol to haue the place of a man, or a fool of a wise mā or a Wolfe of a Sheapheard, or dark∣nesse in steede of light, or Salt that is vnsauory, to season withal. But while we intreat of teaching, to be the du∣ty of a pastor, we do not only meane publike preaching, when the cōgre∣gation is assembled, but also priuate exhortation, reprehēsion, consolatiō, of euery particular person within his charge, so often as need shall require. And that this also is the duetye of a faithful Bishop, S. Paule testifieth, set∣ting before the elders of the church, of Ephesus the example of his diligēce which he wold haue thē to folow.Acts. 20. 18. 19. 20. You know (saith hee) from the first day that I came into Asia, after what manner I haue bin with you at al seasons, seruing the Lord withall modesty, &c. And how I kept back nothing that was profitable, but haue shew∣ed you, and taught you, both openly, and throughout euery house. By vvhich it is manifest, that the Pastor must not onely teache al his flocke openly: but also he must instruct euery fami∣lie priuatelie, vvhersoeuer hee shal see it to be needfull or expedient, which duty cannot bee accomplished by a reading Minister. Also in the 26. vers. of the same Chapiter, hee commen∣deth vnto the Elders, a general care of the vvhole flocke.Acts. 20. 26. Take heede to your selues (sayth hee) and to the whole flocke. Which care can not be wel, or at al vndertaken, except they be dili∣gent to teach, both al and euerie one of their flocke, as neede shal require. Which thing also hee willeth them once againe to obserue in his exam∣ple, verse. 31. saying: Therefore watch yee,Acts. 20. 31. remembring that by the space of three yeeres, I ceassed not night and day, exhor∣ting euery one of you. By these testimo∣nies it is euident to see, what dili∣gence the holy Ghoste requireth of Pastors in teaching, both publikely and priuately: as well generallye all their flocke, as particularlye euerye one of them. Hee therefore that is vnapt to execute this parte of a Pa∣stors duety, is altogether vnmeete, to whome gouernance of the flocke of God, shoule be committed. In tem∣poral affayres, no man vvil commit the least charge that can bee, to such persons as he knoweth to be altoge∣ther vnmeete, or vnable to aunswere vnto the charge: And shall we conti∣nue as we haue done hitherto, to put thē in trust with the greatest charge that can be, the saluation of so many thousande soules redeemed with the bloud of Christe, whome wee knowe certainely to be able to doe, no parte of a Pastours duety sufficiently? God forbid that we should still continue, so lightly to esteeme so waightye a matter, as though we accounted the bloud of Christ, by which we are san∣ctified, to be prophane, and woulde contumeliously withstande the spirit of God. But necessitie (you wil answere) hath no lawe. This necesity we haue aun∣swered before, to consist in 2. points: in lack of liuings, and lack of learned men. The first we haue shewed ought to be no lette, no not of an howre, if the other wante, coulde so soone bee supplied. And both must of necessity bee prouided for in time, or else wee testify before God and his holy An∣gels, that they which neglect or with stand this prouision, shal be guilty of the bloude of all them, that perise through the desaulte of teaching, in the whole realm. The lack of liuings may be supplied, either by restoring the sacriledges of Abbies, as Impro∣priations of benefices. &c. or by de∣uiding the supersluities of some pla∣ces that haue to muche, vnto them that haue too little, or by any other godly meanes, that may bee thought meet to these godly and wise gouer∣nors, that by duty ought, and by au∣thority may do it. The lacke of lear∣ned preachers, must be so farre forth supplied, as it maye presentlye, by en∣couraging and exhorting so many as are able, to take that charge in hand, by ouerseeing the Readers & schol∣lers in diuinity in the Vniuersities, to doe their duties, the one in teaching purely, the other in learning diligēt∣ly: by thrusting out these vnprofita∣ble heades of Colledges, and other drone Bees, which either are vnable or vnwilling to set forward the study of diuinity in their seuerall huoses, & placing diligent and learned gouer∣nors & students in their places, & by other good means reforming vniuer sities, by erecting of doctors & teach¦ers, in as many places as may be: by cōpelling the vnlearned ministers, in whome is any towardnes to become schollers in diuinity, with some allow aunce of liuing if they bee willing to study, or else to sende thē frō whence they came, to get their liuinges with sweate of their brows: and especially cōsidering the gretnes of the haruest & fewnes of the laborers, by praying earnestly the Lord of the haruest in this great necessity of ours,Math. 9. 38. to thrust foorth labourers into his Haruest. And in the meane time till God shal blesse vs with a sufficient number of learned pastors, to take some extra∣ordinarie and temporall order for ouerseeing the Churches, that al∣though they can not bee all suffici∣entlie instructed and gouerned: yet so many shall not be altogether de∣stitute, of al knowledge and spiritual gouernment, as ther are now in this most corrupt state of the Church, in which we haue hitherto continued. If any man thinke this is ouer harde to be brought to passe, let him con∣sider that there was neuer worke of more difficulty, then to build vp the Church of God: so that the necessity and commodity of the work, should cause vs to stay nothing at the diffi∣cultie thereof. For with our faithfull endeuor, we shall not want the migh¦ty assistance of God, who will blesse our Godly labours, with greater suc∣cesse, then we can looke for. If God therefore will graunt that these and such like meanes may take place, by the high authority of our dread so∣ueraigne the Queenes Maiesty, and continue this comfortable peace, which we enioy, vnder her most gra∣tious gouernment, wee dare ieopard oure liues, that in lesse then halfe the time, that is already prosperous∣ly passed, of her Maiesties moste ho∣nourable and glorious reigne, the necessity of learned pastors shall bee so well supplied, as wee shall haue no great cause to complaine for lacke of them, if we may vse like diligence to continue them: if not, we wil spēd the rest of oure life in mourning, & expectation of the heauy vengeance of God, which must needes fall vpon vs, for this manifest contempt of his expresse commaundement, aud neg∣lect of increasing the glorious king∣dome of our Sauiour Christe. In the meane time, we may boldly say with the Apostle. Act. 20.Actes. 20. 26. 27. We testify vnto you this day, that we are cleane from the bloud of you all, for we haue not failed to shew you the whole Counsell of God, concerning the regiment of his Church. Hitherto wee haue somewhat at large set foorth, the principall parte of a Pastors office, which is to preach the word of God, and to instruct the people committed to his charge in the same. Here followeth now in the second part of his duety, which con∣sisteth in right administration of the Sacramentes of God. For seeing it hath pleased God to adde such out∣warde signes to be helpes of our in∣firmitie, as seales for confirmation of his promises, vttered by his worde Rom. 4. 11. He hath appoynted mi∣nisters of the same,Rom. 4. 11. to deliuer them vnto his people. Math. 28. 19.Math. 28. 19. Luke. 22. 19. For no man may take vppon him any office in the Church,Luke. 22. 19. but he that is called of God, as was Aaron. Heb. 3. 4.Heb. 3. 4. Seeing therefore that God hath giuen some to bee Pastours in his Church. Ephes. 4. 11.Ephes. 4. 11. And it is the duetie of Pastours to feede the flocke of God committed to their charge, with all maner of spirituall pasture of their soules, appoynted by God. 1. Cor. 4. 1.1. Cor. 4. 1. And that the Sa∣cramentes are a part of this spiritual food, it is manifest that it belongeth to the dutie of Pastors, to administer the holy Sacramentes: and that the Sacramentes appertaine to the doc∣trine and worde of God, it is eui∣dent, that whome God hath institu∣ted to be minister of the worde, him also hath he made to be minister of the Sacramentes: and as the Sacra∣mentes are compared by the holye Ghost vnto seales: and the worde or promise of God vnto writinges: so it appertaineth to him to deliuer the seale, which deliuereth the writings. For, as the seale hath alwayes relati∣on vnto the writinges: so haue the Sacramentes vnto the word of God. By this it appeareth, that as it is the duetie of euerye Pastour to admini∣ster the Sacramentes of Christe: so this office appertayneth to none, but to those which are ministers of the worde. Our Sauiour Christ autho∣rizing his Apostles to Baptize all Nations, sayeth: Goe yee foorth and teache all Nations,Math. 28. 19. baptizing them in the name of the father, the sonne and the Ghoste, teaching them to obserue all thinges, that I haue commaunded you. Likewise to the same effect, Goe yee foorth into the whole worlde,Mark. 16. 15. and preache the Gospell to euery creature, he that shall beleeue and is baptized shall be saued. &c. Also instituting his holy supper, hee sayde:Luke. 2▪ 19. Doe this in remembraunce of me. Which remembrance Saint Paul de∣clareth, that it ought to bee celebra∣ted, by preaching of the Lords death. So often (saith he) as you shall eate of tbis Bread,1. Cor. 24. and drinke of this Cup, you shal shew foorth the Lords death vntill he come. By these testimonies it is euidēt, that the administratiō of the sacramēts ought to bee committed to none, but vnto such as are Preachers of the worde, that are able to teach them that they baptise, that are able to preache the mystery of Christs death to them, to whom they doe deliuer the outward signe thereof. Howe intollerable an abuse then is it, of the sacraments of the Lord, to commit the administra∣tion of them to those men, that are not able to expounde the mystery of them. And seeing the elementes of the worlde, of which the outwarde art of the sacramentes is taken, bee leade and beggerly of themselues, except they bee animated and enti∣hed with the promise and worde of God, which is the life of the Sacra∣mentes: what can it bee better then acriledge to seperate the ministrati∣tion of preaching of the worde from the sacramentes? And forasmuch as the spirite of God, compareth the Sacraments to seales that are added, for confirmation of writinges; wee knowe well that a worde or writing, may be auailable without a seale, but euer a seale without a writing. Therefore in this behalfe we haue ad greate defaulte, so long time to ommit the administration of the Sacramentes to those men, who not onely haue beene knowne to be vn∣able, but also haue beene forbidden to preach the word. And that which is more strange, to be suffered in this cleare light of the Gospel, to permit the ministration of baptisme, not on∣ly to ignorante men, but also to wo∣men which haue no voyce to speake in the congregation. 1. Cor. 14. 34.1. Cor. 14. 34. & 1. Tim. 2. 11.Tim. 2. 11. and that in priuate pla∣ces, but in case (they say) of necessity, as though there were such necessity of the outward signe, when it cannot bee ministred according to the insti∣tution of Christ, which is nothing els but to affirme with the Papistes, that Sacraments confer grace of the work wrought: and that the sacrament of baptisme, is a sacrament of such ne∣cessity, that whosoeuer is not dipped in water, must be eternally condem∣ned. Which hereticall opinion, as we haue hissed out in our profession and preaching, so is it a great shame for vs to maintain by such corrupt vsage of Christes holy sacramentes. Let vs therefore reteine this principle, that the administration of the sacraments is a part of the pastors duety: for al∣though the office of preaching bee more excellent, then of ministration of the sacraments, as S. Paul speaketh comparatiuely. Christ sent me not to baptize but to preach. 1. Cor. 1. 17.1. Cor. 1. 17. Yet they are of such affinitie, that the ac∣cessory cannot be seperated from the principall thereof. For where is no preacher of the worde, ther ought to be no minister of the Sacramentes. Furthermore, it pertaineth to the du∣tie of the pastor, to make prayers: as Act. 16. 16.Act. 16. 16. not onely priuate, as all men are bound to doe, but also pub∣like prayers in the name of the whol Church. Act. 6. 4. 1. Timot. 2. 1. being the mouth thereof.Acts. 6. 4. For whereas the spirit of God,Tim. 2. 1. commandeth al things to be done in decent and comely or∣der,1. Cor. 14. 16. and forbiddeth all confusion and disorder. As it were great confusiō & vncomelines, for euery man to make his seuerall praiers in the publike as∣semblies: so is it orderly for one to pronounce the praier in the name of the rest, and the rest to pray with him in silence, & to answer Amē. It is also decēt that he which is the shepherd,1. Cor. 14 40. should go before the sheep in praier, & the sheepe to follow him in lifting vp of their harts in mutuall consent. Moreouer for asmuch as preaching and administration of the sacramēts, ought not to bee vsed without pub∣lique prayers: as it is the Pastors of∣fice to preache, and minister the Sa∣craments: so is it his duety also to go before his flocke in publique pray∣ers. But heere we haue to obserue two things: the first, that as it perteineth to the Pastor to conceiue publique praiers: so it is the duty of the whole Church, in the name of the whole Church, to ioyne in hart with the pas∣tor in the same praiers, that they knowing and vnderstanding what he hath praied, may at the end giue ther consent by answering Amen.1. Cor. 14. 16 Wher∣in their is great abuse in our Chur∣ches. For, as though it weare noti∣nough, to keepe out preaching by longe prescribed formes of praier: these praiers are so pronounced by the minister, that a great number, & some not of the worst disposed peo∣ple, thinck, it perteineth not to them, to giue eare or consent of mind vnto them. We speake not here of such insensible Readers, whose voyce ey∣ther cannot be heard, or else cannot be vnderstood, wherof there be great numbers: nor of the vnfit place pre∣scribed for the ministers, standing at prayer in the east ende of the house, whē the simple people shal stand of∣tētimes 40. or 50. yards of in the west ende: or of the confusion of voyces whilest all speake at once: besides scrines of roode-lofts, Organe lofts, Idoll cages, otherwise called Chaun∣trie Chappelles, and high pewes be∣tweene them: which although they do manifestly hinder edifycation, yet may they not be remooued in many places, for defacing the beauty of the materiall houses, whereas S. Paule so much estemeth the building of gods spirituall house, that he commaun∣deth the glorious giftes of the holye Ghost to cease in the congregation,1. Cor. 14. 28. when they do not helpe to edificati∣on. But we speake of this that a great multitude thinke they haue wel ser∣ued God: if they haue been present at common prayers, or anye part of them, as they were wont to thinke in popery, although they bee neuer so vainly occupyed in the Church, some in walking, some in talking, in ga∣thering of money, not onely for the poore, but for other contributions, &c. And they that thinke they doe best, are occupyed in their priuate praiers, or in reading of books, while their minister pronounceth publique praiers. Thus as preaching is neglected, vp∣pon colour of publique prayers: So publique prayers by priuate exerci∣ses, are made altogether vnprofitable to a great number. For who know∣eth the right vse of publique prayer, but they that are taught by the word of God. Let vs therfore establish pub∣lique preaching, and publique pray∣ers will follow of necessitie. But if we continue to vpholde formal prai∣ers, that preaching bee neglected, it will come to passe, that neither shall be regarded. For what did thrust out preaching from the Romishe Church, but long prescript formes of reading, of singing, of praying: so that their ordinarye was ynough, and to much to occupye the whole daye, though there were no sermon, wher∣as contrariwise there woulde be no ordinarie publique prayer without preaching. Which terrible example of the practize of Sathan in the man of sinne, shoulde make vs afrayde to giue any like occasion of such incon∣uenience hereafter to come. For is not this opinion already growen in∣to a great manye mens heades, that the seruice maye not giue place to a sermon, no though the time be not sufficient for both? And are ther not many that had much rather heare a chaunted Mattens and Euensong, then a godly & learned sermon? Yea they frequent the one, and refuse the other. Let Cathedral Churches, &c. be an example, where you shall see a great number, that tarrye while the seruice is songe, but depart so soone as the Sermon beginneth. While the Organes pipe, some are drawen with the sweetnes of musike to come vp, but while the preacher cryeth out, continue beneath and in laughter or brawling, be lowder then he oftentimes. So, that which was wont to be sayd of the Masse, Missa non mordet, the masse was a gentle beast, and did bite no man, and ther∣fore was so well beloued of manye, may rightly be verified of our ordi∣nary seruice. For therefore a great number can so well away with it, be∣cause it doth not sharpely reprooue them of theire sinnes, nor disclose the secreates of their heartes, but that they maye continue still in all kinde of voluptuousnes, and al other kind of wickednes. Wheras by prea∣ching, their conscience is gauled, ther wickednes and hipocrisy discouered, their damnation threatned, they are called to repentaunce and forsaking of their pleasant sinnes, and to holy∣nesse and innocencie of life. So that if there be any sparke of the feare of God in them, hearing preaching, so often as they vse to heare seruice, they will fall downe on their faces & worship God, acknowledging the great power of God in his ministers. 1. Cor. 14. 15.1. Cor. 14. 15 But that they cannot away with all, beeing like vnto Felix the liefetenaunt of the Romanes in Iewrie: Who when he heard Paule a poore prysoner that stoode before him bound in chaines, preaching of righteousnes, of temperaunce, and of the iudgement to come, he was wea∣rie of him because he was a great op∣pressour, and an intemperate person, and therfore feared the iudgment of God for his sinne, which he purpo∣sed not to forsake. Such is the ma∣iestie of Gods word, when it is prea∣ched, that either it boweth or brea∣keth the wicked in pieces. God grant therefore that in steede of ordinarie formes of praiers, we may haue prea∣ching in all places. The seconde thing that we haue to obserue is this, that although we make it the dutie of the Pastour, to pray in the name of the whole con∣gregation, yet we doe not so meane, but that the whole congregatiō with one heart,1 Cor. 14. 15 & 26. and with one voyce maye praise God, with singing of Psalmes, all at once. For this custome hath continued in the church from the be¦ginning, that the congregation haue praised God with Psalmes singing al∣togeather. And these three partes of a pastors dutie, to preach, to minister the sacramentes, and to praye, are so necessarilye requyred of him in the word of God, as no man may rightly execute the office of a Pastor, but he that performeth al these, each one in their due time. And to this part of prayer, maye be referred the blessing of marriages, not of necessitie, but of an auncient vse of the Church. Fur∣thermore, in those thinges that are necessarie partes of the Pastours of∣fice, the Church hath authoritie to dispose them. as touching the cir∣cumstaunces, for order and comely∣nesse sake: but cheefely for edifica∣tion. As the dayes and times of prea∣ching and administring the Sacra∣mentes, the places meet for the same, & for publique praiers: also the form and maner of vsing those thinges, so that all things be don comely and a∣greeably to order, but especially that in all things, principall regarde be had to edification, which S. Paule so often and so precisely vrgeth in the 14. cha∣piter of the 1. Cor. For therfore ought our assemblies and comminges toge∣ther to serue, that therefore we maye be better, that we may be taught, that we may be edified. 1. Cor. 11. 17. 1. Cor. 14. 23. 24. 25. 26. 31.1. Cor. 11. 17. 1. Cor. 14. 23. 24. 25. 26. 31. And there∣fore we haue great maruell that some are so precise in vrging ceremonies, as many thinke much hindering edifica∣tion, but as moste men confesse, no∣thing profiting to edifycation, ha∣uing alwayes in their mouth, that sentence of Saint Paule. 1. Corinth. 14. 40.1. Cor. 14. 40 Let all thinges bee done decently, and according to an order, And doe so little remember that the Apostle in that long Chapiter, laboureth alto∣gether to driue al things to edificatiō, or els to driue thē out of the church. As he saith of him that hath the gift of tongues, being of it selfe an excel∣lente and comely gifte of the holye ghost, and being vsed orderly of one or two by course, with an interpre∣ter, mighte doe muche good in the Church. But if there be none interpreter (saith he) Let him holde his peace in the congregation. 1. Cor. 14. 28.1. Cor. 14. 28. The vncomlinesse that Saint Paule repro∣ueth, was, that women shold preach in the Church, as ver. 30. 35. The dis∣order, that those giftes which serued leaste for edifying, were preferred before them that serued moste for edifying, as tongs before prophecie. By which it is euident that S. Paules words are wrested of some, clean con¦trary to his meaning, to make him a Patron of idle, if not hurtful ceremo∣nies, maintained more vpon wil then reason, or graunted of Gods worde, vnder the colour of order and decen¦cy, not onely with neglect, but also with great hinderance of Gods buil∣ding, by spoyling the Churche of so many learned pastoures. There are besides these thinges, certaine other matters: as confirmation, Church∣ing of women, buriall of the deade, thoughte to belonge to the office of a Byshoppe or Pastour. Whereof the firste two are meere deuises of men, and ought to haue no place in the Churche of Christe. The other, albeit it bee to bee retayned with a certayne honestye, yet it is not to bee tied to the proper office of a Pastour. And as for Confirma∣tion, it oughte therefore to be shut oute, and haue no place in the church of God, as wel because it dis∣placed Catechising, and broughte in steede thereof vayne toyes, and Childishe ceremonies to the greate hurte of the Churche; as for that also it derogateth muche from the dignitye of Baptisme, the sacrament of the Lorde, and is extolled aboue it, being a deuise of man, and is pre∣tended to bee a signe to certify the Children of the fauoure and grati∣ous goodnesse of GOD, towardes them, falsely grounded vpon the ex∣ample of the Apostles: Whereas the ministration of baptisme, is permit∣ted to euery hedge-priest, minister and Deacon. And as for Churching of Wo∣men, because it sauoureth of the Ie∣wish purification, and of Popish in∣stitution, it ought altogether to bee omitted, for it breedeth and nouri∣sheth many superstitious opinions in the simple peoples hearts: as, that the woman which hath born a child, is vncleane or vnholy: whereas the Apostle pronounceth, that Godlye women are sanctified and saued by bearing of Children. 1. Timoth. 2. 15.1. Tim. 2. 15. that it is vnlawfull for her, for a∣ny necessity, to go out of her doores, before she bee Churched: that this churching is a necessarye part of the Pastors office, that shee must weare a white raile ouer her head, when she goeth to Churche by the Midwife, waighted Home with the Parishe Clearke, with diuers suche like Ba∣bles, vvhiche in a vvell refourmed Churche, are not to bee suffered. As for the buriall of the deade, be∣cause Sathan tooke occasion vppon Ceremonies appointed therunto, to sowe the seede of manye Herisies in the Church, as prayers for the dead, oblations for the deade, Purgatory, &c. Also many superstitions, as hal∣lowing of Churcbyardes, distinction of Burialls, as some in the Chauncel, some in the Churche, and some in the Church-yardes: some with more pompe, as singing, ringing, &c. some with lesse, burying towards the East, lightes and holy water bestowed vp∣on the dead, &c. It is thought good, to the best and right reformed chur∣ches, to burye their deade reuerent∣ly, without any ceremonies of pray∣ing or preaching at them, because experience hath taught them, what inconuenience may grow therof▪ by exāple of that which hath bin before And as they are not to be excused, if any for small tries only, raise vp ht contentions: so they haue much to aunswere before God, that suffer the people of God to lacke the onelye foode of their souls for such humain constitutions. But to conclude, it is the duty of euery true Pastor, to ob∣serue those thinges that are conclu∣ded by the lawfull authoritye of the church, concerning ceremonial mat∣ters, for order and comlinesse sake, and for edification, and not to con∣troll publique order,Acts. 28. 29. by his priuate iudgement, but vpon great & waigh∣ty causes. Wee haue hitherto intrea∣ted of the proper dutye of a Pastour himselfe: nowe it followeth, that we likewise set foorth his authoritye in common gouernment with the Elders. But least any man shoulde mistake that, which wee purpose to say of his authority, wee haue neede to expresse what wee meane by this worde authoritye. For euen those thinges that wee haue shewed be∣fore to bee the duetye of a Pastor, may also bee called his authority, as to preach and teach, wherein is in∣cluded his authoritye to forgiue and retaine sinnes: also his autho∣ritye to minister the Sacramentes, and to doe other thinges in the Churche, which none may doe but hee. But in this place, wee vnder∣stande authority, for power of go∣uernment in the Church. Whereof the Apostle speaketh,1. Cor. 12. 28. that it is one of the graces and giftes of GOD necessarye for the building of his Church. This authority of regiment, we haue declared that it ought not to be a Lordly ruling,1. Pet. 5. 3. neither ouer their flocke:Luke. 23. 26. nor yet ouer their fel∣lowe seruauntes and brethren: and leaste of all, that they ought to haue dominion or Lordship ouer the faith of the Church.2. Cor. 1. 14. In all these the man of sinne hath exalted him selfe, con∣trary to the worde of God: So that he would be head of all the Church,Hierarchia. Byshop of all Byshops, and haue au∣thoritye to make nevve Articles of Faythe. Whose vntollerable pre∣sumption, as we haue long since ba∣nished out of this Lande: so we wish that no steppes of such pride and ar∣rogancy, might be left behind him: namely, that no elder or minister of the Church, shoulde challendge vnto himselfe, or accept it, if it were offred vnto him, any other authority, then that is allowed by the spirit of God: but cheefly to beware that hee vsurp no authority which is forbidden by the word of God. For wherefore do wee deest the Pope and his vsurped supremacy, but bicau•se he arrogateth the same vnto himself, not only with out the warrant of Gods worde, but also cleane contrarye to the same? Now, if the same reasons & authori∣ties that haue banished the Pope, do serue to condemn all other vsurped authoritye, that is practised in the Church: Why shoulde not all such v∣surped authority be banished as well as the Pope? We can alledge against the Pope and rightly, that which S. Ioh. Baptist did answere to his disci∣ples. No man can take vnto himself any thing, except it be giuen him from Hea∣uen. Ioh. 3. 27.Iohn. 3. 27. And that saying of the Apostle to the Hebrewes:Heb. 5. 4. No man may take vpō him any honor (in the church of God) but he that is called of God, as was Aaron. Insomuch that Christe himselfe, did not giue himselfe to be an high Priest, but he that saide vnto him. Thou art my Sonne, this day I haue begotten thee. Hee sayth in another place,Philip. 2. 6. Thou art a priest for euer after the order of Melchisedec. Now seeing these rules are so generall, that the Sonne of God him selfe, was not exemp∣ted from them, but shewed foorth the decree, wherein he was authori∣zed: By what rule cā any man reteine that authority in the church of god, which is not called thereto by the worde of God? Likewise we can al∣ledge again, against the supremacie of the Pope, to proue that Peter was not superiour to the other Apostles, that which our sauiour Christ sayeth to his Apostles,Luke. 22. 26. Luk. 22. 26. and Mat. 20. 25. Mark. 10. 42. It shall not be so among you,Math. 20. 25 but he that is greatest amongst you,Mark. 10. 42. shall be as the yongest, and he that ru∣leth, as he that serueth. And Mat. 23. 8.Math. 23. 8. You haue but one master, which is Christ, and all you are brethren. If these places prooue, that the Pope ought not to bee aboue other ministers of the church: Why doe they not likewise proue, that the Ministers are equal among themselues? And for the most part, all those arguments and autho∣rities of Scripture, that are vsed to confute the vsurped authoritie of the pope, are of as great force aganst all other vsurped authorities of one pastor ouer an other. Therfore while we intreate of the authoritie of the pastors, we must take heede that we open not a window to popish tyran∣nie, in steede of pastorall authoritye, & that we enlarge not the bounds of authoritye, without the boundes of the Scripture. Wherefore while wee search the Scripture, the onelye rule whereby the Church of God oughte to be gouerned, we finde that in re∣giment & gouernāce of the church, the pastor, bishop or elder, hath none authority by himself, seperated from other. For in the Church, ther ought to be no monarchy or sole absolute gouernment, but that is referred pe∣culiarly to our sauiour Christe only, 2. Tim. 6. 7. Iude. 4.2. Tim. 6. 15. And that regi∣mente, which hee hath left vnto his Church, is a consent of his houshold seruaunts, to do all things according to his prescription, as he witnesseth, Math. 18. 19.Math. 18. 19. If two of you consent vpon earth vppon any matter, what soeuer ye shall aske, it shall bee graunted to you of my Father, which is in Heauen: For wheresoe∣uer two or three bee gathered together in my name, there am I in the middest of them. Seeing therefore that our Saui∣our Christe, hath neither authorized nor promised to blesse anye other forme of regiment, then that which consisteth of the consent, and gathe∣ring together of his Seruauntes in his name: wee holde vs content with this simplicity, and therefore we are bolde to say, that the authoritye of a Pastour in publique Regiment or Discipline, seperate from others, is nothing at all. Let vs then see, what is his autho∣rity ioined with others, and first, who are so ioyned in Commission with him, that without their consent hee can do nothing. We say therefore, that the authority of Christ, is left vnto his whole Church, and so to e∣uery church, that none may challēge Episcopall or Metropoliticall autho∣rity, as it is with vs at this day ouer other, without greate tyrannye and manifest iniury. For, seeing our Sa∣uiour Christe, promised his presence and authority to euery Churche in∣differentlye, Math. 18. 19. 20:Math. 18. 19. 20. None may challenge any such prerogatiue aore other: but as the Churches are limitted out for order & conue∣niency, so is euery one of them of like authority in it self: but because they make al but one church, & one body of Christ, therefore there is but one authority in them, to determine of matters concerning them all. By which ther appeareth to be a double authority of the Pastor: one with the seuerall congregation, in which he is Pastour, the other with the whole Synode or assembly, whereof hee is a member, and both these authori∣ties, wee finde sufficientlye authori∣zed in the Scripture, as shall playn∣lye appeare in the seuerall Discour∣ses of them. First therefore, wee will speake of his authoritye in his seuerall Churche, in which hee maye doe nothing without the consente of the Churche. And first, let vs examine, whether this authority bee so diffused ouer the whole Churche, that the hearing, trying and deter∣myning of all matters, pertayneth to the vvhole multitude, or to some speciall chosen persons amongest them, meete for that purpose. The authoritye is the power of our Lorde Iesus Christe, graunted vnto the Church: But because the iudge∣ment of the multitude is confuse, whereas God is not the authoure of Confusion, but of order: and that we finde in the worde of God, certayn Officers appoynted for go∣uernmente: vvee are bolde to af∣firme, that that charge belongeth vnto those that are such. And that doth S. Paule playnely de∣clare, where hee putteth a difference of the seuerall offices of the Church, whereof hee nameth Gouernors for one. 1. Cor. 28. 29.1. Cor. 28. 29▪ and Rom. 12. 8.Rom. 2. 8. Let him that ruleth doe it with diligence. Therefore there ought to be in eue∣ry Church a Consistory or segnorye of Elders or gouernors, which ought to haue the hearinge, examination and determining of all matters, per∣taining to Discipline and Gouerne∣ment of that Congregation: which authoritye of theirs neuerthelesse ought to be moderated, that their iudgment may be rightly accounted the iudgement of the holy Church. Which thing consisteth in these two pointes. First, that the Elders bee e∣lected and chosen by consent of the whole Congregation, men of Godli∣nesse and Wisedome, in whome the whole Churche reposeth such confi∣dence, that they commit vnto them their authoritye, in hearing & deter∣mining such matters, as without hor¦rible confusion they cānot perform themselues. And hereto also may be referred that, which is sayde of Ele∣ction of Pastours, that the Apostles Paul and Barnabas did ordain, by Ele∣ction of the congregation, Elders vn∣to many Churches, Actes. 14. 23.Acts. 14. 23. be∣cause, the name of Elders is common to both: to Pastors and Gouernors, and is vsed in the Scripture to com∣prehend both at once, as it appear∣eth manifestly by S. Paul. 1. Tim. 5. 7.1. Tim. 5. 7. Those Elders that gouern well, are worthy of double honor, especially those that labour in the word and doctrine. Of which testi∣monie, we learne these three things: First, that there bee Elders in the Church, which meddle not with tea∣ching, but are occupied altogether in gouerning. Secondly, that the El∣ders, which labor in teaching, other∣wise called Pastors, are ioined also in gouernment with them, which teach not. And thirdlye, that the name of Elder, comprehendeth both sorts of Elders. And especially in the place before alleadged for election, ther is great reason to lead vs to think, that the elders for gouernment, are as wel vnderstood, as the other for doctrin, because it is writtē in the same place, that after they had ordeined them Elders in euery congregation by ele∣ction,Acts. 14. 23. as hauing set the Churches in perfect order (which could not be, ex¦cept thei had established discipline as wel as doctrine) they cōmitted thē to the Lorde, in whome they beleeued. The second point for moderation of the elders authority, in such sorte that their sentēce may be the sentēce of the Church is this, that when the cōsistory hath traueled in examining of causes pertaining to Ecclesiasticall Discipline, and agreed what iudge∣ment ought to passe vpon the mat∣ters, they propound it to the whole multitude, that it may be confirmed by their consent. Wherof S. Paul spea∣keth, touching the execution of Ex∣cōmunication (because the fact was manifest) Whē you are gathered together with my spirit,. Cor. 5. 4. in the name of our Lord Ie∣sus Christ, and with the power of our Lord Iesus Christ, to deliuer such a one vnto Sa∣than, Nowe therfore, to prooue that there ought to be a Consistory of el∣ders in euery Church, for gouerning of the same: It is manifest by the cōmandemēt of our Sauior Christ, tou∣ching him that despiseth pryuate ad∣monitiō:Math. 18. 17. If he hear not them, tel the con∣gregation, if hee hear not the congregation, let him be vnto thee as an heathē & publi¦cane. Verily I say vnto you, whatsoeuer you shall bind vpon earth shall be bound in hea∣uen. In which saying of our Sauiour Christ, this worde Congregation, is not so largely taken, as in other places for the whole multitude, but for the chosen assembly of elders. For our sa∣uiour Christ, in that worde alludeth vnto the assembly of elders that was amōg the Iews, which they called but corruptlie of a greeke worde Syne∣drion, which signifieth a Counsell or Consistory, Sanedrin, which had the hearing and determining of all dif∣ficult and waightie matters among the Iews, the like wherof hee willed to be established in his Churche, for administration of gouernment. For, seeing it was first instituted by God for gouernement of his Church in the olde lawe, as hath beene shewed before out of Num. 11. 6.Num. 11. 6. although it was shamefully abused by the wic∣ked Iewes, our sauiour Christ trāsla∣teth it into his Church also in the new Testament: and the name of El∣ders, doth moste aptlye agree vnto them that bee gouernours in the Church now, euen as it did to the ancients of Israel: so that the Pastors seme to haue borrowed the name of Elders, speciallye in respect of their gouernment. The name of this con∣sistory also in the new Testament, we finde to be agreable with that of the Iewes, whereof our sauiour Christe speaketh when he sayth:Mat. 18. Tell the con∣gregation or assembly. S, Paule. 1. Tim. 4. 14.1. Tim. 4. 14. Dispise not the gift which was gi∣uen thee, thorough prophecie, with imposi∣tion of handes of the Eldership, where the greeke word is Presbyterion the assem∣blie or Consistorye of the Elders. Which worde is vsed also by Saint Luke in his Gospell, speaking of the consistory of the Iewish Elders. Luke 22. 66.Luke. 22. 66. As soone as it was daye, the whole Eldership or assemblie of Elders came to∣geather, both chiefe Priestes and Scribes, and brought him into their counsell. In which saying, their counsel Synedrion is called Presbyterion. Also Saint Paule Act. 20. 5.Acts. 20. 5. that he had beene a perse∣cutor of christians, taketh witnesse of the high priest and of the whol con∣sistory of Elders, vsing the same word Presbyterion. By which it is euident, that our sauiour Christ by this word Ecclesia in that place, meaneth a con∣sistory or assemblye of Elders, whose authoritie he doth ratifie with such power, that whatsoeuer is bounde or loosed by them on earth, in the feare of God, and with heartie prayer, the Lord will bring it to passe, yea he him selfe will be in the middest of them, as President of their counsell, to di∣rect their consultations, to the glory of God, and the profite of his owne Church. Therefore in euery Church, there ought to be a consistory of El∣ders or Gouernours, which with the Pastor may take charge of Ecclesiasti∣call discipline, and good order to bee obserued in the church, to the punish∣ment of vice, and the aduauncement of true vertue. These, if they gouerne well, as Saint Paule doth testifie, are worthy of double honour, both that honour which is due to Godly men, and that which is due to good gouer∣nours. How necessarye it is,The ende of Discipline. that Discipline shoulde be in the Church, to keepe men in awe from offending, and to bring offenders to repentaunce, to a∣uoyde the infection of sinne, within the Church, and the reproche that groweth by neglecting the punnish∣ment of sinne, among them that are without the Church: We thinke it needlesse to stande long in proouing, the matter of it selfe is so apparaunt, and hath such plentifull testimonies in the scripture. And especially let the reasons of Saint Paule.1. Cor. 5. 1. Cor. 5. and 2. Cor. 2.2. Cor. 2. where he purposely intreateth of ecclesiasticall Discipline, be weigh∣ed. A little leauen sowreth a whole lumpe of dowe. For infection; yee are puffed vp where yee should be sad and ashamed. For ignominie: We deliuer him to Sathan, to the destruction of his fleshe, that his spirite may be saued in the day of the Lorde: For repentance, publique reprehension of manye, which beeing Godly refuse to eat with such one, is profitable both to driue him selfe to repentaunce, and to keepe other in order for feare of like punishment. Where this Disci∣pline is not, no maruell if all wicked∣nesse ouerflowe, to the dishonour of God, and of his Gospel, to the destru∣ction of many & corrupting of more, to the griefe of the Godly, offence of the weake, incouragement of the wicked, and reioycing of the aduer∣sary. Let vs therefore proceede, in setting foorth the authoritie of the Pastour with the Elders, which is; first to pu∣nishe offendours, and bring them to repentance: or else to cut them cleane frō the church, as rotten and infected members. But heere we haue to en∣quire, for what offences the Church may proceede to so sharpe a punish∣ment. For God forbidde that the swoorde of excommunication, shold be drawne out to cut off the mem∣bers of our bodie, for euery small di∣sease that is in them, but onely when the disease is deadlye, and the mem∣ber rotted thereby. For, we ought as hardly to be brought to excommu∣nicate anye of our brethren: as we woulde haue a legge or an arme, cut off from our body. Therfore the po∣pish tyrannie is detestable, which thundereth out their pretended ex∣communication for euery trifle: yea suche as are no sinnes; as non pay∣ment of a little mony, where it is not deteyned of fraude: non apparance, where men otherwyse haue neces∣sary impediments, as though it were but a smal matter, to put men out of the protection of Christ, and to deli∣uer them vnto the tyrannie of Sa∣than: to depriue them of eternall sal∣uation, and to cast them into euerla∣sting damnation. Least therefore we should vse such vnreasonable rigour, the spirite of God teacheth vs, what maner of sinnes deserue excommu∣nication. 1. Cor. 5. 11.1. Cor. 5. 11. If any that is called a brother, be an whooremonger, or a couetous person, or an idolater, or a slaunde∣rer, or a drunckard, or an extorcioner, with such a one see that yee eat not. These of∣fences therefore and such like, are to be punnished by excommunication. Also an obstinate Heretique, that wil not repent by admonition, is worthy of this punishment. Tit. 3. 10.Tit. 3. 10. 2. Tim. 2. 16. 1. Tim. 1. 20. 2. Ioh. 10. & 11.2. Tim. 2. 16. And not onely these great and noto∣rious sinnes,1. Tim 1. 20. deserue this correction,2. Ioh. 10. & 11. but also lesser crimes, increased with contumacie and contempt of the Churches admonition, become wor∣thie of the same castigation. There∣fore sayth our sauiour Christ of pri∣uate offences, Math. 18. 15. 16. &c.Math. 18. 15. 16. &c. If thy brother sinne against thee, goe and re∣prooue him betweene him and thee alone: if he heare thee thou hast won thy brother: but if he heare thee not, take with thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or three witnesses, euerye worde may stande: if he disobey them, then tell the Church, if he disobey the Church, then let him be to thee as an heathen or Publicane. The Apostle Saint Paule likewise. 2. Thes. 3. 6. Thes. 3. 6. &c. concerning those that were idle, and walked disorderlye, will haue all-gen∣tle meanes vsed to bring them to la∣bour and good order, but if they woulde not be refourmed for anye admonition, he commaundeth them to be seperated by excommunicati∣on. But it may be obiected that hi∣therto appeareth not so great vse of this Consistorye, why it shoulde bee thought necessarye for excommuni∣cation: Neyther doth Saint Paule make mention of it in all places, where he speaketh of excommunica∣tion. We aunswere, that although the simple institution of Christ, and ap∣probation of the holy Ghost, shoulde suffice vs to thinke it necessarye: yet there are many necessary vses thereof to be alleadged. For wheras our Sa∣uiour Christ commandeth in priuate offences, the matter to be brought before the congregation, except you vnderstande thereby, the congregati∣on or assemblye of Elders: there shall follow horrible confusion and disor∣der thereby. For, admit a man might accuse his brother vnto the whole multitude, yet how should the whole multitude admonish him, and exhort him to repentance? Againe, of these notorious offences that are worthye of excommunication, some are o∣penly knowen, so that they neede no tryall, as the adultery of that Corin∣thian. 1. Cor. 5.1. Cor. . some are in contro∣uersie and are to be examined, con∣cerning which, Saint Paule warneth Timothie, that he admit not any ac∣cusation against an Elder, but vnder two or three witnesses: and char∣geth him before GOD, and before the Lorde Iesus Christe, and his e∣lect Aungelles, that he doe nothing thorow rashe, or ouer hastie iudge∣ment: and that hee doe all thinges without partialitie or affection vn∣to parties. 1. Timothie 5. cap. 19.1. Tim. 5. 19 & 21. and twentie one verse. We see heere manyfestly a necessarye vse of the Eldership. For howe is it possible for the whole Churche, to examine and discusse such difficult controuersies? Therefore it behooueth the Church, to haue such ordinary Delegates, as may and ought to applye their dili∣gence, vuto such matters. Moreouer, to ouersee the Church for matters pertaining to order and Discipline: How can the multitude ouersee thē∣selues, or the Pastours onelye, which haue a principall care of Doctrine, to attēd vpon? And to the secōd part of the obiection, that S. Paul doth make mention of the Eldership or Consis∣tory of Elders in all places, where he speaketh of Excommunication: wee aunswere, that it is not necessary hee should so do. For, wheras our sauiour Christ hath prescribed a form there∣of, that hee which obeyeth not the Congregation should be excommu∣nicated: and that in other places, hee maketh sufficient mention, both of the Elders and of the assemblie, wee oughte to vnderstande, that his pur∣pose is, to obserue that forme to the vttermost. And although he doe not always make expresse mētion therof, yet must we not imagine, that he mēt to alter or chaunge the same. In the first to the Corinthians the fift verse, It is manifest, that albeit he desi∣red nothing more, then that the in∣cestuous Adulterer should bee ex∣communicated, and therefore de∣termined of him for his owne part, as absent in body, but present in spi∣rite: yet hee acknowledgeth that hee could not be excommunicated, with∣out the consent of the Congregati∣on, being gathered together in the name of our Lorde Iesus Christe. 1. Cor. 5. 4.1. Cor. 5. 4. Likewise when he shoulde be receiued againe, he was to be par∣doned, not onelie by him, but by them also. 2. Cor. 1. 10.2. Cor. 1. 10. And there∣fore, if so high an Apostle, could not by his priuate authority excommu∣nicate that Corinthian: we must not thinke, that by his priuate authority but by consent of the Churche of E∣phesus, he excommunicated Himmine∣us & Alexander,1. Tim. 2. 20. although he do not make expresse mentiō of the consent of the church in that place. 1. Tim. 2. 20.1. Tim. 2. 20. So likewise where he speaketh to Timothie in the singular nūber, con∣cerning the hearing & determining of matters pertaining to Discipline, we ought to acknowlege, that he tea∣cheth in Timothie his person, the duty of elders, & neuer ment to giue Timo∣thy an absolute or singular authority, to be iudge in these matters, without consent of the Eldership, whereof he maketh mention but a little before. To conclude therfore, the Pastor with aduise & consent of the Elders, hath authoritie to heare & examine mat∣ters, pertaining to Ecclesiasticall Dis∣cipline, and as the cause requireth to excommunicate offenders, and vpon their repentance and amendment, to receiue them againe into the bosom of the church, approued by the word of God. Insteede of which, Antichrist hath set vp a tyrannicall iurisdiction of one Bishop to be iudge of excom∣munication, which is practized ney∣ther for causes sufficient, nor by suf∣ficient authoritie, in so much as it hath beene alreadye testified by the scripture, that the power of excom∣munication, is in no one man, no not in an Apostle, but is common to the whole church, & ought to be execu∣ted by lawful delegats of the church also. But so much that vsurped autho∣ritie presumeth, that the bishop as an absolute owner therof, commiteth it ouer to his chancelor or Archdeacō, the Archdeacon to his Official, & he to his register, & he again to his sub∣stitute, and his substitute to his ser∣uants, man or boy as it happeneth: in so much that a learned preacher, may be excommunicated by a folish boy. If this matter seeme not to requyre speedy reformatiō, god hath blinded our eies that we can not see the clere light of the sun shining in our faces. For if we loke to banish the tyrannye of the Pope out of all mens harts, we must vtterly remoue al his detestable enormities out of the Realme, as it was wont to be sayd in the common prayers of the Church in the time of K. Henry and Edward, whereas now by reteining stil, all the detestable e∣normities of his prerogatiue and fa∣culties, & whole course of his Canon law, the papacie is not so much bani∣shed in name, as translated in deede from the Sea of Rome, to the Sea of Caunterbury, vnder the shadowe of the Princes supremacie, with as hey∣nous iniurie and contumely, of the lawful authoritie & godly suprema∣cie of the Prince, as ioyned with the great dishonour of God, and the mi∣serable disorder of the Church. But we meane not in this place to prose∣cute our iust complaintes, nor to in∣ueigh againste the abuse of these thinges, with such vehemencie of wordes as the worthines of the mat∣ters deserueth: but onelye in setting foorth the plaine trueth, to giue a glimpst by the waye of the contrarye falshoode. We must therefore returne to the authoritie of the Pastour, which he hath ioyned with the Elders of the Church, whereof he is pastour. The Church hath alwayes had great care for prouision of the poore, by which compassion they shewed, that they were liuely members of the body of Christ, and auoyded great reproch of them that were without. For what shame is it, for them that professe to be all sonnes of one father, and ther∣fore all brethren: yea that be mem∣bers all of one body, to suffer their brethren & fellow members, to lacke necessaries to sustayne their tempo∣ral life: as though they that commu∣nicate in all spiritual graces and bles∣singes, were not worthye to take part of these worldlye benefites, at least∣wyse so farre forth as to supply their necessities? Therefore our Sauiour Christe, alwayes commendeth bro∣therly loue among his Disciples, to teach vs how ready we ought to be, to distribute vnto the necessities of our brethren, which is a true testi∣monie of our loue declared by his owne example. For, although hee were so poore, that he liued of the almesse and liberalitie of other men: yet of that which was more then serued his owne necessitie, he vsed to bestowe vppon the poore: as Iohn. 13. 29.Ioh. 13. 29. to teache them whome hee hath blessed with Temporall riches, which hee refused, to enrich vs with heauenlye treasures, that they of their superfluitie, woulde be con∣tent to giue to the reliefe of their poore bretheren, which he did not neglect in his extreame pouerty: To teach also them that haue but mean substaunce, that they ought not to bee excused, but somewhat to con∣tribute vnto the necessitie of their poore bretheren, when he that had nothing at all but that which was gi∣uen, euen of that bestowed part. Therefore the Apostles in the primi∣tiue Church, thought it to be expe∣dient, for the better prouiding for the poore, that certaine men shoulde be appoynted of approoued Godli∣nesse and diligence, which shoulde take the speciall charge of the distri∣bution vnto the poore. Act. 6.Actes 6. These men were called Deacons or mini∣sters, because they did minister and serue the poore in their necessities, and because the occasion of the or∣dinaunce continueth alwayes (as our Sauiour Christ hath sayde) we should alwayes haue the poore amongest vs, Iohn. 12. 8.Ioh. 12. 8. vvhereby GOD woulde exercise our charitie. The of∣fice of Deacons also is perpetuall. Therefore the Apostle Saint Paule, prescribeth what kinde of men are meete for that office. 1. Timothie. 3. 8.1. Tim. 3. 8. And in euery well constituted Church, they were ordayned accor∣dingly: as Phillip. 1. 1.Phil. . 1. Also after the ordeyning of the seuen Dea∣cons, this office was deuided into diuers partes, as necessitie shewed diuers occasions. For some were appoynted for the collection and distribution of alesse: as Romans 12. 8. and some for attending vppon the sicke and impotent among the poore,Rom. 12. 8. as in the same place. Let him that distributeth, doe it with simplicitie, and let him that sheweth mercie, doe it with cheerefulnesse. Which kinde of Deacons. 1. Cor. 12. 28.1. Cor. 12. 28. are called helpers: and for the seruice of this office, were appointed diuers olde poore widowes, who as they were mainteined by the church: so they serued the church, attending vppon the other poore, who beeing sicke and impotent, had neede not onely of things necessary, but also of seruice and attending. 1. Timoth. 5. 5.1. Tim. 5. 5. These offices being instituted by the spirit of God, for the necessary vse of the Church, which vse still continu∣eth, ought also to be reteined among vs. For we see, for want of these offi∣ces, what great inconueniences are a∣mong vs, concerning the poore. For, although ther be very good politike laws made for prouision of the pore: yet smal reliefe commeth thereby to the poore indeed: at least wise manie abuse the reliefe which they receiue, which commeth of this, that there be not in euery church or congregatiō, such Deacons as the holy ghost hath appointed, which should take a speci∣all care, & employ a great diligence, for the prouision of the poore: not only some, to gather and distribute, but also to see it well imployed on the poore, and to imploy the poore, that liue of the almes of the church, to the releefe of their fellow poore, which are more impotēt thē they, as it was vsed in the Primatiue Church. And aboue all thinges, to beware of them that walke disorderlye, and labour not if they be able. Of which kinde of people, when there is so greate multitudes in this land, that they doe euen ouerflowe the Countryes, and haue beene knowne to bee practizers of greate matters agaynste the state: It is maruayle, that neither by politique, nor by ec∣clesiasticall Lawe, they are broughte into order, and sette to laboure, or else (as Saynt Paule prescribeth,) so that they shoulde not eate, vntill they bee willing to labour. 2. Thes. 3. 10. But now, to return to the Electi∣on of Deacons. Concerning the form of chusing of Deacons, we may reade at large. Actes. 6. that they were chosen, by consente of the vvhole Churche, and hadde the approbati∣on of the Apostles. And because wee maye not thinke, there was a∣nye confusion in that blessed com∣panye, wee muste needes confesse, that vvhich hath beene before de∣clared, that there were euen in that assemblie and firste Churche at Hie∣rusalem, certayne elders appoyn∣ted, which in the name and by the consente of the rest, had the dispo∣sition of suche matters, as appear∣eth by manie places of the Actes of the Apostles, where the Elders are named with the Apostles: As Actes 15. 4. 12. &c. but especiallye concerning this matter of the di∣stribution vnto the poore, we reade, that when the Church of Antiochia, was so wel disposed as to make a col∣lection to bee sente vnto the poore Brethren that dwelt in Iury, they sent vnto the Elders, by the handes of Barnabas and Saule. Actes. 11.Act. 11. 30. 30. By vvhich it appearethe, that the Elders had the disposition and appoynting of suche as shoulde de∣stribute it vnto the Congregation, which were the Deacons. For it is agreeable to reason, that hee that should doe any seruice in the name of all, should be chosen and appro∣ued by the consent of all. For the Regiment of the church, as it ought to bee furthest of from all Tiran∣nye: so ought it to be as farre from Confusion and disorder. Tyranny is auoyded when no one man, (con∣trarie to the ordinaunce of Christe) shall presume to doe anye thing in the Church, without the aduise and consent of others that bee Godlye and vvise, and authorized by the consent of the Church. Confusion is preuented by the graue counsayle, and orderlye assemblye of Elders, vnto vvhome the Churche hathe committed her authority. By this it maye easily appeare, vvhat great defaulte there is in our Church, where those that are sayde to be ordeined Deacons, neuer pur∣pose in their life to execute any part of a Deacons office, neither are cho∣sen for that end: but only that with∣in a short time after, they may bee made Priestes or ministers, nothing in the worlde differing from the su∣perstition of Popery: where the of∣fice of Deacon was conferred onely, as a step vnto priesthood. As though it were necessarye, that euerye one which is ordayned an Elder, shoulde first be a Deacon, and yet when he is made a Deacon, hee is but an Idoll, yea scarse an Idoll of a Deacon, ha∣uing no resemblaunce at all vnto a Deacon indeed, but that he is a man. This prophaning of Gods instituti∣on, God will not alwayes suffer vn∣punished, especially when it is not maintained of ignoraunce or infir∣mity, but defended against know∣ledge, and vpon wilfulnesse. There∣fore, the Collectors are more like to deacons a great deal, then those that the Byshops make Deacons. For, first they haue after a sort election of the Church, whereas the other haue, but the approbation of one man. And secondly, they gather and distribute the common almes vnto the poore, which the other neuer think of. But yet we may not allow them for law∣full Deacons indeede, because they are not alwayes endued with suche qualities, as the Apostle requireth. 1. Tim. 2.1. Tim. . For they ought to bee men of good estimation in the Churche, full of the holy Ghost, and of wise∣dome, that should be chosen, Acts. 6. For, as it is an office of good credit, so ought the person to bee of good reputation. Therefore saith S. Paule, that Those Deacons that Minister well, doe get them selues a good degree,1. Tim. 3. 13. and great liberty in the faith, which is in Christ Iesus. Insomuch that S. Paule him self doth salute in speciall wordes the Deacons, next to the Byshops or o∣uerseers in the Churche of Philipi.Phillip. 1. 1. Wee reade also, what worthye men were chosen to be the first Deacons; as Stephen the first Martyr, and Phi∣lip, which afterwarde was an Euan∣gelist, when the Churche was dis∣persed thoroughe the persecution raysed aboute Stephen. So that e∣uery ignoraunte contemptible per∣sonne, is not to bee allowed vnto this office: but as Godly, wise, and vvorshipfull, as maye conuenient∣lye bee founde in the Congregati∣on, maye not thinke them selues too good to minister vnto Christe, in his members, and in the name of the Churche. The Election also of oure Collectours, is too Pro∣phane for so holye an Office. Wee maye reade in the Historye of the Actes: Actes. 6.Act. 6. with vvhat graui∣tye, reuerence, and religiousnesse, the Apostles ordayned Deacons, vvith Prayer and Imposition of handes. For these and suche like causes, althoughe the ordinarye Collectors haue some resemblance, with the Deaconship of the church: yet wee cannot in all poyntes al∣lowe them for Deacons: whose of∣fice truely consisteth onelye in mi∣nistration vnto the poore, as wee haue shewed, in that they bee Dea∣cons. Wee haue declared before, that there is a double authority of the Pastour, the one ioyned vvith the Elders of the Churche, vvhere∣of hee is Pastour: the other vvith the Synode or holy assembly, where∣of he is a member. Of the former wee haue intrea∣ted hitherto. Nowe it followeth, that wee speake of the latter. There aryseth oftentimes in the Church, diuerse Controuersyes, which can∣not bee othervvise expressed, per∣tayning to the state of the vvhole Churche, then by a generall assem∣blye of all the Pastoures of that Churche, vvhich is called a Synode or generall Counsayle. Also there bee diuerse cases, vvherein the se∣uerall Churches, are driuen to pray the ayde of the Synode, vvhere matters can not bee determined a∣mong them selues. For this cause, the Holye Ghoste hathe ordayned these Holy assembles, with promise, that they being gathered together in the name of Christe, he him selfe will bee among them. With the Sy∣node, the Pastour hath authority to determine, concerning regiment of the Church. Wherefore we haue to enquire, of what persons a Synode doth consist: For which intent wee finde in the history of Act. 15. 6. that when a contouersie arose concer∣ning the Ceremonies of the Lawe, whether they were to bee vsed, by those Christians that were conuer∣ted of the Gentiles: The Apostles & Elders came together to consider of this matter, and that the people was not excluded, appeareth by the 12. verse, the whol multitude, being per∣swaded by the argumentes alleaged by Peter, helde their peace, and qui∣etly hearde Paule and Barnabas, de∣clare what signes & wonders, God had wrought by them amongest the Gentiles. And least ye should vnder∣stand the multitude in that place, for the multitude of the Apostles, It fol∣loweth in the 22. verse. Then it plea∣sed the Apostles and Elders, with the whole Church, to chuse certaine men. &c. By which scripture we learn, that the Synode consisteth principally of Pa∣stours, Elders, Teachers, and men of wisdome, iudgement and grauitie, as it were of necessary regents. For, al∣though the whole multitude came togeather, yet the Apostles and El∣ders came togeather to enquire, and consider of the matter in controuer∣sie, the multitude heard, and for their better instruction and modestye, sub∣mitted their consent, vnto the deter∣mination of the Apostles and Elders. All mens reasons were hearde. For there was great disputation, but the authoritie of Gods worde preuailed, good order was obserued. So, after the matter was throughly discussed, by the godly arguments, alledged by Peter and Barnabas, & Paul, the con∣trouersie was concluded by the sen∣tence of Iames, to whom that prero∣gatiue was graunted, not of singular authoritie, but for orders sake. And this place doth admonishe vs, to in∣treate some what of the preeminence of one Elder or pastor aboue the rest We confesse that in euery assemblye or company, some one of necessitie must haue this prerogatiue, to order and dispose the same with reason, or els great confusion is like to follow. But this preeminence is onely of or∣der and not of authoritie, as to pro∣pound matters to be decided, to ga∣ther the reasons and consent of the rest, and so to conclude, &c. As we see in this place Iames did: of whom al∣so we reade, that he had this preemi∣nence. Act. 21. 18,Act. 21. 18. &c. And we maye gather the same. Gal. 2. 9. 12.al. 2. 9. 12. Not that Iames had greater authority in his Apostleship, then Peter or Paule, or Iohn, or anye other of the Apo∣stles: But because he was chosen of the rest to haue prerogatiue of order, which some one must haue in euerye assembly, and such was the preroga∣tiue at the first, which was graunted sometime to the bishop of Rome, & sometime to some other bishops, to be president or prolocutor in the ge∣nerall counsels, being chosen therto for the time by consent of the rest, as the prolocutor is chosen in our con∣uocatiōs, that are called with parlia∣ments. Therfore, as it were an absurd thing for our prolocutor in our con∣uocation, to take vppon him to be a controller of the whole synode, & to challenge that office to him and to his heires for euer: so vnreasonable is the authority that the Pope claimeth ouer generall counsels. One therfore is to be chosen by consent, to be as it were the prolocutor or moderator of order, but not of authoritie in euery assembly, whose prerogatiue must so be tempered, that in al thinges tiran∣nie be auoyded. Which we see by ex∣perience easely crepeth in vpō proud natures, to whome if you graunt an inch, they wil be ready to take an ell, according to the Prouerbe. But let vs return to the authority of the sinode which cōsisteth in deciding & deter∣mining such maters as cānot other∣wise in perticular churches be cōclu∣ded, either because they cōcerne the cōmō state of al churches, or because they lacke sufficient authoritie in some one church. First therefore the lawfull Synode hath to consider, if a∣nie controuersie of doctrine do arise, that it be determined by the word of God: for in the controuersie of bin∣ding the Gentiles, to the obseruati∣ons of the ceremoniall lawe, was a matter of faith and doctrine. Secondly, it hath to determine of the vse of the ceremonies, not of will without reason or grounde of scrip∣ture, but vpon necessary causes of a∣uoiding offence and similitude of su∣perstition, of bearing with the weak, of order and comelinesse and edifica∣tion. So did the Synode of the Apo∣stles and Elders, command for a time abstinencie from meate offered to I∣dols, otherwise lawfull in it selfe, for offences sake, and for auoyding of all pollution of Idolatrie. Act. 6. 20. 29.Act. 6. 20. 29 and forbearing the weaknesse of the Iewes in abstinencie, from eating of bloud & of strangled, which was for∣bidden by God before Moses time, to teach that Childishe age of Gods people to abstaine from cruelty, as in Gen. 9. 4.Genes. 9. 4. Such ceremoniall constitu∣tions are but temporall, and so long are to be reteined, as the cause conti∣nueth, for which they were made. So that if weaknes cease, or be turned to obstinacie, they are no longer to be reteined. Also for order and comeli∣nesse, and best edification, the Synode hath to determine, what shall be ob∣serued in particular charges: as of the time, place, and forme of preaching and praying, and administring of the sacraments. For, who shoulde be able to know what order, comelines and edification requireth according to Gods worde, but they that be Tea∣chers and preachers of the same vnto al others? For it is absurde, that they shoulde bee taught by such in these small thinges, as ought to learne the truth of them in all matters. This au∣thoritie therefore cannot be graun∣ted vnto any Ciuill Christian Magi∣strate, that without consent of the learned Pastours and Elders: yea a∣gainst their consent (of whom, as in some respect hee is a feeling mem∣ber) he maye lawfully make ceremo∣niall Constitutions, whereby the Church muste be gouerned, in meere Ecclesiasticall matters. It is oue of all controuersye, that before there vvere anye Chri∣stian Magistrates (for wee will, not speake of SERGIVS PAVLVS proconsull of Cyprus, because hee was but a Lieuetenaunt of the Ro∣mane Emperour) this authoritie was proper vnto the Synode. Which authoritye vvee knovve to bee graunted to the Church by oure Sauioure CHRISTE: pra∣ctized by his Apostles: continu∣ed by their successours three hun∣dred yeares, before there was anye Christian Emperours, (for wee re∣ceiue not Phillip for a Christian Emperour) and long time after there were Christian Emperours, euen as long as anye puritie continued in religion, vntill both Emperours and Synodes were thrust out of all law∣full authoritie, which they ought to haue in the Church, by the tyrannie of Antichrist. But wee finde not in the Scrip∣ture, this authoritye graunted by Christe to Ciuill Magistrates, which in his, and his Apostles tyme were not, nor anye promise that when they were, the Synode shoulde re∣signe it vnto them. Therefore it remayneth, that it bee shewed by them, that defende that this abso∣lute authoritie is in the Ciuill Ma∣gistrate, by what spirite or reuela∣tion, or Scripture (if there be anye that wee know not): For, we woulde bee gladde to learne howe this au∣thoritie was translated from the Church, (in which it was once law∣fullye vested) vnto the Ciuill Chri∣stian Magistrate. Therefore, vntill this maye bee shewed, by sufficient warraunt of GODS holye worde, vve holde that the Synode of euerye Prouince, hath authority to decree concerning ceremoniall orders of the Church: Whereof some may be generall to al congregations, some particular to certaine Churches. For, as it were to be wished that all places might bee brought to one perfection: So it is not alwayes necessarye, that they be like in all thinges. The wisedome of the Synode therefore ought to haue such regard of all churches, that they haue speciall respect to euerye one. Wherin we of long time in England haue beene caried away, with an vn∣true principle, that vniformitie must be in all places, and thinges a like, as though we would feede old men and sucking infants all with one kind of meat: or as though we would cloath all ages in a robe of one assize: and that which is more absurde, compell men of ripe age to sucke the dugge, to weare their biggins, and to carrye Rattles and other Childish bables. Our lande is not yet wholly conuer∣ted to Christe (so great hath beene our negligence hitherto) therefore there can not bee suche an vnifor∣mitye of orders in all places, as shall be profitable for all. There∣fore it were meete, that the Ouer∣seers and Elders of the Churche, shoulde come together to consider of this matter, what orders were moste meete for diuerse places, to bring thē to the obediēce of Christ: what for the furtheraunce of them that are newly come, and what for the continuance and increase, of thē that are very well come on. The same doctrine, although not the same parts of Doctrine, is to bee euery where: but ceremonies, euen as they be ceremonies, do admit va∣riety: as time, persons, and occasions serue to be diuerse. Yea Christian li∣berty, in them somtimes, is necessary to be testified, because there are ma∣ny so simple, that they know not the difference betweene those thinges, that are necessarye in the Churche, and those that are not of necessi∣tye. There be that thinke a Crosse or Font (as they call it) is as necessary in baptisme, as water: and that knee∣ling at the Communion is more ne∣cessary then preaching of the Lordes death: that a Surplusse in common prayer, is more necessary, then a de∣uoute minde: and greate occasi∣ons offered to the ignoraunt so to thinke, vvhen they see them that preache moste diligently, pray most feruentlye, and minister the Sacra∣mentes moste reuerently, according to Christes institution, to be displa∣ced of all ministery, for a Crosse or a Fonte, or a Surplusse, or some such other trifle. The Synode therefore, oughte to bee carefull in orday∣ning of Ceremonyes, not onelye that they bee pure and agreeable to the worde of God: but also that they bee expediente for the time and personnes, for whose vse they are ordayned: And as wilfull con∣temners of good orders established by publique authoritye, are wor∣thy to bee corrected, so intangling of mens consciences, or tyrannicall coaction in these indifferente mat∣ters, must alwayes bee auoyded. The Synode hathe further authori∣tye concerninge Discipline, to re∣fourme and redresse by Ecclesiasti∣call Censure, all suche defaultes and controuersies, as cannot bee deter∣mined in the particuler Churches: as for example: If the Pastour him∣selfe, haue neede to bee seuerelye punished, vvhere there is but one Pastour in a Churche: or if Elders, vvhiche shoulde bee refourmers of others, haue notoriouslye misgo∣uerned them selues: or if they haue beene ledde by affection, to con∣demne an Innocente, or to iustifye the vngodlye: in these and suche like cases, all Contention is to bee concluded, by the authority of the Synode. Some example vvee haue thereof. Acts. 15.Act. 15. where those con∣tentious Schismatiques, that with∣stoode Paule and Barnabas at An∣tiochia, were constrained to yeelde by authoritye of the Councell, and Paul and Barnabas restored to their credite. For which causes, Synodes ought of∣tentimes to bee assembled, though not general of the whole realme, but particular of euery prouince or shire, as it may be most conueniently, that such thinges as are to be refourmed, may bee redressed with speede. Last of all, forasmuch as the election of Pastors, is a great & waighty mat∣ter, which ought not to bee permit∣ted to the iudgement of anye one man, but pertaineth to the Church, whereunto they shoulde be chosen, both for better aduise in chusing of a meete man, and for authority in causing him to accept their election: it is conuenient that it bee done by iudgement of the particular Sinode. That no one man hath authority to ordaine Pastors, and to impose them ouer churches, hath bene before de∣clared, by example of the Apostles Paule and Barnabas, who although they were Apostles, yet would they not challenge that prerogatiue vn∣to themselues, but by common ele∣ction, they ordained Elders in euery Church. Acts. 14. 23.Actes. 14. 23. Timothy also receiued his charge, although it were through prophecy, by imposition of handes of the Eldership. 1. Timoth. 4. 14.1. Tim. 4. 14. Therefore as it hath bene eui∣dently declared before, the assembly of Elders, consisting of graue, wise, and Godly men, ought to enquire, when the Pastors place is voyd, wher they may finde a man meete to sup∣plie his roome, and therein to desire aide of the Synode. The man by such Godly aduise so chosen, ought to be presented to the Congregation, and of them to be allowed and receiued, if no man can shew anye reasonable cause to the contrarie. This is the right election and ordaining of Pa∣stors, grounded vppon the worde of God, and practised by the primatiue Church, two hundred yeeres after Christ, vntil the mistery of iniquity, grew to work more openly to the setting vp of the tyrannicall king∣dome of Antichrist. By this we may plainly see, that our presentation of patrons, is both prophane and pre∣iudicial: our giuing of orders by By∣shoppes is presumptuous, and full of absurdities. Firste, because they take vppon them to do that, which none of the Apostles durst doe: that is, without election of Churches, to ordayne Elders. Secondly, that they giue an Office vvithout a charge, to make a Pastour, and sende him to seeke a Flocke, where hee canne finde it: which is as vnreasonable a thing, as if one were chosen to bee a Church-warden, and had neuer a Churche to keepe: or made a Con∣stable, that had neuer a Towne or place appoynted, whereof he should bee Constable. For the name of a Pastour, Elder, or Ouerseer, is the name of an office in Act and esse, be∣cause it is a proper Relatiue, and not a Potentiall abilitye in the Cloudes. If Byshoppes as they bee nowe, were consecrated after the same ma∣ner to seeke theire Byshoprickes, vvhere they coulde finde them, it no greater absurdity, then it is to ordayne Pastoures, and let them proll where they can for their be∣nefices. Thirdlye, by this wandring (we may also say vagabounde) mini∣stery, shifting from place to place, and in all places to bee counted a Mini∣ster where he hath no charge, it wold grieue a man to thinke, what incon∣ueniences doth follow, but principal∣ly, how filthily it stinketh of the olde Popish indelible character, frō whēce it hath his ground, and neither of a∣ny reason, or of the worde of God. And yet forsooth it is so perfect, that it may abide no reformatiō. Fourth∣ly, if you will see how well the autho∣rity which they claime and practize, is vsed of them, that onelye haue the choyse and admission of Ministers: Looke ouer the vvhole Realme of Englande, What a multitude of vn∣fitte Pastours shall you finde in euery place? So that Ieroboam neuer made worse Priestes of the refuse of the people, to serue his Golden Calues, then they haue ordayned Ministers to feede the Flocke of Christe, which hee hathe purchased with his owne bloude. This complaint we confesse is gree∣uous, but the indignity of the mat∣ter inforceth it. We know that vaine excuses shall not be wanting, of ne∣cessity, &c. But if necessity compel∣led thē to take such at the first; what necessity compelleth them, to suffer them to bee such still? For, if they woulde needes admit ignoraunt per∣sons to that charge: yet should they haue enforced them to study, as wel as to other thinges, they haue infor∣ced them vnto, that in time they might haue growne to be meete for their calling. Which if they had done in 10. 12. or 13. yeeres space, a great many might haue proued excellētly well learned, and able to serue in the Church with great fruit and profit: and the rest according to proporti∣on of their time, might haue come to some mediocrity in knowledg, wher∣as nowe as ignoraunt and as vnfit as they were the first day, so are they still for the moste parte, and will so continue to theire liues ende, if they may be suffered in idlenesse, as they haue beene hitherto. Then it is a torment to thinke what ambitious suing, what enuious labouring, what vnseemelie flattering, what prodigall bribing, is vsed to attayne to greate dignities in the Church, to farre vn∣meete for the modesty and grauitye that shoulde be in Christian preach∣ers. And as for the inferior benefices, from the fattest Parsonadge, to the poorest Vicaradge almoste, if it bee worth 40. pounds by the year, what Symonicall bargains of leases, Annu∣ities, Reseruations, exhibitions: yea, notwithstanding the Act of Parlia∣ment, Anno. 13. by Antedates and other subtil conueyances, what chri∣stian heart can think of them, with∣out detestation of such horrible a∣buses? Shall we speak here any thing of the popish priesthood, the greatest blasphemy that euer was: how long was it allowed for a lawfull ministe∣ry, vntill by the Godlye meaning of the sayde Parliament, some brandmarke of shame, was set vppon it? But howe pitifullye that authority was abused, which was by the same statute committed to the bishops, in allowing of priests that came to doe their penance, by negligence of the bishops, & bribery of their Officers: the country crieth out of it, and the state of the church, is little amended by it. Old Sir Iohn Lacklatin, that had not seen some of his benefices, a dosē yeare before, was carried aboute on his Mare, and sometimes on a Cart: First to the bishop whom he chose, if he might for his purpose, such one as had bene a priest of his owne order, and cared leaste what ministers serue in his Diocesse, and then from Shire to Shire, one distant an hundred mile from another, mumbling vp his Ar∣ticles in his morowmasse voice, in e∣uery Church where hee had liuing, and returned as very a beaste as hee came. But this and all other inconue∣niences before rehearsed, shoulde vtterlye bee auoyded, if wee mighte once establish the lawfull election of Pastours, according to the word of God. It were also greatly to bee wished, that it might bee broughte to passe, that in euery Congregati∣on, there shoulde be two pastors at the least, both because the charge is great, and also for supplying the lack of the one, if the other were sicke or absent vppon necessity, or any such like case. Which thing were both agreeable to the example of the A∣postolike Churche, and also verye profitable for the Congregation. Wee doe not meane this in euerye Parish, as they bee nowe distingui∣shed, but in euery Congregation as they may be disposed, both for best edifying and also for sufficient liuing for the Pastors. It will bee obiected, when we haue all thinges at our pleasure, concer∣ning the Election of Pastors, yet will there creepe in many abuses. Wee answere, they shall not so soone, nor so easily, nor so many abuses creepe in, as nowe at wide Windowes, yea, great port-gates doe throng in. But if as many or more abuses (if more coulde bee) were crept in, yet were the case better then it is now: for we shoulde be sure, that God ap∣prooueth our order, though he con∣demn the abuses, because it is groun¦ded vpon Gods worde, whereas now he abhorreth both. But of the authority that Pastors haue as members of the Synode, we haue spoken hitherto sufficiently. By which it is euidēt, how all things haue beene corrupted in Poperye, which had at the first any good insti∣tution, which corruptions we also re¦taine at this day, without desiring of any refourmation. For, to begin first with our particuler Synodes, good lord what a mockery they are of law ful synodes, beeing holden for no o∣ther ende almoste, but to gather vp fees, both ordinary & extraordinary, with dayly newe deuises to poll the poore Priestes of their mony, which they extort for seeing the Letters of orders, for Dynners and suche like matters. And yet a newe inuented pyllage, vvhereby they compell men to buy Bookes of them for 4. pence or 6. pence, which are to deare of a peny or two pence: and not onelye suche small Ware, but also greate bookes, beeing such as euerie parish is appointed to buy, must be bought of them for two or three Shyllinges in a Booke dearer, then it may bee bought in Paules Church-yarde: yea otherwhiles, though the Parish bee furnished of them alreadye, they are not authenticall, except they be boughte at Master Chauncellers and Officiall, at Master Regesters hands. As for refourmation of any thing in the Churche, there are indeede many presentments, and men sworn to presente matters, but little or none amendmente at all doth fol∣lowe. So that it is a common say∣ing in the Countrie, when the pre∣sentment is once receyued, they shal neuer heare more of it. Soone after the Visitation or Synode, the petit∣bribing Sumner, rideth foorth laden with Excommunications, which hee scattereth abroad in the Country, as thicke as Haileshot, against this par∣son, and that Vicar: this Church war∣den, and that Side-man, whome hee himselfe when he came to summon him to the Synode, for a Cheeze or a Gammon of Bacon, had vn∣dertaken to excuse for none appa∣raunce. But when he is once Ex∣communicated, there is no remedy, but hee must trudge to the Chaun∣celour or Officiall for absolution, who after hee hath once absolued his Purse of a fewe Groates, giueth him his blessing and sendeth him a∣way. And this is the image of our li∣tle or particuler Synode. Our generall Conuocations haue a more shevve of good order,Chusing of Clearkes of the Conuo∣catiō house. but in effect little better. For firste, they are stuffed full of Popish and pro∣phane Chauncelloures, and other Lawyers, which beeing meere laye men, and vnlearned in Diuinitie, by their owne Lawe, ought to be no members of the Synode: And yet these will beare the greatest sway in all thinges. The Byshops, as though they were greater then the Apostles, must haue their seuerall couuenticle, wheras the Apostles and elders came together with the whole multitude, Actes 15.Actes 15. And as they are seuered in place, so will they bee higher in au∣thoritie. So that whatsoeuer is de∣creed amongest them, that must bee called the determynation of the whole Synode. So that no manne muste bee suffered to speake anye thinge agaynste it, bee it neuer so reasonable, or agreeable to the vvorde of GOD: yea, vvhosoe∣uer vvill not subscribe to all suche thinges, as they decree, muste bee excluded out of the Conuocation, as vvas practized and threatened in the Conuocation at the foresayde Parliamente, vnto diuerse Godlye and learned Preachers, that offered to speake agaynste dyuerse grosse and palpable erroures, that had e∣scaped the Byshoppes decrees. As for the distinction of Canonicall and Apocriphall bookes, for expli∣cation of the clause in the article of Predestination: where it is sayde, that the elect may fall from Grace, and such like matters. If this bee not to practise Lordshippe ouer our faith: to set downe decrees of Reli∣gion, which must bee accepted of all men, without eyther reason or te∣stimony of the Scripture to prooue them, and no man permitted to shew anye reason or Scripture, that infor∣ceth his Conscience to the contra∣rye, but onely to hang vppon the authority of bishops: Let some other declare what Paul meaneth, 2. Cor. 1. 4.2. Cor. 1. 14. where he denieth, that he woulde excercise any Lordship, ouer the faith of the Corinthians. For, although their decrees were neuer so perfect, yet it were an ex∣ample of tyrannicall Dominion, nei∣ther to giue reasons to satisfie the ig∣noraunt them selues, nor to hear or cōfute that which might be alleaged against them by others, but for a few lordbishops in comparison of all the conuocation, to sit by them selues & order all thinges at their pleasures, as though the Gospell sprang firste from them, or had come vnto them only, it sauoreth of nothing so much as of popish tyranny: Whereas other∣wise it is well knowne they are not al of the best learned, nor all of longest study, nor all of soundest iudgement, nor all of greatest zeale, nor all of best example, and therfore not mee∣test to be the onely determiners in Ecclesiasticall matters, to the preiu∣dice of the whole synode. Wherefore it is greatly to be desired, that our synodes also, which are so farre out of order, maye be refourmed accor∣ding to the scripture, and the exam∣ple of the primitiue Church, that all thinges may be done with such mo∣desty, grauitie & iudgement, as they were by the Apostles and Elders.Actes. 15. Act. 15. And now that we haue set forth the whole Ecclesiasticall ministerye, according to the word of God, with all the duties & authoritie that per∣tayneth vnto it: the place requyreth, that we should also intreat of the au∣thority of the ciuil Magistrate in mat∣ters ecclesiastical. Of the title of the princes supremacie, if it be truly vn∣derstood, we moue no contronersie: but that it doth properly apperteine to the ciuil magistrat, to be the high∣est gouernor of al persons within his dominion, so that the soueraign Em∣pyre of God be kept whol. But here∣in resteth all the doubt, howe this is truely to be vnderstoode, & that shal we best vnderstand by the contrarie: namely by the vsurped tiranny of an∣tichrist. For antichrist did challenge vnto himselfe al authority, both that which is proper to god, & that which is cōmon to men. Therefore that the pope claimed to be that only head of the church, frō which the whol body receiued direction, & was kept in v∣nity of faith: This was blasphemous against Christ, & therfore may not be vsurped by any Ciuill magistrate, no more thē by the pope. Likewise, wher hee challengeth authoritye to alter, change & dispence with the cōman∣dement of god, to make new articles of faith, to ordain new sacramēts, &c. this is also blasphemous and ought not to be vsurped of any ciuil prince, On the other side, where he challen∣geth authority ouer all princes, & so ouer al the clergy, that he did exempt them from the ciuil iurisdiction, this is contumelious, & iniurious against al christian kings. And therfore eue∣ry prince in his own dominiō, ought to cast off the yoke of his subiection, and to bring al ecclesiastical persons vnto his obedience and iurisdiction. Here haue we the first part of the ti∣tle of supreame gouernment ouer al persons. In matter or causes ecclesia∣stical: likewise, the pope doth not on¦ly presume against god, as we said be∣fore: but also against the lawfull au∣thority, giuen by God vnto men. For he forbiddeth princes to medle with reformation of Ecclesiasticall mat∣ters, or to make anye lawes pertay∣ning to causes of religion, answering them, that those things do appertain onlye to him & the general counsel. But when he cōmeth to debate anye thing with his clergy, then al laws & knowledge, are enclosed in the clo∣set of his brest. When any generall counsel must be holden, all that they doe receiueth authoritie from him. For except he doe allowe, it is no∣thing. And he is so wyse, that ney∣ther with the councell, nor without the counsell he can erre or thinke a∣misse in matters Ecclesiasticall: wher∣as it is not onely lawful, but also ne∣cessary for Princesse, if they will doe their dutie, to looke to the reforma∣tion of religion, and to make lawes of matters Ecclesiasticall, but so that we confounde not the offices of the Prince and the Pastour. Eor, as it is not lawfull for the Prince to preach, nor administer the Sacramentes: no more is it lawfull for him to make lawes in Ecclesiastical causes, contra∣rie to the knowledge of his learned Pastors. For, as these three partes of a pastors dutie, are graunted to him by God, preaching, ministring of sa∣craments, and Ecclesiasticall gouern∣ment: he maye no more take from a Pastor the third, then he may the two first. By this it appeareth, how farre it is lawful for Princes to intermedle with causes Ecclesiasticall: namelye that it is the chiefest poynt of their dutie, to haue especiall regarde that God may be glorified in their domi∣nion, and therefore they ought to make ciuill lawes to binde the peo∣ple vnto the confession of true faith, and the right administring and re∣ceiuing of the sacramentes, and to all ecclesiastical orders, that they beeing instructed by the worde of God, tho∣row the ministerie of the preaching of the same, shall vnderstande to bee profitable for edifying of the church of Christe, and the aduauncement of the glory of God. If any shall offende against the laws, whether he be prea∣cher or hearer, beside the ecclesiasti∣call censure, which he shoulde not es∣cape, he is also to be punished in bo∣dye by the ciuill magistrate. This we see that all christian Emperours ob∣serued, that when anye controuersie arose, either of doctrine, or of order and ceremonies, they commaunded the Cleargie to consult & determine thereof, according to the scripture, who assembling togeather incounsel obeyed their commandement. Their conclusion then by authoritie of the Emperour, was commaunded euerye where to be obserued, and those that impugned it, to be punished: the same order we reade also to bee obserued, by the christian kinges of Fraunce & Spaine, yea and of this our Brittany also, in gouerning their Ecclesiastical state, by the aduise of the Cleargie of their dominion. But it will perhaps be sayd, that for Princes to subscribe to the determination of priestes (as they call them) is no supremacie, but a subiection. We answer, it is no sub∣iection vnto men, but to God & his worde, to doe nothing in these mat∣ters, but by the faithfull aduise of thē, that know his will, & are bounde to teach it vnto all men: No more then it is to be counted a subiection for a Prince in ciuill affayres, to fol∣low the aduise of wise and faithfull Counsellers. Whereby we see that if Gods ordinaunce were not plaine in the scriptures, yet reason it self wold conclude, that if in Temporal mat∣ters, a wise prince wil doe nothing of weight, without the counsell of wise men: how much more in Gods busi∣nes which are of greatest importāce, shold they not decree any thing with out the aduise of them, that be lear∣ned in those matters. And if all prin∣ces by heathen wise mens iudgments are so rulers, that they are seruaunts of the laws, & of the cōmon wealth: why should it be accounted for anye dishonour vnto princes, to be obedi∣ent to the lawes of God their father, and to serue to the commoditie of the church their mother? It is a grea∣ter honor to be the son of God, and the child of the church, then to be a monarch of al the earth. Of this ho∣nourable subiection to GOD and his church. Esay prophesieth Cha∣piter. 49. 23. Kinges shall be thy nur∣sing Fathers,Esay. 49. 23. and Queenes shall bee thy Nurses. They shall worship thee with their faces towardes the earth, and licke the dust of thy feete, and thou shalt know that I am the Lord. The prophet meaneth, that Kinges and Queenes shal be so care∣ful, for the preseruatiō of the church, that they shall thinke no seruice too base for them, so they maye pro∣fite the Church of Christ withal. Vn∣to this honourable subiection, the holy Ghost exhorteth princes in the second psalme: after that they haue tryed that they preuayle nothing in stryuing againste the kingdome of Christ: Be now therefore wise (O yee Kinges):Psal. 2. 10. 11 be learned that iudge the earth, serue the Lord with feare, and reioyce vn∣to him with trembling, Declaring that it is a ioyfull seruice to bee obedient to Christ: yea to serue GOD is in∣deede to reigne. And especiallye it is to be noted, where Saint Paule commaundeth prayers and suppli∣cations, to bee made for the con∣uersion of Kinges vnto the know∣ledge of the truth, and their own sal∣uation, that he alleadgeeth this rea∣son,1. Tim. 2. 2. That we may lead a quiet and peace∣able life, in all Godlinesse and honestie vn∣der their protection. A godly and honest life, wee may liue, vnder enemies of the Churche and persecutors: but a peaceable and quiet life in all godli∣nesse and honesty, only vnder a chri∣stian Prince. This thing therefore the Church most humbly desireth of the prince: for this end the Church con∣tinually prayeth to GOD for the Prince: in this respect the Churche most obediently submitteth her self vnto the Prince, as a Childe to his nurce, that both prince and people may honour God in this life, and af∣ter this life, reigne with Christe euer∣lastingly. Thus haue we breefely set foorth a form of reformation, touching mat∣ters ecclesiastical (as we are through∣ly perswaded) agreeable to the word of God, and as we are able to proue, consenting with the example of the primitiue Church, building only vp∣pon the most sure foundation of the canonicall scriptures: but intending more at large, if occasion shall serue, hereafter to set foorth, the practize and consent of the Godly fathers in their Actes, Counsels and writinges, following the same rule & interpre∣tation of the scripture that we haue done. Therfore we protest before the liuing God and his holy Angels, and before the Lord Iesus Christ, that shal come to iudge the quicke and the dead, and before the Queenes maie∣stie our most gratious Soueraigne, & the whole assemblie of all estates of this Realme: that as the whol world may plainly see, we seeke hereby not our owne profite, ease nor aduance∣ment, but onely the glorye of God, and the profite of his Church: so by this present writing, wee discharge our conscience, according to our du∣tie which is to shew vnto all men the true waye of reformation: and to mooue them that haue authoritie to put it in practize, and to seeke by all lawfull and ordinarye meanes, that it may take place, that if it may please God to giue it good successe, at this time to be imbraced, we maye fulfill the rest of our course with ioy. But if our sinnes be the let, that this or the like groūded vpon Gods worde, may not now be receiued: yet the present age may see & iudge, what is the vt∣termost of our desire, concerning re∣formation, which hitherto for lacke of such a publike testimoniall, hath been subiect to infinite slaunders, de∣uised by the aduersaries of Gods truth & hinderance of Godly proce∣dings vnto reformatiō. And that the posterity may know that the truth in this time, was not generallye vnkno∣wen nor vntestified, concerning the right regiment of the church of god: nor this disordered forme of ecclesi∣asticall gouernement, which we haue receiued for the most part of popery, deliuered to our Children without contradictiō, that our example shold not be preiudicial vnto them: as the exāple of our Godly fathers (which in this poynt neglected their duetie) hath beene preiudiciall vnto vs. The Lorde graunt for Christes sake, that we beeing so farre from perfection, God may open al our eyes to see the same, and bend our heartes earnestly to labour to attaine therevnto: and in the mean time, so farre as we haue attained, that we may proceede al by one rule, that we may be like affecti∣oned to seeke the glory of God, and to build vp the ruynes of his temple, that with one hearte and with one voyce, we maye praise the Father of our Lorde Iesus Christ in his holye Temple, which is the congregati∣on of saints in the holy ghost, to whom be al honor & Dominion for euer∣more. Amen.
A00285.P4	Instructions for the clergie	[ "Church of England." ]	1630?]	B. Norton and J. Bill?,	[S.l. :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Clergy." ]	1 THat the Lords, the Bishops, giue charge in their Triennall Visitations, and at other conuenient times, both by themselues and the Archdeacons, that the declaration for setling all questions in difference, bee strictly obserued by all parties. 2 That they take great care concerning the Lecturers, in their seuerall Diocesses, for whom we giue these speciall directions following. 1 That in all Parishes, the afternoone Sermons, may bee turned into Catechising by Question and Answere, where and whensoeuer there is not some great cause apparant to breake this ancient and profitable order. 2 That euery Bishop ordaine in his Diocesse, that euery Lecturer doe read Diuine Seruice according to the Liturgie printed by Authority, in his Surplis and Hood before the Lecture. 3 That where a Lecture is set vp in a market Towne, it may be read by a company of graue and orthodox Diuines, neere adioyning, and in the same Diocesse: and that they preach in Gownes, and not in Clokes, as too many doe vse. 4 That if a Corporation doe maintaine a single Lecturer, he be not suffered to preach, till he professe his willingnesse to take vpon him a liuing, with Cure of soules within that Incorporation, and that he doe actually take such Benefice or Cure, so soone as it shall be fairely procured for him. 3 That the Bishops doe countenance and encourage the graue and orthodox Di∣uines of their Clergie, and that they vse meanes by some of their Clergie, or others, that they may haue knowledge, how both Lecturers and Preachers within their Diocesses, behaue themselues in their Sermons, that so they may take order for any abuse accordingly. 4 That the Bishops suffer none vnder Noble men, and men qualified by Law, to haue any priuate Chaplaine in his house. 5 That they take speciall care, that Diuine seruice be diligently frequented, as well for Prayers and Catechising, as Sermons: And take particular note of all such as absent themselues, as Recusants or otherwise. 6 Lastly the Lord Arch-Bishop is commanded to giue an accompt to the Kings Maiesty euery yeere the second of Ianuary, of the performance of these Commands.
A00287.P4	The effect of a bill exhibited in Parliament by Sir Francis Englefield, Barronet	[]	1621]	s.n.,	[London :	eng	[ "England and Wales. -- Court of Chancery -- Cases.", "Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century." ]	ANthony the now Visconte Montague purposing irrecouerably to settle his estate, doth in the yeare 1611. couenant with the Lord Dormer his vn∣cle, Sir Francis Englefield his brother in law, and Sir Iohn Dormer Knight, to stand seised of the greatest part of his lands to himselfe for life, the re∣mainder to his onely sonne Fran. Browne, with diuers remainders ouer to the next heire male of his house; and for the residue of his lands he doth by bargain, sale, deed enrouled, and recouery, absolutely conuey them to the said Couenantees and their heires, vpon trust neuerthelesse expressed in the said deed that they would therewith within 10 yeares pay all his then debts contained in a shedule annexed, amounting neare to 7000 l: and within 20 yeares raise the summe of 20000 l. payable in mariage portions for all his six daughters, of which he appointeth to Marie 10000 l. to Katherine 4000 l. to Frances 2000 l. to Iane 2000 l. and 1000 l a peece to his other two daughters; and vpon further trust (these debts & mariage portions paid) that these Feoffees would with the remain of the lands vnsold prouide for all his yonger sonnes, and for want of yonger sonnes to reassure the same remaine on the next heire male of. house; The Visconte thereby likewise lastly couenanteth not to stir, alter nor incumber this his estate so firmly setled, and giueth to these three Feoffees a recognisance of 20000 l. defeazanced for his performance of the said couenant, which cancelled he acknow∣ledgeth to them a statute of 20000 l. intended to haue been defeazanced as the said recognisance was. The lands so conueyed to these Feoffees, they do quietly enioy 4 yeares, in which time (with the sale of very little part) they doe pay most of these debts and Katherines 4000 l mariage portion. Then by Maries mariage with William Lord St. Iohn sonne to the Marques of Winton. her 10000 l portion did likewise grow due, the whole interest of which is by the ioynt deed of the Visconte, the Lord St. Iohn and his Lady, made ouer to the Marques, who by articles agreed before mariage was to receiue the same, and in liew thereof to make his said sonnes wife a ioyncture of 1200 l a yeare; of this as∣signement made, the Lord St. Iohn and his Lady do by their ioynt letters written the 28. Nouemb. 1613. to these Feoffees, giue them notice, who accor∣dingly do make agreement with the Marques to pay the same at 3 equall payments in the 3 Easter termes 1615, 1616, and 1617. The Lady St. Iohn who hitherto had liued in good amitie with her husband, through ill counsell now leaueth his house and company, and being put in hope to obtain both this 10000 l mariage portion and this ioynture of 1200 l a yeare, she first by a petition to his Maiestie procureth these pai∣ments to the Marquis to be inhibited, and then viz. 12. Febr. 1616. exhibiteth a Bill in Chancery against Sir Francis Englefield in the name of her selfe and her husband, pretending that the interest of this 10000 l mariage portion did then rest in her husband, with whom she saith she had made an agree∣ment to receiue 9000 l thereof for her sustentation and maintenance, which with damages for detaining the same from her, she requireth of the defen∣dant. In Easter Terme 1617. the Lo. St. Iohn hauing notice of this his wifes fraudulent bill exhibited in his name without his priuitie; and conceiuing the same to be done purposely to wrong his father and himselfe, he therefore 12. May. 1617. by his counsell in the open Court of Chancery disclaimeth this his wifes bill, and denieth to haue made with her any agreement whereby she might challenge any part of this mariage portion; notwithstanding which disclaime resting vpon record, she procureth this 9000 l for her sustentation and maintenance, together with 2500 l more 5. Iun. 1617. to be de∣creed vnto her, which Sir Fra. Englefield knowing not to be warranted by the trust, refused to pay, and was for the same committed to the prison of the Fleete, from whence he could not be discharged vntill after nine moneths imprisonment he had paid to the said Ladie St. Iohn all the moneys then in his hands, by reason of this trust being 10000 l. Vpon this fraudulent and disclaimed Bill many orders haue been made, amongst which 11. Iun. 1618. it was vpon this Ladies motion ordered, that if Sir Fra. Englefield should not forthwith account for these trust moneys, and assigne ouer the said trusts to Sir George Moore, Sir Iohn VValter, and M. Tho. Spencer, he should againe be committed, and a Fine of 500 l is set on his head; which Sir Fra. Englefield conceiuing to be no breach of the trust, he therefore by his petition resting vpon Record, proffered the same, & tendred performance thereof accordingly, as shall appeare testified vnder the hands of the Lord Chancellour himselfe and two of the Masters of the Court; yet as if he had refused to assigne or account, is he againe vpon this order (with∣out any warrant for his commitment) violently drawne to the prison of the Fleet, where he continued full 21 months more; and the said Lady St Iohn hauing by meanes of false suggestions made to his Maiestie, procured a grant of this 500 l pound fine, iudgement is giuen against Sir Francis Englefield contrary to law for this 500 l, which forthwith is leuied out of his goods and paid vnto her. The lands subiect to this trust being by the strongest assurance of the Law so conueyed to these three Feoffees, and no power thereby left in the Viscount to stir or alter the same, neuerthelesse in May 1615. he exhibiteth a bill in Chancery against the said Feoffees, pretending thereby that they had broken this trust, as also that they desired to be disburdened from the same, and therefore praid that by the authoritie of the Court they might be enioyned to assigne this trust to such other new Feoffees as he should nominate▪ In answer to which bill, the Defendants doe on their oath denie to haue broken or neglected this trust, or that euer they desired to be freed from the same; it was neuerthelesse 16. Iuly. 1617. vpon the Viscounts motion (without proofe of witnesse or hearing the Defendants counsell) ordered, that the possession of these lands shall be taken from the Defendants and de∣liuered to Sir Geo. Moore, Sir Io. VValter, and M. Tho. Spencer, whom the Viscount did then nominate as new Feoffees to execute this trust, vnto whom likewise he procureth by a writ dated the 18 of Iuly, and directed to the Shiriffe of Sussex the possession of the said lands trusted to be deliuered, and the said new Feoffees by vertue thereof haue euer since taken the whole profit of the said lands, and thereby raised at least 16000 l. The Lady St. Iohn fearing now the lands trusted were taken from the first Feoffees to lose the benefit of her aforesaid decree, by which she was to re∣ceiue out of the same the summe of 11500 l. procureth by foure seuerall orders made in the moneths of December 1617, and April, May and Iune fol∣low, the Viscount and his said new Feoffees to be inioyned with the whole meane profits of these lands, first to make her satisfaction, then the resi∣due of the Viscounts daughters their mariage portions vnpaid, and lastly to imploy the remaine according to the direction of the said trust, in contempt of which orders the Lady St. Iohn perceiuing her father and his aforesaid new Feoffees to conuert the whole profits of the lands trusted to their owne priuate, she threatneth to complaine of the wrong done her; her father therefore to giue her satisfaction proffereth her 600 l a yeare out of the same vntill her mony were paid, which she the better to be assured of to receiue, procureth to be ordered vnto her by the Court. But this 600 l a yeare not long contenting the Lady St. Iohn, she requireth her mony decreed vnto her, in liew of which the Viscount is well pleased that she have the Mannor of Northey and diuers houses in Saint Marie Oueries being both better worth to be sold then 20 000 l, yet this to be vnto her but in part of her satisfaction; so he and his new Feoffees might enioy the residue and not be questioned for the meane profits of the said lands which so vniustly they had detained, and this trust might be destroyed: which proffer the Lady St Iohns accepting, it is resolued a decree must be gotten to inforce Sir Francis Englefield and Sir Iohn Dormer thereunto, in whom the sole interest of the said lands after the death of the Lord Dormer did rest; but how to procure this decree to destroy this trust (which the Vicount by his bill seemed desirous should subsist) and to crosse not onely the Viscounts bill vpon which it was made, but the aforesaid decree made vpon the Lady St Iohns bill and all former orders and proceedings in Court vpon these bils, was holden a matter impossible to procure; neuerthelesse by the meanes of great bribes giuen and more promised by the Viscount (which bribes are confessed in Parliament) this Decree is made, bearing date the 23 of Iune 1618. The Lord Chancellor who made this Decree, well knowing the same by the ancient practise of the Court (as hauing no ground) to be voide in it selfe, would therefore (notwithstanding the aforesaid bribes) so long as he sate (which was neare three yeares after) neuer suffer any execution of this Decree, yet to giue the Vicount some content, it was vpon his motion made the 20 of May 1620. ordered, that if Sir Francis Englefield did not by the second Returne of the next Terme giue vnto the Viscount an account of these trust moneys, a Fine of 1000 l was imposed on him: which account (though neuer demanded by the Viscount) Sir Francis Englefield in the Viscounts absence againe proffereth to his chiefe Counsellor and only Solici∣tor of this cause; yet neuerthelesse, as if he had disobeyed this order, he is by meanes of the Viscounts bribes yet fresh in memory by an order of the 5. of Iuly 1620. censured to haue forfeited this Fine, and a Scire facias is accordingly awarded against him, to shew cause why this 1000 l Fine should not be leuied out of his goods, to which writ, by reason of the vncertaintie, the Defendant could not pleade, and therefore did demurre to the insufficiencie of the said writ.
A00289.P4	A very lively portrayture, of the most reverend arch-bishops, the right reverend bs. of the Church of England set forth in XX. irrefragable positions, concerning their authority, power, and practise, as they onely are our diocesan lord bishops, so grounded upon Scripture, reason, and experience, by evident demonstrative practises, as their troublesome opposites, may cleerely see, how greatly they are deceived in all these. A labour undertaken for the peace of all Gods people, and for a just condemnation of al those, that cause division, and offences, contrary to the doctrine and discipline of Christs Church.	[]	in the yeare, 1640.	Printed [by Elizabeth Purslowe?],	[London?] :	eng	[ "Church of England -- Bishops -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.", "Church of England -- History, (17th century) -- Early works to 1800." ]	THE NAME of Bishop is found in the New Testament, so as the controversie is not about the name, whether one may bee called a Bishop, nor whether Bishops in the true sense, have beene in the Church from the Apostles dayes, for this is fully agreed upon. But the positions following, and here handled, are such as have beene much controverted, but now so cleerely manifest, that every indifferent and impartiall judicious Reader, may discernt plainely on which side the truth is. 1. BEcause our Saviour made severall degrees in the ministerie, which the Apostle mentioneth, Ephes. 4. 11. Yet in the same degree, he set none over another; not one Apostle over another, not one Evange∣list over another; not one Elder or Bishop over ano∣ther. 2. Because the Apostle in reckoning up the dignities. in the Ministery from Christ mentioneth no Bishops, as degrees in the ministery differing from the rest, but A∣postles, , Evangeliste which were extraordina∣ry, then Pasters, and Teachers ordinary, Eph. 4 11. 3. Because the name of Bishops, is given onely toThey have the same name. those who are called Eld, Act, 28. Tit, 1. 5. 7. Now Elders were all of equall Authority. Such the Apstles , and more th on in every Citie. Act. 14. 23. and had charge given ot one over ther, but over the flck, over the which th holy had made them Overseers O Bishops, Act. 20. . 4. The Apostle placeth Bishops onely before , Phl. I. 1. I Tim. 3. 1. 8. but no where bfore Elders, as Superiours to them. 5. The osfice and quality of a Bishop described ,Th on th sme. that which equally and alike agreeth to all teaching El∣ders. 1 Tim. 3. 1. 2. 7. Tit. 1. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. and not to a speciall function in superiority before an Elder. For Titus was appointed to ordaine Elders, and the Apo∣stle telleth him, what a a Bishop, meaning an Elder, should b, as making an Elder, and Bishop one, and the same. It cannot be proved by Sriptura, that in the Astles dayes, Elders and Bishops, were degrees one ovr another, nor by Historie 200. yeares after that they were distinguished by degrees. 6. Because such as Elders, were next to the Apostles, in the Councel at , and sate with them, as next to them, Acts 15. 23. Bishops here were none, except included within the name of Elders, and so all one. 7. The double honour which Saint Paul speaks of,T nour and ard the same. he alloweth it to teaching Elders, 1 Tim. 5. 17. which dutie of teaching Bishops affect not, and yet claime dou∣ble honour. 8. Because these Elders, Acts 20. 17. came to beeThey ad on and the same charge over the flock. called Bishops, not in respect of any superiority they had one over another, but to mind them of their watchful∣nesse and care over their flock, in respect of whichActs 20. 28. flock, and not in respect of their fellow Ministers, they1. Pet. 5. 2. were called by Saint Pl, (who first gue them tht title) Ovseers, or Bishops, Acts 20. 28. 9. Because Timie and Titus, from whom they would derive the superiority of Bishop ver Elders, were Euangels, 2 Tim. 4. 5. a dignity above other Churches, Offics, Elds, O Biss, or Pstors, (all one) and . Eph. 4. 11. now why of high∣er degree, hould be made Bisps, and so put in a lower for me, wath perswade the reunto. 10. Because the Postscripts to the second Epistl to Tim. and that to Ti, are worthy of no credit in this case, to prove Tim. and Tit. Bisps. For these be no Scriptura, nor of divine authority, butMany ter the epiles were written. added by some private uncertaine Sribe, and so bring of humane authority they cnnot stablish Tim. and Tit. Bishops jure divi, who by divine authority were .See the unbi of Tim. and Tit. The vanity of alledging these, , are solidly by other confuted, and not answered. 11. Becaus the consent of the Learned is fully against this superiority of a Bishop, to wit, to be above an Elder, or Presbyter in degree, divi, but were all one, and the difference came by an humane constition. 3. The learned Divines beyond the Seas, Luther, , , , . Hminglus, Gnalter, Msculus, , ,pag. 115. , ∣, and others. 4. Learned Divinesin our Land, D. , D. Reynolds, Doctor Holland, D. Fulk, D. Whitacres, D. Willes: and many moe. Our Bishops here, Bish. , Bisp Peacock, T∣stal,See T. and T. unbish, page 4. ∣shop Biln once so held when he wrote against the Semi∣naries: Bishop now living, yea and Arch. Bishop Whitgift as much. Yea, the Arch-Bishops, all the Bishops and the ClergieIbidem. of Egland acknowledged Bishops and Presrs, to bee , . Besides the of our La in 37. H: 8. C 17.. in of Edward 6. . 2. 1. and 1. of Eli. 1. have re∣solved the same against Bishops authority, . Monarchies, which have cast them out; So , and of late ates of the . , and many other Churches; Shall we think that all these have in this point, so may, so mn, and whole Churches? 11. non but Papists among us maintaine the psition, and such as be popishly affected, or are of mind, oving to have the preheminence, 3. Ihn 9. or ch as flatter for favour, and prerment. And yet here may be produced against them. The Ancients alledged for this superiority, speake but of their owne times, long after the Aples dayes: or lse they judged of the times before by a mike, that ∣ in their dayes, which was nothing 200. yeares ar Chri. 12. Becaus Bis of Sint inT. and Tit. . 168. his dignity, and owledged that the Superiority of Bishops over Ministers, was of all of the word of Go: and founded upon the onely politique of . Lastly, Doctor is hold to , that our - and Bish do dive their from , as of , and from the Pope of ; and therefore must Biss bee over other Ministers? may know, if he will that Peter was at , proved to his hd, and inferiour to his . And as for the Pope, he is proved to be by many learned Divines, and is judged to b the man of , in 2. Thss. 2. and the with , speaking like the Dragon, Rev. 13. and Bi∣sh pceeding from him, needs such, jure divi, because his is from the . 1 BEcause they know hold that a Disan Bishop is one over many ; they it writ∣ten that the holy Ghost set many Bishops, and Elders o∣v flocke and Church: at one Church, Act 12. 47. and 15. 2. and therein my Elds, Acts 15. 6. 2, 23. at one Church, Eph 1. 1. Rv. 2. 5. but many Elders, Act 20. 17. or verse 28. At Philippi many Bishops, yet but on Church, Phil. 1. 1. and Saint when he had planted Churches, ap∣pointed T to ordaine Eld, Bishops in every City, more than one, Tit. 1. 5. . as the Apostle himselfe did in every Church Elders, Acts 14. 23. who kept one way and corse alke, in all nd evry Church, 1 Cor. 4. 17. and 7. 17. Now so many in one Church could not be Disan Bishops. 2. Because neither Christ nor his Apostles, ever or∣dained any ordinary Ecclesia function, to bee ever continued in any Church, which he that was appoint∣ed thereunto, could not in his owne person performe without substitut; But a Discos Bishop takes more upon him, then he can by himselfe discharge, but must have his substitutes by reason of the largenesse of his ju∣isdiction, over hundred of congregations. 3. Bece Postscripts to Saint Pauls Epistles, the one to Timoth, and the other to Titus, are the words of men, humane testimoies, (and false too, as is pro∣ved fully by the learned) and therefore cannot confirme a Dis Bishop to bof divine authority, and of di∣vine right. 4. Because they nne upon meere suppositions, taking for granted what yet they have not proved, nor can prove to uphold their Di dignity: such bee these. 3. That Saint Paul to them is Epistles, as to disan Bishops, and how to behave themselves in their Episcopall authority, as a pterne in them to bee follow∣ed of such like succeeding Bishops. If Paul wrote to Timothy his first Epistle, from whence they fetch all their authority for piscopacy, why is not the Postscript put at the end of this Epistle, to make him a Bishop, while he was at Eph, but at the end of the other Epistle, out of which they doe make little se for this their standing? If he was then Bishop at Eph, when the first Epistle was written, then its cleare that Saint Paul wrote not the Epistle to him, as a Bishop, but as his substitute for the time in his absence, 1. Tim. 3. 14. 15. To him Saint Paul wrote, as also to Titus, not to make them Bishops, of which not one word in the Epistles written to them, but what they should doe, according to the present condition of the Churches, and by those rules and precepts which he wrote, how the Churches of Christ should be ordered for the tyme to come, and not by these prepts and rules, to erect new Officers in Christs Church, which he never ordained, there is not a word in the Epistles to prove this to be the sope. But they having ped this disan, dignity, and presumptuously practising what they doe, they take to themselves, what they n find in the Epistles to beare them up, contrary to the intention of the Apostles writing. 6 in the dayes all the Church in Ci∣ the Beleevers met in one place, as Paroners d ow , ( Cities were then Christians, in ) Bishops in those dayes , if bee denyed that then there were no Parish, must de∣ny dicesan Bishops, because ther's no Dicesse, where there be no Parishes. For Christs primitive Church in all the first hundred of , and after , kind of Bishop. Its wanting in all reformed , from . Such are cast out of the Church in , not onely as , but . Here in England in every , at sverall tims there have beene a vacancy of Bis, and that so for 2. yeares, some for 3. , some 10. some for . yeares, as by some observed, and downe throughout all the in . Lastly, what good doe they, which may not be done without them, as it was wh they were not, and where in her plces they be not There is therefre need of them. To conclude, all that which hath beene said in the former position against a Bishops superiority over , in their owne congregations, re against : whose we see to be divine, by the so many good made against it, and therefore bee they not to blame, who are so much offended with thr so overtopping , and goodne? It were ch to , that all could see it, for the Churches, peace, which is heartily de∣red, and prayed for. 1. BEcause Christ, said to his Disciples, know that the Princes of the Gentiles , ship, but it shall be so, with you re∣buking them fo seeking after gretnesse, and chiefe∣dome; Mat. 20. 2. 5, 26. Mar. 10. 42, 43. Luke 22. 2. 2. (from whom they say they can fetch their greatnesse) forbids them to bee Lords over Gon hritage, 1. Pet. 5, 3. 3. Because St. John the Apot wrote to Ldly , (who loved to have the preheminence in receiving, for∣bidding and casting men out of the Church) that hee would (when he came) remember his deeds done, and his pring against the , and others with malici∣ous words, 3. Ihn 9. 10. for those that love the pre∣hemine cannot but tter their malice against them, that find fault with their proud deeds and words. 4. Because Father gave couell to King Edward, to us lord all the Lordly Bishops, to remov hem . 5. . What was given them was of , and not of due as an invested title. . 1. . 2. . 3. 4. . 5. in the concration of Bishops, there is not one word of liberty this way, but exhortations and prayers made onely for executing the office of a Bi∣shop, which he promiseth to doe, by the grace of God, by the help of God, God being his helper, which they very faithfully performe in being civi Magistrates, and sittin in the seat of juice to heare temporall can∣ses; 6. 7. . 1. . 2. . 3. . 4. Divines, witnessed by Chri, the great Bishp of o soules, who spent hi time n preaching day by day, and made it the greatst testmony of Peters love to him, t fee hs La Ioh 1 15, 16, 17. lso manfest by Saint Pl frequent paching, and in his so charging , before, and in alloting double honour, especially to the , that labous in word, and , 5. 17. likewise by St. Pet, who and , (then even he that was the Bishop of Rome, the great of Chri, if the writers li not) to feed the flock of Chri, takig the oversight thereof a Bishops, not by con∣straint, but nor but of ∣die mi . 3. 5. when is consecrated, he is charg∣ed to take heed to teaching, and to bee diligent therein, that he might sve himselfe and them, that heare him, and that the encrse thereby might appeare to all men, and to become unto the flock of Christ, a , nd no Wolfe, to feed them and not to d∣voure them, to hold up the weake, to heae the sick, to build up the broken-hearted, to seke the lost, and to the All this the A-BishopAbusing Gods name by seming to pray, for that which never is intended. be of G fo nd desires the Lord to endue the Bishop with his oly spirit, that he may preach the word, and bids him take the holy spirt, and to remember to 6. Because Father Latier said, the very Divel him∣selfe, God setup the ching prla∣cie; and if they preach not aith Thomas Bec, its an evidt tok hat Chri sent them not, but Antichrist and the Dll 7. Because th very Councell of Trent, set this down for truth, that the preaching of Gds word was theSess. 24. principall part of a Bishops Office adding many words, to shew the necessity of their preaching. And therefore the positio is as true, as lead is steele: That Bishops not preach but seldome or ever, as it pleaseth them. 1. B Bcause the Scriptures of the N Testament have given them their names, befitting their Office: which men may not vary from to miscall them by another name, not befitting their function: we may not presume to speke otherwise of Gds Ministrs than he hath taught us to call them; except wee thinke we can better know how to impose names on them, than hee himselfe, wee my not in such cases presume above that which is written, 1 Cr. 4. 6. 2. Bause when Christ ascended up into Heaven, and gave gifts for the Ministerie, Eph. 4. 11. the Apo∣stl mentioneth what he gve, but among these neither a Pristhood nor Priest, hee nmeth Apostles, Prphets, Euangelists, Paours Teahers, and elsewhere Bishops, Phil. 1. 1. T. 17. Ti. . 1. 2. and Elders. 1. Tim. 5. 17. but no wher put he the name of Priest upon any of them. 3. Because he name Priest often mentioned in Srip∣ture cannot in any accption of the name, bee rightly applyed to any one in ministerall function under the Gospell. for the name Prsts are one of these sorts. Either Patriarhal, as was before the Law, Ge. 14. Or Aical under the Law, which God appointed by the and of Moses, Exod. 28. 1. Or Diablicall, as were the Priests of Bal, and of, Jupitr, 2 K, 11. 18. cts 14. 13. Or huatheni like, as the Pr of , 1 King. 11. 15. Or the Evangelicall and spirituall Prist, which is but one, Iesus Christ after the order of ; such a Priest none may presume to bee, without hel∣lish presumption and high arrogancy. Or the Christian Priest, in which sense every Chri∣stian man and woman is a Pri unto God, Rv. 1. 6. 4. Bcause the title of Priest was a name of divine Ofice from Godunder the Law, but under the Gospell, it is a lying title without the office. For there is now no Priests Ofice: for a Priests Office is to offr sacri∣fice, a bloudie sacrifice, but now uuder the Gospel after Christ, no such sacrifice to be offered: And wee all doe acknowledge and have taught hitherto. 5. Because now it is the Ppish name of the Romish Masse Priests, pu upon them by the Babyloish Seat of Rome, that great , the Mother of Harlots, and ab∣hominations of the Earth, Rv, 17. 1. 5. out of which we are commanded to come forth, Rv. 18. 4. both from their idolatrous wordes, and idolatrous workes. 6. Becuse its much dishonour to Gods holy spirit in his holy Apostles, to leave the names set downe in ho∣ly writ, and to take up a name from the re of R, and put it upon the Ministers of the Lrd Ius. Lastly, because we all profsse to have reounced her, and therefore it is a derogation to our Church, a Church of Christ, to retaine a name of her idolatrie, as if still we ither were her slaves, or had a mind to become so. For now of late the name Priest is so extolled, as the El∣ders, of Ephesus, Act. 20. 17. musin in the pulpit bee againe and againe called Priests, as if the name of El∣ers, Presbytrs given by the holy Ghost, and they made Overfers of the flock, were too base, except it should be turned into the name of Romish Priest, for other Priests by office there are now none. Thus with impu∣dent boldnesse is the holy Ghst controlled, and mde to speake aftr the Rish fashion, to bring us backe to that Whre againe. 1. B Ecause they annot bee knowne whence they be, withou these Rmish trincket, for with∣out thei Lordly , and these their Ceremonis the Mother Roare would soone be orgotten. 2. Because they were first brought in by that blou dy Monke , the Arch-Bishp o Canterbury who dyed them in the of the Monks of Bangr; which red Scarlet colo they have kept eversince; or many Ministers have been cruelly delt with in witnessing a∣gainst thse, suspended, excommunicated, deprived, d imprisoned. And therefore Ceremonies laid in this scarle dye in gine, a colour very costly, no mar∣vel, that they are held at so high a price by them, and not valued at o low a rate, as they be by others. 3. Because they say no Ceremonies, no Bishops, therefore ust cuse they have to stad for them, to keep their standing, and Ceremonious observances, though with much offnce, of which they take no care: for they find it writtn, W bat th by wh offences ; Mat. 18. 7. 4. Because there was a time in the Apostles when there was Bishops, Elrs, and yt no sch Po∣pish ceremonies, nor pope-like Bishops. 5. Because ue religion and pure worship and service can stand well without them, as in other for∣med Chuches. 6. Because goy Bishop Hoper withstood them for a time, and desired to be discharged of his Bishoprick rather than to use them, wherein hee was opposed by Ar. Bishop Craer, and Bisp Ridly, (but when they were out of their Rochets) they did judget to be wisdome in him, aud simplicity in themselves, for urging him to the use of them. 7. Because they have beene nothing else but snares, and traps unto many Godly Minsters, laborious men in the Lords Vinrd, scourges in their sides, and thornes in their eyes, and heavy burths to them, for they find it written, that the Scribes, and Pharises did bind burthens grv to be borne upon the Pele, and laid them on mens shoulders. Mat. 23. 4. 8. Because if they hold them as necessary in them∣selves, they have no authority from GOD to impose them so upon mens consciences, and it is against their faithfull promise made at their cònscration, which was to maintaine (as required of necessity to salvation) no∣thing but that which may be concluded, and proved out of Scripue. If they hold them in themselves as things indif∣ferent, y in the practise and imposing of them, they answere not to the rules prescribed for the use and practise of indifferent things. For indifferent things must be, 1. Not onely lawfull, but expedient, convenient, and profitable; 1 Cor. 6, 12. 3 making for peace; Rom. 14. 19. 4 for Charity, Rom. 14, 15. 5 done to the edying of one another, R. 14. 19. 1 Cor. 10. 23. Which is, that we may more and more grow up, in CHRIST, and be or in our faith, and be∣come better. Done , and in order, 1 Cor. 14This rule they one y make use of, when all the rest are of like authority, di∣vi, and Apo∣ol call, and de∣livered by the same Apostle, which they take no notice of, not careing to sinn against their brethren and against Christ. 1 Cor. 8. 12. 40. That is, as it becommeth the House of GOD. De∣ctly, that is, agrble to the pure worship of GOD, without vanity, supstition, and Spirituall filthines. In Order, that is, without confusion, in a setled course, fit for a holy Asmbly. (7) Done to the glory of GOD, Cor. 10. 31. tending to set forth the LORD, eithr in his titles, attributes, word, worship, and workes; by all which, God is knowne praised, and obtaineth glory. (8) That the use be without offence, whereby a Bro∣ther may stumble, or be offended, or made weake, Rom. 14, 1. by being made to do those things with a doubt∣ing, and so with a wounded conscience, and thus hee sinneth, Rom. 14. 23. and is made to perish. 1 Cor. 811. For they find it written, what is that to us, see thn to that. Mat. 27, . 9. Because our Saviour CHRIST stood not upon idle Ceremonies, nor imposed any upon his Disciples, but re∣buked the Scribes and Pharises, as Hypocrites, for their strict observation of such things as they had devised and taken upon them to observe. Mar. 7, 2, 9. So it's Pharisicall to devise and undertake to observe of them∣selves what. GOD never commanded. 10. Because Saint Paul would abstaine from the use of indifferent things all his daies, lest hee make his Bro∣ther to offend, 1 Cor. 8. 13. Lastly, because Sain Paul tellth them, that by usi∣ng things indifferent wee are not the better, and by not using them are wee the worse, 1 Cor. 8, 8. but they by making others to use them, (who are not perswadd of the Lawfull use thereof) they sinne against their Bre∣thren, and so against Christ. 1 Cor. 8. 12. By all those they not very good cause to maintaine, to defend, aud urge, with great violence the use of these so pious and needfull Ceremonies, so much tending to peace, edification, and GODS glory? He must be very blind that cannot see what truth, charity, edifying, conveniencie, profit, and glory, commeth to GOD, where these Ceremonies be urged. 1. BEcause they refuse to heare and receive any complaints against their Courts, and devile which way to vex those that clearely informe against their unlawfull procdings, and illegall courses. 2. Because they stop the way and passages of all re∣formation, by withholding the meanes which should do it; by making the supreamest in authority beleeve, that there needs no reformation towards the better part, ex∣cept it be by innovations, to draw back to the Mother Church of Rme: By reproaching such with hatefull names, who labour for a reformation of abuses. 3. Because they or their Chaplaines doe with all strength, by their best learning, either cuse, or defend every thing, which is justly found in faul within their government, in their manner of governing, in their Mi∣nistry, in their Ceremonies, and service, or what else so ever needeth any reformation. 1. BEcause they hold it policie to mend nothing least they should grant something to be and so such as have a long desird, and endeavored, by word, by writing, and by much, to bring them to it, and would heartily praise GD to se all things in better order, for the good of GODS Church, and the praise of his Name, and peace of his People. 2. Because they know the Northern wind hath blown that way, suddainely arising as a storme, whilest they set saile toward the South-East in a calme weather, fear∣ing no such tempest. 3 Because they read that albeit Christ found fault with the corruptions, and superstitions in the Iewish Church, yet the corrupted high Priests, Chiefe Priests, learned Doctors, Hypocriticall Scribes, and Pharises, would run their owne way, and amend nothing; but plotted his death, as the Evangelists shew. And there∣fore why should these out Reverend Fathers amend any corruptions at the motions of Christs Servants. 4. Because the unholy Pope, and his heathen-like Prelats at Rome, did never hold it fit to make any altera∣tion in their , further then they were enforced, and when they seemed to goe about it, they like cunning craftsman in their Trade, did it with such caveats, and cautions, (witnesse their Trent councel) as all that which they did, was as good, or little better then nothing. 5. Because (it may be) they hold that an Ecclesiastical State cannot decline nor be corrupted by the evils of times, for that they read how our Saviour Christ had somewhat against the Bishops in the Chures, against the Bishop, for losse of his first Lov̄e, against the Bishop of , for suffering the Do∣ctrine of , against the Bishop of Thyatira, for permitting wicked Isabel, a false Prophetesse her for∣nication, and Idolatrie, against the Bishop of Sardi, for resting more upon a name or fame; then upon the truth of Religion, and the power thereof, against the Laodi∣cean Bishop (that had such a high coit of himse, as might make him matchable with the most of our Re∣verend Prelates, even the highest in the instep) for his loathsome lukewarmenesse. Lastly, they are very indifferent which Religion tak place, whe ther Protestancy or , so they may injoy thei Lordly dignities, and dash out the braines of Calvi, and that Gvian Doctrine, that Presbyteri∣an Raskal, as our highest Reverend Father, in his wis∣domc and rayling zeale called him. 1. BEcause they find it written, that two is better than one, the one to lift up the other, if one happen to fall: but woe to him that is alone. Eccl. 4. 9. 10. 2. Because they forget not how King David in bring∣ing up the Arke would have all the chosen men of Israel with him, 1 Sam. 6. 2. 1 Chro. 15. 3. and how King Hezekiah would for keeping the passeover consult with his Princes; and the congregation in Jerusalem, 2. Chro. 30. 2. 3. Because our Saviour said, tell the Church, Mat. 18. 17. which Church consisteth of more then one, at the least of two or three, vers 20. 4. Because we read that at the ordination, not any one of the Apostles would ordaine Deacs alone, but, said joyntly, whom we may appoint over this buisinesse Acts 6. 3. Nor did the Apstle Saint Paul ordaine El∣ders, but with , for its said they ordained Elders, Acts 14. 23. And the imposition of hands was by the , 1 Tim. 4. 14. 2. In the act of excommunication, casting out, and re∣ceiving in, Sa Paul would doe neither of himselfe, but, with others gathered together, 1 Cor. 5. 4. 2. Cor. 2, 6 8. 10. 3. In making decrees and Canons for the Church, the Apostles would not doe it alone, but with the Elders also Acts 15. 22. 23. 5. Because its without all example in temporal go∣vernment, in the handling of temporall matters, which are not of so high a nature, as spirituall, as every one doth willingly acknowledge: for Kings have their Counsels: and wee shall find, that no temporall court is there in this Kingdome of the higher sort, where the authority doth rein one onely person; but the princi∣pall person hath either Colleagues or Allessours. The Chancelour of England hath an Assistans. of. twelve Maisters of the Ghancery The Master of the Wards hath a Councel of the Court. The Kings nch, Com∣mon Pleas, and the Exche∣quer are benches of a cer∣taine number of Iudges. So hath the Chancel of Duchie a Councell of Court. The Exchequer Cham∣ber hath the Lord Treasurer with him, and with him joyned the Chancelour, and Barns. The Star Chamber is an Assblie of the Kings pri∣vie Councell aspersed with with the Lords Spiriuall, and Temporall. The Lord Prsidents in the Marches of Wales, and in the North have their Councells. Now if no one be fit to be alone in Civill Courts (x∣cept Bishops, be neither faulty, nor subiect to bee faultie) the Bishops are not to be alone in their jurisdiction, and Ecclesiasticall Courts. 1. BEcause they preach to please, for they find it written, If I please men I should not be the servant of Christ, Gal. 1. 10. 2. Because they follow the time, as the readiest way to preferment, observing what is acceptable to great ones, and avoiding what may offend them, because they find it written of some chiefe Rulers in the Iish Church (who knew and beleeved more then they would manifest) that they loved the praise of men, more then the praise of God, Iohn 12. 42. 3. Because when some have not beene able otherwise to prevaile, they have offered monies; because they find it written, that Offers have beene made by one, a Divell, to Iesus Christ, All this will I give thee, Mat. 4. 9. and by another, a servant of the Divell, Symon Magus, of∣fering to the Apostles money to have the gift of the holy Ghost, Act. 8 18, 19. 4. Because they greatly extoll the dignity of Lord Bishops, by writing for it, by preaching alowd for it in high places; and cannot or will not otherwise beleeve, but that they bee such Lords jur divin; for they find it written, how can beleeve which receive honour one from another, and seeke not the honour which commeth from God alone? Iohn 5. 44. Now all these so lawfull meanes, they use, because they would be knowne to come with no greedy desire to such honour. And therefore before their consecra∣tion, they hypocritically refuse it three times; because they have either read, or heard of, as it hath bintold them, that really, and in earnest, some ancient Bishops have had Bip-ricks forced upon them against their wills, as had Saint Augusti, Ambrose, Athanasius, Gregorie Father and many moe; some utterly have refused, and by no perswaons would take diverse great and wealthie Bishop-ricks, as, on Ephraim Syrus, Ny∣, and Saint Bernard, who did refuse the Bishop∣rick of and Mill, as also did Adrian the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with others moe; but more fooles they, for their shame none now, or ve∣ry few, to seeke after Bishop-ricks, and to use such blessed meanes as are afore mentioned, to obtaine them. For they find it written, that in the last dayes men shall be lovers of their slves, , and so forth, 2 Tim. 3. 1. 2. 1. BEcause they read the complaint, they ceased ot from their doings, nor from their stub∣borne way, . . . 2. Because Christ hath said, plant which my heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be up, M. 15. 13. 3. Because they know the loe to be great, both of wealth, honour, and plesure, and they read that Chri Discipl sooke all to follow him, Mat 19 27. And voluntarily left his honour, and the plea∣sures of sinne, the reproach of Christ with the people of God, Heb. 11. 25. 26. 4. Because they find it written, thou not the things which be of God, but these things which bee of men, Mat 16. 23. 5. Because they are taught a good lesson by Saint saying love not the World, nor the things that are in the World, (that is, the lust of the eyes, the lust of the eyes and the pride of life) if any man love the world, the love of God the Father is not in him, 1 John 2 15. 6. Because they , or may read, of very many Bishops, in former times, who voluntarily renouncedSee Tim and Tit. . their places, not onely Bishops in other Countries, but ours here in our owne Nation; as of foure Arch-Bishops of Canterbury. foure of Yorke, two of London, two of Lincolne, two of Coventry and Litchfield, two of Wor∣coster, three of Rochester, and others to the number of 37. or 38. Bishops, Putta a Bishop of Rochester left his place and turned a Schole. Master. all his daves. Father Latimer gave over his Bishoprick of Worcester', and bles∣sed God that gave him that grace to resigne it, and to make himselfe a quondam Bishop. But when our Reverend Lordly Fathers thinke on thes, they oppose Lordly , a better example for them to follow, for hee (as they doe) loved to have the preheminence, 3 Iohn 9. and they looke upon hun∣dreds of others, more worthie imitation, wiser men, who learned the words of our Saviour Christ without booke, The Children of this world are wiser in their genera∣tion, then the Children of the light, Luke 16. 8. 7. Because they know that this Lordlynesse, and their secular employments, hinder greatly the spirituall function, and almost quite taketh them off from it, as the Kings of Denmarke and Sweden found to be true, and as wee find it, if wee will judge aright, and as the now most reverend Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, acknowledg∣eth in his dedicatory Epistle before his late published booke, that by such occasions he was made too much a stranger to his Bookes. 8. Because they know, what great good they may do to settle peace betweene his Majesty and his Subjects, and prevent much evill, which may fall out upon both Nations; if they would freely and truely confesse these three things. FOR they support the Throne of Kings; this is an undoubted truth: the reasons are very manifest. 1. Because its in Revel. 17. 12. that the ten hornes are ten Kings, which receive power as Kings at with the Beast. 2. Because they raigne as Kings, without the King; for. 3. Because Kings may very well and safely reigne without them; for 4. Because Christian the third King of Denmark, our Kings great Grand-father by the Mother side, rooted out all the Bishops of his Kingdome in one day: as annoy∣ance to the State, and have beene kept out now hither∣to fully an hundred yeares; So as here, is a King, and no Bishop, and in Sweden, as I take it, no Lord Bishops, and yet there is authority. 5. Because our King, as King, hath no dependency of Bishops, but is over them, and they his Subjects, they depend upon him, and if they usurpe not their power, they have their Episcopall authority and jurisdiction from him, at whose pleasure they fall, if his Majesty please to their authority, and to cast them out. For they have greatly pestered the Church. I. In making many bare reading Ministers, to bee Curates, and too many to bee in the roome of Pastours, for they know well, that a Pastour must bee apt to teach, 1 Tim. 3. 2. as they say in his ordination, and doe give him authority to teach; they heare out of Gods word, that they are blind and dumb dogs, Esay 5. 6. II. In tollerating them to be so continually, for they know where these be, the people are as Sheep without a Shepherd, Mat. 9. neither bee they ignorant of that which Solomon saith, where there is no vision there the people perish, Pro. 29. 18. nor of Christs speech, if the blind lead the blind, both fall into the ditch, Mat. 15. 14. in no reformed Church in Christendome are such, but here, and in the Antichristian of Sathan. 3. In not consulting about meanes, and using the same to remove this so great a plague to the people, and to prevent it for the time to come. 4. In never rebuking their slothfolnesse, no not in the younger men, nor stirring them up to get knowledge, for to instruct the people, 5. In putting downe such divine exercises, as have beene used heretofore, when Ministers met and handled , and the same piece of Scripture, the youngest be∣ginning, and so successively to the Eldest; some grave Ministers being chosen as chiefe for the time; all this done publikely, and then in private, if any thing were need∣full to be advised upon, or any mistake, to deliver their judgements upon it, and so appoint another day for the like meeting once in a fourthnight, or once a moneth; which exercise did much good to many, and continued in some market Townes heretofore very many yeares. 6. In comforting these blind Guides, by preferring prayer before preaching and common service to be such, as people should rest therewith satisfied, especially if they have their quarterly Sermons. Because they admit many too young men into the Mini∣stery, if of any degree in Schooles, if they can answer some few questions in Latine, and can speake upon some text, it may be an houre before them, having penned it af∣ter their best hability, though they bevery ignorāt in the Scriptures, and little acquainted with the studie of Divi∣nity; for in admitting of these they know what Saint Pauls Canon is, hee must not be a Novice, least hee bee puffed up in pride, and so fall into the condemnation of the Divell, 1 Tim. 3. 6. and they also know that youth is subject to be despised, 1 Tim. 4. 12. that many of these are vaine , getting in to be some idle Cu∣rats, and giving themselves to liberty, till they enter into the bond of marriage, and the next bond follow∣ing which , and then of children, a great disgrace to the Ministery. For that they are content that many teach negli∣gently, but now and then, not once a year, some once a yeare, some quarterly; some monethly, and some once in a fortnight, because they read that amongst the , in the Sabbath day was preaching, . was Christs custome to preach every Sabbath, Luke 4. 16, and the Apostles in the Jewish ; ancient Fathers used to doe every Sab∣bath. Christ , . . yet this them not, because they find it written, are destroyed for want of knowledge; because , I will also reject thee, that thou shalt , forget thy 4. 6. 2. They themselves (the most of them) are evill ex∣amples, for they lay aside preaching for the most part, as if it were either no part, or the least part of their du∣tie. 3. Though in Ministers they charge upon them this dutie, and have made a for a licensed Preacher to preach every Lords day; yet is there no enquirie after Ministers negligence herein, no calling them to their Courts, no , no suspension, any other censure upon them the same. Because they read that did not neglect to to stir up the gift in him, and to study hard and to preach dili∣gently; 1 4. 13. 16. 2 Tim. 4. 1. 2. and the same the Elders of to looke to their flock, over which the holy Ghost had made them Over∣, Act willed the to charge to take the Ministery which he had re∣ceived of the Lord, to fulfill it. Col. 4. 14. 4. But unto Ministers, they have a speciall eye, especially if they find the least in conformi∣ty, or not wholy conforming their innova∣tions: though in they preach nothing, may any way the peace of the Church, either for or discipline, but rebuke the of the times, condemned by Gods Law, and the of the Land, and the very Canons of . . to to them, in their , be∣ and did so with , . Thus wee see, how they encourage diligent Ministers, and what they be to the idle Ministers; Non-resi∣dents, and , being all faithfull men to them, but not of God, to their . . 1. . life, and such wee have frequenting Tavernes, Alehouses, drinking till some be drunke, falling to , and sometimes to fighting; for they know its written, that a Minister is to be , , of good , not given to , , striker, 1 , 3. 3. Some other of these so conformable, yet of an other temper, they beare with all being (as one of them∣selves complaine) and ambitious, in heap∣ing together Benefices and promotions, to discharge their dutie, either by their owne persons, or by entertaining or providing able and sufficient , for they find it written, these are , never having enough, which looke their , and every one of them their , Esay 56. 11. And they find it complained of by Saint Paul, that all seeke their owne, and not the things that are Iesus. Christ, Phil 2. 20. and the same Apostle tells them, that they should not be , , but as men of God to these things, 1. Tim. 6. 12. Tit 1. 7. Yet these three sorts of godly Ministers (and that in great number) are nourished up in the bosome of our Church almost, if not altogether without controule. For they know all these three forts to bee for their Lordships, their standing is secured by being over blind, prophane, worldly and affected Ministers. These they trouble not, for they read that the zeale of the Bi∣shop of Ephesus would not permit him to suffer those that were evill, Rev. 2. 1. These keepe people in ig∣norance a grounded stadle for superstition, will-worship, if you will, and whatoever devised formes and gestures, their Lordships please to put upon them, yea the silly people devoutly make them acts of religion, which their good Lordships; for they know that these miserable sort of people doe wor∣ship as did the , they know not what, John 4. 22. and that they may ride upon them, as Balaam upon his Asse. 1. BEcause when they as they ever in they before the King, but not to the King, but ever for the King.B. M. 2. Because they studie the (as one of ) what may please, they their , the Prophet with his in his to his 1. King. 22. 11. 12. 3. If any other bee admitted to preach before the the King. 4. they As did David Samuel Esay 39. 13. 19. . 24. 20. The sharply by a , for his 1 Chro. . 19. K. 3. . 7. Therefore can they in the ones, without their find , as a . . So that is still, Rev. 22. 11. for they are not full of power, by the of God, to declare unto Iacob his , and to his sinnes, as . did, . 3. 8. 11. and as God by Esay comman∣ded, Esay 58. 1. 1. BEcause they make such ignorant Ministers and tollerate these sorts afore mentioned, to bee their Ministers. 2. Because they, as you have heard, so much godly and painefull , whom they often displace, and put wicked ones into their roomes, their now daily practise. 3. Because are put downe by some of them, and wholy throughout , with a thanks be to God that they have within their for they read how their shut up the King∣dome of God against men, Mat. 23. 13. and a∣way the key of knowledge. Luke. 11. 50. themselves, but did hinder others that would have en∣tered. 4. Because they make reading preaching, for they find in the , that when the were read, they had that preached unto Act. 15. 21. and 13. 15. 5. Because they (at some of them) preferre set payers read, before preaching, holding prayers to be Gods service, and preaching no part of his service. For that they may read, preaching was ever be∣fore set , which 300 yeares after , spent himselfe in preaching hee sent his , . , , and charged it up∣on others with great , 1 Tim. 4. More∣over they (Rom. 10. 14.) knowledge and . 6. Because they forbid preaching in the afternoone, for they find it written that Paul preached in the afternoone, Act. 20. 7. the Peter and , who went up to the Temple at the , and there preached, Act 3. 1. . . The Fathers, , and others, preached in the af∣ter-noone, and so doe the Ministers in all reformed Churches. 7. Because they appoint catechising in the afternoon, to put downe preaching, and such a as doth no good to the and simple; for Ministers are to aske no other questions then are in the common Ca∣techisme; and yet this kind many Ministers observe ; and are never questioned for it. 8. They permit not any to leave a reading Minister, nor an idle preaching Minister, when he paines to preach, to goe to an other Teacher, and . The Preacher for his shall without check, but that goeth to heare shall , and open , and God . Lastly they hinder this going abroad to , for they have how people (to under∣stand) without a Preacher, Rom. 10. 14. and they re∣member what the , that hee could not understand what he a guide, Act. 8. 31. Who of understanding, can∣not hence very care have of mens soules, because they find it written, that the mind not good . 19. . 1. BEcause they have a of of , to worship God by; for they find so will I , not to God; but whatsoever I , 12. 39. 31. 32. 2. Because they are , that the people, say their service and prayers with, after , though they understand little or nothing; for they read, that we must pray with the and 1. Cor. 14. 15. and also of the , This people me with their . 3. Because they bind all such various , to as prayer, and up another; to stand part of others to bow to of the second the of God, and not to another; to bow to the Table, the of the , , and they to be ob∣served, the of God, making peo∣ple (which no better) that these be of . For they written, , 2 . 3. 5. and that there is a shew of wisdome in , . 2. . 24. 4. Because they to serve God, as , 5. And lastly, because they not so much respect what God commands, as the observation of their owne and Articles after which they examine how people frame themselves in serving of God. For they it written, the hypocriticall and , the Leaders of the blind did lay aside, - the Commandements of God, to hold and keepe their owne traditions, Mar. 7. 8, . they. also know what Esay , They have chosen their owne wayes, and their soule in their , and devises, Esay 66. 3. 4, 1. BEcause they can bee content, that the King and his subjects should be at ods, even to the shedding of much bloud, if God prevent it not, rather then they will leave their Rochets. For it is written, the Divell is come unto you, having great wrath, be∣cause he but a short time, Rev. 12. 12. 2. Because whosoever , that doe reprove them, and doe discover their pride, tyranny, and Lording over , their corrupting of Gods worship, their grosse of Princes, their opposing the of godlinesse, their cunningly suppressing preaching in part, and painefull preachers, their nour∣ishing undermining the Gospell, hatching innovations to bring in poperie, after , to procure them to bee attached, imprisoned, and whipt, , set on , their cut off by a common bloudie hangman, and to lie in severall prisons, that they might not have comfort one of another, for they find it written, that the high imprisoned , . 20 that the flattering Sycophant . , 1 K. 22. that the high & chiefe Priests beat the Apostles Acts 5. 40. that they & killed such as were sent unto them, . . 34. 37. yea also they procured Christ himselfe to be to death. 3. They trouble men more for neglect of their Cere∣monies, then for not preaching diligently; more for at the name of Jesus, then for swearing by the name of , the heart of God, and the bloud of Christ; more for breach of an All Saints day, then pro∣phaning the Lords day: for that they find it written, as is before noted in the former position, that the Scribes and Pharises stood more for the observation of their owne traditions, and what they of them∣selves to , the holy Commandements of God, like hypocrites as they were, Mar. 7. . 8. 1. BEcause they hold her to be the Mother Church, for they find her called the Mother of , and abominations of the earth, Rev. 17. 5. 2. Because they hold her a Church of Christ, for they find it written, that is with the of the Martyrs of Iesus, and that Christ said, of her , . 17. 6. and 18. 4. 3. They deny the Pope to be ; for they find it written, that is , , himselfe in the Temple of God, above all, 2 . 2, 3, 4. That he is that , the King of the , Rev. 9. 11. That is the with the like a Lamb, but as a . . 13. 11. 4. They lead the way , for they the name more than before, they call the Table an , bow to it very lowly, painting Crucifixes, setting up Candlesticks, and somewhere doe burne Can∣dles, enfignes of the of confes∣ . For they find it written, They are bent to , . . 7. They went backward, & not forward, . 4. Church and in all the dignities, Courts and proceedings therein somewhat like, in not a few things, to ; their habits, their cere∣monies, superstitious gestures; the name of Priest, , ; in the Church of , for they find it written, that all , . . 3. 4. 5. Because they suffer Priests and , not to be, but also to in the Land, against the Law of God, and the Lawes of this Land, they seeke them not out, they call them not before them, they having them in their hands, use them very kindly, otherwise then they do many of Gods Ministers; for they find it written, that the high Priests and regarded , and other false Prophets more then . 6. Because such as fall away to that Rome, are very gently dealt with, for of offending them, and as for knowne Church Papists, they can friendly en∣tertaine them; for they find it written, they strengthen the hands of evill , that none wick∣, . 22. 14. 7. Because they suffer popish bookes to passe, and popish to bee preached without con∣trole, for they find it written, that Letters have beene sent by false Prophets, . 29. 25. and Teachers. 2. . 2. 2. and have beene permitted to preach, and prophesie. 8. Because they cannot endure, so much as an Alma∣nack, having in stead of popish Saints, put into it theThey will call them Mar∣tyrs; but . may in print call them . in the high Commission Court, for they find it written, . 9. 27. 9. Because the Papiste dare lodge them, where the Mother Churches, the Cathedrells bee, and never appeate in their Courts; for who ever law a Papist cy∣ted openly to their Count, and for neglecting, yes re∣fusing to come to the , to , made to doe or if not be , excommunicated, aggri∣vated and pursued to an ? 10. Because no kingdome or State ( Lawee are enacted against them) is so troubled with Papists, and those seeds-men of Antichrist, Prieste and Iesuits, as ours is, where their good Lordships be. BEcause our Church disallowing consubstanti∣at on, and , and acknowledg∣ing the Elements and , to bee creatutes, yet they call to, as they call it the , not onely when the Sacriment is administred, but when the Elements are not there; which the Papists doe not, but condemne it in such as amongst us doe to. Because its written, they have hardened their necks, and des them their Fa∣thers, Ier. 7. 26. every one after the imaginati∣on of his owne heart, Ier. 16. 12. THis course they take, its well knowne, putting men to their oathes, making them to sweare to make true answer to them of all that which shall be demand∣ed of them, for, 1. They know its practised of the horrible holy Fa∣thers, of that blondie Spanish inquisition, hated of God, and all good men. 2. They know it to be against the Law of Nature, re∣gistred in the civill Law, for one to sweare to become thereby an accuser of himselse; for Nemo tenetur prode∣re seipsum. 3. Its a wicked putting of men needlesly, and ille∣gally into a great danger of the fearefull sinne of perjury; if any for feare of man should forsweare themselves (as a Peter may sometimes doe,) and therefore much more others, may so through feare miscarry: In a necessary and legall way to minister an oath, if men damnably for∣sweare themselves, the Imposers of such an oath are guiltlesse, but not so in this case. 4. Because they find it written, to bee contrary to Abraham dealing with his servant, when hee intreated him to take an oath, before the servant sware, Abraham told him what he should sweare, and the servant made objections for himselfe, to prevent the danger of taking his oath in vaine. 5. Because they are not ignorant of this, that this course is directly against Gods will and word, who no where alloweth this in an ordinary way, to evict any, but by a certaine number of faithfull witnesses, and accusers,Numb. 35. 30 thus in the time of the Law, and this was established in the time of the Gospell, Mat. 18 16. 2. Cor. 13. 1. especi∣allyDeut. 19. 15 and 17. 6: concerning an Elder, 1 Tim. 5. 19. 6. They read of the equity of the Romans, how Fe∣lixHeb. 10. 28. would stay for the Accusers, Acts 23. 35. of Saint Paul, who heard them, and gave him leave to speake for himselfe. The like did Festus, Acts 25. 5. who said, it was the manner of the Romans so to doe, verse 16. and King Agrippa approved thereof, Acts 26. 1. none of them willing to have him put to his oath, that so ad∣vantage might be taken, against him. Trajane the Em∣perour said, that without an Accuser, there is no placePlin. . 10. for an accusation, for that is an evill example, and notEpist. 98. heard of in our age. 7. Because they cannot but know, that thus to deale with men (to put them to their oath, thereby to evict, and condemne them, when they cannot by witnesse prove any thing against them.) 8. Because they well understand, that by thus dealing, their ground must bee their owne ill conceit, ill ∣on, or some report of ill minded Adversaries, or some such wicked uncharitablenesse, no allowable grounds to proceed in a judicatory way against any, either before God. or just m n. 9. Because they know, that thus proceeding against all justice and equitie; they themselves must first become their Accusers, and then their Judges. 10. Because holy , in his burning heat, thir∣sting after Christs bloud, Christ to it by a dreadful ad∣juration, to make him speak somewhat where he might accuse him, and condemne him, with the consent of the like Enemies of Christ, as hee himselfe was; and this means hee used, because he had no just witnesses to ac∣cuse him, and to condemne him by: an example of an high Priest worthie praise and their worthy imitation. 11. Because it is not onely against Gods will, under the Law, and under the Gospell, as before its proved, but its also. Against reason, by the judgement of Ministers in A∣phrick,Victor de perso∣cut, Vandal. to whom when such an oath was tendered, they answered, irrationalia nos putetis, ut jure∣mus nescientes quid charta contineat? Thinke you us un∣reasonable beasts to sweare we not knowing what the writing may containe? 12. Aganist the due reverence to the divine Majesty,Jer. 4. 2. in taking an oath, who requiteth when we sweare, to sweare in truth, in judgement, in righteousnesse, which we cannot doe, before we know what to sweare unto. 13. Against the civill Law, by which there is noDigest: lib. proceeding, till some accuser be bound to prosecute the accusation. 14. Against the ancient Canon Law, which saith,Decret. pag, 2 Cous 23. quast. 4. peccata quae publicis indiciis discernuntur, punienda non sune. And here some alledge Sixtus 3. in Epist. ad episc. Ori∣entales, who saith, before the Accuser comes and binds himselfe to prove the Accusations, Criminationes adver∣sus doctorem uemo recipiat. 15. Against Saint Ambrose who saith, a Judge mayIn Epist. 1 Cor. c1. 5. not condemne without an Accuser for our Lord, though he knew Iudat for a Thiefe, yet he cast him not out, be∣cause none accused him. 16. Against the equitie and justice of this Land toStatute 15. . 8. ca 15 cemmen Law. See . touch∣ing Bishops effi∣ctalls. pag 62. bring any into danger of life, name goods, or Lands, by any intrapping interrogatories, or by any other meanes then witnesse, verdict &c. a fellon at the barre is not for∣ced to any oath, nor proceeded against, though knowne to be guilty, but is judged according to allegations, and proofe. 17. Against the Libertie of the Subject, to bee dealtThis master Fuller hath fud manisesled in the defence of Client. with otherwise then is by Law sufficiently warrantable. 18. Against the safety and peaceable security of any subject, whom they hate, and date meddle with, at their and pleasure to call them into question, and by this ex , force them to lay themselves open to their malice, and unjust proceedings; 19. Its not practised in Reformed Churches, but one∣ly under that Romane Prelate; yet the State of , and some other places doe not subject themselves unto it. 20. The Lord Verulam, late Chancelour of England, held the continuance of this oath, to bee contrary to the Lawes of this Land, and custome of this Kingdome: For Prelates are not to put any to their oath, except in matrimoniall and Testamentary causes; So say learn∣ed Lawyers. 21. Its thought to have it originall from the Statute,Crompton 182 : de brev. pag. 141 . pag. 36. . . . 2. . 4. ca 15. procured by the Prelates, against true Gospollers, by them called Hereticks, Lollards, and so was framed against them for defence of poperie, and to overthrow the Gospell. But here note, Obj. In the Starre Chamber and Court of Chancery, there is an oath required. Answer. This is by laying in of a Bill of complaint, in which a legall accusation is framed against the partie; be∣yond which, the plaintiffe cannot goe, nor the defendant shall be urged. But this oath ex , is first given to the partie to answere he knowes not to what, then is hee examined upon either flying reports, or secret witnesses, or upon some illimagination against the party, which dealing carryeth no shew of civill Law, and is flatly repugnant (saith the Lord Verulam) to the Common Law. Obj. Some alledge that by this oath none are tyed to answer further then they are bound by Law. A. 1. They have no Law to put men to such an oath, no Law of God, no Law of this Land, and there∣fore none are tyed to take it, nor bound by Law to make any answere to it at all. 2. In answering, if they plead the benefit of the Law, that they are not bound to accuse themselves, if the interrogatories and Articles doe seeme, to touch the betraying of themselves, then they use captious questi∣ons, and doe take it as for granted, that the partie is a delinquent, in such Articles as he will not make answer unto; so though it be said, you shall sweare as as the Law onely bindeth, yet these bee but sugered words, to draw men into a snare, and to make the simple beleeve that they may take the oath, and the other may impose it. Obj. They would faine have warrant from the Scrip∣ture, and so to have God to approve of them, for this purpose, they doe alledge, Ex. 22. 11. Num. 5. 19. For the place in Exod. 22. 11. Then shallan oath of the Lord be betweene them both, that he hath not put his hands unto his Neighbours goods, &c. This warrants not the wicked administring of the Oath ex Officio. 2. Here the matter is well knowne, before the party be put to sweare. In the other, he is inforced to sweare, before hee know what he is to sweare unto, and if hee refuse, hee is of their loving kindnesse and compassion sent into pri∣son. 3. Here the matter is of common equity, and a civill businesse, concerning right betweene party and party. There it is about causes Ecclesiasticall and criminall matters, and not ever betweene party and party in a matter of justice. 4. Here the oath is administred in a case, not other∣wise to be tryed and decided, for if it could, say the Hebrew Doctors, the Oath was not to be administred. There its administred, whether it can, or cannot bee otherwise proved. 5. Here the Judges proceed, in the behalfe of the party complaynant, to end the betweene them. In the other, the Judges proceed with relation to themselves, secretly becomming parties, not to end a betweene others, but to begin it betweene the party and themselves too often. 6. Here the Oath is administred, not ex Officio, up∣on the Judges pleasure, and their owne authority, but upon the just complaint of another. In the other ex Officio, is a proceeding upon their owne authority, and the framing of a bill upon their owne imagination against the party called before them, letting the wicked accuser lurke in a corner, or else to be gone, till they can ripen the . 7. Here is an Oath given to make an end of the con∣troversie; to cleare the party, and the to rest satisfied. In the other the Oath ex Officio, is to begin a contro∣versie, not to cleare the party, but breed him more and greater trouble, for they will not be satisfied, though they have no just matter against him, but if they let him depart, its by making him enter into a bond of appear∣ance againe, whensoever they call him. Lastly the Oath is administred onely touching the particular cause in hand. That is administred upon ma∣ny captious interrogatories, that by all or some of them, the party may be catched, and brought into danger. Wee see from all this, that hence is no for their wickednesse, but is rather against them. Touching the other Scripture, though in a criminall cause of adultery, Numb. 5. 19. yet it helpes them no∣thing, thus to tyrannize over Ministers and others. Lastly yet this was not allowed to be done by the Lord, but when there was no witnesse against her, or shee taken in the fact, verse 13. These holy are therefore , to make God speake for them, who, as I have proved, is them. IT cannot be sufficiently admired, in these distra∣cted dayes, that Bishops the Reverend Fathers in our Church, should be from time to time so opposed, as they have beene. First they have beene prayed against. Se∣cond preached against. Thirdly written against. Fourth∣ly witnessed against, by suffering persecution, suspensi∣on, excommunication, deprivation, degradation, also whipping, pillory, the cropping off of the eares, the flitting of Noses, fining deepely, and imprisonment unto death. Fiftly, & I hope lastly resisted with the sword, as if men desired and intended wholy the rooting out of those so eminent persons, from the Churches of Christ, as if Enemies to peace, to preaching, to the power of godlines & all goodnes, and as if they were lyms of that Romish Antichrist, Lovers of that of Rome, secret nourishers of Superstition, Lawles Innovators in matters of religion, Such as makd way for to the Sea of Rome, the very chiefe troublers of Church and State, minding onely how to uphold their Hierarchie, and Pre∣laticall Church, though with the ruine of the King and his Kingdomes. But for better discoverie of the truth, here is laid before every judicious Reader, their way and walking, that all may see that will see, and not mistake, but bee inforced to acknowledge them to be such, as they are before the face of God, and all good men, who can tru∣ly judge aright betweene them, and all those which so condemne them. It cannot be denyed that they prove themselves to be Bishops, Superiours to Elders in dignity, from Tihy and Titus whom the Postscripts to the E∣pistles of Saint Paul make to Bishops; This is their divine ground on which they build their worthy stand∣ing, and well may they. For they follow all the rules and exhortations given to these two Bishops by Saint Paul very exactly, and punctually to every thing, being strongly fenced with Saint Pauls authority in all their doings. 1. They conceive Bishops to be superiours in office, and dignity, to Elders. For they read that Saint Paul maketh Bishops and El∣ders all one, Tit. 1. 5. 7. 1 Tim. 3. 1. as the fomer treatise doth declare, and if Elders Pastours and Mini∣sters be not one and the same, the Apostle hath not, in directing and , told what a one a Minister of Christ should be. 2. They clayme Jurisdiction over Ministers and o∣thers. For Tihy and Titus were extraordinary men, who were substituted for a time, in Sain Pauls absence, to doe1 Tim. 1. 3. and 3. 14. 15. Tit. 1: 5. what he was to doe, had hee beene in person there. But they not, nor any made of any pow∣er of iurisdiction invested in those which the Apostle doth call : in his describing of a Bishop, in 1 Tim 3. 1. and in Tit. 1. 7, 8. 9. no one word is there of iurisdiction. 3. They challenge ordination to themselves, impo∣sition of hands and making of Ministers. For they find it written, that imposition of hands was in the , 1 Tim. 4. 14. and that more then one laid on hands, Acts 13. 3. and ordained Ministers,Laid their hands. Acts 14. 23. and , Acts 6 6. and they also read, that Saint Paul said to , lay hands sodainlyThey ordain∣ed. on no man; he saith not, lay thy hands, as if hee aloneThey layd their hands on them. were to doe it, but lay hand, to wit, with other on no man; when they would ordaine any, which expositi∣o the words following doe confirme, neither b partak∣rs of other sinnes, that is, if they would sinne in mis∣or , not on such with them, and be guilty of sinne with them: So is the place in Ti∣tus of his ordaining Elders to be understood, Tit. 1. 5. for its not probable, that Saint Paul would give autho∣rity to either Timothie or Titus, which he never to himselfe alone, but when he ordained Elders, others therein were with him, Acts 14. 23. 4. These have made many . 2. Very young, and vo : For they find it written, that the first were honest men, full of the holy Ghost and wisedome, Acts 6. 3. and that Paul would have them grave (not light head∣ed lads) holding the Ministery of Faith with a pure consci∣ence, &c. 1 Tim. 3. 8. 9. 5. These have made dumb Ministers, and many o∣ther very unfit for the ministery. For they find it writ∣ten, that Saint Paul will have his Minister, Pastour, and Elder to be to teach, holding fast the faithfull word, and to bee able by sound Doctrine to exhort and convince ; as also to be , , of good behaviour &c. 1 Tim. 3. 1. . Tit. 1. 9. Not a Novice, least being lifted up with pride, he fall into the condemna∣tion of the Devill, 1 Tim. 3. 6. 6. These do not constantly employ themselves, in the preaching of the word, For they find it written, that Saint Paul would with a vehement exhortation have Bishop Timothy to preach the word, to in season, and out of season, &c. 2 Tim. 4. 1. 2. and to to reading, exhortation, and doctrine, and wholy to give himselfe , 1 Ti. 4. 13. 15. 7. These, at least not a few of them, have their fa∣milies not very orderly, not very religiously demeaning themselves. For they read, that Saint Pl would have Bishop not given to Wine, his house, Tim. 3. 3. 4. 8. These (some of them, all know) are covetous, not hospitall, nor lovers of good-men, but bitter against them. For they find it written by Saint Paul, that his Bishop must be given to hospitality, not cs, nor greedy of fil∣thylucre, a Lover of good men, just, , , 1 Tim. 3. . 3. Tit. . 8. and a patterne of good workes. Tit. . 7. 9. These speake roughly to Elders called before them, and easily receive accusations and informations against them, and without proofe of witnesses will proceed against them. For they find it written, rebuke not an El∣der, but intreat him, as a Father, and against an Elder receive , but before 2. or 3. witnesses, 1 Tim. 4. 1. 9. 10. These be deadly Enemies unto all hereticall Spirits. For they find it written, by Saint Paul to Arch-Bi∣shop Titus, that a man that is an , after the first and second to be rejected, Tit. 3. 10. How really and exactly observant these reverend Fa∣thers be of all S. and constitutions, may here∣by appeare to all their Adversaries, who hitherto have so much and so often, for a long time, complained so bit∣terly against them, and their sacred proceedings. And who seeth not, that these reverend Lord∣Bishops deserve their honour, that they walke worthy their places, and are to bee maintained for Churches wellfare, and the common wealths happinesse, till Anti∣Christs downefall, and the utter ruine of Rome, which all Christians have good cause to pray for, especially if wee take into our wise consideration these few things in briefe. 1 That all their proceedings are by booke, even al∣together contrary to that which is written, as hath been declared. 2. That they make Canons such as they please, and without confirmation by act of Parliament, and yet vio∣lently urge them, as Law, upon his Majesties Subjects, and doe frame Articles out of them by oath to be obser∣ved. 3. That whatsoever in the Statute Lawes, or in their owne Canons they find usefull for themselves, in their way they diligently bend themselves, to have them carefully observed, but as for all the rest, which perhaps may be such as tend to true pietie, sound doctrine, faith∣full discharge of good duties to God, and to man, and for an holy lise and conversation, they farre lesse regard, and for the most part passe them over. 4. That in afflicting punishments there is more respect to the persons hability, what he is able to pay, then the amendment of his life, the Lord knowes it. 5. That they generally suffer foule abuses in the Church, not conscionably seeking a redresse thereof, which yet are in their power to reforme, if they would seriously as in Gods presence, take it into hand, and let petty matters alone, and fall upon the removing of grea∣ter enormities, even raigning sinnes which provoke God to wrath, in all sorts of persons; both of the higher de∣grce (commonly let alone) and of the lower ranke med∣led with onely for the purse sake. 6. That they notoriously abuse generally all the people of the Land with the name of the Church of England, un∣dor which name they countenance themselves, their Pre∣laticall power, and their owne sole doings, which few take notice of, but all may easily observe it in their pro∣ceedings, both before the convocation gathered, in the time of the convocation, and after its broken up. 1. One, the greatest, which aweth all the rest, with the assistance of two or three Lording Spirits (such as care not to turne all upside downe, so they may be sure to hold their standing) consult of matters which they hold most fit, and having concluded what to do within themselves, they propound them to the rest of the Bishops their fear∣full brethren, who dare not but say as they say, when they meet together, thus the Church beginneth. 2. To further their designes, Clarkes in the Countrie, for the Convocation house must be chosen, but not free∣ly by the Ministers as they ought, but picked out by the Bishops in their owne diocesse, such as they know will bee sure cards for them, and propound them to be chosen of the over-awed Parsons and Vicars who dare not for their cares gainesay them: and thus the Bishops make up a Parke for their Lord-ships purposes: having made ready their Clarkes, they call together their su pporters, all the Ds, all the Arch-Deacons, and who else must be per∣sonally there in that Assembly, men knowne for the most part to be very faithfull to their Lordships honourable standing, to make up the representative body of the Church of England. Thus they (the Church forsooth) goe to lay a sure foundation for themselves, before the Con∣vocation be brought together. 3. But here note, that the Church consists of the Laity, as well as of the , Acts 15. , so as if the house of Parlament, lower, and upper, be not of them, but seclu∣ded, they are not the representative body of the Ch of England, but of the Clergie onely, and the Prel Church. 1. All these Priests and Clarkes sit there to gaz upon another, and to whisper of matters nothing o to the purpose of their meeting, but wait for their from their Lordships, like Schoole boyes. 2. When they have received their directions, a bo se are so seiseth upon almost all of them, as thereby thy are moved to agree to contradict nothing; but if it so happen that some take courage (a rare vertue among them) for the truth, and doe oppose in some materiall things, which crosse their Lordly designements, Then, 3. Either they labour by a strong side, and more in num∣ber (for the greatest and most are not ever the best) to make them yeeld, or to say nothing: or else (to get their Canons passe) They devise a time, when the better sort, al or most, are away, to finish the worke, & thus the Church of England makes here decrees to all her beloved chil∣dren, but yet are of no force without an act of Parlament: 1. If any matter be not onely in shew questionable, but is justly to bee questioned, their Lordships by their sole wisedome in their severall disse, must interpret the meaning, and men must also rest satisfied, though the meaning given be absurd, for its a folly to goe from a Bi∣shop to an Arch-Bishop, time hath taught men their lost laour therein. 2. If in time the One great one, and some two three, or foure bethinke themselves of any course better befit∣ting their secret plots and intentions, in altering, in ad∣ding, or taking from, in any innovation whatsoever, then they have wayes to beare out all these their doings, with gaining help of Royall declarations, and proclamations to beare them out, which being setled in peace, then they become the orders allowed by the Church. And thus may all wise men see, who are this Church of England; one with two, three, or foure of the diocesan Lord-Bishops, for they find it written, (with clipping the text) that if two of them, much more three or foure, with a body of Cyphers, be gathered together and agree in the Convocation house touching any thing, it shall be done. Mat. 18. 19. O Lord open the eyes of our , both to see, and consider, and also to against these Lord Bishops, to make them Bishops indeed, or else to remove them, very ill the Church and State. Let them fall by their owne Councels, and let all the people of God say Amen.
A00301.P4	The manuell of Epictetus, translated out of Greeke into French, and now into English, conferred with two Latine translations. Herevnto are annexed annotations, and also the apothegs of the same author. By Ia. Sanford	[ "Epictetus.", "Sandford, James." ]	Anno. 1567.	By H. Bynneman for Leonard Maylard,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Ethics, Ancient." ]	OF al things which are,A diuision of things. some are in vs, some are not. In vs are Opinion, Endeuor, Desire, Eschuing, & briefly al that which is our worke. In vs are not our Body, Possessions, Honours, Souerainties,The natural condition of things. and summarily al that which is not our worke. Then the things which are in vs are frée and franke by nature, and can not be pro∣hibited, empeached, nor taken away. But such things as are not in vs, bée seruile, féeble, and may be prohibited, empeched and taken away, as things vnto other men belonging, and not ours. IF the thinges which are franke and frée, thou shalte estéeme and Iudge seruill, and the thinges which are not oures, thou thynke proper, thou shalt be sorrowfull, thou shalte be troubled, thou shalt finde thy selfe encombred, & shalte miscontente thy selfe with God and men. But if thou thinke onely the things thyne, which truely are thine, and the things other mennes, which truely are other mens, no man wyll constrayne thée, no man wyll hinder thée, thou shalt blame no body, thou shalt accuse no body, thou shalt do no∣thing againste thy wyll, no man shall hurte thée, and moreouer thou shalte haue no enimy. For in nothing which is hurtefull thou canst not be perswa∣ded. THen if thou desire such things, remember that thou oughteste not beyng greatly mooued and troubled, to take them in hand: but eyther altogether thou oughteste to reiecte them,Our conside¦ration is to be stirred vp and a diligēt preparation to be vsed. or for a tyme laye thē a side, and before al things to be care∣full ouer thy selfe. But if thou desire these things, that is to rule, to be rich, to haue thine to prosper, peraduen∣ture thou shalte not aspire to all these things,One can not serue vertue and vanitie. bicause thou doest desire also the chefest. So by no maner of means thou art able to attain vnto ye things which giue felicitie & libertie to man. All these things) That is rule, riches. &c. bicause thou doest desire the chiefest) that is, these things which Philosophie giueth, Libertie, tranquillitie of the mynde, and secu∣ritie. IN any strong and sharpe Imagina∣tion,We must re∣frain our cō¦sent before the matter bee plainely perceiued. thou must accustome thy selfe immediatly to consider, that this is nothing else but Imagination, and that in déede it is not as thou déemest. Afterward search it out, and examine it, with these rules whiche thou haste. First and principally by this, whether the thing concerne the things whiche are in vs, or the things which are not. And if it be of the things whiche are not in vs, haue incontinently thys in remembrance: That belongeth nothing to me. CAll to remembraunce,A vain flight from discom¦modities ma¦keth a man miserable, & a depriuing of desires ma¦keth a man vnfortunate. that the promise and the end of desire is, enioying of the thyng desired: and that the promise and ende of eschewing is not to fall into that, whiche one oughte to flée: He then which cōmeth not to enioy, but is de∣priued of the promise of his desire, is not happy, but vnfortunate, and whoso falleth on ye, which he declineth, is mi∣serable. If thē onely thou decline that which is not agreable to the nature of the things whiche are in vs, thou shalt neuer chaunce into that, whiche thou shalt flee. But if thou thinkest to erempt thy selfe from sickenesse death or frō pouertie, or altogether shunne them, thou shalt finde thy selfe vnhap∣py.One newely entred in the doctrine of vertue ought not to take to much vpō him. Wherfore thou must set apart all the eschuing, and auoiding of suche things as are not in vs, and transpose these into them which are against the nature of things, whiche be in vs. As touching desire, thou must altogether set it aside at this present. For if thou couet the things which are not in our power, it must néedes be, that thou be frustrate. Howe and after what sorte thou must desire the things which are in vs, thou art yet vncertaine. As for endeuoure and refraining of ye minde vse it sleightly with reason, and a res∣ted deliberation. Promise of desire, It is a certain faining of desire speaking with a mā. To the vnlearned sort the wordes should be more plaine▪ if he had thus spoken: when thou doest desire any thing, haue a cōfidence to obtaine it, & to haue thy desire. &c that which is not agreable to ye nature of the things which are in vs, Against these things verely do repugne, false opinion, naughtie & corrupt appetite, all the perturbatiōs of the minde, whiche the Stoicke Philosophers would haue to be in mans power: not so per∣aduenture that they appeare not (for that were more beseming God than man) but that they obeye reason. Trāspose these into them which ar against the nature of things which be in vs. These words seme vnto the vnlearned obscure, which had ben more lighter and easy, if he had written thus: To abhorre false opinions, folish and euil desires, dishonestie, and disworship. For as thou mayest flee these thin∣ges, so thou mayest eschewe them. IN euery thing, whiche doth eyther delite thée,The nature of the thing derely loued is to be con∣sidered. or whiche are profitable vnto thée, or which thou louest, thou must diligently consider the quali∣tie, beginning at the least thyngs. If thou loue a pot, say in thys manner: I loue a pot, thesame beyng brokē, thou shalte not disquiete thy selfe, for thou diddest well knowe, that he was fra∣gile and brittle. Likewise if thou loue thy sonne, or thy wyfe, saye that thou doest loue a man: if one or other chāce to dye thou shalt not be troubled, bi∣cause thou dyddest consider well that he was mortall. If thou loue a pot, Albeit Epictet, as a dis∣piser of riches, bringeth forth examples of vyle thyngs, as of baynes, lactuce, and other of that sort: yet Simplicius hath a more apte worde: If thou hādell or tosse a pot: that is, a brittle thing that cānot abyde or suffer tossyng, or hitting a∣gainst the walles, as glasse, wherof Publiā sayth, Fortune is as brittle as glasse, whiche when it shineth, it is broken. Peraduenture he alluded to Diogenes Tonne. WHen yu doest take any thing in hande,The circum¦stāces of eue¦ry businesse are to be considered. thou muste set be∣fore thy eyes ye qualitie ther∣of: as if thou wylt goe to the baines, cōsider with thy selfe diligēt∣ly all that which may happen, & what they do. Some cast water, some are driuen out of their places, some doe a thing to the rebuke of an other, and in the meane season other picke & steale. In doyng thys thou shalt more cer∣tainely and constantly bryng thy mat∣ter to passe, if finally thou saye I wyll bath my selfe, and obserue thy purpose vnto nature agréeable, and semblably in all things thou shalt not do amisse. For after this sort if any harme befall while thou arte in the baine, this say∣ing shal be in a redinesse: I would not onely obserue this, but also would not swarue from my purpose whiche is agréeable vnto nature, whiche I shall not performe, if I take displeasauntly the things which happen and befall. THe things do not trouble men, but the opinions whiche they conceyue of them, as for exam∣ple: death is not terrible (thē it would haue so séemed to Socrates) but bi∣cause the opinion of death is terrible,A wise man is without complaint. death semeth terrible. Then when we are brought in the briers, or be trou∣bled, or that we do bewaile our owne state, let vs not blame others but our selues, that is to say our opinions. Death is not terrible, If either the soule be extinguished with the body, or be trāsferred and caried into a better place. But if thou shalte be punished for thy offences, it is a daungerous matter, and a harde case, excepte thou be fensed with the buckler of true pietie. THe vnlerned accuseth other in his owne propre faulte. He that begynneth to haue knowledge accuseth him selfe. The learned accuseth neither an other, neither him selfe. The vnlerned, That is he, which conside∣reth not what things are his owne, and what ar an other mannes: who requireth all things to be done according to his wil and pleasure, that which neither may be done, neither perhappes ought not. Himself for he doth acknowledge hys faulte, and also is intentiue and diligente a∣bout it, leaste that he stumble againe at the same stone: that is, lest that he claime or attribute o∣ther mens right to himselfe. GLory not in thy selfe for the ex∣cellencie of an other thing.We must a∣uaunt in the riches of the minde, and not in the gifts of for∣tune. It shoulde be tollerable, if a horse aduaunting himself should say: I am faire. But thou when in bosting thy selfe, thou doest say, I haue a faire horse: remember that thou dost glori∣fie thy selfe for the beautie which is in the horse.The vse of opinion is propre vnto man. What haste thou then? No∣thing bisides the vse of opinion. Therefore when in the vse of opinion thou shalt gouerne thy selfe according to nature, then thou shalt haue wher∣with to auaunte thy selfe, for in any commoditie which is thine, thou wilte glorifie thy selfe. The vse of opinion, This semeth obscure to the vnlearned. But it is euen as he should says In all things we ought not to follow appetite, or the common opinion, but the iudgement of reason. For to vse well opinion, is nothing else than to iudge well of all things, and to obey reason, not affection. EVen as in Nauigation,We oughte in al things principally to be mind¦ful of God. when men make their abode at any ha∣uen, if ye Mariner goeth to lande for freshe water, and it hapneth that incidently by the way, he thin∣keth to gather cockles or oysters, yet neuerthelesse he ought to haue regard of the shippe, and oftentimes to looke back, whether ye Master calleth: and if he call thée, leaue all behinde, and returne to the shippe, least that thou being bond like a beast, be not drawen by force to the shippe. Euen so it is, in the course of our life, as if for a cockle or an oister, there be gyuen vs a wife and a childe, or other things, which we holde deare, and wherin we take plesure, they ought not to put vs from our purpose vnto nature agréeable: But if the master do call, run vnto the shippe, leauing these things behinde, not looking backe towards them. But if thou be olde, go neuer farre from the ship, least that thou being called, do fail, & that thou be not constrained. For he which willingly followeth not necessitie, by force and maulgre his téeth she draweth him. Least yt thou being called dost fail. He speaketh not of the outwarde power, but of the imbecillitie and weaknesse of the might: which the greter it shalbe whē age cōmeth on vs with more few things the mind is to be occupied: for bicause it is very difficulte to be voide of these, and to fulfill that which Philosophie comman∣deth. A single person (if other things be corre∣spondent) may be in his life time, cōtented with a little, and die with a more pacient minde. A wife, children, and familie, do more trouble and disquiete the husbande and father, being as well in good healthe, as sicke, than his life. I vnder∣stande the shippe, either to be Philosophie, or the trade of our life: the ruler and maister of the Shippe to be GOD: to whom when he calleth, who so obeyeth not either is entreted as a slaue, or else is vtterly forsaken. WIsh not that the thyng which is done,We muste not couet in vaine, that which is impossible. be done according to thy pleasure and will. But wish that it be done, euen as it is don, and thou shalt be happie. Sicknesse is an impedimēt of the body, not of thy purpose, except thou wilt thy selfe.A wel fra∣med mynde is disturbed with no¦thing. Halting is an im∣pediment of the legge or foote, and not of thy purpose, and so consider in eue∣rie inconuenience whiche may befall, and thou shalte finde the impediment to appertaine to an other, and not to thée. Halting is an impediment of ye foote, not of thy purpose. But thou wilt say whē thou art purposed to goe a iourney (namely if thou want a horse, or a waggon) halting hinde∣reth thee. Epictet wil answer & say: If thou shalt follow my precepts, thou shalt begyn no iour∣ney, whiche thou art not hable to atchieue. So the more and greater the impedimentes of the body shall be, so much the more thou shalt sup∣presse appetite, and shalte take fewer things in hande. But thou dost say, that this is the impe∣diment of purpose, and therefore very trouble∣some. Epictet denieth it to be an impediment, to desire nothing rashly and in vaine: but affir∣meth it to be the propre part & office of a Phi∣losopher. Verily, euen a foole doth vnderstande this, that it is better to make appetite obey rea∣son, than to burne in vaine desires. The impe∣diment to appertaine to another and not to thée) If he would graūt the foote to be a part of the body, (neither doeth he denie it) & the bodie to be part of man (which he seemeth to denie) when his foote is poistered & shakled, the bodie is also cūbred, the body being cum∣bred, mā hym selfe at least wise partely is cum∣bred, but if the body be the instrument of man, doutlesse it cā not be denied, but that the instru∣ment being mutilate and vnperfect, the worke shalbe more vnperfect and vnmeete. For thou shalt haue the ouerthrowe, if thy Sworde or Dagger lacke hiltes and handle. IN euery accident thou must incon∣tinently consider what puissaunce & strēgth thou hast to withstand that whiche is hapned.The power of the mind ought to re¦sist aduersi∣ty & naugh¦ty desires. If any mischiefe befall vnto thée, thou shalt finde ver∣tue whiche is good and holsome, as a∣gainst voluptuousnesse, continencie. If laboure be offred thée, thou shalte finde strength: if wrong, pacience: and if thou shalt thus accustome thy selfe, thou shalt neuer be troubled with y∣maginations. Thou shalt not be troubled with ima∣ginations) That is, thou shalt neuer be ouer∣come and subdued with pleasure and sorrowe, but shalt conquere naughtie desires, and affecti∣ons, by the helpe of wisedome and vertue. NEuer say that thou haste loste any thing,We do ne∣uer lose our goods, but restore thē, to him of whom we receiued them, that is to God. but that thou haste restored it. If thy sonne die, he is restored. Thy liuelode is ta∣ken away, hast thou not restored it? But he which depriued thée of it, is an yll man. What matter maketh it to thée, by whome he which gaue it, hath eftsoones taken it? Haue a care and re∣garde to all things, keping and vsing them (during the time only that thou haste them in thy custodie) as things vnto other men belongyng, euen as the wayfaring man dothe to his lod∣ging. IF thou wilt profite thy self,The gar∣nishing of the minde is to be re∣garded a∣boue all things. let passe these cogitations. If I shall not be carefull of my affaires, I shall not haue wherwith to liue. If I correct not my seruāt, he will be naught. For it is farre better to famish without so∣rowe and feare, than to liue in abun∣dance with a troubled minde. And it is much better, that the seruant shoulde bée faultie, than thou whiche art his maister vnhappy. Then thou must be∣gin with the least things, the Oyle is spilte, the Wine is stolne. Consider with thy selfe, that quietnesse and se∣curitie of the mind cost thée so much: for nothing is fréely gotten. If thou call thy seruant, imagine it may so fal out, that he heareth thée not, or hea∣ring thée, to doe nothing whiche thou wouldest haue him do. But that he is not worth so much, that for him thou shouldst be troubled. It is far better to famish. &c. It may be asked not without a cause whether so greate constancie may agree with mans nature, that it may suffer and endure extreme hunger? IF thou wilte profit thy selfe, be not displeased, if for outwarde things, thou seme to other madde or folish. If thou wilt profit That is to say in Phi∣losophy and garnishing of the mind. For he vn∣derstandeth and meaneth that progressiō, wher∣by the tranquillitie and libertie of the minde is increased. Be not displeased, if for. &c. For who so regardeth not pleasures, riches, & honor, namely if he may obtaine them: of all men he is accompted a foole, namely in these dayes. But in times past diuers Philosophers and good mē for the loue they had to vertue abandoned al world¦ly wealth and promotions, as Crates, Diogenes, and thys our Epictete. SEke not to séeme learned and ex∣perte in any thing,It is hard to doe many things at once. and if to any thou doest seme, trust not thy self: for thou knowest it is not easy for a man to kepe hys purpose agreable vnto nature, and to embrace exteriour things, but it must néedes be, that he which is careful of one, should be neg∣ligent in the other. IF thou wilt haue thy wife,We do in vaine seke to kepe those things inuio¦lable, which are not in our power. thy chil∣dren, and thy frends to liue for euer, thou art a foole. For thou wilt haue in thy power the things whiche are not, & wilt haue ye things to be thine, which are belonging to other mē. And so if thou wilt not haue thy seruaunte to offende, thou art a foole, for yu wilte haue vice to be no vice. But if thou wilt not be frustrate of that whiche thou doest desire, this thou maiest do: herein then exercise thy selfe. For thou wilt haue vice to be no vice, He meaneth (as I suppose) that boyes and al ma∣ner of men, by nature are inclined to vice: and that vices cannot be repelled, but by philosophie which yong and tender age is not able to re∣ceyue. HE is Master and Lord of any man,Who is a maister. to whome (nil he will he) he maye either giue or take a∣waye. He then which will be frée, let him neither desire, nor flée any thing, which is in an other man hys hande, and power, otherwise of neces∣sitie he shal be constrained to serue. He is Master of any man. &c. How ma∣ny Maisters then hath Fortune layed vpon vs? Howe many more do we laye vpon vs, thorowe the insaciable desire of transitorie thinges? REmēber that thou muste make comparison of thy lyfe to a ban∣ket:Such things as are offred are to be ta∣ken: suche things as are denied vs, are not to be de¦sired. where if the meate stande before thée, thou muste take it modestlie: if he, whiche doth bring it, doe passe by thée, staye hym not, or if he be not yet come to thée, be not ouer gredy thereof: but stay vntill he come to thée. In like manner thou must dis∣pose thy self, towards thy children, to∣wards thy wyfe, towards greate men, and towards riches, so at length thou shalt be worthie the table of ye Godds. But if thou take not that which is set before thée, but doest refuse it: then thou shalt not only be worthy of their table, but to be their companion: for when Diogenes, and Heraclitus and other like to them did thus, worthily, and of very good righte they were di∣uine, and so were accompted. Worthy the table of the Goddes) He signifieth, that the despising of outwarde & worldly things is a certaine heauenly thing, & that it maketh a man like to God. They wer diuine, & so were accompted. Arrogantly doubtlesse, and ignorantelye. For howe farre doth euen the excellentest man that euer was differ from the least part of the Godhead? WHen thou doest sée any man sorrowful,We muste haue regard to humani∣tie in suche sort, that the quietnesse of minde be retained. and torment hym self either bicause he hath no tidings of his son, either bi∣cause he is dead, either bicause he hath spent all, beware enter not into ima∣ginatiō, that this maketh him vnhap∣py: but haue redilie in remembraunce that it is not the accident, which trou∣bleth him (seing it tormenteth not an other) but his opinion conceyued ther∣of. But if thou fall in talke with him, accommodate thy self to his perturba∣tion, and moreouer if the matter so re∣quire, wéepe also with him for compa∣nie: but take héede that thou sorrowe not inwardlie. THou must remember that thou arte one of the players in an en∣terlude,We muste passe the whole course and time of our life, accor∣ding to Gods will. and must plaie ye parte, which the authour thereof shall appoint, thou must play be it lōg, be it shorte. If he appointe thée to play the begger, ye Creple, ye Prince, or the pri∣uate person, do it well and wittilie, for it lieth in thée to play that part, wher∣vnto thou art appointed, and in an o∣ther to choose and appoint thée. Which the authors therof shall ap∣point, That is, whether he be a comicall, or a tragical Poet? As concerning the very mater the Greeke Epigram doth declare. Which may thus be englished: What is our life? a gawish game a sweete delighting play. Then cares in gaming lay a side, or liue a miser aye. Nazianzenus doeth almost signifie the same, but with a more grauitie and pietie, in these verses worthy to be had in remembraunce. Which may after this sorte be En∣glished. IF thou take the croking of a crow to be vnluckie,A wyse man taketh pro∣fite by euery chaunce. lette not that imagi∣nation moue thée, but iudge imme∣diatly in thy self, and say: That por∣tendeth nothyng to me, but eyther to my body, or to my possession, or to my estimation, or to my wyfe, or to my children: but as touchyng my selfe, they signifie nothing but good, at least wise if I will: for what so euer shall chaunce, it lieth in mée to haue the profite and commoditie of it, if I will. If thou take the croking. &c. We haue in stede of diuination by flying and crying of birdes Astrologie: Which if by yerely reuolu∣tions & progressions of the starres, it threatten damages and dangers, let vs not vse Epictet his counsell, but godly prayers. THou mayest bée inuincible,We muste take in hand things agre∣able to oure strength. if thou neuer enter into battaile, for thou art vncertain, whether it lye in thée or no, to haue the the victorie. Thou mayest bée vnconquerable. This saying dependeth vppon the diuision of things made in the beginning. They are con∣quered, which couet other mens goodes, that is, suche as belong to the body, and are placed in fortunes hande. They conquere, whiche resiste naughtie opinious and desires, so that they con∣tende according to the lawe. TAke héede that in following thy imaginatiō thou say at no time,He that se∣keth for all good things of him selfe, he doth nei∣ther mar∣uell at any mā, nor en∣uyeth any. the man is happie, whom thou doest sée auaunced eyther to ho∣nour, or authoritie, or renoumed: for if the substance of goodnesse be in the things, which are subiecte to vs, there nether enuie, nor emulatiō taketh any place. Then thy purpose is not to be Emperour,There is one way to libertie: the despising of outwarde things. or King, but frée, & frāke. But vnto that thing there is but one certaine waye, that is, the contempte of such things as are not in vs. For if the substaūce of goodnesse. &c. The vnderstanding of this sentence is vttered stoicallie in darke wordes. He which seeketh all good things of himselfe, is of a quiet mind: who so is of a quiet minde, he doeth neither enuie, nor emulate. For seing that lack of paine called in Latin Indolentia excludeth all perturbations: verely it excludeth enuie and emulation. But if these affections do rule in any: it is manifestlie gathered thereof, that he is farre from the tran∣quilitie of the minde, and doth not obey the preceptes of Philosophie. REmember,No man is hurt, but of himselfe. that he, which taun∣teth or beateth, is not ye author of reproch, but the opinion con∣ceiued of ye same as reprocheful. Then when any doeth kindle thée to wrath, vnderstande that thou art mo∣ued to anger thorow thine opinion. Wherefore especiallie endeuoure thy selfe,Delay esta∣blysheth iudgement. that imaginations plucke not cō∣sente from thée, for if thou shalte once suppresse it for a certaine time, thou shalt more easilie be thy own Miaster. SEt before thy eyes, deathe, banish∣ment, and all things which séeme terrible, but especially death: in so doing, thou shalt not thinke vpō base and vile things, and shalte neuer be excéeding couetous. And shalt neuer be exceding couetous. Syracides affirmeth,Syracides. that the imagination of death, and God his iudgemente doth feare vs frō sinne. Which if it do: we are taught to suffer ad∣uersitie much more paciently, & to despise pros∣peritie, bicause of their sorrow and profit, which endureth for a little space.Cicero. So Cicero. All plea∣sure sayth he is to be estemed as nothing, which when it is paste, it is as if there had ben none at all. But in great griefe of the bodie and anguish of the minde, one houre seemeth longer than a whole yeare. AS soone as thou haste determi∣ned to leade a perfect lyfe,A Philoso∣pher ought not to re∣garde the mockery of the people. pre∣pare and addresse thy self to be scorned and mocked of many, and to heare what they speake of thée, wherof commeth this sodain sagenesse and grauitie? whereof commeth this sadnesse? laye aparte thy sadde sowre countenance. But yet reteine & kepe these things which séeme best to thée, in such sorte, as if this were the front where God hath ordained and placed thée to fight.Constancie getteth vic∣torie. And if thou persist in the same things, they whiche before haue mocked thée, will haue thée in admi∣ration: but if like one fléeing awaye, thou gyue ouer thy enterprise, thou shalte be double as much mocked and scorned. Lay apart thy sad sowre coūtenāce. That is, a musing countenance, sad grauitie and hautinesse of minde. And it appeareth by this shorte and quicke sentence of Menander,Menāder that this was the countenance of Philosophers. They which loke stately, say, that Solitarinesse is mete for meditation. IF it chaunce at any time, that thou giue thy self to the things which are not in vs, and that thou dost desire to please any man, vnderstand that at the same present thou art fallen frō thy state.By this worde Phi∣losopher is ment a wise man. Wherefore in all things let this suffise thée, to bée a Philosopher: But if thou dost couet to séeme to any a Philosopher, let it be to thy self, and that shall be sufficient. If it chaunce at any tyme that thou giue thy self. &c. He forbiddeth the desire of glorie, & seeking for ostentation, which affectiō it will be long before it take place in good and learned men. He woulde haue a Philosopher to kepe him self within the limittes of his consci∣ence, as an oyster within his shell, and to iudge that, the most noble shew of his vertue. Thou art fallen from thy state, That is to saye, thou arte vanquished. LEtte not these cogitations tor∣ment thée,That a Phi∣losopher euen of small sub∣staunce, may muche profit the common wealth▪ by teaching of vertue & hys good example. I shall not be in honor nor in place, where I shall be re∣garded: for if to bée without ho∣nour is an ill thing, thou canst not be in euill for an other thing, no more than in a dishonest thing. Is it in thée to beare rule, or to be bidden to a ban∣ket? No. What is this then, but to be without honour? and howe sayest thou, that thou shalte not be estemed, whom it behoueth to to medle in those things onely which are in our power, in which thou mayst beare a great sway and stroke. But thou wilt say I can not profit my friends. What doest thou call to profite?How a wise man aideth his friends. shall they haue no mony of thée? neither wilt thou make them citizens of Rome? But who told thée that these things be in vs, & other mens workes? Who can gyue to an other that he himself hath not? Get it, (say they) that we may haue it, also. If I may get it,We ought to require of euerye mā but such things as he maye and ought to performe. kéeping my selfe mo∣dest, faithful, and valiant, shew me the way, and I will get it. If ye thinke it méete, that I should lose my goods, that you should get such thinges as are not good, sée your selues haue vnreasona∣ble and vngratefull you are? But if thou preferre a faithfull and sincere friende before money, herein help me, and thinke it not méete that I shoulde doe the things whereby I should loose modestie and fidelitie: But I can not succoure nor ayde my coūtrey.How a wise mā helpeth his coūtrey. What doest thou call succoure & aide? That it shall not haue of thée, nor by thy meanes, faire & sumptuous buildings, nor baines? What then? hath it not shooes by the Shoemaker and Armour by the Armorer? It is sufficient when euery vocation doth his work. If thou get it a faithfull and modest member, doest thou thinke, that thou bringest it but a little profit? very great doubt∣lesse. In so doing thou arte not vnpro∣fitable to it. In what state shall I be in my coūtry? in that thou maist, keping alwayes fidelitie and modestie. But if supposing to aide it thou loose modesty and fidelitie, what profit shalt thou do to it, which arte become impudent and disloyall. Thou canst not be in euil for an other thing, This sentence dependeth vpon the opi∣nion of the stoicks, that only honesty is good, & onely vice is naught. The contempt and despi∣sing of me, if I do my duety, is not my vice, ther∣fore neither my euill, but theyr vice and euyll who of a peruerse iudgement & naughty mind do contemne, dispise, and misuse mee without cause. Shewe mée the way, He signifieth that ryches and dignitie is gotten by nothyng else but by deceit, and for that cause a good man ought to despise them. Neither doth he speake of them, which shewe themselues vnworthy of honoure, and they are the cause, that they are not regarded. A faithfull and sincere friend, Nowe a daies most men had leiffer to haue mo∣ney. Neither do they thinke that a poore friend may help vs in any thing. So are endowed mai∣dens preferred before them, who are chaste, and well brought vp, if perhaps there be any suche, and doe so continue. Wherefore the wowers peraduenture are to be pardoned, who in so vn∣certayne a hazarde of chastitie, & honestie, had rather to abyde the vnquietnesse of riche than of poore wiues. Neither hath it Shooes by the Shooemaker, nor Armour by the Armourer. The sence is: sumptuous buildings bains, and the citie of Rome is no more to be re∣quired of a Philosopher, than weapons of the Shooemaker, or Shooes of the Smyth: seyng that it is the duety of a Philosopher, to traine vp his countrey men in vertue, as it is the Shoema∣kers duetie to make Shooes, and the Smithes, Weapons. IS there any placed before thée at a feast?We must en∣uie no man, and reioyce of an others good for∣tune. or was reuerēce done to him before it was done to thée? or is he preferred before thée in coūsaile? If these things be good, thou must re∣ioyce, that thy neighbour hath them: if they be ill: then be not sorrowfull, bicause they chāced not to thée. Then remember in giuing thy minde to no∣thing else,A benefit cō¦monly is gi∣uen for plea¦sure and ser∣uice. but to the things which are in vs, thou canst not attaine to the like things, which other doe in them which are not in vs. Howe may it bée done, that a man frequentyng not thy house shall haue like thynges as hée whiche haunteth thy house, or he that seketh not friendship and fauoure, as he which doth? or he which doth not please and praise the, as he which doth please and praise thée? Thou shalte be vniust and vnsaciable if thou haue not payde for suche thinges as thou haste bought, but doest require to haue them for nothing. Admit the case I could not buye lectuce for a halfe penny,Who so lac∣keth cōmo∣ditie lacketh also cost and disquietnesse if any then buy a half peny worth of lectuce, and thou dost buy none: think not thy self in worsser case & to haue lesse then he, which hath bought lectuce: for as he hath bought so thou hast not giuen thy halfpenny. Euen so it fareth, thou art not bidden to a mans feast, because thou haste not giuen him asmuche as his feaste coste him. He selleth it for praise, he selleth it for seruice. Giue him then (if thou thinke it good) the pryce, for the whiche he solde it thée. But if thou wilte not performe that and take these things, thou arte vnsa∣tiable and foolish. Hast thou giuen no∣thing in steade of the feast? Yes mary, for thou hast not praised him, whome thou wouldest, and haste not suffered him in his portly going. If these thinges be good, Bycause they are good, they are sorrowfull that they coulde not attaine to them: bicause they be euill, they are glad, that they are chaunced to other, And hast not suffered. &c. Pride and ambitious saluta∣tions of riche men do seeme to be vnderstoode in this place very troublous to a simple and learned man, in like maner salutations, retinues, praises. But perhaps rich men giuen to pleasures, going in their pompe, were wonte on euery side to leane and cleaue to Parasites. THe purpose and will of nature,We must not iudge other∣wise of oure owne mis∣fortune than of other mens. may be iudged by these things, in which we differ not one from an other: as for exaumple, if a mans seruaunt breake his Maisters cuppe or any other thing, incontinent∣ly it is saide this is a thing which oftē∣times chaūceth: remember then when thine is broken, that thou be the same maner of man, as thou were when the other mans cuppe was broken. And so do in greater thyngs. If a mans child or wife chaunce to dye, there is no mā but will saye incontinently this is na∣turall. Notwithstanding euery man when any of his is dead, he doth lamēt and bewaile pitifully: But we muste remember how we are disposed, when we haue hearde any suche thing of o∣thers. EVen as the white whereat Ar∣chers shoote,It is in our choyse whe∣ther we wil be trou∣bled with the opinion of yl things. is not set ther, wher it may not be stricken, so it is of the nature of ill in this worlde, for it is not set out to be embraced, but to be eschued: as if goodnesse were sette for the white, and euill were all that, wher the white were not, besides the white, the Archer hath an ample and large space to shoote frō the white: so without the onely marke of good∣nesse on euery side is placed euil, which is as easy to be done and committed, as it is difficill to hitte the white, or to doe good. IF any deliuer thy body to the firste he meteth, it wil greue thée exceding∣ly: but when thou doest yelde thy minde to the first that commeth, as when thou arte wronged, thy mynde is troubled and heauy, arte not thou ashamed?A premedita¦tion and a di¦ligent prepa¦ratiō putteth away igno∣mie and re∣pentance. Before thou take any thing in hande, consider first the beginning, and the sequele, & then take it in hand. If thou do not so thou shalte neuer be certaine and sure in thy enterprises, not regarding that which may befall, but after when any dishonest thinges chaunce, thou shalte be ashamed. If any deliuer thy bodie to the first he meteth, He argueth from a lesse thing to a more, after this sort: thou wilt be angrie with them, which gaue power to any to violate thy bodie (such is the condition of them whiche are banished) how much more oughtest thou to be angrie with thy selfe, whiche art wont to giue power to euerie man to hurte thy minde, wher∣as it lieth in thee not to be hurt of any man at all? WIlt thou cōquere at ye playes Olimpia?Temeritie is the mother of lightnesse and incon∣stancie. And I by ye faith of my bodie: for it is a verie honourable thing, but consi∣der wel the beginning, and the sequele and then take the matter in hande. Thou must order well thy selfe, & vse necessarie meats, abstaine frō delicate and daintie things, and exercising thy selfe, according as it is expediente for the time and houre appointed, be it hote or colde, not drinking water or wine, if occasiō so require. And briefly thou must commit thy selfe whollie to the chiefe of the games as to the Phi∣sicion in doing that whiche he shal ap∣point thée. Afterward enter into fight, and sometime to haue thy hand hurt, thy foote out of ioynte, to swallowe downe much dust, to receiue gréeuous strokes, and otherwhile after all this to be vanquished. When thou haste considered all these things, if thou be willing, go and fight, otherwyse thou shalt be like the little boyes which are now wrastlers, nowe swordplayers, nowe trumpetters, forthwith players in tragedies. So thou also now a figh∣ter, now a swordplayer, afterward an Oratour, at length a Philosopher: but throughly nothing at al, but as an Ape thou doest counterfait and resemble al things, and nowe one thing shall lyke thée, now an other: for thou hast not done thy enterprise aduisedly, in fore∣séeyng the circumstances, but aduen∣turouslie following a lighte and colde desire. So the greater number, when they sée a Philosopher, or when they heare say that Socrates speaketh wel, (but who can speake so well as he?) they will incontinentlie dispute and reason of Philosophie, and searche the causes and nature of things. Man first consider the thing, & the qualitie ther∣of, and then enterprise it.Bothe the thyng and our nature is to be consi∣dered and compared to¦gether. Afterwarde trie whether thy nature be able to en∣dure that whiche may happen. Wilte thou be a wrastler? behold thy armes, thy thighes, and thy loines: For na∣ture mother of all things, hath framed euery man to some particular thing. Doest thou thinke that endeuouring thy selfe about these things yu mayest liue as thou hast bene accustomed? As to drinke so much as thou wer wont, to be angrie so muche as thou were wont? Thou must be vigilante, thou must trauell, thou muste set aside thy proper affaires, thou muste be mocked of boyes, dispised of all the world, and in all things to haue leste authoritie, be it in honoure, in office, or in iudge∣ment, and in all other affaires.Constancie is to be ob∣serued. Then consider al these things, and loke whe∣ther in their stéede, thou haddest lei∣uer to haue rest and libertie, without any perturbation. But if thou haddest not leiuer to haue it, sée that thou take not in hande many things, to the ende that (as I haue tolde thée) like little boyes, thou be not now a philosopher, now a lawyer, afterward an aduocate lastlie the Proctor of Cesar. All which things knitte in one, can in no wise a∣gree: for it must néedes be that thou be either a good or an ill man, that thou addict thy selfe to interiour or exteri∣our thinges: that thou possesse the place of a Philosopher and well adui∣sed man, or of a Foole and Ideote. At the playes Olympia. Olympia were playes as running, wrestling, and suche o∣ther faictes of actiuitie accustomablie kepte in the honour of Iupiter Olympicus, at Pisa & He∣lides Cities in Greece. Man firste consider, He signifieth as to wrastling, to leaping and rū∣ning, al are not meete, so neither to Philosophie, both haue neede of pacience of bodie & minde. Of which things, whoso is destitute, he shal be rather a counterfayt then a very wrastler & Phi∣losopher. Thou must be mocked of little boyes,) Verely Philosophers were wonte of al men to be dispised, but great stoute champions were in admiration. DVtie is measured by mutual af∣fections.We muste do our due∣tie towards all men, al∣though o∣ther mē do not their duetie to∣wards vs. If thou haue a father, thou must regarde and honoure him: giue place to him in all things, and if he chide or beate thée, in∣dure it. He is a naughtie father thou wilt say. Nature hath enioyned vs the obedience of the father without men∣tion of good. Arte thou not ioyned by nature with a good father? No, but with a father. Wherfore do thy dutie towards him, and consider not what he doth: but do such things, whereby thou maiest kepe thy purpose agreable to nature. No man will hurte thée ex∣cepte thou wilte. Thou shalte be then hurted, when thou shalte thinke thy selfe hurt. So thou shalt do the dutie of neyghbour to neyghbour, of Citizen to Citizen, of lord to lord, if thou ac∣custome thy selfe to consider the mu∣tuall affections. By mutuall affections. Affections are v∣sed as a certaine rule to measure dueties by. THe principall point of honoring God, is to thinke well of him, to beleue that he is, that he hath created all things, and that well and iustly he gouerneth them:Their reli∣gion is no∣thing wor∣th whiche do not place felicitie in the riches of the minde. after∣ward to obey him, accepting al things that he doth, as procéeding of a very good intent. In so doing, thou shalte not blaspheme God, neither shalt thou accuse him of negligence. Thou arte not able to do this, otherwise, excepte thou withdraw thy self frō the things which are not in vs, and placing good and ill in them which are in vs. But if thou estéeme any of the things, which are not in vs, to be good or ill, thou must of necessity, when thou doest not attaine to that whiche thou wouldest, or when thou doest fal into that which thou doest shunne, blame and hate the cause of such an accidēt which is good. All liuing creatures haue this by na∣ture,Tull. 1. Offic. that they flée and eschewe suche things, and séeme vnto them noysome, and their causes: but contrarywise they search, & maruell at these things which séeme to bring profite, and the causes of them. He then which thin∣keth himselfe hurte, can take no delite in that which vnto him séemeth hurte∣full. So it is impossible that a man hurte may reioyce. And hereof it com∣meth to passe that the son doth checke the father, when the father maketh him not partaker of the things, which séeme good vnto him. This is that, which made discorde betwene Polinix and Eteocles, bycause they estéemed rule good. For this cause the husband∣man, for this cause the Mariner, for this cause the Marchant, for this cause they which loose their wife and childrē do oftentimes defile and detest God, for wheras vtilitie is,Where as v∣tilitie is, there is pie∣tie. there is also pie∣tie. Wherfore he that doth endeuor to desire and flée that, euen as he ought, by the same meanes he obserueth and kéepeth pietie.He prefer∣reth the ri∣tes of a coū¦trey before the truthe. As touching offerings and oblations let euery man doe them according to the guise of his countrey: purely, without superfluitie, according to his abilitie, without negligence or nigardshippe. Whereas vtilitie is, there is pietie, O wonderfull sentence, and also wicked to see to: but so applied that it vncouereth the dissimu¦lation of mans minde, and can scarce be nothing more agreeable to religion. Guise of his countrey. Forasmuche as pietie consisteth in the mind, he thinketh that we should not much regarde ceremonies. Which if it mighte be per∣swaded to some men which are in these dayes, we should liue more quietlie. It mighte be per∣swaded, if we woulde rather endeuoure to lyue according to religion, than to dispute of religiō: if we were rather desirers of the veritie than of vanitie, that is, of ambition, of emulation, of co∣uetousnesse, of reuengemente, and of suche like confusions and destructions of the minde, if there be any other. IF thou desire and seke to knowe that which is to come of any thing,The diui∣nour is not to be coun∣seled of our duetie, but of the su∣cesse of cer∣taine actiōs first thou must vnderstande yt thou art ignoraunt of that shal come, and therefore thou doest goe to the Diui∣nour to knowe it of hym. Notwith∣standing if thou be wise thou arte not ignoraunt what it is, nor the qualitie therof. For if it be among the number of the thinges whiche are not in vs, truelie it is necessarie, that it be nei∣ther good nor ill. Remoue then from thée (if thou go to the Diuinour) al de∣sire & eschuing other thou shalte come to him trembling and quakyng. But when thou shalt vnderstande, whatso∣euer shall befall to appertain nothing to thée, and of thée not to be passed vpō thou mayest vse it well, and no man shall forbid thée. Therfore goe & aske counsaile of God, as of him who can giue thée very good, and after he hath giuen thée counsaile, remember whō thou hast called to counsaile, & whose counsaile thou hast despised. Coūsaile may be demaunded of the Diuinour (as Socrates sayeth) for such things, whose consideration is referred to the end, the knowledge of which ende, oc∣casion cannot be giuen by any maner of meanes, nor any arte. And therfore thou must not aske counsaile of the Diuinour, whether thou shalt put thy life in daunger for thy country, or for thy friend, if nede require, for if he per∣ceiue any vnluckie signe, it is altoge∣ther manifest, that it signifieth death, or some impedimente of thy bodie, or banishment: but reason telleth & per∣swadeth thée, that thou muste put thy selfe in daunger for Countrey, or for thy friend whē néede requireth. Giue eare then to that which the great Di∣uine Apollo sayeth, who did chase out of his temple, the man, which hel∣ped not his frend being in daunger of death. Remember whome thou hast called to counsaile, It must needes be, that the cun∣ning of the diuinours, southsayers, was in diui∣nation very great. Otherwise a man of so greate grauitie woulde not haue accompted their pro∣phecies, for diuine aunswers. THou must prescribe a rule and fashion,We must de¦termin who and what maner of men wee will be. which from hence forth thou shalte obserue when thou art alone and when thou art in companie. Let silence be kept for the most part: or let necessarie things be talked of, and thesame in fewe words. But if the time require thée to speake,We muste rule our tongue. speake: but not of all thinges, not of the combate betwene fensers, not of rūning with horses, not of wrastlers, not of meates & drinkes triflingly, nor principally of men, in praising or bla∣ming them, or comparing them with others. And if thou be able, chaūge thy familiars Communication into that which is honest and comelie. But if thou be enuironed with straungers, holde thy peace. Enuironed with straungers, He vnder∣standeth those men, whome bicause of their es∣timation and authoritie he dareth not admo∣nishe. LAughe not muche,Laughter. nor at all com∣munication, neither a loude. SWere not,Othes. neither make an othe if it be possible for thée. But if thou canst not otherwise do, do it when it shall be nedefull. FRequent not the bankets and fa∣miliaritie of the cōmon sort,Bankets. and straungers. But if occasion so re∣quire, be mindeful and take héede that thou become not one of the com∣mon sort. And vnderstande thou that he which wrestleth with the defiled, must néedes be defiled also. AS touching the body, take such things as shal be to his vse and also be profitable for the mind, as meate, drinke, apparell, har∣bour. But as touching daintie and de∣licate dishes, thou must altogether re∣iect them, and banishe them from thée. TOuching Venerie we ought as muche as is possible, to leade a chast life before mariage. But if we be cōstrained, we must take nothing but that which is lawful: not withstanding reproue them not which vse it, in blaming them, and auaūting thy selfe abroade, that thou doest not vse it. In blaming them. Christian charitie com∣maundeth that sinners should be reproued, and obstinate persons to be eschued. IF any bring thée worde,An yl report is not to bee passed vpon. such a man misreporteth and backebiteth thée. Excuse not that which he hath said, but make this aunswere: he is igno∣raunt of many other great faults, and imperfections which are in me, other∣wise, he woulde not onely haue sayd this. IT is not requisite to frequent often the shewes and turnaments.Shewes are to be seene with a quiet minde. But if at any time occasion requireth, sée that thou séeme not to fauoure any man more than thy selfe, that is, wilt thou onely haue that done whiche is done: and him only to conquer, which conquereth? For so thou shalte not be empeched. Abstaine thy self altoge∣ther frō shouting, frō consenting coun∣tenaunce, and let not thy gesture be sad and graue, but somewhat merry. At thy returne from the shewes, talke not much of the thinges whiche haue ben there done or said, seing they auail nothing to thy amendement. APproch not néere them, whom thou séest to commen apart, and be not thou present if it be pos∣sible, or as seldome as thou mayest. But if thou be presente kepe in suche wise thy constancie, that thou shewe thy selfe voyde of all perturbations. IF thou haue any thing to do espe∣cially with suche as are of noble blood,In meetings, we must fo∣low the ex∣amples of wise men. and great authoritie. Cōsider what Socrates or Zeno haue done herein, or the wisest man yt euer thou diddest knowe, and so thou shalte not be in doubte, howe thou must behaue thy selfe. What Socrates or Zeno, That may be ga∣thered out of bothe their sayinges and doings, forasmuch as we haue not any thing written of neither of them. But vnlesse thou shalt be ende∣wed with the learning and constancie of them both foolish imitatiō will turne thee to shame. And perhappes they obserued not euery where a seemelinesse and grace. WHen thou wilt go to such a man as is of greate honoure,The difficult comming to noble men is to be suf∣fered. presup∣pose in thy minde, what may chaunce, that (possibly) thou shalt not be recei∣ued, that thou shalte be shutte oute of doores, that the gate shall not be ope∣ned, or that he will not regarde thée. Afterwarde ponder with thy selfe, if with all these thyngs, it bée expedient for thée to go to him: and when thou shalte come before him, suffer and en∣dure that which shalbe done, and saye not to thy selfe: I deserue not to be thus entreated: for it is to common a thing to reproue and blame the thin∣ges which are not in vs. IN company speake not ouermuche, nor beyonde measure, of thy déedes, neither of thy daungers: for it can not so much contente other to heare them as thy selfe to reherse them.Laughter is not to bee moued. Sée also that thou moue no laughter by thy communication, for that (I wote not how) engendreth disdaine, and al∣so causeth that no reuerence is giuen to thée by them which are present. And very often leadeth thy communicati∣on to filthy and dishonest talke:Ribauldrie is to be ab∣horred. But if it befall, and that the matter and time require it, reproue him that shall vse such ribauldrie and filthynesse. If not, at the least shewe and declare by silence and shamefastnesse, that suche communication doth displease thée. IF thou cōceyue any pleasure in thy minde,It is better to despise than to em∣brace plea∣sure. be circumspecte (euen as in other things) that shée beguile thée not, but examine the matter, & take space to deliberate on it. Afterwarde consider both the times, that is to say, the time wherin thou dost enioy plea∣sure, and the time wherein after the enioying of it thou mayste repent thée for hauing enioyed it. And afterwarde reproue thy self, and consider how wel at ease and contented thou shalte bée, if thou abstaine thy selfe, and in so do∣ing thou doest commende thy selfe. But yf the matter séeme to require thée to doe▪ it, beware that hir flat∣teries, hir swéetenesse, and hir intice∣ments ouercome thée not, but consider how farre better it shall be, if thou be able to winne the victorie of that con∣flicte. WHen thou arte resolued to do a∣ny thing,Oure duetie oughte to moue vs, and not the com¦munication of the people and hast not yet done it, refuse not to be séene in doing ther∣of, although other may iudge amisse thereof, for if thou do euill, thou muste geue ouer thy worke: if thou do wel, feare them not who wrongfully, and without cause shall reproue thée. WHo hath said:We muste not haue re¦gard to our owne luste but to the Commu∣naltie. it is daye, and it is night, taking the propo∣sition seuerally we ought to agrée, but to vnderstande it together, it is not to be receyued. So at the table to choose for our selues the greatest, & the best parte of the meate, is a greate commoditie towardes the bodye, but it is against the honest par∣ticipation that we ought to haue at the table. Then if at any time thou be bidden to a banket,In feastes modestie is to be obser¦ued. remēber that thou muste not onely haue regarde to the meate, for the profite of thy body: but also to honestie, and to behaue thy self at the table, as thou oughtest. Wheras before he compared our life to a feast, let this precept be applied to all the parts of our life: and euery where let there not be a respecte to our priuate desire and vtilitie, but of equitie & societie, & let the will of the feaster, that is God, be considered. IF thou haue taken more in hande,We ought to measure our strēgth in al things than thou arte able to atchieue or bring to passe: thou shalt not bring it to effect, and also hast omitted that which thou were able to performe. EVen as in going thou doest take héede that thou steppe not vppon a nayle,We must en¦deuour to haue a per∣fect minde. or that thou wreaste not thy foote: so in leading thy life take héede, that thou hurte not thy minde, the gouernesse of all thy doin∣ges, which if we obserue in al things, we shall without daunger take them in hande. THe bodie is to euery man the forme of riches,A few thin∣ges are suffi¦cient for na¦ture, but in∣finite sub∣stance suffi∣seth not co∣uetousnesse as the foote is of the shooe. If then in thys thou perseuer, thou shalte kepe the meane: if thou excede, thou must néeds as it were, fall downe headlong: as if thou be more curious about the fashiō of the shooe, then is nedeful for ye foote, thou wilt make him of golde, after of purple, laste of all set with studdes of gold: for there is no end of that thing which hath once passed measure. WOmen after .xiiij. yeares of age are called of louers Ladies:Modestie in women is more to bee regarded, than theyr beautie. for after this age men (to the end to com∣pany with them) endeuoure wholly to please them. To obtaine then mennes good will afterwarde they become ve∣ry curious in trimming and decking themselues. Wherfore they muste be admonished, that for no other cause we esteme them, but bicause they are modest, wise and honest, bearing re∣uerence and obedience to their hus∣bandes. TO persiste and continewe in things which belong to the bo∣die,We must be stow much time in gar¦nishing of the minde, but a little in the body for pleasures sake, as in much exercise, in muche trim∣ming, & adorning of the bodie, is signe of an abiecte minde, and verie muche swaruing from nature, and also it is a signe of consenting to superfluitie: for we embrace pleasure, and reioyce in things which we allowe. We must thinke then the excéeding care of the bodie to be frō the purpose: but prin∣cipallie we muste be carefull of that whereof the bodie is but the instru∣ment, that is, the minde. WHen any hath misused thée either in word or déede, remember that he doth suppose it to be done and saide according to his dutie. Wherfore it is impossible for him to followe thy ad∣uise and counsaile, but his own. But if he iudge amisse, he is hurt whiche is deceyued. For if any do iudge hidden truthe to be a lye, the truthe hydden is not hurte, but he which shal be decey∣ued. If so be then thou be perswaded, thou shalt shewe thy selfe gentle and paciente towards him that hath iniu∣ried thée. And at euerie thing thou shalt say, it hath so pleased him. He doth suppose it to be done accor∣ding to his dutie. Pletho putteth vs in mind of the same,Pletho. that also we shoulde be blamed, which are able to perswade one thing, and can not induce others into our opinion. But thou wilt say, oftentimes vnreasonable and slaunde∣rous men know that such things as they do are dishonest and shamefull for them to do. Epicte∣tus maketh aunswere: they ar so much the more worse & miserable: but thou art neuer the more worse and miserable. But their dishonestie is to me a damage, bicause they hurte my estimation, bicause they diminish my substāce, bicause they doe afflict my body by violence or witchcraft, bicause they hinder my cōmodities? Epictet wil make aunswere, that these are none of thine, but other mens, and to appertaine nothing to thee. Wherof much is spoken of before. The hid∣den truth, As it is in Sophocles in Electra, O∣restes was not therfore dead, bicause he had per∣swaded himselfe to bring his bones shutte in a coffin to Egisthus and others. EVery thing hath .tj. handels, one whereby it may be carried,The handle of humani∣tie and not of immani∣tie is to be taken. the o∣ther whereby it may not. If thy brother be yll condicioned, take him not by that whereby he is yll con∣dicioned, for it is the handle whereby he cannot be carried, but take him by that, whereby he is thy brother, and whereby he is nourished with thée, in so doing thou shalt take him by ye han∣dle, whereby he ought to be carried. THese words agrée not together I am richer than thou,We muste not triūph of the giftes of fortune, but of the riches of the minde. therfore better. I am wiser & better lear∣ned than thou art, therfore I am better: but these agrée farre better. I am richer than thou art, then my pos∣session is better than thine. I am wi∣ser and better learned than thou arte, my words then are better than thine, but thou art neither thy possession nor yet thy communication. But thou art neither. &c. Thou wylte say, yea: but bicause of riches, eloquence, and po∣wer, I am much regarded. The same doth Epi∣ctet reproue, who thinketh good onely wise∣dome and vertue to be much set by. What man except he were a very naughtie and wicked flat∣terer,Nero. hath had Nero the Emperour in greate e∣stimation, although besides his ryches and Em∣pire, he were eloquent, a Poet, and a Musician? The minde of a perfect man abhorreth to allow those, whose folishnesse and dishonestie is kno∣wen, in what fashion soeuer honour for a shewe be giuen to them, bicause of the giftes of for∣tune, and corrupte conuersation. IF any washe himselfe spéedily, saye not that hée washeth himself naugh∣tily,Not onely the deede it selfe, but the cause of the dede is to be considered. but spedily. If any drinke much, say not that he drinketh naughtily, but muche, for if thou knowe not why he doth it, howe doest thou know that he doth naughtily? So it shall chaunce that we doe receyue and supporte the fantasies and imaginations of some, and to other we agrée. REpute not thy selfe a Philoso∣pher in any case:Philosophie is not to be declared by words, but by deedes. nether dispute not much of precepts, but rather put some thing in execution, as at the table, teach not how one should eate his meate, but eate as it behoueth thée.Nothyng must be spo∣ken vnadui∣sedly. For remember that Socrates did so set aside all ostentation. But if at a∣ny time these precepts come in questi∣on, speake as little as is possible, for it is daungerous to vomite that which the stomacke hath not well digested. And if it chaunce, that a man tell thée, that thou knowest nothing, and that it moueth thée not,The Sheepe declare by their wooll and milke how much they haue eaten. vnderstande that this is a great entraunce of thy worke, for the shéepe vomiting vp their grasse, de∣clare not to ye Shepherds how muche they haue eatē, but digesting it within they shewe wtout their fine wooll and milke. Thou therfore shewe not, nei∣ther vtter thy learning to ye rude and ignoraūt: but declare some effects out∣wardly of that being well digested. GLory not thy selfe to haue mor∣tified,Ostentation is to be es∣chued. empaired, and weakened thy body thorough abstinence: Neither if thou haste dronken nothing but water, saye not at euery occasion, I drinke nothing but water. But consider how much more abstinēt the poore are, who craue almes, suffe∣ring and enduring muche more than thou. Furthermore consider howe ma∣ny perfections and vertues thou haste not, which other haue. But if thou wilt exercise thy self in paine and pacience, do it by thy self, and séeke not to aduer∣tise other of it, as they do who suffring wrong of great men, sette images on fire, & say, we are vndone, to the end to moue & assemble the people. For a brag¦ger is altogether mindefull of worlde∣ly things, and turneth topsie turuie the goodnesse of paciēce and abstinence, bi∣cause he determineth the ende of them is to haue, the good opinion and prayse of many. THe condicion and state of the vn∣learned is, to looke for of hym selfe neither profite nor damage, but of out∣warde thyngs. The state and condici∣on of the philosopher is, to looke for of himselfe all vtilitie and discommoditie. The signe of him which beginneth to profite is,The signes of him whi∣che profiteth that he dispraise no man, that he praise no mā, that he cōplaine of no man, yt he accuse no mā, that he speake nothing of himself, as though he were any body, or knewe any thing. When he shal be at any tyme empeched or di∣sturbed, he blameth none but himselfe. And if one commende him, he mocketh him couertly which cōmendeth him, if he be dispraised, he purgeth nor iustifi∣eth himself: but liueth like a sicke per∣son fearing to moue & troble any thing within him before he be recouered. He setteth apart all appetite, and fléeth the thinges which are againste the nature of them whiche are in vs. He vseth a light endeuour aboute all things, and passeth not whether he be tearmed a Foole or an Ideote. And (in briefe) he watcheth himselfe, as his Enimie and Spye. That he dyspraise no man, That is through curiositie and too much diligence in o∣ther mens matters, or prouoked thoroughe selfe loue: Epitecte commendeth Agrippinus, but why? that other shoulde follow his example. He reproueth other, wherefore? that they shoulde be amended. IF any do auaunte that he can well interprete and expounde the senten∣ces of Chrisippus,They are Grāmarians not Philo∣sophers, whi¦che doe ex∣pounde the preceptes of wise men, & follow them not. say with thy self, if Chrisippus had not writtē dark∣ly, & obscurely, I should haue nothing wherewith to auaunte my selfe. But Chrisippus hath not written, to the ende he would be interpreted, but to the end that according to his doctrine we should liue. If then I vse his pre∣ceptes, then shall I attaine to ye good∣nesse of them. But if I maruell at the interpretation, or if I can well inter∣prete it my selfe, I maruel at the Grā∣marian, not at the Philosopher, or else play the Grāmarian not the Philoso∣pher. But what auaileth it to haue founde written remedies, to vnder∣stande them well, and being sicke thy selfe not to vse them? THou must be stable and firme in thy good purpose and delibera∣tion of life,Preceptes are to be obeied, and wordes are not to be regarded. euē as in a law. Per¦seuer therfore, euē as if in trās∣gressing, thou shouldest incurre the crime of impietie. And whatsoeuer mē talke of thée, regarde it not, for that be∣longeth not to thée. HOw lōg yet wilt thou deferre to esteme thy selfe at any tyme worthy of these thinges which are so excellēt, and not to trās∣gresse one? But if frō day to day thou dost deferre ye time, thou dost not auāce but hinder thy selfe. Then incontinēt∣ly accustome thy selfe to liue as per∣fecte, and to vse well all accidents and chaunces. And in euery thing suppose that the combate is ready for thée, and neglecte no time, for that daye in the which thou doest not profit, thou doest receyue damage. After this manner Socrates became the wisest of al. But yf thou bée not yet Socrates, thou oughtest to liue as, one that would be∣come Socrates. THe firste and moste necessarie place is that which appertaineth to the practise of knowledge:Precepts are better than the cause of preceptes, and the Me∣thode of de∣monstratiōs. as, not to lye. The seconde whiche appertaineth to demonstrations: as, how commeth it to passe that this is demonstration? What demonstration is? what cōsequence is? what fighting is? what is true? what is false? There∣fore ye thirde place is necessarie for the seconde, the seconde for the first. The most necessarie of all, and wherein to rest our selues is the first. But we doe contrary, for we stay our selues in the thirde, and therein bestow all our stu∣die, and make no accompt of the first, but are alltogether negligente. And how? For we make leasinges, and not∣withstanding wée haue well néere al∣wayes no other thing in our mouthe, why and wherefore we oughte not to lye. Not to lye. And this is the actiue or morall part. We should not lye. This is called the iudiciall or naturall part. To demonstrati∣ons. This is logike and Rhetoricke, wherby we proue and trie the truthe, and disproue that which is false. LEt vs alwayes haue these thrée thinges in memorie and before our eyes. The first is, Necessitie draweth all thinges (will we nill we) euē as God hath appointed, wher∣fore he which willingly followeth it, is wise. The seconde is if I recoile and giue back, I shal be naughte, & spite of my téeth wéeping and wailing I must néedes follow. But the third, O Crito If it so please god, so be it. Anitus tru∣lie and Melitus may well kill me, but to hurte me, it lieth not in their po∣wer. ¶It is maruell that this morall and auailable saying of Epictetus was omitted, , that is, Beare and Forbeare, whiche be vsed very often, and doth in a manner compre∣hende al that whereof mencion is made at large in this boke. . Sustine & abstine Sustaine and refraine. EPictetus ye Stoike Phi∣losopher seing a certain fellowe voide of al good condicions, hauing a bolde spirite to speake yet to an ill intente, giuing his minde to the study of Philosophie: he with a loude voyce cryed out on the faythe of God and man, reprouing the man in these wordes: O man sée whether the vessell be cleane, wherin thou dost put these things. For if thou shalte of arrogancie poure them in, they wil pe¦rishe: if they shall putrifie, they wil be∣come vrine, or vineger, or worse than these, if worse may be. He ment, that learning inferreth great hurt and da∣mage, if it happen vpon a mind which is corrupted with yll affections: & the more excellente euery learning is, the greater hurte it causeth if it happen on a naughtie man: like as there is no thing more better then a good di∣uine, so there is nothing more pestilēt then an ill diuine. Gellius. lib. xvij. cap. xix. & Erasmus. li. vij. Apoph. He on a time hearing of a certaine man yt would easilie be flattered, said, the crowes plucke dead mens eies out of the carkasses and that not withoute a cause, for none which is depriued of life, hath the vse of hys sight. But flat∣terers corrupting the mindes of them which are aliue, do take away al their sighte. Stob. Antonius in Melissa. part. .j. ser. lii. He counselled that we shoulde con∣sider thrée maner of wayes: the man with whome we are conuersaunte: whether he be better than we oure selues are, or inferiour, or equall vn∣to vs. It is méete to heare diligently, & obeye him whiche is better then oure selues, modestly to persuade the yon∣ger or inferioure, and to agrée wt thy equall. And truly by this meanes thou shalt neuer fall in contention when thou art in cōpany. Stob. serm. iij. de Tē∣perantia. Although this be before a∣mong the precepts, yet I thought good againe to repeate and recken it also in this place. For as the prouerbe is, Bis & ter quod pulchrun est repetendū: yt is, that which is goodly ought twice and thrice to be sayd or repeated. He being demaunded, what man was riche. To whom (sayed he) that is sufficient which he hath. Strob. He sayd that the Gods did not hate such, as in this life doe contende and wrastle wt diuers miseries. The Phi∣losophers meaning was, that aduersi∣tie was vnto men auailable: to whom if things do prosper according to their desire, they are so vexed wt the Furies, that is, with anger, couetousnesse and lust, ye through their prosperitie, they moue ye Gods to wrath. This is foūde in Brusonius Contursin us. li. ij. Exempl. He being demaunded, by what meane a man might purchase an honeste re∣porte, he aunswered. If thou wilt haue a good name, learne to speake well, when thou hast learned to speake wel, endeuoure to do well, and by this meanes thou shalt get a good reporte. He being demaunded howe a man might procure sorrow to his ennimie, sayd: If a man do so frame and dispose hymselfe, that he do all good things. The same was accustomed to saye, that it was more necessarie to cure the soule than the body, seing that it is bet to dye, than to leade an ill life. Anto∣nius in Melissa, part .i. Ser. lviij. The same was wont to call such as shewed thē selues to be Philosophers by their beard, garmēt, and bragging wordes, Factis procul, verbis tenus, ha∣uing their déedes farre of, & their wor∣des at hande. The same was wont to say, that a life ioyned with fortune, was like vn∣to a violent floud of water. For it is troubled, and full of dirte, and harde to enter into it, it is violent, roring, and cō¦tinueth a shorte space.
A00303.P4	Epictetus his manuall. And Cebes his table. Out of the Greeke originall, by Io: Healey	[ "Epictetus.", "Cebes, of Thebes, attributed name.", "Healey, John, d. 1610." ]	1610.	Printed [by G. Eld] for E. Blunt and W. Barret,	At London :	eng	[ "Ethics, Ancient -- Early works to 1800." ]	SIR, as distressed Sostratus spake to more fortunate Areius, to make him his mediator to Augus∣tus The learned loue the lear∣ned, if they be rightly learned: So this your poore friend though he haue found much of you, yet doth still follow you for as much more: that as his Mecaenas you would write to Augustus, Bee as mindefull of Horace, as you would bee of my selfe: For his apprentises essay you pro∣cured (GOD thanke you) an impregnable protection: He now prayes the same Pa∣tron (most worthy of all praise) for his iourney-mans Maister-peece: yet as Horace to Vinnius for his verses to Augustus, Ne studio nostri pecces.—And though the land bee the Lords wherein hee most laboured; yet see a handfull of fruites is falne to your share, who first shewed his workmanship. This Ma∣nuall of Epictetus, though not Saint Augustines Enchiridi∣on, now by hap is the hand, or rather the hand-maide of a greater body of Saint Augustines: and hath beene held by some the hand to Phylosophy, the instru∣ment of instruments: as Nature, greatest in the least: as Homers Ilias in a nutshell: in lesse compasse more cun∣ning: In all languages, ages, by all persons high prized, imbraced, yea imbosomed. It filles not the hand with leaues, but files ye head with leslons: nor would bee held in hand, but had by hart to boote. He is more senceles then a stocke, that hath no good sence of this Stoick. For the translation and tran∣slator, to whome better re∣course, then one so trauail'd in translation; both patterne and patron of translators. Artificers best iudge of arts. Wise they must bee that iudge the wise. But a short booke would haue no long Epistle, more then a small Towne a great gate. Wher∣fore as hee desired, I haue done: Who rest, EPICTETVS vvas a Phi∣losopher of the sect of the Stoikes, borne in Hiera∣polis (now called Haleppo, si∣tuate in Phrygia, not farre from Laodicea): His estate was seruile; according to the testimony of AVLVS GELLIVS in his Noctes Atticae. For at Rome he was slaue vnto one EPAPHRODITVS, one of NERO's familiars. His life was spotlesse and vntaintable, his spirit wholy secluded that arrogancie of carriage which otherwise stuck as a great ble∣mish in the liues of the most and best Philosophers. For his esteeme, it had that high place in the worlds affection, that his very lamp (beeing but of Potters claye) was bought and solde for fifty pounds sterling. Of this EPICTETVS, you shall finde honorable mention made in LVCIAN, who other∣wise was a perpetuall detractor from all the Philosophers, and in generall, a professed scorner of Gods and men. And in that place where he mentions him, hee toucheth also at this sale of his lampe, (for thus he wri∣teth in his Dialogue; that is, to the vnlearned en∣grosser of books:) Our times (saith he) hath brought forth a man, and I thinke hee is yet aliue, that gaue fifty pound for EPICTETVS his earthen Lampe, thinking (be-like) that if hee had but light to study by from thence, that then hee should haue all EPICTE∣TVS his wisdome inspired in∣to him in dreames, and so be∣come parallell to that admired father. Thus writeth LVCIAN. EPICTETVS was wont to af∣firme, that the scope and ex∣tent of all Philosophy was in∣cluded in these two vvords: , Beare and Forbeare. In the reigne of DOMITIAN, either his owne dislike of his tyrannicall gouernment, or the Senates edict for the expulsion of all the Philosophers out of Rome, made him depart to Hierapo∣lis, his natiue soyle, whence afterwards hee is sayd to re∣turne, and so to make his aboade in Rome vntill the reigne of MARCVS ANTO∣NIVS, about which time hee dyed. IN the order of the worlds exis∣tence, there are some things na∣turally subiec∣ted vnto our command, and some that exceed it. Of the first sort, is Opinion, affect, de∣sire, dislike, & in a word, all ac∣tions, whose performance is peculiarly resident in our selues: Of the latter sort, is the body, riches, glory, soue∣rainty, and to conclude, al∣things whose perfections depend not on our selues, but ab externo. The things that are sway∣ed by our humaine wills, are in their owne nature free, and surmounters of all lettes and impediments what-so∣euer. But the other from whose managing we are na∣turally secluded, are expo∣sed vnto all infirmity, slaue∣ry, and hindrance, and in∣deed, direct aliens from our proper goods. Wherefore take this gene∣rall memento, if thou repute those thinges that are natu∣rally seruile, to bee really free, and confound thy pro∣per goods with mixture of those externall ones, thou shalt neuer want woe, but bee driuen by sorrowe and perturbation to giue termes of offence both to God and Man. But if thou prize nothing for thine own but that which is essentially so, and hold all those exter∣nall goods, as they are, truly aliens from thy state, thou shalt bee seated aboue the power of all iniury or com∣pulsion: thou shalt haue no accusation to lay against any man, nor any act which thy will shall not prompt thee to perform: thou shalt stand beyond the reach of hurt, and without the feare of foes. Briefly, thou shalt not tast of the least calamity. If thine affections therefore stand for these happy ob∣iects, be sure that thou pur∣sue them with a more then meane alacrity, resoluing to omitte some thinges for e∣uer, and othersome but for the present. Mary if thy de∣sires beare a like leuell both vnto these, and likewise vnto ritches, honours and soue∣raignties; thou maist per∣haps come short of the at∣tainment euen of those la∣ter, because thou standest so affected vnto the former: but, how-soeuer, thou shalt bee sure to loose the first, which are the only steps and guides vnto all freedome and felicity. Wherfore when thou seest any distastfull occurrence, let it be thy first care to per∣swade thy self thus: rush this is but a phantasie, and is not as it seemes. And afterwards when thou commest to ex∣amine it more exactly, fol∣low the rules thou hast pre∣scribed vnto thee; and this especially: Whether this occurrence concerne the things that lye vnder mans managing or no? if it do not, then the case is plaine, it is wholy impertinent to thee. Remember well that the ayme of appetite, is to at∣taine what it affecteth, and the maine of dislike is to a∣uoyde what it disliketh. So that to bee frustrated of what wee desire, and to in∣curre what wee would a∣uoide, are both vnfortunate euents. If therefore thy de∣sires stand at the staues end, onely with those things that are vndoubtedly opposit vn∣to those which are at thine owne dispose, thou shalt ne∣uer meete with any motion of dislike, but if thou stand at defiance with death, sick∣nesse or pouerty, and seek∣est to eschue these, thou art in the direct course of cala∣mitie. Thou shalt therefore re∣moue thy dislike from these thinges that are not in the compasse of our com∣maund, and make those the obiectes thereof, which are the essentiall opposites of those that ar vnder our mo∣deration and gouernment. But as for appetite, let it not by any meanes haue accesse into thy thoughts as yet. For if thou affect what thou canst not attaine, thy desires must perforce bee frustrate. But how, or in what mea∣sure to affect the true and fit obiects of affect (such things I meane as are at our owne discretion) thou hast not as yet learned. Vse onely that same , that instinct, which attracteth the spirite vnto this, and with-draweth it from that: but this must bee with dilligent restraint, and moderation thereof in both respects. In all thinges that are ei∣ther delectable, profitable, or amiable, be sure that thou do first of all examine their existence; beginning at mat∣ters of the least moment; if thou takest delight in such a pot or glasse, consider that it is but a pot, or a glasse that thou delightest in: so shall not the breaking of that, breake the peace of thy minde. So, if thou loue thy wife, or children, consider that they are but mortals, on whom thy loue is laide, and so though they perish, thy quiet shall still suruiue. When thou entrest vpon any action, take an exact sur∣uey of the nature thereof; as if thou goe to bathe, ob∣serue both the necessary and the accidentall euents in ba∣thing, that some are a wash∣ing, some are a thrusting out of the bathe, some rayling, and other some stealing. And to goe surely to worke, pro∣pose but this to thy selfe, I will dispatch my bathing, and obserue the direct pre∣scription of nature in this my purpose. And this like∣wise in all other designes. For this ground being laide, there is no inconuenience cā surprize the vnprouided. For this thou maiest say, I was not onely aware of this, but also resolued before, to follow my determination according to nature, how-so-euer. But if I doe grum∣ble at any euent, then did I not obserue it before it be∣fell. It is not the trunesse of things themselues, but mens indirect opinions thereof that fill their bosomes with perturbations. As for ex∣ample: death is not euil in it selfe: for if it had bene so, So∣crates would not haue said otherwise: but it is the opi∣nion that men carry of death, which giueth it al the maleuolence it hath. Ther∣fore in our crosses and in∣combrances, we should doe well to with-draw our accu∣sations from others, and lay them vppon our selues and our owne misprisions. To accuse others in any misfortune of our owne, is the character of igno∣rance: to accuse ones selfe, intimates some progresse in knowledge: but to accuse neither our selues nor o∣thers, argues perfection of vnderstanding. Neuer be proud of excel∣lence in others: if an horsse should boast of him-selfe, and say I am a goodly beast, it were some-what tollera∣ble, but for thee to cast forth thy braues that thou hast such a goodly horse, is ridiculous, for thou art proud of thy horses person, and goodnesse, not thine owne. What is thine owne then? The vse of obiects: well then, when thou hast the habite of swaying these obiects according to the methode that nature hath prescribed, then boast and spare not, for by that time, thou maiest haue goods of thine owne to delight in. For as it is in nauigation, if the ship bee landed, and thou goest a shore for fresh water, perhaps, by the way, thou maiest gather a coc∣kle, or a scallion, or so, and yet not-with-standing thy minde is principally on the ship, and thine eare still at∣tentiue on the maisters call, at which thou leauest all, and runnest, least thou bee chained and stowed vnder hatches, as they are faine to doe in transportation of sheepe: so in the maine voyage of this life, if thou lightest on a wife, or a childe, insteed of a cockle, or a scallion, thou mayest take them with-out trou∣ble. But if the maister call, then, thou trudgest away, then a boord, leauing thy trash, and neuer looking af∣ter it: well then, if thou beest aged, beware of wandring far from the ship, least the maister call, & thou shouldst faint ere thou couldst come to bee imbarked. Thou oughtest not to wish that all euents should sort vnto thine affection: wisedome would rather ad∣uise thee to wish the euents of all occurents to be such, as they are. Sicknesse is a clogge and a shackle vnto the body, but none to thy minde vnlesse thou list thy selfe. Lamenesse incombers the legges, but not the reso∣lution. This if thou doe but note in all other accidents, thou shalt finde them all to be rather encombrances, vn∣to al other things, then vnto thy determinations. At all occasions, be ready to turn to thine own thoughts, and therin search the proper instructiōs which thou hast concerning the vses of what soeuer befalleth thee: if thou see a beautifull personage, call Temperance to hir taske, and shee will come with a∣lacrity. If thou meetest with paines, make thy buckler of pacience, which also is the surest shield for the repulse of reproache. Vse but thy selfe vnto this course, and thou shalt bee no more ouer-maystred by appea∣rances. Let it neuer come forth of thy mouth that thou hast lost any thing: but that thou hast restored it. Thy sonne is dead: why then hee is restored vnto him that lent him thee. Thy liuings are taken from thee. Why so then, are they not restored? No, for hee was a wicked man that gotte them from mee. Why, what is that to thee, what in∣struments he that gaue thee them will vse, for the taking them againe? as long as thou hast them, vse them, but as if they were an other mans, and this thou maiest learne by the trauellers vsage of his Inne, and lodging. If euer thou wilt attaine to any progresse in good∣nesse, thou must stand at vtter defiance with such co∣gitations as these: if I neg∣lect mine owne estate, I shall want whereon to liue. If I correct not my sonne, he will neuer bee good. It is farre better to starue with hunger, and so bee quit at once from the feeling of feare and molestation, then to liue in aboundance of all externall goods, with a minde perturbed, and voide of all inward content. And it is better to see badnesse in ones sonne, then to feele misery in ones selfe. Begin at the lowest steppe of the worlds occasions. Is thine oile spilt, or thy farme spoiled? well, suppose this with thy selfe: this I pay for my peace of conscience, and this for my constancie in troubles: nothing is got∣ten for gramercy. And when thou callest thy boy, presup∣pose that he will not come, or if he doe, that hee will do nothing as thou wouldest haue him. But euer beware of this, that it lye not in his power to perturbe thy set∣led quiet at his pleasure. If thou ayme at perfecti∣on in Phylosophy, neuer make bones of beeing re∣puted a foole or an asse in worldly respectes: Nor mayst thou professe any knowledge at any hand. If thou seeme wise vnto o∣thers, yet distrust it thy selfe. For bee thou well assured of this, that it is an enterprise of extreme dif∣ficulty to containe thy de∣terminations in the partes which nature and reason hath proposed, and yet to ad∣mit the fruition of things ex∣ternall: And a thousand to one, that he that respects the one, must necessarily reiect the other. If thy care to keep thy wife, children, friends, and family, in perpetuall fulnesse of health and externall hap∣pines, thou shewest thy self a foole, for thou indeauorest to sway those thinges that stand without the compasse of thy power, and to turn ex∣ternal goods into reall ones. Now if thy will be that thy sonne should not runne in∣to enormities, thou art a foole in that. For thy desire is, that error should not bee error, but of some other nature. But if thy desire bee not to bee frustrate in thy wishes, this may be allowed thee. That man is absolute Lord ouer euery thing, who at his owne pleasure can preserue or deliuer the things which his will is to preserue or de∣liuer: He therefore that will bee free, must neither desire nor dislike any thing that is in the power of others to dispose of. Otherwise, hee must take the yoake whe∣ther he will or no. Remember that this life, is but as a banquet. If any one carue to thee take part of ye peece with modesty, and re∣turne the rest: is the dish set from thee? stay it not: is it not yet come to thee? gape not after it, but expect it with sober behauiour. Beare but this hand on thine affec∣tions to thy wife, thy chil∣dren, dignities, and possessi¦ons, and thou shalt in time bee a fitte guest for the ban∣quets of the Gods. But ad∣mitte that a profer of some of those bee made thee: if then thou doe truly despise and refuse it, thou shalt not onely bee worthy to share with the Gods in their ban∣quets, but euen in their glo∣ries. By this meanes did Diogenes, Heraclitus, and o∣thers, purchase that epithite worthy their reuerend cari∣age, Diuine. When thou seest any one lamenting either because his son is gon to trauel, or for some other temporall mis∣hap, bee sure to carry a wary respect vnto thy self, that the sight hereof breed no altera∣tion in thy thoughts, as to perswade thee that it is those externall goodes that haue brought downe this calami∣ty vppon him: But rather make a distinction with thy selfe, and bee readye to tell thy thoughts this tale: It is not this casualty that afflicts this man (for had it befalne some other it would not haue afflicted him) but it is his owne mis-apprehensi∣on hereof, that maketh him mone thus. Thus resolued, doe not doubt to minister the best counsell that thou canst afforde to asswage his passion, to which end thou maist lawfully put on a forme of teares to associ∣ate his teares. But bee sure thy minde bee not any way molested, looke to that a∣boue all things. Consider with thy selfe that thou hast that part to playe heere on this earthly stage, which thy maister hath voutch safed to appoint thee: bee it a long part or a short, in a long playe or a short. If hee haue decreed that thou shouldst act a beg∣ger, let it be thine endeuour to represent the imposed person, ingeniously, and in∣dustriouslye. So like-wise must thou doe in the parts of a cripple, a King, or a common Plebeian. It is thy duty to discharge thine ap∣pointed part with discreti∣on, but what part thou shalt haue allotted thee, is left vnto the direction of ano∣ther. If thou obserue any in∣auspicious signe in the croa∣king of the Rauen, or such like auguries, keepe thy minde firme against all such Phantasies, and say with thy selfe, this presage becom∣meth not me, but eyther my body, my state, my credite, my children, my wife, or something that way: but vn∣to my selfe, all Potentates are fortunate, if so bee I list my selfe. For what-soeuer befalleth, is lest vnto mee, to make mine vse thereof. The way to bee inuin∣cible, is neuer to contend: for it is not in our power to bee victorious when wee please. When thou beholdest a man high-topt with honors, proud in rich possession, and flourishing in externall feli∣cities, beware that thine eye do not cause thy ton∣gue to call that man hap¦py. For if true tranquili∣ty haue hir feate onely in thinges that lye wholy at our dispose, then must there bee no place there, eyther for enuy or emu∣lation, nor must thy de∣sires flye eyther after Con∣fulshippes nor Kingdomes, but after freedome. To which freedome there is but one onely way conduc∣teth vs, and that is, The con∣tempt of all things that are not in our povvers to dispose of. Remember that hee that shall iniure thee by word, or violence, is not the author of that iniury him-selfe, but the opinion which causeth thee to hold those actions as disgracefull and iniurious. Wherefore when any one derideth thee, know that is but thine owne opinion that suggesteth this to be a deri∣sion. And therefore haue an especiall care to curbe thy minde from too quick as∣senting to thine eye. Gette but a little time of the ob∣iect, ere thou giue vp thine assent, and thou shalt haue thy iudgement at a farre ea∣sier command. Let thy dayly meditation bee of death, exile, and all other accidents which the world reputeth for calami∣ties. But amongst all, let death haue the first ranke in thy contemplation. So shall thy cogitations neuer bee deiected, and so shall thine affections neuer bee exorbi∣tant. Dost thou ayme at the attaynment of wisedome? Then first of all, prepare thy selfe to bee the worldes laughing-stocke, to bee the common place of the multitude of mockers. There will one come with this guird: Oh here is a mush∣rump Phylosopher! shotte vppe since yesterday: Ano∣ther with this: Lord sir where light you on this graue statelinesse? But let not statelinesse bee found in thee: such thinges as shall seeme to participate really of goodnesse, sticke to them as firme as if GOD him∣selfe hadde fixt thy station therein: and assure thy selfe that if thou continue this course, they that derided thee heretofore, will admire thee here-after. But if thy spirit yeeld vnto their scoffs, then doubtlesse shalt thou incurre a redoubled deri∣sion. If euer thou seek to be emi∣nent, and to satisfie the affec∣tions of others. know this vn∣doubtedly that thou hast lost thine hold of perfection. And therefore let thy rest be set vpon this, in all acci∣dents, that thou art a Philo∣sopher: which if thou desire to make apparant vnto any one, giue thy selfe the first notice of it, and let that bee sufficient. Let it neuer greeue thee to be destitute of honours, and places of state: for if it bee an euill thing to lacke preferment, then haue ex∣ternall things alike power to draw thee into inconue∣nience, & into vice. Is it thy part then to hunt after dig∣nity? or to wish to be inui∣ted to such or such a great mans banquet? O by no meanes. What reproache then can once touch thee? or how is it possible that thou canst want an honora∣ble place, when thou maiest bee Lord and Soueraigne ouer all those goods which are peculiar adhaerents to the nature of man? O but I cannot benefit my friends: No? who told you so? It may be thou not canst aide them with money, nor pro∣cure them the freedome of the citty: what then? Did euer man teach thee that these were not the gifts of others, nor excluded wholye from our dispo∣sings? And who will helpe another to that which hee wanteth himselfe? I but wee intreate you (say they) to vse but some meanes where-by wee may attaine this or that: Well, if I may doe so with-out iniury to mine honesty, my faith, and the high pitch of mine owne thoughts, and that you will shew me how, I wil vse all the meanes I can for you. But if you care not if I lose my true goods to pur∣chase you things only seem∣ing good, is that a part of honest friendship, or of head-long fondnesse? What doe you make choise of? an honest friend, or an heauy purse? If you approoue the first, then assist mee in the preseruation of mine hone∣sty, and be not the causes of employing mee in those businesses whereby I should bring all my goodnesse to nothing. O but I haue yet no meanes to benefite my countrey! As how man? you cannot builde it a schoole, an Exchange, or a Bathe: what's all that to the purpose? the Armorer doth not store the common∣wealth with shooes, nor the sho-omaker with armes. It sufficeth euery man to con∣taine him-selfe in his owne vocation. Now if thou per∣chance should by thine in∣structions ingraff true good∣nesse in some other of thy country-men, shouldst thou not benefit thy country? as∣sure thy selfe thou shouldst: thou art no vnprofitable member in the state then. Yea but what place shall I hold then (saiest thou) in the body politique? Euen what place so euer thou canst with the saue-gard of thy modesty and integrity▪ but if thou casheere them to pleasure thy country, what vse shall a good state haue of one giuen ouer to impu∣dence and treachery? Doost thou see any one preferred before thee at banquets, in salutations, or in councels? well, if these be good things, thou oughtest to congratulate with him to whom they are befallen. But if they be euills, greeue not that thou hast missed them, but remember, that seeing it is not thy study to pursue those things that are not in a mans owne power to dis∣pose of, thou canst not pos∣sibly haue those graces alot∣ted thee, that others haue, whose study is all vpon that obiect. For how shall hee that doth not attend con∣tinually at a great mans doore, haue equall place in his fauour with him that doth giue this due atten∣dance? or he that waites not at his heeles, with him that doth? or he that flatters him not, with him that doth? vn∣iust and insatiable therefore should thine affections be, if thou pay not the due price for things that are thus sale∣able, and yet thinke to haue them giuen thee gratis: For admitte this comparison: what's the price of a dish of lettice? say an halfe-peny. Well, one comes, payes his halfe-peny and hath his let∣tice: if thou pay nothing, and so haue none, doost thou thinke thy selfe in worse place then hee that had of them? no, thou hast no rea∣son to do so, for as hee hath his lettice, so thou hast paid no price. Euen so it is here. Thou art not inuited vnto some great mans banquet? why, nor hast thou defrayed the price that the banquet is sold for: namely praise, and flattory for which the maker there-of setteth it foorth to sayle. Pay then the price of it, if it like thee to pertake of it. But if thou wilt not performe the first, and yet desirest to enioy the lat∣ter, thy thoughts are basely couetous and deiectd. Well then insteed of this feast, thou hast nothing. No? yes that thou hast: thou hast not pleased him whom thou couldst not finde in thine heart to praise; nor hast thou been forced to endure his insolence, by eating of his viands. The prescriptions of na∣ture are layde downe appa∣rantly, euen in things wher∣of all the world hath one opinion. As for example: if thy neighbours childe doe breake a glasse, or such like, euery one presently can say it was a chance. Why know then, that if it had beene thine owne, that had beene broken, thou oughtest to be perturbed no more, then thou wast at the breaking of thy neighbors. Now ascend from this vnto things of greater moment: thy neigh∣bours wise, or his childe dyeth. Euery one can say, Why! wee are all mor∣tall; what remedie! but when his owne goes, then presently hee bursteth forth with, O woe is mee! O mee most wretched man! where∣as in very deed wee ought now chiefelye to remem∣ber how wee stoode af∣fected when wee heard of the like casualtie be fallen others. As the markes in shoo∣ting are not sett to make the Archer leuell wide: so like-wise wee see in nature there is nothing essential∣lye euill. If any man by chance should fall a strike∣ing thee, and another stand by and let him alone, thou wouldest thinke hardly of him: and art not thou a∣shamed then to lette thy thoughts bee iniured by euery man, and to be gree∣ued and vexed at the scoffes of euery one? bee aduised then, and aduenture vpon nothing with-out due con∣sideration of the preceden∣ces and consequences ther∣of, and then proceed, freely. Other-wise thou maist well go cheerfully about it in the beginning (hauing not ob∣serued the accidents depen∣ding there-vpon) but in the processe of the worke, thou art sure to bee chased from proceeding by some dis∣gracefull obstacle or other. Wouldest thou be victor in the Olympick games? In troth and so would I, it is a glory of great esteeme. But marke what doth ordinary∣lye fore-runne it, and what followeth it: and then enter the lists: thou must bee tyed to keepe order, to eate but when needs must, to for∣beare all delicacies, to vse necessary excercises, at set times, to drinke no cold wa∣ter, nor wine but at prescri∣bed seasons: brieflye, you must bee as obsequious to your Wrastlers and your Fencers prescriptions as you would bee to your Physitians. And then you come to the tryall: where the hand perhaps is hurt, or the anckle wrested: downe you goe in the dust, and rise perhaps with your mouths full thereof: here maist thou get thy skin full of strokes, and be ouer-throwne when all is done. Consider all this wel, and then if you like, it, turne champion and spare not. If not thou must retire as little children doe, that now play the Wrastlers, now the Fencers, and by and by the Fidlers, now they sound the Trumpets, and presently they present the tragedies: Euen so shalt thou doe; one while being a wrastler, another while a Fencer, then an Oratour, and lastly a Philosopher: but indeed, directly nothing: but as an Ape doth, imitating all thou seest, and posting in thine affections perpetually from one obiect to another. The reason is, thou takest no premeditation of the depen∣ces of what-so-euer thou goest about, but hurlest on vnto action with-out all dis∣cretion, being wholy sway∣ed by the leuity of appetite. Such a company were they who hearing a Philosopher say: O how truly spake Socra∣tes in this? nay what man on earth can speake as hee did? would needes here vpon in all hast, turne flatte Philo∣sophers. Man, consider first the na∣ture of the thing that thou intendest, & secondly, thine owne nature, whether they two may hold good corres∣pondence together or no. Hast thou desire to pro∣ceede maister in the fiue exercises? or in Wrestling onely? Why looke vpon thine armes, thighes, and legges, and examine them all well: for these are natu∣rall assistants one to ano∣ther. Doost thou thinke that in these courses, thou canst eate, drinke, and ab∣staine, all in one measure? Thou must labour, thou must watch, thou must leaue thy friends, thou must be∣come an obiect for the very scorne of children, thou must bee debased vnder all men besides thee in honors, offices, counsels, and in ll causes whatsoeuer: lay these things to thine heart, & re∣solue with thy selfe whether thou wouldst change thy peace, freedome, and con∣stancie of minde, for these other endowments. If thou wouldst not, then follow the fashion of boyes no longer to bee now a Philosopher, now a Publican, now an ora∣tor, & tomorrow the deputy of Caesar. Here is no cohae∣rence in these things: to be a man fixt, either in good∣nesse or badnesse, is a mans part. Thou must either prac∣tise thy reason and vnder∣standing, or giue all thy ser∣uice to the world, and the worlds dependances. Thy la∣bor must be emploied either abroad or at home: that is thou must either bee a pro∣fessed Philosopher, or a di∣rect member of the vulgar. All offices of man in this world are to bee proportio∣nate by mutuall affections. Hast thou a father? that name cōmands thy diligent care of him, and thy forbea∣rance of him in all things: binding thy pacience to endure his worst callumnies and most iniurious violen∣ces. Imagine him a wicked man: hath nature then alot∣ted thee a good father? no, but a father shee hath: well, then doe thy duty to him with all diligence, stand not to examine his actions, but to foresee, that in all thine actions vnto him the ordi∣nance of nature be kept in∣uiolate. So shall no man hurt thee, vnlesse thou list thy selfe: and when thou supposest thy selfe hurt, then shalt thou bee hurt indeed. This is thy way to discerne the duty of a neighbour, a citizen, or an Emperour, by a dayly speculation of their mutuall concords. Know, that the first and formost point of religion is a true beleefe: to bee assu∣redly perswaded, that there is a God, and that he sway∣eth the state of the whole vniuerse, in goodnesse and in iustice: that we must obey him, & assent vnto his com∣mands in the smallest condi∣tion: approouing all his ac∣tions, and following their directions as the effects of that purest & most glorious Intellect. Thus dooing, thou shalt neuer haue cause to repine at him, nor to repute him negligent of thee. Now this cannot bee, vnlesse thou reiect the things that lye not in thy power to dispose of, and place the whole na∣ture of good and euill in those things whose order is tyed vnto mans owne dis∣cretion. For if thou binde, either goodnesse or bad∣nesse to any of the other, it is vnpossible that thou shouldst not accuse the au∣thor of them, and grow in∣to an hate of him, when-so∣euer thou art deceiued of what thou desiredst, and fal∣lest into that which thou soughtest to auoyd. For it is inherent in euery creature by nature, to abhorre and eschue the originall causes of all that seemeth hurtfull, as well as the effects them∣selues: and contrarywise, to follow, and admire the cau∣ses and productions of all that seemeth vse-full. Hee therefore that thinketh him∣selfe iniured, hath small reason to reioyce in that hee seemeth to iniurie the other againe: for it is im∣possible that losse should bee parent vnto true de∣light. But this erronious conceit, maketh the sonne to disparage the father, when hee doth not al∣lowe him enough of that which opinion holdeth for a true good, and this made Eteocles and Polinices go to∣gether by the eares for their fathers Empire, because they thought there was such a deale of happinesse inclu∣ded in soueraignty. This maketh the husband-man curse the heauens one while and the sea-man another while: the merchant also, & the man that burieth his wife or children: For these mens piety is inseperably chained vnto their profit. But he whose endeuor work∣eth for a due moderation of his desire, & dislike, herein laieth down a good ground or his piety also. Now as or sacrifices and offrings, et each one obserue the custome of the land where∣in hee liueth: dooing it with purity, parsimonie, di∣ligence, cleannesse, and with-in the compasse of his ability. When thou goest vnto a diuinatour, remember that thou knowest not the end of that thou goest about, but goest to learne that of him. But if thou beest a Philo∣sopher, thou knowest the quality of it ere thou goest. For if it concerne a thing that is not in the power of man, it is impossible that it should bee either good or e∣uil. So that when thou com∣mest to the Sooth-sayer, be sure thou leaue both dislike, and desire behinde thee: o∣therwise, thou shalt neuer approach his face without feare. But sette downe thy staffe at this, what euer the end bee, it no way concer∣neth thee: For thou hast power to make vse of it, come in what shape soeuer it will: And in this none in the World can bee thy hinderance. And therefore come to the Goddes, as to thy counsellors with a bold spirit: and when thou hast hard their wils, remember who are thy Councellors, and how great a contempt thou shalt committe in diso∣beying their direction. But if thou come to the Oracle (as it pleased Socrates to do) about a thing whose whole consideration relyeth vppon the euent; & wherin neither Art nor Reason can aide thee with knowledge of the dependances, then must thou ruminate vpon the first head therof: therfore if thou beest to vndergo the defence of thy friend or countrey wt danger of thine own per∣son neuer go to aske the Au∣gure whether thou shouldst defend them or no. For if he tel thee the intrailes presage misfortune, it is likely that he meaneth eyther of death, or the laming of some mem∣ber, or of banishment. But then comes reason on the other side, and this withall: The daunger that I vnder∣go, my friend and countrey vndergoeth also with mee. And therefore herein take councell of that great Py∣thian Prieste, who expel∣led one out of the Temple for not helping his friend in a mortall extremity. Prescribe thy selfe a cer∣taine forme of lawe to ob∣serue, both in thine owne speculation alone, and when thou also conuersest with others. Silence generally is a thing of great approbation: so is the breuity of speach together with the necessity of the thing spoken. Wee should bee sparing of our tongues, neither admitting euery occasion of talke, nor euery subiect in our talke, as to discours of fencers, plaies, wrastlings, drinkings, the common bumbast of euery mans conference. And when wee speake of men, lette our especiall care be to keep our selues either from com∣mending any man or censu∣ring him, with others. Adapt the discourses of thy friends vnto thine owne as neare as thou canst: but if thou beest in strange com∣pany be silent. Let not thy laughter be profuse, nor be led by euery light occasion. If thou canst possibly, let neuer oth proceed from thy lippes: at least do what may by all meanes be done to a∣uoyd swearing. Auoid the vulgar ban∣quets, reuels and compota∣tions: and when occasion ser∣ueth curbe thy selfe most stricktly, least thou slippe into the common gulfe of licentious custome. For know that hee that is foule, without all question will in time defile him that conuer¦seth with him, were he neuer so pure before. Lette thine vse of bodi∣ly necessaries neuer extend further then the bodies ser∣uice of the mind requireth: let thy meat, drink, apparrel, house and seruants bee all within the limits of parsim∣onious nature: far bee those things from thee, which tend to pomp and ostentation. Vntil thou takest a wife ab∣stain with all thine indeauor from veneriall delights: but being married, vse it lawful∣ly, so it bee with modesty. But neuer vpbrayd those that vse it before, nor taunt them with their inconti∣nency, nor boast of thine owne abstinence in that kinde. If one come and tel thee, Such a man slaundered you thus or thus: neuer stand to apologize for thy selfe: but answer him againe only thus: hee knoweth not mine other faults, for if he did, he would neuer haue reckoned only those you tell me off. There is no necessity of thine often going to the plaies, or to the prizes: but if thou hast any spare time, go, so that it may appeare that thou respectest only thy selfe in these cases, that is, that thou would haue him only to winne the prize, that winneth it, and that only to be acted which is acted: so shall thy thoughts remaine vndisturbed. But for the whootes and cries, & laugh∣ters, and other turbulent motions, auoid them vtterly. And when thou goest from the play-house, neuer talke much of that which befell, it no way concernes thy re∣formation. If thou doe not as I say, then all the people wil perceiue that thou wast taken with admiration of the goodly shewes. Be not ouer-hasty of haun∣ting the Lectures: But when thou dost go to them, carry thy selfe with all gra∣uity and constancy: and giue no man cause of perturba∣tion. When thou hast a busi∣nesse with any man (especial∣ly if he bee of the Nobility) thinke with thy selfe what cours Socrates or Zeno would take in such a case. So shalt thou bee sure to haue a rule of reason, and there∣by thou shalt perform thine affaire with a perfect Deco∣rum. When thou art to go speak with a great man, presup∣pose with thy selfe: faith he is not at home, or, he is busy, or, I shall hardly get to the speach of him, or it may bee hee will not respect me. If thine occasion bee so that thou must go thus, why bear these ordinary occurrents, & neuer say vnto thy self, I haue knowne him keep a les∣ser state: to say thus, were common grosenesse, peculi∣ar onley to him that raileth at externall shadowes. Amongst thy friendes, be∣ware thou neuer stand tedi∣ously discoursing of thine owne exploytes or perils: For though the remembe∣rance thereof be delightfull vnto thee, yet the recoun∣ting of thy fortunes is no∣thing so pleasing vnto o∣thers. And euer-more auoid the playing of the Buffone, and procuring of others laugh∣ter: for thence may a man soonest of all slippe downe into the basenesse of vulgar behauiour: And this is a thing that is of great force in diminishing thy friendes good likings of thee. And it is a dangerous en∣terprize to enter into dis∣courses of obscaenity: when such an accident falleth out (if thou canst conuenient∣ly) checke the author of such an vnciuil Theme: but if thou canst not well doe that, then print thy dislike of such an argument in thy lookes, and silence, and by that meanes giue him notice of his errour. If thy imagination present thee with any delight, clap a bridle on thy thoughtes im∣mediatly, least thou be born headlong away therewith. Examine the thing it selfe, and take some time for thy selfe to deliberate: which done, recollect both the times, namely wherein thou maist inioy the pleasure, and that wherin after that fruitiō thou art sure to feele dislike & discontent, lay these two spaces togither, & compare them with this, that if thou abstaine, thou shalt haue cause of ioy, and occasion to commend thine owne cir∣cumspection. If thou beest thē to vnder-go any delight∣ful actiō, take heed that thou beest not intangled in the sweete inticements thereof: but sette this against them all: O how much more ex∣cellent is it for a man to haue his conscience tell him that he hath conquered all these allurements! When thou performest any thing that thou hast resolued, bee not ashamed of the publike eye, what euer the vulgars censure bee of thee. For if the act bee vnlawfull, then abhorre to resolue of such a thing, but if it be not, why shouldst thou feare a false reprehen∣sion? As in this proposition, It is Daie, and it is Night, the partes beeing seuered, haue both their force in a true signification, but bee∣ing conioyned, signifie no truth at all: So at a banquet to fall to the beste dishe at first & to flie al at the fay∣rest, is for the bodies good that is fed therwith: but con∣sider the presence of the guests, and it is an act incur∣ring foule disgrace. VVher∣fore whē thou art inuited to a feast, remember this, that the cates yt ar set before thee are to bee prized by the re∣spect of the body: and yet ther is a reuerence due to the maister of the feast, and that must needs be obserued. If thou vndergo a function beyond thy power to dis∣charge, yu must needes both performe that vndecently, and likewise thou neglectest another which thou mightst execute with full decency. Euen as in thy walkes thou hast a care to auoyd the treading vppon nayles, or the wresting of thy feete: So in the mayne course of thy life beware that thou hurt not thy minde, the La∣dy of thy works, and thine actions gouernesse. This if wee would looke well vn∣to in all our designes would make vs proceede vnto our enterprizes with farre more heed and dilligence. A mans purse is limi∣ted by his body, as the shooe is by the foote. If thou keepe a meane, a meane will keepe thee: but if thou exceede thy bound, thou art in the direct way to headlong ruine: as it is euen in ones shooe: For if thou goest beyond thy necessary accoutrement therein, then first thou must haue a shooe buckled with Golde, and then a Veluet shooe, and then an imbrothered one: For the thing that once leapeth ouer the meane, runneth eternally without limita∣tion. A woman as soone as euer shee reacheth foure∣teene, obserueth that men begin to carry an eye of obseruation vpon her, and therfore she perceiuing that there is no vse of her but in a mans armes, beginneth to tricke vppe her selfe, and all the hope shee hath, is in her comely wearing of hir clothes. But it were a labour worthy commen∣dations to giue them all to vnderstand that they haue no way in the worlde to procure them-selues cre∣dite, but by their modes∣tie, shamefastnesse and so∣briety. The true signe of a stu∣pid witte is, to bee alway conuersant in corporall matters: As in long ex∣ercise of the body: in much eating, drinking, stoo∣ling, or in excessiue practise of Venus her prescripti∣ons. These thinges are to bee sodainely dispat∣ched: The serious de∣liberation of thinges is peculiar to the mentall fruition. VVhen-soeuer any man hath offended thee in word or in worke, remember this, that it was an opini∣on that told him hee did as be- fitted him heerein: for it cannot bee that he should satisfie thy liking in this acte, but his owne liking. Now if his iudge∣mente sayle him, why then hee that is decei∣ued hath the losse fallen on his side. For hee that shall define an vndiscouered truth to bee a lye, wrongs not the truth herein, but is wronged him-selfe, by his misconceite of the truth. Take but these groundes with thee, and thou shal∣neuer bee molested by the callumnies of others. For, thou hast this repulse for euery disgrace that shall be obiected, It is but your opi∣nion. Euery thing may bee ap∣prehended two wayes, ey∣ther with toleration, or with impatience. If thy brother offer thee iniury, doe not consider it is an iniurious part, for so thou shalt de∣cline vnto the impatient ap∣prehending of it, but re∣uolue this in thy thoughts, that he is thy brother, borne and brought vpp together with thee: so shalt thou ap∣prehend the wrong done with a minde intending mi∣tigation. There is no coherence in these assertions, I am richer then you, and so I am better then you. I am more eloquent then you, therefore I am your better: there is more a great deale in these: I am richer then you: therefore my wealth is aboue yours. I am more eloquent then you: ther∣fore, my pleading excee¦deth yours. But thou thy selfe art neither wealth it selfe nor eloquence. If any man be briefe in his bathing (or in any other exercise) thou maist not say that he hath done it badly, but briefly. If any one drinke much wine, say not that hee hath drunke badly, but largely. For before thou censure him, how knowest thou that hee hath offended herein. So shalt thou get the true knowledge when to censure the things thou seest, and when to approoue them. Neuer professe thy selfe a Philosopher, neuer dis∣pute of learning amongst the vnlearned. Neuer dis∣course at a feast of the best formes of eating or drinking, but eate and drinke as best befitteth thee. And remember that this was Socrates continuall course, for auoyding of o∣stentation: they that desired hee should commend them to the Philosophers, fre∣quented his company, and hee lead them away, vnto them whom they desired to follow: So easily did hee suffer him-selfe to bee neg∣lected. If thou chance to be pre∣sent at any discourse of the precepts of learning, held in an vnlearned audience, be it thy study to bee silent: for it is a dangerous thing to speake any thing with-out due premeditation. If any one call thee an ignorant creature, and thou feelest not thy selfe offended here∣with, know that thou hast laide a good foundation for knowledge. For the sheepe doe not bring their fodder to the shepheards, and shew them what they haue eaten, but decocting the meate they haue feede vppon, giue the proose hereof in their wooll, and in their milke. Let not therefore the vulgar bee eare-witnesse of thy words, but eye-witnesse of thy workes, which are the effects following the due disgestiō of verbal precepts. Art thou parsimonious in the keeping of thy bo∣dye? then be not proud of it. Doost thou drinke water? let no ordinary occasion make thee affirme so much vnto others. If thou resolue to vnder-take any paines for thine owne benefite, and not for others, doe not pro∣claime it before the Gods, but if by chance thou bee greatly a thirst, restraine thy desire by spitting forth the water that thou hast tasted, but when thou hast done, do not tell this to any other. It is a true marke of vul∣gar basenesse for a man to expect neither good nor harme from him-selfe, but all from externall euents. Contrary wise the true note of a Philosopher is to re∣pose all his expectation, vp∣on him-selfe alone. These are the tokens of pro∣ficience in goodnesse: to re∣prehend no man, to praise or dispraise no man, to traduce no man, to be silent in ones owne commendations, tou∣ching his place, or know∣ledge: to lay the fault vpon ones selfe in all his encom∣brances: to contemne those that praise him in his owne heart: to auoide the defence of him-selfe in any repre∣hension: to walke like a weake man, softly, and to haue a perpetuall care, that the state hee aymeth at, bee not snatched from him ere hee can attaine it: to in∣clude all his desires in him∣selfe: to lay his whole dis∣like vpon the opposites vn∣to our naturall goods: to beare a moderate affect in all things: to neglect his being held a foole, or an ig∣norant fellow: and finally, to keepe a guard ouer him∣selfe, as ouer a treacherous enemy. If thou shalt happen to heare any man brag of his faculty in vnderstanding & expounding the writings of Chrysippus, say thus to thy selfe: had not Chrysippus writte obscurely, this fellow had wanted matter to boast of. But what is the ayme of my study? the knowledge of nature, and the following of that knowledge, who shall teach mee then? Chrysippus saith one. Well, to Chrysip∣pus I goe. But now cannot I conceiue him. Well, then must I goe seeke an exposi∣tour: so then as yet I haue done nothing worth name∣ing. But when I haue gotten an expositor, then remai∣neth it that I make vse of all his instructions, and there is the matter of most moment. But if I stand onely in admi∣ration of his acute expositi∣ons, why then what prooue I but a Grammarian in steed of a Philosopher? sauing onely this, that I read Chry∣sippus in stead of Homer. Therefore when any one in∣treateth me to read Chrysip∣pus to him, I am ashamed, because I cannot confirme my doctrine with my deeds. Be it thy care to obserue all these as decretall lawes, neuer to bee violated, but that repentance must fol∣low the transgressor. And what-so euer other men do talke of thee, contemne it, for thou hast not their tongues vnder thy dispo∣sing. How long will it bee ere thou fasten thine holde vpon excellence, & abstain whol∣ly from violation of reasons positiue degrees? Thou hast as good rules giuen thee for thy reformation, as could possibly bee prescribed, and thou hast imbraced them: Why then dost thou looke for any more maisters, and deferrest to reduce thy selfe vnto order, vntill some such man appeare: Thou art now past a boy: add maturity en∣stileth thee a man. If there∣fore thou continue still in thy neglect, adding delaye vnto delay, purpose to pur∣pose, and putting of all things vntill to morrowe, will it not bee as appa∣rant as the light, that thou shalt neuer profitte any thing, but liue and dye a man of base condition? assure thy selfe it will. Bee wise then, and put thy selfe into the course of a full man, and make that which thou seest to bee good, the perpetuall lawe, and inuio∣lable rule of thine actions. And when thou meetest with labour or delight, with honor or with disgrace, then tell thy selfe that now thou art in the Olympike games; that now there is no starting back: and that onely our stay, or encombrance, may either detaine thy progresse long, or destroy it for euer. Thus became Socrates the man that he was, being his owne furtherer in all at∣tempts, and following the directions of none but Rea∣son. And as for thee, though thou beest not a Socrates, yet oughtest thou to liue as one that intendeth to at∣taine to Socrates his per∣fection. The first, and most neces∣sary precept in all Philoso∣phye, concerneth the vse of their decrees, as in this, of speaking euer-more the truth. The next, dis∣poseth of the demonstrati∣ons, as in this; why must one speake euer-more true∣lye? the third, confirmeth and distinguisheth both the former, as thus; How can this bee a demonstration? what is a demonstration? what is the demonstration here? what i ye consequence? what is the difference? which is the truth? which is the falshood? So that this third place dependeth necessarily vpon the second, and the se∣cond vpon the first: But the base, the foundation, and most necessary place of all, is the first. But wee take another course, wee keepe (all of vs) a terrible coyle with the third place, bea∣ting our braines wholye about that, whilest the first in the meane space lieth out of all eustome, vnrespected of any man. And therefore wee doe incurre the offence of lying: yet euery one hath the demonstration that one should not lye at his tongues end. In all our enterprises wee should pray thus: Iupiter thou high and holy God, and thou ô changelesse Fate, direct mee to the end, that your immutable determina∣tions haue assigned mee; for I will follow your appoint∣ments most cheerefully: and if I would not doe so, I were a villaine, and yet must for∣ward vnto what you haue allotted, whether I would or no. Hee that can adapt his af∣fects vnto necessity, here∣in performeth a part of wisdome, and is in some sorte priuie to the designes of the deities. And oh what a wor∣thy saying was that third speach of his. Why if it bee GODS pleasure, Crito, GODS pleasure be fullfilled: It is in the power of Anytus and Melitus to kill mee, but to doe mee any hurt, is a thing surmount∣ing all their proiects what∣so-euer. AS wee were walking in the temple of Saturne, and viewing the diuerse gifts of charitable persons, amongst the rest wee espied a table, hung vp before the doore of the Oratorie, con∣tayning many strange, and vncouth resemblances, the meaning whereof wee could not possibly coniecture, for the picture bare neither the forme of citty, nor of campe, but it consisted of three parkes as it were, or enclosures: one, a large one, and within that, two other, a greater and a lesser. In the greatest enclosure of all, there was a gate, about the which was a great con∣course of people drawne: & within, there were a many in the formes of women. In the entrance, there stood the picture of a graue aged man, who seemed to giue some directions to the per▪sons as they entred, much talke had wee about the signification of this potrai∣ture, but none could con∣ceiue truely what it should intend. At last, as we were in this doubt, an ancient man that stood by, stept vnto vs, and told vs: Stran∣gers (quoth he) it is no won∣der if this picture trouble you to vnderstand the true meaning thereof: for there are but fewe of our owne Cittizens that can giue the true interpretati∣on hereof as hee that offe∣red it, intended. For it was none of this city that gaue it, but a stranger, a worthy man, and a true follower of Pythagoras and Parmeni∣des, both in doctrine and conuersation, comming to this Citty, dedicated both this Temple, and this Table vnto the seruice of GOD Saturne. Did you know the man Sir, quoth I? yes, quoth hee, that I did, and was an auditor of his admired doctrine a long time, for euen in his yonger yeares, his instructions bare great perfection, and lustre: many a time haue I heard him teach the exposition of this table vnto his follow∣ers. I beseech you sir, quoth I, if your businesse be not of greater import, to expound the meaning hereof vnto vs, for I assure you, our desires to know it are vehement. Truly strangers (quoth hee) and my leasure serueth mee to satisfie you, but you must take one caueat with you, more then you are aware off, and that is this: the exposi∣tion hereof is attended with much danger. What dan∣ger sir, quoth I? Mary this quoth he: if you giue gōod eare vnto the discourse that you shall heare, and fix your memories with a true vn∣derstanding, it will crowne you with wisedome and bea∣titude: if not, it will plunge you in a boundlesse depth of all dulnesse & misery. For this explanation resembleth the riddle of Sphynx, wher∣with with shee vsed to intrappe poore passengers, he that could vnderstand it, passed safe, but hee that did not was sure to pay for his igno∣rance with his life. Euen so is it here. For Ignorance is a Sphynx vnto man. And this obscure picture, con∣teyneth a description of all the good and euill that lackeyeth the life of man: As also of all that which is indifferent and pertaketh of neyther. Now if a man con∣ceiue not this aright, it will not dispatch him at once, as the Sphynx did those that fell into her clawes: But it will infect his whole life wt a continual corrosion; and such a torment as those seek, who being condemned & giued, do euery moment expect the hand of the hang∣man. But contrarywise, if one apprehend it with a true conceit, Ignorance breaketh his owne necke, and the whole course of his life that vnderstandeth it aright; shal be replenished with perfect beatitude. Marke my words therefore well, and lette them not go in at one eare and out at another. Lord God (quoth I) how haue you inflamed vs with a desire to heare this relation, if all be thus: yes assuredly quoth he it is euen thus. Proceed sir I beseech you quoth I, for wee bee no negligent audi∣tors in a matter of so great hope, or so great hurt vnto the hearers. So the old man lifting vp his staffe, and poin∣ting to the picture: See you this incloser, quoth he? Yes very well: why then marke me: This is called LIFE: and the great multitude you see flocke about the gate, are such as are to enter into the the course of this life. And that old man whom ye see with a paper in one hand, & seeming to point out some∣thing therein with the other, is called, Lifes GENIVS. Hee instructeth those that enter, what methode to ob∣serue in their course of life, and layeth them downe what they must follow, vp∣on perill of their owne de∣structions. I pray you what kinde of life (sir) doth hee direct them to follow, said I? or how doth hee will them to proceed? See you not a Throne, quoth hee, neere vnto the gate as the people goe in, and a woman sitting thereon witth a visor on her face, in queint appa∣rell, and a cup in her hand? Yes that I doe, quoth I, what is shee? It is IMPOS∣TVRE, quoth hee, that sedu∣ceth all the world. What doth she? she drinketh of her owne brewing vnto all men liuing, what drinke is it? It is Error, quoth hee, and Ig∣norance: and how then? why when they haue tasted of this cuppe, then enter they, the course of life: Why but tell mee sir, doe all then drinke of Errour? All quoth hee, but some in∣deede drinke more, and o∣ther some lesse. And behold, see you not a crue of women at∣ttired like whores, there within the gate? yes, sir. Why those are called Opi∣nions, Desires, and Pleasures, and as soone as any come in at the gate, presently these run dancing to them, fall to dalliance with them and so lead them whether they list. Whether lead they them, said I? Some to security, said hee, & some to ruine, by Impostures meanes. Oh worthy sir, how dange∣rous a drinke haue you told me of! Nay, when they come first vnto men, quoth hee, they make them promi∣ses of all delights, of perpe∣tuall security in perfect bea∣titude: now the men, being drunke with the Error, and Ignorance that Imposture presented them, cannot for their liues finde the right way to that good course, but goe wandring about they know not whether, as you see them described in the picture. And you see them that were entred before, goe round about as these wo∣men direct them. I doe in∣deed, quoth I; but what wo∣man is that, that stands vp∣on that round stone, seem∣ing as though shee were blinde, and carrying a sem∣blance of madnesse in her gesture: that same quoth he is FORTVNE, her blindnesse is not single, but accompa∣nied with madnesse, and deafenesse. Why what doth shee there then? Shee wan∣ders about, quoth he, taking from one, and giuing to an∣other, and by and by taketh that away which shee gaue but euen now, and bestow∣eth it vpon a third, with-out all reason or constancie; and therefore her token there speaketh her nature at full. Which is that, quoth I? her standing vpon that round stone. What is the meaning of that? that her gifts are neuer secure nor certaine. For hee that buildeth his trust vpon them, shall bee sure one day to pay deerely for his credulity. What names beare they? They are called Fooles: How chan∣ceth it that some of them weepe, and some laugh? why are they not all in one form? They that laugh and reioice are Fortunes fauourites, and salute her by the title of Prosperous. But they that wring their hands & waile, are such as shee hath depri∣ued of that which shee had giuen them before, and they call her Aduerse fortune. What are her giftes then, that they should make the loosers lament, and the re∣ceiuers reioyce? Her gifts, are Reputed goods: and what be those? Ritches, Nobility, children, glory, soueraignty, Empire and such like. And I pray sir, hold you these for good? Of that heereafter, quoth hee: let vs now make an end of the tables exposi∣tion. With all mine heart sir. You see now that beeing past that gate, there is ano∣ther enclosure, lying higher vppe, and seauen women ac∣coutred like curtizans, stan∣ding without at the ente∣rance. All this I see. Well, one of these is called Incon∣tinence, another Luxury, a∣nother Auarice, and another, Flattery: & what stand they for there? They watch when Fortune bestoweth any thing vpō any man: how then? then they reioyce, and embrace him, and flatter him, and intreate him to staye with them, promising him a life, fraught with all the delight that the most vnbounded affect can desire. If any one doe like this, and tarry with them, hee is tickled with false delight, that free ima∣gineth his life an heauen, when indeed it is nothing so. For when his vnder∣standing rturneth, then hee will soone perceiue that hee hath not eaten at their char∣ges, but that they haue eaten vp him, and when they had so done, sent him away with his sound burden of derisio And now hauing brought al the benefits of fortune vnto nothing, hee must turne drudge to those drabs, suffer all their imperious iniuries, and vndergo all vnseemely offices for their pleasures, as cousenage, sacriledge, trea∣chery, the euery, and all the rest of that vngratious bead∣roll. And when all those im∣pious trades fayle him, then is hee packt ouer into the hands of Punishment. Pu∣nishment, which is she? Doe you not perceiue a little grate in the picture, behinde those women, and within that, as it were an obscure dungeon? Yes. And a great many women all in tattred ragges, and forlorne shapes? I see them also Why that same that holdeth the scourge, is called Punish∣ment: shee that leaneth her head vppon her knee, is Sad¦nesse. Shee that teareth her hayre, hight Sorrow. There standes one also behinde them, all deformed, meager, and naked, and a woman with him, bearing the same figure of leane deformity. Who bee they? The mans name, quoth he, is Anguish, and the womans Desperation: vnto these is the ruined man passed ouer, and confined to liue in dolefull extremitie. From thence they driue him farther, into the Iayle of In∣felicity, and there shall his captiuity be endlesse vnlesse Repentance bee his baile. Why, what can she do? Ma∣ry shee can deliuer him out of this huge deluge of mise∣ries, and bring him acquain∣ted with another Opinion, and another Desire, who will guide him vnto the pal∣lace of True Instruction: and will also proferre to conduct him vnto False Instruction. And how then, quoth I? If hee embrace that Opinion that giueth him directions in the way of True vnder∣standing hee shalbe thereby purified, and reformed, and runne the rest of his liues course in the plentitude of perfectiō, beyond the reach of all future calamity: other∣wise, if he do not so, False in∣struction will subuert him with a new deceipt. O God (said I) how dangerous is this last difference! But what shape hath this same False Instruction? Behold yon∣der other enclosure, saith he. So I doe sir. At the portall thereof sitteth a woman in neate and seemly habite: the vulgar and the vainer sorte call her Instruction, whereas indeed hir true name is false instruction. Now they that meane to passe vnto true In∣struction? Do all come first vnto this woman. Why is there no other way then this vnto true Instruction? Yes that there is. Who are they then that walke about with∣in that inclosure? They are the followers of false Instruc∣tion, imagining in themselues (but al too erroneously) that they inioy the company of true instruction. And what are their professions? Some of them are Poets, some Ora∣tors, some Logitians, some Musitians, Arithmetique, Geometry, Astrology, Phy∣losophy, Criticisme, and all other professions haue bast∣ards within this ring: nay here are prosessed voluptu∣aries also. But what women are those that conuerse with them in the habites of those former, amongst whome you reckoned Incontinence and her fellowes? They are the self-same. What, do they come hether also? That they doe, but not so ordinarily as else-where, into the first en∣closure. And do the Opinions come thus far also. Yes veri∣ly doe they: for the drinke that Imposture giueth these, euen at first, is not yet out of their heads, they doe as yet smell of the dregs of Er∣ror and Ignorance: nor shall they euer be quitte of their Opinions, or their other vices vntill they renounce the cō∣pany of False Instruction, and take them-selues to the true course, & taking the potion that is called Errors purgatiō, thereby vomit vp all ye euils that offended their mindes, as their Opinions, their Igno∣rance, and all their other en∣ormities: for so shall their consciences be perfectly cu∣red. But as long as they re∣maine with false Instruction, they shall neuer be through∣ly sound, nor shall their dis∣ciplines helpe them away with any one incouenience. Which is the way then that leadeth vnto true instruction. Why look you here, see you this high place that seemes as desart and vnhabited. Well sir, I see it. Then you see that little gate, and the way there before the gate, which looks as if it were but little vsed, lying in such a steepe discent of that craggy rock. That I see also: you see more-ouer that hill there, that is enuironed on eyther side with inaccessible cliffes, hauing onely one narrow path whereby to ascend it: True sir. That same path, is all the way wee haue to true Instruction. Truly sir mee thinketh it is almost impos∣sible to get vp it. You marke that steepe rock then by that other hill. So I doe. And see you not two lusty and come∣ly Viragoes standing thervp∣pon, & reaching forth their hands in manner of a cheer∣full inuitation. I see them well, but how call you their names? One of them hight Continency, and the other Tollerance: and they are sist∣ers. VVhy doe they reach forth their hands? They in∣courage the trauelers that come that way, to bee of good cheere, and to de∣fie desperation the daugh∣ter of sluggishnesse; assu∣ring them, that after a little toile, the whole residue of their life shalbe topt with happy tranquillity, and that if they will climbe but a lit∣tle, all the way after shall bee most plaine and easie. But when they come to the rock how shal they doe to ascend? I see no meane they haue to mount so steep a cliffe. True, but the two sisters do come downe them-selues from the toppe, and lending them their handes, pull them vppe by degrees. After they are gotten vp a little way, they bidde them rest a little, and then they bring Fortitude & Confidence vnto them, and passe their wordes to bring them to the presence of True Instruction, shewing them how plaine and how plea∣sant the tract is, now that they haue surmounted the former difficulty, and how cleare it is from all cragges and incombrances, as you see in the Table. So indeed it seemes. And see you not that wood, and before it, as it were a pleasant launde, or meade? Al full of light & de∣light? Right: and in the midst therof another enclosure wt a gate vnto it? There is so: but how cal you that enclosure? mary it is called ye habitation of the blessed, for in that place are al the vertues resident wt beatitude. Truly it lookes like a delightfull abode. You see then that goodly matron that stands by the gate, with a constant eie of a midle age, rather inclining to fiftie, in a plaine and vngarnished ha∣bite, and standing vppon a stone not round but cubike, and directly square? Shee hath two other women also neare her that seem to be hir daughters. So they do. The mid most of these three is cal∣led Instruction▪ she of the one hand, Truth, and she on the other, Perswasion. But why doth Instruction stand vp∣pon a square stone? To shewe that the path which leadeth vnto her is faire and firme: and that her gifts doe blesse the receiuer with fruits of security. What doth shee giue? She giueth Confidence, Security, & Acquittance from troubles. And what vse of those? By these man vnder∣standeth that his life is now to continue voide of all per∣turbations. Oh glorious, oh gratious gifts quoth I! but why doth she stand without the enclosure? to cure the trauellers, & giue them her drink before they enter, and then to admit them passage in, vnto the vertues. How is this good sir quoth I? In truth I conceiue you not. You shall, quoth hee. It is heere, as if a person greatly diseased should be∣take his body to the cure of the Phisitian: now hee, first of all, purgeth away the causes, and nutriment of the malady, and then corrobo∣rates the vitalls, and finally confirmeth the body in per∣fect soundnesse. Now if the person had contemned the counsels of Phisicke, hee had been deseruedly giuen ouer to the tyranny of his disease. This I conceiue, quoth I. Well, euen thus quoth hee, do men approach this stati∣on of Instruction, which as soone as they arriue at, pre∣sently shee cureth them, gi∣uen her owne receipt vnto them which purgeth out all their ingulphed euills, as by vomit or eiection. What are the euils they cast vp. Error and Ignorance, both which they drunke from the hand of Imposture, Arrogance also, Auarice, Desire, Incontinence, Anger, and all the poy∣sons which they swallowed downe while they were in the first enclosure. And whether doth shee send them hauing purged them? Shee letteth them in vn∣to Knowledge and the o∣ther vertues. Which bee they? Why see you not a company of faire & modest matrons there within the gate, amongst whome there is not one that seemeth painted, or curiously ador∣ned, as they before were all? I see them: what are their names? The fore-most of them, hight knowledge, the rest are her sisters, called by the names of Fortitude, Ius∣tice, Integrity of life, Tempe∣rance, Modesty, Liberality, Continency, & (Clemency. Oh goodly consort! quoth I. How great is humane hope? your hopes quoth he shalbe complete, if you conceiue this relation aright, and ap∣ply it vnto your courses in the world. Sir, assure your selfe, quoth I, wee will omitte no paines here∣in. Then shall your endes bee crowned with security, quoth hee. But whether doe these Vertues lead the man that enters? Vnto their mother. What is shee? Her name is BEATITVDE. Of what quality is she? See you not a way that ascendeth that height there, whereon the tower of the three en∣closures is founded? Behold there a faire and flourishing matrone, enthroned in state, at the portch of the sayd tower in goodly raiment, yet vntaxable of profusenesse, with a crown of roses about her beauteous temples. You say right sir, what is she? she is the person, that is called Beatitude. And when one commeth to her, what doth shee? Shee crowneth him (quoth he) with delight ad∣ioyned vnto all the other vertues, as they are crowned that are victors in dange∣rous conflicts: what conflicts hath he bin in, said I? In ma∣ny sore ones, quoth hee: and hath conquered many a sa∣uage beast that wounded him pitifully, & ouerthrew him often: yet brought he al their fury vnder, and now is become his owne man, ma∣king those sauages serue him now, as hee was forced to stoope to them before: What beasts are they you speake of, sir? I would faine know that. I speake of Ig∣norance and Error, first: are not they true beasts? yes, and cruel ones too, quoth I. And then, quoth he I speak of Sorrovv, Anguish, Aua∣rice, Intemperance, and the whole Lernean fen of vici∣ous habits. All these hath he now at command, whereas before they cōmanded him. O renowned victory, quoth I, and memorably perfor∣med! but I pray sir tell me this, what force is there in the crowne shee giueth him? A blessed force (young man) there is in that crown. He whose browes it encir∣cleth, shall be really blessed, and lift vp beyond the pitch of misery: nor shall his blisse relye vppon others, but bee fully established in him-self. Oh what a conquest is there! But what doth hee when he hath this crowne? whether goeth he then? Then the ver∣tues bring him backe the same way that he came, and shewe him those that liue there beneath, how misera∣ble and how mischieuous their estate is, and how they dash the ship of their life a∣gainst the rocks, keeping no course but rouing at ran∣dome without all care or compasse: and how they are ledde away to bondage by their foes, some by Inconti∣nence, som by Arrogance, som by Auarice, some by Vainglo∣ry, some by one mean of ru∣ine & some by another. And out of these giues of perditi∣on they haue no meanes in the world to redeeme them∣selues, but there they lye in fetters of perturbation, all their liues long. The reason hereof is, they haue forgot∣tē the instruction that Lifes Genius gaue them at their in∣gresse, and so cannot light of the true course of life. In truth you say well, but why should the Vertues goe to shew him the place and perills that hee had already passed? He tell you why. At his former passage of them, hee conceiued not the halfe of their maleuo∣lence, nor vnderstood the actions that were done there, almost any thing: but was altogether enuioned with doubts, because of the drinke of Error & Ignorance which hee had tasted, which made him imagine that for good, which had no good∣nesse in it, and so in like ma∣ner of euill. Whereby hee was thrust into the course of corruption aswell as the rest were. But now that he hath attained the knowledge of conueniences, hee both be∣holdeth the misery of o∣thers, and enioyeth felicity himselfe. But when hee hath obserued the misfortunes of these men, what doth hee then? or whether goeth he? faith euen whether hee lift himselfe. For he is as secure in euery place as if hee were in the caue of Corycum: and let him liue were hee will, hee shall liue in honesty and free from all, euen the least encombrance. All men shalbe as glad of his company as the sicke person is of the Phisitians why but shall he neuer more stand in feare of those beasts you spoke of? shall they haue no more power to touch him? no, not a iot. Hee shall stand at defiance with Sor∣row, Trouble, Incontinence, Auarice, Need, and all other extreames whatsoeuer: hee shall check and curbe them now as he pleaseth, who be¦fore plagued him worse then the stings of adders, and as the serpents that kill all other things with their poyson, medle not with the viper, because his owne ve∣nime is an Amulet against all theirs: so likewise shall no euill approach this perfect man, because in himselfe hee hath a preseruatiue a∣gainst all their infecti∣ons. All this is well, quoth I: but I pray you sir tell mee this: I see a great com∣pany descending the hill as it were, some with crownes on their heads, seem∣ing to exult and reioyce, and others without crownes looking like despayring men, with their heads and legges all bruised, and diuers women seeme to detaine them: what are these? They that weare crownes, are the adopted sons of instruction, and reioyce at their adopti∣on. The other, are some of them reiected by her, and so fallne into miserable estate: others, beeing weakened by Sloath, when they had gotten vp as farre as Tolerance, tur∣ned back againe, and so sell a wandring they knew not whether. But what are the women that follow them? There is Sorrowe, Trouble, Desperation, Ignominy, and Ignorance. Why then belike all the mischieues that may bee, doe follow them at the heeles. So they do, and when they come back ino the first inclosure, vnto Luxury, and Incontinence, they lay all the blame on them-selues, and fall a cursing Instruction, and al that are in the way to her, as wretches, & vnfortunate fooles, that leaue the tract that these now do tread, and the pleasures of the first en∣closure, to goe seeke had I wist and hunt out a course of such vnhappinesse, refus∣ing to stay and share with them in their delightfull goods. And what are their goods? Shall I tell you in a word? Luxury and Inconti∣nence. For like vnto beasts, they are all for the belly, and imagine the filling of that the full fruite of all their expected good. But what call you the o∣ther women that come downe there, laughing and making semblance of mirth? They are Opinions: they car∣ry men vppe vnto Instuc∣tion, and when they haue done, come backe, and tell the rest how gratiously those they presented were receiued, and how they are now in state of blessednesse. Why but doe these Opini∣ons goe in vnto the vertues? Oh no: it is altogether vn∣lawfull for Opinion to come in the sight of knowledge, they doe onely deliuer the men ouer vnto Instruction, whom shee receiuing, they goe their waies to fetch more, as shippes do, that ha∣uing vnladed their fraught make presently forth for a new voiage, taking in o∣ther commodities. In truth sir, your comparison is passing good, quoth I but you told vs not yet what it is that Liues Ge∣nius sayth vnto those that are to enter the course of life. Hee biddeth them bee of good cheere, quoth hee: and bee you of good cheere also, for I will not keepe a letter of the exposi∣tion frō you: we thanke you most humbly sir, sayd we all. Then hee, reaching forth his staffe againe, pointed vp, saying, see you that blind woman vpon the round stone there, whom euen now I told you hight For∣tune? Yes. The Genius bids them, neuer to giue cre∣dence vnto her, neuer to imagine any solidity in her bounties, neuer to hold her gifts as your proper goods: for that when shee list, shee will take them from one, & bestow them on another, magure all contradiction, it is her ordinarye practise. And therefore hee warneth them, not to delight in her beneuolence, nor to greeue at her frowardnesse: Neuer to bee conquered either by her curstnesse or her cure∣sies, to giue her neither prai∣ses nor curses, seeing shee doth nothing with discreti∣on, but hurleth all about at six and seauen, as I told you already. Therefore doth this Genius bid vs neuer wonder at her exploits, nor play the badde borrowers to count another mans mony our owne, and to bee offended, and hold our selfe iniured, if it be demanded againe: for∣getting that our credite lent vs it, vpon condition to haue it restored without contention. Thus (saith this Genius) must we stand affected to the be∣nefits of fortune, and to re∣member well, that it is one of her old trickes to giue, and take againe, and then to giue one farre more, and presently to take away all euery iot, both what shee gaue last, and what she left before. He bids vs ther∣fore take hir gifts, & hauing them, make hast with them to that firme, and constant kinde of bounty: VVhich is that? That which Instruc∣tion giueth to those that come safe to her Tow∣er to aske it. And what giueth shee? See giueth the True knowledge of profi∣table thinges, a guift of vn∣changeable goodnesse and security. To her therfore hee wils them all to make hast, and when they come to Luxury, and Incontinence, the two women afore-named, to passe by them speedily, and stoppe the eares vnto their inueyged perswasions, and so to hasten on vntill they come vnto False Instruction. There hee aduiseth them to make a little stay, and take what they like of her for their Viaticum, the rest of their iourney. And then to scowre away with all speede vnto the Pal∣lace of True Instruction. This is the charge that the Genius of life layeth vp∣pon all that are vppon en∣terance into the first en∣closure: Hee that eyther refuseth it, or misaply∣eth it, comes home by vn∣happinesse and ruine. This mine honest friendes is the exposition of this Table: If you would bee further satisfied in any thing else, propound it, and I will re∣solue you. Gramercy, cur∣teous sir. I pray you then what is it that their Geni∣us wisheth them to take at the station of False In∣ctruction? Such things as they shall neede. And what bee those? Letters, Languages and Disciplines which Plato called the bri∣dles of youth, keeping them out of worse imploy∣ments. Must hee that will passe to True Instruction needes take these heere, or may hee lette them alone if hee please? Hee need not vnlesse hee list: They are conuenient, but wholy impertinent to ver∣tue. No? are they not neces∣sary for the bettering of our vnderstandings? Yes, but our goodnesse may haue increase without them, yet are they not alto∣gether vn-vsefull. For we may heare a doctrine reade by another, and yet it were not amisse if wee could reade it in the lang∣uage our selues, then wee benefit by his reading ne∣uerthelesse: so that one may bee without these dis∣ciplines, well enough. I but are not these that vn∣derstand the artes of a bet∣ter hability to haue good∣nesse infused into them, then others that want those disciplines? No, how should that bee, quoth hee, when they are as badly con∣ceited of the true nature of good and euill, and as black with the pitchy touch of vitiousnesse, as others that vnderstand nothing? It is an easiy thing for one to bee a deepe scholler, and a mais∣ter of all the disciplines, and yet bee as prone to drun∣kenesse, intemperance, ava∣rice, iniury, treachery, yea and madnesse, as he that ne∣uer sawe the in-side of a schoole-house. There are plenty of those examples, wee neede not goe farre to fetch them. And ther∣fore what prerogatiue hath learning in the re∣formation of a mans ex∣orbitances? Truely none quoth I, if things goe thus. But why then are those schollers in the second enclosure, as nearer neigh∣bours to true Instruction then the rest? Ablasse, saith hee, what good gette they by that; When wee see often that diuers passe out of the first enclosure, from Incon∣tinence and the other vi∣ces, vnto true Instruction without once resting a∣mongst those Disciplinari∣ans? What man then can avouch their estate bet∣ter because of their place? They are either more dull, or more idle then others? Why sayd I, how is that? Because, saith hee, though those of the se∣cond enclosure were cleare from all faults else, yet this alone stickes by them for euer, To professe to know that, Whereof they are vtterly ignorant: which conceite of themselues, maketh them farre more slacke in the quest of true Instruction. Againe, doe you not see how the Opinions come floc∣king out of the first enclo¦sure vnto them? These are the causes why their e¦state is not an haire bet∣ter then the others, vnless Repentance and they fall once acquainted, and that they bee veryly perswaded that they dwell not with True Instruction, but with her counterfeit, which draw∣eth them into errors, and so stoppeth all the meanes of their reformation and pas∣sage to security. Where∣fore strangers, quoth hee, vnlesse you take this course, and beate this discourse of mine ouer and ouer, vntill you haue gotten the habite thereof (to which ende you must continue an of∣ten reuolution thereof in your meditation, and make it your thoughts principall practise) you shall neuer make vse of any word that you haue heard: Sir, wee will doe our best endeuours. But I pray resolue vs this: Why are not those things worthy the name of goods which Fortune giueth vnto mans vse? as life, health, ritches, honours, children, conquests, and such other her bounties: and why are not their contraries euills? this assertiō seemeth strange and incredible vnto vs. Wel quoth hee, be sure then that you answer directly vnto that I shall demand. I will, quoth I: whether is it good for him that is an euill liuer, to liue, at all or no. It is not good I thinke (quoth I) for him to liue, but rather euil. How then can life (saith he) bee good at all, if it bee euill for him? Because (quoth I) as to the badde liuer, life is badde, so to the good liuer, life is good. So then, you hold life both good and badde. That I doe sayd I. O beware of an absurdity, (quoth hee.) It is impossible for one thing to bee good and e∣uill. For so it should bee both profitable and hurt∣full, and likewise alwaies, both to bee affected and auoyded, and that both at one time. This is an absur∣dity indeed, quoth I. But if hee that liueth badly, haue a badnesse by liuing so, how can life but bee badde vnto that man? I but quoth hee, it is one thing to liue, and another to liue badly. That is true quoth I. So then life in it selfe is not bad. For if it were so, it would bee so to the best liues as well as the worst: For all should haue a life that should be a badnes in itself. You say true. VVell then life beeing communicated, both to the good liues & the euil, to liue, of it selfe, is nei∣ther good nor euill, no more then cutting or burning is, both which are good in some diseases, but hurtfull vnto all sound bodies. So is this life: and therefore pro∣pose this to yourselfe: whe∣ther had you rather liue bad¦ly, or die honourably? The latter should be my choyce, quoth I. So then, quoth he, death in it selfe is no badde thing belike: for it is often times to bee preferred be∣fore life. Most true. Well then, sicknes & health, haue one and the same respect. For occasion may so fal out, that it befitteth not the sicke man to recouer. It may be so. Good, waigh ritches then in the same ballance. Suppose that which is often seene: A man hath great wealth, and applyeth it to no good vse: Many such there are. Do not his ritches then helpe his beatitude any way? I think not, because of his own badnes. VVhy then very well, it is not wealth, but wise Instruction that ma∣keth a man happy. Surely so it seemes. How then can ritches be good, when they haue no power to better their possessors? They can∣not indeed. VVel, it is befit∣ting then that some should not bee rich at all, because they are ignorant of the true vse of ritches. Nay I am of your mind in that. How then can that be any way pertai∣ning to goodnesse, which must bee often times with∣held from the vse of diuers persons, so that he yt can vse wealth, as wealth should be vsed, may liue well, and hee that cannot must needes breake downe his owne qui∣et? you strike on truth in all things, sir. Lastly (quoth he) it is the esteeme of those for goods, or the contempt of them as euils, that molesteth and offendeth the cogitati∣ons of men, prizing them as thinges of such excellent worth, and the onely con∣ducts vnto the Court of hap∣pinesse and this maketh thē vndergo all actions, euen of how wicked a front soeuer, onely for the attaynment of these glosses. These acci∣dents attend on all such ad∣mirers of externall shewes, because theirdull vnderstan∣dings can no way penetrate into the natures of thinges truly good, they are so gra∣ueled in the quick-sands of erroneous Ignorance.
A00313.P4	Adagia in Latine and English containing five hundred proverbs : very profitable for the vse of those who aspire to further perfection in the Latine tongue.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Robertson, Bartholomew, fl. 1620." ]	1621.	Printed by Bernard Alsop, dwelling in Distaff-Lane, at the signe of the Dolphine,	London :	eng	[ "Proverbs." ]	ARcus tensus rumpitur. To much of one thing is good for nothing: or, a bo long bent, at last waxeth weake. Naturam expellas furca licet vsque recurrit. A man will be a man, if he haue but an hose on his head: or, a carrion Kite will neuer be a good Hawke. Ipsa dies quandoque, parens quandoque nouerca. That will be shal be: or, a Dog hath a day. Amicus certus in re incerta cernitur. A friend will help at a dead lift: or, a friend is neuer knowne till a man haue néed. Arctum annulum ne gestato. Euery man knowes where his owne shoo wrings him: or, a pound of care will not pay an ounce of debt. Similes habent labra lactucas. Such lips, such Lettice: or, a scabbed horse is good enough for a scabbed Squire. Omnes qui habent citharam non sunt ci∣tharedi. All is not gold that gliters. Nemo ante mortem beatus. All is well that ends well. Prestat sero quam nunquam sapere. Better late then neuer. Aquila in nubibus. One bird in hand is worth two i'th wood: or, better one bird in the hand, then ten in the bush. Ne sutor vltra crepidam. Blind men must not iudge of colours. Malo accepto stultus sapit. Wit is neuer good till it bee bought: or, bought wit is best. Piscator ictus sapit. A burnt child will feare the fire: or, a burnt child fire dreads: or, penny wise, pound foole. Lupus pilum mutat non mentem. Cat after kind. Quod tibi non vis fieri alteri ne feceris. Doe well, and haue well. Difficilia quae pulchra. Deare bought and farre fet, are dainties for Ladies. Iisdem e literis comaedia & tragedia compo∣nitur. As sore wéepeth the child afternoone as fore∣noone. Sera in fundo parsimonia. Better spare at brim then at bottome. Dormienti rete trahit. Better to be happy then wise. Simul & misertum est, & interrijt gratia- Claw a Churle by the taile, and he will soile thy hand. Sum egomet mihi proximus, tunica pal∣lio propior. Close sitteth my shirt, but closer my skinne. Tuo te pede metire. Cut your coat after your cloath. Quod satis est sufficit. Enough is as good as a feast. Quo plus sunt potae plus sitiuntur aquae. Euer drinke, euer dry. Gallus in suo sterquilinio plurimum valet. Euery Cocke is proud on his owne dung∣hill. Quisquis amat Ranam, Ranam putat esse Dianam. Suum cuique pulchrum. The Crane thinkes her owne bird fairest: or, euery man as hee liketh, quoth the good∣man when he kist his Cow: or, he is a kin to the Owle, who thinkes her selfe fairest. Dantur opes nullis, nunc nisi diuitibus. Euery man basteth the fat hogge. Non quiuis rem acu tangit. Euery man cannot hit the naile on the head. Qui non litigat, celebs est. Euery man can tame a Shrew, but he that hath her. Cuique suum commentum placet. Euery man liketh his owne child best: or, euery man after his fashion. Male partum, male disperit. Ill got, ill spent: or, euill gotten goods neuer proueth well. Flagitiorum turpis exitus. Eill gotten, euill spent. Fortes fortuna adiuuat. Faint heart neuer won faire Lady. Testudo intra tegimen tuta est. Fast binde, fast finde. Verbum sapienti sat est. Few words to the wise suffice. Ne panes in frigidum furnum immittas. Fish is cast away that is cast into dry pooles. Stultum contra stimulum calcare. Folly it is to kick against a pricke. Mus non vni fidit antro. Good riding at two ankers men haue told, for if the one faile, the other may hold. Canis festinas caecos parit catulos. Hast maketh waste, or a hasty man neuer lacketh woe. Capram portare non possum & imponitis bouem. He may ill runne, that cannot goe. Timidi nunquam statuerunt tropheum. He that feareth euery grasse, must not piss in a medow. Quem fortuna nigrum scripserit, hunc non vniuersum aeuum, candidum reddere potest. He that is borne to be hanged, shall neuer be drowned. Vindicta tarda sed grauis. He that killeth a man when he is drunke, shall be hanged when he is sober. Caedimus in que vicem praebemus crura sa∣gittis. He that striketh with the sword, shall bee beaten with the scabbard. Estas non semper fuerit componite nidos. He that will not when he may, when hee would he shall haue nay. Crine ruber niger ore breuis pede lumine iuscus. Rem magnam prestas zoile si bonus es. He that winketh with the one eye, and loo∣keth with the other, I will not trust him though he were my brother. Virtus gloriam parit. He is proper that hath proper conditions. Accipe quam primum breuis est occasio lucri. Make hay while the weather shineth. Hold fast when you haue it. Patriae fumus igne alieno luculentior. Home is homely. Somnia cuncta canum panes, ego somnio picem. Hope well and haue well. Si non adsunt carnes taricho contentos esse oportet. Hunger maketh hard bones swéete. Non est improbior res altera ventre mo∣lesto. Hunger pierceth stone walls. Optimum condimentum fames. Hunger is the best sauce. Malum vas non frangitur. Ill weeds grow fast. Homo homini lupus. In trust is treason. Noli irritare crabrones. It is euill waking of a sléeping Dogge. Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum. It is good to beware by other mens harmes. Semper tibi pendeat hamus. It is good to haue a hatch before the doore. Procul a Ioue pariter atque a fulmine. Neere the King, neere the gallowes. Botrus oppositus Botro maturescit. One good turne asketh another. Hostimentum est opera pro poecunia. One shrewd turne followeth another. Vna Hirundo non facit ver. One Swallow maketh not a summer. Alij sementum faciunt alij metent. One beateth the bush, another catcheth the Birds. Pennas nido maiores extendit. Pride goeth before, and shame commeth after. Merx vltronea putet. Proffered seruice stinketh. Multe regum aures atque oculi. Kings hath long eares and hands. Mandrabuli more res succedit. It mends like sowre ale in summer: or the longer the worse, like to my old shooes. Loripidem rectus derideat. He should haue a haile pow, that cals his neighbour nitty now. Difficilia quae pulchra. Farre fet and déere bought are good for La∣dies: farre fowles hath faire feathers. Pluris est occulatus testes vnus quam auriti decem. I will trust my owne eyes better then your report. Multa nouit Lupus verum Echinus vnum magnum▪ Honest simplicity is better then subtilty: or, I will doe more with my simplicitie, then you with all your craftinesse. Si Leonina pellis non satis, est addenda vul∣pina. What might cannot, malice shall: or, hee will either do it by slight or might. Multa noras oportet quibus Deum fallas. Frost and falshood will haue a fowle end: or falshood will haue a fowle end. Dij facientes adiuuant. What God will no frost can kill: or, help thy selfe, and God will help thée. Cum minerua manum quoque moue. He that will not when he may, when hee would he shall haue nay: or, lye not in the mire and say God helpe. Lutum nisi tundatur non fit vrceus. Win Gold and weare Gold: or, you can∣not be a scholler except you take paine in the shoole. Artem quaeuis alit terra. A calling no burden: or, a trades man will win his bread in any part: or, a tade is easie carried. In puteo cum canibus pugnat. He méetes with his match: or hee is fallen with such as he is himselfe. Aurum habet Tholosanum. He that washes a Black a moore, or powers water in a siue, loses his labour: or, hee will neuer go the way that he spéeds in. Tam perit quam extrema faba. As good neuer a whit, as neuer the bet∣ter: or, there is no reléefe for him. Qui semel scurra nunquam pater-fami∣lias. Once a vse and euer a custome: or, he that beggeth fiue Frydaies will not worke a∣gaine. Occasione duntaxat opus improbitati. Tis an easie matter to finde a staffe to beate a dogge. Aries alituram rependit. I knew he would doe euill for good: or, saue a theefe from the gallowes, and he will help to hang thée. Qui canem alit peregrinum. To kisse a mans Wife, or wipe his knife, is a thankless office: or, it is a thanklesse thing to féed another mans dogge. Hirundines sub eodem tecto ne habeas. Like neuer a Tale teller. Pro meritis male tractarunt Agamemnon a Grai. Do the best I can there is no thank for it. Nemo bene merito bouem immolanit nisi Pyrrhias. A thankfull man is farre to séeke. Si quid iuues pluuia leuior gratia est. Si quid offendas plumbeas iras gerunt. He is neither well full nor fasting: I know not how to serue them. In senem ne quod collocaris beneficium. It is lost that is done to an old man, and a yong child. Cum paruula est, bona videtur spina. Any young thing is pleasant. Malum lucrum aequale dispendio Ill got, ill spent: or, I haue lost more then I haue gained by it, or euill gotten goods thriue not to the third heire. Ipsa senectus morbus est. No maruell an old man be sicke. Omnibus gallaritis oportet cristam inesse. There is no man faultlesse. Mens non est in centauris. He is bigge, but hath no courage. Ouim nulla vtilitas si absit canis. A good King, a great Iewell. Phryx plagis emendatur. Well with awe, maketh the carle draw. Arcadicum germen. A great Lubbard with little wit. Septennis cum sit nondum aedidit dentes. He will neuer be wise. BIs pueri senes. Old men are twice babes. Ouem Lupo commisti. When the Foxe preaches, beware your Géese: or, thou hast giuen the Wolfe the wea∣ther to kéepe: or the Dogge hath gotten the Butter to kéepe. Ne innerum erumpat. Better bow then breake. Certamen non accipit excusationes. Need makes the old wife trot: or, I must either doe or dye. Nihil graculo cum fidibus. Like to like quoth the Deuill to the Collier: or, the like to the like, and a scabbed horse to an old dike. Aliter catuli longe olent aliter sues. There are moe maids then Maukin: or, they are very like, but not the same. Feli Crocoton. He is vnworthy of his place. Alia res sceptrum alia plectrum. He that hath many Irons in the fire, som will cole. Induistis me leonis exuuium. I wll neuer beare out that state. Canis in presepi. He will neither doe nor let doe. Seruus cum sis comam geris. You are farre aboue your ranke. Extra olea fertur. The Pri hath forgotten hee was euer a Clerke: or, he misknoweth himselfe. Quae semelancilla nunquam hera. Set a beggar on horsebacke, and hee will ride a gallop: or, the poorest is proudest when she commeth to honour. Diues aut iniquus est aut iniquus heres. Riches and sinne are oft married toge∣ther. Quantum habet, quisque tanti fit. I know not how the world wags, He is best loued that hath maniest bags. Multitudo imperatorum Cariam perdidit. One Master in a house is enough. Nemo bene imperat nisi qui paruerit impe∣rio. A good Prentice will be a good Master. Arbore deiecta quiuis ligna colligit. A man hath many enemies when his backe is at the wall: or, let him once fall, and all men will go ouer him. Annus producit segetem non ager. It is more through hap then good hus∣bandry. Aquilam noctuae comparas. An odious comparison, a Docke to a Dazie. Leo senex vigente potior hinnulo. An old hound byteth sore. Crotonitarum postremus reliquorum gre∣corum primus est. One man is worth thrée. In agro surculario capras. Chuse thy company before thy drinke. Vbi amici ibi opes. A friend in Court, is worth penny in pursse. Nihil homini amico est oportuno amicius. A good man can no more harme then a shéepe: or, a man is happy that findeth a good friend. Non sunt amici qui degunt procul. A good neighbour, a good morrow. Nunc bene nauigaui postquam naufragium feci. A hard beginning hath a gd ending. Lingua amicus. A honny tngue, a hart of gall. Non profert senior pannis e vilibus armos. A broken sléeue holdeth the arme backe. Camelus vel scabiosus complurium asino∣rum gestat onera. A grunting horse and a groaning Wife, neuer faile their maister. E multis paleis parum fructus collegi. A long harust of a little corne. Post bellum auxilium. After meate Mustard. Turdus ipse sibi malum cacat. A swine ouer fat is cause of his owne bane. Mopso Nisa datur quid non speramus aman∣tes. After a storme commeth a calme. Plus apud campanes vnguenti, quam apud ceteros olei est. There is more good victuals hére, then in se∣uen other kingdomes. Si tantum vitrum quantum margaritum. If you care so much for the body, what should you not care for the soule. Corui lucinijs honoratiores. Now vertue is contemned. Inter caecos regnat strabus. If the blind lead the blind, both fall in the ditch. Cocta numerabinus exta. Praise a faire day at euen-night. Magistratus virum indicat. A man is best knowne when he is in autho∣ritie. In dolio figularem artem disce. You must spoile before you spin. Tentantes ad troiam peruenerunt Greci. Spaire by chance, you may come speed. Post malam segetem serendum est. All is not lost that is in danger. Domesticum malum. A misruled Wife. Nihil graue passus es nisi tibi vindicas. A good conscience is a continuall feast. Emere malo quam rogare. I will not both pay and pray. Cygnea cantio. A fatall song. Tunc canunt cygni quum tacebunt graculi. I shall haue my word about. Fames & mora, bilem in nasum conciunt. Speake neuer to a fasting man. Ventre pleno melior consultatio. When meat is in, anger is out. Molestus interpellator venter. Neare is my Pety-Cote but nearer is my Smocke. Matura satio saepe decipit, sera semper mala est. Take time when time is, for time will a way. Ante lentem auges ollam. You hope for that will neuer come to passe. Informes hyemes reducit Iupiter, idem sub∣mouet. After a storme comes a calme: or after black clouds cleare weather. Post caenam stabis aut passus mille meabis. After dinner sit a while, aftr supper walk a mile. Id puto melius esse vt sint mediocria cuique· All couet, all loose. Mature fias senex, si diu velis esse senex. An old sacke asketh much patching. Fricantem frica. An ill Cooke cannot licke his owne fngers. Amicus magis necessarius quam ignis aut a qua As a man is friended, so the Law is ended. Neoptolemi vindicta. As déepe drinketh the Goose as the Gander. Ad suum quem{que} questum aequum est esse cal∣lidum. As good to play for naught, as work for naught Nihil prosuerit bulbus neruis caren. Aske my companion whether I be a Théee. Tte hoc intristi tibi omne est expedendum. As I brew, so must I néeds drinke. Mista senum, ac Iuuenum, densantur funera. As soone goeth the young Lambes skin to the market, as the old ewes. Si tibi machera est & nobis vrbina est domi. Batchellors Wiues, and maids Children are well taught. Iupiter emeritur opes mortalibus ipse, Sic visum vt fuerit, cuicun{que} bonoue maloue. Be it better, be it worse, do you after him that beareth the pursse. Mactata veniet lenior hostia▪ Beggars should be no choosers. Edentatus vescentium dentibus inuidet. Better to be enuyed then pittyed. Noli mouere Camarinam. Better children wéepe then old men. Est melius multo fortuna saepe morari. Scandere quam praeceps interitumque pati. Better sit still then rise and fall. Iactantia comes inuidiae. He that sheweth his goods longeth to be rift Haud malum vulpinandum cum vulpe. It is better to kisse a knaue, then to be trou∣bled with him. Bonum extra fumum & vndam esse. It is good sléeping in a whole skinne. Vltra peram sapit. Poore and proud, fie, fie. Tibicinis vitam viuis. You fare well on other mens purses. Aries cornibus lasciuiens. He is better fed then taught. Caprarius in aestu. Little he can doe, and it is out of season. Complura masculi canis cubilia. Seldome will a Whoremaster hold him∣selfe with an honest Wife. Rosam quae preterijt ne queris iterum. Gréeue neuer your selfe, for that cannot be amended. Quid de pusillis magna prooemia. You make much adoe for nothing. Cum Leones sint domi, ijdem in arte sunt vulpeculi. When you agrée with your enemie, put two barres vpon the doore. Furor post omnia perdere naulum. Better halfe an Egge then empty shell. Figulus figulo inuide. One begger is woe, another by the way should goe. Vnicum arbustum haud alit duos Erithacos. One beggar is enough at one doore. Candidae musarum Ianuae. A good Scholler is euer liberall. Optat ephippia bos, piger, optat arare cabal∣lus. There is no man content with his owne estate. Frenum mordet. He would faine be out of his Prentiship. Improbe neptunum accusat iterum qui nau∣fragium fecit. A wit bought, is worth two for naught. Ad amussim applica lapidem, non ad lapidem amussim. We should liue according to the lawes. Aequalitas haud parit bellum. Good neighbours will not be hard. Quae non posuisti ne tollas. Liue on your owne. Dat veniam coruis vexat censura columbas. They leape ouer where the dike is lowest. Non suadebis ne si persuaseris quidem. I cannot beleeue it though I saw it my selfe. Quod seruos habemus, totidem habemus ho∣stes. He cannot loue me that is afraid of me. Lidus ostium claudat. He that commeth last make the doore fast. QVid distant aera lupinis. There is no comparison. Valeat amicus cum inimico. For my part burne the kill boldly. In occipitio oculos gerit. He hath one eye in his necke. Homini diligenti semper aliquid super est. A wise man cannot be idle. Arator nisi incurnus preuaricatur. He that goeth not skilfully to his worke can not speed. Grues lapidem delgutientes. They know whose arrand they go. Post folia cadunt arbores. If I suffer this I shall haue worse. De pilo pendet. His life is on his lip. Inter sacrum & saxum. Betwixt sinke and sie. A fronte praecipitium, a tergo lupi. Betwixt the Deuill and the dead sea. Flamma fumo est proxima. After words commeth blowes. Caluus cum sis ne obuersa fronte obimas pa∣rieti. Meddle with thy match. Ne bona tu pandis ratibus semel omnia man∣des. Put not all in hazard at once. Pasce canes qui te lanient catulosque lupo∣rum. Saue a thiefe from the Gallowes and he will cut thy throte. Cantabit vacuus coram latrone viator. The begger may sing before the thiefe. Tanquam argiuum clypium abstulerit gloria∣tur. The greatest talkers are the least doers. Celsae grauiore casu, decidunt turres. The highest trée hath the greatest fall. Oscitante vno deinde oscitat & alter. The young Cocke crowth after the old. Qui nimium properat serius absoluit. The more hast the lesse spéede. Magis sibi placet quam Peleus in machera. The Parish Priest forgetteth that euer hee hath béene Clerke. Lapis obuolutus non obducitur musco. The rowling ston neuer gathereth Mosse. Omnem facultatem indutus est. We can haue no more of the Foxe, but his skinne. Nunc tuum ferrum in igni est. When the Iron is hot strike. Accipe quam primum breuis est occasio lu∣cri. When the pig is proffered hold vp the poke. Dum genua virent. When the sunne shineth make hay. Tunc tua res agitur paries dum proximus ar∣det. When thy neighbours house doth burne, be carefull of thine owne. Ni purgas & molas non comedes. Win Gold and weare Gold. Sero sapiunt phryges. Wit is neuer good till it be bought. Tacitus pasci si posset coruus haberet plus da∣pis. You cannot fare well, but you must cry Rose∣meate. Festina lente. Soft fire maketh swéete Malt. Caput artis est docere quod facias. I pray you doe as you say. In aere piscatur. He may gape long ere a Bird fall into his mouth. Piscem natare doces. Nature passeth nourture. Eliphantem ex musca facis. He stumbles at a straw, and leapes ouer a blocke. Exacta via viaticum querit. The older the worser. Leonis exunium super crocatum. A faire hood on a false head. Vino vendibili non opus est suspensa haeder. Good Wine néedeth no bush. Totus aechynus asper. There commeth neuer a merry looke from him. Minutula pluuia imbrem facit. Many smals makes a great. Multis ictibus deijcitur quercus. Hair and haire will make the arle bald. Ceram auibus addis. He that will not bee counselled, cannot be hel∣ped. Contingit & malis venatio. Fortune sometimes fauours fooles. Tranquillo quilibet gubernaor est. Misery shaueth the man. Oculus dexter mihi salit. I shall haue my hearts desire. Si libeat, seruare procul quoque numina pos∣sunt. Hp and halfe-penny are goods enough. Noctua volat. Gace is good for the man. Recte valere & sapere duo vitae bona. A man hath no more then he hath good of. Neque caecum ducem ne{que} amentem consul∣torem adhibeas. When you goe to dance take héede whom you take by the hand. Non est remedium aduersus Sycophantis mor∣sus. You cannot stay euill hung tongues ustra Herculi calumniam instruis. Do well, and let men say. Propria vineta caedis. You spit vpon your owne sléeue. Extra publicam viam ne deflectes. The high way is the best way. Mulae manus, onus leuius reddunt. Many hands make light worke. Sub aliena arbore fructum coliigit. He neur sweat for that he hath. In magnis voluisse sat est. He that doth as he can néeds no reproofe. Cauda de vulpe testatur. You may know the man by his manners, E cantu dignoscitur auis. You may know the horse by his harnesse. Aquila non captat muscas. He will not looke so low. Asinus compluitur. He stirreth no more then beaten Stockfish. Ne allij quidem caput dedit. He had rather part with his life before he wil giue a penny. Indus Elephantus non curat culicem. He neither doth m good nor euill. E flamma cibum petit. He careth not how hee hath it so hee may get it. Non estoleum in lechito. You seeke grace at a gracelesse face. Nihil Inanius quam multa scire. Leane not that is much, but that is best. Viro lydo negotium non erat at ipse foras pro∣fectus parauit aut, callidum prandium co∣moedere. A hasty man neuer wants woe. Ego spem preti non emam. I will not buy a pigge in a poke. A micitias immortales esse oportet. Kindnesse will créepe where it cannot goe. Simile gaudet simili. Like vnto like. Ad mensuram aquam bibunt, citra mensuram offam comedunt. A Prodigall must want. Aliorum medicus, ipse hulceribus scates. Loue beginneth at it selfe. Dasipus carnes desiderat. He will neuer be contented Facta iuuenum, consilia meliorum, vota se∣num. Choose the man in that he hath best skill of. Non omnis fert omnia tellus. Euery man hath his owne guift. Marinam auditionem fluuiali abluit sermone. He putteth a faire face vpon an euill fauoured tale. Ego de allijs loquor t respondes de cepis. I speake of wheate, and you of Horse-corne. Stimula equum iuxta lineam. Speake to the purpose. Me mortuo terra misceatur incendio. When I dye, the world dyeth with me. Mihi istic nec seritec metitur. I haue not to doe with it. Non luctu sed remedio opus in malis. Sorrow neuer helped man. Boni viri lachrimabiles. Little knoweth the fat Sow what the leane doth meane. Batte tune pedibus nudis perrepere montem, Quippe rubis tribulisque viret mons vndique densis. Looke before you leape. Vie tibi quantumque potes prelustria vitae. Tempore prelustri fulmen ab arce venit. Looke not to hye, lest a chip fall in your eye. Qui nimium emungit fortiter elicet sangui∣nem. Better to bow then breake. Duos insequens lepores neutrum capi. Betwéene two stooles the taile goeth to the ground. Obijcere canibus agnos. Beware the Géese when the Foxe preaches. Pares cum paribus facillime congregantur. Birds of a feather will flocke together. Custode & cura natura potentior omni. Blaeke will take no other hew. Camelus desiderans cornnua etiam aures per∣didit. All couet, all lose. Aequalitas non parit beum. Euen reckoning maketh long friends. Policrates matrem pascit. Faire words makes fooles fain. Acinos sus improba pendes. Fost and fraud haue alwayes foule ends. Mihi ipsi Balneum ministrabo. Giue an inch, you would haue an ell. Quod alibi diminutum exaequatur alibi. God sendeth cold after cloathes. Est fortunatior quam prudentior & contingit & malis venatio. God sendeth fortune to fooles. Canes timidi vehementius latrant. Great Barkers are no byters. Bonum e terra spectare naufragium. Halfe warned halfe armed Obedientia faelicitatis mater. Happy man, happy dole. Quid nisi victis dolor. He laughs that winneth. Ludere qui nescit campe stribus abstinet armis▪ He that playes more then hee sees forfeis his eyes to the king. NOn statim cum initio apparet finis· Hote loue is soone cold. Vtere curru, de asinis nihil laboramus. He that reckons without his host must reckon twise. Lignum tortum haud vnquam rectum. How can the fole amble when the mare trots. Non inter pellendus latran venter. Hungry dogs will eat durty puddings. Quisquis amatranam, ranam credit esse Dia∣nrm. In loue is no lacke. Malis ter mala. Ill gotten ill spent. Multa caduntinter calicem suprema{que} labra. In space commeth grace. Cum Deo quisque aut gaudet aut flet. It chanceth in an houre which hapneth not in seuen yeare. Asini caput ne laues nitro. It is a bad cloath that will tak no colour. Qui sibi nequam cui bonus. It is a bad bird that fileth his owne nest. Cupidinum crumena porri folio vincta est. It is hard to win and thriue both in a yeare. Bos lassus fortius figit pedem, vel, habet & mus∣ea splenem. An old dogge byteth sore. Stultus qui patre caeso liberis pepercit, vel, mor∣tui non mordent. Better to goe by the enemies graue then his doore. Qui tacitus procedit, via huius ego fuero Dux▪ Euery man for himselfe, and God for vs all. Syrus cum sis ne syrissa. Iack would be a Gentleman, if he could speak French. Estate penulam detrahis. You thinke you will neuer be old. Odi puerulos precoci sapientia. Soone ripe, soone rotten. Festina lente. At leasure, as Flax groweth. Legatus non caeditur neque violatur. It is not mine errand I goe. Attica fides. As true as stéele. Rhadamanteum iudicium. Extreamity of the Law. Ignis, mare, mulier, tria mala. A wicked woman and an euill, is thrée halfe∣pence worse then the deuill. Mulier pudica ne sola sit vsquam. It is euill to put powder and flaxe together. Nunc pluit & claro nunc Iupiter aethere su∣git. It will not be ill alwaies. Vbi non sis qui fueris non est cur velis viuere. I will not borrow on the man that begged at me? Ad prestina presepia. Bring a Cow to the hall, and she will to the Byre againe. Quod aliter condiunt coqui aliter condiam. I will make vp-side downe. Dextera precipue capit indulgentia mentes. Asperitas odium saeua que bella mouet. By wisedome peace, by peace plenty, by plen∣ty warre. Nemo mortalium omnibus horis sapit. It is a good hors that neuer stumbleth. Facilis descensus auerni. It is easier to descend then ascend. Bonum tragedias in nugis facere. It is good fishing in troubled water. Malum contra torrentem niti. It is hard striuing against a streame. Malum pro perca scorpium vel, si vinum po∣stulet pugnos illi dato. It is better comming to the end of a feast, then beginning of a ray▪ Priusquam mactaris excorias, vel capra non∣du peperit haedus autem ludit in tectis. It is ill fishing before the net. Elleborum frustra cum iam cutis aegra tumebat Poscentes videas uenienti occurrere morbo. It is ill healing of an old sore. Sybaritica mensa▪ It is merry in hall when beards wag all. Insanire facit sanoa quoque copia vini. It is merry when knaues méete. Nihil inanius quam multa scire. It is not good to haue an Oare in euery man Boate. Quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit▪ odorem esta diu. It will not ot of the flesh that is bred in th bone. Iucundissima nauigatio iuxta terram, ambula∣tio iuxta mare. Light gaines makes a heauy purse. Omni pede eundem calceum inducit. He healeth all sores with one salue. In alieno choro pedem ponis. Meddle with your owne businesse. Facile cū valemus recta consilia egrotis damu▪ We haue better counsell to giue then to take▪ Quarta luna natus. He was borne to great misery. De aieno ludis corio. You cut large thongs of other mens leather. Ama tanquam osurus, odi tanquam amaturus. Mediocrity is best in all things. Amici mores noueris non oderis. Fall not out with thy friend for a trifle. Salem & mensam ne preterias. Forsake not thy old friend. Par odio importuna beneuolentia. There is time for all things. Felicium multi cognati. The fortunate hath many friends. Ne Iupiter quidem omnibus placet. I cannot follow all mens humours. Coelum territat armis. He beleeues he would beate the Deuill. Tradebat notus hunc Boreae quandoque ve∣hendum. Nunc rursum Zephyro tractandum tradidit eurus. Striue not against the streame. Mala senium accelerant. Sorrow and an euill life, maketh soone an old Wife. Expectat bos olim herbam, vel, expectat anus meum filium te suaniaturum. While the grasse groweth the horse starueth. Si vulter e expecta cadauer. He liueth vpon other mens death. Haud vnquam arcet ostium. He kéepeth a good house. Semper aliquis in Cydonis domo. He neuer wanteth good chéere. Fores habent tritas vt pastorum casae. His gate is as open as the Church style. Neque compluitur, neque sole aduritur. He is his Mothers child. Neque natre, neque literas. He neither knoweth Goose nor stye. Barbarus ex triuio. He is a very sot. Claudi more tenere pilam▪ Be it good or be it bad, he will maintaine it. Equi senecta. When he can doe no more good, then make an old horse of him. Anus velit equus profundam habebis. Forsooth what should be done with an old wife but make Gun-powder of her. Ab asino delapsus. He hath lost that he will neuer finde. Nullam hodie lineam dxi. I haue spent this day idely. Neglectis vrenda fiix innascitur agris. H that will not worke, will want, Ignauis semper feriae sunt. The idle haue many holy dayes. In alieno foro litigat. He knoweth not what he doth. Arrepta candela candelabrum querit. Ye are wise behind the hand. Ne verba pro farinis. Go to the market with your thankes. Vmbra pro corpore. He gets by that, as Dickins did by his dishes. Diomedis & Glauci permutatio. He hath cost for the worse. Si vinum postulet, pugnos illi dato. He is euill serued. Multa cadunt, inter calicem suprema{que} labra. Chance is perilous. Nescis quid serus vesper vehat. No man knoweth his destiny. Si crebro Iaceas, aliud, alias Ieceris. Giue not ouer though thy lucke be bad. Frigidam aquam suffundit. I can doe no more then I may. Lachyma nihil citius arescit. Sorrow is soone forgot. Proto mutabilior. He is as fickle as the Weather-cocke. Euripus homo. As light as the Quénes groat. Duabus sedere cellis. Betwixt two stooles the taile goeth downe. Duos parietes dealbare eadem fidelia. He maketh two sons in law of one daughter. Thraces faedera nesciunt. Neither word nor war can bind him. Altera manu fert lapidem, altera panē ostentat. He is as false as the Deuill. Refricare cicatricem. Ye are glad of uill tidings. Tangere hulcus. To och one on the sore toe. Ignem gladio ne fodito. I ye make it no better, make it no worse. Temulentus dormiens non est excitandus. Put not powder among Pitchers. Sinapi victitat. He is euer frowning. A Nimus habitat in auribus I answere you according to your asking. Hermodij catilena. To sing mournfully. Admeri nenia. A dolefull song. Arctum annulum ne gestato. Do not that suddenly may cause your sorrow. Titanicus aspectus. He looketh as he would looke through me. Caepam edit. He laugheth, and the teare is in his eye. Ne sis panis mihi. I will vse no more of your counsell then plea∣seth me. Frontem exporrigere. To looke blythe vpon it. Magis gaudet eo qui senectam exuit. He is as glad as i he had found a tresure. Manum habet sub pallio. He is not content with himselfe. Helenae cibi. A costly banquet. Attica bellaria. Great delicates. Optimum condimenum fames. Hunger is the best sauce. Dubia caena. Swéet meat must haue sowre sauce. Accipit & glebam ferro. He will take any thing before he loseth all. Bis dat, qui cito dat. I had rather haue it now, then twise as much another time. Promus magis quam condus. He neuer laboured the thing that he spendeth. ona porcenae. t is cheaper sold, then euer it was bought. De plaustro loqui. He is not ashamed who heares him scoulding. Veritas odium parit. All the truth would not be told. Et dicebaris erasque. It is true that men speake of you. Simplex veritatis oratio. Truth seeketh not by wayes. Quod in corde sobrij id est in lingua ebrij. A full man cannot lye. In vino veritas. When the drinke is in, the wit is out. Lingua lapsa verum dicet. Against his will he doth say truth. Ficus ficus, ligonem ligonem vocat. He tels plainely how the matter was. Liberi poetae, & pictores. Poets and Painters haue leaue to lye. Superbat tan quam argiuum clypeum detrarit. He swaggers as if the whole town were owne. Auro loquente nihil pollit quaeuis oratio. The world is come now to, what will giue me. Si caseum haberem non desiderarem abso He is a very Miser. Salem lingit. He is not worth the wooll of a dogge. Coruum delusit hiantem. His obligation is not better then his word. olus ereptus ex faucibus. thought neuer to haue séene it. urem pro leone ostentat. is words are but wind. arturiunt montes nascetur ridiculus mus. is promises are no performances. upus circa puteum chorum agit. e hath done with his best day. uerens obsonium vestem perdidit. hunning the smoake, he fell in the fire. uos insequens lepores neutrum capit. ast and loose is no possession. pem pretio non emo. will not buy a pig in a yoke. uuius non semper fert secures. uery day is not yesterday. emper agricola in nouum annum Diues. hope to be an honest man yet. ucleum amisi reliqui pignori putamina. beleeued to haue got the Cat with two tails. caducum parietem inclinare. o hope in a broken bow. edum est & mansisse diu vacuum{que} redisse. ou should not come for an errand, and goe home with your finger on your chéeke. Iupiter haud quicquid animo corceperit illud perficit exemplo. No man can haue all his wishes. Saepe etiam est olitor valde opportuna locutus. A foole speaketh truth at some time. Nam illi iam non sunt, aut qui sunt, mali. It is not now as it wont to be, or the case is altered. Fuere quondam strenui Milesij. There is many father worse, few father better. Fuimus Troes. We were sometime better then we are now. Arabicus tibicen. They may eare where they cannot sée him. Dodonaeum aes. He can neuer hold his lippes together. Non est eiusem & multa, & oportuna dicere. Where much is spoken, pat is spoiled. Os infrene. An euill hung tongue. Sicoruus poscit tacitus pasci. He that sheweth his goods longeth to be robd Citra vinum temulentia. He is ouercome with vices. Ad vinum desectus. He can well speake at the Table head.
A00316.P4	Apophthegmes that is to saie, prompte, quicke, wittie and sentencious saiynges, of certain emperours, kynges, capitaines, philosophiers and oratours, aswell Grekes, as Romaines, bothe veraye pleasaunt [et] profitable to reade, partely for all maner of persones, [et] especially gentlemen. First gathered and compiled in Latine by the ryght famous clerke Maister Erasmus of Roterodame. And now translated into Englyshe by Nicolas Vdall.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Udall, Nicholas, 1505-1556." ]	1542 [September] Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum.	Excusum typis Ricardi Grafton,	[London] :	eng	[ "Aphorisms and apothegms." ]	FOrasmuche as emong al the gentile Philoso∣phiers of old tyme, ther is none, either for inte∣gritee of maners, for vpryght liuynge, for quickenes & (as ye would saie) liuelynes of sai∣ynges, or for the perfeccion of phi∣losophical humilitee & suffreaunce to be compared with Socrates: And in consideracion that thesame So∣crates firste of all that sorte attem∣pted to wythdrawe menne from vayne studies and desires, to the readynge of morall philosophie, & to the trade of vertuous lyuyng, not onely so framyng and mini∣stryng his doctrine, that he might effectually persuade vnto menne vertue & perfecte honestee, but also directyng ye exaumple and paterne of all his life and dooynges to the same ende, effecte and purpose: we haue thought moste conuenient to set his saiynges first, as of ye which the studious reader maye gather & take suche presidentes of holy and innocent liuyng, suche nourture of vncorrupt maners, suche lessōs of myldnes and pacience, suche disci∣pline of eschewyng vice, and al car¦nall pleasures, suche paterne of bridelyng and refreinyng all sen∣sualitee, suche exaumple of cōtem∣nyng worldly gooddes and other vanitees, as shall bee to thesame right pleasaūt, fruite∣full, & pro∣fitable. OUt of the mouthe of SOCRATES it came,God is to be folowed as nere as we maye. the goddes to bee of al the best and moste blissed: and that euery manne the nerer that he draweth to the fa∣cions and representaciō of thesame goddes, the better he is and the more heauenlyke. If ye saye one God, as he saied goddes (for there is but one God) nothyng maye be spoken more Christianelyke. It was also a saiyng of his, that nothynge ought to bee desired of god in mennes praiers,What sorte oure payers ought to be. but vndre this fourme, & with these wourdes (suche thynges as bee good for vs) wythout any ferther addicion. Where as the moste parte of menne dooe aske in their praiers, one a wyfe wt a good dourie, an other asketh ryches, this manne honours, that manne rewle, some long lyfe, as it were prescribyng & appoynting to God what he shuld dooe. But God of hym self before we aske, do∣eth best knowe what is good and expedi∣ent for vs, and what is not. His mynde was, that sacrifice should bee dooen to ye goddes with as smal charges as myght bee,Sacrifice to God ought not to bee o∣uer sumptu∣us. for that the goddes, as thei haue no neede of the gooddes of mortal mē so thei haue more regarde to ye her∣tes of those yt offre sacrifice, then to their riches: otherwyse, forasmuche as commenly the wurste disposed persones haue moste aboundaūce of worldly gooddes, ye worlde wer at an eiuil poynte, if god wer better pleased wt the sacrifice of ye naugh∣tie persones thē of ye good. And to yt ende he vsed greatly to allow this verse yt foloeth of the greke poete. Eche mā to his power in any wise.. Unto the goddes to dooe sacrifice. This saiyng toucheth vs Christian menne also, which dooe bestowe cot and charge out of all measure in adournyng temples, and in executyng high feastes & uneralles, where as wee should much better content and please God, yf that, that is aboue good housbādlyke clenly∣nes, we would bestowe in almes vppon our Christian brethrē, beeyng in extreme nede. Sembleable measure he taught to ee vsed also in receiuyng and intretei∣nyng of geastes and straungers when thei resorte to vs, euer hauyng in his mouthe the verse aboue written: Eche man to his power. &c. Whē it was told hym by a frende of his, that agaynst the receiuyng of certain geastes into his hous, he had sclendrely prepaired for theim:Sclendre fare is to much for eiuill geastes. If thei be honeste menne ({quod} he) it wylbee enoughe: yf not, a greate deale to muche. One lesson of his was, that mēne should abstein frō meates whiche might prouoke a manne to eate ha¦uyng no appetite nor beeyng houn¦grie,Uertue & tem¦perate diet to bee vsed. & also frō that drynke whiche myght tempte a manne to drynke, not beeyng thyrstie. For meate & drynke we ought not to vse, but as the the necessite of the bodye requireth. Socrates saied,Houngre is y• best sauce in the worlde for meate. the best sauce in the world for meates is to be hoūgrye. Because thesame bothe sweeteth all thynges, and also is a thyng of no cost ne charge, and by this meanes dyd he for his part euermore eate and drynke with pleasure & delite, for he dyd neither the one, nor the other, but whē he was houn∣grye and thirstie. Yea and to endure houngre and thirst,The st and appetite must bee refreined. he had purposely exercised & enured hym self. For after swette or greate heate taken in the wrast∣leyng place (wher thei vsed to wra∣stle and walke for the exercise of theyr bodyes) wher as others wold nedes haue drynke by and by in al ye hast: Socrates would neuer drynke of the firste cuppe. And beeyng de∣maunded wherfore he dyd so, that I maye not accustome my selfe, {quod} he, to foloe my sensuall appetites, lustes and desyres.In takynge meates and drynkes, rea∣son is to bee foled & not the appetite. For somety∣mes though a manne bee thyrstie, yet is it a noysome and daungerous thyng to drynke. And in this case whē reason ad∣uiseth to forbeare, & the appetite pric∣keth to take drynke, a manne ought ra∣ther to foloe reason. He saied that suche as had well broken theim selfes to vertuous liuyng and ēperate diete dyd per∣ceiue & take of ye same,Inordinate li¦uyng, is much more peynful thē vertuous liuyng. both muche more pleasure and lesse peines thē suche as with all high cure and di∣ligence dyd on euery side make pro¦uision to haue all thynges of plea∣sure.The inconue¦niencies ensu∣yng of inordi¦nate sensualy¦tee. Because the pleasures of inor∣dinate luers, besydes the tormentes of their owne naughtye conscience, besi∣des infamie and pouertee, dooe brede of∣tymes euen in the veraye bodye more greefe, then delectacion. And contra∣riewise, what thynges been moste honest thesame weaxen also moste pleasūt, yf a man haue been accustomed vnto theim. He saied yt it was a foule shame yf a manne wylfully beeyng as a bonde seruaunt to pleasures of the bodye,To bee as a bond seruaūt to the pleasu∣res of ye body made himselfe suche an one as no manne would by his good wyll haue to his seruaunt at home in his hous. And in suche persons he saied that there was nomaner hope of recouerie, excepte yt others would praye to the goddes for thē that (for asmuche as thei wer vtter¦ly determyned to bee bond seruaū∣tes) their fortune might be, to gea good and honest maisters. For his opinion was, that no persones dooe liue in a more fylthy or beastely, and in a more wreched or miserable state of bon∣dage, then suche as bothe in mynde & bo∣dye, been captiue to naughtee pleasures. Socrates beeyng demaunded for what cause he would not beare some publique office in gouernyng the comē weale sens that he could singlare good skyll howe to admi∣nistre thesame:To dooe bn̄fi¦te to a whole multitude. answered, that per∣sone to dooe muche better seruice in a cytee whiche dyd make a great noūbre of menne apte & mete to bee rewlers in a comē weale, then hym that could well gouerne thesame in his owne person onely. The selfe same answere dyd Nicolaus Leonice∣nus make vnto me in the cytee of Farrar,Nicolaus Le¦onicenus a physician in Italie. whē I saied: that I meruailled why hym self dyd not practise Physike, of whiche facultee he was a doctour and a publique reader: I auayll muche more, saieth he in that I teache al the other phisiciās.Williā war∣am arche bis¦shope of Can¦terbury. Nor a muche vnlyke aunswere dyd Wylliam late archebishop of Cāterbury the syngu¦ler Mecaenas was a noble man in Rome and a gret mā wyth Augu∣stus Caesar & so great a fa¦unurer, pro∣mouter, and setter fourthe of Virgil, Ho¦race & suche other learned menne, that e∣uersens his ty¦me, al those yt dooe notably promote helpe or fauour stu∣dentes or lear¦ned menne, are of his ¦me called Me¦caenates. Mecaenas of al my studies geue vnto me stiffely refusynge to take a benefice of his collacion and saiyng: with what face maye I take to my vse and profyte the money of those persones, to whom (as beeyng a manne ignoraunt of their lan∣guage) I can neither make sermons, nor dooe good in rebukynge of their misbe∣haueour, nor in geuyng theim coūforte: nor yet in duely executynge any parte of the office of a good shephearde or curate As though ye dooe not more good, {quod} he, in that by youre bookes whiche ye haue made & set forth ye dooe enstruct & teache al pastours and curates, then if ye should bestowe all your tyme and seruice vppon one sole parishe of the coūtree. I knowle¦ged yt it was on his partie veray frēdely spokē, but yet he did not perswade me, ne bryng me in mynde to take the benefice. Beeyng asked, by what meanes a manne might atteigne an honest name and fame:Honest name & fame how it is to bee per∣chaced and ac¦quired. If he earnestly ap¦ply hymselfe, {quod} Socrates, to bee suche a manne in deede, as he desireth to bee accoumpted and estemed. Yf a manne would fayn bee reputed a good player on the recordres, it is necessarie that he perfourme and dooe suche feates as he seeth dooen of theim, who been al∣lowed for perfecte good players on that instrumente. As he that hath veray slen∣dre sight in ministrynge physike, is not therfore a phisyciā, because he is sent for to take cure of pacientes, & hath by the cō¦men voyce of menne the name of a physi∣cian: so is not he by and by a good gouer¦noure in a comen weale, or a good offy∣cer, that is by the voyce of the people so bruted, excepte he knowe also the ryght facion and wayes to rele the cytie, and to kepe it in good ordre. He saied, that it was a thyng muche against all reason,The Arte of gouernyng a∣cōmen weale. wher as no manne setteth vp any handye¦crafte or occupacion without his greate shame and reproche whiche hath not learned thesame afore, & where no manne wyll put to ma∣kyng a nest of boxes or a cupbourd full of almeries of Ioyners werke to one that neuer was a werkeman in that mysterie: that to publique offices suche persones should be ad¦mitted as haue neuer geuē studie to those disciplynes without whiche no manne maye bee hable accor∣dyngly to execute a publique office And wher as euery bodye without excepcion would crye: fye on hym, that would take vpon hym to sitte and holde the stiene in a shyppe, hauyng none experience in ye feate of marinershyp, Socrates saied, that thei were muche more to bee cryed out vpon, whiche tooke in hāde the regyment and gouernaunce of a co¦men weale, beeyng vnexperte of ye part of Philosophie whiche geueth preceptes and rewles howe to or∣dre a cytee or a commen weale. Neither dyd Socrates suppose yt per∣son worthie to bee called a craftie begui¦ler of menne which of some foolysh body (persuaded therunto) dyd receiue & take either money or some pece of plate which he were not hable to repaye, but muche rather those persones he pronounced woorthie to be accoūpted deceytfull bob∣bers of menne, whiche by fraude & guil dyd make eche manne beleue yt they were hable menne to take vpō them the rewle and gouernaunce of the whole worlde, where as in deede they are but vilaines and slaues nothyng worthie to be had in estimacion. This saiyng muche nerer toucheth christian princes, officers and Bishoppes, then ye gentyles or infideles. He was woont to saye, that there is no possession or treasure more precious thē a true and an assured good frēde,A true frēde is an high treasure. nor of any other thyng in the worlde besides, to bee found more good, profyte orels pleasure. And therfore, he saied, that many persones dooe arsee versee,Thei dooe ar∣se versee that take ye losse of money moore greuously thē the losse of a frende. in that thei take the losse of a lytle money more greuously at the hert, then the losse of a frende, and in that thei crye out and saye thei haue cast a∣waye and lost a good turne beeyng so bestowed that they haue not as good again for it, whereas by the∣same thei haue perhappes purcha∣ced a frende more to bee set by then any gaynes of money in ye worlde. As we dooe not put images to makyng but onely to suche werke∣menne of whō wee see some noum∣bre of images welfauouredly and mynionly made afore. So should wee take no persones vnto oure frendship,What mane {per}sones ough to be receiued into frēdship. but such as wee perfect∣ly knowe to haue tryed theimselfes feithful and seruiceable frendes to others aforetymes. Of a certain manne somewhat sharpely beatyng a bonde seruaūt of his owne, Socrates asked wherfore he was so vengeable eagre, marie ({quod} the other) because this knaue, wheras he is the greattest gluttō & rauener of meates that maye bee, yet is he the moste idle lubber aliue and whereas he is the moste couet∣ous feloe in the worlde, yet is he the moste slowethful that is possible to bee.Many menne punyshe in o∣thers thesame thynges in whiche thei selfes are of∣fenders. Then saied Socrates, haue ye ne∣uer yet vnto this daye cast well in your mynde, whether of bothe hath more nede of coylynge, ye, or or your seruaūt.? Would God, yt euerie bodye whensoeuer thei rebuke & punishe in other persones thesame thing that thei perdone in theimselfes, (or if not thesame a much wurse thyng) would saye to theimselfes that Socrates saied to that manne. To a certain persone whiche in in deede would veraye faine haue gon from home to the Olympia, were certaine games of ren¦nyng & wra∣stleing, which Herculs did firs ordein in th honour of Iuppiter to bee celebrate & kepte uerye fifth yeare, in a certain place called Olym∣pia, situate & lying in ye coū¦tree of Acha¦ia, betwene ye twoo townes Elis, and Pi∣sa, in whiche Olympia Iup¦piter had a tē∣ple and was therefore cal∣led Iuppiter Olimpicus or Olympius. Olympia, with the tediousnes of trauaillyng so ferre aiourney, vtterly discoura∣ged, thus saied Socrates: wheras bee∣yng here at home thou walkest too and fro, ofteseasons in maner all y• whole daye, aswell afore dyner, as before supper: yf thou stretch ye wal¦kynges that thou vsest at home, & laye theim on lēgth by the space of fiue or sixe dayes together yu shalt easyly reache to Olympia. This high witted manne dyd euidently shewe that thyng that maketh vs false herted in takyng peines and laboures, to be ra∣ther our imaginaciō and conceipte, then the veray laboures in deede. If any daunger, losse or trauaill must bee sustei∣ned about any honest maters, wee fynd excuses, wee will none of it, it standeth clene against our stomakes, whereas in maters not woorth a blewe point (for I will not saye in thynges vnhonest) wee will spare for no cost: Thus some per∣sones beeyng inuited and exhorted to falle to the studie of lettres, make their excuse that thei bee sickely,To take pein or trauaill in honest maters eche man fyn¦deth excuses. that the can not slepe ne take their naturall reste in ye nightes, that bookes are veray charge∣able: and yet in the meane tyme, thei will playe al the whole night through at dyce thei will with bollyng and drynkyng geat the feure, the goute, the hydropsie, and a pair of blered iyes:Diseases of late banquet∣tyng & whore∣hauntyng. they will with whoorehaūtyng catche the paulsey, or ye great pockes, otherwise called ye frenche pockes. An other certain manne cōplai∣nynge that he was euen doggue werie, and clene tiered with goyng a long iourney, Socrates asked, whe∣ther his boye hadde been hable e∣nough to keepe foote with hym all the waye? he saied, yea. Went he leere ({quod} Socrates) orels charged with the charge of any burdē? he carryed a good preatie packe on his necke saied the manne. And what? doeth the boye finde any faute that he is werie, {quod} Socrates? Whē the feloe had saied, naye, & art thou not ashamed (saied Socrates) of suche nicenes, yt gooyng on ye waye emptie & voide of any burden, thou shouldest bee werie, sens that he hauyng caried a fardelle cōplaineth not of werines.Nicenes and tendrenes ma¦keth men vn∣apte to la∣bour. Socrates declared the seruaunt in this behalfe to bee in muche better case then the maister, that for asmuche as he was better eured with labouryng, he feeled lesse gref of his laboure. It was his cōmen guise, to tel fol¦kes, thesame that in other places is called, eatyng, or feastyng, to bee called in greke emonges the Athe∣niens, , by the whiche wourde he saied yt we wer putte in remem∣breaunce that meate ought to bee taken with suche measure and so∣brietee,Repastes mea¦surably to bee taken. as neither the bodye, nor the mynde might bee ouercharged. Al∣ludyng (I suppose) to this, that the Greke woorde, , souneth in englishe to bee carryed, wherof is deriued a nowne, in englishe a carre. Albeit, is greke also for meate, and therunto is added this syllable, , that vpon the bodie might not bee laied a more heauie burden then it wer well hable to a∣waye withal. For this sillable, , in composicion of greke vocables beto∣keneth a certain facilitee & cōmodious∣nes annexed to the thyng. Thē is to bee not ouer full gorged, but to bee refreshed with a light repaste, suche as the bodie maye easyly and without in∣commoditee awaye withall, taken by translacion of the easie ladynge or bur∣den of a carte. He saied that vpon suche chil∣dren especially,The better of birthe that a childe is, the better ought his bryngyng vp to bee. ought to bee besto∣wed vertuous educaciō, and good bryngyng vp, as wer best of birth and came of the moste honeste pa∣rentage. For in suche is comenly seen (saied he) thesame thyng that is seen in horses, emong whō, such as been coltishe or ful of courage, and of kyndely towardnes, if thei bee broken in season, & wel taught euē while thei bee veray yoūg col∣tes, thei growe to bee pure bonie o∣nes, and applyable to dooe what∣soeuer a manne wil put theim vn∣to: if otherwise, thei weaxe skitishe past maisteryng, and good for no purpose. And therefore it chaun∣ceth, that in maner all excellente goodly wittes be marred through defaulte of kylle in their teachers and bryngers vp,Excellente goodly wit∣tes marred by evil mai¦sters. who euen at the first dashe, of quicke horses makē veray dulle asses, because thei cā no skylle how to maister, haulte couraged stomakes, & suche hertes as will not bee brought vnder, ne bee made vilaes. Many a tyme and ofte did he saye that persone to dooe lyke one without all shame, whiche, wher as he made hys oxen euery daye fewer & fewer, yet required in any wise to bee accoūpted a good cow∣heard: but yet a thyng muche more stādyng against reason, if a manne would desire to be reputed a good gouernour in a commē weale, whē he dayly diminisheth the noumbre of his people. These woordes he spake aferre of against Critias & Chari∣cles,Critias and Charicles, were twoo of the thirtie ty∣rannes in A∣thenes. which had put to death many of the cytizens, neither was thesame vnknowē vnto theim. For Critias manaced & thre∣tened hym, that onelesse he chaumbreed his toūgue in season, ther should ere lōg bee one oxe the fewer for hym. And what he thretened in woordes, he perfourmed in dede. For by ye meanes of Critias was Socrates put to death. He had chosen out of the olde autours certain verses whiche he vsed veraye often tymes for pro∣uerbes, emong whiche this verse of Hesiodus was one: . Idlenes euer∣more worthie blame.No kynde of laboure is a thyng of shame, But idlenes euermore, worthie blame. By this verse he did counsail young folkes not onely from idlenes, but also from all vnprofitable or vnruyteful ac∣cions.Unfruitefull dooynges bee as eiuill as idlenes. For Socrates rekened theim also in the noumbre of idle persones, whiche spent all their tyme in dyyng, in reuel∣lyng or banquettynge, and in whoore∣hountyng. Also this verse of homere as she∣wen bothe Gellius and Laertius: . That is. VVhat euer is doen eche where about, Aswell within our hous as without. By this verse he did not onely call backe suche as would geue eare to hym, from buisie medleyng with other mēnes maters,To bee ouer∣full of medle∣yng in euery bodyes ma∣ters. but also from al kyndes of lear∣nyng beeyng not necessarie to bee had: (as from the exate knowlage of Astro∣logie, or of geometrie, or of natural cau∣ses, or of thynges supernaturall,) to the knowlage of moral philosophie,What good∣nes ensueth of the know∣lage of moral philosophie. the per∣fecte intelligence wherof doeth make, that we maye throughly knowe our sel∣fes, and that we maye gouerne and con∣ueigh aswell our owne priuate maters, as also the publyque affaires of the cō∣men weale accordyngly, & to good pur∣pose. To y• same purpose serueth this saiyng also, whiche is fathered on Socrates, and is of great autoritee what is aboue our reache, we haue naught to do withall.Whatso is a∣boue our re∣ache we haue naught to do withall. For thus was he woonte to aunswere menne, woondreyng why he would euermore bee reasonyng of maners and of good be¦haueour, but neuer of the sterres nor of thynges gendred aboue in the aier, or of any Suche na∣turall effectes as bee dooen nigh vnto the sterres, or as ye (would saye) aboue the reache of mānes familiare knowlage, are called in greke, , as for example: the generation of mystes, haille, rain, snwe, lygh∣tenyng, shootynge of sterres, openyng of the aier, blasyng ster∣res, heggues that are seen in the feldes by nyght like ferbran∣des, or torches, with such other thynges. Of the natural causes producyng, and generacion of whiche thynges Aristoteles, writeth fower bookes and entitleeth theim . But Socrates would neuer take vpon him, to determyn suche thynges as wer aboue the coumpace of mannes familiar hand∣leynge.impressions there chauncyng. When a certain feloe had of a lasciuiousnes or malapertenes ge∣uen him a spurne on the shynne, as he was gooyng on his waye in the strete: to suche as wondreed that he could pacientely suffre it, why, what should I dooe ({quod} he?) when thei counsailled hym to take the lawe on the feloe: A gentle ieste (saied Socrates:Paciently spoken.) If an Asse had geuē me a strype with his heele, would ye haue saied to me, take the lawe on hym? He thought no diference to bee betwene an Asse, and a manne be∣hauyng hym selfe like a brute beaste,Betwene a beaste and a manne of bru¦tishe condici∣ons there is no diference. and ndewed with no vertue or honest quali∣tee, and to seme a thyng muche against al reason, not to suffre at a mannes hāde, yt ye could fynd in your herte to abyde of a brute beastes dooyng. A certain persone beeyng of him bidden good speede, saied to hym again neither buff ne baff. Neither was Socrates therwith any thyng discontēted. But his frendes mer∣uaillyng therat, & fumyug at the lewde facion of the feloe, he saied as foloeth. If one should passe by vs that had some wurse disease in his bodie thē we, none of vs would for that respecte bee angrye wyth hym,The patience of Socrates, & angre well refreined. why then should I bee di∣spleased with this feloe, that hath a more cancarde stomake then I haue? Euripides came and brought vnto Socrate a booke of Heraclitus his wri∣tyng and makyng,Heraclitus was a philo∣sophir, but he wrote so obscure and derke a style yt scaely any man was ha∣ble to vnder∣stande hym, wherefore he was named: He¦raclitus the derke. whiche booke perused, Euripdes asked, what he thought of it. By Iuppiter (saied So∣crates) that, that I haue been hable to vnderstand me thynketh to bee ioyly good stuffe, and of like good∣nes I suppose to be the residue al∣so, whiche I haue not vnderstand. But we haue neede of some young Marlian to expoune the meanyng of it. He yd in this saiyng (not without a share taunte and poynaunte checke) note the obscure and derke style whiche the saied writer with great stu∣die & laboure purposely sought to haue: wherof in deede he had this name geuen vnto hym , that is: Heraclitus the derke. Of ye prouerbe Delius naa∣tor in ye greke prouerbe was called a cun∣nyng swymmer that could kepe hym selfe styll aboue water without perill of drounyng. And Socrates applyed that to the readers of Heraclitus bookes, meanyng that excepte they wer veray cunnyng they should soone bee drouned and choked, that is to saye: confused and sette at a staye with readyng thesame.Delius naator (for whom is here putte Merlian) I haue spo∣ken at large in my werke of Greke & La∣tin prouerbes entitleed Chiliades. When Alcibiades had by the waye of free gift offreed him a fair large platte of grounde,Alcibiades was a young gentleman in Athenes, whose lyfe Plutarchus wryteth at large. to buylde hym∣selfe an hous vpon, what? ({quod} Socra∣tes) if I hadde neede of a paire of shooes, wouldest thou come & geue me a pece of leather, whereof to make my selfe a paire of shooes? And in case thou shouldest so dooe, wer not I woorthie to bee laughed to skorne if I toke it? By this si∣militude he reused ye gift whiche should stand hym in no seruice.A gyfte that wyll dooe no profite is to bee refused. In walkyng vp and downe in ye mercate place as he vewed on eche syde the aboundaunce of wares yt wer there to bee sold, he vsed thus to saye to himself, how many thyn∣ges haue I no neede of.The fru∣galitee o Socrates But o∣thers bee sore vexed at their hertes, thus thynkyng: howe many thynges dooe I lacke. Socrates was of his owne behalfe ioyeous and gladde, that liuyng accor∣dyng to nature, and accustomed to the vse of fewe thynges, he neither was de∣sirous to haue, nor yet did lacke, cloth of golde, of purple, precious stones, iue∣raye, arese hangynges, and the other de∣lices of ryche menne, whiche he veraye many tymes saied to be thynges more apte and fitte for disguisynges in stage playes, then for any seruyce, vse or occu∣piyng to the life of manne necessarie. To whiche menyng he vsed these iambyque verses of a certain greke poete whatsoe∣uer he was. . That is This siluer plate, and ryche araye Of purple hewe, dooeth wonderous well For disguisynges in a stage playe, Our life nedeth theim not a dele. He saied that manne to be moste like vnto the Goddes, whiche fee∣led lacke of fewest thynges, sens that the Goddes feele lacke of no maner thyng at all. But the cō∣men people thynketh nexte cousyns or fe¦loes to God hymself to be ryche menne, whose delces nothyng is hable to satis∣fie. For of those is saed in one of the co∣medies of Terence, howe ye lead your life in all ease and pleasure.What perso∣nes liuē in all ease and plea∣sure. And that dooeth Homerus attrybute vnto the Goddes whom in many places he calleth , iuyng in all ease and pleasure. And he liueth in all ese and pleasure, yt with a veraye litle is throughly conten∣ted and satisfied. It was another saiyng of his, yt whoso eateth drye breade with plea¦sure thesame nedeth no meate to it.Frugalitee. And to whō no maner drynke co∣meth amysse, thesame requireth none other cuppe but suche as is readie in the waye.Houngre and thirst, the best sauce for all meates. For hoūgre & thirste is for all thynges the beste sauce in the worlde. He saied yt it was a readie thyng for euerye manne if he had any no∣table good thynges of his owne, to name what it was, wheras it was a veraye hard thyng to name what true frendes he had,No possessiō so good as to haue a tru frende and yet no pos¦session to bee more dere ad preci∣ous or harder to come by, then a true frende. In this saiyng, he checked ye preposterous and ouerth wart iudgement that the commen sorte of peo¦ple haue of thynges, as the whiche pas∣seth lest of that thyng, whiche ought to bee sette by moste of all. A bodye thyn∣keth hymselfe well emended in his sub∣staunce and ryches, to whom hath hap∣pened some good goubbe of money, and maketh a great whynyng, if he haue had any losse of thesame.The preposte¦rous iudge∣mēt of the cō∣men people in estemyng thi¦ges. But he that hath gotten a good frende, thynketh hymself in no more happie state, then he was a∣fore, nor maketh any mournefull chere when he hath lost a frende. Unto Euclides beeyng veraye stu∣dious of contencious conclusions and cauillacions of subtile reaso∣nyng he saied: Euclides ye maye per∣case matche with Sophistes at the fyrst begynnyng wer men that professed to bee teachers of wisedome and eloquence, and the name of So∣phistes was had in honoure and price, and they wer of thesame estimacion and of the veraye same ordre, facultee and science, that afterwarde wer called Rhetores, that is Rhetoricians, yea and also Logicians. For when the Sophistes fell to cauil∣lyng, brableyng, and triflyng, by lytle and lytle, their estimaciō decayed, so that ere the tyme that Socrates liued in, a Sophiste was a name of contempte and hatered, and so is it yet styll vn∣to this daye.sophistes, but with men ye cannot haue to dooe. Signifiyng that Sophistrie dooeth no helpe,He that wyll lyue emonge menne muste frame hym∣self to the fa∣cions of men. vse ne seruice to dooynges in publique affaires or bearyng offices in a commen weale. Whiche publique of∣fices whoso is a suiter to haue, it beho∣ueth thesame not to playe hieke skorner with insolubles, & with idle knackes of sophisticacions, but rather to frame and facion hymself to the maners and condi∣cions of menne, and to bee of suche sort as other menne bee. He saied that science and cun∣nyng is the onely good thynge of the worlde:Science and cunnyng is ye onelye good thynge of the worlde, & ig∣noraunce the onelye eiuill thyng. and contrariewyse ig∣noraunce the onely eiuill thynge. For whatsoeuer persones dooe com¦mytte any vniuste thynge, thesame of∣fendē in this behalfe, that thei bee igno∣raūt what is to bee dooen toward euerie partie eche in his degree. And such as be māful hardye, for none other thyng bee manfull hardye, but in that thei knowe those thynges woorthie to ee sued for, and to be desired, whiche the multitude demeth woorthie to bee abhorred. And suche as be intemperaūt, that is: foloers of their naughtie ppetites and lustes, dooe in this pointe erre, that thei thynke those thynges to bee sweete and honest, whiche are nothyng so. Therfore the highest good thyng in the worlde, saied Socrates, to ee the science or perfecte knowlage of thynges to be desired with here and mynde, and of thynges to bee refused or auoided. To a certain manne saiyng that Antisthenes the philosophier came of a mother that was of the countree of Thrace, and so by the waye of re∣uilyng or despyte, laiynge to the charge of thesame Antisthenes tha he was a moungreell, and had to his father a citezen of Athenes, but to his mother a woman of a barba∣rous or saluage countree: what? ({quod} Socrates) trowest thou that it had been possible for suche a ioyly man as Antisthenes to bee born of a father and a mother beyng both of them Atheniens? Notyg the moste cor∣rupte maners of the Atheniens,The corrupte maners of the cytee of Athe¦nes in Socra¦tes his tyme. that much rather of a Thraciā or o Scythiā ight issue an honeste or weldisposed manne, then of an Athenien: and of all the ho∣nestee that Antisthenes had, he thought he might thanke his mother. He saied that of al possessions in the worlde,Tyme of va∣caciō wel spēt is an especiall good posses∣sion. vacaunt tyme of lea∣sure is one of the veraye best. But by vacaunt tyme of leasure, he me∣ned not slouggyng, loyteryng or slouth∣full idlenes, but to bee quiete frō trou∣bleous ruffleynges, and coumbreous buisynesse of the worlde, and from the affectionate appetites pertouryng and corruptynge the tranquillytee of the mynde. Of all the saiynges of his, there is none so muche taken vp,The humili∣tee of Socra∣tes. as that he saied, that he knewe nothyng, sa¦nyng onely this, that he knewe no thyng. For he enquiered of euerie thyng as though he wre in doubte: not y• in deede he had no certain knowlage of any thyng, but by this dryenesse, he did declare his owne modestie & softnes, and reproued the arrogancie of others, who professed and openly tooke vpon theim that thei were gnoraunte of no∣thyng,The arrogan¦cie of Sophi∣stes. whereas in deede thei knewe no∣thyng at al. Certain Sophistes did opē∣ly take vpon them, that thei would at the first ight make aunswere to all ma∣ner maters that should bee laied afore theim or putte to theim: the presumptu∣ous ignoraunce of suche persones dyd Socrates ofte tymes blanke and confoūd. And for this veray thyng and none els (as himself tooke and expouned the ma∣ter) was be by the voice or testimonie of the God Appollo udged a perfecte wyse manne, because that aleit he had igno∣raūce of al thynges like as other menne hadde: yet in this behalfe he was aboue theim, that he knowlaged his ignorūce wher as the residue wer vnknowyng of this thyng also, yt thei perfectly knewe nothyng. Laertius ascrybeth to hym this saiyng also:Laertius is a rke autour that wryteth the liues of al the auncient philosophers to haue well begoōne is a thyng halfe dooen. For he saied: yt he ad euē now alreadie finished half his werke, who had ones entreed begonne. For some ther bee, that in lyn∣greyng and driuyng foorth and consul∣tyng, spenden out all their life, The sai∣yng is halfe a verse of the greke poete Hesiodus: . Begynnyng, is half of the whole. These persones, that bought thynges,As grene gee∣ce strawberi∣es, cheries, pe¦ason, quadlin¦ges, damase∣es, wynes &c made rype by arte, ere thei wer full in season, at high prices, he saied to bee in despaire, leste thei should not lyue vntyll the same might bee through rype. Excepte it bee for suche a respecte a great foly it is,Folyshe haste and nedelesse. to bye suche thynges bothe with more charge, & also the thyn∣ges beeyng not yet come to theyr good∣nes: but beeyng wurse then shortly after thei would bee, whereas within a whyle after thei maye haue thesame thyn both for lesse money and twyse as go. Thus dyd he by all wayes possible ll backe vnto a sobreindgemēt the desire∣full appetites and lustes of menne, bee∣yng voyde of reason. At a certain tyme when Euripides was in suche wise treatyng of ver∣tue, that he brought in these woor∣des. . These thynges, at auenture in this case It is best of all, euen to leat passe. As though vertue might by no meanes possible bee found out. Up stood Socrates, saiyng: that it was a madde thyng, whereas we thynke it laboure well bestowed for our slaue, lackey or page, (if he bee not founde at the first seekynge) still to make ferther enquierye vntyll he bee found out: to iudge vertue vnwoorthie any suche diligente serchyng, yt thesame maye at lēgth bee founde outUertue, tho∣ugh it come not at ye first, yet by diligēt seekyng at lē∣gth, it maye bee fon̄d out. if it come not to a manne at the first assaiyng. Beeyng asked of a certain yoūg māne, whether of these twoo thyn∣ges he thought beter for hym, to marrye a wife, or not to marrye:To marrye or not to mar∣rye, both iues bryng repen∣taunce. whether of bothe thou dooe (saied he) it will turne the to sorowe. Signifiyng aswell to liue out of wedlocke, as to liue in matrimonie, to haue disquietynges & vexacions ānexed vnto it, the whiche vexacions vtterly to endure, it was necessarie to prepare th mynd afore. To liuing a single lif is an∣nexed solitarynes or lacke of coumpaig∣nie,The in com∣moditees of li¦uyng out of wedlocke. lacke of issue, vtter decaiyng and we¦aryng out of the name, a straunger to en¦herite your gooddes & possessions after your deceasse. With matrimonie cōmeth arefulnes without ende,The in com∣moditees of li¦uyng, in ma∣trimonie. cōtynuall que¦relyng and complaynyng, to bee cast in the teethe and to haue dayly in your dishe the dourie that your wif brought with hir, the soure browbendyng of your wif¦fes kinsfolkes, the tatteleyng toungue of your wiffes moother, lyers in a wayte to make the cuckolde, the doutbful ende or prouf and vncertaintee what your children shall come to, with other in∣commoditees and displeasures innume∣rable. And therefore in this case, there is noo suche choosyng, as is betwene good and eiuil, but suche, as is betwene ligh∣ter, and more greuous incommoditees. One of his frendes, complay∣nyng and findyng faulte that in Athenes the prices of all thynges was veray high for wyne that was called Chium should stand a manne in xx. s. an hogeshed,Vinum Chiū of the Isle Chios where it was made. purple silke or crymasyn,Hemina was the half mea∣sure of Sexta¦rius, whiche Sextarius was the sixth part of agalō so tha Sexta¦rius was lesse thē our quart and Hemina lesse then our pynte, at lest∣wise if ye galō measur emōg ye Atheniense in olde tyme wer equall with the galon measure yt we vse now. woold cost after the rate of three poundes the yeard: a pynt of honey xx.d. He toke him by ye hande & lede hym into his boul∣tyng house, saiyng, of this maye ye haue a pynte for an half penie, ther¦fore is corne nothyng deere but cheape ynough. Frō thens ledyng hym to his storehous of oliues, of this (saieth he) ye maye haue a quarte for twoo brasse pens. And therfore not all thynges in ye citee bee deerely sold. He that is contented with a litle,Where none excesse is vsed al thynges are good cheape. and satisfied with thynges necessarie, is as good as a clarke of the mercate to make al thynges good cheape for his own vse and occupiyng. Archelaus kyng yt had called Socrates to his seruice,Archelaus kyng of Ma∣cedonie. promisyng vnto him many gaye thynges. Socrates made aunswere,Socrates re∣fused to take giftes whiche he was not hable to recō∣pense. that he would not come to hym, of whom he should receiue any benefites, sēs that he was not hable to gyue hym as good again. This saiyng dooeth Seneca improue,Seneca was a greate māne in Roome, & a noble philoso¦phier, schoole maister vnto the Em¦perour Nero, by whom he was putte to death, after yt he had writē many excellēt goodly bokes of moral phi∣losophie. for yt a philosophier (saieth he) persua∣dyng the contēpte of golde and siluer, ge¦ueth a greater gifte, then if he should ge∣ue golde and siluer. On a certain tyme when he was come home again from the mer∣cate place, he saied emong his fren¦des: I would haue bought a robe, if I had had money. He craued nothyng, but did onely after a maidenly sorte geue a bywoorde of his greate pe∣nurie. Anon emong ye frendes of Socrates was muche high suite, of whiche of their giftes Socrates should haue this cloke.Socrates could lacke no¦thyng emong hs scolares. And He yt geueth a thyng after yt it is asked, geueth it ouer late.yet who so euer gaue it after that woorde spoken (as Seneca wryteth) ga∣ue it ouer late. To a certain persone complay∣nyng, that gooyng into straunge coūtrees for learnyng and knowe∣lage,Unfruitefull beeyng from home in stra∣unge coūtres. had nothyng auailled hym: Not without cause ({quod} Socrates) hath that chaunced vnto the: For thou wer in straūge places still That is: v∣syng ye same faciōs which thou diddest at home. accoū∣paigned with thyself. Many fol¦kes, thynke prudence to bee gathered by rouyng into ferre countrees, wheras Horatius cryeth out saiyng. Coelum, non animum mutat, qui trans mare currit. VVho renneth ouer ea, from place to place. Though he chaūge aier, his mīde is as it was. The coumpaignie and conuersacion of wise and perfecte good menne,A māne maye come home from beyond ye sea, as wyse and as well learned as he went foorth, except he seeke to vse the coum∣paignie of wi¦se and lear∣ned menne. bredeth knowelage and experiēce of the worlde, not the mountaines and the seaes. When he had caught a good cuffe on the eare of a felowe in the strete, The paciēce of Socrates.he aunswered nothyng els but that menne had no knowelage at what seasons thei should come abrode with their salettes on their heddes. A thyng muche like to this dooeth Laertius father vpon Diogenes. He saied yt he woondreed, where the cunnyng makers of images in stone or metalle, did with all their possible studie and diligēce, the vt∣termust of their power, that a stone might bee in figure and shape euē veraye like vnto a liuely creature, that thei did not sembleably pro∣uide, that theim selfes might not bothe appere, and also bee in veray deede like vnto stones insensate. In deede, some writers there bee of this opinion, that Socrates, before he di∣uerted to spende his tyme in philosophie was a werker of imagerie in stone.Socrates a maker of sto∣ne images, a∣fore he went to the studie of philoso∣phie. And that is the cause why he dooeth make the moost parte of all his similitudes by images of Maceons werke. He exhorted young spryngalles, euer now & then earnestly to vewe and behold theimselfes in a glasse:Young fol∣kes, to vewe theim selfes in a glasse. to the ende, that if thei wer beauti∣full and of good feacture of bodye thei should beware to commytte nothyng vncomely for thesame: if otherwise, that the defaultes of ye bodie might with exercise or fur∣niture of the witte, & with honestee of maners & behaueor be redubbed.The defaul∣tes of ye bodye must with ho¦nestee of ma∣ners, bee re∣dubbed. So duely did that gaye manne (of al maner thynges) prōptely take occasiō to auise and exhorte al persones to the ear∣nes appliyng of vertue. He had sodainly called twoo or three welthie riche menne to sup∣per with him: and his wife Xantippe takyng great care for the mater because the prouision was veraye sclēdre.Xantippe, was Socra∣tes his wif y• curstest quēne that euer wet¦ted cloute. Take no discoūforte (saied he) for if thei be menne of an hous∣bādlyke or thriuyng sorte,Honest gea∣stes, taken all maner fare in good parte. The fourthe apothegmata afore of So∣crates & this is in a maner all one. and any thyng sobre of diet, thei will take it in good parte: if otherwyse, we ought not to haue any regarde of any of theim all. Bothe the one parte and y• other of this sentence might iustely shake of from vs all the curious and chargeable pompeousnes and desire to excede, in receiuyng geastes to dyner or supper. Honest gea∣stes, taken all maner fare in good parte. The fourthe apothegmata afore of So∣crates & this is in a maner all one. He saied, ye many persones dooe liue purposely euē to eat & drynke:Some perso∣nes liue one∣ly to bee glut∣tons. and that he contrariewise, did eate and drynke, to the ende that he might preserue his lif. For that he vsed these thynges, not for sēsualitee of ye bodye,Feede onely to maintein life. but for y• necessitee of nature. This sentēce did the poete thus expresse in one of his satires woorde for woorde. Those persones whiche would geue credence vnto the vnlearned and vnexperte multitude of the pe¦ople, Socrates affermed to dooe euen like, as if a māne refusyng one pece of money of fowre grotes, would not take it in paymente, and yet a great noumbre of like refuse peces cast in an heape together, he would allow for curraunt & receiue theim in paymente. Whom ye would not trust by hymself alone,He that is not to bee trusted by hymselfe, is not to bee trusted in a multitude, of suche like as he is. is not one whitte better to bee trusted in a great rable of suche lyke feloes as hymself is: for it for∣ceth not how great a noumbre thei bee, but how graue and substanciall. A coun∣terfaicte peece of coyne, bee it euen in ne¦uer so great an heape, is a countrefaicte peice. This maketh against the estemyng of witnesses by the multitude of theim and against the iudgementes of the com∣men people beeyng vnlearned. When AEschines was after∣ward a greke oratour, & at cōtinuall strif with Demo∣sthenes. His saiynges fo∣loe in thissa∣me werke.AEschines sued to bee one of the noumbre of Socrates his disci∣ples and scholares, and did shame∣fastly laye pouertee for his excuse, saiyng that it was a great greef vnto hym, where the other frendes of Socrates, beeyng welthie, gaue vn¦to hym many great gyftes, that he had nothyng for to geue, except his owne self:The gētle to∣wardnesse of Socrates ī re¦ceiuyng scho∣lares. dooest thou not vnder∣stand ({quod} Socrates again) how great a presente thou hast brought and geuen me, except percase thou este∣mest thyself at a lowe price?The office of a good schole maister. Ther∣fore I shall dooe my dilygence yt I maye restore the home again to thyself a better manne then I recei¦ued the. Other Sophistes wheras thei taught nothyng but mere triles, yet thei would receiue ne take not a scholare without a great fee. But Socrates toke this poore māne, euē with as good a wil as the great riche gentlemenne. When a certain persone tolde hym newes, saiyng the Atheniens haue iudged the to death:Death, cōmē to all {per}sones though to so∣me one waye to some an o∣ther. euen so hath nature dooen theim, {quod} he a∣gain. Menyng, that it is no veray great shrewd turne, if a bodye bee vio∣lentely put to death, assured naturally to bee dedde ere longe after, although no manne shoulde slea hym. Albeit certain writers ascriben this saiyng to the phi∣losophier Anaxagoras. Unto his wif, after the women∣nes facion waillyng, and saiyng:Better to dye an innocente then an offen∣der. ah my sweete housbāde, thou shalt dye nothyng guiltee, and without any offence dooyng: what, wif (sai∣eth he) haddest thou rather that I should dye an offender? The de∣ath of good menne,The death of good mēne, is not to bee wa∣illed. euen for this pointe is not to bee wailled, that thei bee put to execucion without deseruyng:A muche mo∣re miserable thing, to haue deserued pu∣nishemēt, thē to haue suf∣fred. but thei been double woorthie to bee wailled for, whiche suffre death for hayneous offen∣ses, but yet of the two, a muche more mi∣serable thyng it is, to haue deserued pu∣nishement, then to haue suffreed. Thesame daye y• Socrates should drynke the In Athe¦nes the faciō was, that per¦sones condē∣ned to death should drink tēpreed with wyne y• iuice of Hemlocke whiche is so extreme colde that whē the heate of the wyne dooeth sodainly con∣ueigh it to y• herte, it is ve∣raye poison & death remedi∣lesse. For ym∣mediatly shal the extreme partes of the bodye (as the handes & fete) weaxe colde, and so by lytle & lytle the colde draweth to the herte, & as soone as it streketh to the herte, there is no remedie, but death out of hande. Albeeit, if one drynke thesame iuice first by it selfe alone not tempreed with wyne, there is remedie enough. For if one drynke a good draught of wyne after it, the heate of the wyne shall ouercome the colde of the herbe and dryue it from the herte and so saue the lif.poison, one This Apollodorus was of Athenes a poete that wrote comedies, there was another Apollodorus of thesame citee a teacher of grammer, ther wer also foure moo of thesame name, but of other countrees.Apollodo∣rus (for to coumforte hym by suche meanes as he could) came and brought vnto hym a riche robe of a great valoure, yt he might haue it on his backe at his diyng houre. But he refusyng the gifte, what (saieth he) this robe of myne owne here, whiche hath been honest e∣nough for me in my life tyme, woll it not bee euen lyke honest for me after I bee departed oute of the worlde? Utterly damnyng the pom∣peous faciō of some people, with woon∣drefull high studie, makyng prouision a∣fore hande, that thei maye bee carryed to their buiryall, and that thei maye bee laied in their graues with all worship possible. To one bryngyng hym woorde, that a certain feloe did speake ei∣uill of hym:Unwrathful¦ly spoken. and gaue hym a ve∣ray eiuil reporte. Marie ({quod} Socrates) he hath not learned to speake well. Imputyng his toungsore, not vnto maliciousnesse: but vnto the defaulte of right knowelage. Neither did he iudge to pertein to hym, what suche persones talked on hym, as dooe speake of a cācard¦nesse of stomake,They yt geue vs eiuil report not of a iud∣gement but of a cācardnesse of herte, are to bee cōtem∣ned. and not of a iudgemēte. When Antisthenes a philosophier of the secte of the Ciniques,Of ye secte of the Ciniques in thesame place. did weare vpon his backe a robe with a great hole or rupture in it, & by turnyng thesame rupture outward, did pur∣posely shewe it, that euerye bodye might looke vpon it: through the rente of thy cloke ({quod} Socrates) I see thy peignted sheathe and vainglo∣riousnesse: Feately notyng that va¦inglorie of poore garmentes & coure clothyng, is muche more shamefull & ab∣homynable then of gorgeous apparell or galaunt araye. And would god there wer not emong vs Christian menne many Anthistenes,Pryde maye aswell be in sacklohas in riche araye. whiche vnder a rustie, a course, & a sluttyshe vesture hyden more pryde and ostentacion, then the riche gentlemenne haue in their veluettes and fyne silkes This was verified in Englād also vntill the deiuil had his Mounkes, Freeres, Nunnes, and other cloystreers again.The cloystres were full of pryde, ambici∣on and vain glorie. To a certain persone woon∣dreyng that he was not greuously moued in displeasure against one by whō he was shamefully railled at, and reuiled.Unwrathful¦ly spoken. He railleth not on me ({quod} Socrates) for the thynges that he speaketh are not in me, nor ta∣ke any hold on me. But the moste parte of people is euen for this veray cause the more tesie & fumyshe, if aught bee spoken against one hauyng not deser¦ued thesame. Good menne when thei bee eiuil spoken of, are glad of their own behalfes, that thei bee clere of those my∣schiefes, whiche are putte vpon theim and laied vnto their charge,Good menne reioyce yt thei bee clere of suche mischie¦fes as bee put vpon theim. nor dooe ta∣ke it to bee spoken against theim: no not a whitte more, then if a feloe beyng de∣ceiued in his yie sight, should call Plato by the name of Socrates, and should call Socrates all that naught wer, & speake all thee mischief possible against Socra∣tes: that feloe railleth not on Plato, but on hym whō he supposeth that Plato is. The olde comedie vsed cōmenly to make iestyng & scoffyng at the citezens by name.And because there came muce strif & debate therof a decree was made that no māne should bee named to hys reproche and that was called ye newe comedie. The plain open speakyng of whō, where many did feare, Socrates saied, to bee expedient that a manne should weetyngly & willyngly come in the presence or waye of theim. For if thei speake any thyng againste vs (saieth he) woorthie to bee rebuked, beeyng told of it we shall emend it, and so thei maye in dede dooe vs good: but if thei shall spowte raillyng, slaunderous or reprochefull woor∣des against, vs & no truth in theim it nothyng toucheth vs.Raillyng a∣gainst vs, wt∣out truth no∣thynge tou∣cheth vs. Socrates after that he had within doores forborne his wif Xantippe a great whyle scoldyng, and at y• last beeyng werie, had sette hym down without the strete doore, she bee∣yng muche the more incensed, by reason of hir housbandes quiet∣nesse and stilnesse, powred downe a pisse bolle vpon hym out of a wyn∣doore and all berayed hym. But vpon suche persones as passed by laughyng & hauyng a good sporte at it, Socrates also for his part,The pacience of Socrates. laugh¦ed again as fast as ye best, saiyng:Meryly spo∣kē & pacient∣ly withall. Naye, I thought veraye wel in my mynde, and dyd easelye prophe∣cie, that after so great a thoundre would come a rayne. To Alcibiades greatly wondreyng that he could take so contynual pa∣ciēce with Xantippe in his hous,The patience of Socrates bee∣yng suche an vnreasonable scol∣dyng brathel: I haue (saied he) now a long season been so well enured with suche maner geare, that I am therewith noo more offended, then if I should heare the squekynge of a wheele yt draweth vp water out of a welle.The scoldyng of brathels is no more to bee passed on, thē the squekyng of welle whe∣les. For that maner sque∣kyng, suche persones maye veray ciuil abyde, as haue not been accustomed vn∣to it,Custome ea∣seth the tedi∣ousnes of in∣commodite and he that dayly heareth thesame, maye so well awaye with it, that to his knowelage he heareth it not. To thesame Alcibiades saiyng a muche like thing, why, euen your self ({quod} Socrates) dooe ye not paciently suffre at home in your hous ye cac∣klyng of hennes when thei make a clockyng? yes, I leat theim alone (saied Alcibiades) but my hennes laye me egges, & bryng me forthe che∣kyns. And my sweete spowse Xantip∣pe ({quod} Socrates) bryngeth me foorth children.Wiues must bee suffreed for bryngyng foorthe chyl∣dren. Some there bee that suppose So∣crates to haue kepte in his hous two wiues at ones Myrtho and Xantippe.Socrates had two wi∣ues at ones Myrtho and Xantippe. Therefore to a certain manne gre∣atly meruaillyng to what vse he kepte two women at ones (espe∣cially beeyng scoldyng quennes, e∣uer chidyng & braullyng) and did not beate or driue theim out of his doores, thus he saied: these women dooe teache me at home within the hous, ye pacience & suffraūce which I must vse whē I am abrode forth of doores. Beeyng exercised afore and well broken with the facions of these twoo, I shalbee the better and more gentle to liue or to deale withal, for ye coumpaignie of other menne. The demaunder of this que∣stion Aulus Gellius maketh Alcibiades.Aulus Gelli∣us, a Latin writer of ele∣gancies for ye Latin tongue and of other many preatie rehersalles & dyscussynges of diuers thynges. When Xantippe had pulled awaye hir housbandes cope frō his backe euen in the open strete, and his fa∣miliar coumpaigniōs gaue hym a by warnyng to auēge suche a nau∣ghtie touche or pranke with his tenne cōmaūdemēntes:Merely spo∣ken and paci∣ently withal. gayly saied ({quod} he) yea Marie, that while she & I bee towzyng and topleyng toge∣ther, ye maye crye to vs, one, now go to Socrates, an other hold thyne owne Xantippe. For wt suche maner woordes dooen the lookers on chere & hertē twoo parties matched & sette to∣gether by the eares. But this wise māne thought better to shewe of hymself an ex¦aumple of paciente suffreaunce, then to shewe a gase or sight for folkes to laugh at, in stryuyng or cōtendyng wt his wife. To one demaūdyng why he had and kepte in his hows the saied Xantippe,The gētlenes and pacience of Socrates. beeyng a woman of suche condicions and facions, as no man might well awaye withall or abide he saied: that menne ought in like manier to liue with crabbed & testi wiues, as thei that exercise & prac∣tise theimselfes to the feate of bee∣yng good horsemenne,Crabbed wi∣ues bee cōpa∣red to rough stieryng hor∣ses. gette horses of feerse stieryng natures and of rough cōdiciōs: whiche if thei haue ones throughly maistreed & made to the bridle, and bee hable at all assayes to abyde: thei shall haue al other horses as gentle and easie to rewle as thei can desire. And sem∣blably he yt hath learned to beare with ye faciōs of a crabbed and te∣stie wife, shall wt muche more ease bee hable to coūpaignye with al o∣thers,He that an abyde a curst wife, nedeth not to feare what coum∣paignie he li∣ueth in. of what sorte so euer thei be. When Lysias had rehersed and read ouer vnto Socrates an oracion,Lysias was an oratour in Athenes & a frende of So¦crates, and a māne (as sai∣eth Quintili∣an{us}) of swete and pleasaūt eloquence. whiche he had made for Socrates to pronounce in the defence of hym self before the iudges: It is a ioy∣ly and an elegaunt oracion, saied he, but it is nothyng conueniēt nor comely for Socrates. For it was more fitte to bee made of some manne of lawe,Not all ma∣ner oracions wyl seru fo almaner per∣sones. in pleadyng a courte matter or a case in lawe, then to bee pronounced by a philosophier, and namely by suche a philosophier as Socrates. Again to the same Lysias demaūdyng, for what cause if he iudged the oracion to bee good, he thought it to e inconuenient for hym. Why (saied Socra.) is it not a thyng possyble, yt a garmēt, or a shooe may bee galaūtly made & well facioned, & yet thesame not bee mete for some bodies wearyng. This self same historie dooeth Ualerius Maximus re∣porte after a more churlishe sorte, & more vnlike to y• maners of Socrates. For he reporteth Socrates, in this wise to haue made answer vnto Lysias: Awaye with thissame I beseche y• hertyly. For yf I could by any meanes bee brought to pro∣noūce this oraciō frō the begynnynge to the endyng, euē in ye ferthest & vttermust wyldernesse of the barbarous coūtree of Scythia, then would I graunt & yelde my selfe well woorthie to suffre death. Boldenesse & trust on a mā∣nes weel doo¦yng, & on an vpright con∣science.When thei that sate in iudge∣ment vpon Socrates could not agree emong theimselfes what punishe∣mente Socrates was worthie to suffre Socrates euen of hymselfe sodainly brake out and saied: for the thyn∣ges that I haue dooen, I my selfe iudge and geue sentēce, that I am worthie to haue my fyndyng allo∣wed and assigned for terme of life, out of ye chaūbre of the cytee, in the Prytanis in greke, was ye same officer yt w cal presi∣dente of the counsaill, and chief or hed of all ye rewiers Which office he that had in Athenes, had assigned vnto hym, out of y• ofers & cham¦bre of the cy∣te, an hono∣rable, and a greate liuyng in the Pryta∣ne, that is to say: in y• chief place of the toue or castel of the cytee, wher ye saied hed counsail∣lour had his lodgeyng and dwellyng pla∣ce. That if it chaunced any māne to dooe vnto the citee some singular and incomparable benefite, then had he a lordes liuyng, or an ho∣norable porcion to liue on, assigned out of the chaumbre of the cite, and was allowed with the presidente of the counsaill, du∣rynge his life, and this was the highest honoure that might bee emong the Grekes. And this did Sorates clayme, as one that with good enstrccion, and bryngyng vp of youth in vertue and good maners, and in right moral philosophie, had dooen as high benefite to the commen weale, as did the chief counsaillours of the citee, and that he therby had deserued as good and as bene∣ficial a liuyng as the best of theim all. Pritanei. For yt honour was woont to bee shewed and dooen to suche menne as had dooen some especyal gaye benefite, to the commen weale. Marcus Tullius in the first booke, entitled Marcus Tullius writeth twoo volumes entitleed in Latin, De oratore, that is of a perfecte oratour, which werke hymselfe ekeneth the best that euer he made.of a perfect oratour, reherseth this historie. There was (saieth he) in Athenes, when any persone was vpon arainment con∣demned (if it wer not by the lawe a pe∣naltee of death) as ye woulde saye a sette fine, and an ordynarie forfeiete of mo∣ney at the arbitrimente, pleasure, and di∣screcion of the iudges, whē the partie a∣rained, or defend aunte was ones yelded into the handes of the iudges: he was as∣ked what fyne he would cōfesse hymselfe veray wel to haue deserued to paye. Whi¦che thyng when Socrates was asked, he answered, that he had well deserued, to be auaunced with veray high honoures & rewardes, and to haue contynuall fyn∣dyng for terme of life, of the charges of ye citee, frely allowed vnto hym, whiche ho¦noure and preemynēce was estemed and accoumpted the highest that coulde bee emong y• Grekes. With whose answere the iudges were so sette on fyer with an∣gre, that thei cōdemned to death ye moste innocente persone of the worlde. Socrates mette full butte with Xe∣nophon, in a narrowe backe lane, where he could not stert from hym. when he espyed hym to be a young strieplyng of rare towardnesse, & like to proue so well as fewe did, he helde out his staffe, & charged hym that he should not a foote ferther. As soone as he stode styll, Socrates asked of hym,The autori∣tee of Socra∣tes, in maters of philoso∣phie. where soondrie wa∣res were made and sold, that mēne did commenly occupie, when Xeno∣phon had therunto readyly & quicke¦ly shaped an aunswer: Socrates eft∣sons demaunded, in what place of the citee, menne wer made good, honest and vertuous,Fewe {per}sones know or take heede, where vertue is to bee learned. when the young manne had aunswered, that he was of that mater ignoraunte: Then come with me ({quod} Socrates) that thou mayest learne. Frō yt tyme forthward begonne Xenophō to bee disci¦ple and scholare vnto Socrates.Howe Xeno∣phon became scholare vnto Socrates. It is a thynge contrarie to all good reason, to haue knowelage, where thou mayest bee serued of a welfauoured & clenly garmēt or of a fair cuppe, and to bee ignoraunt, wher thou mayest purchace the good fur¦niture of the mynde and soule,The furni∣ture of the mynde, That is vertue and cunnyng. On a certain tyme as he was walkyng before his dore a greate pace, euē tyl the gooyng awaye of the daye light, when one of the fol∣kes that passed by, had saied: what meane ye Socrates, by thus dooyng? I procure my selfe some cates for my supper ({quod} he) menyng of houn∣gre, whiche he prouoked with cha∣fyng vp and downe Marcus Tullius dooeth set it out with these woordes: That I maye suppe the better, I dooe with walkyng procure houngre,One of y• be dishes at a sup{per} is houn∣gre. for my chief cates and viandrie. His saiyng was, that sweete sa∣uours and sweete oyles,Sweete sa∣uours and oy∣les been more meete for wo∣mēne then for menne. wer to bee leat alone for womenne, and as for in yoūg menne no sweete saueoure to haue a better smell, then the oyle whiche thei occupied in exercisyng their bodyes at ye prouyng of mai∣steries, or at werke. For with oyle of baune or of spike, a slaue and a gen∣tlemanne, haue both of theim by and by one maner sauourThe swete sa¦uours, meete for menne. Beeyng asked wherof it was moste comely for aged menne to smelle:Of what sa∣uour it is co∣mely for aged men to smelle. of honeste and vertuous disposicion ({quod} he) then beeyng eft∣sons asked, where poumādres ther of wer to bee sold:Xenophon e∣mong other bookes wri∣teth one whi∣che he entitle∣eth . that is the banquet. he rehersed this verse of the greke poete Theognis. . Of honest menne, wheresoeuer thei bee. yee maye at all tymes, learne honestee. Diuerse sentences of this sorte, Xe∣nophon beapeth together in his bāquet. When a certain riche māne had sent his sonne beeyng a propre ladde vnto Socrates, for to examyn & trye his towardenesse, and the tu∣tour that had been the brynger vp of thesame frō his childhood, had saied in this wise: the father of this ladde hath sent hym vnto you So∣crates, that ye should haue a sight of hym: by and by saied Socrates to the child: speake some what then, good soonne, that I maye see the. Si∣gnifiyng that the disposicion of a māne dooeth not shewe so clere in his face or visage as in his talkyng,A mānes tal∣kyng dooeth more clerelye shewe his con¦dicions then doeth his face. for this is the moste sure & true glasse of the herte and mynde, and fewest tymes liyng. He saied that ye woman kynde, if thesame bee diligently enstructed & taught, is no lesse apte then mēne are,The woman sexe is no lesse apte to learne al maner thyn¦ges then men are. to take aswell allmaner disci∣plines or facultees of learnyng, as also allmaner vertues morall, yea euē fortitude & hardinesse, whiche as though it should proprely ap∣pertin onely to menne & not to wo∣men, is called by the greke vocable ,. in englisshe, manhood,Manhood. or mannely hardynesse. This did he gather by the sight of a maiden that was a dauncer & a tumbleer, who beeyng brought in where coumpaignie sate at a table, did with woondreous sleight and conueighaunce cast vp and receiue again one after another, twelf trendles or rowndelles, the space of the heigth, and the measures of footyng the daunce soo tempreed and proporcioned, that she ne∣uer myssed. And thesame maiden where the lookers on quaked & trembled for fe∣are, daunced without any feare at all e∣mong sweardes and kniues, beeyng as shar as any thyng. As Socrates beyng biddē to a sup∣per by one Agatho was gooyng wt tricke voided shooes on his feeeAgatho was a young gen∣tlemannne of Athenes of ex¦cellente beau∣tie & fauour. and perfumed wyth sweete sa∣uours, and that contrarie to his accustomed vsage: when he was asked of a frend of his that mette hym on the waye, why he was mo∣re nette and piked at that season, thē he had vsed to bee aforetymes? he saied meryly in this wise: that to suche a mynion feloe as Agatho is, I maye goe trymme nette & wel beseen. Where in deede there was no manne aliue, that had lesse mynde or phansie to suche thynges. Thesame daye yt Socrates should drynke the poison, when he after ye strykyng of, of his shacles or fet∣tres, had feled greate pleasure of clawyng where it itched, he saied to his frendes: how woondrefully is it of nature ordeined, yt these twoo thinges dooe by course foloe either other, pleasure, & greef:Pleasure and pein, by cour∣se folowen ei∣ther other. for excepte peine & greef had preceded or gone afore, I should not now haue fee∣led this pleasure. Of the vnder gailloure deliue∣ryng vnto hym y• iuice of hemlocke in a cuppe,The poison yt Socrates should dye of he called a me¦dicine. he demaunded, how that medeicine was to bee taken? foras∣muche as ye same officer was well practised and could good skille in that science. Alludyng to the sicke folkes,Alludyng to y• sicke folkes, that is: vsyng suche wordes & termes, as if the gaillour had beē a phi∣sician, and he a sicke manne and the gail∣lours paciēte. who dooe learne of the phisiciās when and how it is best to receiue a me∣dicinable drynke that thei haue made. And when the seruannte had aunswered, that he must vp with it all at a draught if he could, and that after it he must walke vp and down so long vntil he feled suche weakenesse and feblenesse that he should drawe his legges after hym, & that after this he must lye hym down in his bedde vpright vpon his backe, & then y• drynke would wercke his woonte effecte: So∣crates enquiered, whether he might not leefully poure out some parte therof in the waye of sacrificyng & takyng assaye to the Goddes, because in merie dyners, suppers & banquettes it was the guise and facion (a litle quantitee of the wyne poured out) to sacrifice thesame in the waye of assaye to some God by name (which was called in greke ,In feastes & dynners, the guise was to powre out a lytle of the drynke in the waye of sacri¦fice, & takyng assay to some one of ye god∣des. and in latin, Libare) The officer aūswered, y• he had tempreed so muche and no more as was requisite for the purpose, me∣nyng by those woordes, that ther was none therof spare to bee poured out. Thē saied Socrates, well, yet is it bothe leefull, and alsoo requisite to beseche the Goddes that this my passyng out of this worlde maye bee happie and fortu∣nate When the vnder officier of the preson had vncouered hym & laied hym naked, because he was now alreadie cold at ye herte. And should therupō dye ymmediately: Crito ({quod} Socrates) we bee now endebted to y• God Aescu¦lapius of a cocke,Aesculapius the soonne of Appollo, the first inuētour and practiser of Physicke. Whom for ye science the an¦tiquitee, hono¦red as a God and suche as recouered frō any discease dyd sacrifice vnto Aescula¦pius a liue cocke. But ye poetes dooe fable that he was slain, with lightenyng of Iuppiter, because he had wyth his cunnyng of Physike restored Hippolytus again to life. whiche duely to pa∣ye, in no wise bee ye negligente. Euen as though he had vpon the ta∣kyng of a medicinable drynke, perfectely recoured again all his helthe. For Crito was an honest citezen in Athenes, and a true frende vn∣to Socrates, and the other as good, and as louynge a frende a∣gain to hym in all pointes, of mutuall familyarytee. Cri∣to had afore dooen all that euer he might possible dooe, yt Socrates should make meanes to saue his life. And in Socrates there was so rooted a certain veine of ho¦nest merynes, euē naturally geuē hym in his cradle, yt he could iest and speake me∣ryly euen at the houre of death, for these are reported to haue been the last woor∣des that euer he spake. He taught that the beautie of ye myndes is muche more to bee fa∣uored, then of the bodyes,The beautee of myndes, is more to bee lo¦ued then the beautee of the bodyes. and that thesame pleasure whiche a welfa∣uored face when it is looked on dooeth engendre in vs, is to bee translated and remoued to the be∣autie of the mynde ferre excedyng the other in fairenesse, albeeit liyng hyden from the bodyly yie. But to haue a sight therof, philosophical yies to bee requisite and necessarie. He noted the greke vocable to bee of significacion indifferēte to kis∣syng or louyng, of whiche twoo thynges the former perteineth to theim that dooe carnally loue the bodye, the other t suche as dooe verteously loue the mynd. Unto Crito after a veray earnest facion counsaillyng and auisyng hym, that if he for his own parte passed not on his life, yet at lest wyse he should preserue thesame, and contynue in his former good state & condicion, for the respecte of his children beeyng euen then but litle babes, and for his frendes sa∣kes whiche had all their staye in hym. As for my children (saied he) God, who gaue theim vnto me, shal take care.Socrates dy∣ed in perfece securytee. And as for frendes, when I departe from hens I shall fynde either like vnto you,An holy kynd of dying, in a gentile or hea¦then manne. or elles better then ye bee, and yet I shall not long bee defrauded of the coū∣paignie of yourselfes neither, for∣asmuche as ye are like shortely to come to dwelle euē in the self same place, that I now goo vnto. Those persones, whiche dooe beare carnall loue onely to the bo∣dye, Socrates affermed to bee muche like vnto physicians that bee euer neede,Honest & ver∣tuous loue. and that still dooe calle on their pacientes ymportunely cra∣uyng one thyng or other. And a∣gain those that bee honest frendes, rather thē carnal louers, to bee like vnto persones possessyng & hauyng lande of their own,The differēce betwene a car¦nal louer & an honest frende. whiche thei con¦tynually studied and laboured to make better and better. A carnall louer seketh to satisfie and to fulfill his beastly or bodyly pleasure. A true & ho∣nest frend hauyng none yie nor respecte to his own persone, thynketh hymself so muche the richer, how much the more honest & vertuous he maketh his frende to bee. Sittyng at the table at meate in Xenophon his house, euerye one of ye geastes beeyng bidden to tell in what occupacion and crafte, or in what good propertie or feacte that he could dooe, he liked hymself best when the course & turne to speake came vnto Socrates, he saied in the waye of iestyng,Lenociniū. the best thyng that he could bragge or crake of, to bee lenocinium,Ueiue prin∣cipally aboue all thynges purchaceth to manne bene∣uolēce & loue. whiche souneth in en∣glishe enticyng & alluryng, of such sorte as is vsed in houses of baw∣derie. But the menyng of Socrates was, that he taught true and syncere ver¦tue, whiche dooeth specially aboue all other thynges commende and sette out y• hauer: and the whiche aswell priuately as in y• open face of ye worlde dooeth pur¦chace vnto manne beneuolence and loue. A feloe hauyng sight in physio∣gnomie (who professed and openly tooke vpon hym by the complexion and pleeight of the bodye,The arte and profession of physiognomi¦ers. and by ye proporcion & settyng, or coumpace of the face or visage, to bee hable vnfallibly and without myssyng to fynd out & iudge the naturall dis∣posicion of any manne,) when he had well vewed Socrates, gaue plaine sentence, that he was a low∣tishe feloe, a dulle blockehed, besi∣des that also muche geuen to the wanton loue of women,Of what na∣ture & dispo∣siciō Socra∣tes had been, if he had not geuē hymself to ye studie of phylosophie. foule stey∣ned with the filthie concupiscēce & desire of boyes, a greate boller of wyne, and a vicious foloer of all naughtie appetites and lustes of ye bodye. And whē the frndes of So∣crates, beeyng brought in a hygh fume, thretened the feloe, & would haue been vpon hym, Socrates kepte theim backe, saiyng: he hath not lyed one whytte,Philosophie altreeth, and clene chaun∣geth nature. I should haue been suche an one in all pointes in veraye deede, if I had not cōmyt∣ted myself vnto philosophie to bee gouerned, & kepte in better staye. When Aristippus, the disciple of Socrates,Aristippus first of all the schoolares of Socrates, set vp teachynge of phyloso∣phie for mo∣ney. had of his gaynes, of set∣tynge vp the teachynge philoso∣phie for money (whiche thyng he first of all the scholares of Socrates, did sette vp and begoonne to dooe) had sent twentie poundes vnto his maister: Socrates sent ye money backe again vnto hym forthwith, alle∣gyng, yt his familiare good aun∣gell would in no wyse suffre hym, to take it. For Socrates aed, that he had a familiare ghoste,The famyli∣are ghoste or aūgel of So∣crates, called in greke , in La∣tin, Genius. or aungell pe∣culiare and propre to hymselfe, of whom he was by a priuie token forbydden, if he attempted, or went about to dooe any vnhonest thyng. Uerayly, that familiare good aungell, I suppose, was reason.Socrates al∣lowed not yt an manne huld take money for teachyng ver∣tue, and este∣med money so gotten to bee sacrilege. And in ye meane tyme vnto Aristppus he dyd after a gentle sorte signifie hymselfe not to alowe, n to thynke wel dooen, that he kepte a schoole of morall phylo∣sophie for money, and therfore thesame gifte of his, as a thyng gotten by plaine sacrilege he vtterly refused, and would none of it. One Euthydemus returnyng and comyng awaye from the wrastle∣yng place,Euthydemus one of the fa∣miliare fren∣des of Socra∣tes in Athe∣nes, & a phylo¦sophier. Socrates, whē he had mette with hym by chaunce, brought home to supper with hym. And as the two wer studiously disputyng and treactyng of many thynges, Xantippe beeyng therwith veraye an¦grye, arose vp from the table, and spake many byttur woordes of cō∣tumelye & despite against hir hous∣bande,The cancard∣nesse of Xan∣tippe. with whiche woordes, for∣asmuch as he was nothyng moued at last she typed ye table ouer & ouer and floung downe all that euer was vpon it. But when Euthydemus beeyng therwithall veray sore mo∣ued, arose and begonne to departe, why,The paience of Socrates. what harme haue ye ({quod} Socra∣tes?) Did not euen this selfe same thyng chaunce at your owne hous the last daye, that a henne moun∣tyng, cast downe all thynges that were on the table? yet did we your geastes then, not one whitte fume at the mater. When in the comedie of Aristo∣phanes entitleed, the cloudes,Socates ore railled at by name, in y• co∣medie of Ari∣stophanes en∣titleed, ye clou¦des, or, my∣stes. he was with many and bittur woordes of raillyng and defamacion, as ye would saye torn, and mangleed in peces: and one of the coumpaignie standyng by, saied, dooeth not this go to your herte Socrates?The pacience of Socrats. By Iuppiter saieth he again, it greueth my sto∣make nothyng at al, if I bee snap∣ped at, and bytten with merie taun¦tes at the staige where entreludes are plaied, no more then if it were at a great dyner or banquet, where wer many geastes.The custome of diuerse pla¦ces to haue iesters & sof∣fes solem∣ne feastes. This custome and vsage, euen yet styl endureth mong ertain of the Germaines, (yea and in Englande also) that in feastes of greate re∣sorte, there is brought in for the noes some iestyng feloe, that maye scoff and iest vpon the geastes, as they sitten at the table, with the which iestyng to bee stie∣red to angre, is accoūpted a thyng much cōtrarie to all courtesie or good maner. He vsed oftē to saye, yt he whiche moueth his bodye to and fro, with leapyng and dauncyng, hath neede to haue an hous of large roume, but who so exerciseth hymself with syngyng or talkyng to thesame, ei∣ther standyng, or syttyng, or lea∣nyng, any place whatsoeuer it is to bee sufficiente, and wide or large enough. By this saiyng he did al∣lowe moderate exercitacions of the bo∣dye, especially after meate taken:Moderate ex∣ercitacions of the bodye allowed by Socrates, & the contrarye disallowed. and e∣ercises any thyng buisie or full of stie∣ryng e disallowed. Unto Socrates, somewhat sharpe∣ly and roughly chidyng one of his familiare frendes, at the table, as thei sate at meate, Plato saied: Had it not been better, to haue told hym these thynges aparte out of coum∣paignie? To whō Socrates saied a∣gain:Meryly spo∣ken, and nip∣pyngly with∣all. And should not ye also haue doone better, if ye had told me this aparte out of coūpaignie betwene you and me? He meryly and shar∣pely withal taunted Plato as y• whiche in rebukyng hym did committe the ve∣raye selfe same faulte, that he rebuked.In rebukyng another, to cō¦mitte theselfe same faulte, yt one rebuketh. Socrates as he sate emong coum∣paignie at a table, espiyng a yoūg manne somewhat gredyly eatyng the fleashe, and euer emōg depyng or soppyng his breade in the pot∣tage or broth: Maisters, all yt sitte at this table ({quod} Socrates) whiche of you vseth his breade in steade of his meate, and meate in stede of his breae? Immoderate and gredie ea¦tyng, rebuked by Socates. A disputacion hereupon a∣risynge emong the coumpaignie: (For, it is not I, {quod} one, and it is not I, {quod} an other, the young manne perceiued ye mater, & blushed as rede as fyer, & begoonne more leasurely & mode∣rately to feede & eate of the meate. Beeyng asked whiche was the chief vertue of young menne:The chief ver¦tue of young menne, not to eagerly to at∣tempte any thyng. that thei dooe not (saieth he) ouer fer∣uently or angrely attempte, assaye, or entreprise any thyng. For the feruen ne of tha age beeyng as hotte as oles, will not suffre theim to kepe a meane Terence a latin pote, a writer of co∣medies, in the first comedie, entitleed Andria. Simo hauyng espied, that his sonne Pamphilus, had fallen in loue with a single woman, na∣med Glyceri, talketh of the mater, with his late seruaunt So∣sia, and in processe of communicacion, where Simo would haue Pamphilus, not to ferre to procede in wantō loue of paramou∣es, no by saynt Marie, saieth Sosia, for this I thynke in the life of manne to be as good a thyng as can bee, that he attempte not, ne entreprise any thyng ouermuche. To this thyng had Terence an¦yie an respecte in the young manne Pmphilus Letters or writyng (whiche the moste parte of folkes supposeth to haue been first deuised and founde out, for helpynge ye memorie) Socra∣tes saied to bee veraye hurtefull to the memorie.Whether let∣tres or wri∣tyng dooe hel∣pe the memo∣rie, orls ra∣ther hurte the same. For in olde tyme, mēne (if thei had heard any thyng woor¦thie to bee knowen) thei wrote and gra∣ued thesame, not in bookes, but in ye hert and mynde. And the memorie by this cō∣firmed and made stedfast,The exercise of ye memorie thei kepte in their remēbraunce whatsoeuer thei wer willyng, and what euerye man perfectly knewe, he had alwayes readie with him at his fyngers endes. Afterward, the vse of writyng beeyng ones foūd out,After ye feacte of writyng ones foūd out mēne trusted more to their bookes, then to their me∣mories. while menne put all their affiaunce and truste in bookes, thei wer nothyng like earnest to enprinte in their mynde, such thynges as thei had learned. By that meanes it came to passe, that the exercyse of memo∣rie neglected and nothyng passed on, the knowelage of thynges was nothyng so quicke nor freshe as it had been, and eche manne knewe still lesse and lesse.So muche no more doeth euerie of vs knowe, as we haue suerlye enprinted in our memorie For so muche and no more doeth euery of vs knowe, as we haue fast enprinted, & dooe kepe in our memorie. When the tyme of his diyng drewe fast vpō hym, beeyng asked of Crito, how his mynde was to bee buiried:The solle pas¦set out of this worlde more swytly then any byrd lyeth. o my frendes ({quod} he) a gre∣ate deale of labour haue I spent in vain. For vnto Crito your frende & myn I haue not yet persuaded, yt I shal more swiftely then any byrde flye from hens, & not leaue behind me here any parte or porcion of me. Yet neuerthelesse Crito, if yu shalt be hable to ouertake me, or if yu shalt in any place come by me or geat me buirie me euē how so euer to ye shal seme best: but beleue me, not one of you al shal ouertake me, when I shalbee departed frō hens.The solle is ye mā, and the boye the ta∣bernacle of ye solle. So∣crates mened the solle to bee the manne, & the bodye to bee nothyng els but the in¦strumēte or tabernacle of the solle,To take care howe to bee buried is fo∣lysh . & ther¦fore those persons to dooe like fooles yt take care or thought how to bee buiried. Thesame Socrates was woonte to saye that death is like to sound sle∣pyng.Death is like vnto soūd sle¦pyng, or to bee¦yng in a stra∣unge coūtree. And of this, we cal in englishe a soūd slepe, a dedde slepe orels to a longe pyl∣grymage, yt is to saye, long beeyng in a straūge countree, frō whens at length to returne home again.That ye solle shal at length returne again into ye bodye, not onely shal bee at the ge∣nerall resur∣reccion accor∣dyng to our beleef, but also was the opiniō of Socrates, of Plato, and of their disciples albeeit after another sorte. Ueray sound slepyng taketh away for the tyme all operacion of the bodily senses, & the solle beeyng departed away from the bodye, shall at length returne again into his tabernacle, that is to saie into thesame bodye. Thesame vsed also many tymes to saie, that if the vniuersall cala∣mitees of all menne should bee ga∣thered all in an heape to gether,If the vniuer¦sal calamitees of al men wer in an heape e∣gually to bee distributed, eche manne would rather take his own again, then e∣guall porcion with all his feloes. & ymmediately to eche manne seue∣rally by hymself should bee distri∣buted eguall porcions out of the∣same heape, it would come to passe, yt eche manne would rather choose to receiue his owne former calami∣tees again, then eguall porcion wt his feloes out of the cōmune heape. This maketh against the commune maners and guise of mēne, who grutche & repine at the state & cōdicion of others, and whyne contynually at their owne. He learned to plaie on the harpe after y• he was well striken in age, and that, emong childrē. And vnto suche persones as meruailled at thesame as a thyng veray vncon∣ueniēte and foolyshe, he saied, that it was no shame nor folyshe thyng for a mā to learne those thynges of whiche he wer ignoraūt.It is no sha∣me for a man to learne that he knoweth not, of what age soeuer he bee For it is turned to no mānes rebuke to procure & geat such thynges, as he hath need of, if thei bee wātyng, neither in this behalf is to be regarded a mānes age, but his need. He saied that to make a good be∣gynnyng,To haue ma∣de a good be∣gynnyng, is no small por∣cion of the werke do. is not a litle, but nexte cousin to a litle, orels thus, to make a good begynnyng, is not a litle, but a litle more. The greke woor∣des renne thus, , whiche he y• transla∣ted Laertius out of greke into latin, hath interreted in this sense: that to make a good begynnyng, is not a small mater, but a veray greate thyng. Albeeit the woordes of Socrates dooe expresse an other sense in maner contrarie. But he meneth (if I bee not deceiued) that, to make a good begynnyng, is not a litle mater in veray deede, but to bee litle este∣med, orels to make a good begynnyng, not to bee a litle, but to bee nexte doore y a litle, or nexte cousyn to a litle. For men ought to begynne thynges fair & so∣ltely & to procede by litle & litle,The more hast ye wurst speede. because that suche persones as dooe make moste hast in y• begynnyng haue cōmunely (ac∣cordyng to our englishe prouerbe) wurst speede toward y• endyng. So that he al∣ludeth vnto the poete Hesiodus, who biddeth, that we shal adde a litle to a litle. The quickenes and pith of the saiyg re¦steth in the greke vocables , and , No nor yet in englishe nei¦ther. Albeit I thynke the saiyng of Socrates to haue this sense and menyng, that to haue made a good begynnyng or entreaūce, is not a lytle but a lytle more, or a degree ferther then a lytle. That is to saye: as good a forth deale, and auauntage towardes the ende of the werke, as if a good porciō of thesame wer already finyshed. For accordyng to our englishe prouerbe, a thyng well begoonne, is more then halfe dooen. For who so hath ones made a good be∣gynnyng of his werke, shall easily bryng thesame to suche ende, and to such passe and effecte as he would dooe. As for alludyng vnto Hesiodus (as Erasmus here taketh it.) I suppose Socra∣tes mened nothyng so, at lest wise, in this presente saiyng. For in Hesiodus is no suche worde as . Whiche Erasmus interpreteth, Iuxta pusillum, besydes a lytle, and , is an aduerbe signifiyng, Ferè poenè, yt is in englishe: almoste, or welnigh, so that the saiyng of Socrates maye purporte this sense, and bee thus interpreted, to bee ones entreed, is not a lile begoonne, but the whole mater welnigh dooen. and thesame cānot wel ee ex∣pressed in latin. It was also a lessō of his teachyng yt geometrie ought to be studied vn¦til a bodye be sufficiētly hable both to receiue or take,. What geome¦trie Socrates would to bee studied & la∣boured. and also to geue out or deliuer grounde by measure. I suppose he mened, yt menne ought not to purchace, but landes & possessions moderate, whiche it might well stand wt a bodies ease and commoditee, bothe to receiue of his auncestours, and also to leaue to his heires. For ouer greate pos∣sessions of landes, as thei bee not purcha¦ced ne gotten without muche a dooe, so thei come to the heires hādes not peacea∣bly nor without gret trauerse. The quic∣kenes and pith of the saiyng cōsisteth in the greke woorde ,Ouer greate possessiōs are incōmodious bothe to the owner and to his heire. whiche in significaconn is indifferente to the arte of geometrie, and to meters of landes or grounde in a felde. Yea, and also in the greke woorde , that is, by measure. For he would mennes purchaces not to extend beyōd the coumpace of sufficiencie,Purchace of landes ought to bee mode∣rate. but to consist within ye boundes of mediocritee. Whereby he reproued y• vnsaciable desire of menne to haue possessions infinite. Albeeit, this saiyng cannot well bee ex∣pressed to haue any grace in y• englyshe toungue. . What geome¦trie Socrates would to bee studied & la∣boured. To a certain persone takyng greuously that he was clene out of regarde and estymacion at what tyme the thirtie tyrannes had in∣uaded and vsurped ye gouernaūce of the communeweale:In Athenes y• comenweale was gouer∣ned by the co+̄men, til y• in Sorates ty∣me, thirtie ty∣rannes vsur∣ped and toke vpon theim, the regimente whiche tyran¦nes wer after¦ward destro∣yed by the po∣licie of one Thrasibulus Of the noum¦bre of those tyraūtes wer Critias and Charicle, of whō is made menciō a∣foe in the twētieth sai∣yng of So∣crates. why, hast thou dooen any thyng ({quod} Socrates) yt greueth thy consciēce or repēteth ye? Menyng, that it is not to bee taken in y• euill parte, if a manne bee despised or made an abiecte by vnhonest & naugh¦ty disposed feloes: and that no persone ought for any suche cause to myslike hymself: but if e haue dooen some faulte trespae, or offense wherfore he should iustely encurre the displeasure & indig∣nacion bothe of hymself, and of other ho¦nest menne. For to bee myslyked of euill persones, is a pointe of high praise and commendacion. When hym semed that one said vnto hym in his sleepe, this verse of the greke poete Homerus . On the third daye, nexte after this, Come to Phthia, and dooe not mysse: he saied vnto Aeschines,Socrates knewe & saied that he should dye, three da∣yes before by a vision and voice yt he had in his slepe. this daye thre dayes shall I bee a dedde manne. Interpretyng & expounyng the verse of Homerus for an annswer o declaracion of Goddes wille and plea∣sure, and the thyng came euen so to passe. Phthia a citee in the countree of Thessalia the region of A∣chilles. Phthia was a citie in y• regiō of Thes∣salia, y• cōtree of Achilles, was the soonne of Peleus kyng of Thessalia, and of Thetis doughter of Chiron, the moste puissaunt and valiaunt warrice that was emong all the kynges of the Grekes, at the battaill of Troie. Achilles. And the frendes of Socrates did what thei could to persuade vnto hym, that he shuld flee into Thessalia, because he had there ma∣ny good frendes. It was also one of his saiynges that menne wer boundē to bee obe∣dient to the lawes of ye citee or coū∣tree: and wiues to the maners and facions of their housbandes that thei liue in coumpaignie withall. The rewle to liue by, and to bee or∣dreed by for the wif,The rewle to liue by for y• wife, is hyr housbande, if he bee obedi∣ent to the la∣we publique is the housbande whiche wif liueth well and vprightly, if hir housbande, bee obediēte to the lawes publique of the Realme. He gaue warnyng, that naughtie pleasures of the bodye,He that ha∣steth towarde vertue muste anoyde the naughtie plea¦sures of the bodye, as he would y• mō∣stres of ye sea. ought none other wise then the Mermaides of the sea called Sirenes, to bee passed by and eschewed of any persone y• maketh haste in his waye toward vertue, as though after a long iourney had gotten at last a sight of his countree. He alluded vnto the fable of Ulysses, who stopped his ea∣res with waxe, and by that meanes in sailling, passed awaye by the mnstres of the sea called Sirenes (in englishe mer¦maides / whē he had after his returne frō Troie nes espied the smoke of his coun¦tree Itacha mouniyng into the aier out of the chymneyes.The potes fables saien y• Sirenes, wer these three, Parthenope, Lygia, & L∣cosia, dough∣ters of the floodde Ahe∣lous, and of Calliope one of the nyne Muses, and that thei had their abydyng in a certain Ise betwene Italie and Sicilie, and by the swetnes of their syngyng, the allured passengers on the sea, and when the had theim, slewe theim. Wherfore Uysses returnyng frō Troye, to Ithaca his countree, stopped the eares of all his coumpaige with waxe, ad caused hymselfe to bee fast bound to the mst of the shippe, and so escaped from the Sirenes, as Homerus wri∣teh. And the Sirenes for angre and sorowe that thei wer so de∣spised, umbleed hedlong into the sea and do styll remain there. When he heard the dialogue of Plato entitleed Lysides,Socrates of an hūblenesse of mind wold not knowlage the lades & praises that Plato attri∣buted vnto hym. readē, oh lord in heauē (saieth he) how many lyes the young manne forgeth on me. Bter for tha of his umilitee and lowelynes he would not knowelege the laudes and prayses whiche Plato did at∣tribute vnto hym, orels because he feig∣ned many thynges on Socrates in tha dialgue. Unto Aeschines, who was sore op∣pressed wt pouertee, Howe an ei∣uill housbāde maye borowe money of him selfe to gette aforhande. Magnum ue¦ctigall per∣simonia. he vsed to geue warnynge and auise, that he the said Aeschines should borowe or take vsurie of his ownself, & moreouer shewed the wayes how, that was, by abatyng of his sumptuous fare at his table. Accordyng to the pro∣uerbe: good housbandrye and sparyng in an hous, is a great penie rent of yerely reuenues.Good hous∣bandrye is a great yrely reune to an householder. The moste readie waye to en∣crease a mannes richesse, is to abate of his harges. And (as our englishe prouer∣be saieth) hous keepyng is a priue theef. Howe an ei∣uill housbāde maye borowe money of him selfe to gette aforhande. Magnum ue¦ctigall per∣simonia. Beeyng asked concernyng Arche¦laus the soonne of Perdicca,Archelaus ye sonne of Per¦dicca. who at y• season was estemed a veray va∣liaunt and hardie manne, whether he iudged hym to bee in perfecte blisse, or not: I cannot tell (saieth he) I neuer had communicacion wt hym. And to the other partie then saiyng, after that sorte or maner ye maye aswell doubte of the kyng of the persians whether he bee in ye state of perfecte felicitee, or not: yea what els ({quod} Socrates) forasmuche as I knowe not how well learned he is, or how good and how honest he is. Socraes measured the blisse∣fulnes of a māne by the veray true good qualitees & vertues of the mynde.The state of blissefulnesse of a man con∣sisteth in the vertues of y• mynde & not in worldlye thynges. This doeth Cicero reporte and cite in the fifth booke of the Tusculane questions, out of the dialogue of Plato entitleed Gorgias. NExte after the maister I thynke moste congruente to sette his own scolare, yt was bothe in age and tyme first and in autoritee chief of all the others that is, Aristippus:Aristippus a phylosophier of an excellēte witte and of singular dex∣teritee: y• first and chiefe of of all te di∣sciples of So¦crates. Who taught phylo¦sophie for mo¦ney, as is a∣foresaid. The disciples and foloers of A∣ristippus wer called after his tyme, Cy∣renaici, be∣cause he came to Athens out of y• coūtree. then whom, emong all the philosophiers, there hath not been any one eithr of a more apte or readie and prompte witte in conueighaunce or ca∣styng of thynges, and more agrea∣ble to all maner states, sortes or faci∣ons of liuyng, orels in his saiynges more meriecōceipted, within the boun∣des of honestee, or more pleasaunt. Al∣beeit he seemeth not to haue shewed that holynesse of maners, and behauour in li∣uyng whiche all menne dooe honour and highly esteme in Socrates. Betwene Aristippus and Diogenes ye Cynike, there was muche good coc¦kyng,Betwene Ari¦stippus & Dio¦genes was muche good cockyng and emulacion. & striuyng, whether of theim should wynne the spurres, & beare the belle, because thei wer of twoo sondrye and in maner contrarie se∣ctes, trades, or professions of li∣uyng. Diogenes called Aristippus the kynges hounde, because he was a dayly waiter, and gaue cōtynuall attendaunce in the Courte of Di∣onysius the Tyranne of Sicilie. A∣gainst whom Aristippus on the other syde vsed to saye:Aristipp{us} one of the courte with Diony∣sius the Ty∣ranne of Si∣cilie. If Diogenes could behaue hymself to bee familiare wt kynges and dayly about theim, he should not neede to eate rawe or grene herbes. Then Diogenes again countreyng,The countre∣yng of Ari∣stippus and Diogenes. saied: If Aristippus had learned to bee contēted with rawe herbes, he should not neede to bee the kynges hounde. When he had on a tyme com∣maunded a perrige to bee bought, whiche he might not geat vnder ye price of fyftie drachmes yt is xvi. s. viii. d. sterlyng,A Drachme was about ye value of a roe ser∣lyng or some∣what more. or there about, vnto a certain persone detestyng & cry∣ing abominacion on suche riotous superfluitee or prodigal excesse in a philophier: why euē thou thyself ({quod} Aristippus) if ye price of a perrige wer an halfpenie, wouldest not thou bye of theim? when he had aunswe∣red, yes: And euen as muche & no more doe I sette by a merke & fo∣wertie pens (saied Aristippus) as thou dooest by thy halfpenie.Aristippus de∣spised golde siluer. The∣same thing that the oher iudged to bee an abminable pointe of riot, excesse, & prodigalitee:Who so is driuen frō by∣yng, by reasō of the hyghe price, setteth not litle by y• thyng, but set¦teth uch by the money. the philosophier turned an other waye, to the lade and prayse of despisyng money. For who so is by rea∣son of the costlinesse or high price feared & driuē awaye frō biyng, thesame dooeth not sette litle by the meate, but setteth muche by ye money. But to the estimaciō of the philosophier, no whitte more i valour wer fiftie drachmes, then to the other feloe an halfpenie.A right philo∣sophier despi∣seth money. Then Arstp∣pus beeyng in the desirefulnesse of that cates, nothyng wurse then y• other feloe, in y• contēpte of money, was ferre better. When Dionysius had brought foorthe before hym, three beautiful young damyselles of light conuer∣sacion, biddyng hym to choose one, whiche soeuer he would of the three: Aristippus laied hāde on theim all, & tooke theim to hym, saiyng:When Eris, ye goddesse of of strife & cō∣tencion, had trilled along ye table (wher al the goddes∣ses were at a banquette as∣sembleeed) a goldē aple wt this poysee written or en∣grued about it. Bee this geuen to the fairest. Iuno, Pallas, and Uenus, all the claymed to haue the said aple. After muche striuyng in pre∣sence and coumpaignie of all the goddes. In fine, Iuppiter sent Mercurius with thesame three goddesses and the aple, vn∣to Pari the soonne of Priamus, then kynge of Troie, who adiudged the aple vnto Uenus, whiche Uenus promysed hym in rewarde, that he should haue the fairest ladie that was on the earth of all mortall creatures, and that was Helena, the wife of Menelaus, then kyng of Lacedeamon, whom the saied Paris stole from hir housbande, & conueighed to Troie And for hir begoonne the battaill of Troie, wherof ensued not onely the vtter destruccion, extermynacion, and death of hym & of all his blood, but also the subuersion and desolacion of the noble citee of Troie, whiche the Grekes burned, not leauyng so muche as one hous standyng. that Paris of Troie had found it a thyng not a litle to his peine, yt of three ladies, he gaue preemynence to one, before the other twain. And so be brought theim all three vnto the courte gates, and there tooke his leue of theim & suffreed theim to de∣parte, no lesse gēle, quicke and reade in abandonyng, then he had been afore in embracyng Strato, or after other writers, Pla∣to, saied to Aristippus:To Aristipp{us} onely was ge¦uen this gifte to bee bothe a galaūt court∣yer, and also a sage philo∣sophier. vnto thee onely is this gifte geuen, to weare bothe the shorte or cutted cape of a ga∣laūte & ruffleyng courtyer, (whiche was called Chlamys) & also the syde robe or rope of homely and course cloth, suche as the beggerye philo∣sophiers & none els vsen to weare. Thesame thyng did the poete Hora∣tius note when he saied. Omnis Aristippum decuit color. All coloures, and facions of araye Became onely Aristippus, allwaye.Aristippus e∣uermore con∣sidered and re¦membreed ho¦nestee & come∣lynesse. In the courte of Dionysius he would daunce in purple and crymasyn silkes or veluettes, & sometymes he would weare a course pilche, mātle, or cope down to ye foote, but yet euermore hauyng in mynde what, when, and how, best became him, & to dooe neither of these thynges other wise then might stand with honestee, co∣melinesse and good facion. Beeyng all berayed in the fa∣ce with the spettyng of Dionysius,Aristipp{us} toke paciētly to be spetten vpon so yt he might wnne Dio∣nysius to the studie of phy∣losophie. he tooke it veraye paciētly, & to theim that fumed at yt spitefull touche, thus he saied. The fisher menne to take a litle gougeon dooe abyde to bee all embrued with ye foule salte water of the sea: and should not I, to take a great whale bee contēted to bee sprincleed with a litle spettle of ones mouth? By the name of a whale, notyng the kyng, whom he dd all that in hym laye, with his pacience to allure vnto y• studie of philosophie.No smal vti∣litee groweth to cōmēwea∣les, by the sa∣pience of lear¦ned princes. And in deede no small vtilitee & benefite it is, that groweth to comenweales by the sa∣pience and high knowlage of learned princes. Beeyng asked what fruite he had receiued of the studie of philoso∣phie:The fruite of philosophie is that a manne shall speake plainly as ly∣th ī his hert. Marie ({quod} he) that I can to all persones whatsoeuer thei bee talke boldely, frankly, and plainly as lyeth in my mynde. For neither did he feare menne of power and auto∣ritee,Aristippus fea¦red no manne nor disdeig∣ned any per∣sone. nor disdeigne inferiour persones of lowe degree, forasmuche as he had a mynde free and clere voide, aswel from hope, as from feare, he was no mannes dogbolte, ne in any mānes bondage, nor held vp y• yea & naye of any persone con∣trarie to yt he thought in his own herte. When certain persones did by ye waye of reproche cast in his teeth that he liued gentlemanlike and passyng deintyly,Aristippus lo∣ued gaye ap∣parell & good fare. beeyng one that professed philosophie:Whether in gaye clothyng and in dentie fare bee any vice. If that wer a vice (saieth he) it should in no wise bee dooen in ye solemne feastes of the Goddes. For in thesame so∣lemnitees mēne vsen of a coustome bothe to bee gayly & trymmely apparelled, and also to haue the moste deyntie fare yt can bee gotten or dressed. And forasmuche as the Goddes been earnest enemies to all vices, thei would not bee appeaced, but rather stired to wrathe & angre by su∣che maner royaltee, if thesame conteined any spiece of synne or viciousnesse. Thus in deede he auoided & clene defeacted the cōtumelious checke, but he did not shewe what was best. Unto Dionysius demaundyng of hym,Phylosophi∣ers wold liue wel, though there wer no lawes. what high thyng was in the philosophiers more then in other menne, he saied: that if all lawes wer anulled & fordooen, yet would wee liue still after one maner rate. The moste parte of people is barred from offendyng,To a physo∣phier, eason is a lawe. onely by prestripcions of lawes, but a philosophier accoūpteth and vseth reason in stede of lawes: not dooyng that is vpright & honest, because the lawe hath so commaunded, nor re∣freining fro deedes of myschief, because the lawe hath forbidden thesame: but for that he knoweth the one to bee of it self vpright & honest, and the other of it self to bee abhominable. Aristippus and Plato bothe of theim wer awaiters in ye court with Diony¦sius.Plato & Ari∣stippuz bothe wer in courte with Diony∣sius. But Aristippus absteined not frō the pleasures of the courte when thei came in his waye. Plato euen in the middes of all superfluitees & excesse of ye court endeuoured to keepe a sobre tade in all behalfes. Therefore when Plato checked and rebuked Aristippus for that he was so sweete mouthed, and drouned in the voluptuousnesse of high fare, he asked of Plato, what he thought of Dionysius, whether he semed to bee an honest manne, or not, when he had aunswered, yt he seemed to bee honest: And yet he ({quod} Aristippus) li∣ueth much more delycately then I dooe. Therefore nothyng leatteth, but that a māne bothe maye liue takyng his parte of good fare, and also liue well and vertuously.There is no∣thyng to ye cō¦trarie, but yt a manne maye liue, takyng parte of good fare, and yet liue vertu∣ously. Unto Dionysius demaundyng how it chaunced, that the philosophiers did frette and weare the threshhol∣des of riche mennes houses, & not contrariewise,Why phylo∣sophiers haūt ryche mennes houses & not cōtrariewise. he saied: because the phylosophiers dooe knowe what thei wante, and the riche menne knowe not. The philosophiers dooe knowe that without money, there is no liuyng,Without mo¦ney there is no liuyng. and therefore thei drawe to suche persones as been hable to geue theim, that thei haue neede of. That if ye riche menne, did like well vnderstand & perceiue, that thei lacke and neede wise∣dome, thei would muche more haunt and trede the dores of the philosophiers hou∣ses. For more miserable is the pouertee of the mynde and solle, then of the bodyeMore misera¦ble is the po∣uertee of the mynde thē of the bodye. And so muche the more pieteously beg∣gered, and with extremitee of neede op∣pressed are the riche mēne: that thei dooe not vnderstand, of how precious and how necessarie a thyng thei bee destitute. Beeyng asked in what pointe ye learned diffreed frō the vnlearned:What diffe∣rence there is betwene the learned & the vnlearned. in thesame pointe (saieth he) that horses well broken, dooe diffre frō the vnbroken.As n vnbro∣ken horse is vnapt to dooe any seruice, so thei that bee leed by affec∣cions, are vn∣meete for all coūpaignies & sortes of li∣uyng. As an horse not yet broken, is by reason of ignoraunce what he should dooe, and of skittishenesse, no∣thyng apte, but all vntoward for any vse or seruice to bee putte vnto: so he that is forceably rewled or violently leed with affeccions, that is to saye: with the cor∣rupt mocions and sodain pangues or passions of the mynde (whiche pan∣gues and affecciōs or passions, nothyng but onely phylosophie, maistreeth and subdueth) is vnapte and vnmeet for all coumpaignies and facions or sortes of liuyng. When he resorted on a tyme to a paramoures hous of his, he percei∣ued one of the young menne yt wer there presente, to blushe as read as fyer, as though it was a foule sha∣me for a phylosophir to sette his foote in to any hous where bawde∣rie wer kepte: to hym Aristippus tur∣ned, and saied: youngmanne, to en∣tre into suche a place as this, is no shame at al, but not to bee hable to go out again, in deede that is a foule shame. He mened that it is but a veniall and a pardonable mater, if a manne dooe moderately vse the coum∣paignie of women, not offendyng ye lawe Bt to bee a thyng woorthie no perdone or forgeuenesse, if one bee as a bondeser∣uaunt vnder the contynuall yoke of fyl∣thie pleasures of the bodye. This saiyng might in that worlde bee wel taken, whē no temporall lawe, nor ciuile ordynaūce did forbidde mēne to coumpaignie wt har¦lottes: but now besyde ye wyttynes of ma¦kyng a readye ecuse of his synne,That excuse of synne, that maye seeme to serue a Gen∣tile, maye not serue a Chri∣stian man. there is in it nothyng worthie laude or prayse. And it was the saiyng of a corrupte Gentile, to whom the lawe of God was no parte of his profession, and not of a Christian manne. To a certain persone that had propouned an harde reedle, & was veraye earnest to haue hym soyle thesame, he saied:Meryly spo∣ken. what thou foo∣lyshe feloe, wouldest thou haue me to looce that thyng, which euē bee∣yng fast bounden setteth vs all werke enough to dooe? He foūd a merye toye i the ambiguite, of ye word loocynge, for ye greke woorde, , and latin woorde, soluere, (whiche souneth in englyshe to looce, or to vnbynde) is indif¦ferente to soylyng a doubtefull questiō, and to loocyng a māne or a beast, that is fast bounden. And in deede it wer a foo∣lyshe pranke, to vnbynde & looce a madde manne, or a perillous beaste, whiche bee∣yng looced would dooe the more scathe and myschief. It was a saiyng of his, ye muche better it is to bee a begger,Better it is to bee a begger then a manne without lear∣nyng. then to bee a manne without learnyng, for that the one wanteth onely money, and the other lacketh all pointes to a manne belongyng. He s neuer¦thelesse a manne that hath no money, but he is no manne, that hath nomaner knowlage nor learnyng. And yet he tht wanteth money, beggeth of suche per∣sones as he meeteth witall, but he that lacketh wisedome,Such {per}sones a ack wse¦dom will not seeke it. is nothyng buisie in askyng any manne to haue it on hym. When he had many despiteou woordes geuen hym of a certain feloe, he wēt his wayes,istipp{us} bee∣yn ailled at wēt his waye and gaue not a woorde a∣gain to au∣swere. & aūswered not so much as one worde: but whē the railler, the faster that he wnt awaye came still ye faster after hym saiyng: why rennest thou awaye? Marie (saieth he) because thou hast power to speake railyng woordes, & I to choose whether I will heare theim or not.To geue l∣ce to a railler. He did whth a e∣raye curse tane, checke & reuke the shameles faiō of the feloe, whiche wher¦as hymself tooke vpō hym free libertee & autoritee to speake al that euer naught was, would not graunte to an other at lestwise so muche lbertee, as to cōueigh hymself out of presence, and to leaue he∣aryng eiuill. For this voice, why rennest thou awaye? was, as it had been of a manne laiyng to ones charge, and ma∣kyng a querele for some iniurie or shre∣wed turne dooen vnto hym. A certain persone of rancour, malice, & greate hatered speakyng against philosophiers the wurst woordes that he had in his bealyPhilosophi∣ers bauntē ye houses of ry∣che mnn, as physicians dooen ye hou∣ses of sicke folkes. emong other thynges saied also, yt he might espye and see theim euer∣more awaytyng, & as it wer laiyng siege at riche mennes gates. To whom Aristippus saied: And the phy∣sicians to, bee contynuall resorters to the houses of sicke folkes, & yet is there no manne yt would rather choose to bee the sickemanne, then to bee the physician.Sapience is diffined to bee y• knowelage of thynges {per}∣teining to god and m̄ne, or of thnges di¦uine & world∣ly, which thei that had ot∣ten wer called Sapientes, y• is mē of {per}fect knowelage, vertue, & ho∣nestee. For of right knowe∣lage cōsequēt¦ly ensueth ho¦nestee of life. He did fy∣nely and sutilly turne the checke to a contrarie purpose. The pilosophiers make muche preachyng of felicitee and perfecte blisse, whiche thei dooe wholly reserue & auouche to belong to a manne of perfecte spience onely, and to none other, and yet thei bee dayly and hourely conuersaunte in riche mennes houses, prollyng for somewhat at their handes, wherby the feloe gthered that the ryche menne are in a more blissefull state, then the philosophiers. But Aristippus inter∣preted & declared the philosophiers chief¦ly for this entente and purpose to bee cō∣tynuall resorters vnto richemenne be∣cause thesame beeyng through superflui∣tee or excesse, and through delicious plea¦sures more foolyshe,Riche menne are through excesse & deli∣cious pleasu∣res, more foo¦lyshe & more corrupte then any others. and more corrupte then any other liuyng creatures, had more neede of the preceptes and holsome lessons of sapience then any other perso∣nes. And a philosophier is the physician of myndes and solles diseased.A philosophi∣er is the phisi¦cian of myn∣des diseased. And to conclude more nere the state of blisse it is to bee the physician, then to bee the sicke manne: ergo &c. On a tyme when he was in a shippe sayllyng towardes the Citie of Corinthus, and a tempeste beeyng sodenly arysen, made theim eue∣rye mynnte of an houre to looke when the shippe should synke & bee drowned,Aristipp{us} bee∣yng in ieoper¦die of death feared & wea∣xed pale. Aristippus weaxed wanne of colour & pale as ashes for feare. One of ye passyngers a grosse carle & souldyarlike feloe, & one yt loued no philosophiers, espiyng and mar¦kyng thesame, as soone as the tem∣peste was laied again, begoonne proudely to cocke & crowe, saiyng: why dooe ye philosophiers, whiche are euer preachyng and teachyng that death is not to bee feared, yet neuerthelesse loke with pale faces by reason of feare in tyme of perill & ieoperdie, and we beeyng menne vnlearned are in no feare at all? Aristippus aūswered:A great diffe∣rēce bewene the solle of a phylosophier and of a ver∣lette. Marie because thou and I dooe carke & feare for a solle or life of vnegual valour. Aulus Gellius addeth this to it, I feare perishyng of the life of Aristippus, and thou fearest not leesyng the life of a knaue: whiche woordes yet for all that bee more full of galle,We feare not harme taking of thynges of small valour. then to bee conue∣niente for Aristippus, whose vrbanitee & merieconceipted woordes are not of so poynaunte a sorte. We feare not the har∣metakyng of thynges of veray small va∣lour, wherof cometh the latin prouerbe, Hydria in foribus. Hydria in foribus. A stene or a canne in the more, is a pro¦uerbe, by whi∣che Aristote∣les and other auncient wri∣ters, vsed to signifie a thyng so vile & of so small valoure y• no māne would attempte to purloyne or stele, or if any did, there wer no greate losse in it, forasmuche as an other of like sorte might bee euery where gotten for an halfe peny or lesse mo∣ney. And because it was a thyng of so small price, if an yearthen potte stoode in a bodyes doore, no theef or false knaue would stoope to take it vp, nor set his mynde to conueigh it awaye. But ouches & perles wt other like thynges, dooen such feloes stu∣die how to come by. As for a pitchaer euery bodye may without any feare of stealyng sette (if hym please) in the open strete. So writeth Plutarchus, that the bryers whiche by theim selfes wil catche and take holde on eche bodyes gowne, euery manne neg∣lecteth and passeth by, but vynes and oliues no manne but desy∣reth and wil seeke for. Seneca also in his epistles writeth in this maner. Many persones dooe passe by thynges that lyen open, but for thynges lyyng hidden in secrete corners, thei will make narrowe serche. Thynges curiously and suerly sealed, or faste locked vp, dooe saye to a theef, come steale me. It seemeth not woorthie takyng vp from the grounde, whatsoeuer lyeth abrode And thynges lyyng open a breaker of houses will not foyle his handes withall: but to breake into secrete corners, is sette all his mynde and desire. A stene or a canne in the doore. For this respecte Aristippus found a merie toye, that the other feloe chaunged not colour: not forthat he was of a better stomake & courage, or of more hardinesse in tyme of perill, but because forasmuche as he was a feloe of no price, but a villain and a rascall, and had a mynde or solle clere voide of all vertue, it should haue been a small losse or none at all, if he had turned vp his heles and perished. A manne of profoūde learnyng & highly endued with sapience, perisheth not, but to the sore losse & dāmage of the commenweale. Hydria in foribus. A stene or a canne in the more, is a pro¦uerbe, by whi∣che Aristote∣les and other auncient wri∣ters, vsed to signifie a thyng so vile & of so small valoure y• no māne would attempte to purloyne or stele, or if any did, there wer no greate losse in it, forasmuche as an other of like sorte might bee euery where gotten for an halfe peny or lesse mo∣ney. And because it was a thyng of so small price, if an yearthen potte stoode in a bodyes doore, no theef or false knaue would stoope to take it vp, nor set his mynde to conueigh it awaye. But ouches & perles wt other like thynges, dooen such feloes stu∣die how to come by. As for a pitchaer euery bodye may without any feare of stealyng sette (if hym please) in the open strete. So writeth Plutarchus, that the bryers whiche by theim selfes wil catche and take holde on eche bodyes gowne, euery manne neg∣lecteth and passeth by, but vynes and oliues no manne but desy∣reth and wil seeke for. Seneca also in his epistles writeth in this maner. Many persones dooe passe by thynges that lyen open, but for thynges lyyng hidden in secrete corners, thei will make narrowe serche. Thynges curiously and suerly sealed, or faste locked vp, dooe saye to a theef, come steale me. It seemeth not woorthie takyng vp from the grounde, whatsoeuer lyeth abrode And thynges lyyng open a breaker of houses will not foyle his handes withall: but to breake into secrete corners, is sette all his mynde and desire. To a certain persone makyng his vaunte, that he had veray good sight in soondrie facultees or disci∣plines, (as though he had learned, all that might bee learned,) Ari∣stippus saied: like as, not those per∣ones that eaten moste meate, and dooe by good digestion voide the∣same again, bee in better helthe of bodye, then suche as take that is sufficiēte and no more: euen so, not thei that haue had moste varietee of readyng,Uarietee of learnyng and readyng dy∣uerse bookes maketh not a learned man. but suche as haue read thynges profitable are to bee ac∣coumpted good studentes, & menne of learnyng. He gaue a vengeable checke to thoe persones, who with trou¦bleous or inordinte and vnmeasurable readyng porre thir throtes and bealies thrastyng full, and dooe not conueigh vnto the botome of the mynde or herte suche thynges as thei read to liue ther after, but dooe onely laye it vp & couche it in the memorie. by reason wherof in ye ende, thei bee neither any thyng encrea¦sed or ertered in cunnyng, nor yet any thyng emended or bettered in their liuyng. A certain oratour had in a courte of iustice made a plea in the defēse of Aristippus beeyng there personally arayned, & preuailled in the mater of trauerse. An when thesame oratour, as auauncyng his arte of rhetorike aboue philosophie, saied what good hath Socrates dooen the o Aristippus?Phylosophie is of more ex∣cellent digni∣tee then rhe∣torike. This profite haue I gotten by Socrates (saied he again) that the oracion, whiche thou hast made in my defense and commen∣dacion hath been true. The ora∣tour had defended hym as beeyng a right honest manne, and innocēte in the mater that was laied to his charge. And, that euer he was a manne of suche sorte, as he was by the oratour reported for, had been the acte of onely Socrates whose scholare he was in philosophie. It is no parte of an oratours playe, to make that a manne bee of perfecte honestee and ver¦tue, but that he maye appere to the iud∣ges to bee suche an one, although in ve∣ray deede he bee not so. Then a thyng of muche more excellēcie it is, that the philo¦sophier dooeth perfourme, then that the oratour can dooe. His doughter, beeyng named Areta,Areta the do∣ughter of A∣ristippus. he brought vp and enstructed with holsome doctrine & preceptes of vertue, accustomyng hir in all cases to refuse and renounce what soeuer passed the boundes of me∣diocritee.Measure is in al thynges a treasure. Because in euery thyng measure is chief, and principall, and in a woman it is a pointe of moste high ver∣tue to rewle the sensuall lustes and ap∣petites.The chief ver¦tue in a wo∣man. To a certain persone demaun∣dyng in what behalf his sonne should at length bee the better,What auaū∣tage children geattē by go∣yng to schole. if he should bestowe the labour and cost to sette hym to schoole: though nothyng els (said he) yet at lest wise at Maye games and open sightes there shall not one stone sette his taile vpon an other. In olde tyme the places,The faciō of stage plaies in olde tyme. where open sightes and shewes of games wher exhibited, wer made circlewise round about with set∣tles or benches of marble, staier wise one aboue an other, on whiche ye people sate and beheld the games and sightes.A {per}sone voide of learnyng & sufficient vt∣traunce, dif∣freth nothing from a stone. And a stone thei commēly called. Euen as we also dooe) a feloe yt had neither learnyng nor good vttreaunce of toungue. A certain manne was in hande with Aristippus, to take his sonne to schoole to hym, but when the phi∣losophier required in rewarde for his peines of teachynge, fiue hun∣dred drachmes (whiche was aboue the summe of eight poundes sterlyng.) The o∣ther partie beeynge clene discou∣raged with the greatnesse of the pryce, saied: for lesse money or bet∣ter cheape then so, myght I bye a bondeman, that should dooe me tall and hable seruice: But here now ({quod} Aristippus) thou shalt haue twain.The peines of teachyng is woorthie great wages. His menyng was, that with thesame summe of money whiche was to bee paied for one bondeman, he should purchace bothe a philosophier yt should stand hym in good steede, and also a sōne obediente to his father.Moste parte of mēne geue moore wages to their horse kepers, then to the good bryngers vp of their chil∣dren in lear∣nyng and ver¦tue. He did feactely checke the iudgemente of the commē peo¦ple, who in no behalf are greater haines and niggardes of their purse, then in pro¦uidyng to haue their children well and vertuously brought vp in learnyng and maners, and dooe bestowe more coste on kepyng or dressyng their horses, then on the good guydyng and ordreyng of their sonnes and doughters. Beeyng reproued for yt he was a taker of money of his frendes,Why Aristip¦pus tooke mo¦ney of riche folkes. he saied, yt he dyd not take any suche money to the entente and purpose, to conuerte it to his owne vse and commoditee, but that thei might learne vpon what thynges money ought to bee bestowed.The due and right vse of money. For the moste parte of riche folkes casteth away their money, either vpon horses, or on buisie and sumptuous buildynges, orels other ryottous wayes: wheras it ought to bee geuen in almes to good and honest menne, if thesame bee in neede. Yea and a manne maye an other waye also vnder∣stād & applye this saiyng. Aristippus id not spend any money, but on thinges for his liuyng necessarie,Aristipp{us} did not spend mo¦ney, but vpon thynges neces¦sarie. and therfore he tooke rewardes of richemen, to declare plainly vnto the same the right waye to applye it to good vses, and that could he not dooe, onelesse thei had found vnto his handes wherewithall to dooe it: as he that hath an earnest desire to learne the feacte of writyng, fyndeth and deli∣uereth papyre, penne & ynke to the partie that shall teache hym. To a feloe laiyng vnto hym in ye waye of reproche, that in a cause to his owne persone apperteinyng he had with money hyered ye helpe of an oratour to pleade for hym at the barre, he saied: why, that is not so greate a woondre, for when I would haue any supper dressed too, I hyer a cooke. The other parties mynde was, that it should appere ye ora∣tour to bee of more excellēcie or dignitee then ye philosophier,A philosophi∣er to bee of more excellen∣cie and digni∣tee, then an oratour. for this pointe, be∣cause ye philosophier gaue money to haue his helpe, & he turned it clene cōtrarie no¦tyfiyng hym to bee ye inferiour & of lesse dignitee, yt is hyered. For the office of an oratour, or a manne of lawe is of a more basse sorte, thē to become a philosophier. He was on a tyme bidden this & that to talke out of his bookes of philosophie. And when Dionysius woondreous earnestly and instaū∣tely required hym therūto, beeyng at that tyme veray eiuill willyng & loth to medle, he saied: It is a fond & a mad thyng, if ye desire me some what to saye in philosophie, and yet yourselfe will teache me & ap∣pointe when my moste oportunitee & occasiō is to speake. He mened that one of the chief pointes to a philo∣sophier belongyng, is euē this, to knowe what tymes it is moste meete to speake, and when not to speake.The philoso∣phier self, best knoweth whē to speake and when not. But he that ma∣keth requeste to heare any one thyng or other out of philosophie, declareth that he would learne philosophie of the phi∣losophier. On the other side again, he yt would constreigne a manne to speake whether he bee disposed or no, semleth & pretendeth to bee maister or superiour in learnyng to the philosophier self, in yt he taketh vpō hym to haue better knowe¦lage of the due and cōueniente tyme whē to speake, then the veray philosophier in¦dede. The kyng beeyng for this an∣swere of Aristippus in an high fume cōmaūded hym to sitte in ye lowest place of al, at the table. Aristippus in this case nothyng discōtēted, saied in this maner: Sir kyng it is your pleasure (I perceiue) to nobilitate this place & to make it honorable.Not the lowe place maketh the manne of lesse dignitee, but of ye wor¦thynesse of ye persone much honoure gro∣weth to the place. Signifiyng not ye place to make the mā of lesse dignitee, but of ye worthynes & honestee of the persone much honoure to redounde and growe vnto the place. A certain feloe standyng highly well in his own conceipte for his cunnyng in swymmyng, Aristippus could not abyde. And arte thou not ashamed, saieth he, with uche a saucy and presumpteous braggue to boste thyself of those thynges whiche been naturall propreties of the dolphin fishes?It is a folishe thyng for a māne to boste hymselfe of suche feactes as other thyn¦ges cā of their naturall pro∣pretee do bet∣ter then he. It had been more preatie and feacte, if he had saied, of frogues. It is comely for a manne to glorie and braggue of suche thynges, as bee naturall for a manne onely to dooe. And nothyng is more aggreable with ye nature of māne, then to excelle in reason, wisedome, and discretion. There is no manne so expert a swymmer, but that in this feacte & qualitee he is ferre passed & ouercomed of the dolphin fishes.The dolphin fishes haue a propretee to swymme aboue the water, and the are delited in the melodious armonye of all musicall instrumentes. They beare notable loue towardes manne, in so muche that diuerse of theim haue caried children about, & ouer the sea dayly of course & custome, as wee read in Cicero, in Plynius, in Aulus Gellius, & in other writers Beeyng asked in what thyng a manne of perfecte sapiēce diffreed from a man voide of all learnyng & knowelage. Send one of either sorte naked, saieth he, vnto menne vnknowen, and thou shalt see. He signified, that a manne indewed with sapience, carryeth aboute wt hym wherwith to cōmend hym self and to bee welcome vnto all maner persones in the worlde. If therefore ye should send a learned manne, and a persone vnlear∣ned, either of theim as naked as euer thei wer born, in to a straūge conntree, where neither of theim bothe haue any acqua∣intaunce:What diffe∣rence here is betwene a lear¦ned manne & a prsone vn∣learned. the sapiente manne vttreynge & shewyng forth ye treasures of his high knowelage and cunnynge, should anone fynd and geat bothe money and frendes, the other not hauyng a raggue to hang about hym, should bee skorned & laughed at, as a Iacke of bethleem, & should har∣dy escape to perishe and dye for hoūgre. To a feloe makyng his boste yt he could drynke muche, and yet not bee drunken:Boste of drin¦kyng, is vain what great wondre is it thou talkest of, saied Aristippus, sens that euery mule and horse dooeth thesame? A certain persone laied vnto the charge of Aristippus as a vice, that he kepte coumpaignie with a commē stroumpette. Whome he confuted with an induccion, suche as Socrates commenly vsed, in maner as folo∣eth: Goo to, tel me this, dooest thou thynke it to make any mater, whe∣ther a bodye take an hous, whiche many haue inhabited, orels an hous, whiche nomanne hath afore dwelled in? Whē he had saied that it made no mater: What saied Ari∣stippus, doeth it any thyng force whe∣ther one bee a passinger and dooe saill in a shippe that hath carryed a greate noūbre aforetymes, orels in a shippe yt hath carryed none? Whē he had saied naye to that also: what mater of force is it then, {quod} he, whe∣ther a manne haue to dooe with a womā, that hath bestowed hirselfe on many soondrie persones afore, orels vpon none at all. This sai∣yng also might bee (as a thyng meryly spoken) accepted emong theim, in whose opinion simple fornicacion was not re∣kened for a synne. When he was taken vp and re∣proched of a feloe, because that bee∣yng the disciple of Socrates, he was (contrarie to the vsage of Socrates) a taker of money for his teachyng of philosophie:Why Aristip¦pus was a ta¦ker of money for teachynge phylosophie, more thn So¦crates was. I dooe that ({quod} he) not without good cause why. For vnto my maister Socrates a greate noūbre of riche and welthie frēdes did send bothe wheate and wyne, of the whiche, his maner was to reserue a small porcion for his ne∣cessarie occupiynge, and the re∣sidue to sende backe again. In deede he hadde to his stewardes, the greateste gentlemenne of all the Atheniens, and I haue none other stewarde, but myne owne boundseruaunte Eutychides whom I boughte with my money.Eutychides ye seruaunte of Aristippus. He notified that he did sette euen as litle by money as did Socrates, but that Socrates had frēdes of more bountee. By this coloure might some persones excuse theimselfes euen now of dayes professyng outwardly in woordes exce∣dyng greate contempte of golde and sil¦uer, wheras thei haue right good store of money lyyng in the handes and custo∣die of their frendes,The excuse of some {per}sones that in woor∣des professen contempte of money, & yet haue money enough lyyng in store in the hādes of their frendes. that forenyers, they had bounteous stewardes and pro∣ctours for all their necessarie store of foode and viandrie, but that nowe thei should make full many an hungry mele, if thei had not a good summe of money in one place or other laied vp in store. The reporte goeth that Aristippus was a customer of one Lais a veray notable mysliuyng woman.Aristippus a customer of Lais the har∣lotte. Lais was a stroumpette dwellynge in Corinthe, vn¦to whō for hir excellent beau¦tie resorted many riche lo¦uers, out of al parties of the countree of Grece, but no man had his pleasur on hir except he gaue hir owne as∣kyng whiche was euermo∣re a greate For whiche mater wheras he had a ve∣raye eiuil name abrode emong all ye people, to a feloe obiectyng vnto hym yt beeyng a philosophier he was at the becke & cōmaundemēte of Lais. Naye marie ({quod} he) Lais is at my commaundemente, and not I at the commaundemente of Lais. Signifying that it was no mater of dishonestee, nowe and then to take plea∣sure: whiche at that season was thought lawefll, but to bee as a bondeman, and to bee wholly geuen therunto, woorthie to bee rekeed in the noumbre of thyn∣ges skamefull and abomynable. Aristippus a customer of Lais the har∣lotte. Lais was a stroumpette dwellynge in Corinthe, vn¦to whō for hir excellent beau¦tie resorted many riche lo¦uers, out of al parties of the countree of Grece, but no man had his pleasur on hir except he gaue hir owne as∣kyng whiche was euermo∣re a greate At an other season, to a feloe lai∣yng to his rebuke, that he was ouer deintie of his mouthe and dyete, he did with this reason geue a stop¦pyng oystre. Couldest not thyself {quod} he fynd in thy herte to buye of y• same kynd of meates or dishes yt I dooe if thou mightest haue theim for a dandypratte? And when he, yt would needes shewe hymself to bee a despiser of al delicates, had ther∣unto aunswered, yes: Then dooe not I, saied Aristippus, so earnestely mynde or tēdre sensualitee, as thou dooest auarice. For he would fain haue vsed as delicate fare as Aristippus, I it would haue come of free cost, or for a veray litle money.Man y• th con∣temp of de∣lt would fa of y• best f thi migt of f cos or for a litle mo∣ney. In thesame wise dooen certain nacions laye vnto the Ger¦mains quaffyng,The Germa∣in are noted of much dryn¦kyng and the Englshemen of muche ea∣tyng. & to the englishe menne gourmaundyng & eatyng while y• bealye will hold, wheras there bee no greter raueners or gluttons in the worle, then theimselfes, if at any tyme suche chaunce dooe fall, that thei maye of free cost eate nd drynke their fille.Couetousnes ofte tymes be guileth y• bea∣lye. Then more coue∣tous are those nacions, & not more tēpe∣rat or sobre of diete. Ueray muche like vnto this it is: that I shewed of the per∣trige afore, in the secoūde saiyng of this∣same Aristippus. The receiuer generall and trea∣sourer vnto Dionysis, named Simus,Simus y• re∣ceiuer general and treasou∣rer to Dioy∣sius. a Phrygian born, shewed vnto Aristip∣pus his mainour place, beeyng in euery corner veray neat and clene, yea euen the veraye floore couered & checkerwise set, throughout with square pauyng stones of greate price. Aristippus, when he had well looked about and vewed euery thynge, voided the spetle of his mouth euen full in the bearde of Si∣mus:Aristipp{us} se¦ted on the ei∣uill fauoured face of Sim{us} and to thesame Simus highly fu∣ming at the mater, he excused hym∣self by this colour, yt he could espye no place ne thyng in al the whole hous more meete to receiue the fil∣thye dreiuill or spattreyng of the mouth. Notyng thereby, hat in y• whole hous there was nothyng more lothsome to behold, or more vnclene, thē the face of that barbarous feloe,The face ought to bee the most clene of al the par∣tes of the bo∣dye. wheras that parte of a manne ought to bee moste clene of all. Albeit this saiyng is more like to bee of some Cynike, thē of Aristip∣pus, how so euer it is fathered on hym. Beeyng on a tyme delited with a notable sweete smelle, that was about a delicate feloe, thus he saied now a mischief on ye hertes of these naughtie & wretched mutton moun¦gres that haue brought suche a sin¦gulare good thyng as this, in slaū∣dre and infamie. Menyng, that a great noumbre of thynges of theim∣selfes good,Many good thynes be re¦ieed through the faulte of lewd prsons vsyng y• same naughtely. bee abandoned and reiected from honest mennes occupiyng, through the faulte of other lewde persones who putte the same thynges to eiuill vses. Beeyng asked the question, how Socrates ended his life:Aristipp{us} wi∣shed to dye no wurse thn Socrates had dooen. euen so as I woulde wishe to dooe, saieth he. Menyng that suche diyng is rather to ee wished for, thē any kynde of life in this transitorie worlde. Neither was it possible for hym in fewer woordes to de∣scribe a more blissed maner of diyng. The pith of y• saiyng consisteth in this pointe that the philosophier aūswered an other thyng, then the demaunder looked for. The one asked his question of the kynde of death,It forceth not what kynd of death we hau so we dye ver¦teously. that is, whether he had dyed of some sickenes, of a sweard, by poison, or by breakyng his necke by reasō of some fal frō an high place: the other thynkyng that mater to bee of small force, aunswe∣red that he had made a blissed,Socrates made a blis∣sed ende. a perfecte, and ertuous ende. Poliaenus ye sophiste beeyng entreed into the hous of Aristippus,Polyaenus a Sophiste. when he espyed there, women gorgeously apparelled, & a feast of high proui∣sion and furniture, begonne to re∣proue suche greate excesse in a phi∣losophier. Aristippus makyng as though he had not marked that chyyng, within a whyle said vnto hym: maye ye fynd in your herte to take peines at dyner here with vs for this ones? when the other had aunswered that he could bee con∣tented so to dooe with all his herte:Many y• re∣proue dentye fare & delica∣tes, can well fynd in their hertes to take parte of the same. why fynd ye faulte at it then, {quod} he? for ye seeme not to reproue ye table for the dentie fare, but for the cost For if the feaste had for this pointe mysliked hym, that it was ouer delicate, he would haue refused to bee one of the geastes.To allow the fare, & to bee offended with the cost of the same, argueth not a man so∣bre of diete, but lothe to spend money And as for the ordeinaunce to al∣lowe, and with the charges of thesame to bee offended or discontented, semeth to bee a pointe, not of one that abhorreth excesse of meate and drynke, but of a nig∣garde, & of one that is lothe to spend any money. It is vneth beleueable that Biō reporteth of hym,Aristippus a despyser of golde and sil∣uer. whē his seruaūte bearyng money of his, as he tra∣uailled in a iourney, was ouerchar∣ged with the heauie burden of the∣same, he saied: cast awaye the ouer∣plus, and carrye that thou mayest with thyn ease. Trauaillyng by sea on a certain tyme, after that he had due know∣lage that ye shippe belonged to py∣rates & rouers on the sea, he laied abrode his golde,Aristipp{us} caste his golde into the sea. and begoonne to tell it, & anon after soodainly leat it fall ouer boorde into the sea for the nons, & then gaue a great sigh, sembleyng that it had fallen out of his hande vnawres, and muche against his wille. By this ingen or sube deuise e found meanes to saue his own life, when the mater and occasiō why to kill hym or to trye maisteries wt hym for his money was ones takē awaye from ye pirates. Some writers there bee, that reporten hym to haue spoken these woordes also.Better y• mo∣ney bee caste awaye by a manne, then a manne to bee cast away fo moneys sake. Better it is that all this geare bee cast awaye by Aristip∣pus, then Aristippus to perishe and to bee cast awaye for this geares sake. Unto Dionysius demaūdyng why Aristippus was come into Sicilie for¦sakyng Socrates,Why Aristip¦pus left So∣crates & went into Sicilie. he aūswered: Ma∣rie to ye ende that of suche thynges as I haue, I maye geue you parte, & of suche thynges as I haue not, to take parte with you. There been that reporten hym in this wise to haue aunswered. When I wanted sapience I resorted vnto Socrates, & now because I want money, I am come to your grace. Aristippus vnto Plato chydyng with hym for yt he had bought a greate deale of fishe for one dyner,Aristipp{us} chid¦den of Plato for biyng di∣uerse cates at ones, what he aūswered. he aun∣swered, that he had bought it all for an halfpenie. And when Plato had thus saied: of that price euen I myself could haue foūd in my herte to haue bought it: ye see then o Plato, {quod} Aristippus,Plato loued money, better then Aristip∣pus loued good fare. In the .ii. in ye vii. and in ye xxxii. saiyn∣ges of Aristip¦pus. that, not I am gredie to to haue plentee and varietee of son¦drie cates, but yourself to beare greate loue to money. Cetain saiynges muche like vnto this been a fore recited. Plato loued money, better then Aristip∣pus loued good fare. In the .ii. in ye vii. and in ye xxxii. saiyn∣ges of Aristip¦pus. Thesame manne in the citie of Aegina, was a good∣lye cytee ad∣iacente vnto Pelopōnesus not ferre frō the hauens mouth, called Pyraeus, & it stode euen di∣rectly against the coūtree of Attica, & ther∣fore was of a certain Athe∣niens called Lippitudo At¦ticae. yt is the bleryng of At¦tica. For the goodlynes of Aegina dyd muche dis∣grace ye beau∣tie of Attica, and did, as ye woulde saye: drowne it. Some geue ye name of Ae∣gina to the whole Isle. Aegina at the solemne feastes of Neptunus Iuppiter and Pluto, were three brethren and soonnes of Saturnus gotten vpon Ops the sister and wife of thesame Saturnus. They so diuided the regions, that Iuppiter should haue vnder his dominion, the high countrees, Pluto the lower countrees, and Neptunus the Isles and the seaes. Wherof the poetes haue feigned Iuppiter to bee the God of heauen, Pluto of helle, and Neptune of the waters. In honoure of Neptunus were yerely celebrate in the Isle or towne of Aegina, certain solemnitees, whiche wer called Neptunalia, of Neptunus his name, and by another name Sa∣latia of Salum, the sea.Neptunus, had to dooe with Phryne was an harlotte of exccellente beautie, but so commen that she refused none, whatsoeuer he were: and (as occasion ser∣ed for hir mercate) she customably resorted to all places, where ny solēnitee of sacres or martes, or any other occasion of great haunte and resorte was. Albeeit hir moste dwellyng was in the citee of Athenes. She is muche mencioned, not onely in the poe∣tes and historiographiers, but also in sondrie places of this pre∣sent wrke. Phryne a mysliuyng woman there. And when a feloe had cast hym in ye nose yt he gaue so large money to suche a naughtie drabbe, who sticked not to leat beggerie Diogenes the Cynike to haue parte of hir bodie: Aristip∣pus in this maner aunswered: I geue hir money and many other gaye good thynges, to haue my pleasure on hir for myn own parte, and not to thentēte, that nomanne els should. This is left in writyng of ye said Phryne, yt although she was a passyng fair womā, yet was she as cōmen as the carte waye, on who soeuer came, without preferryng or choyce of this manne, or that manne, whether thei wer riche, or poore, shewyng ir self disdain¦full and coye to wardes no persone, come who would. To this had ye poete Hora∣tius respecte in thus saiyng. Aegina, was a good∣lye cytee ad∣iacente vnto Pelopōnesus not ferre frō the hauens mouth, called Pyraeus, & it stode euen di∣rectly against the coūtree of Attica, & ther∣fore was of a certain Athe∣niens called Lippitudo At¦ticae. yt is the bleryng of At¦tica. For the goodlynes of Aegina dyd muche dis∣grace ye beau∣tie of Attica, and did, as ye woulde saye: drowne it. Some geue ye name of Ae∣gina to the whole Isle. Diogenes in this maner rebuked Aristippus for hauyng to dooe with Phryne:Aristippus re∣buked of Dio¦genes, for ke∣pynge coum∣paignie with Phryne the harlotte o Aristippus, thou arte a great medleer with this woman, beeyng a stewed stroumpette, and therfore either playe the doggue as I dooe, or els leaue suche facions, as thou dooest vse. Aristippus by inducciō in this wise shifted him of. Diogenes see¦meth it vnto the a thyng to bee ab∣horred, that a man should dwell in an hous, which others aforetymes haue inhabited? when he had saied no: what (saieth Aristippus) is it sha∣me to saill in a shippe, that hath a∣foretymes carryed a greate noum∣bre moo? when that also he had de∣nyed to stand against reason: why then dooest thou suppose it to bee vnreasonable, {quod} he, to ioyne with a woman, of whom a greate noum∣bre of persones haue tofore had their pleasure This is aboue men∣cioned, sauyng that Athenaeus dooeth in this maner and fourme tell the tale.Afore in the xxii. saiyng. Athenaeus, a greke histori∣ographier. Afore in the xxii. saiyng. Athenaeus, a greke histori∣ographier. When he had lost a woondre full pleasaunt Mainour place with all the appurtenaunces, vnto a certain persone earnestly lamentyng the∣same his pietous chaunce, he saied:Aristippus a man of good possessions landes. what, dooest thou not knowe well enough, yu haste but one litle poore hous with a small piece of lande to it, and that I haue yet three whole lordshippes leafte? when the other partie had theretoo graunted, he saied: why dooe we not then rather lamente thy case? Menyng yt it had been an vnwise parte of hym rather to take sorowe for yt that he had lost,When a man hath lost any parte of his substaūce, he shoulde take coumforte of that, that is leafte. thē ioye & coumforte of that that was leafte. To one that by the waye of op∣posyng hym asked this question, art thou euery where? I leese no freite money then, {quod} he, or I spend no freite money in waste if I bee in euery place. Aristippus wt a mock alone wiped awaye the sophistical que∣stion, whether one & thesame bodye maye at one tyme bee in diuerse or soundrie places at ones.Whether one and thesame bodye may be in sondrie pla¦ces at ones. When he aunswered, that so beeyng, there was no perill of leesyng his freite money or of spendyng freite money in waste. For he leeseth his freite money, who, when he hath paied his mo∣ney, is not carryed thither as his desire is It maye, by leauyng out the negaciō, bee taken in this sese also. Then haue I in my dayes lost some freite money, or then haue I spent in waste and haue lost muche good money geuen hereto fore for freite or ote hyere. As though he should haue saied: if one bo∣dye maye bee in moo places then one at ones I haue many a tyme in my dayes paied money in vain, and haue like a foole spent money in waste, to bee carryed ouer sea in a shippe from one place to an other, forasmuche as I was there alreadie before I came. The menyng and sense of the woordes of Ari¦tippus in so saiyng, (as I vnder the correccion of Erasmus take it was: I leese no freite money thē &c. I caste waye no freite money then &c. that is, I spend no freite money then &c. For he leseth his money that spendeth, when he hath nomaner neede nor occasion to spend it. And he that is al∣readye in euery place where he would bee, nedeth not to spende money to bee carryed thither. As if he should haue saied to the feloe: If one bodye maye bee in all places at ones, thou mayest bee as∣sured, I would not bee so madde as to geue freite money, when I wer disposed to take shippyng & to go ouersea from one place to an other. Beeyng confounded and made blanke in a disputaciō of a certain feloe yt was sauce & presumpteous,Aristipp{us} was nothyng gre∣ued to take a blanke in di∣sputacion. but thesame a furious rageyng fe∣loe, of no more wite then a beaste: whē he sawe hym hoppe & fette his gambaudes for ioye, and swellyng in pride by reason of that victorie. In dede, {quod} he, I goo awaye con∣founded, but yet like to sleepe this night more sweetely and soundely,Unwrathful∣ly spoken. then thyself, that hast putte me to this blanke. Helicon of the toune of Cyzicus or Cyzicum, an Isle in Propontis, hauyng a waye to the main lande by two bridges, & hauynge also a cytie of the same name, with walles, castelles and toures of marble stone as fair & goodly as myght bee, & in largenesse, coūpace & amplitude hable to compare with the chief citees in all Asia. It was so na∣med, by one Cyzicus sometyme kyng there, whome Iason vn∣awares slewe. It was also a citee of greate power, and indiffe∣rently sette, either for peace or warre. Cysicus a philosophier in Plato his tyme had prognosticate ye eclipse of ye soonne:Helicon Cyzi∣cenus a philo¦sophier of A∣thenes excel∣lyng in all the mathematical sciencies, in thesame tyme when Plato was. who, after that it had chaunced ac∣cordyng to his prognostication, had of Dionysius a talente of siluer in rewarde. Then saied Aristippus to ye reste of the philosophiers: I also haue a right woondreous thyng yt I could prophecie. Thei hartely desiryng hym thesame to vttre: I prophecie ({quod} he) that Plato and Dio∣nysius wil ere many dayes to an ende breake a strawe betwene theim.Dionysi{us} of∣fended wyth Plato, longe ere he would shewe it out∣wardly. For he had alreadie perceiued ye kyng now a good while to keepe his mynde se∣crete, and to dissemble his angre and dis¦pleasure conceiued against Plato.A talente of siluer, the frenche enterpreter folowyng Budaus dooeth translate, sixe hundred crounes, whiche after the rate of fowerteen groes the croune, ammounteth to the summe of one hundred and fourtie poundes of our currant money. He saied, this in the maners and facions of menne to bee the wurst thyng that was possible to bee,Frēdes ought to bee tryed ere thei bee re∣ceiued into fa¦myliarites. that in publique sales thei dooe nar∣rowely serche pottes and pannes ere thei wil bye theim, and wil not serche and examyn the life of suche persones as thei matche to theim∣selfes in frendship, and entiere fa∣miliaritee. And yet a muche higher vtilitee and profit redoundeth to a māne of feithfull frēdes, then of pottes or pan∣nes: and a muche greater losse and disa∣uanntage excepte he choose of the right sorte,A great disa∣uaūage yf a manne choose not his fren∣des o the best sorte. suche as should bee. When Dionysius at a bāquette had cōmannded that all the coumpai∣gnie should addresse theimselfes to maske etche man in purple. And purple in those dayes was for the wea∣ryng of none but kynges & princes,Purple in old tyme was for the wearynge of none, but kynges and princes. wher now it is cōmunely taken vp with euery sowter & cobler. Plato refused to dooe it,Plato refu∣sed to daunce in purple at ye request of Di¦onysius. recityng for his purpose these mere verses out of some tragedie. To bee dis∣guised in wo∣mannes clo∣thyng, is vn∣fitte for a mā. . My herte abhorreth, that I should so In a womannes kirtle, myself disguyse, Beeyng a manne, and begotten to Of a mannes prosapie, in manly wise. But Aristippus made no courtesie at the mater,Aristippp{us} re∣fused not to daūce in pur∣ple at the bid∣dyng of Dio¦nysius. but beeyng dressed in purple, and readie to goo to daun∣cyng, he pronounced these verses without any studie soodainly. As he was makyng suite and in∣tercession on a tyme to Dionisius in the behalfe and fauour of a frende of his, & the kyng would not heare his suite and peticion, Aristippus fal∣lyng down flatte on the grounde before hym, begoonne to embrace and kisse the kynges feete, and by yt meanes at last obteined his pur∣pose & requeste. And when certain persones reproued thesame facte of his, as more vile & more hūble then was comly for a philosophier I am not in ye blame, {quod} he, but Dionisius,Wittyly spo∣ken. Dionysi{us} had his eares in his feete. whiche hath his eares standyng in his feete.Aristippus a man of a pas∣synge readye witte, aswell to dooe as to excuse any thyng. A witte like prōpte & rea∣dye at all assayes, aswell to dooe, as also to excuse any thyng whatsoeuer it wer. Wittyly spo∣ken. Dionysi{us} had his eares in his feete. In the countree of Asia he was attached by Artaphernes the high ca∣pitain, or leuetenaūt general there, vnder ye kyng of the Persians.Artaphernes leuetenaūt ge¦nerall in Asia vnder y• kyng of the Persi∣ans. And at thesame present season, whē one de∣maūded of hym, whether euē there also his old accustomed stoutenesse of herte failled him no more then it had been wont to do.Aristippus a∣rested in Asia by Artapher∣nes. Folyshe dawe {quod} he, as though I haue at any time in al my life beē, of a better courage or stomake,Aristip. stood in drede of no māne lyuyng. then euē at this present houre, yt I must speke to Artaphernes. Uerayly this thynge by the benefite of philosophie was roted in hym, that he stood in drede of no manne liuynge, but would bee frāke and free with euerie per¦sone to saye his mynde. Those persones, who beeyng furnished with the liberall studies of humanitee and of the toungues, did slouthfully neglecte the studie of philosophie morall,Suche as bee¦yng furnished with other di¦sciplines, do neglect moral phylosophie, are lyke the woers of Pe¦nelope. he likened to the wooers of Penelope the doughter not of Icar{us}, but of Icari∣us, & the wife of Ulysses: who durynge the absence of hir housband tenne yeares, byng awaye at the battaill of Troie, and other tēne ye∣rs wandre∣ynge o the eats, ere he coulde gatte home into his coūtre of I∣thara, kepte hirself chaste and true wife vnto thesame Ulysses. And where she had moste ymportune, and thesame contynuall suite made vnto hir, by many ioyly ruflleyng wooers, to haue hir in mariage, she droue theim of all by this colour, that she had loue of lynē cloth in weauyng, whiche beeyng ones finyshed she would geue vnto hir wooers a determynate and a fynall aū∣swere. Then vsed she this policie, to vnweaue in the night as muche werke, as she had made vp in the daye before. By reason wherof diuerse of the gentlemenne that wooed hir, beeyng with their long suite weryed and tyered, fell in hande to haue wanton conuersacion with Melanthon & Polydora hir handmaydens, as vttrely despairyng that euer thei should achiue to the obtei∣nyng of Penelope hirselfe. Penelope. For tei entreed loue with Melāthon & with Polydora beeyng hir handmaidens, and conceiued hope sooner to obtein all the worlde besides, then mariage of the ladie hir self. His menyng was, that y• liberal sciencies been, as it wer, the handmaidēs of morall philosophie, whiche morall philosophie is with the frst of all to bee putte in vre, and for whose respecte and cause all the other disciplines For moral philosophie was to theim, that diuinitee and holy scriptures are to vs Christian menne.are le∣arned. A muche like thyng Aristo This Aristo was a philosophier, and was called in maner as by a surname, Scepticus, because he was altogether occupied in consideryng & serchyng the state of humain thynges. He was borne in the Isle of Coos, albeit some saye he was Chius, and was scholare (as some writers saien) to zeno, the first autour & brynger vp of the Stoikes secte, after some writers, he was a Peripatetike, that is, of Aristoteles his secte. But as cōcernyng philosophie, aswell morall as naturall, his determinacions and doctrine is of al the aunciente good writers reproued and vtter∣ly condemned as naught. For by his opinion all thynges are in differente, & no diuersitee betwene beeyng in perfecte good health and in extreme sickenes, and so of other thynges. Wherfore his doctrine was disallowed of all menne, as testifieth Cicero in the proheme of the offices and in his werke, d finibs bonorum et malorum. Ther was also another Aristo her vnto Plato. also is reported to haue saied of Ulysses, who when he was descended to hell the said Aristo aftermeth that he talked familia∣rely with all the other solles there for the moste parte, sauyng that he could not so muche as ones come to the sight of the queene hirself. To one demaūdyng what thyn∣ges wer moste requisite & necessarie to bee learned of young folkes,What thyn∣ges are moste requisite to bee learned of young folkes. he saied: thesame yt maye dooe theim best seruice when thei shalbee at ye ful mannes state. This saiyng is ascribed to others also besides Aristip∣pus. The principall best thynges are euē at y• first begynnyng to bee learned,The princi∣pal best thyn∣ges, are euen with the first to bee learned. nei∣ther the tendre and vnbroken youngth, whiche is of it self moste apte to learne,Younge age moste apte to learne. is to bee forepossessed with thynges su∣perfluous. After that Aristippus had gathered together greate gooddes and sub∣staunce of money,Aristipp{us} ga∣thered toge∣ther much ri∣chesse. and Socrates ha∣uyng conceiued greate meruaill therof, saied: howe hast yu come by so much richesse? howe haue ye co∣me by so litle, {quod} he again? For he tought it a thyng no lesse wohie admiracion, that Socrates beeyng pi∣losophier of so greate estimacion, ha∣uyng suche greate frendes, should bee poore, thē that hymself should bee riche. To a certain commen woman saiyng: I am with childe by you Aristippus:Wittyly and eatly spoken that can ye not for a uer∣tie knowe ({quod} he again) any more then gooyng on thornes standyng as thicke as is possible one by an other, ye maye truly auouche this thorne it is, that hath pricked me. A certain persone openly bla∣myng hym, yt he did in suche wyse exile, cast of, and leat renne at all auentures his soonne,Aristipp{us} cast of his sonne, and leat hym renne at ro∣ners. as if the∣same had neuer been begotten by hym, he saied: dooe we not cast a∣waye from vs, as ferre as wee can, bothe flegme and spettle, & also lyce, with other vermyn bredyng of our owne bodyes, as thynges. serung to no good vse ne purpose? He mened theim not woorthie to bee accoumpted for a mannes soonnes,Menne maye iustely refuse those sonnes, in whiche is no grace at al. that had noothyng els wherwith to shewe theimselfs woorthie the fauour of their parētes, but onely that thei wer of theim begotten and brought into this worlde. So the olde manne in the comedie saieth. When Dionysius had geuen in re∣warde, vnto Aristippus money, & vnto Plato bookes, Aristippus beeyng chec∣ked of a certain persone, as one whose mynde was more on his half¦penie, then Plato had sette his:Dionysius gaue in re∣ward, to Ari¦stipus mo∣ney, & to Pla¦to bookes. what mater maketh that, {quod} he, I had neede of money, & Plato of bookes. Menyng, that neither of theim bothe was blame worthie to take ye thyng whi∣che might best serue his purpose: for of a likelyhood Dionysius had put either of theim to the choise, whether thei would haue money, or bookes. Beeyng asked for what cause Dio¦nysius did in such wise cal hym foole and all to naught,Dionysius would cal Aristippus foole, & all to naught. for the veaye same cause ({quod} he) that other folkes dooen. Menyng the plaine & franke speakyng of a philosophier to bee oum∣breous and hatefull to all persones,The playne speakyng of a philosophi∣er, no m̄ can well allow. and therefore no meruaill to ee, if the kyng might iuill abyde it: all vndre one toge∣ther intimatyng the kynges iudgemente nothyng to difre from the iudgemente of the grosse multitude, forthat fortune dooeth not conferre the endewemente or gifte of saience.Sapience is not geuen by fortune. He asked of Dionysius at a tyme by the waye of peticion a talente. And when the kyng hauyng gottē an occasion to cōfound hym by his owne woordes, & to cast hym in his owne turne, saied: diddest not thou openly afferm, and saye that a phi¦losophier is neuer in penurie of ex∣treme neede?A philosophi∣er is neuer in extreme penu∣rie. well, geue me the ta∣lente ({quod} he) & then wee shall after∣ward reason of that mater, when he had receiued ye money: And was it not well and truely saied of me, {quod} he, that a philosophier is neuer in exemitee of neede? That per∣sone is not in extreme penurie,He is not in penurie, who at al tymes of neede is assu∣red where to haue enough. who at all tymes of neede is assured where to re∣ceiue, and to haue enough. Unto Dionysius recityng out of a tragedie of Sophocles, these twoo litle verses. . Whoso a Tyrannes courte, dooeth haunt. There to bee a continuall deller, Is unto thesame, a bondeseruante. Though he wer no bond mā, ere he came ther: Aristippus aūswered onely a syllable or twaine of the later verse corre∣cted in this maner. A free mynde is euerywhe free. Is not to thesame a bondeseruaunte. If he wer no bondeman, ere he came there. Signifiyng none to bee free and out of bondage in deede, excepte whose eraye mynde & herte, philosophie hath deliuered discharged & made free bothe from hope & feare, for to bee a free manne outright, it is not enough, to haue been born in freedom,True libertee perteineth to ye mynde more then to birth. or out of seruitude & bondage. Some writers ascriben this saiyng vnto Plato. When betwene Aristippus & Aschi∣nes,A breache of loue betwene Aristippus & Aeschines. had befallen a litle distaunce & breache of loue, and a certain feloe had saied, where is now that your greate high frendship become? It slepeth, {quod} he, but I shal awaken it and raise it vp again. Herupon Aristippus by reason of this seasonable,A small vari∣aunce dooeth commenly, by reason of si∣lēce growe to a scabbe of o∣pen mitee. or oportune d plain speakyng of the said feloe, wi a tryce ended all ye strife and made all well again. To thentente that the sore might not by reason of silēce growe to an open scabbe, (as moste cōmenly it dooeth) he of his owne voluntarie wille came vnto Aeschines, and saied in this maner: Shall not wee twoo, euen now out of hande bee at one again as good frendes as euer wee wer, and ceasse thus to playe ye children? orels shall wee rather tarye vntil we shall mi∣nistre to iestyng knaues mater to prate and iangle of vs twain on ye ale benche? To whom when Aeschi∣nes had made aūswer, that he would wt all his herte bee reconciled & full agreed. Then, yet remembre, ({quod} Ari∣stippus,Aristipp{us} bee∣yng the elder manne, offre∣ed first to bee agreed with Aeschines.) that I beeyng the elder and the more aunciente persone of the twain, haue come and sought on ye first. Then said Aeschines: of a veray truthe thou art a greate dele more perfecte honest manne then I am, for of me begoonne all this our fal¦lyng out, and of the to haue a per∣fecte atonemente. By this meanes thei wer reconciled of newe, and as good loue and frēdship betwene theim as euer there had been tofore. At a certain season saillyng in ye coumpaignie of three or fower of his own countreemenne or neigh∣bours, he was cast on lāde by ship∣pewracke.Aristipp{us} sail∣lyng to Rho∣dus, was cast on lande by shipwracke. And when he had on the sandes espyed the priente of ma∣thematicall figures of geometrie drawen in ye sande: All is well mai∣sters, {quod} he, I haue espyed the step∣pes and signes of menne. And beeyng entreed the citee there nexte by, he neuer leafte serchyng vntill he found out what prsones wer there studious of disciplines:Aristippus af¦ter mette w learned in a coū∣ was high¦ ll entre∣d both he ll his coū∣paignie for his sake. and after that he was ones mette with thesame, thei did with all hu∣manitee possible entretein not onely hym for his own persone, but also the others that came with hym, yea and besydes y•, gue theim money enough in their pur∣ses for their costes & charges, vntil thei should returne thither again in their waye homeward. After certain dayes when the others that had come at the first wt Aristippus addressed theim selfes to returne into their countree & asked of hym, whether he would any message to bee dooen at home to his neighbours & countremēne, he saied: Nothyng but that thei ap¦plye theimselfes to acquire & pur∣chace such maner rychesse,True and ve∣ rches of the mynde. as maye not perishe & bee lost by shipwracke but maye geat to lande with their owner. The self same mater dooeth Uitruius reporte in ye sixth volume of Carpētrie or deuisyng, Uitruui{us} wri¦teth in Latin volumes of carpentrie, or deuisyng of buildynges. saiyng more ouer that Aristippus at that season came to the citee of Rhodus. When Socratesspake fore against suche persones as wer perfumed wt sweete sauours, & Charondas, or (as some writers holdē opinion) Phaedon demaunded what feloe it was, so perfumed with sweete oyles and sa¦uours, Aristippus saied, euen I it is miserable and wretched creature yt I am, and a more miser then I, the kyng of the persians. But marke, saieth he, that lyke as he is in this behalf nothyng superiour to any other liuyng creature, so is he not a iote better then any other manne. His menyng was,A man by e∣ternall good∣des, is not made better. that manne by e∣ternal or outwarde gooddes is made not a whitte the better. Bothe an horse all be smered wt oyle of baulme or spyke, should haue the self same sauour, that should a kyng: and a sely poore egger beeyng anoynted or perfumed with ye lyke kynde of oyle or sauour, smelleth euen as well as dooeth y• highest prelate of theim all. THe ordre (as I suppose) shall appere to hang veray well together, if nexte af∣ter the holynesse of Socra∣tes, by saiynges of mirth vttreed, and after y• merie plainnesse of Aristippus, wee make men∣cion & rehersall of Diogenes was scholar vnto Antisthenes. And thei twoo wer the irst and principall autours of the secte of the Cynikes, and therfore was he called Cynicus. Whose life doeth Diogenes Lartius write and largely prosecute. Diogenes of Sinopa, o, long) was a citee in Pontus orels veraye nigh to it. Buided by the Milesians, a florent citee, and of great power, in whiche wer many goodly houses and mansiō places of royall buildyng, with schooles, mercate steedes, walkyng places and gorgeous temples. And in this citee wer borne Timotheus Pa∣trion, Diphilus a writer of comedies, and Diogenes Cynicus, who was therof called Sinopensis or Sinopaus. Si∣nope, who in allmanerfolde grace of his saiynges, ferre passed & excelled y• others. howbeeit, all these three philosophiers though in deede for vnlike & in maner cō∣trarie qualitees, yet neuerthelesse dooe I iudge one euē as highly as an other to be estemed & had in honour: so y• although thei wer of veraye vnlike facions, yet maye ye well saye that thei were in de∣gree, feloes like one with an other First of all hauyng departed out of his owne coūtree, & placed hym∣self in Athenes, he resorted to the phi∣losophier Antisthenes,Diogenes would needes bee schoolare vnto Antisthe¦nes. to bee his di∣sciple: by whom although he was ofte tymes putte backe and shifted of (for Antisthenes would take no scholares) yet would he not ceasse stil to bee an hanger on about hym:Antisthenes would haue no schola∣res. in so muche that when Antisthenes on a tyme offreed to geue hym a strype with a staffe, he willyngly putte out his hedde vnder the staffe, sai∣yng: Stryke if thou bee so dispo∣sed, yet shalt thou not fynd any staffe so harde, wherewith to beate me awaye from ye, as long as thou shalt speake that maye concerne maters of learnyng. A notable exaumple of sapience with whole herte & mynde feruently desired and zeled.Diogenes had a woondrefull loe and zele to sapience. Whē he by chaūce sawe a mous rennyng and whippyng about frō place to place in a certain greene with in ye citee of Athenes called Me∣garicū, whiche mous neither sought any hole, nor was afeard with the stieryng of folkes, nor had any lust to eate meate: A ioyly gaye exaum∣ple of libertee, saied Diogenes. And euen forthwithall, renouncyng and for∣sakyng the worlde, he begoonne to take vp his dwellyng in a tubbe.Wherof Dio¦genes toke oc¦casin to take vp his dwel place in a . To menne woondreyng that he had neuer a litle house or corner of his owne,, where he might quietly ate his meate:Why Dioge¦nes had no house of his owne to ae & ynke in he shewed with pointyng of his fynger the galerie or walkyng place that was called ouis porticus, and saied, that the peo∣ple of Athenes had builded to his vse a royall mansion place where to dyne and suppe,Iouis portie{us} Iuppit his galerie Iuppiter his walke, a plce in Athe∣nes and to take his repaste. The thyng that was pub∣lique, he enterpreted to bee made and or∣deined for hym also particularely.A thyng pub∣liqe is for ye vse o euery prti¦clare {per}sone also seuerally Nei∣ther could he wishe or desire a fresher or a more galaunte parloure to eate in. The schoole of Euclides, (for that thesame Euclides seemed to teache in deede wittie conclusions,Euclides was in ye later day¦es of Plato who wrote muche of con∣clusiōs in geo¦metrie, which wrke wee haue yet in greeke and lati. but yet nothyng to ye furtheraūce or helpe of vertuous liuyng,) he called not , a schoole as ye vsuall woorde was in deede, but by a nicke name , whiche souneth in englyshe cholere, angre & trouble,Diogenes nic¦kenamed the scholes of Eu¦clides, and of Plato. contrarie to y• significaciō of ye right woorde , whiche souneth quiete vaca∣cion. Sembleably, the scholastical exercitacion and cōferryng of Plato called in greeke ,, , , Diogenes by deprauyng and corruptyng the woorde called ,, yt is, mys∣pendyng of muche good labour & tyme, because that Plato beeyng se∣questred & exempted from the prac∣tike liuyng emong menne abrode in ye worlde, did spend all his dayes & tyme in disputaciōs of woordes, wher as Diogenes liuyng emonges ye thickest of the worlde abrode, had more mynde and affection to liue philosophically,Diogenes set his mde more to liue after phylosophie, then to di∣spute therof. that is, accordyng to perfecte vertue, then onely in woordes to dispute & reason therof. , , , The games called Dionysiaca, whiche wer with greate charges & muche pompe celebrated & holden at the citie of Athenes in the honour of Bacchus after the fei∣gnyng of the potes was uppiter his e, bego∣n vpon Se∣mele the doughter of Cadmus, who beeyng slain with lighte∣nyng, Iuppiter tooke the childe, and sowed it within his thighe and so kepte it, vntill it was of maturitee to bee born, and then was he borne out of the thighe of Iuppiter. He is called the God of wyne, because he first found out the vse of wyne, he is called in greke , and therof is deriued Dionysia. And of Dio∣nys is denominated Dionysiaca certamina, whiche the Latin mnne callen of Bacchus Bacchanalia, the rites of Bacchus, whiche in the moste parte of the citees of Grece wer kepte euery third yeare. Bacchus, he called the greate woondrementes and gazynges of fooles. For that in thesame was nothyng dooen, but all to gether foolyshe and worthie skorne. The oratours & aduocates (who wer had in high price and estima∣cion in Athenes,) he called the cōmen droudges & pages of euery Iacke and Iille, for that thei wer of force cōstreigned to speake all that euer thei didde, to please menne, & euen like bonde slaues to flatre ye beastly foolyshe rable of ye people. And the assemblees of ye people swarmyng about thesame oratours, he called the pymples or litle wheales of glorie.Frequente as¦semblees of y• people gathe∣ryng about y• oratours been y• pymples of glorie. The greeke woorde that he vsed, was , that is, litle pym∣ples or pushes, suche as of cholere and alse fleagme budden out in the noses and faces of many persones, and are cal∣led the saphyres & rubies of the tauerne. Menyng thereby (as I suppose) that like as suche pushes in the visages of menne, are angrye thynges & greeffull, and also finall discoumforte to the parties, that thesame maye not for shame shewe their faces, but hyden theimselfes, and re∣frein to come in coumpaignie: so the frequēte as∣semblees of people, swarmyng about oratoures, dooe fynally purchace & conciliate vnto thesame muche enuie, displeasure, hatered, trouble and ve¦xacion, ensuyng of the glorie that thei haue in the begynnyng. As chaunced to Demosthenes, and to Ashines in Athenes, and to Cicero in Roome. Diogenes as often as in the life of menne he considereed and thought vpō the gouernours of citees, phy∣sicians, & philosophiers, affermed no liuyng thyng to bee more sapi∣ente then manne.Nothyng more sapiente thn manne. Thesame Diogenes consideryng in his mynde expou∣ners of dreames, reeders what shall folo this dreame or yt, south∣saiers, & others of like sorte, orels suche persones as wer wholy sub∣icte to glorie & richesse: auouched, yt to his seemyng there was nothyng more folyshe, thē manne. manne. Notifi∣yng the witte of māne to bee applyable & apte to all goodnesse, if it bee exercised & eured therwithall,The wite of manne, ape to all goodnesse if it bee ste therto. but if it fall frō his right kyn to vice, then to bee many de∣grees wurse then ye dummebrute eastes. He vsed customably to saie, yt in our life wee should oftener prouid , that is, a talker then an halter. The geke woorde, signifiet in latin sermonem, in englyshe communicacion or talkyng. And ye greke vocable, , is in latin, laqueus, in en∣glyshe an halter or a streng, uch as a bo∣dye maye by ye necke bee hanged withall. Whiche he spake, for that such persones as are werie of their liues, & are in suche despaire, yt thei would ain bee out of the world, dooe many of theim by & by hang & strāgle theimselfes,What thyng desperate per¦sones should dooe. wheras thei ought rather to haue recourse to good cōmuni∣cacion yt might recoūforte their spirites and bryng theim a gain frō despaire. For to y• herte beeyng in heauynes & vtter dis¦cōforte: ye best phisiciā is good & holsome cōunicaciō. Neither shall the sense bee out of square, fye take ye greke vocable (as in an other significaciō it maye wl be takē) for reason. And then ye sense shalbee, yt men ought rather in tymes of displea∣surs misauc̄tures, to staye theimselfes by rea∣son, to vse their discreciō & wisdome,In tymes of mysfortue is wisedome and discreciō most to bee vsed. in takyng mychaūces paciently as menne should dooe, then vpō trifleyng occasiōs to falle in despaire, and so wilfullye to cast awaye theimselfes, as many haue dooen. Albeeit takyng , for talkynge, I thynke, Diogenes mened, yt mē ought so to pro¦uide, that their woordes & cōmunicacion at al ty∣mes bee vertuous and fruitefull, aswel to ye hea∣ter as to the speaker,Mēne ought to haue no cō¦municacion, but suche, as maye be fruit¦full and difi∣yng, aswell to the hearer, as to ye speaker. and not of suche sorte as ye speaker maye afterwarde haue cause to repente and wishe within his beallye again. As Seneca noteth the improuidencie and vnaduisednesse of many persones, whiche often tymes (as he spea∣keth it in Latin) Emittunt uoces per iugulū re∣dituras, as, that is, leatten escape wordes, that must afterwarde come backe again by their own thro∣tes,No manne ought to leat escape woor∣des, whiche muste after∣warde come home againe by ye throt and cost theim their neckes. So that Dioge∣nes would no mennes cōmunicacion to bee suche as might afterwarde bee found hangyng maters and redounde to their owne confusiō, but rather to bee fruitefull and vertuous. For onely suche woordes and none other,No woordes been worthie the name of talkyng, but suche as been fruitefull. been woorthie the ap∣pellaciō, or name of communicaciō and talkyng, of whiche redoundeth aswell to the hearer, as to the speaker some fruite, profite, & edifiyng: and for whiche bothe parties maye bee the better, and not haue cause afterwarde to be shrewe theimsel∣fes. And suche as vsen naughtie and pernicious bableyng,Suche as vsē {per}nicious wor¦des are cōmē∣ly autours of thir own cō∣fusion. dooen often tymes procure their owne harmes, and been autours and werkers of their owne confusion. When Diogenes at a feaste of high fare sawe Plato not ones to putte his hande to any of the dentie dishes but to feede onely vpon a fewe oli∣ues, he saied: what is befallen mo∣ste sapiente father,Plato a man of sobe diete. that wheras to come to suche maner fare as this, ye made ones a viage in to Sicilie, ye dooe here now abstein from readie prouisiō of meates purposely dres∣sed for you.Syracuse the hed citee of al Sicilie, yt no∣blenesse & ri∣chesse, of whi∣che Tullie dooeth at lar∣e describe in the accions a∣ainst Uerres To this saied Plato a∣gain, yet iwys, o Diogenes, euen in Si∣cilie also I was satisfied with suche meate for the moste parte as this that I eate now: why then needed you to saill vnto the Citee of Sy∣racuse, saied Diogenes? wer there no oliues at that seasō growyng wtin the coūtree of Attica? This saiyng some writers ascriben to Aristippus. Diogenes on a tyme, as he was eatyng figgues, mette with Plato, and offreyng to hym a fewe of his figgues, saied: ye maye take some parte with me, if ye bee disposed. And when Plato had taken some, & eaten theim, Diogenes saied:. ye maye take some parte, with me, were my woordes, and not to raumpe theim vp on that facion. This mery ie∣syng woorde maye bee applyed to a seri∣ous matter, that is to weete, to bee spo∣ken on suche persones, as abusen ye gen∣tle permission and suffreaunce of their prince, of their scholemaister, or of their parentes, to the attemptyng or dooyng of thynges vnlawfull. As (for exaūple,) if one beeyng aduertised, yt it is a thyng not vnprofitable to take a taste, & to haue a litle sight in logique, dooe bestowe all the dayes of his life on that studie. The saiyng is, in suche wise recited by Laer∣tius, that one maye doubte whether of ye twoo did offre the figgues to the other. Plato in deede was a frugall man and a great sparer or housbād,Plato a spa∣ryng mann, but a louer of clenlynesse. but yet one yt loued to haue all thynges picked net, and clene. And cōtrarie¦wise, Diogenes a veraye sloouen,Diogenes a veray sloouē. and one that cared for no clenlynesse. Therefore trampleyng with his durty fete vpō Plato his fyne piloes & other beddyng,Diogenes trā¦pleed wt his durtie feere vpon Plato his ploe and beddyng. to certain y• fami∣liare frendes of Dionysius beeyng there in coumpaignie, whom Plato had desired to dyner, he said, I dooe now trede the ambicion of Plato vn∣der my feete Plato anone aunswered thus, yet in how greate pride swel∣lest thyself o Diogenes,The ambiciō and pride of Diogenes. while thou thynkest thyself to trede another mannes pride vnder thy feete. The selfe same thynge is by other writers more pleasauntly repor∣ted. To Diogenes, saiyng: I trede the pryde of Plato vnder my feete: So thou dooest in deede, ({quod} Plato) but it is with another kynde of pride, as great as myne. For euen thesame was a pointe of pride,To make bost of contēnyng pride, is an high point of pride and am∣bicion. that he made so greate boste and vaunte of contemnyng clenlynesse. And those persones yt dooe glorie & braggue of their niggy she sloo∣uenry, & simplenesse of their habite, been of their appetite, and in their hertes, no lesse ambicious, then suche as setten out theimselfes in gorgeous apparel, albeeit of an other sorte, and in an other kynde.More disho∣nestee is in see¦kyng prease by countrefe∣acted vertue. And a greate deele more dishonestee is there in that ambicion whiche seeketh laude and prease of the false colour and cloke of vertue coūtrefeacted. Yet Sociō ascribeth this saiyng, not to Diogenes, but vnto Plato the Cynike. Diogenes had desired of Plato a litle courtesie of wyne,What than∣kes Dioge∣nes rēdred vn¦to Plato, for geuynge hym wyne and fyg¦gues more thē he asked. & eftsons to haue also a fewe figgues. Plato sent hym a whole stene or pitcher full. To whom ye Cynike rendreed thankes in this maner: when it is demaun∣ded of the, how many is twoo and twoo, thou aunswerest, twentie: so neither dooest thou geue thynges accordyng to a bodyes askyng, ne makest a directe aunswer to suche questiōs as are demaunded of the. He noted Plato,Diogenes no¦ted Plato of vnmesurable verbosite, & so did Ariso∣tls also. The eloquēce of Plato is of all writers e∣sted, to bee suche, that if Iuppt should spake Greke h would ve the of . as a manne out of measure takatif, whiche selfsame thyng did Aristoteles also note in his wry∣tynges. Notwithstandyng Aristotle his notyng, whiche proceded of enuie, Plato is of all the Greekes estemed to be of so wyttie inuncion in his wrytyngs and of so greate varietee, shift, eloquence and good vttreaunce in speakyng, that thesame Grkes pronounced, that in case Iup∣piter should or would speake Greke he woulde speake with Plato his toungue and phrase. And no lesse digniee & lencie is to the same Pla∣to attributed by Cicero, Quintilianus, and all o∣ther latin writers also, beeyng of any iudgement. Diogenes no¦ted Plato of vnmesurable verbosite, & so did Ariso∣tls also. The eloquēce of Plato is of all writers e∣sted, to bee suche, that if Iuppt should spake Greke h would ve the of . To one demaundyng in what parte of all the coūtree of Grece he had seen good menne: Menne ({quod} he) nowhere: but in the citie of La∣cedaemon, I sawe good laddes.The mste cor¦rupte and vi∣cios maners of all ye coun∣tree of Grece thrughoute, in the tyme of Diogenes. Notyng the moste corrupt and vi∣cious maners of all grece throughout, in so muche that euen emong the lacedemo∣nians a nacion lest corrupted of all o∣thers oely in the children remained the aunciente integritee and vncorrupcion. And all vnder one he signified that in the residue of the countree of Grece, not so muhe as the children neither wer good, honest, or vertuous. And this thyng mo∣reouer did he notifie, the menne to bee muche more vicious, then ye boyes, wher∣as as of congruence the children ought by theim to bee trained and nousleed in ver∣tuous disposicion,Childrē ought of congruēce to bee trained & framed to vertuous di∣sposicion. and framed to an ho∣nest trade of liuyng. When Diogenes on a certain tyme treactyng, and makyng a decla∣racion of an earnest and saige ma∣ter of philosophie, had not one hea∣rer that would geue diligente eare vnto hym,How Dioge∣nes rebuked the people, for that thei wer readie to har∣ken vnto ma∣ters of light∣nesse, & slacke to geue eare to maters of grauitee. he begoonne to syng suche an other foolyshe song, (as Robyn hood, in barnesdale stood &c.) & sem∣bleed as though he would daunce withall. And when a veraye greate multitude of people had now ga∣thered together, & swarmed about hym, he tooke theim all vp for stum¦bleyng, because that to thynges foolyshe and seruyng to no good purpose, thei came rennyng by whole flockes, & as merye as pyes, where as to serious maters, & the∣same muche auailable vnto good liuyng, thei neither would resorte or approche, nor diligently geue are. Ueraye like vnto this it is, y• some writers ascriben to Demosthenes, of te So it was, that Demosthenes on a tyme beeyng hotte in ma∣kyng an oracion to the Atheniens: the people were soodainly in suche a greate rore emong theimselfes, that thei gaue no eare to Demosthenes, but rather troubleed hym in his tale. Wher∣upon he saied, that he had twoo or three woordes to saie vnto theim, requiryng theim to hold their noyse, & to geue good eare what he would saie. Immediately was made silence, and De∣mosthenes in this wyse begoonne. A certain young manne had hyered an Asse from Athenes, to the towne of Megara. And bothe the parties wēt together in coūpaignie. And beeyng somer season, about noone the sonne weaxed so feruente hotte, that for to couer theimselfes from the sonne, either partie would needes hyde hymselfe vnder the shadoe of the Asse. But thei fell at va∣riaunce about it, and either partie would needes putte of the o∣ther. The one saied, that he had sette out the Asse to hyere, but not the shadoe, the other on his partie auouched, that forasmuche as he had hyered the Asse, he had best right and title for the tyme duryng, to the shadoe of the Asse to. And ymmediately after thus much of the tale told, Demosthenes came downe frō the pulpite or scaffolde. The people wer so fain to heare the reste of the tale, that thei caught Demosthenes by the gowne & held hym backe, nor would at no hande suffre hym to departe, but required hym in any wyse, to make an ende of his tale. Then saied Demosthe∣nes vnto theim: Why are ye so desirous and fain to lysten a tale of the shadoe of an Asse, and haue no will ne mynde at all to her∣ken me speakyng of maters weightie, serious, and touchyng the commen weale? shadoe of an asse. He rebuked menne, for that thei exercised and practised theimselfes with fettyng gambaudes & with sembleable toies,Menne wylle put theimsel∣fes to peines for the atteig∣nyng of all thynges, sa∣uyng vertue honestee. to thende that thei might at length bee exercised and cunnyng therin, & not one of theim all would putte hym self to any peine, that thei might in fyne proue weldisposed, and honest menne. From no sorte of menne in the worlde did he refrein or chaumbre the tauntyng of his toungue.Diogenes sp¦red tauntyng no manne ly∣uyng. Diogenes checked the grammari∣ans. He saied that he greatly woondreed at the Grāma∣tici, wer those yt spent their studie in hu∣manitee, and whō wee call schoolemai∣sters. Grammarians, that thei did wt suche earnest studie make deepe inquisicion of the harde auentures of Vlysses, & knewe nothyng of their owne myschaunces. The gram∣marians in olde tyme spēt moste of their studie and were moste famyliare in the Rhapsodies are, that wee call thynges patched toge∣ther, as the werkes of Ho¦merus wer. For Homerus hymself was blynde, and made vo∣luntarie, and soong ex tempore, that is without studie. And after his death Aristarchus gathered all his makynges together, and compiled theim into two werkes, the one entitleed Ilias whiche is of the battaill and destruccion of Troie, & the other Odyssea, of the wandreyng of Ulysses, ere he could geat home to Ithaca, after that Troie was burned. And because those werkes were cōpiled by patches, thei wer called, rhapsodiae, as ye would saie patches or loutes boched together. rhapsodies of Homerus. And he in his wercke entitleed Odyssea maketh men∣cion and rehersall of diuerse the wan∣dreynges of Ulysses on theseaes & about soondrie countrees ere he could geat home to Ithaca after the burnyng of Troie. Diogenes sp¦red tauntyng no manne ly∣uyng. Diogenes checked the grammari∣ans. With the Musicians also he found faulte,How Dio∣genes found faulte with ye Musicians. for that about their harpes and other musicall instru∣mentes, thei would bestowe greate labour and diligence to sette the strynges in right tune, & had ma∣ners gerryng quite and clene out of all good accorde or frame. How Dioge∣nes reproued ye professours of the Mathe¦matical disci∣plines.He reproued also the professours of the Mathema¦ti, war the professours & udēs of geometrie, Musike, Arithmetike and Astrologie. For wer called sciēcies Mathematicall, because that where thei ar learned by clene intelligence of the witte, yet thei procede of and sure principles and conclusions, that thei maye bee re ctinly and perfectely perceiued and proued, then Lo∣gike, Rhetorike and Philosophie, or any other suche.Mathematicall sciencies, for yt thei wer alwayes gazyng and staryng vpō the soonne, the moone, and the sterres, and yet could not see what thynges laye before their feete. At the oratours also he had a sai∣yng, for yt thei wer buisie enough to speake thynges standyng with right and iustice,How Dioge∣nes reproued the oratours. but to putte the∣same in execuciō, and to dooe there∣ater, thei wer veraye slacke. The couetous persones he rat∣leed & shooke vp,How Dioge∣nes ratleed & shooke vp co∣uetous perso∣nes. for yt in woordes thei dispreased money, wheras in their hertes thei loued thesame of life. For this speciall propretee the couetous persones haue,None dooe in wordes more crye out on a∣uarice, then ye couetous {per}sons. that none aliue dooe in woordes more defye and deteste auarice, then theimselfes dooe. The cōmen people also he tooke vp for stumbleyng, because thei praised & commended good menne principally vpon this grounde and title,Howe Diog∣nes checked y• commen peo∣ple. for that thei wer despisers of money, & yet in ye while, thei would neuer the more foloe the steppes of thesame good menne whom thei moste highly commended: but ra∣ther foloed those persones that had the grummelle sede & mucke of the worlde, whom in woordes thei did greatly dispraise. He neuer lynned rahatyng of those persones that offreed sacri∣fice for to haue good helth of bodye & euen in the veraye sacrifice doo∣yng,How Dioge∣nes rahated suche {per}sones as did sacri∣fice to haue bodyly heith. (in yt thei were vnmeasurable raueners, and gourmaunders, and would not leaue eatyng while the bealy would hold) thei did al toge∣ther against the good helthe of the bodye.Diogenes ha∣ted gluttons. He saied, that he meruailled at ye seruauntes,What faulte Diogenes fo∣und wt bonde seruauntes. that when thei sawe their maisters deuoure meate be∣yond all reason or measure, thei tooke not awaye the meate from theim, allegeyng that to bee ye waye to preserue their maisters in helthe. And for bond seruauntes, or slaues is it more conueniente then for ho∣nest mēne, to bee euer maunchyng,It is not for honest menne to bee euer ra∣eyng. and fillyng the gutte. Thus ferre hath it been mencioned and rehersed, what persones, for what causes the said Diogenes rebuked, and found faulte withall. Now lysten what sorte of menne he praised. He allowed theim that wer towarde wiuyng, & yet wiued not:What perso∣nes Dioge∣nes allowed & praised. yt wer in a readynesse to saille on the sea, and yet tooke no shippe: that wer about to geue chil∣dren their fyndyng, and yet found none at all: that adressed theimsel∣fes to entre dooynges in the com∣men weale, and yet entreed not in deede: that had prepaired and fra∣med theimselfes to bee in courte, & to liue in householde wt high states or menne of greate power, and yet came not therto. Signifiyng, that best it was from all the said thynges vt∣trely to abstein, and therefore those per∣sones to seeme wise, whiche hauyng had arnest mocion or prouocacion to any of thesame, had in season chaunged their myndes, for that when menne are ones alreadie entreed in suche maters, it is not in their owne power or free libertee to altre that thei haue aduisedly resolued vpō,When a man hath ones en∣treed any gre∣ate mater, it is not in his owne power, to goo backe againe, or to chaunge his purpose. although it repente theim of y• trade or waye yt thei haue chosen. Whoso hath ones marryed a wife, is not now from thensforthe all together his owne māne: but in maner half maisterfast:The state of maryed men, of saillers on the sea, and of officers in a cōmen weale. whos hath auentured to committe hymself to the sea, must of force stand in the grace of the wyndes whither to bee cōueighed or carryed: whoso hath ones stepped foorth, and sette in foote to take charge of a commen weale, & to haue dooynges in publique affaires, must remedylesse serue To serue y• staige, is a prouerbe takē out of ye latin Scenae serui∣re, by whi∣che is signifi∣ed to dooe as the tyme wil suffre, and as the presente case requireth, so eche persone to ale hymselfe. Cicero wrytyng vnto Brutus, saieth to hm: Tibi nunc populo & scenae, ut dicitur, seruiendam est. Nam in te non solum exercitus tui, sed omnium ciuium, c poenè gentium coniecti sunt oculi. that is, Thou must nowe of ne∣cese serue the people, and the staige (as saieth the prouerbe) For on the are directely and wholly cast the yien, not onely of thyn owne armie, but also of all the Citizens of Roome, yea and in ma¦ner of all nacions in the worlde too. So that the prouerbe maye verae congruently bee spoken of suche persones, as haue takē in hande some high office or charge in a commen weale, orels the conueighaunce and eecucion of some veraye noble acte or mater to bee dooen in the face of the worlde whiche thei must of force, either to their high honour, praise, glorie, & renoume go through withall and finyshe, orels with the greate infamie, shame, and re∣proche, quail and laye all in the dust, because of the expectacion of menne in suche a case. the staige, and goo through with the parte that he hath taken in hande to playe: yea and though his herte would neuer so faine, yet is it as muche as his life is woorthe, from a publique of∣fice of gouernyng a commenweale, to re¦tiere vnto a priuate state and condicion of liuyng. Diogenes hath the name to bee the autour and first brynger vp of this ridle also: that menne ought not to putte forth their handes to their frendes wt their fyngers fast clyn∣ched together. Betokenyng that it is not enough if wee shewe ourselfes lowly, gentle, & familiare to our frēdes,Howe wee ought to be∣haue our sel∣fes to our frendes. but that to thesame courtesy of behaue∣our, we ought, also to couple liberalitee and bountee for a coumpaignion. Who∣so dooen gently and courteously han∣dle and entreacte their frendes, are saied proprely in greeke ,. that is, to take by the right hande, and courte∣ously and louyngly to entretein. At what tyme Diogenes beeyng ta∣ken presoner in the Isle of Crete, whiche is now called Candie, was brought forth to bee sold, vnto the ryer demaūdyng wherin his chief feacte or cunnyng did stand,By what ty∣tle Diogenes would bee cō∣mended to the byers, when he shoulde bee sold. and by what title he should commend hym to the byers, Marie, ({quod} he) saye yt thou hast a feloe to make money of that hath ye right knowelage how to rewle menne of freedome,Xeniades a Corinthian bought Dio∣genes to his bondeman. one Xeniades a Corinthian hauyng muche meruaill at ye straūgnesse of ye crye, approched vnto Diogenes, & demaun¦ded whether he had perfecte skylle to dooe yt he professed & tooke vpō hym. And whē by the cōmunicaciō of ye philosophier he perceiued hym to bee a man bothe of high wisedō, and also of profounde learnyng, he bought hym, and had hym home wt hym to his hous, & committed his children to hym for to bee taught,Xeniades cō∣mitted his sō∣nes to ye guy∣dyng and tea∣hyng of Dio¦genes. whiche children Diogenes tooke vnto his cure, and thesame right gentle∣manlike trained bothe in learnyng and maners. And first & foremoste, he taught theim ye liberal sciencies,What thyn∣ges Dioge∣nes taught ye sonnes of Xe∣iades. and shortly after he taught theim ye feacte of ryding an horse, he taught theim to bend a bowe and to shoote in it, to whurle with a slyng, and to picke or cast a darte. In the wrast∣leyng place, he would not suffre that their tutour (which had ye cure of their bodyes and health) should exercise theim wt peinfull labours after the maner of menne of fense,What exer∣cise of bodye Diogenes per¦mitted to his young schoo∣lares. but so ferre and so muche as might bee auaillable to ye roddynesse of co¦lour, & for good helthe of ye bodye. He found the meanes yt thei should learn by hearte & memorie al yt euer good was out of ye poetes,Diogenes his maner of tea∣chyng poetes and other au∣toures. & other writers. In cōsideracion yt we haue true knowlage & perfecte intelli∣gēce,We haue per¦fecte knowe∣lage of no more then is engrauen in our memorie. onely of suche thynges as wee haue suerly enprinted & engrauen in our memorie. At fewe wordes, ye summe, ye effect & pith of al doctrine he drewe out for theim,Diogenes dre¦we out the sūme of all di¦sciplines for his scholares. cōpiled to∣gether by abrigemēte, to the ende yt bothe thei might in shorter tyme haue a through sight in it, and also the more substancyally for euer cō∣tein it in their memorie.Howe Dioge¦nes trained ye soonnes of Xeniades in their maners. Thesame children he broke & taught how to awayte on their parentes at home in their hous,Childrēs diet composed or assigned by Diogenes. and to bee weel plea∣sed with light meate, and suche as was easye to bee gotten, and to bee contented with water to their drynke: and where others kepte their longe lockes well trymmed and decked, for an ornamente, and for the better settyng forth of their∣fauour and beautie, Diogenes com∣maunded these children to haue their heddes polled. And if at any tyme suche occasion chaunced, that thei must goo foorth of doores, he brought theim foorth vnkembed, & vnpiked, without cotes, barefoote and bareleggued, and not a woord with theim. Ouer and besides this, he did breake theim in the feacte of huntyng, in this behalf folowyng the guyse and custome of the Lace∣demonians.The Lacede∣moniās broke and exercised their children and youth in huntyng. By reason of these thynges it came to passe, that Diogenes had muche reuerente attendaunce dooen to hym by the saied children, and that he was for their sakes highly estemed and accepted with their father Xeniades. Other writers tellen the tale, that the cryer by the biddyng of Diogenes did in this maner speake his woordes. Is there any manne that is willyng or mynded to bye a maister? When he sate hym downe in the sale tyme, he was forbidden to sitte on his taille, & was charged to stād vpon his feete, for this entente (I suppose,) that the cheapman might the more easyly vieue & trye what he bought. Tushe, ({quod} Diogenes) what mater maketh that, sens that fishes after what facion so euer thei lyen, bee bought vp. Notyng ye folyshe¦nesse of the commen people, whiche goo∣yng about to bye a bondmā, wylbee wise and well aware that no faulte of the bo∣dye maye escape vnespied,The habite of the mynde is best percei∣ued by a mā∣nes talkyng. & will not wt like prouision & caucion serche and trye what state & case ye mynde is in. And as for ye habite of ye mynde is moste euidētly perceiued by a mannes communicaciō & talkyng. And not by sittyng or standyng. He saied that it seemed to hym a meruaillous mater, that whereas menne would not bye a potte or a potteled,The ou∣sight of ma∣ny persones in bying of menne. but well tryed with knoc∣kyng on it, orels by ye tyncklyng & soune therof: in bying a manne thei could bee contented and satisfied with onely lookyng on hym with their yie. Signifiyng that a manne is by nothyng in ye worlde better know∣en, then by his communicaciō.A māne is by no thyng bet∣ter knowen then by his cō¦municacion. Therfore like as thei that goo about to bye an yearthen potte, or vessell for an orkyn, dooe knocke vpon it with their knuccle, & by the soune that it geueth dooe soone disterne whether it bee whole, of suche claye or metalle as it should bee, & seaso∣ned in ye keil, or not: so before yt thei bye a manne with poundes moo then one or twoo, meete it wer to prouoke the partie to speake, & to tell one tale or other, and by his talkyng to fynd out what maner feloe he is. To ye selfsame purpose apper∣teineth ye saiyng nexte afore. A fyshe is dumme and cannot speake, neither maketh it any force how thesame lyeth on the stalle, forasmuche as nomanne cane make therof any thyng but a fyshe. Sēbleably it is no mater ne difference at all, of what ha∣bite plight, or complexion of bodye ye bye a māne, if ye bye hym, neuer hearyng hym speake. Unto Xeniades by whom he was bought, he saied: Sir, ye must re∣medylesse bee obediente to me, and rewled by me, allthough beeyng now your bondeseruaunte, in con∣sideracion that whoso hath to his bondeseruaunte a shipmaister,The maister ought to bee auised by his seruaunte, if he bee wyse. or a physician, is of force driuen to bee rewled by thesame, if he bee dispo∣sed to haue any commoditee or pro∣fitable seruice of hym. The reporte goeth, that in the hous of thissame Xeniades he conty∣nued and liued vntill he was a ve∣raye aged manne, and was there buiryed of his owne scholares. And beeyng asked by Xeniades how his desire was to bee buiryed,How Dioge∣nes desired to bee buiried. groue∣lyng {quod} he, with my face toward ye groūde And to thesame Xeniades de∣maūdyng the cause why, he saied: for, ere long tyme to an ende, it will come to passe, yt those thynges whiche now lyen downward shal∣bee turned vpward. Alludyng herunto, that at that presente season, y• Macedonians had gotten the ouer hande vpon the Atheniens, and had achiued to the empier of all Grece, and of, in ma∣ner vilaines or slaues, thei wer become veraye haulte, and frō veraye basse, thei wer mounted to high domynion.The Macedo¦nians conque¦red all Grece, and helde the domynion of thesame, in y• tyme of Dio∣genes. That if all thynges should so bee turned vp side down, it should saunce faill come to passe that his dedde carkesse also should ere many dayes after bee turned from ly∣yng grouuleyng, to liyng with the face vpward. Percase his menyng was this, to bee no mater to bee passed on, after what maner of liyng or facion the dedde bodye bee putte in y• graue, about whiche mater, greate was the supersticion of the moste part of people,The maner of buiriyng ī olde tyme. for thei wer carried to their buiriall wt their feete liyng forth towarde y• towne gate, thei wer burned in maner of stādyng vpright, and at this daye ye Iewes (as I heare saye) are putte in their graues as if it wer standyng on their fete, at lest wise y• Christians euery one of theim without excepcion are laied in their graues wt their faces vpward.The Iewes are buiryed, as it wer stā∣dyng on their feete, and the Christians wt their faces vp¦ward. Standyng on a tyme in the open mercate place, he cryed wt a loude voice. Approche ye mēne, approche ye mē, as though he had had some earnest mater to saye vnto the peo∣ple. And when thei had gathered veraye thicke about hym, and he for all yt, ceassed not but still cryed: approche ye mēne, certain of theim takyng greate indignacion at the mater, aunswered: loe, here wee bee, saye thy mynde. Then Diogenes dry∣uyng theim awaye wt a staf, saied: I bade menne to approche, and not dounge hylles or draffesackes. He thought not the name of a manne to bee a congruente or a right name for suche persones, as liued not accordyng to reason, but were leden and rewled by sensual mocions,Thei that li∣uen not accor¦dyng to rea∣son, but are leden by sen∣suall affectes and passions, are not wor∣thie to bee cal¦led menne. and pangues, after the maner of swyne and other brute beastes. Alexander Magnus when he was at the citee of Corinthus, sometyme a right noble & a riche citee in Achaia situate and lyyng betwene two seas, the one called Aegeum, and the other Ionium, a marte towne of greate haunte. It was first builded by Sisyphus the sonne of Aeolus and called Corcyra. After that it was called Ephyre. Then was it destruied, and eft∣sons reedifyed by one Corinthus the sonne of Orestes, and cal∣led Corinthus. Then was it yet again burned & clene destruied by the Romaines, and finally reedified by Augustus Emperour of Roome. Corinthus, wente vnto Diogenes sittyng in his tubbe,Alexander tal¦ked familiar∣ly many thyn¦ges wt Dio∣genes sittyng in his tubbe. & tal∣ked familiarely with hym many thynges: from whom after that he was departed, to his familiar frēdes takyng high disdeigne and indignacion, that beeyng a kyng, he had dooen so muche honoure to suche a doggue as Diogenes,Howe highly Aleāder Ma¦gnus estemed the philoso∣phicall mynde of Diogenes. who would not vouchesalue so muche as ones to aryse vp from his taille to dooe his duetie of humble obey∣saunce to so greate a prince, he sayed: wel, yet for al that, wer I not Alexander, I would with all my hert bee Diogenes. So meruaillous highly did he esteme,Nothynge more like to a kyngdō, then a true philo∣phical mynde. that same the mynd and herte of thesame Diogenes consti∣tute and beeyng in moste perfecte free∣dome, and ferre surmountyng the coum∣pace or reache of al worldly, or trāsitorie thynges: that he iudged nothyng to bee more like to a kyngdome or empier The principall and chief felicitee of kynges,The prīcipall and chief feli∣citee of kyn∣ges. What highe cōmoditees re¦doundeth of philosophie. is, that thei owgh seruice or homage to no yearthly creature, but whatsoeuer thyng standeth with their wille and ple∣asure, thei dooe and beraye easyly bryng to effecte: & secoundaryly, that thei feele wante of nothyng yearthly: and all this dooeth philosophie more substancyally & more assuredly perfourme to a manne, then dooeth any empier vnto kynges. Al∣beeit to bee Alexander,To bee Ale∣xander, Ale∣xāder thought to bee more, then to bee a kyng. Alexander dee∣med in his opinion to bee a somewhat higher and greater poynte, then to bee a kyng. The prīcipall and chief feli∣citee of kyn∣ges. What highe cōmoditees re¦doundeth of philosophie. He auouched y• suche folkes as wanted their hearyng or lacked their sight, ought not for that re∣specte to bee called feble & maymed persones,What folkes Diogenes thought wor¦thie to bee cal¦led feble and maymed per∣sones. but suche as had no scryp hangyng by their syde. He da∣lyed wt the affinitee or likenesse of twoo greeke vocables, the one, ,, and the other, .. For , of the grecians is called, a maymed persone, a creple, or one that hath lost the vse of some membre or lymme of his bodye, and , he yt is without a scryppe, suche as ye poore that asken almes frō doore to doore haue hangyng by their syde. Noti¦fiyng in myne opiniō,A man voide of phyloso∣phie is ferre vnmete for al good occupa∣cions. a manne to be ferre vnmeete for all good occupacions to be dooen in this life, that is voide of philo∣sophie.The Cynikes had no proui∣sion of vitail¦les, but in their scryppe. For the scryppe was for al proui∣siō and store of vitailles that the Cyni∣kes had Hauyng on a tyme entreed a place wher a coūpaignie of young ruffleers wer banquettyng & ma∣kyng good chere, wt his polle sho∣ren pate, he was not onely nothyng courteously welcomed and entretei¦ned, but also sent awaye with as many strypes of whyppyng and scourgeyng as his backe could be∣are, on which persones in this wyse he auenged hymself. The names of the yoūgmenne by whom he had been scourged,How Dioge∣nes auenged hymselfe on certain yoūg¦menne, yt had whipped and scourged him he regestred in a piece of paper, and so walked vp & down with his cope wyde open. The markes or scrattes of the stripes declared as plainly as if he had spoken it with his toūgue, how he had been hand∣leed, and the white paper vttreed theim yt had dooen the dede. By this meanes he publyshed the vngētle yoūg feloes, to bee chidden and rahated of all the worlde. Because he was a Cynike, he was called doggue, and this kynde or secte of liuyng was of many per∣sones highly praised,Uertue is preased of ma¦ny, but no māne will fo∣loe it. but yet no māne would foloe thesame. Wher∣upon he vsed ofte tymes to saye, yt he was the hounde of many that praised hym, but yet that neuer a one of his praisers had the herte to goo on huntyng with the hounde that was so muche praised. A certain feloe makyng vaunte and boste of hymself, and saiyng: I wynne euer ye victorie of menne in the games called Pythia, wer games & playes, yerely celebrated, & holden in the honour of A∣pollo, for Py∣thon was a great serpent by the cōmaū¦demente and becke of Iu∣no (as ye poe∣tes dooe fable) sette vpon A∣pollo to de∣rye hym, when he was an infaunte, but Apollo euen in his tendre infancie, with his bowe and aroes slewe the serpente Python, and therof was su¦named Pythius, and therof cometh Pythia. Of these games is fore mencioned.Pythia, No, it is I ({quod} Diogenes) that wynne the vic∣torie of menne, and thou, of slaues. Ones again he dalyed with the affi∣nitee and likenesse of the greke woordes, that is betwene , menne, and , bonde slaues. And bondesla∣ues did he cal, whatsoeuer persones wer as subiecte and geuen vnto sensuall lustes, and desires. And these cupiditees by philosophie to ouercome, is a more ho¦nest and ioyly thyng, then in the games called Pythia to ouercome menne. To a certain persone auisyng hym, that beeyng now a manne stri¦kē in age, he should repose hymself and rest from labours, what, ({quod} he) if I wer rennyng in a race: whether wer it conuenient, beeyng now ap∣proched nigh to the gole, and to the ende of the race, to slacke my course and pace of rennyng, orels rather to streigne and enforce thesame? His iudgement was right and true, that the studie of vertue is so muche the more earnestly to bee pursued, as the lesse tyme to liue dooeth remain:The lesse time that a manne hath to liue, the more ear∣nestly is ye stu¦die of vertue to bee proce∣ded in. in considera∣ciō, that it wer a foule shame in a mānes later dayes to be discōforted, or to haue a cold herte in {pro}secutyng an honest trade. Beeyng on a tyme inuited & bid∣den to supper, he saied plainly that he would not come. And to ye partie demaundyng ye cause why, he aun∣swered: Because I had not my thā∣kes yesterdaye for my comyng thy∣ther. The moste parte of menne re∣quireth to haue thankes,A philosophi∣er deserueth high thākes, that beeynge desired he wil vouchesalue to bee a geast at an other mannes table as it were for some great benefite, if thei haue had a bo¦dye at dyner or supper wt theim. But Dio¦genes (although beeyng a poore manne) demed great thākes to bee duely owyng vnto hym, yt he would vouchsalue & not refuse to make one at a mannes table, for yt he came nowhither without bearyng his porciō of the shot for his repaste,A philosophi∣er, wheresoe∣uer he cometh paieth well for his repast if he talke in philosophie. but did wt cōmunicaciō of philosophie muche more dentyly feede ye myndes aswell of ye partie yt made the feast, as also of ye other geastes, then thesame maker of the dyner fedde the body with good viandrie. He tooke on a tyme Demosthenes beeyng at that season but a young strepleyng, euen with the maner dynyng in a comen tauerne,How Dioge∣nes rebuked Demosthenes conueighyng hymselfe pre∣uylye ferther into a tauern when he was foūd there at dyner in an outer roume. and when the same Demosthenes hauyng espyed Diogenes conueighed hymself awaye into an inner roume of the hous, so muche the ferther in ({quod} he) shalt thou bee in the tauerne. Signifiyng that he was like much ye more for that to bee a talkyng stoke to al the geastes in the coumpaignie, that not onely he haunted suche a place, but also had conueighed hymself priuely out of sight, as though he had been found in some mater or deede of myschief. For yt was a thyng more to bee talked of, then that he was makyng good chere there. Other writers tellen, that this was spo∣ken to a certain yoūg māne, not namyng what he was, but thesame might bee euē Demosthenes too. As for the sense is the more plain and opē, that wee take or vn∣derstand,The more se∣te yt a man an ciuill ye more vrayly is he in it. that ye young manne was putte in remembreaunce that he should auoid not ferther in to suche a place, but clene out of doores. For the ferther in that he hidde hymself secrete out of sight with in the tauerne, the more truely he was in the tauerne. To certain straungers beeyng veraye desirous and fain to haue a sight of that ioyly feloe Demosthe∣nes that had euerywhere so great a name,How Dioge∣nes shewed Demosthenes vnto certaine straūgers, bee¦yng esirous to set hym. Diogenes stretchyng out his middle fynger, and pointyng with it, sayed: Thissame is that ioyly fe∣loe Demosthenes the oratour of the A∣theniens. The fore fynger nexte vnto the thumbe is called in latin, index,Index. as if ye should saye in englyshe, the pointyng fynger, or the shewyng fynger, because yt stretchyng forth thesame fynger on lēgth wee vse to shewe this, or that. And the middlemust fynger was emong menne of olde tyme rekened slaūdreous, for a cause at this present not to bee rehersed. And Demosthenes had in euery mānes mouth an ciuill reporte, of mysliuyng and abu∣syng his bodye. Whiche thyng Diogenes notifiyng, had more phansie to pointe to wardes hym with the middle fynger, thē with the fore fynger, as other folkes vsed to dooe. A piece of breade had fallen frō a feloe,Folish sham to no purpse. who lefte thesame liyng on the grounde, for that he was asha∣med to take it vp again. Diogenes myndyng to refourme the foly of the partie, putte a corde about the necke of a potte, & trailled it after hym on the grounde along the Cera¦micus,Ceramicus, was a place ī Athenes, ser∣uyng for th buiryall of theim yt ha been slain i battaill. dooyng thesame thyng in a potte, whiche the other feloe was eiuill ashamed to dooe in a piece of breade. Where he semed to many folkes tootoo muche and tooto earnest philosophier, he aūswered,How Dioge∣nes aunswe∣red theim, to whome he se∣med tooto ear¦nest a philoso¦phier. he yt the in foloed the maner of the maister chauntres that sette the kaye, or take the first parte of a song to be∣gynne it in a quiere, who of a cu∣stome & vsage, dooen somewhat ex∣cede ye right tune yt thei should take to the ende that ye others maye take ye due time, that thei ought to dooe. For what excedeth or passeth the meane, although it bee vicions, (For al vertues sayen the morall philosophiers) dooen consiste in the meane betwene to vices,All vertues dooe consiste in the meane, betwene two vices as, for ex∣exaumple liberalitee betwene nygardship and prodigalitee, true religion betwene supersticion & contempte.) Yet thesame much auailleth to stiere vp, & to quicken the slouggardie of others. Sem∣bleably the robe or cope, and the tubbe of Dioge∣nes, did not without their greate reproche vp∣braide to the riche and welthie folkes their nycy∣tee and their delices. It was one of his saiynges, that no small noumbre of menne are in a deeper kynde of madnesse,Many are in a deeper kynd of madnesse, then if thei should pointe with one fyn∣ger in stede of an other. then the errour of myspoyntyng with the fynger extended vnto. For if a bodye should still stretche out the mid∣dlemust fynger to pointe therw• in stede of the forefynger, he shoulde echewhere bee accoumpted as one out of his witte if one, putte forth the forefynger to that vse, he is thought sadde and well auised. But many a thousand folkes there been, whiche dooe much more greuously playe the madde menne in serious maters, then if thei should putte out one fynger in stede of an other, and yet suche persones are not emong the people commenly ta∣ken for mysauised. As euen at this pre∣sent day, the parentes dooe in their chil∣dren chastice for a greuous offēse,The foly of some parētes in chasticyng their childrē. if thei vse the liefte hande in stede of the right hande, but thei dooe not sembleably cha∣stice theim, when thei choose and take thynges abhomynable, in stede of honest. He taunted ye foly & madnesse of men in this pointe also, ye thynges precious,The preposte∣rous estyma∣cion of ye peo∣ple in bying & sellyng of thynges. thei bought & solde for li∣tle or nothyng, & thynges nothyng woorth at veray high prices,Images and porteratures of menne we in olde tyme bought at high prices. for he saied: yt the porture of a mā in brasse or stone, should bee bought vp with three thousād Tribus nummūm millibus. The frenche interpreter transla∣teth thre hundred crownes, whiche after the rate of fowerteene groes a croune, maketh the full summe of three score and tenne poundes of our englyshe coyne:pieces of coyn, wher as a pecke of mele was to bee sold for two brasse pēs. And yet ther ne¦deth no such image or porture for any neces∣sarie vse of mannes life, without meale there is no possibilitee of mainteinyng y• life. It had therefore been conueniente that meale should bee sette at a muche hi∣gher price then images of stone or brasse. The philosophier estemed the prices of thynges by the naturall vse or necessarie ocupiyng of thesame,Wyse menne en ye pri¦ces of thyn∣ges, by the na¦turall vse of thesame. the peuyshe multi∣tude of ye people estemeth it by their foo∣lyshe persuasion. Thesame tale that a litle afore we recited of Xeniades, certain wri∣ters tellen in this maner, where as it was Diogenes yt was bought, yet as though himself had bought Xe∣niades, he saied vnto thesame: See yt thou bee obediente to my cōmaū∣demētes. And when the other saied again in greke,The maister owght to bee rewled by the seruaūte bee∣yng a philoso¦phier. , as ye would saye, that wer euen the riuer to renne vp the hylle, betokenyng the mater to goo clene arsee versee, if the seruaunte should cōmaunde the maister: why, {quod} Diogenes, if thou beeyng in some greate sicke∣nesse or maladie haddest bought a physiciā,tranquillitee of manne. wouldest yu not bee rewled by him prescribyng, thy diet? woul∣dest yu saie to hym, , ye ri∣uer renneth vp ye hylle? If y• mai∣ster beeyng eiuil diseased in his body, bee glad & faine to obeye y• seruaunt hauyng good sight and practise in phisike, much more dooeth it become one yt is sore sicke in y• mynde or solle, to bee obediēte to his seruaunte, beeyng profoundly experte in philosophie.Philosophie healeth all the disases of y• mynde. For what y• facultee or arte of physike perfourmeth to the body, the∣same dooeth philosophie accoumplyshe to the mynde or solle. The one healeth the feure, the other healeth the corrupte and naughtie appetites. And how muche the mynde or solle is of more dignitee then the bodye,How muche ye solle is bet∣ter then y• bo∣dye, so muche the more gre∣uous are the diseases of y• solle then of the bodye. so muche the more gre∣uous & dedly are the diseases of the solle, then of the bodye. Laertius saieth more ouer, that Diogenes, when he was asked of the cryer, by what title he would bee sette out in woordes, and he had aun∣swered that he could skylle to rewle and to ordre men of freedome,Diogenes would needes bee solde to one that had neede of a maister. Assone as he had espyed a certain māne passyng by, trymmely decked and araied, he saied to thesame cryer, sell me to thissame feloe here, for he hath neede of a maister. To one makyng suite to be recei∣ued of Diogenes vnto his secte & disci¦pline of philosophie, after y• admis∣siō of ye feloe, for to proue & trye the same, Diogenes deliuered vnto hym a gāmoūd of bakō to carye ī ye strete, & cōmaūded him to come after him The partie castyng awaye by reasō of shame, ye thyng yt he bare in his hāde, stole priuely frō hym & con∣ueighed hym quyte away. Within fewe dayes after Diogenes by chaūce meetyng wt hym, laughed & sayed, thy frēdship & myne, a poore gam∣moūde of bakon hath set at twain. Dooyng to meete, yt he was no meete or apte disciple for philosophie, yt could not cōtemne & shake of folishe shame.Folyh shame o no purpose For it is not a thyng vnhonest for one to car∣rye a gāmōde of bakō in his hāde,To shrynke a¦waye frō ver¦tue, is a foule shame. but to shrynke awaye frō honestee & vertue is a thyng shamefull & abomynable. Diocles telleth theselfsame mater, some what v¦riyng from y• wordes aboue, mencioned. When a certain persone makyng suite to bee a disciple of Diogenes, had saied vnto hym, Maister Dioge¦nes cōmaunde me to dooe some ser∣uice: To thesame receiued into his seruice, he deliuered a lūpe of chese to carrye, & whē ye yoūg mā for sha∣mefastnesse, refused to beare ye said piece of chese. A lytle piece of chese ({quod} Diogenes) hath clene dashed the amitee & frendship of vs twoo. When he had espyed on a tyme a lad drynkyng out of ye palme of his hāde, he saied:Nature hath prouided for euery body al necessarie fur¦niture of hous¦holde stuf. This lad is in fruga¦litee a degree aboue me, yt dooe car∣ry about me superfluous furniture of houshold, & forthwith toke out of his scryppe a litle treē tākard or dishe yt he vsed for his cup to drynk on, & yesame cast awaye frō hym, sai¦yng: I knewe not, yt nature had in this behalf also made {pro}uisiō for vs Whē he had seen an other boye, for asmuch as his treē saucer was bro∣kē, to take vp Lēticula, is a poultz, cal∣led chittes, which (becau∣se we here in Englāde haue not in vse to ate) I trans∣late peasen. peasen out of ye potte wt a crust of breade made holowe for that purpose, he cast awaye frō hym his treen potagedishe too, as a thyng superfluos.The frugali∣tee of Dio∣genes, maye shame our su∣perfluitees & excesses. I can bee veraye well contēted that these thynges bee thought worthie skorne and derisiō, so that wee graunte this excedyng great exaumple of simplicitee and plainnesse, to make veraye well to this purpose, that wee maye bee ashamed of our superflui∣tees, & excesses, that are vsed echewhere emong vs at these dayes. That to a manne sapiente, no∣thyng is wantyng, he concluded by this syllogisme:A syllogisme, is a perfecte argumente of logike, in whi¦che, two thyn¦ges or moo, first putte, & thesame graū¦ted, the conclu¦siō dooeth in∣euitably foloe of necessitee. The Goddes are lordes of all thynges, and haue all thynges in their possession: the sa∣piente menne and the Goddes are mutuall frendes, either to ye others, and all maner thynges that one frende hath, is commen or readie for the other also, Ergo the sapiente menne are lordes of all thynges, & haue all thynges in their possessiō.How Dioge∣nes concluded that a manne sapiente hath all thynges in his possessiō. But by the selfsame syllogisme he might haue been shaken of, when he desi∣red any thyng: why dooest thou craue, sens thou hast all thynges already in thy possession? When he had espyed a woman liyng prostrate before the Goddes,How Dioge∣nes rebuked a woman ly∣yng vncome∣ly prostrate a∣fore the God∣des. hir bodye so boughed down, that behind hir, some partes of thesame appered out, whiche is not comely, ne honest to bee made bare to ye yies of mē: he wēt vnto hir, saiyng, art yu not a feard thou womā, lest y• some God standyng behind thy backe (for all places and thynges of the worlde are replenyshed with the presence of God) thou demeane thy self vncomely? He is reported to haue consecrated to Aesculapius a tor∣mētour,Diogenes cō∣secrated to Aesculapius, agyaūt with a clubbe in his hande. who should come rennyng and all to trample, and crushe such persones as would falle down pro∣strate vpon their faces before Aescu¦lpius. By this colour and false pre∣tense causyng folkes vtterly to renounce and abandon supersticion, whiche haue a beleef that the Goddes will not heare theim, excepte thei make much doukyng, stoopyng, beckyng, and prostraciōs vnto thesame with vncomely gesture of their bodye. He vsed veraye often in y• waye of iestyng to saye, that the tragicall malediccions and cursses hadde mette with hym,Tragicall ex∣cecraciōs met with Dioge∣es. for that he was (accordyng to the fourme of suche maner execraciōs) , destitute of an house to putte his hedde in, , abandoned frō dwellyng in any citie, , as a manne bany∣shed out of his countree, , cō∣streigned to begge his breade, , driuen to wandre about from place to place as a vagabounde, & ,Chliades a noble and a right clerkely werke, made by Erasmus in whiche he hath gathe∣red certain thousādes of greke & latin prouerbes. not sure on the one daye, where to haue his dyner the nexte daye foloyng. This he saied, allu∣dyng to some place of one or other of the tragedies. Of the execracions and curses of Oedipus (as the fables of poetes maken relacion) was the sonne of one Laus, kyng of Thebes: who perceiuyng his quene Iocasta to bee wt child, sued to the oracle of Apollo, to haue true knowelage, what childe his saied wife Iocasta shoulde brynge foorth. Aunswer was made by Apollo, yt she should bryng foorth a sonne, by whō he the saied Laus should bee slain. In cōsidera∣cion wherof, ymmediately: as soone as euer the childe was bor Laus deliuered it vnto his shephearde, to dooe thesame to death. But the shephearde moued with some compassion, would no out ryght kyll the infante babe, but bored through either of his feete an hole, and with a twyg putte through the holes, houng hym vp aliue on a boughe of a tree. But one Phorbas beeyng shephearde vnto Polybius, kyng of the Corinthians, fyndyng the said childe, bare thesame to his quene: who (forasmuche a she had no children of hir owne) kepte and nourished the childe, as if it had been of hir owne bodye born, and of the swellyng o his feete, by reason of the holes he was by hir named, Oedipus (for in greke is to swell, and , a foote.) When this Oedipus was come to mannes state, a strife and debate be∣gynnyng emong the Phocensians, the said Oedipus vnawares and vnknowyng, slewe his owne father Laus aforesaid: Upon this, it fortuned that Sphinx the monstre, standyng on an hyl∣locke, at the citee of Theb, would not suffre any bodye to passe by hir, but to all suche persones as trauailled on the waye, she propouned redles and doubtefull questions, & as many as could not soyle thesame redles, she kylled out of hāde. Then was made a decree, and vpon thesame a proclamaciō, that whosoeuer could soyle the redle whiche Sphinx propouned, shuld haue the quene Iocasta to wife, and should enioye the kyngdome of Thebes. The redle that Sphinx propouned was this: what one and the same liuyng creature it was, that went on twoo feete, on three feete and on fower feete: This redle Oedipus soyled, affermyng it to bee manne, who in his infancie crepyng vpon his handes & feete was fower footed, afterwarde beeyng growen to more full yeres of youth, went vpright on twoo feete, and in age decrepit vsyng a staffe, went with three feete. Sphinx this hearyng, for angre & sorowe, toūbleed hirselfe hedlōg downe of a greate rocke and so perished. And Oedipus accordyng to ye statute aforemade had the quene Iocasta to wife, and with hir the kyngdome o Thebes. On Iocasta he begotte twoo soonnes, ye one Polynices and the other named Eteocles. At length Oedipus had knowe∣lage, bth that he had slain his own father, and also that he had marryed his owne mother. For sorowe wherof he pulled out his owne yies wt his owne hādes. And then was leden about blynd by his doughter Antigone, who saued him ones or twys, whē he would wilfully haue slain hymself. Nerthelesse ye Thebanes ha∣uyng suer knowlage & due prouf of all the premisses, exiled & ba∣nyshed Oedipus out of their citee and countree for euer. And he departyng as a banyshed manne, accursed his sonnes Polynices & Eteoces (because thei did not in suche an extremetee aide their father) that neither of theim might enioye the enheritaūce of his croune in the kyngdome of Thebes, but that thei myght slee ei∣ther other in battaill, and neuer haue power to returne safe into their citee &c. with many other moste dire and bittur maledicciō whiche lighted on theim, and on all the whole familie of theim. For Polynices and Eteocles, fyghtyng hande to hande, for the succession of their fathers croune, gaue either other his deathes wounde: so that they bothe fell downe and dyed euen there, out of hande. Iocasta their mother slewe hirself. And Oedipus was with a flashe of lightenyng soodainly striken to death: And of this notable plague the malediccions of Oedipus are in a pro∣uerbiall speakyng taken for notable greate mysfortunes, & eiuill chaunces, suche as Diogenes here in this present his apophthe∣gme dooeth menciō: and Erasmus in the said Chiliades dooeth more at large recite.Oedipus I haue spoken at large in my werke of greke and latin prouerbes whiche is entitleed, Chiliades. Ferthermore, he is reported to haue vsed this saiyng also, that to matche against fortune,How Dioge∣nes matched fortune, lawe & affeccions. he sette al∣wayes the confidence or stoutnesse of courage:Whereby is purchaced & mainteined y• against ye lawe, he sette nature: against affeccions, mociōs, or wilfull pangues of ye mynde, re∣ason. For yt by these three thynges is purchaced and mainteined the tran∣quillitee of menne. Against the bloustre∣yng stormes & rages of fortune, a strong herte, beeyng voide of all maner feare, is to a sapiente māne a sure buckler and de∣fense: in stede of a lawe, the wise manne foloeth nature, to the whiche nature if ye lawe bee repugnaūte, he despiseth ye lawe And wt reason he caulmeth, asswageth, and kepeth down, the troubleous assaul∣tes of desires and affeccions inordinate. When Alexander Magnus came to see Diogenes, he chaunced to fynd hym in the place that was called, Craneum,Craneūe lōg was a place of eercise in the Citie of Corinthus. sittyng in his tubbe, and patchyng together with glewe or paste ye toren leaues of his bookes. And after that the kyng hauyng familiarly talked many thynges with hym, addressed hymself to de∣parte, and saied: Bethynke thyself Diogenes,How Dioge∣nes vsed the kyng, Alexan¦der the great inuityng hym to aske of him what gifte he would. what thou wouldest moste faine aske of me, for what soeuer thou shalt desire or wyshe, yu shalt assuredly haue, well ({quod} Diogenes) of other thynges we shall talke anon at leasure, in the meane tyme stand aside frō me a litle out of the waye, when ye kyng had gone backe frō hym, supposyng that ye other was mynded to cōsyder wt himself what he might best aske: to thesame of a preaty while speakyng not a word, he repeted his former woordes & ones again saied: aske what thyng thy mynde and wille is Diogenes. Marie euē this same was my wille and desire to haue, {quod} he again, for before, thou diddest keepe awaye from me the sonne, beeyng moste requisite and necessarie for this bu¦synesse or occupacion that I am a∣bout now. Other writers tellen, that he saed thus: Do not make sha∣doe betwene the sonne and me. For that he was disposed to sonne hym selfe. This also is recorded in writyng, that Alexander spake vnto hym after this sort: I am come hither Diogenes to succour and to relieue thee, be∣cause I see thee to bee in greate pe∣nurie and neede of many thynges. To whom Diogenes aunswered thus again.Diogenes a∣uouched hym selfe to bee ri∣cher then Ale∣xander the great. Whether of vs twoo is in more penurie, I, yt besides my scryp and my cope, dooe mysse, ne desire nothyng at all, orels thou, whiche not beeyng contented with the in∣heritaūce of thy fathers kyngdom dooest putte thyself in auenture,The inacia∣ble mynde of Alexander, to haue empier. & hasarde of so many perilles and daungers, to enlarge the limites of thyn empier, in so muche, that vneth all the whole worlde se∣meth hable to satisfie thy coue∣tous desire? On a certain tyme when Diogenes had bene readyng of a lecture a veraye great whyle together, was at last come so ferre that he sawe a voide page of a leafe: Bee of good coumforte maisters, {quod} he, I haue espyed lande. Makyng resemble∣aunce to a coumpaignie of mēne beeyng weried with long saillyng, who are well refreshed in their hertes, when the porte or hauen aferre of appereth vnto theim. Uain sophisti¦cacions, are rather to bee skorned, then to bee soyled.To one by sophistical insolubles concludyng and prouyng, that Dio¦genes had hornes, feelyng & hand∣leyng his forehedde & his temples. In feith, {quod} Diogenes, but I see, ne feele none. He thought better to laugh suche a peuishe trifleyng argumēt to skorne, then to soyle it. When Zenon readyng a lecture in the schooles, laboured with moste subtile and moste craftie reasons to proue that neither was there, ne possibly myght bee, any mouynge, (In whiche mouynge dependeth a greate porcion of the veritees, concluded in naturall phylosophie.) Diogenes arysyng vp out of his place,How Dioge∣nes confuted zenon, labou∣ryng to proue that mouyng is a thyng vn¦possible. begoonne to walke vp and downe. Zeno maruaillynge thereat, saied: why, what dooest thou nowe, Diogenes? Marie ({quod} he) I falsifie and confute thy blynde reasons. Rebukyng all vnder one, the vaine braggue and osten∣tacion that zenon made of his witte. A certain sophiste, willyng in the presence of Diogenes,How Dioge∣nes mocked a Sophiste, ar∣guyng him to bee no māne. to shewe the quickenesse of his witte, made a so∣phisticall argumente vnto hym, in maner & fourme as foloeth. That I am, thou art not: when Diogenes had therunto graunted: And I am a māne, {quod} the other, ergo, thou art not a manne. Then saied Diogenes:Euery {per}fecte syllogysme, hath three par¦tes or mēbres as, that I am thou arte not, the maior: but I am a māne, the minor: er∣go, thou art not a manne, the conclusiō. Leat the first membre of thy syllo∣gysme begynne of me, and the con∣clusion of thyne argumente shall assuredly bee right and true. He would not vouchesalue to discusse what defaulte & errour was in the argumente, but thought better to geue a mocke to the feloe yt stood so highly in his owne con∣ceipte for the respecte of suche trifleyng baggage. If his minor had been this, thou art a manne, then after Diogene his sentence, the conclusion had been good, for it had foloed that the Sophise was no manne. To one for the ostentaciō of his witte,How Dioge∣nes mocked a feloe yt made muche pratle¦yng in astro∣nomie. Aboue in the xxiii. saiyng of Socrates. buisyly pratleyng and ma∣kyng many gaye good morowes, of the skye, and the steres: I praye you good sir, {quod} Diogenes, how long seus, came ye downe from heauen? In this he represented Socrates, whose saiyng was, suche thynges as are aboue our reache, to bee no parte of our playe to medle withall. How Dioge∣nes mocked a feloe yt made muche pratle¦yng in astro∣nomie. Aboue in the xxiii. saiyng of Socrates. A certain Ennuch,Ennuchus, is a gede man. beeyng in sore in¦famie and slaundre of vicious and vnthriftie liuyng, had writen vpon the doore of his hous, no eiuill thyng motte there entre here. Dioge¦nes thesame inscripcion espiyng, saied: ye owner of the hous for his owne parte, what waye dooeth he vse to goo in? The Ennuch had sette vp ye title as a poysee, or a woorde of good lucke, that no mysauēture might light on the hous, and thesame did Dio∣genes wrest and transferre to the vices of the mynde,The vices of y• mynde one∣ly, are in deede uil thynges. wiche onely are in veraye deede eiuill thynges. Diogenes hauyng gotten perfume, rubbed & enoynted his feete ther∣with,Diogenes en∣oynted his feete with per¦fume, where others, enoyn¦ten their hed∣des. contrarie to the cōmen vsage of al other folkes. And to suche per¦sones as made a greate woondre∣yng therat, he saied: Thus I dooe because that perfume beeyng pou∣red vpon the hedde, reketh out into the aier: but from the feete it ascen∣deth vp to the nastrelles. Sem∣bleably did an other persone dissallow and dispraise the commen vsage, by whi∣che menne sette garlandes of sweete her∣bes and floures vpon their heddes,Mēne should weare sweete floures in their bosome rather then in their cappe. whe∣ras it is more conueniente to putte the∣same benethe the nastrelles, forthat the apour and aier of the redolente sauour dooeth not of his propretee so muche de∣scende & soke downwarde as it dooeth mounte and ascende vpwarde. The preestes, or mynisters (of suche diuine rites, sacres and my∣steries, as in the gentilitee of that tyme wer vsed in Athenes,) would haue persuaded Diogenes, and haue brought hym in mynde, to take or∣dres, and to bee a mynistre of the temple emong theim,How Dioge∣nes replyed to y• Atheniens, auysyng hym to bee a preste or a minister of their holy rites. allegeyng, y• suche as in their life tyme had been within holy ordres, had highest preemynence, emong the dedde. To the whiche aduertisemēte, Dio∣genes thus replyed. That is a mad rekenyng, saieth he, as euer I heard, if the valiaunte Capitaines Agesilaus & Epaminondas,Agesilas, a noble & a vi∣ctorious kyng of y• Lacede∣monians, and Epaminon∣das a right valiaunte ca∣pitain of the Thebanes. because thei wer neuer prestes, bee lyyng in y• backehous diche, and Patetion that theefe, with all ye rable of other like spittle vilaines, for this onely re∣specte that thei been within ordres, shall sitte in God almightie his owne lappe. It was a sore cheke geuen to the facions of the prestes, who for their emloumente, lucre, & auantage, did flater, and with faire promyses feede the supersticion of the blynde and igno∣raunte people, bryngyng thesame in full beleef that takyng ordres,The blisse of heauen is not conferred for the respect, of this ordre, or that, but for good liuyng. or professyng religion, should conferre eternall blisse after this presente life, where as thesame felicitee is ordeined and prepaired onely or those, y• by godly and noble dooynges haue deserued it, whether thei be men of the churche & within holy ordres, or not. At his first entreyng into his philosophicall profession or trade, when he in his tubbe eatyng drye & musty breade, all solitarie with∣out the coumpaignie of any crea∣ture, hearde all the whole citee whoughtyng and shoughtyng eue¦rywhere with ioye and solace, (for it was a fest daye of high solemni∣tee and pastyme) he feeled in his herte no small tediousnesse, and a good preaty while it rāne so in his hedde, that he was more then half mynded,How Dioge∣nes beeynge more thē hal mynded to geue ouer the philosophical trade yt he had entreed into, was staied. to geue ouer the trade of liuyng, which he was entreed into. But when at last, he sawe myce come crepyng about his tubbe, and eatyng vp the crummes of breade, he saied to hymself, why art thou out of conceipte with thyself Diogenes? thou art a greate estate out right, and kepest a royall porte, loe, thou kepest a table for smelfea∣stes too, that are gladde, to seeke their dyner with the. To Plato for y• respecte of his slo∣uenrie & beggerlynesse of liuyng, callyng hym curre & doggue: Yea marie ({quod} Diogenes) ye saie sootheDiogenes tooke in good parte to bee alled doggue. for I am come rennyng home a∣gain to theim that sold me awaye. For it is y• guise & maner of doggues if thei bee sold, to renne home again to their olde maisters. He was nothyng of∣fended with the opprobrious woorde, but rather to his owne purpose interpre¦ted thesame. In sallyng towardes Aegi∣na he was before his arriual, taken prie∣soner of certain pirates, and so brought into y• Isle of Crete,Crete, is the same Isle, yt wee call Can∣di, of which wee haue no∣ted in another place. & there sold. Those pirates (I thynke,) wer Corinthians, or Atheniens, or at lestwyse Aeginetes. When certain persones had de∣maunded on hym as he was com∣myng homeward frō y• hotte baine hous, whether there wer at yesame, many menne, no verayly, saied he And beeyng eftsons asked whether there wer at the said stewe muche presse of folke, yea by ye rood is ther, {quod} he. Notifiyng, that to bee called a manne, is a fitte name but for a fewe.The appella∣cion of a man is fitte, but for fewe. This also goeth in a tale, albeit vneth beleuable. Plato had thus dif¦fined a manne:This diffin∣cion of a man Aristotle also in his logike dooeth im∣proue. A manne is a liue∣thyng with twoo feete, hauyng no fethers. And when the scholares of Plato had made signes and tokens of well allowyng thesame diffini∣cion, Diogenes brought foorth into the schole,How Dioge∣nes improued the diffiniciō of a manne, whiche Pla∣to gaue. a cocke pulled naked out of al his fethers both great & smal, saiyng: loe, here is Plato his manne. Wherupō it was added to the diffi∣nicion, hauyng brode nailles, for that no byrdes hae any suche. To one demaundyng at what houre best wer, for a manne to goo to his dyner:At what hour it is best for a man to dyne. If he bee ryche, {quod} Dio¦genes when his pleasure is, if poore, when he maye. Beeyng at Megara, when he sawe the rammes goo with thei wulle on their backes vnshorne for takyng harme of the bitturnesse of colde,Megara was toune in the coūtree of At∣tica, not ferre from the citee of Athenes. and their young childrē goo clene naked without any clothes at all, he saied: It is muche better to bee the ramme, then to bee the soonne of a Megarian. It is writen of the Megarians, that thei wer woondrefull rechelesse in nouryshyng & keepyng p their children.The Megari¦ans were re∣chelesse in ke∣pyng their children. A feloe carriyng a long loggue in the strete, gaue Diogenes a good rappe wt the one ende of it, for lacke of takyng heede, & incontinēte (as the guyse is in suche case) saied: Be¦ware: why, ({quod} Diogenes) dooest thou entend to geue me an other rappe yet? Other writers do thus tel it. Whē the feloe saied:It is ouerlate to bidde be∣ware, when y• hurt is dooen already. beeware, Diogenes rapped his staffe on the pate of the other feloe, and after the stroke alreadye surely sette on and past, saied as thesame had doen afore to hym, beware. Geuyng vnto the∣same taunte pour taunte, or one for an other. For, beware, should haue been saied before the harme dooyng, and not after. Diogenes on a tyme, bearyng in his hande a lighted candle, walked vp and downe the mercate stede, in a veraye bright and clere daye, like one that sought a thyng loste.A manne is a rare thyng to bee founde, though he bee sought with a candle. And diuerse persones askyng, what he did: Marie I seeke a manne, {quod} he. Notyng the publique maners of the citee scace honest enough for any per∣sone, bearyng the name of a manne. When he had on a tyme been so souced with water, that he had ne∣uer a drye threde about hym, and stood droppyng on euery syde and parte of his bodye, diuerse perso∣nes standyng about hym (as com∣menly in suche case thei will) tooke muche pitie on the poore solle, as one that had been serued a veraye vngoodly touche, and vsed or hād∣leed out of all good facion. To whiche persones, if ye bee wyllyng saieth Plato, (for he also emong o∣thers was happyly at yesame tyme presente) to take pietie and compas¦sion vpon Diogenes, departe hens and gette you from hym. No∣tyng in hym beeyng a philosophier de∣sirefulne of glorie.Priue ambi∣cion & desire of glorie in Diogenes. Forasmuche as therefore to bee vnto y• by standers suche a woondreyng and gazyng stocke was to Diogenes greate pleasure and delec∣tacion: he was rather happie and fortu∣nate, thē to bee pietied, but if he had been wetted frō toppe to toe, no mā standyng by to see it, then had he been miserable in veraye deede. To one that gaue hym a good, cuffe on the eare,The patience and modera∣aciō of Dio∣genes. in good south ({quod} he) I had no suche knowelage ne warnyng to goe with a salette on my hedde. And that was all that euer he did to bee auenged on the partie that had strieken hym. But he did not with sembleable pacience forbeare one Midias,How Dioge∣nes requited one Midias geuyng hym a blowe on y• eare. who after a good whistersnefet, truely paied on his eare, had saied: There bee three thousande brasse pens now readie assigned and laied out for thee in the eschecquier: in the waye of mockage, biddyng muche good dooe it hym, for that he was assured to recouer of Midias so much money for a forfaicte,The penaltee or forfaicte for geuyng a blowe in th olde tyme a Athenes. if he would take ye lawe for the blowe geuyng. But Diogenes ye nexte daye foloyng tooke abrode thongue, suche as ye champions vsed of neates leather sette with studdes and bosses, and thesame wel fauouredly bestowed about ye ribbes and pate of Midias, he saied euen in the veraye same wyse, as the other had dooen afore to hym: there bee three thousande brasse pens now readie assigned & laied out for thee in y• eschecquier. Aulus Gellius telleth of a feloe whiche had a goo sporte to geue menne buf∣fettes with his hande, and ymmediately after, would commaunde to bee told out in readie money y• summe of y• forfaicte, out of a purse, whiche he had cōtynually carryed about wt hym for that purpose. But Diogenes plainly declared, not all menne to bee of that pacience, that thei can bee satisfied, and hold theim con∣tented with the penaltee of the sette forfaicte. The philosophiers had in this behalf, a veray eiuill name abrode, that either thei beleued not any goddes to bee, orels thei did con∣temne thesame. This thyng Lysias half signifiyng,How Dioge∣nes aunswe∣red Lysias, demaundyng whether he beleued any goddes to bee. asked Diogenes, whe∣ther he beleued that there wer any Goddes. To whom Diogenes, aun∣swered. How maye it stand with reason that I should not beleue,Lysias was an oratour in Athenes whō for his excea∣dyng sweete∣nesse, Quinti¦lian praiseth yes: sens I am fully persuaded yt thyself art a feloe of the Goddes abandoned and accursed? This saiyng some writers dooen attribute to Theodorus. He made none aunswer to y• question, but reuersed the woordes to the parties self, that had in the waye of de∣spite utte the question to hym. Espiyng a feloe for the obser∣uaunce of religion, washyng hym selfe with riuer water, (for by this rite did menne of olde tyme vse to purifie and clense theimselfes, if thei beleued any offense on their partie against the Goddes to haue been cōmitted) miserable creature, saied Diogenes,How Dioge∣nes eluded a feloe spryncle¦yng water v∣pon hymselfe for pourge∣yng his synne when thou hast erred in any pointe of grāmer, thou art not assoyled by castyng water vpō thyselfe: then muche lesse shal sem∣bleable spryncleyng of water ridde or deliuer thee from synfulnesse of liuyng. He did veraye well note the supersticion of folkes, in that thei bele∣ued the spottes and staynyng of the solle to bee pourged and scoured awaye,The supersti∣cion of folkes in old tyme. with the sensible, grosse or carnall elemente of bodyly water, excepte thei had also cutte awaye the inordynate lustes and desires of the herte. He did woonderous highly re∣buke those persones,Diogenes r∣buked those {per}sones, who blamed for∣tune, when their maters went awrye. who, if any of their maters framed not, but went awrye, would blame and wyte for∣tune therefore (as in deede ye moste parte of menne vsen to dooe, and Diogenes auouched the parties sel∣fes muche more woorthie to bee shent, whose guise and facion was, with all earnest requeste & instaūce to craue at the handes of ladie for∣tune, not suche thynges as in ve∣raye deede wer substanciall good, but suche as in their owne phansie and opinion seemed good. For if menne would permitte or leaue to the arbitrimente, wille and pleasure of the Goddes, to send suche thynges,If god might bee lea alone he would sēd to māne that were best for hym. as the∣same dooe iudge to bee best and moste ex∣pediente, thei would send it. Now, foras∣mucheas menne receiuen accordyng to their own moste agre & ymportune suites they dooen like feloes hauyng no shame in theim, to laye vnto ye Goddes y• faulte of quaillyng and mysprouyng. The supersticion of suche per∣sones as would bee frayed with dreames, in this maner did he de∣ride and skorne, what thynges ye dooe whyle ye are awakyng, saieth he, that care ye not for, and what thynges ye dreame whyle ye are slepynge, ye dooe carefully serche out. For to the felicitee, or miserie of a mane, it maketh not so greate force what cometh to thesame in his slepe,The supersti∣tion of many folkes about their dreames as what he dooeth awakyng, while one is awakyng if he perpetrate any vnhonest or synneful acte, it wer requisite to feare the wrathe of Godde, and ye wofull ende to ensue therof, and not if menne see this or that, in their slepe. At the Olympia, the cryer thus proclamyng, Doxippus hath woonne the maisterie of menne, Diogenes cor¦rected hym, saying: no, Doxippus of slaues or vilaines,The bōdeser∣uauntes of glorie. The philoso∣phier onely hath victori of menne. and I of mēne. Signifiyng, theim that proued mai∣steries at the saied olympia and other like games, not to bee menne, but bonde∣seruauntes of glorie, onely the philoso∣phier and none els hath the ouer hande of menne: like vnto this, is one other of his saiynges aboue mencioned. The bōdeser∣uauntes of glorie. The philoso∣phier onely hath victori of menne. When Philippus had an armie in the countree of Cherronea,This Philip∣p{us} was kyng of the Mace∣donians, & fa∣ther of Alexā∣dr y• greate. there to make warre, thither came Diogenes, and beeyng taken by ye soldyers, he was brought vnto the kyng, who, when he sawe Diogenes a per∣sone vnknowen, cryed out in a greate furie, A spye, a spye. To whom Diogenes replyed, saiyng: yea, euen a veraye spye in deede. For hither am I come to vieue ye brain∣siknesse of thee,How Dioge∣nes aunswe∣red Philipp{us}, chalengeynge hym for a spye. who, not beeyng cō¦tented with ye kyngdome of the Ma¦cedonians, for to geate other mennes kyngdomes into thy hādes, dooest cast thyself in greate perill & daun∣ger of leesyng bothe thyn owne kyngdome, and also thy life. The kyng meruaillyng, at the franke plainnesse of the māne, discharged thesame, and sette hym at large, biddyng hym goo where he would at his free libertee.Chertonea, the countree where Plutarchus was borne, a re∣gion nigh to Hellespontus. And in this place did Philippus cō∣quie & subdue all Grece. It is called by another name Cherso∣nesus, because it is in maner round about enuironed with the sea, and is by reason therof in maner a veraye Isle. And for the excellncie, it is ofte tymes sette for Hellespontus. Alexander the kyng of the Macedo∣nians had sent letters vnto Antipater by a certain persone named Athlias, Diogenes at thesame houre beeyng happyly in place. Who, accordyng to his Cynicall guyse, saied: Athlius from Athlius by Athlias to Athlius. It was nothyng but a toye, in da∣liyng, with the affinitee and similitude of woordes. For the name of the messa∣ger was. , with , and in greke souneth one beyng in myserable state or condicion, & sore vexed or beaten with manyfolde trauailles, peines and troubles. For whiche respecte the figh∣tyng menne, or the champiōs & maisters offense, had their name deriued out of ye∣same vocable, and wer called bothe in greke and latin Athletae.Athletae. Princes whi∣che for ambi∣ciō of honour rewle and do∣minion are in contynuall strife, bee in miserable state, and full of wooe. The menyng of the philosophier was, that princes for the ambicion of honour, rewle and do∣mynion, beeyng in contynuall strife and hurlee burlee, are in veraye deede perso∣nes full of miserie and wooe: and euen in like miserable state of wrechednesse to bee all those that are readie, prest, & wil∣lyng seruauntes, aiders or furtheres of the appetites and desires of thesame. So then true it was, that Alexander for the carefull and troubleous life that he leed woor∣thyly called Athlius, that is miserable, wrote and sent lettres by Athlias, beeyng no lesse worthie the appellacion of Athlius then his maister, vnto Antipater as muche woorthie to bee called Athli∣us as any of the other twoo, in that he was at all tyme bounde to obey and serue Alexander. Beeyng spoken to, and inuited to come vnto Alexander, he refused so to dooe.Diogenes re∣fused to go to Alexander. But to Perdicca the high Capitain, or graund Maister vn∣der thesame Alexander thretenyng to take his life from hym,Perdicca, raūd mai∣ster vnder A∣lexander. excepte he would come. In feith, saied Dio∣genes, then shal ye dooe a noble and a valiaunte acte. For aswell the litle wourme which (both in greke & latin) is called Cantharis as also the blacke spyder called Phalangium, is hable at all tymes to dooe as∣muche. Cantharis,Cantharis. is a litle litle vermyn, not muche vnlike in facion to the beetle or the hornet, but hauyng in it starke poyson. Phalangium,Phalangiū. is the spy∣der of the moste venemous sorte, neither did he stike or feare, on his partie again to threten Perdicca, that he should liue happyly, though he liued without his ompaignie, notifiyng theim to bee in a eraye wreched case or state, that liued with Perdicca. He affermed the Goddes to bee gentle and soone entreated to geue life vnto menne, but thesame life to bee a thyng vnknowen to suche persones as seeke to haue of these marchepaines or wafers wt other like iunkerie,The life of manne stan∣deth not in carnall plea∣sures nor i sensualitee. and their sweete per∣fumes or poumaundres, and other sembleable delices. For those persones who haue all the pleasure of the saied thynges beleuen theimselfes to liue, where as onely wisedome and per∣fecte vertue dooeth assure ye veraye true life in deede replenyshed with tranquilli∣tee and pleasaunte sweetenesse.Onely {per}fecte vertue geueth to manne ve∣raye true life in deede. Where∣fore not the Goddes are to bee putte in faulte, but manne, who of his owne mere olye dooeth earnestly craue of the saied Goddes, not life, but sensuall pleasures of the fleshe.The prepoe¦rous praiers of carnal per∣sone. Espiyng a delicate and nyce fe∣loe, to haue his shooes putte on & buccleed by his seruaunte. Naye in feith, {quod} he, thou lackest yet one pointe or degree of perfecte blisse, whiche is, that thesame feloe there wype thy taille too. And yt should soone bee, if thy hande or fyngers wer cutte of. It seemed to Dioge∣nes a thyng as muche contrarie to rea∣son to abuse the page his seruice in doo∣yng on his maisters shooes,Diogenes thought it a hyng vnna∣tural, yt ye ser∣uaunt should ul on ye mai∣ers shooes. in case the maister bee strong and lusty enough to helpe hymself therin, as if he should after commyng from the akes putte his ser∣uaūte to the office of wypyng his taille. Albeeit, t maye bee also vnderstanded of wypyng the nose. To an ethnike philoso¦phier, it seemed nycitee, beyōd the course of nature, yt an ethnike or gentile should haue his shooes dooē on by his seruaūte. And yet I knewe a Christian manne, bee∣yng a preeste, yea and a diuine, who al∣though he had all his lymmes perfecte, & none of his membres maymed or lame, yet euer when he should goo to the stoole, would call seruauntes, moo then one, for to vntye his pointes: & also, when he came frō thens, to trusse thesame again. Whiche thyng when I sawe, thus did I thynke with myself. Now would Christe that Diogenes wer here presente, to be∣hold this geare. When he sawe a feloe gooyng to prieson yt had embessed and con∣ueighed awaye a cuppe of golde out of the treasourie or chaumbre of the citee. (And so it chaunced yt he was lede to prieson by the offi∣cers of the citee whiche thei called in greke In the olde tyme there was of an aunciēt custome in Grece at certain seasons a commē assemblee, of certain the moste saige and prudente persones, by eleccion appointed therunto, out of all the chief citees, after a muche like sorte, as nowe here in En∣glande are chosen knightes for eche shier, and bourgeoisses for euery toune, and by a commen consente assigned at tymes requi∣site, to repair vnto the parliamente. And it was called in Greke , of ye latines, Amphictyonicus cō¦sessus, the sittyng of the Amphictyons, or, conuentus Amphi∣ctyonum, the assemblee of the Amphicctyons, or, Amphictyo∣nicum consilium, the counsail or parliamente of the Amphicty∣ons, orels, concilium Amphictyonum, the conuocacion of the Amphictyons. Some writers holden opinion, that the name of Amphictyons was geuen vnto it of comyng or resortyng ou from all citees and tounes of Grece to the said parliamente (for the bordreers, or bounders, inhabityng round about any place are called in greke ,) And some authores deriu ye name frō Amphictyon, ye soonne of Deucalion, who in tyme of his reigne here is chronicleed to haue called together a coūsail or parliamente of the nacions of Grece, & by a cōmen ordinaūce en∣acted to haue instituted the saied maner and fourme of assem∣bleyng. The people of Grece whiche repaired to the said coun∣saill are noūbreed twelue: the Ionianz, the Dorianz, the Perre∣ianz, the Boetianz, the Medonites, the Achaeanz, the Phhio∣tes, the Melianz, the Dolopianz, the Aeneanz, the Delphianz, the Phocensianz. And the bourgeoisses, that wer by publique autoritee chosen, appointed, and sent from any of the coūtrees aboue named vnto the said counsaill, wer called , and by an other name , of, , the place wher ye parliamente was holden. :) See, see, {quod} Diogenes, the graunde theues leden the petie theef to warde.The graunde theues ledē ye petie theef to preison, saie Diogenes. Would God thissame woorde might not bee wt∣out a lye saied of some publique officers of Christentee, by whom sometymes is trssed vp, & hanged on ye galoes a poore sely solle, that hath percase pielfed away tenne grotes, where theimselfes by great pielage, brybrie, or extorciō, yea and for a fair touche, by deceiuyng & beguylyng their prince, or the commen weale, dooe growe dayly and encrease in welthe and richesse, nomanne saiyng blacke is their yen. Beholdyng a ladde hurleyng stones at a gibette, well dooen, {quod} Diogenes, thou wilt surely hitte the marke: Signifiyng that a daye would come when the partie should su∣rely bee hanged. When a sorte of young strieple∣ynges standyng about Diogenes had cryed vpon hym, doggue, doggue, doggue, and ymmediatly beeyng afrayed, had begoonne to renne awaye, and beeyng asked why thei ranne awaye, had saied, lest thou shouldest byte vs, bee of good chere my soonnes, {quod} he, a doggue eateth no Beetes is an herbe called in greke in latin Beta, of whose ex∣cedyng weryshenesse and vnsauerynesse, euen of olde antiquitee dawecockes, lowtes, cockescombes & blockehedded fooles, wer in a prouerbiall speakyng, saied: betizare, to bee as weerishe and as vnsauerie as beetes. Plautus in his comedie entitleed Tru∣culentus, saieth: Blitea est meretrix, it is a peayshe whoore, and as we saie in englyshe as wise as a gooce, or as wise as hir mothers apern streng. So a feloe that hath in hym no witte, no quickenesse, but is euen as one hauyng neither life ne solle, labrius calleth bliteam belluam, a beaste made of beetes. And in Menandez also (as citeth Erasmus in ye prouerbe, betizare,) the housbandes reuile their wiues, callyng theim, bliteas, of so small shifte or helpe, that thei wer as good to haue wiues of beetes, for whiche we saie in our englyshe prouerbe, wiues of cloutes. And because all effeminate persones dooē in fine growe to sembleable sotyshenesse and dotage, as if thei wer not mai∣sters of their owne witte, but as persones rapt into an other worlde, Diogenes tooke occasion of comparyng and resemble∣yng ye boyes (in whom was no likelyhood ne sparke of good to¦wardnesse, but rather of al vngraciousnesse) to the weryshe ad vnsauerie beetes. beetes. Couertly & by a priue nippe, vpraidyng them of ma∣ners effeminate, wanton, and foolyshe. To a feloe that tooke hymself for no small foole, because he ietted about the stretes wt a lyons skynne on his backe, Diogenes saied. Thou feloe,How Dioge∣nes skorned a feloe, yt beeing but a sheepe, ettyng vp & down in a Ly¦ons skynne. wilt thou neuer leaue put∣tyng the mantell or gaberdyne of manhood and prowesse to shame? He thought it a ful vncomely thyng, that a persone effeminate (and suche a sheepe yt durst not shewe his face emong menne, but was more like to crepe in to a benche hole, then to dooe any manly acte,) would vsurpe the wearyng of the wede of Hercules was ye sonne of Iuppiter, gotten in the cite of The∣s vpō quene Alcumena the wife of Amphitruo, while he was from home in battaill. Hercules was a manne of singular manhood and pro∣wesse, and did in hys tyme .xii. notable valiaūte actes of whiche one was, that he slewe a feerse Lyon in the forest of Nemea, & wor the skynne of thesame as a thyng woonne by strong hand & in that wede or habite he is sette out in all imagerie or pictu∣res of hangynges or peinted clothes. Hercules. The selfsame maye bee saied to those persones yt with mon∣streous disguysyng of their vesture pro∣fessen holinesse, their maner of liuyng beeyng nothyng aūswerable to thesame. When certain coumpaignie had greate communicacion of Callisthe∣nes ye philosphier,Diogenes thought not theim moste blissed that li∣ed in kynges courtes. that he was hap∣pye, fortunate, and euen in heauen, forthat he was in the courte of kyng Alexander wt muche high fare and preparacion entreteined, No Marie, {quod} Diogenes, he is in wreched case, and in miserable condicion, forthat he must bee fain to take his dyner and his supper when pleaseth Alexander. Menyng, no∣thyng to bee in ye state of perfecte blisse, if libertee bee awaye.Nothyng i in the state of perfecte blisse if libertee bee awaye. This is Callisthe∣nes the disciple of Aristotle, whom A∣lexander at last did cast in prieson,Callisthenes the disciple of Aristotle at length cast in prieson by A∣lexander. where he perished and dyed. Some writers for Callisthenes, dooe putte Aristotle hym self, of whose singular good fortune and happe, when coumpaignie made muche talkyng, for that he liued familiarly wt a kynges soonne: yea, {quod} Diogenes, Ari∣stotle dineth at suche houre as pleaseth Alexander, and Diogenes, when pleaseth Diogenes. If Diogenes, at any tyme stood in greate neede of money, he would take it of his frendes. But to suche persones as with many checkyng woordes did (as ye would saie bayte hym, for that contrarie to the dignitee and honestee of a phi∣losophier, he would after y• maner of beggers aske and craue. No, {quod} he,. repetere, A philoso∣phier dooeth not begge, but requireth his owne duetie. I dooe not aske their almes, but I require my duetie. For the latin woorde, repetere, is vsed in his pro∣pre significacion, when we demaunde or require to haue rendreed or redeliuered vnto vs any thyng, whiche either by the waye of loue, orels by leauyng it in the custodie or kepyng of an other persone is out of our owne hādes. And one frende geuyng to an other that is in necessitee, dooeth not geue a free gifte, but rēdreeth or paieth home again that he owghed by true debte. For whosoeuer in suche a case dooeth kepe or restreigne his money, the∣same dooeth wrongfully detein & with∣hold yt is none of his owne propre good∣des,Who so re∣streigneth & kepeth from his frende in tyme of neces¦sitee, wt hol∣deth that is none of his owne. but due to an other bodye. . repetere, A philoso∣phier dooeth not begge, but requireth his owne duetie. When a certain young manne beeyng kembed, piked, and decked all of the myniō tricke, had moued & putte foorth a fonde or peuyshe question to Diogenes: certes, {quod} he, I will make you no aunswer to your question, till by takyng vp or doo∣yng abrode your clothes, ye shall haue shewed, whether ye bee a manne, or a woman. By his ap∣parell and araye nothyng fitte ne comely for a manneOuercutious apparell, ar∣gueth wanto¦nesse and ny∣citee. he noted y• effeminate wan∣tonesse and nycitee of the partie. To an other young manne fe∣actely and trickely representyng at the baines, a certain lastiuious playe, whiche to exhibite ye grekes callen, , was a foolysh game y• louers had, and vsed to playe at dy∣ners, suppers & other ban∣quettes, by ye bobleyng that the drynke made, whiche remained in the cuppe after thei had dronkē, for ye drynke yt was left, they would cast vp on high, and by the clockyng, plashyng, or, soune that it gaue in the falle, thei would take a significaciō whether their louers wer true to them or not. And therof , to playe that kynde of play.: Sirrha, yoūg manne, ({quod} Diogenes,) the better ye dooe, ye wurse it is. Utterly dissal∣lowyng & condemnyng the feacte which of it self was vnhonest and naught, of whiche sorte is also playing at dyce, wherin the more cunnyng werkemanne that euery persone is, the wurse manne is he and the lesse honest. As it fortuned Diogenes to bee presente, and to make one emong ye moo at a dyner, the coumpaigni callyng hym doggue,How Dioge∣nes serued a certain coum∣paignie that cast bones to hym, as if he had been a doggue. cast bones to hym in derision, in consideracion that thesame is a thyng customa∣bly vsed to bee dooen to doggues. But he in departyng from ye coum¦paignie, pissed vpon euery of the geastes yt sate at the table behinde at their backes, signifiyng thesame also to bee, one other propretee be∣longyng to doggues. The oratours & other persones dooyng all thynges for glorie & re∣noume, Diogenes called by a woorde that might bee taken in a double sense, , thris double menne., Oratous and other per¦sones dooyng al thynges for glorie Dio∣genes called thris double menne. For as the commen sorte of people denyeth that persone to bee a man that is neither learned nor yet of gentle condicions, so did the philosophier call hym a miser, that had no qualitee aboue the cōmen rate of manne. For accordyng to ye saiyng of Homere: No liuyng crea∣ture is more miserable then manne.Manne of all creatures mo∣e miser. And therfore, thris double menne, Diogenes called thris double misers, as the whiche bestowed & applyed al their studies vpon a thyng of moste vanitee in the worlde, & wer as bonde seruauntes or pages to the multitude of the grosse people, beeyng a beaste of many heddes.The people, a beaste of ma∣ny heddes. , Oratous and other per¦sones dooyng al thynges for glorie Dio∣genes called thris double menne. A certain riche manne hauyng nomaner knowelage ne learnyng at all, & yet gooyng in gorgeous & gallaūt apparel, he called in greke, , that is:Riche per∣sones voide of learnyng Diogenes cal¦led sheepe wt golden flyces. a sheepe with a golden flyce. For in the poetes it is found written, that Suche a sheepe was in Colchos who¦se flyce Iason by the helpe of Medea the kynges doughter fet awaye, slea∣yng the bulles & dragon, that kepte it. suche maner shepe haue been. And those persones, who wer sely poore solles, and had no more store of witte then thei must needes occupie, were euē then and yet styll are in all toun∣gues, and places by a commen prouerbe: called sheepes heddes, or sheepe. Passyng by the hous of a certain prodigall and ryottous persone, where it was writen vpō the doore this hous is to bee sold, if any man will bye it. Yea by my feith, {quod} Dio∣genes, I espyed veraye wel, and pro∣phecied ī my mynde,Ryot and {pro}∣digalitee, cau¦seth menne to spue vp whol houses. that by reason of thyne vnmeasurable gourmaū∣dyng and surfaictyng, thou woul∣dest at laste spue vp some house. For he had alreadye consumed and deuoured his hous, before he offreed the∣same to sale, by settyng that inscripcion vpon the doore. So that it might more truely bee called a spuyng, then a vendi∣cion or sale. To a yoūg feloe, fyndyng greate faulte, that he was eiuill coūbreed and troubleed of many persones, nor could bee in reste for theim: Marie, and ceasse thyselfe also, {quod} he, openly to shewe tokens of bee∣yng out of quiete. Signifiynge the saucy and buisye medleyng of suche persones as will neuer ceasse dooyng mē shrewd turnes and displeasures,The best way to ceasse the molestacions of buisy me∣dleyng feloes is to dissem∣ble that wee bee greued wt theim. by no yearthly thynge better to bee quieted or ended, then if the partie that is harmed or wrōged dissemble his greef. For suche persones as dooe haggue and baye at a bodye, purposely to bryng hym clene out of quiete, & to vexe hym at ye botome of y• hert rote, wil ceasse & leaue of in case thei see y• partie to bee nothyng moued with their doyng. Albeit I haue half a geasse y• greke wordes cōprehēd another priue or couered sense. For whē the young feloe cōplained, & found hymselfe greued, yt a sorte of buisie medleers would not leat hym alone, ne suf∣fre hym to bee in reste, Diogenes thus aunswered in greke: . That is, yea and ceasse thou also to carrye about with thee, the tokens of a person wanton and ef∣feminate. For suche persones neuer lacke trouble or vexacion, but euery bodye will haue a saiyng at theim, accordyng to the latin prouerbe, Malū uel mus audet rodere. That is, an eiuill persone euē ye veraye mous dareth to snappe at.An eiuill per∣sone euen the veraye mous dareth to snappe at. And coumpaignie is bothe greuous and odious to those that are vnhonest, or malefactours, as witnesseth Christe in the Gospell, saiyng. Menne loued derknesse more then light, because their dee∣des wer eiuill. For euery one that eiuill dooeth hateth the lighte,Euery one yt eiuill dooeth hateth ye light Ioh. iii. neither cometh to the lighte, lest his deedes should bee reproued. A mynstrell that was a player on the harpe,Why Dioge∣nes commen∣deth an har∣per, whom all others dis∣praised. beeyng of no cūnyng in the worlde, and therewithall a great gorrebealyed chuff, yea and besides that, dispraised of all per∣sones that heard hym, for ye wurste that euer twanged, onely Diogenes, did commende and praise. And to theim that woondreed wherfore he should so dooe: I allowe hym and gan hym thanke, saied Diogenes, that beeyng suche an one, he hath had more mynde and wille to sette hymselfe on werke, and to bee occu¦pied with his harpe, then to take a standyng by the high wayes syde for a pourse or a bougette. Si∣gnifiyng that the feloe beeyng of bodye valiaunt and stourdye, and grosse or rude of witte, was by all similitude of out∣warde tokens, more apte to haue been a robber on the high waye, then to bee an handleer of any musicall instrumente. The grace of the saiyng, dependeth of ye place of rhetorike,The place of rhetorike ab inexpectato. ab inexpectato, that is grounded vpon a thyng yt a body would leste thynke on. For who would haue loo∣ked for suche an aunswer of Diogenes? An other harper, who, as oftē as he plaied on his instrumente, was forsaken and left alone in place of all his audience: Diogenes,How Dioge∣nes saluted an harper y• droue awaye his audience as often as he plaied o soong. when he mette hym in the strete, saluted in this maner. God ye saue and see goodman cocke. And where the fe∣loe beeyng offended with ye straūge¦nesse of that salutacion, saied: why goodman cocke? Marie, {quod} he, be∣cause that with thy crowyng thou reasest euery body yt heareth the. He deuised to fynd a iestyng toye of ye ambiguitee or indifferencie of ye greke voice, . For he is proprely sa∣ied in greke, . both that reaseth a bodye out of his slepe, as the cockes vsen to dooe, when thei crowe with an eiuill grace, & also yt reaseth one sittyng on his taill, to arise out of his place, as this harper euermore vsed to dooe. When a great noumbre of peo∣ple stood gazyng and staryng vpō a certain young striepleyng of ex∣cellente good fauour and beautie, Diogenes stoopynge downe veraye lowe, gathered into his lappe as fast as he could, the poultz called Lupines.This kynde of poultz, called lupinus, we haue not in englande groweyng. And the yies of all the fol∣kes turned to behold that sight, he auouched, that he meruailled: why thei would leaue the young māne, to looke on hym. Notyng in that by worde, their intemperancie and wan∣ton disposicion. To a feloe that was exceadyng supersticious, and sore subiecte to the terrours of buggues, and spry∣tes, or goblyns, that walken by night and in places solitarie, and yet manaced to slea Diogenes,How Dioge∣nes mocked a supersticious feloe, yt was afrayed of prites, thre∣tenyng o slea hym. saiyng vnto hym, I will at one stroke all to crushe thy hedde to powther: In feith {quod} he again, if thou so dooe, I shalbee ready at thyn elbowe to playe the parte of hobgoblyn or collepixie, & make thee for feare to weene the deiuill is at thy polle. Signifiyng yt he was hable to make the other partie afrayed, euen beeyng dedde, of whom he was so contemned & sette at naught beeyng aliue. And yet thissame foolyshe mynde & fansie, euen at this veraye presēt daye possesseth no smal noūbre, who although thei be fierse & ful of cockyng against liues men, yet are the same moste feare full creatures yt possible may be of solles walking (as thei cal it)The supersti∣cious feare & ymaginacion of many fol∣kes, that sol∣les walken. Beeyng desired and praied, by one Hegesias was a philo∣sophier Cy∣renaique, yt is to saye, of E∣picure his sect a manne of so greate elo∣quēce (as Ua∣lerius Maxi∣mus writeth) that he did so liuely declare and sette out all the eiuils of this pre∣sente life, that the pieteous & lamētable re∣presentacion of thesae ei∣uils, through his woordes, depely engra∣ued & enprien∣ted in the her∣tes of menne, veraye mny {per}ones tooke occasion to hate his pre∣sen life, and had a ear∣nst dereful∣nesse willyng¦l to ridde theimselfes out of the worlde. And therefore he was b he commaundemente of kyng Ptolomeus forbidden any more to speake of any suche mater.Hegesias, to lend hym the vse of three or fower bookes: Thou art a madde feloe Hegesias, {quod} he, (yt where in choosyng figgues thou wilt not take figgues peinted or countre∣feacted, but veraye true and right figgues in deede) thou canst fynd in thy herte, (ye veraye true actual exercise and practise of philosophie neglected), to renne to the philoso∣phie scribleed or peinted in paper. In this saiyng he noted those per∣sones, who all their whole life through, dooe nothyng but reade the bookes and werkes of philosophiers cōteinyng pre∣ceptes or rewles of vertuous liuyng, wheras vertue is more effectually lerned by practisyng or puttyng thesame in vre, then by readyng. The greke vocable , whiche Diogenes vsed, is a voice indifferente to writyng and to peintyng. And therefore vertue sette foorthe in bookes, is vertue muche like, in maner as if it wer peinted on a cloth or table. And in dede against all reason it is, in choosyng figgues to bee curious and precise to take none but of the best and in vertue to bee nothyng so. To a certain persone in ye waye of reproche obiectyng vnto hym that he was a manne banyshed his countree: Thou sely creature, saied he, for this veraye cause did I at ye first become a philosophier. Ei∣ther forthat banyshemente had enforced and driuen Diogenes to entre the studie of philosophie,Why Dioge∣nes first be∣came to bee a philosophier. orels because he had pur∣posely learned philosophie, to the ende that he might bee hable with a paciente & contentefull mynde, to endure banyshe∣mente, and other sembleable chaunces. Unto an other feloe saiyng to hym in despite, Naye, the Sinopians haue condemned thee with bany∣shyng the,How Dioge∣nes aunswe∣red one, ye cast in his teeth yt the Sinopi∣ans had ba∣nyshed hym. neuer to come more in yt countree, & I theim, {quod} he, to abyde & neuer to come thens. Signi∣fiyng hymselfe, in yt he was biddē to goo seeke hym a dwellyng place in an other countree, to bee no pointe in wurse state or cōdiciō, thē those persones, which re∣mained sti wellyng in their owne coū∣tree, not hable paciētly to suffre banysh∣mēt if it should chaūce. For egual miserie it is, to make abode in a place by enforce∣mente and compulsion,To bee exiled frō a place by compulsion, & to abyde in a place by com∣pulsion is e∣guall miserie. & to be banyshed or eriled from a place by enforcemente and compulsion. A philosophier, who in differently taketh euery grounde & euery lande vnder the cope of heauē (whiche so euer it bee) for his owne natiue countree,A philosophi∣er indifferent∣ly reputeth al places vnder ye cope of hea∣uen, to bee his natiue coun∣tree. if he bee cōmaunded to departe any whēs by banyhement, is a manne exiled out of some one particulare citee or naciō one∣ly. But he that cannot liue in another place besides his owne countree, where he was born and breden, is a manne ba∣nyshed out of regions almoste innumera¦ble. As touchyng Diogenes,Why Dioge∣nes was ba∣nyshed out of his owne coū¦tree. in deede he was banyshed his countree for countre∣feactyng or coynyng of money, as menne thynke. And born he was a Sinopian. This presente historie Plutarchus in y• his treactise, entitleed of banyshmēte, re∣porteth in maner & fourme here ensuyng. The Sinopians haue by their decree, banyshed the out of Pontus and Euxinus, are taken all for one. And it is parte of the sea from Bo∣sphorus of Thrace, vnto y• greate Ma∣ryce of Scy∣thia called Meotis. It is also abrode wyde regi∣on marchyng roūd about y• oostes of the∣same sea, en∣coumpacyng many {pro}∣incies, as Colchos, Armenia, & Cappadocia. And in Cap∣docia (beyng a deserte and barē) coūtree stood Sinopa the Citee in whiche Dio∣genes was born. Pontus for euer Yea, but I condemne them in this pein, {quod} he again, that thei remain still enclosed and pend vp within Pontus, and the ferthermust stran∣des of al Euxinus, neuer to come out from thens. Diogenes had chaūged his countree, but thesame for the better. The Sinopians wer more like folkes ba∣nyshed or exiled, in that thei wer remedi∣lesse, appoynted and assigned, to cōtynue al their liues in suche an incommodious, vnfruitefull, & baren region, as Sinopa. Those persones, that wer com∣mē dooers, in prouyng maisteries at the games of Olympia, wer called in greke . Of which sorte when Diogenes had by chaunce foūd one kepyng shepe. O Moun sire Capitain, saied he, with howe greate celeritee and speede haue ye conueighed and gotten yourselfe from Olympia to Nemea.Nemea, is a region of the coūtree of ar∣cadia, situate and liyng be∣twene twoo citees the one Cleone, & the other Clito∣rium, in th whiche Clito∣rium (as wit∣nesseth Oui∣dius) was a welle or fountain of whiche whosoeuer did drynke could not afterward awaye with drynkyng wyne. In the wodde or foreste of this Nemea did Hercules kill the hougie greate lyō whose skynne he woore on his backe for his weede. And in the honour of the said Hercules, did the people of Argo euen there celebrate and keepe solemne games, which wer named Nemea of the place in whiche thei wer holden and kept, in like maner as is afore saied of Olympia. Findyng a mery toye in the affinitee or similitude of y• greke vocables. For in greke, are certain games of prouyng maisteries so called, of the place where thesame wer celebrated and holden, euen as olympia, afore mencioned. And the greke verbe , souneth in latin, pasco, in englyshe, to keepe or feede catalles in the pastures, and , is in latin, pascu, in englyshe, pastures or leasues. Beeyng asked wherefore the champions or fightyng mēne cal∣led Athletae, had no sense ne feelyng: Marie, {quod} he, because thei haue been brought vp altogether with porke and beef, and suche other grosse feedyng. For that sorte of menne are fedde vp with the grosse kyn∣des of meates,Grosse mea∣tes maken y• bodye strong, but the witte dulle. whiche in deede conferren to y• bodye hard brawne, & clene strength but as for the witte, it maketh as grosse and dulle, as cā bee thought. But to this presente mery saiyng, the ambiguitee or doubtefulnesse of the vocable, & nothyng els, gaue place, and was occasion of it. For as with the grekes, , and with the latin mē, sentire, so in englyshe, to haue a feelyng, belongeth aswel to the mynde as to the bodye.To haue a feelyng in a matter. But the demaun∣der of the question, asked what was the cause, wherefore the saied champions, lackyng (as ye would saie) bodyly sense and feelyng, were neuer offended ne gre∣ued with strypes or strokes. And Dioge∣nes had more phansy to note the brutyshe grossenesse and dumpyng of the mynde. For wee saie commenly in englyshe, that wee feele a mannes mynde, when wee vnderstand his entent or menyng, and contrarie wyse, when the∣same is to vs veraye derke, and harde to bee per∣ceiued, wee dooe commenly vse to saie, I cannot feele his mynde, or, I haue nomaner feelyng in the matter. &c. He vsed now and then to resorte to ymages of stone or brasse, or o∣ther metalle, sette vp in the honour of this or that Godde, and to aske one or other boune of theim. And to suche persones as made greate woōdreyng, wherfore he so did, yt I maye enure myself,Use assuageth greefes. {quod} he, not to bee moued, ne to take in eiuill parte, if at any tyme, I dooe not obtein my requestes & peticions that I aske of menne. After that Diogenes by extreme pouertee (coarcted and driuen ther unto) had begoonne to begge for his liuyng, his accustomed guyse was, after this fourme to falle in hande with menne for their almes:The fourme of beggyng y• Diogenes v∣sed. If thou hast been a geuer of al∣mes to any other person heretofore geue to me also, if to no bodye, be∣gynne nowe at me. He signified that he was no lesse woorthie to haue the haritee of mēne, then the residue of beg∣gers, and therefore to bee mete, that who wer liberall in geuyng to eche bodye at auenture, should etende his liberalitee vnto Diogenes also: and who wer suche a niggarde or hayn, that he coulde not fynd in his herte afore that daye to de∣parte with an halfepenie to any creature liuyng, for suche a feloe to bee high tyme ones in his life, to begynne to departe with somewhat to the poore. Beeyng on a tyme asked the question of a certain tyranne of what sorte of brasse metalle it was moste cōueniente yt ymages should bee made: of the verayesame, {quod} he, in whiche When the cite of Athe∣nes was op∣pressed and holdē in serui¦tude by thir∣ty tyrannes Harmodius and Aristogiton, by suche prouision as thei made did subdue and destroie ye saied tyrannes. Wherefore, the people of Athenes agnisyng their vnestimable benefite receiued at the handes of the said Hermodius and Aristogiton, made and sette vp in their honour and perpetuall memorie, their ymages and portures in coppre, whiche ymages wer long tyme after, had in suche reuerence and honour, that Xerxes, when he had woonne Athenes, tooke from then y• said ymages, and thesame carryed in to his owne kyngdom. And after many yeres Seleucus made prouiion, and found the meanes to haue thesame ymages con∣eighed home again to Athenes, and to bee sette vp in their olde places. Also the Rhodians did thesame ymages (beeyng arriued at their citee in the waye homewarde) highly receiue with pro∣cession, & honourably entreacte theim at the publique charges of the citee, & did place theim in the tabernacles of the Goddes, as witnesseth Valerius Maximus. Harmodius and Aristogito were casten. Betokenyng, that the parie, if he wer well serued, was woor∣thie to bee dispatched out of y• waye. For the said Harmodius & Aristogiton, had been tyrannquellers. To one demaūdyng after what sorte Dionysius did vse,How Diony∣sius y• tyrāne vsed his fa∣miliare fren∣des. handle, & en∣treacte his frendes that wer fami∣liare about hym: like as if thei wer bottles, saied he, the fulle he hangeth vp, and the emptie, he ca∣steth asyde in a corner. Signifi∣yng, that by the said Tyrāne Dionysius the riche & welthie of his subiectes wen dayly to the potte, and wer chopped vp, and suche beggery wretches as had no∣thyng to leese, wer nothyng medleed withall, ne had any thyng saied vnto theim. Hercules was in olde tyme, wur∣shypped vnder the name of ,How Hercu∣les was wur∣shipped in olde tyme, and by what sur∣names. that is: the depoulsour and driuer awaye of all eiuils: because of the valiaunte sleayng of many soondrye monstres,Hercules . by hym extin∣cted. He was also the soonne of Iup∣piter, and by another name called, Callinicus,Hercules Callinicus. for respecte of his many∣folde actes of prouesse, & noble vi∣ctories that he had gotten, in sub∣duyng aswell his enemies, & gy∣auntes, as also other hougie mon∣stres, as afore saied. And so it was, that a certain persone had writen vpon the doore of his hous, this high triumphaunte title or poysee: The soonne of Iuppiter Callinicus Her∣cules, in this hous hath his habita∣ciō, no eiuill thyng therefore motte there entre into this place. Diogenes by this inscripcion espiyng ye folly of the feloe,, id est, post bel∣lum, auxiliū. saied: when the stede is already stolē, shutte ye stable doore, or, when I am dedde make me a caudle. Notyng y• it was ouer late to saie, God saue y• hous from all eiuils, nowe that suche a lewd feloe was alrea∣dy entreed to dwelle in it.Aide, after y• he fele is all ready fough∣en. For it had been necessarie, that the said Hercules, , that might saue the hous from all mysfortunes, or mysauentures, had takē vp his habitacion in thesame, before the owner self of the hous, had settleed hym selfe to dwell there, who on his owne partie and behalfe was suche a feloe as a manne should ake helle for. Espiyng a ryottous surfeactyng feloe in his hoste his hous, eatyng oliues towardes ye euenyng: Sir∣tha, saied he, if thou haddest made thy dyner with such meate as that, thou wouldeste not nowe suppe with the meate that thou dooest. Meanynge, it not to bee for any pointe of frugalitee, or sobre diete, that he had nothyng to his supper besydes a fewe oliues, but for that his stomake bee¦yng ouercharged, with the excessiue dēty dyner whiche he had made at noone,The best me∣dicin to make one haue a good appetite to his supper, is a light dy∣ner at noone. had no appetite to take any thyng at supper. For a light and a spare dyner, is the best medicine or sauce in the worlde, to make one haue a good appetite to his supper. Full ofte and many a tyme did he saie, couetousnesse of money,Where coue∣cousnesse of money is, the reigneth all myschief. to bee the heddeThe greke woorde is . as if ye should saye, the place where all eiuils are conceiued, or from whens all eiuils dooen issue. For it is conmpouned not of , measuryng nor of , a mother, but of , a ma∣trice, that is to saye, the place of concepcion, and of issuyng. And therof is metropolis, called the chief citee where the arche∣bishop of any prouince hath his see, and hath all the other dio∣cesses of that prouince subiecte to hym, as Canterburie and porke, here in Englande. palaice, or the hedde citee of all eiuilles or mischiefes. Not veraye muche variyng frō the sentence of the wise manne Salomon,i. Timoth. vi. who saieth, that couetousnesse of money is the roote of all eiuils. Uertuous and good menne, he affermed to bee the liuely & true ymages of the Goddes.Diogenes a∣uouched ho∣nest and ver∣tuous menne to bee y• true ymages of y• Goddes. Foras∣muche as the Goddes, of their veraye na∣ture been altogether full of all goodnesse the propretee of thesame is, to dooe good to all folkes, and to hurt no bodye. And this ymage is muche better represented in sapiente and good mēne, then in dedde ymages of stone or metalle, sens that the Goddes are thynges mere ghostly or spi∣rituall, and not materiall or bodely thynges. Loue he saied to bee the occupa∣ciō or busynesse of idle folkes,Loue, is the occupacion of idle persones. that had nothyng els to set theim selfes on werke withall. Because this pangue or guierie of loue dooeth especi∣ally aboue al others, inuade and possesse suche persones as been altogether drou∣ned in idlenesse. And so cometh it to passe that whyle thei geuen theimselfes whol∣ly to idlenesse, thei stumble on a thyng y• filleth their handes as full of coūbreous busynesse, as thei are hable to awaye withall, and yet in the meane tyme, the deiuill of the one chare of good werke thei dooen. To one demaūdyng, what was the moste miserable thyng in this life?What thyng Diogenes re∣kened y• most miserable in this life. he made aunswere: An aged bodye in extreme pouertee. For when the sure stayes or enyg postes of nature dooe faill a manne, thn muste the feblenesse of age bee propped, bolstreed vp, or vndersette with the succour and helpe of worldly substaūce Albeeit,He is not to bee accoum∣pted poore y• hath in youth purchaced good discipli∣nes, and ho∣neste frendes. that persone is not to bee rekened r accoum∣pted in the noūbre of poore folkes, who hath in his youth, purchaced vnto hym∣self good disciplines or other craftes & honeste frendes, the moste assured & tru∣stie prouision to liue by in a mannes olde dayes. That feloe is a begger in moste wretched condicion, that is endued with no good qualitee.He is in the most wreched state of beg∣gerie, that is endued with no good qua∣litee. Beeyng asked, what beaste had the moste perilous and hurtefull styngue:What beast hath the most prilous and hurtefull styn¦gue. If thy questiō bee of sal∣uaige beastes, {quod} Diogenes, ye backe∣byter: if of tame beastes, ye flaterer. For the backebyter hydeth not his hate∣red towardes any bodye, ne recketh who knoweth thesame: the flaterer, vnder the vi∣sour or cloke of a frende, hurteth tenne ty∣mes more greuously then the other. Beholdyng twoo The Cen∣taures wer a people of the Countree of Thessalia, not ferre frō the moūte pe∣liō. Thei wer the first that eer fought on horsbacke. Whiche thei wer driuē to, for to destruie a great heard of wilde bul∣les, that did muche scathe in all ye coun∣tree about. And of this (because to y• sely people beholdyng theim a ferre of, thei appered after a monstreous facion and shape) the poetes dooe feigne that thei wer gyauntes, in the vpper parte of the body menne, and in the nether parte horses, and that Ixion begotte the first of theim on a cloude, thei are called of the lati¦nes Centauri, of the greeke woorde, , that is to pricke, or to spurre, because thei keeked and sette spurres thicke to the hor∣ses sides, when thei galopped in chacyng the wilde bulles, but their greke name, was a woorde compoūde hippocentauri, for is an horse.Centaures figh∣tyng in a peinted table, of woon∣dreous eiuill werkemanship, whe∣ther of these twoo, saied he, is the wurse? Notyng the rudenesse and de∣faulte of cunnyng in the peintr, as though he stood in doubte whether of the bothe had been wurse drawen or sette out in peintyng. But the pith of the saiyng consisteth in that he vsed a woorde that maye bee taken in two soundry senses: For the greke vocable , i englyshe, wurse, is saied aswell of one that is wurse in estymacion of value, or any other comparison, and also that hath the wurse or is putte to the wurse in fightyng. Fair and smoothe speakyng, not procedyng from the botome of the herte, but altogether framed to please the hearer,Fair & smoo∣the speakyng framed onely to please the hearer, Dio∣genes called a trappe or snare of ho∣ney. Diogenes customa∣bly vsed to call an hony brake, or a snare of honey. Because thesame vnder the pretense of loue, embracyng a māne as though ye speaker wer ready euen to crpe into the bosome of the hearer, cutteth the throte of thesame. The bealy of excessiue gourmaū∣ders and gluttons,The bealyes of gluttons Diogenes cal¦led ye charyb∣dis of mānes life. he called the Charybdis of mannes life, for that thesame deuoured all that euer it might geatte, and yet was neuer saciate. Charybdis & Scylla, after the feig∣nyng of ye po∣etes are twoo monstres of the sea, in the way betwene Calabria and Sicilia, stan∣dyng the one directly ayenst ye other, & the same so daun∣gerously, that thei destruie all the shippes that come within the reache of either of the. Fr Charybdis thei fable to bee a monstre that swalloweth vp al thynges, and thesame shortely after spouteth vp gain: but in veraye deede, it is a daungerous goulfe, makyng sore ouerfalles by reason of the meetyng of soondry streames in one pointe. And Scylla in veraye deede, is a grat at rocke in thesame streighte stan¦dyng so directly ayenst Charybdis, that ecepte the shippes cutte and take course euen iustly betwene bothe, thei hardely escape drounyng. And because that Scylla aferre of, representeth to the figure and shape of a christen body, and to the eare (by rea¦sn of roryng and beatyng of the waues) it representeth the ha¦kyng of doggues, therfore the poetes haue feigned, yt Scylla is a monstre of ye sea. hauyng in ye vpper parte, the shape of a mai∣dn and in the nether parte the likenesse of a fyshe, the bealy of a woulf, and the taille of a dolphin fyshe, as witnesseth Uirgili∣us in the thirde volume of the Aeneidos. Albeeit, Homere wri∣te that Scylla hath sixe heddes, and twelf feete, and baket like a doggue. Charybdis swalloweth vp onely suche thynges, as are carryed by sea, & after a litle tyme, casteth vp again whatso∣euer it goulped in before: but the bealyes of gullyguttes (that can naught dooe, but eate & drynke, and slepe) neither ye aier, nor ye lande, nor the flooddes and riuers, nor yet all the seaes are hable to suffise. yea, and rather then faill, bothe whole mainour places, and also whole lordeshippes, thei make no bones, ne sticke not, quite and clene to swallowe down the narrowe lane, and thesame to spue vp again. When certain persones made relacion to Diogenes, howe that one Didymo was attached for liyng wt another mannes wife: If ye wretche were well serued, {quod} Diogenes, he should bee hanged vp euen by the same thyng, that he beareth the name of. In deede, Didymi,Didymi. is greke for a pare of mannes stones, so yt the mynde of Diogenes was, yt suche a synnefull Cai∣tif, ought to bee hanged vp by that membres of the whiche he had his name, and by the whiche he hadde committed the offense and trespace. One that laboured the studie of naturall philosophie, opposed Dio∣genes with this question, for what cause golde looked to the yie some∣what pale and wanne of coloure?For what cause gold looketh to the yie pale and wanne of c∣lour. Marie, {quod} he, because there bee so many folkes liyng in awayt for it. Suche persones, as knowe that thei haue awayte or watche layed for theim, cānot but bee a feard. And ye propretee of any body bee∣yng in greate feare, is to looke with a pale and wanne colour. When he sawe a woman sit∣tyng in an horse littre, or charrette, he saied: that another maner caige then that, hadde been more meete for a beaste of that kynde. Notyng, that suche frowarde creatures as many women are, ought rather to bee pended vp in a caige of iron. Lectica was a certain maner of seate, for noble womē, whiche I dooe here call an horselittre, because we haue no kynde of seate so nighe, or so like in facion to he Lectica. Albeeit, thei wer not in olde tyme dra∣wen with horses, but carryed vpon sixe menne shoulders, and thei wer made with preatie latesse wyndoores and crosse barres or grates, & paines to shutte and to opē, for lookyng out at pleasure So that it shewed & represented to the iye muche what the facion or lykenesse of a caige for byr∣des, or of a pende, wherein to kepe other beastes. And in suche, did the riche or welthie wo∣men: yea, and also the other nycibecetours or dēty dames, cusomably vse, bothe to ytte for their pleasure, and also to bee carryed about the stretes for their solace and recreacion. Espiyng a bondseruaunte, that was a renneawaye, or at lestwise a strayer from his maister, sittyng by a welles syde: take hede young manne, saied he, that ye sitte faste, for geattyng a falle. He did noo more but dalye with a woorde, that maye in∣differentely bee taken in diuerse senses. For ye greke verbe, soneth in latin Exci∣dere, in englyshe to geat a falle, or to haue a falle. And he is proprely saied in greke , in latin excidere, in englyshe to geat a falle, bothe that falleth down into a pitte or a welle, and also that is violently toumbleed or taken out of his place. And myne opinion is, that welles in olde tyme emong the gen∣tiles, had the strength of sanctuarie, and yt it was not leeful violently or by force, to plucke any bodye from thesame, no more then out of the temples of the goddes, or from the ymage and porterature of the prince. When he hadde espyed at the hotte hous, a feloe that vsed to steale awaye gounes and cotes, or other garmentes (and suche an one ye grekes callen: he saied vnto hym: Syrrha, are ye come to the bath, orels to the bayte. Al∣beeit, Diogenes dalyed with the affinitee of greke voices, whiche it is not possible with equall grace to expresse either in latin, or yet in our mother tongue. The greke woordes been, , betwene the woordes, at (lest wise in soune,) there is woondreous small difference. For of the verbe , is deriued a noune, , that is, oyntemente or enoyncyng, and therof Alipte, wer those to who∣se cure wer cō¦mitted those persones to bee noycted (yt thei might haue their ioynctes nym∣ble & lithye that should ight in the solēne games that wer cele∣brate & holden in the honour of any of the goddes. He is also called a∣lipta that e∣noynteth woundes or sore places of the bodye to ouple theim. , whose office was to enoynct menne, had their name. And of , is fourmed a diminutiue : now, , are twoo soondry woordes, albeeit by reason of ye figure called synalephe (whiche is, when twoo vouels concurryng together, the former leeseth his power, and soune by col∣lision) it seemeth in maner no more but one diccion, for if one take awaye the synalephe, the whole woordes been . That is, another litle garmente, so that the veraye right woordes yt Diogenes spake to the feloe, were these: Are ye come to bee enoyn∣cted, orels to steale another garmēt For in the baine or hotte hous, folkes were in olde tyme enoyncted, and in y• selfe same place the pikepurses and stealers of apparell dili∣gently applyed, and went about their occupa∣cion: for it was the guise to washe naked, their clothes putte of, and laied asyde. Diogenes therfore gaue a quippe to the embesleer or bry¦ber, that thesame hauyng stolen some garmēt elswhere afore, was nowe come thyther to purloyne and conueigh awaye an other. And because a goune or a cote so rechelesly cast asyde, is a good bayte for one that seeketh it: and to thentente y• the saiyng myght haue some what the more grace, I haue thus translated it, to the bath, or els to the bayte. That if it had not been more for dischargeyng y• duetie of a tran¦slatour, then for any greate delite or profecte to the vnlearned reader, I would haue passed ouer this apophthegine & left it clene out. Whē he was on a tyme entreed into an hotte hous, that laye hor∣rible filthy, sluttishe and vnclene, he saied in this maner: thei yt washe in this place, where bee thei wa∣shed after it? He signified that suche persones as came in thither pure and clene, wer there embrued with durte & fylthynesse, & suche as wer at any tyme washed there, to haue veraye greate neede of a secounde ryn∣syng, wherwith eftsons to bee scoured, and made clene. When he had on a tyme espyed women hangyng vpon an oliue tree, and there strangleed to death with the halters: would god, saied he, that the other trees too had like fruite hangyng on theim. For Diogenes was one that loued no women in no sauce,Diogenes was , that is one y• hated women to the deiuill of helle. but hated theim dedly, and for yt cause had a greate zele and affection to see theim euery one swyngyng and tottreyng in halters, Diogenes yieyng a certain feloe,How Dioge∣nes saluted one that had an eiuill name for robbyng of dedde men∣ne toums. that had a veraye eiuill name and reporte that he should bee a spoy∣ler and robber of dedde mennes toumbes & herses, salued, or, hail∣led hym wt this verse of homere. Beeyng asked the question whe∣ther he had any manne or woman seruaunte of his owne,Diogenes had neither māne ne womā ser∣uaunte. he aunswe∣red, no in good feith, not one in the world. And whē the demaūder had ferther saied, why, who shall then carrye thee to thy graue, in case it fortune thee to dye? Marie, {quod} he, euen whosoeuer shall haue neede of my hous, for to dwell in it. Many persones are veraye supersticious¦ly carefull, how and by what persones the shalbee brought to their graues,Diogenes to∣ke no thought howe or by what {per}sones he should bee buiryed. and laied in ye grounde: of all suchemaner thought or care was Diogenes clere voide, castyng no doub∣tes, but that there should come one or other bodye, that would conueigh his dedde car∣kesse out of doores, though it wer for no∣thyng els, but to make the hous voide. Albeeit his chaunce was in fine, to bee veraye honest∣ly buyried. Beholdyng a certain young spryngall, as he slepte rechelessely at all auentures, he pounched the∣same with his staffe & recited the verse of Homerus here foloyng. The grace of the saiyng consisteth in this poynte, that Diogenes feactely applyed the verse of Homere to his purpose, by saiyng , in stede of for in Homere it is, . that is, Lest some manne, whyle thou rennest awaye for feare. Thrust the behinde, quite through wt a speare, It been the woordes, of Diomedes, in the .viii. of the Ilias, vnto vlysses: whom, when he was ren∣yng awaye, Diomedes, biddeth to turne again for shame, and not to flee: lest some manne. &c. To a feloe that was beyond all reason, or out of all course euen ful and whole geuen to good chere, & all kyndes of ryotte and excesse, he applyed yt piece of Homer his verse: . That is. In feith my childe your dayes are but shorte. Signifiyng that the part would with his ryottous facions kill hym selfe ere he wer halfe olde. The Like as ī ma¦teriall & sensi∣ble grosse thin¦ges, wee see that the hoy¦rs haue han∣gyng by them in their shop∣pes purposely certain pater∣nes, out of whiche thei ta¦ke the facion of y• clocke of an hose when soeuer thei must make a∣ny suche: and sembleably ye shoemakers haue alwayes ready han∣gyng on a na∣lle paternes of lether pur∣posely reser∣ued and kept whereby to shape the vp∣per leathers, & also other paternes for y• heeles of al the shooes yt thei make: so did Plato af∣ferme, yt there bee, and eter∣nally haue been, of eche natural thing certain gene∣rall paternes to euery of ye∣same kyndes seuerally be∣lōgyng, whi∣che paternes onely the yma¦ginacion and vnderstādyng of mānes rea∣son, is hable to cōprehende or to cōceiue. And that out of the exam∣ple or copie of those generall paternes, na∣ture frō tyme to tyme hath, stil, dooeth, & contynually shall fourme and shape all singulare or particuare tynges of euery seuerall kynde: so that an Idee is the appropriate ourme, & peculiare likenesse of thynges in euery kynde, out of y• whiche as beeyng a substāciall paterne eernally remanyng, are figured shaped and produced, al particular thynges in this or that kynde For exaumple and declaracion wherof, as when wee see in wae a thousande soondry emprientynges all of one likenesse, wee dooe easily and promptely conceiue, that all thesame emprientynges wer originally made and empriented with one sale, so maye we by our intelligence cōprehende that all the particulare menne in the worlde, haue been fourmed of one generall paterne of man∣kynde, whiche hath in eternall substaunce remained ready for y• purpose. And sembleably, must the ymaginacion or reason con∣ceiue of an horse, of a table, of a cuppe, and of all other kyndes of naturall thynges. And this the posiciō and assercion of Plato dooeth Saincte Augustine allow and vpholde (as ye maye reade in his treactise of the lx. questions) and also Eusebius in his werke de praeparatione euangelica, bothe whiche authours Ambrosius Calepinus, dooeth in his dictionarie cite for esti∣monie and dclaracion of the said Idees.Idees, that Plato deuised, & muche treacteth of, euen Aristotle laughed to skorne. And so it was, that at a certain season, when Plato made a greate long circumstaūce, about the declaryng of the Idees, and tooke muche peine with voca∣bles of his owne forgeyng, to ex∣presse and plainly to sette out the∣same Ides, a thyng feigned, and founded onely in the conceipte of ymaginaciō, hauyng in his mouth at euery secounde woorde the said forged vocables of the Idees, as for exaumple, tableitees, for the fa∣cion of a table, by itself to bee con∣ceiued in ye imagenaciō of ye mynde for a comen paterne as it wer laied vp, and kept in the mynde, where∣by all other like tables are to bee deuised & shaped. And cuppytees, for the commen paterne whereby all drynkyng cuppes are to bee de∣uised, facioned and wrought by the maker: Diogenes mockyng suche quidificall trifles, that wer all in ye cherubyns, saied: Sir Plato, your table and your cuppe I see veraye wll, but as for your tableitee, and your cuppitee, I see none suche. Albeeit there bee euen at this present daye too, that with their sorteitees, and their eccei∣tees bee in their owne conceiptes euen doc∣tours of the chaire. Yet neuerthelesse Plato paied Diogenes home again wel enough, and gaue as good as he brought. It is no meruaill, saied Plato: for thou hast yies with the whiche cuppes & tables are seen, but witte and reason thou hast not with whiche are perceiued and seen the tableitees and the cuppytees. To one demaundyng when best season wer to wedde a wife:Whē Dioge∣nes thought moste expedi∣ente for a mā¦ne to wedde a wife. for a young manne, {quod} he: it is to soone, and for an olde manne ouer late. Albeeit the greke woordes by reason of a certain vicinitee, haue moste grace, not yet, and , not at all. Geuyng a preatie watche woorde, that best were vtter∣ly to abstein from matrimonie. But the de∣maunder would veray fain haue learned, at what yeres of a mannes age, or in whiche parte of the yeare, it wer expedient for a māne to choose his make: As Aristotle dooeth by pre¦scripciō appointe the cōuenient or rype tyme of beyng maryable, to a virgyn, ye age of eigh∣ten yeres, to a manne,The ripe time of beeyng mar¦ryable for mā & woman by ye prescripiō of Aristotle. the age of thirtie & fiue yeres. And the Romaines thought the mone∣thes of Aprile and Iune propice and good to wedde in, and the moneth of Maie vnlucky.The Romai∣nes thought Aprill & Iune luc¦ky monethes to marrye in & Maie vn∣lucky. To a feloe demaundyng what he woulde haue, to take a blowe or a buffette: Marie, {quod} he, a salette. This mery ieste too, hath al his grace of the soodain aunswer that nomanne woulde haue looked for.A Mery aun∣swer vnloo∣ked for. For the other partie looked to heare what recompense or hyer, Diogenes would require for a blowe on the cheeke. When he sawe a young ruffleer trymmyng hymselfe after ye moste galaunte and mynion facion:What Dio∣genes said to a yoūg māne, trymmyng hymself after the galaunt sorte. If that trymmyng bee for mēne, saied he, it will not bee: if for women, it should not bee. This saiyng souneth more pleasaūtly in greke, by reason of the af∣finitee of the twoo voices, thou fail∣et of thy purpose, and thou dooest plain iniurie. For it is in vaine for one māne to trymme hymselfe for an other, sens that be∣twene theim cā bee no maryage: And a weked deede dooeth any young manne, if by settyng foorth of his beautie, he dooe laye abayte to be guile ye frail sexe of womākind, wheras a wife ought to bee woonne, not wt the lure of wantō¦nesse, but with honest maners & behaueour.A wise ought to bee woonne with honeste maners and behauour. To a certain young ladde blu∣shyng, & by reason of thesame blu∣shyng sore dismaied: take a good herte my soonne, {quod} he, yt same hewe or coloure is of vertues dyyng,Blushyng in a yoūg thyn∣ges chekes is of vertues dyng. or, dooeth ye dyeuatte of vertue geue. When he had heard twoo cun∣nyng lawers contendyng, trauer∣syng, and earnestly laiyng the lawe betwene theim selfes together,What Dio∣genes saied of twoo lawers contendyng, laiyng y• one against the other. a∣bout a mater of thefte: he saied, thei wer false knaues bothe of theim, and condemned aswell the one as the other, allegeyng that the one had committed thefte, and that the other had lost nothyng. Signifi∣yng that bothe of theim were well woorthie to bee hanged. The subtilitee of this presente saiyng consisteth in this poynte onely, whoso pieketh or priuely stealeth awaye any thyng, hath some auaūntage and gayne thereby: and the partie, from whom any suche thyng is piel¦ed and brybed awaye, hath by thesame, disa∣uauntage and losse. But in this presente case, there had a madde or fonde knacke befallen. The one partie had pielfed, or embesleed a∣waye a thyng of the others, and yet the parti from whom the thyng was pieked, susteined no losse ne damage, for hymself had stolen ye∣same thyng afore, whiche his feloe brybed a∣waye afterward from hym again. To one demaūdyng what wyne he best loued and liked with his good wille to drynke, marie, {quod} he, of another mannes purse.The best wine is, yt a bodye drynketh of an other man¦nes cost. Here al so the ready aunsweryng muche contrary to the expectacion of the demaunder geueth to ye saiyng all his grace. The other partie looked for another maner aunswer, as the whiche in his question askyng, mened of the kynde of wyne. To one that saied vnto hym: all the worlde almoste dooeth mocke thee. Yea, but for all that, saied he again: I am not mocked. And this a manne would thynke to bee a thyng vnpossible, that one should strike you, and yet ye not bee striken. But Diogenes denyed that he was had in derision, either for that he was no manne woorthie why, orels for that he thought the skornyng of the fond people, no∣thyng to touche hym,Diogenes thought the skornyng of the fond peo∣ple, nothyng to touche hym. nor hymself to be in any pointe the wurse for thesame. To another persone affermyng that it was a miserable and a wret∣ched thynge to liue here in this worlde. No, saied Diogenes, to liue is no miserable, ne wretched thyng, but to lede an eiuil or a vicious life is a thyng wretched and miserable.To liue is no miserable thyng, but to lede a vicious life. The moost parte of folkes calleth it a mi¦serable life, or a doggues life, yt is subiecte or in presēte daūger of trauailles, of bodyly greef or peines, of sickenesse or diseases, of losse of goo∣des, of exilinges and banyshementes, & many sembleable incommoditees. But the philoso∣phier rekened nothyng to bee iuill or misera∣ble, sauyng that was lynked or coupleed with vice and dishonestee.Nothyng is eiuil, but that is coupleed wt dishonestee & with vice. Diogenes had a seruaunt, that was called Manes,Manes the seruaunte of Diogenes. and when this Manes had taken his heeles and renne a∣waye from his maister, the frendes of Diogenes, auised hym to seeke out the renneawaye: Marie sir, {quod} Dio∣genes,The aunswer of Diogenes to his frendes auisyng hym to pursue af∣ter his bonde∣manne, that was renne a∣waye from hym. that wer a madde thyng of all thynges, if Manes dooe alreadie wil∣lyngly liue without Diogenes, and Diogenes could by no meanes liue without the coumpaignie of Manes. yet many menne pursue after their ser∣uauntes in mynde and purpose, to bee auen∣ged on thesame: but Diogenes had regarde to the neede of vsyng or occupiyng a seruaunte. That if any one philosophier bee of righter sorte then another, it is he, yt nedeth fewest thynges.The best phi∣losophier is he that feeleth nede of fewest thynges. And in consideracion therof, Dio∣genes would not in any wise seme wurse then his bondmanne. For Manes had renne a∣waye from hym, because he could lyue without his maister well enough. On a tyme Diogenes made al his dyner with Oliues onely: and tarte and other sweete meates, anone af∣ter brought in place, he floung frō hym, & therwithall soūg this greke verse, out of some olde tragedie. . Stand utter ye geast unbidden, picke you hen Abacke, out of our sight & regall presence. And also this piece of Homere his verse. . Somewhiles with scourges, he chaced awaye. Callyng hymself a kyng, a contemner of all sensuall delices,Diogenes a contemner of all sensual de∣lices. whiche delices, his wille mynde was, to haue clene out of all menne presence and occupiyng abandoned. Diogenes was commenly abrode called doggue. And of doggues ther been diuerse ortes moo then one: For there bee ha∣ryers, or buckehoundes, there bee spanyels made to ye hawke, or for takyng of foule, there bee shepeheardes curres, ther are tye doggues or mastifes for keepyng of houses,What maner a doggue Dio¦genes was. there been litle mynxes, or puppees that ladies keepe in their chaūbers for especiall iewelles to playe withall And so, to one demaundyng what maner a doggue he, for his parte was, he feactely aunswered, and saied: when I am houngry I am a litle mynxe full of playe, and when my bealy is full, a mastife. For that, when he had good luste or ap∣petite to eate, he would fawne vpon folkes, & speake theim faire, and when his bealy was well filled, he wouldeuermore buff, and barke, and byte agood. Beeyng asked, whether philoso∣phiers wer eaters of tartes or sweet meates too?Philosophi∣ers eate all∣maner meates as others y• are menne. yea, of all thynges (sai∣ed Diogenes) euē like other christian bodyes. In this also, he made an vndi∣recte aunswer, to the question that was asked of hym. The demaunders question was, whe¦ther it wer conuenient for philosophiers (who professen frugalitee or temperaunce) to feede of tartes and marzepaines, the meates of dē∣ty mouthed persones. Diogenes semblyng to haue no greate witte ne knowlage,, but to bee more then half a foole, so shaped his aunswer, as though philosophiers were no menne in deede, and yet did eate meates to the diete of manne belongyng. For euery kynde of ye brute beastes dooe not eate allmaner thynges at auenture without excepcion. The oxe eateth heigh, the lyon woll none of it: the sheepe loue the leffes and toppes of wieloe twygges, the horses would haue otes. Some byrdes are fedde with the beries of Iuniper, some foules are deuourers of fleshe, some dooe fede altoge∣ther on fyshe. And to this alluded Diogenes. When Diogenes on a tyme at the table emong coumpaignie, was ea∣tyng of a tarte, and one that sate in yesame coūpaignie, saied: what art thou eatyng now Diogenes? (demyng that ye cynike philosophier had no knowelage what maner thyng a tarte shoulde bee:) he aunswered breade, of a veraye good makyng, or breade veraye well handleed in the bakyng. Pretendyng, that he knewe not, what it was. To others it was sweete tarte, to Diogenes it was no better then breade, who did not eate it for sensuali∣tee, or for to sweete his lippes, but for his ne∣cessarie foode and susteinaunce. To one demaūdyng why mēne wer liberall to geue almes bounte∣ously to other beggers,Why menne geue almes mre bounte∣ously to other beggers then to philoso∣phiers. and to phi∣losophiers nothyng so, Marie, {quod} he, because thei haue hope to see it sooner come to passe, that thei shal∣bee lame or blynde, then that thei shalbee philosophiers. Suche fol∣kes as taken pietee and compassion vpō per∣sones visited with affliccion, (of whiche sorte are all beggers for the moste parte) dooen the same in consideracion of the state, condicion, or chaunce of this worlde, beeyng indifferente and commen to al mortal menne in this pre∣sente life. So thei releue a blynde bodye, ca∣styng thus in their mynde: this veraye selfe same thyng, maye in tyme to come, chaunce vnto myself: but of a philosophier, thei haue no suche cogitacion. The saiyng hath some∣what the more grace, by reason of the impro∣pre vsyng of the latin woorde, sperant, in en∣glyshe, thei haue hope or affiaunce: for a man in processe, to become a philosophier, maye bee hoped for, bt for ye losse of the yiesight, or for haltyng like acreple, no manne vseth to hope. Diogenes asked, whatsoeuer it was, in the waye of almes of a fe∣loe beeyng a nyggarde and lothe to departe with any thyng: whome when he sawe long in dooyng, and more like vtterly to saye hym naye then to geue hym aught: O thou manne saied he, I aske thee for a dynyng, not for a dyyng. To ex∣presse as nere as maye bee, the affinitee of the greke vocables, , and , of the whi∣che , is in latin cibus, in englyshe meate and , in latin sepultura, in englyshe, a graue. As if he should haue saied: what nedest thou to make so muche stickyng at the mater: I dooe not require the to go hang thyselfe, but one∣ly to geue me as muche money as maye suffise to paie for my poore dyner. Which he spake, because the feloe made as muche stickyng, & shewed hym∣selfe as lothe to departe with any money, as if Diogenes had saied vnto hym: goo thy wayes at ones, and hang thyselfe. All the mater is in daly∣yng with the greke dictions. To a certain persone laiyng to his charge, that he had in tyme to∣fore, been a false coyner of countre feacte money, (for he was vpon suche a mater banyshed his coun∣tree,In the .cii. a∣pophthegme of Diogenes. as is aboue mencioned:) I cō∣fesse, saieth he, the tyme to haue been, when I was suche an one, as thou art now, but suche an one as I am at this presente, thou art ne∣uer like to bee, whyle yu shalt liue. It was a checke to those persones,Many dooe rebuke in o∣trs the tre∣spaces of youth and yet emende not their owne in their olde age neither. who dooe in others fynde greate faulte at the errours and folyes of youth, whereas the∣same dooe emende and correcte their owne mysdedes, no not in their olde age neither. To another feloe castyng hym in the nose with theself same mater he defended his cryme by the pre∣texte of youth, saiynge: Yea I did in my youth many thynges moo then that, whiche I dooe not now in myne age. For at yt age I could haue pyssed quickely with out any peine, so dooe I not nowe at this daye. With a Cynical circui∣cion or goyng about the bushe, he signified young age,Many menn dooe many poyntes of fo¦ly in youth whiche thei will not doo in age. whiche dooeth easyly, and at the first assaye make water, wheras olde folkes bee muche coumbreed with a spiece of the trangurie, that thei cannot pysse, but with great peine, one droppe after another. So mned Diogenes, that in his old age he could not possibly by any persuasion or meanes haue been brought to coyne false money, wherunto the foly of youth had afore brought hym, through default of mature discrecion. Takyng a iorney on a tyme to the toune of Myndus,Myndus a toune in Asia. when he sawe greate wyde gates and of gorge∣ous or royall buildyng, where as the toune was but a litle preaty pyle: he saied, ye toune dwellers, or ye enhabitauntes of Myndus, shutte fast your toune gates, that your ci∣tee goo not out at theim. Notyng tee toune to bee so litle, that it were possible for thesame to goo foorth at the gates. Seeyng a feloe attached, that hadde by priue stelth embesleed a piece of purple sylke, he applyed to thesame, this verse of Homere. . That is, The death of purple, hath thee by the backe Purple, death and princely desten.And by princely destiney, þu goest to wracke. It cannot haue y• full grace in englyshe. But , in greke, and purpureus, a, um,purpureus, a um, an epithe on of mor. is a denominatiue of purpura: and the poetes dooen often ioyne it for an epitheton with the substan∣tiue mors, death. Because that when a bodye is slain, the gore bloode that issueth out of the wounde is of purple colour. And he called it prin∣cely destiney to dye in riche araye, or for preciou and gaye thynges. Craterus the lieutenaunte or high Capitaine with Alexander the greate beeyng a manne of greate welth & richesse,Craterus lieu¦ tenaūte with Alexander the greate. had of his owne mere mo∣cion inuited & hertyly praied Dioge∣nes to come & dwell with hym: To whom, Diogenes made this aunswer.What Dio∣genes aun∣swered to Cra¦ter{us} inuityng hym to come and dwell with hym. I can better bee contented to liue in Athenes with breade and chese, thē with Craterus at myne owne will, to haue all the deyntyes in ye worlde. Menyng that libertee (bee it neuer so poore) is rather to bee chosen,Libertee, bee it neuer so poore, is to be preferred to al delices, where libertee is re∣streigned. then all the de∣lices and iunkerie, or sumptuous fare of the ryche cobbes, to bee restreigned & kept shorte of libertee. Anaximenes a philosophi∣er, the schola∣re & succes∣sour of Ana∣ximander, & ye maister & next p̄decessour of Anaxagoras.Anaximenes the rhetorician had a panche as fatte and greate as he he was hable to lugge awaye with all, to whom Diogenes came,What Dio∣genes saied to Anaximenes the rhetoriciā hauyng a gre∣ate bealy. and spake in this maner: I praye you geue to vs lene craggues some bealy too: for bothe yourself therby shalbee well lighted and eased of your burden, and ye shall dooe to vs a good turne and a pleasure. As Anaximenes was on a tyme in makyng an oracion to the people, Diogenes bearyng in his hande, and holdyng out a pestle or gāmounde of bakon, made all the audience full and whole to turne awaye frō Anaximenes to gaze vpon hym. Anaxi∣menes fumyng & takyng high indig¦naciō at ye mater, held his peace, as a mā destitute & forsakē of his au∣ditorie. Then saied Diogenes, loe, one poore halfpenie mater hath clene dashed all this earnest and solēne talke of Anaximenes. Signifiyng that all his bableyng was of light and friuelous maters, whiche made not the audience veraye attente, or willyng to geue eare vnto hym. Certain persones obiectyng vnto hym as a poincte against all good nourture, that he would goo ma∣unchyng and eatyng euen in the open strete:Why Dioge∣nes woulde eate as he wēt in the open strete. what meruaill, {quod} he? hoūgre cometh on me in the strete. He made a reason, of that the logicians callen, relatiuè opposita.Relatiuè op∣posita, or, re∣latiues, in lo∣gike, are two thynges so connexed, and mutually de∣pendyng the one of the other, yt thesame doe eurmore eiter the other ymporte & notifie, as to beeyng a father, belongeth hauyng a childe, and to beeyng a soonne or doughter, belongeth hauyng a father. And sembleably of hoūgre & ayng. If houngre wer not hasty on a manne in the open strete, it myght percase, bee a mater of hame to eate in ye opē trete. But by the selfsame coulour he might haue defended hymself if he did his easemente orels made water in the open strete. There bee writers that dooe fa∣ther this also vpon Diogenes,How Dioge∣nes taunted Plato secrete∣ly, reprouyng hym for his course fare. Plato happyly fyndyng hym washyng a sorte of salade herbes, saied vnto hym roundyng in his eare. If thou wouldest haue been rewled by Dio∣nysius, iwys thou shouldest not after this maner washe these herbes. Dio¦genes roūded Plato in the eare again, saiyng: iwys If thou wouldest haue washed herbes for thyne own dyner, thou shouldest not in this maner haue been a Ihon hold my∣staf to Dionysius.Afore in the first saiyng of Aristippus. But this appereth to bee a tale forged after the likenesse or ex¦aumple of the saiyng afore reported on Ari∣stippus, As thissame in like maner, whiche I will putte now nexte of all. To one saiyng,ogenes no∣yng passed on theim that had hym in derision. many a manne hath the in derision (o Diogenes) and theim perauenture, many an asse, {quod} he, again. The other feloe saiyng moreouer, and thus replyyng, yea, but thei care nothyng for the asses, he aunswered, and I asmuche and not a iote more for theim that ye speake of. He attributed vnto asses the propretee of mockyng or skornyng, because thei dooe euery other whyle, by shewyng their teeth bare, as ye would saye, countrefeacte grennyng and makyng mowes with their lyppes. And besides that, when menne dooe mocke any bodye thei wagge their handes vp and down by their eares at the sydes of their hedde, and dooe coutrefeacte the facion of an asses eares. So then the asse also appe∣reth by waggyng his eares vp and down, to mocke and skorne folkes, yet is there no body therwith displeased, or greued. Seeyng a young striepleyng to applye the studie of philosophie, well dooen, {quod} he, the harkeners of carnall beautie, thou callest awaye to ye beautie and goodlynesse of the mynde and solle. Menyng, that the partie, in yt he laboured to garnyshe & adourne his mynde with vertues or good qualitees,Who labou∣reth to adour∣ne he mynde wt good qua∣litees, and ho∣neste discipli∣ns, shalbee assured of muche y• bet∣ter frendes. & with honest disciplines, should fynally, attei∣gne, to bee assured of better frēdes, by a great waye. For there is nothyng more goodly or beautyful then sapience, nothyng then vertue more amiable. The custome & vsage of menne in olde tyme was, suche persones as had been saued from greate pe∣rilles, or mysauentures, to hang vp in the temples Donaries, that is to saye: giftes, presentes, or oblaci∣ons, as agnisyng to bee the onely benefyte of the Goddes, yt thei had been preserued and saued harme∣lesse. Therfore, whē to Diogenes, ha∣uyng taken a iourney into ye coun∣tree of Samos is an Isle in the sea called Ma¦re Aegeum adiacente, marchyng, bordreyng v∣pon the coun∣tree of Thra∣cia, whiche af¦terward by reason of the commirtiō of bothe peoples was named Samothracia as witnes¦seth Uergilius, saiyng: Threiciam quae Samum, quae nun Sa∣mothraci fertur. This Isle was consecrae to Iun, who ws in thesame Isle born, breden, and brought vp, and finally mareyed to Iupiter. There was also another Isle in thesame sea of thesame name foreayenst EphesusSamothracia, wer shewed the iewelles or oblacions, that soon∣drie persones hauyng been from perishyng in battaill, from dyyng by sickenesse, frō beeyng drouned and lost on the sea, or from any o∣ther greate hasarde preserued, had offreed vp, yea, {quod} Diogenes, but these would bee a muche greater noum∣bre, if all those persones, whiche in like case haue not been saued, had offreed vp suche gyftes as these. He mened (myne opinion is,) those perso∣nes that wer saued from mysauentures, to bee saued by veraye chaunce, and not by the benefyte or grace of y• Goddes.Diogenes sup¦posed menne to bee saued from mysaue¦tures by mere chaunce, & no by ye grace or gifte of god. That in case it bee to bee ymputed to ye Goddes, if a māne bee preserued, to thesame is it also to bee im∣puted, that mo in noumbre dooe peryshe, then are escaped. There been writers yt dooen at∣tribute this present saiyng to Diagoras Me∣lius,Diagoras a philosophier surnamed , that is a mysreaunt not beleuyng that there, wer any goddes, ne the same to bee of any power. a myscreaunte and a wieked despyser of the Goddes. And as for the Samothracians wer sore blynded and infected with greate su∣persicion in suche maner thynges. To a welfauoured yoūg spryn∣gall gooyng on his waye towar∣des a feaste or banquette, he saied: Thou wylte come home againe wurse manne, then thou gooest foorth. So when thesame young manne returnyng homewarde a∣gain from the banquette, had saied to Diogenes, I haue been at ye feaste, and yet am returned nothyng the wurse manne therfore. Yes, {quod} Dio∣genes,. and so muche the wurse, euen for that worde. Notifiyng to bee vn∣possible, but yt suche a young strepleyng must remedyesse frō excessiue & vnsobre reuellyng,A yoūg māne from excessiue reuellyng re∣turneth wur∣se manne, thē he went thi∣ther. come home lesse honest, then he went thither. And that he had of the pottes and cuppes ta∣ken suche stomacke and ympudencie, as without ferther prouocacion to chatte, and choppelogike with an auncyēte philosophier, was a manifeste argumente and an euident declaracion, that his condicions, wer rather appaired then emended, besides that it was a token of small grace, to bee so blynded in folye, yt he would not see ne know∣lage his faulte. Diogenes asked of one Euritius some greate thyng whatsoeuer it was, & when thesame (as is the guyse) sa∣ed naye to his requeste with these woordes: I wyll dooe it: if yu canst persuade me therunto: If I wer hable, {quod} Diogenes, to persuade the to dooe al thynges after myne aduise I had long ere this daye, geuen ye coūsaill to hang thyself. In this saiyng, out take Cynical plainesse & boldnesse of speakyng,The Cynicall plainnesse of Diogenes, in speakyng his mynde. & there is no great poincte to bee maruailled at. Excepte percase he thought requisite, to reproue the fastholdyng of such nig∣gardes, as will departe with nothyng to ye poore, but with more suite and praiyng then the thyng is woorth. He had been to see the citee of Lacedemon, and beeyng from thens returned to the citee of Athenes, one asked of hym (as the maner is) whi¦ther he would,The corrupt & effemynate maners of ye Atheniens. and fromwhens he was came. Forsouth, {quod} he, from veraye menne to veraye women. Notyng, ye maners of the Atheniens with sensuall pleasures & delices effemynate, wher as ye Lacedemoniās wer hardely brought vp. One asked hym as he returned homeward from the Olympia, whe∣ther he had not seen there a greate coumpaignie, yes truely, {quod} he, a veraye greate coumpaignie, but woondreous fewe menne.Muche coum¦paignie and fewe menne. This also appereth to bee countrefeacted and for∣ged by the other saiyng,Afore in the lviii. saiyng of thissame Diogenes. that is afore rehersed of the hotte hous. Those persones, who of a ryot∣tousnesse did prodigally lauesse out and waste their substaūce or good∣des vpon cookes,Wastefull ryottous la∣uessers of their gooddes to what thyng Diogenes li∣kened. on reuellers, or ruffyans, or harlottes, & vpō flate∣rers: he auouched to bee like vnto trees, growyng on ye edges or bryn¦kes of clieffes & rockes of a down right pitche, or a stiepe down falle: y• fruites of whiche trees no māne could euer geatte a taste of, but the same wer frō tyme to tyme, deuou∣red by the crowes and the rauens. Menyng on that one parte, suche per∣sones as seruen onely the throte and the bea∣lye, not to bee woorthie the name of menne.Thei y• seruē onely y• throte & y• bealye, are not woorthie the name of menne. and on the other syde, gooddes so wast∣fully spent, to bee wurse then cast awaye. The grekes, if thei wyshe to any body extreme myschief,Diogenes a∣ouched to more daūger¦ous to falle in the handes of flaterers, thē of wylde bea∣stes. or shame∣full death, thei dooe (by a prouer∣biall speakyng, in their toungue vsed) bidde theim goo pieke theim to ye crowes, in greke, . But Diogenes of a customable woonte auouched to bee a thyng muche more daungerous to falle in the handes of . To light e∣mong crowes then emong flaterers. Di∣ogenes allu∣ded to the greke {pro}uerbe , hens to ye cro∣wes, and (as wee saye in englyshe) to ye diuil of hell. Erasmus in his Chiliades citeth zenodotus for his autour, that there was a certain place of execucion in Thessalia, called, the Crowes, in to ye whiche, persones founde giltie of any cause or cryme of death, and therupon condemned, wer carryed, and cast hedlong, so to peryshe there. The originall cause why the saied place was so named, whoso is desirous to knowe, if he bee learned, maye at large reade in Erasmus vpon the prouerbe aboue cited.flaterers that will hold vp a mannes yea and naye (bee it true or false) then to lighte e∣mong crowes. For the crowes dooe not peke but the carkesses of dedde menne, the flate∣rers deuoure menne euen whyle thei are aliue, e thei neuer so honest, and good. The plea∣sauntenesse of this saiyng (whiche in ye greke by reason of the affinitee of the vocables hath an excedyng greate grace) both in latin & in englyshe vtterly quailleth or dyeth. For cro∣wes ye grekes callen , & one litle sole letter chaūged, thesame called flaterers . This saiyng is ascribed to Antishenes also. Of Phryne it is noted afore in the xli. sai∣yng of Aristip¦pus. As tou∣chyng this p∣sente apoph∣thegme, the moste likly hood is, that vpon the I∣mage yt Phry¦ne had conse∣crated, was thus writen: This golden Venus hath Phrynae of∣freed and ge¦uen unto Apollo, when Diogenes read this scripture, he wrote hard at the taille of it this addicion of the inordinate liuyng of the Grekes.Phryne a naughtypacke, or a woman of light conuersaciō, han∣ged vp for a iewell, by the waye of oblacion in the temple of Apollo at the toune of Delphi an ymage of Venus made of clene golde. Diogenes espyynge thesame image, wrote and sette this posee or testymo∣niall vpon it: Of the inordynate and ui∣cious luyng of the Grekes. For it was a plaine conuincyng of the grekes, yt thei wer tootoo muche drowned in the vice of the body that a commen troumpette had gathered to∣gether so muche golde, of money gotten by suche abhomynacion. There been that ascryben to Dio¦genes, this saiyng too. When Alex∣ander ye greate had come vnto hym, and saluted hym, Diogenes demaun∣ded who he was: And when the o∣ther had in this maner aunswered, I am that noble Alexander ye kyng: Marie, {quod} Diogenes again:Diogenes gloried as muche in his liberte, as did Alexander of his kyng∣dome. And I am yt ioyly feloe Diogenes, ye doggue. Takyng no lesse pride and glorie of his libertee, that he was at no mannes becke ne commaundemente, then Alexander did of his kyngdome, and croune Emperiall. Beeyng asked, for what prankes or dooynges, it had come to his lotte to bee cōmenly called doggue of euery bodye:How it came to Diogenes his lotte to be called doggue. Marie, {quod} he, be∣cause that, on suche as geue me aught, I make muche faunyng: at suche as will nothyng departe withall, I am euer barkyng: and suche as bee naught, I byte, yt thei smart again. To Diogenes pluckyng fruite of a certain figtree, when the keper of the orcheyeard had spoken in this maner: vpon thesame tree, yt thou gatherest of, a feloe not many day∣es agon hanged hymselfe. Marie ({quod} Diogenes) and I will purifie and clense it again. The other partie supposed, that Diogenes beeyng so aduertised would haue forborne ye tree inquinate or pol∣luted, in that it had borne a dedde carkesse. But Diogenes beeyng free and clere from all spiece of supersticion,Diogēes clere voide of all spiece of su∣persticion. estemed the fruite to bee no poyncte the more polluted, or ympure for that respecte. Markyng one that was a greate prouer of maisteries in the games of Olympia,What Dio∣genes saied whē he sawe a chalenger of Olympia set an earnest yie on a wenche. to sette an earnest yie on a commē stroumpette, in so muche that he turned his hedde backe, & behelde hir, after that she was gon past hym, he saied: loe, how a prin∣cipall ramme, for the touthe of Mars hymself, is leed awaye in a bande (his necke sette clene awrye) by a damisel, that is as commen as the cartewaye. He thought it a mater of laughter for the feloe to bee a prouer of mai∣steries with picked or chosen menne of price, & thesame to bee haled or drawen awaye as a priesoner without any chordes at all, by a shiten arsed gerle. Well fauoured or beautyfull stroumpettes,Beautyfull stroumppetes Diogenes like¦ned to sweete wyne tempe∣red with dedly poyson. he auouched to bee like vnto bastarde or muscadyne, tēpered & mixte with dedly poyson. For that thesame caused in deede at the begynnyng, delicious pleasure & voluptee, but euē at ye heeles of whiche pleasures, ymmedia∣tely ensued endlesse doloure and wofulnesse. As he was makyng his dy∣ner, euen in the open strete: when a greate noumbre stoode rounde about hym for the straungenesse of the sight, and euer emong made a criyng at hym, doggue, dog∣gue: Naye, {quod} Diogenes, ye bee dog∣gues rather, in that ye stand roūde about a māne beeyng at his dyner.Diogenes cal¦led theim dog¦gues, y• stood rounde about hym whyle he dyned. For that is one of the commen propretees that doggues haue. When mencion was made of a boye in moste detestable abomy∣nacion abused, Diogenes beeyng as∣ked what countreeman the boye was: Made aunswer, by daliyng with a woord that might bee twoo maner wayes taken, and saied: he is a Tegeate. For Tegea, is a citee of Arcadia.Tegea, a citie of Arcadie. And therof is deriued a noune gen∣tile Tegeates,Tegeates. a Tegeate, or a persone of Te∣gea born. And the greke vocable , is o∣therwhyle in one significacion, Lupanar, a brothel hous, or a place where bawderie is kepte. And therof the philosophier vsurped a woorde of his owne deuysyng or forgeyng, & called ye boye a Tegeate, of , for respecte of the moste abomynable vice, with whiche he had been defoyled. when he sawe a feloe now ta∣kyng vpon hym to practise & mi∣nistre physike,How Dioge∣nes mocked one that from a wrasteleer fell to bee a physician. who had afore been a commen dooer in the games of wrastleyng, but in deede, was a ve∣raye slouche, and a veraye dastard he saied vnto thesame: wilt thou now by course ouerthrowe theim again, that haue heretofore ouer∣throwen thee? A wrastleer is propre∣ly saied, to cast or to ouerthrowe any parti whom he ouercometh & putteth to the wurse. And the physiciā also ouerthroweth those per∣sones,Two kyndes of castyng, o∣uerhroowe∣yng, or, ge∣uyng a fall. whō he coucheth in bedde, or bryngeth to their long home. As for ye menyng of Dio∣genes was, yt the partie was nowe as eiuill a physician, as he had afore been a false her∣ted wrastleer. A mery ieste muche like to this∣same there is in the poete Martialis, of a feloe which frō a physiciā, hauyng become a fighter in harnesse, did none other beeyng Hoploma∣chus then what he had doen beyng a physiciā. To a bastarde or basseborne boye, that had a commen harlotte to his mother, and was whurleyng litle stones emong the thickest of y• people at auenture, he saied: Take heede sirrha and beware, lst thou hitte thy father. For he was born of a commen naughtypacke and by reason ther∣of, his father not certainly knowen. Certain persones highly-mag∣nifiyng and praisyng the bounte∣ous liberalitee of one that had ge∣uen to Diogenes a thyng what euer it was: And why dooe ye not praise me to, saied he, yt haue deserued to haue it geuē me? For to bee worthie a benefite, is more thē to haue geuē a benefite, accordyng to yt the sentēce of Publius Mimus:To bee woor∣thie a benefite is more then to haue geuen a benefite. Beneficiū dando accepit, qui digno dedit. Hymself, by geuyng receiueth a benefite VVho geueth to a persone worthy to haue it To one that required of Diogenes restitucion of his robe or mantell,The aunswer of Diogenes to one yt had geuen hym a mantell, and would nedes haue had it from hym a∣gain. he thus made a woondreous feacte and pleasaunte aunswer. If thou gaue it me freely, I haue it: if thou diddest lend it me, I dooe stil occu∣pie it. Signifiyng, yt he was nothyng mynded to restore it home again, whether it was of free gifte, orels by the waye of lone for a tyme that he had receiued it. It is shame for a bodye to require again that he hath free∣ly geuen. And it is a pointe of inhumanitee hastyly to snatche awaye, that ye occupier hath neede of, and cannot well forbeare. Supposititii partus, are in latin called childrē that bee feigned or sembleed to haue been borne of that wombe, foorth of whiche thei neuer came (as for exaumple) if a womanne should bee deli∣uered of a monstre, or of a dedde childe, and haue an other liue childe of due fourme and shape laied by hir in the place of thesame, or if a woman should bryng foorth a wenche and thesame con∣ueighed away, should haue a manne childe of an other womans bearyng, laied by hir in stede of hir owne, or if a woman should countrefacte tra∣uaillyng and labouryng of childe, and haue an other womans childe laied by hir, and vsed as though she had been deliuered of it hir self in veray dede,) that childe so impropreed to a wrong mother maye proprely in latin bee called partus supposititius, as ye wold saye in englyshe a childe mothered on a woman that neuer beare it, or, a chaungelyng, and suche persones are euer after called supposititii, or, suppositi.Suppositus, is also a par∣ticiple of sup∣ponor & sou∣eth in engly∣she laied vnder as a piloe is laied vnder ones hedde in the night. There is also an other latin woorde, indormire, in englyshe, to slepe vpon, or to lye vpon whyle we slepe. And it maye bee taken in twoo diuerse, and in ma∣ner contrarie senses. For we are saied in latin, indormire, to lye vpon, or, to slepe vpō our good∣des or treasure for safe kepyng of thesame, and we are also saied in latin, indormire, to slepe v∣pon, or to lye slepyng on a thyng that we sette no greate store by, nor dooe any thyng passe on, as a matte, or a couche.Howe Dio∣genes taun∣ed a chaunge lyng who in skorne & deri∣siō saied that Diogenes had golde sowed in the patches of his cope. And in dede Diogenes vsed his mantell in y• night season in stede of a mattresse. And so it was, that when suche a chaungelyng as is aboue mencio∣ned, had saied to Diogenes in skorne, Loe, he hath golde in his mantell, Diogenes laied the reproche veraye well in the feloes owne necke sai∣yng, yea, & therfore supposito indormio. Menyng ye partie to bee a chaūgelyng, & ther∣fore despiceable or woorthie to bee cōtēned: wher as the woordes might in the grosse eare of the fe∣loe, soune also to this sense, that Diogenes laied the mantell nightly vnder hym when he slept, for safe kepyng of suche a precious iewell. To one demaundyng, what a∣uauntage he had by his philoso∣phie:What auaū∣tage and fore∣dele is gotten by philoso∣phie. though nothyng els, saied he, yet at lestwyse this foredele I haue, yt I am readie prepaired to almaner fortune good or badde. This saiyng hath scacely any smelle or sauour of Diogenes, although he beareth the name of it. Beeyng asked of a feloe what countreemā he was,What coun∣tree man Di∣ogenes affer∣med hymself to bee. he aunswered , that is, a citizē of the worlde. Signifiyng that a philosophi∣er in whatsoeuer place of the worlde he is re∣syaunte or maketh his abode, liueth in his owne natiue countree. And all the worlde to bee but as one citee for manne to inhabite. When Diogenes on a tyme asked an almes,After what fourme Dio∣genes asked an almes of ye cōmen alme∣ner of ye citee. and in speakyng to the publique almener of the citee (who is in greke called ,) he vsed none other style but this verse of Homere. . That is. As for other persones, despoyle of their geare But thy handes frō Hector, see thou forbeare. The festiuitee or myrthe and pleasaunte grace of the saiyng, in this pointe consisteth, that where he should haue saied , geue me your almes, or, geue me your charitee, he vsed a woorde of contrarie significacion, sai∣yng: , despoyle out of harnesse, or turne naked out of the cloutes. By the name of He∣ctor, notyng his owneself. And that persone committeth plaine robberie or spoyle, who de∣nyeth an almes to any poore creature beeyng in extreme neede. And in deede, menne of this ordre been moste commenly full of brybyng embesleyng, and purloynyng. Paramoures, he affermed to bee the queenes of kynges,Stroumpet∣es and para∣mours, Dio∣gnes affer∣med to bee the queenes of kynges. because the same might craue of the said kyn∣ges, whatsoeuer their phansie lu∣sted, and bee assured to obtein their askyng. For vpō this he gaue to theim the name of queenes, not for that thesame wer pieres, mates, or feloes like, with the wi∣ues of the kynges: but for that thei abused the kynges selfes as subiectes vnto theim at eche becke and cōmaundemēte. The kynges selfes dooe not at al seasons impetrate of the people that thei would haue by exacciō, but to a pa∣ramour nothyng is denyed.To paramo¦res nothyng is denyed. Of this sorte & trade, myne opiniō is, that the barbarous or saluaige kynges wer in olde tyme. The Atheniens of mere adula∣cion or flaterie to please Alexander, made a decree, that thesame Alexan∣der should bee taken and wurship∣ped for Bacchus (who by another na∣me was called Liber pater.How Dioge∣nes mocked y• decree made, by the Athe∣niēs, that A∣lexander the greate should bee taken and wurshipped for liber pater that is to saie for Bacchus.)Liber pater, Was one of the names of Bacchus, or Dio∣nysius the Godde of wynes, for Bacchus first inuented the vse and the makyng of wyne: and because wyne deliuereth the herte from all care and thought, when a bodye is pipe merye, Diony∣sius was emong the latines called liber, of ye verbe libero, ras, to deliuer, to ridde, to dispeche, or to discharge. This honour Diogenes laughyng to skor∣ne, saide: And I praie you my mai∣sters, make me Serapis or Apis the highest & ye chief God of the Egyptians, whom thei wurshipped in the likenesse of a liue oxe. For so it was, that Osiris ye soonne of Iupiter, & of Nioe ye doughter of Phoroneus, beeyng the kyng of the Argiues, first succeded thesame Phoroneus in the kyngdome of the saied Argiues, and when he had there reigned certain yeres, he left his brother Agiaus protectour & gouernour of the kingdome of all Achaia, and to wynne wictorie, honour and cōqueste, made a voiage into Egypte, and the Egyptians subdued, he tooke to wife Isis, by an other name called Io, the doughter of Inachus first kyng of the said Argiues, and reigned ouer the Egyptians. Emong whō as well Isis for inuentyng the fourme of letters, and the feacte of writyng, as also Osiris for many other royall artes and fe∣acts whiche he to theim taught, wer bothe honoured & wur∣shipped as Goddes. At last Osiris was priuely by his brother Ty¦phon slain, and long sought by Isis, and at length found hewed and mangled all to gobbettes or pieces, not ferre from the citee of Syene, whiche Syene (as Plinius in the secounde booke testi¦fieth) is situate in zona torra, so directely vnder the tropike of Cancer. that, when the soonne beeyng at the highest, dooeth en∣tret into the said signe of Cancer at midsoomer (about fifteen dares afore the feaste of the natiuitee, of Saint Ihon Baptiste) it yeth ust ouer the toppe of the citee and causeth in thesame nomaner shadoe of any thyng at all to bee seen or to appere. I∣sis cused hir housbāde with muche mournyng and lamentaciō to bee buiryed in a litle Isle then called Abatos in the Marice nigh to the citee of Memphi (beeyng the chief or principal citee of all Egypte nexte after Alexandria, wiche Marice was from thensforth named Styr, that is the place of mournyng & wail∣lyng) But when in thesame Marice had soodainly appered to the Egyptians a certain ore, thei estemyng the oxe to bee Osiris, fell prostrate, and kneled to it, and tooke the oxe aliue & brought hym to a temple (which afterward was called Serapion) where thei did to hym, all honour and homage, & wurshipped thesame as their god, seruyng hym dayly with golde and all precious ve¦selles, and with all delicates mete for a kyng or a god to bee ser∣ued withall. And called hym Apis, whiche in that language is an oxe. And euer after a certain tyme, thei would cast hym aliue as he was into a floodde, where he should bee drouned. This dooē thei would goo with mournyng and lamentacion, and neuer ceasse seekyng vntill thei had found a newe oxe as like in colour and all proporcion of feacture vnto the first Apis, as might pos∣sibly bee. And thus frō tyme to tyme wurshipped the Egiptians a liue oxe as their god, and gaue to thesame first of all the, name of Apis, and afterward that the first was dedde or the secounde in processe Serapis by a woorde coumpouned of Apis & , a cophin, (suche as y• carkesses of noble persones are cheisted in, ere thei bee laied in their graue.) And so was it first Sorapis, & in conclusion by chaungeyng, the letter, o, in to, e, Serapis, so yt Osiris, Apis, and Serapis is all one.Serapis too. For in thesame degree that Bacchus was emong those that wer called Satyri, (as the poeticall fables tellen, and Plynius in the fifth booke dooeth testifie) wer fower beastes in the mountaines of Ethiopia, and of the Indes, of excedyng lightenesse of foote, and swiftenesse in rennyng, of the figure, shape, and likenesse of a manne, sauyng yt thei had hornes, & had the feete and legges of a gote, clouen and full of rough heare. And these maner monstres the olde antiquitee beleued to bee the goddes of the forestes, of wildernesse, and of all rusticall places of housbandrie. Wherof Saint Hierome saieth in this maner, speakyng of Saint Anto∣nie. He sawe an efishe manne, with a long croked haukes nose, a forehedde or brough with hornes stickyng out, whose nether partes of the bodye grewe out into feete suche as gotes haue. And when Antonie, (the signe of the holy crosse premised) had in the name of god demaunded, what he was, it is reported that the other thus made aunswer. I am a mortall manne of the worlde, one of the bordreers on the edge of wildernesse, who, by the gentilitee with vain errour deluded, are called Fauni, Saty∣y, and Incubi.Satyri, was Serapis, wurshipped of the Egyptians, in the simili∣tude or likenesse of an oxe. And Diogenes thought hymselfe as truely to bee the one, as A∣lexander was the other. Beeyng chidden, for yt he was a gooer into places full of stynke and all vnclenelynesse, he saied: why, the soonne also dooeth crepe vnder houses of office, and yet is not therwith defoyled nor embrewed, or made durtie. His menyng was yt the honestee of a perfecte vertuous mā, is nothyng empehed, tayned or made wurse for ye infamie of any place yt he resorteth vnto.An honest mā is not y• wurse for y• infamie of any place that he resor∣eh vnto. When it fortuned hym to bee at supper in a temple, and mustie or sluttyshely kept loues of breade to bee sette afore hym: he cast the lo∣ues and all out of the temple, alle∣geyng, that none ympure or slut∣tyshe thyng ought to entre into ye hous of God.None ym∣pure thyng ought to en∣tre ye temple of God. To a feloe, malapertly demaun∣dyng, why Diogenes, ens he had no∣maner learnyng ne knowelage, professed and openly tooke vpon hym the name of a philosophier: he saied: If I countrefaicte a philo∣sophier, or if I shewe any neere to∣wardenesse, of a philosophier, euen that veraye pointe is to bee a phi∣sophier outright.To shew nigh towardenesse of a philoso∣phier, is a great porcion of beeyng a philosophier out right. Halfe notyng, phi¦losophie to bee a thyng of so high difficultee, yt euen to countrefeacte thesame, and to shewe any towardnesse of it, is no smal porcion of philosophie. As yt persone hath an high pointe, and a greate fordeale, toward beeyng a kyng, that cā expertely and cunnyngly, in gesture & countenaūce represente ye state of a kyng. So in deede, whoso coūtrefeacteth or maketh shew or countenaunce of a thyng, dooeth as muche as in hym lyeth, imitate & foloe all the facions to thesame belongyng. And by imitacion to drawe nigh to all the facions or pointes of a philosophier is a great parte of beyng a right philosophier in deede, that is to saie, of beeyng a studious and peinfull labourer to atteigne philosophie or perfecte sapience. A certain persone brought a childe vnto Diogenes, to thende that thesame childe, might take some parte of his doctrine. And so, to cō∣mend hym, that he might bee the more welcome and the better acce∣pted of the philosophier, the partie auouched the ladde to bee alreadie bothe with excellente witte, and with singular good maners and behaueour highly endued. At these woordes Diogenes saied: why, what neede hath he then of my helpe, if he bee alreadie suche an one? He gaue a shrewd chcke to ye vnmeasurable prai∣ser,Unmeasura∣ble laude and praise Dioge∣nes impro∣ueed. who attributed to the ladde that thyng, for the sole atteignyng and gattyng wherof, children are at all tymes sette and committed vnto the handleyng and trainyng of philoso∣phiers. It had been enough to praise & exalte in the childe an honeste towardenesse, disposi∣cion or aptitude,Honeste to∣wardnesse or aptitude and good hope is a sufficiente praise in a childe. & good hope of well prouyng in suche thynges as should bee taught hym. Those persones who talked muche of vertue,Suche perso∣nes, as talked of vertue and liued not ver∣tuously, Dio∣genes likened to an harpe. & yet did not lede a vertuous life, he affermed to bee like vnto ye harpe, whiche with the soune or melodie did pleasure and good to other, but itself neither per¦ceiued, ne heard any thyng at all. This saiyng varieth not veraye muche from the saiyng of Saint Paule,1. Corin. xiii. of a tyn∣kleyng cymballe. On a certain daye, as the peo∣ple wer comyng out frō the place where sightes & playes wer exhibi∣ted, he on his partie wtal his might thrustyng & shouldreyng, against y• throung of the people, heaued, sho∣ued and laboured to geate in. And beeyng asked why he so did, he sa∣ied: This am I of purpose earnest¦ly bent al dayes of my life to dooe. Menyng, that to dooe the duetie & parte of a right philosophier,The better philosophier the more ear∣nestly bent to discorde from the people. is, in all accions or thynges to bee dooen, all yt euer maye bee to discorde and to bee of contrarie wayes frō the multitude or commen rable of the people, for because the moste parte of folkes are lede with carnall lustes and appetites,The moste parte of mēne are lede wt car¦nall appetites. and not by reason or good discrecion. Beholdyng a yoūg mā, bothe of apparell & of demeanure, nothyng comely ne conueniente for one that should bee a māne:How Dioge∣nes tooke vp a young māne yt apparelled & demeaned hymself vn∣mannely. Art thou not a∣shamed, {quod} he, to bee more backe frēde to thyself then the mynde or wille of nature self hath been? For she created and made the a manne and thou dooest diguyse and re∣forge thyn owneself into a womā. The selfe same woordes maye bee well spoken of many an one, whom, where as na∣ture hath created and made menne, theimsel∣fes of their owne voluntarie inclinacion, fal∣len from their propre nature and kynde, to the abusions of swyne, & other brute beastes. When he sawe a certain myn∣strell, settyng his instrumente in tune,How Dioge¦nes rebuked a mynstrell of inordynate maners and behaueour. where hymself on his owne behalfe, was a lewde and vicious feloe, and of demeanure clene out of all good ordre and frame, he sa∣ied: Thou feloe, art thou not asha∣med of thy selfe, that thou knowest the waye howe to sette tunes in true corde vpon a piece of woodde, and canst no skylle to frame thy life by the rewle of right discrecion and reason? This apophthegme too, appeareth to haue been deuised and drawen out of some others aboue writen. To a certain feloe, who, at what tyme Diogenes moued & auised hym to the studie of sapience, found and alleged many excuses, saiyng, I am nothyng apte to learne philo∣sophie: why dooest thou liue in this worlde then (saied he again) if thou haue no regarde to lede a vertu∣ous life?Diogenes thought that persone not woorthie to liue y• woulde not, studie to liue teously. For a manne dooeth not liue here to this ende, that he maye go p & down loytreyng, and nothyng els but that he maye learne to liue in a right trade of vertue and honestee.Philosophie geueth ye gifte to liue verte∣ouly. To liue, is the gifte of nature, ut philosophie geueth the gifte to liue vertuously Nature produceth vs into this worlde apte to learne,Nature pro∣duceth vs pt to learne, but not all readie learned. and to take vertue, but no manne is alreadie endued with cunnyg at the first daye that he is born into this worlde. To a feloe yt despised and would not knowe ne looke vpō his owne father,How Dioge∣nes rebuked one that des∣pised his own father. he saied: hast thou no shame to despise that persone, to whom onely and nomanne els thou art bounde to thanke euen for this ve∣raye pointe, that thou setteste so muche by thy peinted sheathe? The grace of the saiyng resteth in the collacion or comparyng of twoo contraries. For these twoo thynges will in no wise ac∣corde, to despise an other, and to stand well in ones owne conceipte. Hearyng a young striepleyng of a veraye wel fauoured and honest face, vsyng vnhonest communica∣cion, art thou not ashamed, {quod} he, to drawe a sweorde of lead out of a an ieuorie sheathe?To drawe a sweorde of lead out of an ieuorie sheath. Ieuorie was ta∣ken for a precious thyng in olde tyme, and muche sette by. And the mynde or solle of manne is couered, & (as ye would saye) hou∣sed or hidden within the tabernacle or skryne of the bodye, & dooeth in a mannes cōmuni∣cacion clerely appere & euidently shewe itself.The mynde dooeth clerely appere ī ones communica∣cion. When a feloe had in the waye of reproche laied vnto his charge, yt he was a drynker at commen ta∣uernes:How Dioge∣nes auoided a checke geuen to hym for drynkyng in a tauerne. So am I shoren at the bar¦bers shoppe too, {quod} he again. Si∣gnifiyng, that it is no more dishonestee to drynke, then to bee rounded, or to bee shauen. And as nomanne fyndeth faulte at beeyng shauen in a barbers shoppe, because it is a place for that thyng purposely ordeined, so it ought not to bee thought a thyng vnhoneste, if a bodye drynke in a commen tauerne, so yt he drynke wt measure & wt reasone:To take eces¦se of drynke is euerywher abhomyna∣ble. for to take excesse of drynke, in what place soeuer it bee, is a thyng shamefull and abhominable. To one reprochefully castyng in his nose that he had takē a cope or a mantell,The aunswer of Diogenes to one obiect∣yng yt he had taken a cope of Philippus of Philippus the kyng, he aunswered with a verse of Home∣re in this maner. . Giftes of honour, are not to bee refused, VVith y• whiche men, are by y• Goddes endued. That Homerus wrote of the beautie and fauour of the bodye,The defense of Erasmus for takyng geiftes & re∣wardes of no¦ble menne or of bishoppes. (whiche is the benefite & gifte of god,) that did Diogenes wrest to a mantel geuen hym by a kyng. Thesame verse might euen I myself also ryng in the eares of such persones, as dooe by a wrongfull querele obiecte vnto me, that I dooe now and then take of noble menne or of bishoppes suche thynges as bee geuen me for to doe me hone∣stee. There is not one of theim, of whom I haue at any tyme in all my life craued any thyng, either by plain woordes, or by other meanes, but in deede suche thynges as the∣same of their owne voluntarie willes & mere mocions, dooe laye in my lappe, I receiue gladly with all my herte, not so greately for rewardes to thenrichyng of my purse, as for testimonies of their beneuolence & fauour to∣wardes me, especially sens their habilitees are of more welthie enduemente, then to wryng at the abatemente of so small a porcion as co∣meth to my snapshare. In the thirde booke of Homere his Ilias He∣ctor, rebukyng his brother Paris, emong other woordes of reproche, saieth vnto hym in skorne & derision after this maner. Your harpe, and syngyng melodious VVith the other giftes of Venus As, your goodly heare, and aungels face, So amiable, and full of grace, VVill not you saue, ne helpe, this is iuste, VVhen ye must lye toppleyng in the dust. To whiche pointe, emong other thynges, Pari maketh aunswer after this sorte. Diogenes curiously and with ear∣nest diligence teachyng a lesson of refreinyng angre, a certain saucy or knappyshe young spryngall (as ye would saye, to take a prouf and tryall, whether the philosophier would in deede shewe & perfourme that he taught in woordes) spetted euen in the veraye face of hym. This thyng Diogenes tooke coldely and wysely,The pacyenc of Diogenes saiyng, In deede I am not angry hitherto, but yet by saint Marie, I begynne to doubte whether I ought nowe of congru∣ence to bee angry, or not. He mened that sharpely to punyshe suche a saucy pranke of a lewde boye had been a deede of almes, and of charitee. Yiyng a certain persone hum∣bly crouchyng & knelyng to a wo∣man of eiuill conuersacion of hir bodye, forto impetrate yt he desired, he saied: what menest, thou wret∣ched creature that thou art? It wer muche better for the not to obtein that thou suest for. To bee reiected and to haue a naye of a stroumpet,To bee reiec∣ted of a stroū¦pet, is a more happie thyng then to bee ta∣kē to fauour. is a more happie thyng, then to bee taken to grace & fauour. And yet many one maketh instaunt suite, to purchace their owne harme, & byen thesame full deere. To a certain persone hauyng his heare perfumed with sweete oyles:Sweete sa∣uoures of the bodye, dooe cause a man∣nes life to stynke. Beware syrrha, {quod} he, leste y• sweete smellyng of thy hedde, cause thy life to stynke. The greke voca∣bles that geuen al the grace to the saiyng, ar , fragraunt odour, & , ranke stenche. For sweete oyles or powthers, in one that should bee a māne, plainly argueth wo∣manly tendrenesse and nycitee of the life. And ye fame of euery persone,A mannes fame is the chief odour y• he smelleth of. Contynually to smelle of sweet odours is an eiuill sa¦uour in a manne. is (as ye would saye) the odour yt he smelleth of. A muche like saiyng hath the poete Martialis. A mannes fame is the chief odour y• he smelleth of. Contynually to smelle of sweet odours is an eiuill sa¦uour in a manne. Betwene bondeseruauntes, and their maisters beeyng vicious and eiuill persones, he auouched to bee none other pointe of difference, besydes the names, sauyng that the drudges or slaues did seruice vnto their maisters,Maisters bee∣yng vicious persones and voide of gra∣ce, dooe liue in wurse ser∣uitude then their bounde∣seruauntes. and the mai∣sters vnto naughtie appetites. Signifiyng, bothe parties to bee bonde∣seruauntes, and yet of bothe, the maisters to liue in more miserable state of bondage, then the slaues: in case ye maisters bee vicious per∣sones and eiuill disposed, or, voide of grace. For whoso is led by the direccion of the cor∣rupt mocions or appetites of the mynde,Whoso is led wt euery pan∣gue of natu∣rall mocions, hath many maisters to serue, & thesame detestable and mercylesse maisters. hath many maisters to serue, and thesame bothe detestable, and also mercilesse, and voide of all pietee. Bondeseruauntes, namely suche as bee renne awayes, are called in greke , whiche vocable semeth to bee compou∣ned of , a manne, and of , a foote. Albeeit the grammarians de∣clare another maner propritee of significaciō for thei saien theim to bee called because that bondemenne are in respecte and comparison, the feete of their maisters, & these as the heddes of the seruauntes. So when a feloe, ful of vngraciousnesse and of lewde disposicion had demaun∣ded of Diogenes, vpon what original cause, bonedseruūates that would renne awaye from their maisters, wer called by ye name of ,Why fugiti∣ue bondemen are called , in greke. Marie, {quod} he, because thei haue the feete of menne, and a mynde or herte of suche disposiciō as thy self hast at this presente which mouest the question. Menyng that ye partie had the mynde or stomake, not of a manne, but of a veraye brute and saluage beaste. Of one that was a prodigall & wastefull spender of all that euer he had, he asked fowertie shillyn∣ges at ones, in the waye of almes. The partie meruaillyng at his earnest and ymportune crauyng, asked this questiō of Diogenes: wher as thy vse and custome is, of other menne to desire an almes of an halfpenie, vpō what occasiō dooest thou aske of me ye sūme of awhole pounde or twoo? Marie, saied he a∣gain, because y• of others, I am in good hope after one almes to haue an other again at another season: but whether I shall euer haue any more almes of thee,Why Diog∣nes of a pro∣digall wast of his good∣des, asked an almes of xl.. at ones. after this one tyme, or not, , y• is, lyeth in goddes hande onely, or muste bee as pleaseth God. For that halfe verse of Homere, he lynked to his saiyng, to make it perfecte, because it made so directely, and was so fitte for his purpose. And ī dede a good plain maner of knowelag geuyng it was & a shrewd likelyhood, to bee towarde & euen at hāde, to light on the necke of suche a wastefull consumer of his gooddes within fewe dayes to bee brought to suche ex∣treme penurie, yt he should not haue so muche as one poore halfpenie leaft to coumfort or helpe hymself withall. Certain persones laiyng to hym in reproche, that he was a commen crauer & asker of thynges at euery bodye his hande, wheras Plato bee∣yng a philosophier (as he was) did not so, he saied: well, Plato is a cra∣uer aswell as I,Diogenes said yt Plato was a priue crauer and he and o∣pen asker. But laiyng his hedde, to on other mānes eare, That no straunge persones maye it heare. For that is ye englyshe of this greke verse of Homerus. Whiche verse Diogenes abused in an other sense then Homerus did, to signifie yt Plato was euē as great a begger & proller as he was, sauyng that Plato did craue priuely whispreyng in mennes eares, & he apertely, makyng no counsaill of it. Espiyng a feloe shootyng veraye eiuill at his marke, he sate hym down euen hard by the pricke: and to suche persones as demaunded ye cause of his so dooyng, he saied,Meryly spo∣ken, lest he should by some chaūce hitte me. Signifiyng, that the feloe was like to hitte what soeuer other thyng it wer, soo∣ner then the marke: yet other lookers on, con∣ueighen theimselfes aside as ferre as possible is, wyde from ye marke, for feare of catchyng a clappe. Those persones that shoote or cast wyde of their marke, or other wyse mysse to hitte it, are saied pro∣prely in greke , to lese their shotte or cast, or to shoote or cast awrye.What perso∣nes shoote or cast al awry. But Diogenes auouched plainly, not those persones to mysse to lese their shotte, or to hitte a∣wrye, that wer wyde or shorte of their marke, but theim that dire∣cted and leuelled their cares and studies towarde sensual pleasures as towarde their marke or butte. For by suche pleasures,Through sen∣sualitee mēne fall in to the deepe pitte of miserie and wrechednesse. thei seeke and de∣sire to haue perfecte beatitude, whereas by meanes of thesame, thei fall or tumble down into the moste deepe pitte of miserie and wo∣fulnesse. Beeyng asked the questiō, whe∣ther death wer an eiuill thyng: by what meanes possible should it bee eiuill, {quod} he,How Dioge∣nes argued death not to bee an eiuill thyng. sens yt wee feele it not at ye veraye houre whē it is come? And when it is awaye, it is eiuill or harme to no body. As lōg as a man hath perfecte sense and feelyng, he is aliue, so then death is not yet in place, that if thesame bee presente, then sense and feelyng is awaye. And eiuill is it not, that is not felt. This maner of argumentacion or rea∣sonyng, certain writers ascriben to Epicu∣rus. And in dede death it selfe is not eiuil, but the iourney or passage to death is pieteous & full of miserie. Of thesame iourney if we stand in feare, all ye whole life of manne what other thyng is it, but a passage or iourney to∣warde death? Thei tellen that Alexander the greate, standyng at the elbowe of Diogenes, demaunded of thesame, whether he wer in any drede or feare of hym. Then saied the other again,The aūswer o iogenes to Aleander demaundyng wher e stood in drede of hym. why, what art thou, a good thyng, or an eiuill thyng? Alexander aūswered: a good thyng. And who standeth in drede of a good thyng, {quod} Diogenes? He plainly cōuinced that a kyng was not to bee feared, excepte he would to all the worlde denounce hymselfe to bee an eiuill or a myschieuous persone. But if that wer a sufficient good argumente, he might thereby haue gathered and concluded yt God wer not to bee feared. Erudicion or learnyng, Diogenes by these woordes commended vnto all menne,How Dioge∣nes commen∣ded erudicion to all menne. allegeyng that thesame vnto young folkes geueth sobre∣nesse, to aged persones coumforte and solace, to the poore richesse, to riche men ornamēt or beautifiyng. For because that the tendre youth, beeyng of the owne propre inclinacion readie to fall, it brydleeth and restreigneth from all inordi∣nate demeanure, the incommoditees or dis∣pleasures of a mannes later dayes, it easeth with honeste passetemps and recreacion, vn∣to poore folkes it is sure costage to liue by (for thei that are learned, bee neuer destitute of ne∣cessaries.) And the substaunce of welthie per∣sones it dooeth gayly vernyshe and adourne. The greke vocable , dooeth indifferently betoken the balle of the yie, and a virgin or a maiden. And so it was, that one Didymo,Of the self∣same Didy∣mo afore in ye cviii saiyng of this Dioge¦nes. (who was in greate slaundre or in∣famie, and had in euery bodyes mouth a veraye eiuil name of bee∣yng a muttonmoungre) had in cure the yie of a certain young da∣misell. To this Didymon Diogenes saied, see yt ye bruise not your cure. For that waye, the saiyng maye haue some grace in englyshe, by reason that the woorde, cure, maye bee taken in a double sense, like as Dioge∣nes dalyed wt the ambiguitee of ye greke woorde . Beeyng aduertised and dooen to weete by a certain persone, that awayte was laied for hym by those whom he tooke for his frendes, to thentente that he might beware therof and prouide for hymself: why, what should a manne dooe (saied he,) if in our conuersaciō we shall bee all in one maner case and takyng, bothe with our frendes, & with our foes? Wee vse to beware of our enemies, that thei maye not hurte vs, our frendes wee dooe nothyng mystrust.It is small pleasure to liue, if a māne may not trust his frendes. That if we shall haue nede, to bee as well ware of the one as of ye other, small pleasure or coumforte it is, to liue in the worlde. Beeyng asked what was the principall best thyng in this pre∣sente life, he saied: libertee.The best thyng in thi presente life, is libertee said Diogenes. But that persone is not in veraye true libertee or freedome, who is vtterly subiecte to vices: neither maye he possibly bee a manne of per∣fecte freedome,The coue∣tous persone, y• ambicious, or other wyse geuen to vic, cannot bee free. that standeth in greate neede of many soondrie thynges: and veraye many thynges wanteth the couetous persone, the ambicious persone, & whosoeuer is drouned in delices or sensualitee. In scholehouses, there wer comē∣ly peinted of an auncient custome, ye Muses, as presidentes & ye ladye maistresses of studies. Entreyng therfore into a schoole, when he sawe there many Muses, & veraye fewe scholares, he saied vnto the schoolemaister: with the goddes ye haue many scholares. Daly∣yng with the phrase of greke speakyng, indif∣ferente to bee taken in a double sense, for the grekes saien: , with the Goddes, for that that we saye in englyshe, Goddes plea∣sure beeyng so, or, by the wyll and grace of God, or, and God before, or, God saiyng a∣men. And sometymes ye preposicion, he pre∣posicion of greke. , with signifieth a thyng ioyned with an other coū∣paignion, as in this maner of speakyng, that here foloeth with many persones I tooke thy parte. Tht is to saye: I and many persones moo besides me, tooke thy parte, or held on thy syde. Whatsoeuer thyng wer not of it felf iuill, Dioge∣nes affemed not to bee ei∣uill in the opē trete neither.Whatsoeuer thyng wer not of it self vnhonest, he affermed not to bee vnhoneste in open presence, or, in the face of al the worlde neither. Wherupon he made a reason or argumēte in this maner & fourme. If to dyne bee not a naughtye or eiuill thyng, then to dyne abrode in the open strete is not eiuill neither, but to dyne is no pointe of naugh∣tynesse, ego, to dyne in the myddes of ye strete is no eiuil thyng neither. Thus ferre y• Cynicall syllogisme might bee resonably born withall, but who could abyde hym that after like fourme of arguyng would conclude, to ease the bodye by gooyng to stoole, or to make water, or one to coum∣paignie with his wife, or a bodye to turne hymself naked out of all his clothes, is no ei∣uill thyng, ergo, to dooe thesame in the open strete is no pointe of naughtynesse neither? Uertuous and weldisposed persones loue ho∣nestee and shamefastnesse euerywhere.Uertuous & well deposed persones loue honestee and amefastnes in all places. He auouched vse and exercita∣cion, as in outwarde accions con∣cernyng the bodye:Use ī all thyn¦ges maketh maisteries. right so, euen in the accion of vertue and of the mynde, to engendre bothe a certain celeritee or spedynesse of dooyng thynges, and also facilitee or easy∣nesse to thesame. It was also a saiyng of his, yt neither is there any lawe without a citee or bodye politike, nor any citee or bodye politike without a lawe.Neither is ther any lawe without a citee ne citee wt∣out a lawe. Noblenesse of birth, or dignitee & other sembleable enhauncemen∣tes of fortune, Diogenes affermed to bee none other thyng els but y• clo∣kes or couertes of myschief & vn∣gratiousnesse.Noblenesse of birth or digni¦tee with other high giftes of fortune Dio∣genes called the clokes of vngracious∣nesse. For richemenne, wher as thei bee not one iote better then others, yet thei dooen amysse and perpetrate muche vn∣happynesse, with lesse restreint of correccion or punyshemente, accordyng to that, ye saiyng of the poete Flaccus of a riche persone: Et quicquid uolet, hoc ueluti uirtute peractū Sperauit magnae laudi foe. VVhatsoeuer thyng, shall stande w• his will, He hath assured trust and affiaunce To turne to his laude, bee it neuer so ill, As a thyng dooen by uertues gouernaunce. And in deede the moste parte of the galaunt ruffleers, euen at this presente daye, thynke al that euer theimselfes dooe,Greate gen¦leēne thy¦ ll well yt themselfes dooe. to be lawfully and well dooen. Whyle he was bondeseruaunte with Xeniades, his frendes wer toge∣ther in communicacion for to bye his fredome, and to ridde hym out of seruitude. No, not so, {quod} Diogenes,Diogenes willed his frē¦des not to re∣deme hym out of seruitude. is it not to you knowen, that not the Lyons are as bondeseruaun∣tes to those persones by whom thei are kept vp, but rather ye keepers as bondeseruaūtes to attende vpō the Lyons? For a Lyon wheresoeuer he is, contynueth alwayes a Lyon. And a philosophier is not by his condicion of seruitude any thyng the lesse a philosopher. When he was awaked out of his mortal slepe, that is to saye, the last that euer he had before his death, and the physician demaun∣ded, howe it was with hym? right well, {quod} he, for one brother enbra∣ceth the other. Alludyng vnto ye poete Homere who feigneth , death & slepe to bee brothers germain.Homere fe∣gneth death & slepe to bee brothers ge∣main. For that slepe is a certain ymage and representacion of death. Beeyng asked, how he would bee buiryed, he bidde yt his dedde carkesse should bee cast out in the feldes without sepulture. Then saied his frendes: what, to the fou∣les of the aier, & to ye wyld beastes? No by saint Marie, {quod} Diogenes a∣gain, not so in no wise, but laie me a litle ruttocke hard beside me, wher with to beate theim awaye. The o∣ther eftsons replyed, saiyng: How shal it bee possible for ye to dooe so? for thou shalt feele nothyng. Why then, {quod} Diogenes,Diogenes ne∣glected all cu∣riousnesse of sepulture. what harme shall the teryng, mangleyng, or dismem¦bryng of the wylde beastes dooe vnto me, beeyng voide of all sense and feelyng? When Plato gaue a greate laude and praise to a certain person for this poynte & behalf,Ouermuche humanitee in a philosopier Diogenes r∣proued. that he was excedyng gentle and courteous to∣wardes all folkes: What laude or thanke is he woorthie, saied Dioge∣nes, that hauyng been so many ye∣res a studente contynually occu∣pied in philosophie, hath yet hi∣therto geuen no bodye a corrosif? Menyng to bee the propre office of a phi∣losophier,The propre office of a phi¦losophir is to cure the vi∣ces of menne. to cure the eiuill condicions or vi∣ces of menne, and to bee vtterly ympossible thesame to take effecte, but by the onely mea∣nes of feare & of greef: feare of reproche, and greef of the open shame and slaundre presēte. Thesame Diogenes, yiyng a cer∣tain feloe of a straunge countree, in the citee of Lacedaemon, curiously trymmyng and deckyng hymself against the solemnitee of an high feastefull daye, saied: What dooest thou? is not euery daye without excepcion high & holy to an honest manne?To a vertu∣ous & well dis¦posed per∣sone euery daye is high and holy. He mened all this vniuer∣uersall world to bee a temple for God conue∣niente,All this vni∣uersall worlde is the temple of god. in the whiche manne beeyng consti∣tute and sette, ought of his bounden duetie, to behaue hymself and to liue perpetually after an honest sorte, as in the sight and face of the deitee, who presently beholdeth all thynges,God psentely beholdeth all thynges. & from whose yie nothyng is or maye bee hid∣den. And to this mater he wrested ye prouerbe n whiche it is saied: that with the slouthfull and idle lubbers that loue not to dooe any werke, euery daye is holydaye.With idle {per}∣sones it is e∣uermore holy∣daye. It was his cōmen saiyng vn∣to young striepleynges beeyng to∣wardes mannes state, Syrrha, go into the houses of harlottes,What good∣nesse maye bee gotten by the consideracion of harlottes facions. that thou mayest throughly see, what vile and filthie thynges, how dere∣ly thei are bought. To this mater alluded Terence, saiyng: all this geare to knowe, is helth and safegarde vnto youth. Unto the helthe and safegarde of a manne,Unto the safe¦garde of mēne it is nedefull to haue either feithfull fren∣des orels ea∣gre enemies. he saied that it was nedefull to haue, either feithfull frendes, orels eagre enemies. In consideracion, that the one geuen a bodye gentle warnyng of his faulte, and the others doen openly reproue and checke. So bothe par∣teis (in deede after contrarie sortes) but yet e∣gually, dooē to vs benefite and profite, whyle by thesame wee learne our faultes. This sai∣yng dooeth Laertius appoynte to Antisthe∣nes, and Plutarchus to Diogenes. Beeyng asked by a certain per∣sone, by what meanes a bodye might best be auenged of his ene∣mie,How one maye best bee auenged on his enemie. he aunswered: if thou shalt from tyme to tyme approue & trye thy self a vertuous and an honeste māne. This poynte whosoeuer dooeth accomplyshe, bothe dooeth to hymselfe moste high benefite, and in the best wise possible ve∣xeth and tormenteth his enemies. For if a mannes eiuill willer beholdyng his grounde well tilled and housbanded, is therewith gre∣ued at the veraye herte roote, how shall it bee with hym, if he see thyne owneself beautified, and adourned with the substaunciall and vn∣doubted Iewels of excellent vertue? When he came to visite Antisthe∣nes lyyng sicke in his bedde, he spake vnto thesame in this maner. Hast thou any neede of a frende? Signifiyng, that menne should in tyme of affliccion,Mēne should in afflicion moste of all bee bolde on their frendes. moste of all bee bolde on their feithfull and trustie frendes, whiche maye ei∣ther helpe theim in veraye deede, orels by ge∣uyng good woordes of coumforte, ease some porcion of their greef and woe. Unto thesame Antisthenes, at ano∣ther seasō, (for because it had come to his eare, that thesame Antisthenes, for loue and desire that he had to liue, did take his sickenesse some∣what ympaciently) he entreed with a woodknife by his syde. And whē Antisthenes bemonyng hymself had saied vnto hym: Alas, who will di∣spetche and ridde me out of these my peines?Death rid∣deth a bodye out of peines. Diogenes (the hanger she¦wed foorth), saied: euen thissame fe¦loe here. Naye {quod} Antisthenes (reply∣yng again) I saied,Anthistenes was loth to dye. out of my pei∣nes, not out of my life. Makyng a iourney vnto the ci∣tee of Corinthus, he entreed ye schoole whiche There reigned in Sicilia Dionysius the father, and nexte after hym Dionysius the soonne, who for his moste horrible ty∣rannie was expulsed out of his kyngdome, and afterwarde recei¦ued again, but at last, by fynall extermynion banyshed for euer. And beeyng expulsed from Siracuse, he went to Corinthus, there after that he had a certain space liued a bare life, at length for veraye extreme neede, he was drieuen to excogitate some way and meanes whereby to gette his liuyng. Wherupon he sette vp a schoole and teachyng of children, and so contynued vntill his diyng daye.Dionysius beeyng expul∣sed and driuen out of his kyng∣dome, had ther sette vp. And heard his boyes saye their lessons ve∣raye naughtyly. Dionysius in the meane whyle comyng in, because he thought verayly, that Diogenes had come to coumforte hym, saied: It is gently dooen of you Diogenes, to come and see me. And loe, suche is the multabilitee and chaunge of fortune. Yea, {quod} Diogenes again,What Dio∣genes entre∣yng ye schoole of Dionysius saied vnto hym. but I meruaill, that thou art suffreed still to liue, that diddest perpetrate so muche myschief in the tyme of thy reigne. And I see, that thou art in all behalfes, euen as lewde a schoolemaister now,Dionysius as lewde a schole¦maister, as he had been a kyng afore. as thou wer an eiuill kyng afore. Another of the saiynges of the∣same Diogenes was this: Emong the other sortes of menne, to suche as liue in welthe and prosperitee, life is sweete, and death hatefull: & cōtrarie wyse, to suche as are with calamitee and mysfortune oppres∣sed, life is greuous, and death to bee wished for: but vnto tyrannes bothe life and death are peinfull & coumbreous.Unto Tyran¦nes bothe life and death are coumbreous. For like as thei liuen more vnpleasaūtely, then those persones who dooen euery daye with all their hertes wyshe to dye, euen so dooen thei none otherwyse stand in contynuall dred and feare of death then if thei ledden the moste sweete & pleasaūt life in all the worlde. To a certain persone that she∣wed hym a diall:Diogenes di∣sallowd geo∣metrie wt the other sciēcies Mathemati∣call. In feith, {quod} he: A gaye instrumente, to saue vs from beeyng deceiued of oure supper. Menyng the arte of geometrie, with all other the sciencies The artes or sciencies Mathe∣matical are, Geome∣trie, Musike, Arithmetike, Astrologie. Mathematicall, to bee to veraye litle vse or purpose. To another feloe makyng great vaunte of his cunnyng in musike and in playyng on instrumentes, he made aunswere with these twoo greke verses: , Household∣yng is not mainteined wt syngyng and pypyng.By the prudente auise, of menne uerayly The states of citees are well preserued VVith the glye of carolles, and mynstrelsie, Priuate householdyng, is not wel mainteined. When Speusippus beeyng ympo∣tente by reason of shakyng with ye palsey, was carryed in a wagen to∣warde the schoole called Academia, was a place full of groues, one mile from the citee of Athenes. And it was called Academia of one Academus a no∣ble manne that had there inhabited. In thesame grounde was a mainour place in whiche Plato was born, and in thesam af∣terward taught philosophie, of whom for that cause the philo∣sophiers of his secte haue been from thens hitherto named Academici. Academia, and to Diogenes meetyng hym on the waye by chaunce, had saied, , well art thou: So art not thou, {quod} Diogenes again, that wheras thou art in suche takyng, canst fynd in thyn herte to liue. Menyng to bee a poyncte of a true or right philosophier, of his owne mynde to preuente the tyme of death, after yt he wer ones no longer hable to iere about and to helpe hymselfe, as other menne didde in this presente life. And that thyng Spuesippus was a philosophier of Plato his secte, brought vp vnder hym, and in teachyng his schoole ucceded hym, and contynued eight yeres maister of that schoole. He was Platoes sisturs doughters soonne. At length he killed hymself for pei and sorowe beeyng a veraye aged manne, albeeit Plutarchus & some others writen that he dyed of lyce contynually growlyng out of his fleshe as Scylla and Herode didde. Speusippus didde afterward in deede. When he sawe a litle boye vn∣manerly behauyng hymself, he gaue ye creāsier or tutour, that had the charge of bryngyng vp the same childe, a good rappe with his staffe, saiyng: why dooest thou thus teache thy pupille? Notifi∣yng, y• it is principally to bee ymputed vnto the breakers and instructours of tendre child¦hood at the begynnyng,It is to be ym¦puted vnto y• bryngers vp, if youth {pro}ue well manered or otherwyse. if youth proue well manered, or otherwyse. The reporters of the tale are Aphthonius and Priscan. To a certain persone obiectyng pouertee vnto hym in reproche,How Dioge∣nes aunswe∣red a flagici∣ous feloe, ob∣iectyng pouer¦tee vnto hym in reproche. whereas hymself was a feloe full of naughtynesse and mischief, he saied: I neuer yet sawe any manne putte to open punyshemente for his pouertee, but for knauery ma∣ny one. To pouertee he gaue a preaty name,Prouertee a vetue lear∣ned without a teacher. callyng it, a vertue that is learned by it self without a teacher. Riche folkes haue neede of many rewles, preceptes, and les¦sons,Riche folkes haue neede of many lessons to dooe well. that is to weete, to liue a frugall or so∣bre life, to exercise their bodyes with labours, not to sette their delite or felicitee in pompe∣ous or stately apparellyng and deckyng of the bodye, and others mo out of noumbre, all whiche thynges pouertee teacheth hir owne self without any other schoolemaister. ¶ Nexte after these three philosophiers, but thesame in this kynde, moste excellyng, we shall adde like noumbre of kynges & no mo, whiche for their saiyngees with ciuilitee and good facion replenyshed, haue a name of honour aboue all other kynges. That we maye not with to many thynges pestre and cloye the reader. Philippus, kyng of the Macedoniās, and father of Alexander the greate first cō¦quered Athe∣nes & brought all Grce vn∣der his subiec¦ion. A manne of all writers muc praised for his greate humanitee, courtesie and most princely gentlenesse.OF all the kynges, that emong the Grekes in auncient tyme haue reigned, in my sentence & mynde hath not been one, whom we maye with Philippus kyng of the Macedonians, & father of Alexander the greate, woorthyly cō∣pare, either in dexteritee and good conueigh∣aunce of witte, orels in disporte of saiynges consistyng within the boundes of honestee and good maner. This Philippus vsed many a tyme and oft to saye, that hym thought y• Atheniens to bee much happie, who could euery yere fynde the full noumbre of tenne soondry perso∣nes, whom to create their Capi∣tains for bataill: where he for his parte in many yeres had found one sole Capitain for warrefare onely, that is to weete, Parmenio.Parmenio y• onely Capi∣tain of Phi∣lippus his warres. Signifiyng, to bee a thyng litle to the be∣nefite of a commen weale,Oftē to chaū∣ge Capitai∣nes to bee vn∣profitable to a cōmē weale. euery other whyle to chaunge the Capitaines, but to bee muche better, whom ye haue ones found a fitte or meete manne for the purpose and trustie with all, in no wyse to chaūge thesame for a newe. Ferther and besides that, to make no force how many Capitaines there bee in noumbre but how apte and meete for conueighyng a battall, and for warrekepyng.It forceth not how many Ca¦pitaines ther bee, but how meete for kee∣pyng warre. When tydynges was brought vnto hym, y• many soondry thyn∣ges had in one daye happyly and prosperously fortuned on his syde and for his behouf, (for at one & thesame tyme Tethrippo had gotten the price and chief maisterie at Olympia, and Parmenio had in battail discoumfeicted or vanquyshed the Dardanians, and his quene Olympias hadde been brought a bedde of a soonne,) liftyng vp his handes on high to heauen, he cryed wyth a lowd voice, and saied: And thou lady fortune, for so many and the∣same so great good chaunces,The praier of Philippus when he had soondry good chaunces all in one day. dooe me no more but some light and small shrewd turne again at an o∣ther season. This manne beeyng of passyng high prudence, and moste profounde experience or knowlage in the course of the worlde, did not insolently skippe and leape, or shewe tokens of ioyfull gladnesse for his well spedyng, or for the successe of thynges, but ra∣ther did suspecte and mystrust the cockeryng of fortune,The cocke∣ryng of fortu∣ne is to be su∣spected & my∣strusted. whose nature he knewe to bee, that to whom she werketh vtter confusion and ex∣terminion, thesame persones she dooeth first laugh vpon & flatre with some vnquod pro∣speritee of thynges. To this mater appertei∣neth, that Plynius reporteth of Valerius Maximus, and the other Historiographiers writen, that Polycrates the Tyranne of the Samians, had liued ma∣ny yeres in suche incōparable prosperitee, that in all his affaires either publique or priuate, neuer any thyng went against hym, nor any myschaūce fell vnto hym, in so muche that beeyng (as ye would saie) werye of suche contynuall successe of thynges, euen in despite of good fortune, (to the ende that it might not be saied of hym, that he neuer had in al his life any losse, or myschaunce,) as he rowed on the sea for his pleasure and solace, he willyngly and of purpose cast awaye into the sea a golde ryng with a pre∣cious stone in it, of valour vneth estymable. And yet in suche wyse did fortune flatre hym, that within a daye after, his cooke found thesame ryng in the bealy of a fishe, whiche he garbai∣ged to dresse for his lordes dyner, and restored to thesame his owne ryng again. Yet this notwithstādyng, in his later daies fortune chaunged hir copie, and Polycrates taken presoner by Orontes the high Capitain or leuetenaūt of Darius kyng of the Persians, was after moste peinfull and moste greuous tormentes, hanged vp on a iebette vpon the toppe of an high hyll. The woordes of Plynius, whiche Erasmus here spea∣keth of, are in the first chapitour of the .xxxvii. volume of his natuall historie, in maner and fourme as foloeth. Of this originall begoonne auctoritee and dignitee in precious sto∣nes, auauced in processe and hoysed to so high loue, desire∣fulnesse and fansie of menne, that vnto Polycrates of Sa∣mes the rigorous tyranne of all the Isle and sea coastes of ye countree, in the voluntarie losse and damage of one precious stone, semed a sufficient and large emendes for his felicitee and prosperous fortune (whiche felicitee, euen hymself would ofte tymes plainly confesse and graunt of veraye coscience to bee ouer greate) if he might bee euen with the rolyng & mu∣tabilitee of fortune, and touche touche like, mocke hir aswell again: and that he plainly thought hymself to bee largely aunsoned, and bought out of the enuie of thesame continual prosperitee, if he had had nomore but this one sole grefe or hertefore, to byte hym by the stomake. Beeyng therefore clene weried with contynuall ioye and gladdenesse. He rowed in a vesell for his pleasure, a greate waye into the chanell of the streme, and wilfully cast one of his rynges into the sea. But a fishe of excedyng bignesse, (euen by destiney appointed to bee a present for a kyng) euen purposely to shewe a myracle, wyth a tryce snapped vp thesame in stede of feedyng, and by the handes of fortune awaytyn̄g hym an eiuill turne, restored it again into the kchyn of the owner the said Polycrates.Polycrates the Tyranne of the Samians. After that he had subdued all the Grekes, whē certain persones moued hym and would haue had hym to kepe the citees with gary∣sons, that thei might not forsake hym, or fall from hym again, he saied, I haue more wille and de∣sire, long tyme to bee called good, and easie or gentle to awaye with∣all, then for a fewe dayes and no longer, to bee called souerain. Menyng a reigne or empier,A reigne or empier with benefites and hertie loue holden, is per¦petuall. that wer with benefites and with hertie loue holden, to bee for euer perpetual, that by power and dred onely, to bee of no long contynuaunce. A certain buisie open mouthed feloe was a dayly and a commen speaker of raillyng woordes aga∣inst Philippus. And so it was that his frēdes aduised hym, the∣same feloe to exile & banyshe the countree. But he saied, yt he would in no wise dooe it, & to theim grea¦tely meruaillyng why, he saied: lest that he wandreyng and rouyng a bout frō place to place shal report eiuill of me emōg mo persones. That he did not hang the railler vpon the galoes, was either a pointe of clemencie and mercifullnesse that he forgaue hym, or∣els of magnanimitee and princely courage that he contemned hym:Philippus cō¦temned a fe∣loe yt vsed day¦ly to speake raillyng wor∣des, against hym. that he would in no wise driue hym out of ye countree, came of prudence. For the feloe beeyng in straūge places should haue been hable to dooe to hym the more vilanie. Smicythus cōplayned to the kyng vpon Nicanor, that he still with∣out ende spake eiuill of the kyng. And when the frendes of Philip∣pus aduised hym, that he should commaund the feloe to bee fette, and so to punyshe hym,The clemēcie and modera∣cion of Phi∣lippus. Philippus aū¦swered in this maner. Nicanor is not the wurst of all the Macedonians It is therefore our parte to see, lest wee dooe not our duetie, but bee slacke in some thyng that wee shoulde dooe hereupon, after that he had knowelage ye same Nicanor to bee greuously oppressed with pouertee, and yet to bee neglected & nothyng looked on by the kyng, he cōmaūded some gift or reward to bee borne to hym. This dooen, whē Smicythus eftsons enfourmed ye king, yt Nicanor didīal coūpaignies without ende reporte muche praise & goodnesse of hym: Now then, ye see, {quod} Philippus, yt it lyeth in our sel∣fes,It lyeth in our selfes, to bee wll or ei∣uill spokē of. to haue a good report, or eiuil. An excedyng thyng it is, how ferre odde those persones are from the nature of this prince, whiche neuer thynken theim selfes to bee praised enough wheras thei do nothyng woorthie laude or praise, neither dooe thei studie wt benefites to wynne or allure bene∣uolence & hartie good wille of menne, but haue more appetite and fansie to bee dreded, then to bee loued. And wheras thei dooe of∣ten tymes perpetrate thynges to beedetested and that in the open face of all the worlde, yet farewell his life for an halfpenie that pre¦sumeth or dareth so hardie in his hedde, as ones to open his lippes against theim. He saied, that to those, who in ordreyng or administryng thecō∣men weale of the Atheniens were y• chief ryng leders he was muche bound to ough moste hertie than∣kes,Philippu oughed moste hartie than∣kes to y• rew∣lers of the A∣theniense, for their raillyng at hym. for that by reason of their re∣prochefull raillyng at hym, thei caused hym aswell in vsyng his tounge, as also in his maners and behaueour to proue muche the more honeste manne, whyle I en∣deuour myselfe, {quod} he, aswell by my woordes as by my dooynges to make and proue theim lyers. O the right philosophicall herte of this prince,The right philosophical herte of Phi∣lippus. who had ye waye, euen of his enemies also to take vtilitee and profite, neither, (as the commen sorte of menne are woont) to this sole thyng to haue an yie how to dooe scathe, and to werke some mischief to suche as railled on hym, but that hym selfe might bee emended and made lesse eiuill,How to tak vtilitee & pro∣fyte of a mā∣nes enemie. beeyng well admonyshed & putte in remembreaunce of hymselfe by their slaundreous reportyng. When he had freely perdoned and leat goo at their libertee the Atheniens,Of Cheronea it is aforesaid & at this Che∣roea did Philipp{us} cō∣quere & sub∣due al Grece. as many as euer had been taken priesoners in batail at Cheronaea, and thei, not thynkyng that to bee enough, required also to haue restitucion of their appa∣rell and all their bagguage, and did for thesame entre accions of detinue, and cōmense suite against the Macedonians, Philippus laughed, saiyng: what? dooeth it not ap∣pere, the Atheniense to deme and iudge that thei haue been ouer∣comed by vs, at the hucclebones? So myldely did he beeyng the conque∣rour take the vnthankefullnesse of persones by hym conquered and subdued,The ciuilitee of Philippus who did not onely, not rendre thankes ne saie remer¦cies for that thei had been leat bothe safe and sounde,The ingrati∣tude of ye Athe¦niens towar∣des Philip∣pus. and also without any peny of raunsome paiyng to escape, but also with naughty language sued the Macedonians, and laied to their charges because thesame did not also restore vnto theim bothe their apparell and also all their other ragges and bagguage. As though thei knewe not of what nature the lawe of armes was, and as though, to trye yt mater wt dynte of swearde wer nothyng els, but to trye it at the , is in Latin, talus, and it is the litle square hucclebone, in the ancle place of the hyndre legge in all beastes sauyng manne, & suche beastes as haue fyngrs, as for exāple Apes and Mounkeyes, excepte also beastes that haue y• houfe of y• foote not clouen, but whole. With these hucclebo¦nes thei had a game in olde tyme, as chyldrē haue at this daye also, whiche game was in this maner. If the caster chaūced to cast that syde vpwarde, whiche is plain, it was called, canis or canicula, and it oode in stede of blanke or of an ace, & that was the lest and wurst that might be cast, and y• caster should thereby wynne no parte of the stakes, but was of force con∣sraigned in the waye of repele to laie down to the stake one peece of coyne, or one poynte, or one coūter, or one whatsoeuer thynges wer plaied for, and to take vp none at all. The con∣trarye to this (which was the holowe syde) was called, venus or Cous, and yt was cocke, the beste that might be cast. For it stoode for a sice, by whiche castyng, the caster should wynne & take vp from the stakes, sixe pieces of coyne, or sixe poyntes, or sixe counters. &c. and besides that, all the repeles by reason of canis found leepyng. The other twoo sydes of the huccle∣bone wer called, the one chius, by whiche the caser woonne & tooke vp three, and the other, senio, by whiche the caster gotte and tooke vp fower. In the hucclebones, there was no dewce, nor cinque. This was the commen game, but there wer other games, as there been varietee of games in dice playyng, whi∣che dice thei called, tesseras, of their squarenesse. Albeit, tali are sometymes vsed for tesserae, and taken to signifie dice-plaiyng, as euen here also it maye bee taken.huc∣clebones, whiche is a game for boyes and children. When the canell bone of his throte, or his chest bone had been brokē in battaille, & the surgeon yt had hym in cure, was from daye to daye euer crauyng this & that, he saied: Take euen vntill yu wilt saie hoe, for yu hast ye keye thyselfe. Dalyyng with a woorde that might bee in double sense taken. For ye greke voice signifieth bothe a keye, suche as a cup∣borde, or a doore is opened withall, and also the canell bone, or chestbone, that knitteth together a mannes shoulder with the breste. And what thyng could there bee of more ci∣uilitee,The ciuilitee of Philippus. then this ye herte of Philippus, who had a pleasure to vse testyng woordes and to bee merye both in his dolourous greef, and also towardes his couetous surgeon, neither to bee for his most peinfull smarte any thyng the more waywarde or testye, nor with the importunitee of the incessaunte crauer any thyng displeased or offended. There wer twoo brethren, of whō the ones name was in greke, Amphoteros, whiche vocable soūeth in englyshe, bothe: the name of the other Hecateros whiche by interpre∣taciō souneth in englyshe, the one & the other. Philippus therfore espy∣yng and markyng the saied Heca∣teros to bee a prudente feloe, and a fitte manne to haue dooynges in thynges, and cōtrariewise Am∣photeros to bee, a loutyshe persone vnmeete to haue dooynges, and a veray beast: clene turned, & coun∣treframed their names, affer∣myng, yt Hecateros was Amphoteros, and Amphoteros, was to bee named Vdeteros, which souneth in englishe neither of bothe. Signifiyng the one of the brethren, that is to weete, Heca∣teros, in hymselfe to comprise the vertues and good qualitees of bothe twain, and the other brother to haue in hym not so muche as one good pointe or propretee. Therfore the name of hym, that was called Ampho∣teros, he chaunged to the contrarie that he should bee named Udeteros, in token yt he was for ye respecte of his qualitees not to be estemed worth a blew point or a good lous. To certain persones, geuyng hym counsaill, yt he should deale with the Atheniens & handle theim after a more sharpe and rigorous sorte then he didde, he aunswered that thei didde against all reason in that thei aduised hym, both do∣yng & suffreyng althynges onely for mere glorie & renoume to caste awaye the staige of thesame his glorye and renoume,Philipp{us} cal∣led y• citee of Ahenes, the taige of his glorie and re∣nme, that to saye, the lc n whi∣ al y• world ene & old his . whiche he studied and laboured to achiue. Signefyyng that he studied and went about, not how to destroye the citie of Athe∣nes,Ahenes in ye tme of Phi∣lippus floury∣shed with the aboundaunce of many excel¦lente highe clerkes. but how to approue and to commend his vertues or good qualitees, vnto that right famous citie beeyng in moste flourāt state by reason of the greate aboundaūce & multitude of many excellent high clerkes & mēne of learnyng in ye same citie reciaunte. Twoo feloes beeyng lyke flagi∣cious,The iudge∣ment of Phi∣lippus vpon twoo flagii∣ous feloes ac∣cusyng either other before hym. and neither barell better hearyng, accused either other, the kyng Philippus in his owne persone sittyng in iudgement vpō theim. The cause all heard, he gaue sen∣tence and iudgemente, that ye one should with all speede and celeri∣tee auoid or flee the royalme or countree of Macedonia, & the other should pursue after him. Thus Philippus acquited neither of theim bothe, but condemned bothe the one and the other with banyshememte. Whē he addressed to pitche his tentes in a fair goodly groūd and was put in remēbraunce, yt there was in yt place no feedyng for the horsses & other catalles,The misera∣ble condicion of warrefare. he saied: what maner of life is this yt wee haue, if we must of force so liue, as may bee for yt cōmoditee of asses? When he had prefixed and ap∣poynted to take a certain castle and fortresse beeyng veraye strōg and well fēsed, and his spyes had brought woorde again, to bee a thyng out of perauentures hard to dooe, yea and (the south to saye) vtterly vnpossible: he demaunded whether it wer of suche hardnesse and dificultee, that it were not pos¦sible for an asse beeyng heauie lo∣den wt golde to haue accesse and entreaunce or passage vnto it. Signifiyng, that there is nothyng so strongly fensed, but yt it maye with golde bee woonne.There is nothyng but yt with gold it maye be ouer comed and woonne. Whiche veraye selfe same thyng the poetes haue signified by the fable of Ahas the xii. kyng of the Argiues, had a sonne called Acri∣sius, whiche Acrisius succeded his father in the kyngdome of the said Argiues, and had onely one doughter called Danae, a goodly and a passyng beautifull ladie. And so it was, that A∣crisius had knowelage geuen to hym, by an oracle, or voice co∣mynge from heauen, that he should be slain of his doughters soonne. Wherfore he enclosed and shutte vp the saied Dana his doughter in a veraye stronge toure, and there kept hir, to thentente that she myght neuer haue soonne. At length Iupi∣ter in fourme of a shoure raynyng droppes of golde gotte Danae with childe. So by Iupiter she had a soonne called Perseus Whiche thyng beeyng come to light, and beeyng knowen, hir father sette bothe hir and hir infant childe enlo∣sed in a troughe or trounke of wood in the wilde sea. So was she carryed by auentures on the sea, vntyll she arriued in Ita∣lie, and there Pilumnus the kyng, and graūdfather of Tur∣nus, tooke hir to wife. And afterward Perseus beeyng ones come to mannes stature killed Medusa, and deliuered Andro∣meda. And at last returnyng to Argos, he slewe y• kyng Acrisi∣us his graundfather (accordyng to the prophecie) and reigned in his stede. Danae by Iupiter defloured, but not vntill thesame god Iupiter had first transfourmed hymselfe in to golde, whereof ye poete Hora∣tius speaketh in this maner. Whē those persones that wer at Lasthenes found theimselfes gre∣ued, and tooke highly or fumysh∣ly, that certain of the traine of Phi∣lippus called theim traitours, Philip∣pus aūswered, yt the Macedonians wer feloes of no fyne witte in their termes,The Mace∣donians wer plain feloes callynge eche thynge by it right name. but alltogether grosse, clubbyshe, and rusticall, as the whiche had not the witte to calle a spade by any other name then a spade. Alludyng to that the com∣menused prouerbe of the grekes, callyng fig∣gues, figgues: and a bote a bote.. As for his menyng was, that thei wer traitours in veraye deede. And the fair flatte truthe, that the vplandyshe, or homely and plain clubbes of ye countree dooen vse, nameth eche thyng by the right names. It was his guyse to aduertise his sonne Alexander after a courte∣ous & familiare gētle sorte to vse hymselfe and to liue with the Mace¦donians,A good lesson to all young princes. and through beneuolence and hertie loue in the meane tyme purchaced abrode emonge the cō∣menaltie, to gather vnto hym mi∣ghte & puissaunce, while duryng ye tyme of an other mannes reigne it laie in hym without any his harme or hindreaunce to shewe humanitee & gentlenesse. Like a prudent and an expert manne right well perceiuyng and vnderstandyng, like as an empier by no yearthly thyng better or more fermely to bee establyshed,A kyng maye not to all per∣sones wtout excepcion she∣we fauour. then by the her∣tie loue and good wille of the subiectes to∣wardes their prince, euen so, to bee a thyng of moste high difficultee and hardnesse for any persone that hath ones taken vpō hym the office of a kyng, & hath now alreadie in hande the gouernaunce and ordreyng of a royalme or empier, towardes all parties without excepcion, to shewe gentlenesse and fauour, not onely because the office & power of a kyng, lyeth in the open waye to bee en∣uied, but also for that a commenweale maye not possibly bee preserued and kept in per∣fecte good state, onlesse haynous transgres∣sions bee restreigned and suppressed by due punyshemente and correccion.Haynous transgressiōs must of neces¦sitee bee sup∣pressed by due correcciō and punishement. For kynges must so ferre extende humanitee and fauour towardes their subiectes, as thei maye in the meane tyme accordyngly vpholde and maintein their autoritee and estate royal.Kynges must so ferre extēde fauour, yt thei maye in the meane tyme not empeche their autori∣tee and estate royall. For goodnesse and fauour, without ende or measure shewed is many a tyme and ofte the mother of contempte. Thesame Alexander, he auised & counsailled, that he should wynne and make frendes vnto hym, all suche persones bothe honeste and vnhoneste, good and badde,Kynges must vse honest per¦sones, and a∣buse the vn∣honeste. as beare any rewle, stroke or autori∣tee in the commenweale, and that the good menne he should vse, & the eiuill persones he should a∣buse, yt is to saye, applye to some good vse, that of theim selfes thei are not apte nor inclined vnto. The chief and highet feacte of kynges is, to reiecte no person,The chief eate of kyn∣ges, is to re∣iecte no per∣sone, but to make all per∣sones profita¦ble to the com¦men weale. but rather to applye the labour and seruice of all menne, to the publique vtlitee and profite. As almightie god beeyng the onely Monarche and prince of the whole vniuersall worlde abuseth the eiuill sprites, and the weeked menne, to the vtilitee and profite of the churche, so, princes of high wisedome and policie haue the feacte to make instrumentes aswell of the honeste persones as of the vnhoneste, not that the∣imselfes been werkers of any eiuill thyng, by the helpe of the eiuill persones,Wise rinces haue ye feacte to make pro∣fitable instru∣mentes, as∣wel of y• iuill persones, as of the good. but that by the eiuill, thei dooe punyshe the eiuill. Nerethelesse, many princes there bee, whiche contrarie to the right course, dooen abuse the good menne and vse the eiuill. In execu∣tyng matiers of cruell tyrannie, thei associ∣ate and ioyne vnto theim suche persones as for the opinion of holynesse are famous and of greate name, to thentent that the people should esteme all thyng that thei dooe, to bee good and godly. Thesame Philippus when he laye for hostage and pledge in the citee of Thebes soiourned & was lodged in the hous of one Philo a Thebane, and besydes his high entretain∣mente in that behalfe, he receiued at ye hādes of thesame Philo many high beneficiall pleasures. And when the said Philo would in no wyse take any rewarde or gifte of Philippus again.Neuer māne did any thyng for Philippus but that Phi∣lippus did as∣much for him again. Naye, ({quod} Philippus) robbe me not now (by leauyng me behynd hande in bountifulnesse,) of that laude & praise whiche hi∣therto I haue euer had, yt, yet vn∣to this presēte daye no māne hath passed me, or gon beyōd me, in do∣yng mutual plesures & benefites. Oh an hert & stomakeworthie a croune emperiall. He demed it a more high and ioly thyng to haue ye ouerhande in dooyng dee∣des of boūtie, then in ye prerogatif of power. Whē a greate mayny hauyng been taken priesoners in warre, wer in sellyng, Philippus sate at the portesale his garmēt or robe short tucked vp about hym, muche vn∣comely. And so it was, yt one of the captiues yt was to bee solde, cryed lowd voice: Bee good and graci∣ous lorde vnto me o Philippus, and graunte me perdone, for I am your frende, and my father was an olde frende of yours. And Phi∣lippus demaundyng in this maner, how so good feloe, and by what meanes is this frendshippe bee∣twene vs twoo come about? If I maye approche nerer to youre grace, {quod} the partie, I shall shewe you. And beeyng herupon licen∣ced and bidden so to dooe, as though he should haue told hym some secrete mater in his eare, the feloe saied: Sir, leat downe your cape a litle more about you, for after this cutted facion as it she∣weth now, ye sitte woondreous eiuil fauouredly & vnsemely for a kyng. Ymmediatly saied Philippus, leat this feloe departe free. For I knew not til now, that he was to me in veraye deede a welwiller, & a frende. Beeyng so greate a kyng,Philipp{us} bee∣yng a greate kyng, was no thyng displea¦sed to haue faulte found at hym he was nothyng greued ne displeased, neither with the coulourable pretense, nor with the faulte fyndyng or admoniciō of a feloe that was to hym a straunger of none acquain∣taunce: but did all vnder one, bothe with mutual simulacion on his partie couer and kepe secrete the colorable dooyng of the saied feloe,The benefi∣cence of Phi∣lippus. and also recompense that veraye siēdre poynte of kyndenesse with the greate and high rewarde of free charter and dimission when he stoode to bee sold as a bondeman. Beeyng on a tyme, by an espe∣ciall frende of olde acquaintaūce, desired to a supper, in gooyng thi∣therward, he tooke with hym to bee his geastes a greate mayny that he happely mette on ye waye as he wente. But when he percei∣ued ye partie, which receiued hym into his house, to bee sore dismai∣ed, for that the purueiaunce that he had made, was nothyng nere enough for so greate a coumpai∣gnie, he sent a ladde aforehand a∣bout to euerie of his frendes then presente, and bidde theim to kepe a corner of their stomakes for the tartes, wafrie, and ioūkettes, that wer to bee serued and to come in after the meate. Thei beeyng brought in ful beleef therof, while thei gaped for tarte & other like confecciōs, fedde litle or nothyng on the other cates, so came it to passe, that the supper was suffici∣ent to serue all the coumpaignie. With this pleasaunt merie toye, he both made his frēdes beleue ye moone to be made of a grene cheese, & also found a waye to saue the honestee of hym that made the supper. Hipparchus of Euboia beeyng dece∣assed, Philippus by manifest tokens declared how heauyly he tooke his death. Wherupon, to a certain persone beeyng desirous to miti∣gate & asswage his doloure,Why Phi∣lippus so gre∣uously and so heauyly toke the death of Hipparchus an Euboian. and allegeyng in this manier: well, he is at a conueniente age and tyme departed, beeyng now allreadie well strikē in yeres, yea, {quod} Philippus, for his owne parte in deede, he is at a conueniēte age departed,The liberall herte of Phi∣lippus. but to meward, long afore his daye. For death hath by preuencion ta∣ken hym awaye before yt he hath receiued at my hāde any benefite woorthie and meete for the frend∣ship that was betwene hym & me. It is a veraye rare thyng in princes to feele the mocions and pangues of the graces but many noble menne vsen their frendes none other wyse, but euē as thei dooen their horses. As long as thei bee hable to dooe theim seruice thei sette by theim & kepe theim when thei bee past occupiyng and dooyng any more seruise, thei ridde & dispetche their handes of thesame, and shift theim awaye. Yea and rather spoyle theim of that thei haue, then dooe theim good or helpe theim with condigne benefites or preferremente. When he had secrete knowlage brought vnto hym that Alexander his sonne found hymselfe greued for that his father was a getter of children by soondrie women, he gaue vnto Alexander an exhortaciō in this manier.The exhorta∣cion of Phi∣lippus to his soone Alexan∣der. Well then, sens it is so yt thou hast mo feloes besyde thyself to stande in eleccion for to haue this empier & to weare the croune after my deceasse, so ap∣plye thyselfe that thou maiest at length proue an honest or ver∣tuous and a weldisposed manne, that thou maiest appere to haue achiued the croune not by me, but by thyn owneselfe. This manne with right princely wisedome and experiēce endeued, did not with sweete wordes put his soonne in any cumforte, but putte the same ferther in feare, to thende that he might the more pricke hym foortheward vnto vertue, geuyng notice and intymacion that there was none other waye for hym to conceiue any hope to bee kyng after hym, excepte he shewed hymselfe a mā worthie to succede in ye croune, neither to bee of so greate momēte to attein and geat an empier,It is not of so greate mo∣mēte, to haue an empier, as to bee woor∣thie to bee a kyng. as woorthyly to haue deserued to bee a kyng of a royalme. He exhorted thesame Alexander that he should geue good eare & attend well to Aristotle,How Philip¦pus exhorted his soonne A∣lexander to y• studie of Phi¦losophie. to whom he had been committed to bee bro¦ken and brought vp, and that he should diligently applye hymselfe to ye studie of philosophie, lest that thou dooe committe and perpe∣trate, {quod} he, many thynges, whiche thynges in tyme past to haue do∣en, it dooeth now repente me. Right well perceiued this excellēte wise prince that no manne beeyng vntraded in philosophie is an apte and mete persone to bee a kyng.A learned kyng an vnes¦timable trea∣sure. Neither was he ashamed to con∣fesse that he had through errour dooen a∣mysse in many thynges, by reason that he had not euen from his tendre babeship been nousleed in the preceptes of philosophie. For those persones, who by their ownemere pra∣ctise assaiyng & experymētes, dooe learne to ordre & gouerne a royalme and to execute y• office of a kyng, although thei haue euen frō their mothers wombe, been of neuer so excel¦lente high witte, yet bothe ouer late, and also to the greate scathe and ympechemente of the commēweal, after long processe of yeres thei growe to bee good kynges. ButWho com∣meth to ye of∣fice of a kyng armed afore∣hande with y• preceptes of philosophie, cānot lightly swerue from y• right trade of vertue. who cometh to the administracion of a royalme, armed aforehande with the holsome prece∣ptes and rewles of philosophie, if there bee in hym a mynde and herte with no spice of corrupcion entangleed, it shall vneth lye in his power to swerue from the perfecte right trade of honestee and vertue. Where been thei now, whiche yalle and rore, that lear∣nyng, and the studie of philosophie is vtter∣ly nothyng auailable to the gouernaunce and administracion of a commenweale?Thei are in a wrōg opiniō that supposē learnyng to bee nothyng auailable to y• gouernaūce of a com¦mē weale He had created and autorised one of ye frendes of Antipater to bee of the noūbre of ye iudges.Of antipater read in his sa¦iynges. But af¦terward, when it was come to his knowlage yt the partie vsed to dye his bearde & his heare, he deposed thesame again & discharged hym of that office, allegeyng that who in the heare of his hedde was not feithfull and vpright,Who vseth deceipte and guile in small thynges, is e∣iuill woorthie to bee trusted in higher and more weigh∣tie maters. the same in publique dooynges semed full ei∣uill woorthie to bee put in truste. He vsed deceipte, and falshood in dyyng his heare, whereby was no great auaūtage no gaine to bee gotten, muche more was it like that he would vse deceipte and falsehood in publique affaires, where guile dooeth at a tyme auauntage to a manne a good potte of wyne. And this ought to bee the chief care of kynges, that thei putte in authoritee per∣sones vpright and void of all corrupcion to bee hedde officers in hearyng and iudgeyng of causes. And how maye that possibly bee, where the offices of sittyng in iudgemente bee sold for money, & that persone appoyn∣ted and made iudge, not that passeth others in honestee and goodnesse, but that cometh first to enoyncte or greace the handes, of hym that geueth the office, or biddeth moste money for it? But with Philippus, no not the autoritee of his dere beloued frende An∣tipater might weigh and dooe so muche, but that he deposed the suspected persone from the benche and ordre of the iudges. Sittyng in iustice on ye benche he had before hym, to geue sentēce and iudgemente vpō, the cause of one Machaetes, but he was so heauie of slepe yt he could in no wise hold vp his yies, ne geue his mynde, as he should haue dooen, to the equitee of the lawe.The equitee of ye lawe is, that ye lawers callen the epi∣cai, whiche thei take for y• moderacion of all suerite & rigour of ye lawe, when iustice & lawe is ministred with fauour. Wherupon he gaue sentence and iudgemente against Machaetes. And when the∣same cryyng with a loude voice, had saied, that he appealed from thesame sentēce, the kyng beeyng angrye saied again, to whō dooest thou appeale? for the woorde of appealyng (whiche is euermore from the inferiour iudge and power to an higher) vnto kynges veray odious. Thē, {quod} Machaetes, euē to your ownself sir kyng, do I appeale, if your grace will awake, & with more earnest & tēdre attenciō of mynde, heare my cause. Immediately here vpon, the kyng arose and stood hym vp. And when he had better weighed the matter with hymself, and well perceiued, that the saied Machaetes had had wrong,How Philip¦pus vsed one Machaetes by his sentēce wrōgfully cō¦demned. in dede the sentēce of iudgemēte ones geuen & alrea∣die pronounced, he would not re∣uoke ne breake, but the summe of money, in whiche Machaetes had beē cast & condemned, hymselfe paied out of his own purse euery fer∣thyng. Loe, in one facte, howe many soondrye argumentes and tokens of pryn∣cely vertue. He contynued not to be angry wyth the feloe bothe appealynge from hys sentence, and also openly in the face of the courte layenge slepynes to hys charge: but leasurely wyth better dyligence he consyde∣red the matter in hys owne mynde, beynge nowe clere voyde of all wrath and indyng∣nacyon. Bee thys a poynte of ciuilitie and of pryncely moderacyon: but that nowe en∣sueth, was a poynte of hyghe prudence and wysedome, that by a wyttie and polytique deuyse, the party condē∣ned, he did in such wyse delyuer and despetche of all losse & damage, that yet neuer¦thelesse he dyd not stayne ne putte to lacke or rebuke hys royall autoritie in geuyng sentence of indgement, the penaltie and fyne that Machaetea was caste in, he priuately sa∣tysfied and payed as if hym selfe had been therein condēned. The frēdes of Philippus fumyng and takyng high indignacion, for that theThe Pelo∣ponnesians wer the inha∣bitauntes of Peloponesus whiche was a region of Grece, in olde tyme called A∣chaia & nowe Mora, liyng betwene two seas, the one called Ioniū and the other Aegeaū: and with thesame seas so enclo∣sed, that it is in manir a veraye Ise. It was na∣med of Pelops ye sonne of Tantalus kyng of the Phrygians. And Pelops was housbād to Hippoda∣mia the doughter of Oenomaus, kyng of the saied region, on whom went a Prophecie, that whnsoeuer his doughter ma∣ried, he should leese his life. Wherfore with all suche princes & knyghtes as came to sue for the mariage of Hippodamia, he (the saied Oenomaus) appoynted tornamentes for life & death with this condicion, that who so could that waye wynne his doughter should haue hir, who so wer ouercomed should suf∣fre death. After many wooers thus slain and put to death came Pelops, and corrupted Myrtilus the maister of ye chai∣rettes with Oenomaus promisyng to thesame Myrtilus that in case he would bee his trende that he might haue victoie, he should lye with Hippodamia the first night. Then did Myr∣tilus sette in the chairette of Oeomaus, an aeltree of weare by reason wherof at the first ioynyng it brake, and Pelos woonne the victorie. Wherupon Oenomaus killed hymselfe. And Pelops not onely obteyned and enioyed the ladie Hippo∣damia, but also succeded Oenomaus in the kyngdome of A∣chaia. And when Myrtilus required his promysse, Pelops caused hym to bee cast into the sea, whiche sea of his name was called Myrtoum. In the region of Pelopennesus wer these noble & florente citees, Argos, Micenae, Corinthus, La∣cedaemon, Patrae, the mountain of Malea lyyng on the sea coste Epidanrus, and these countrees, Arcadia, and Sicyona. Peloponnesians did with his¦syng mocke and skorne hym at ye games of Olimpia, especially ha∣uyng receiued many benefites at the kynges hande, and with that tale prickyng and stieryng Philippus to auenge hymselfe on theim: why {quod} he, how will the matier then go if we dooe vnto theim any eiuill? Graciously and with woondreous ci∣uilitee turned he the argumente of his fren∣des to the contrarie, thus: If thei bee of suche frowarde nature and disposicion, that thei mocke and skorne those persones, who haue dooen theim benefite, thei will dooe muche more annoyaunce and harme, if a bodye therunto prouoke theim with shrewd tur∣nes or dedes of myschief. A manifeste to∣ken and prouf it was not onely of mo∣deracion or paciente suffreaunce and of mercifulnesse, but also of a certain excel∣lente high magnanimitee, a kyng to neg∣lecte & sette lighte by the hissyngs, of ingrate persones. Harpalus in the fauour and be∣halfe of Crates beeyng bothe his familiare frende and of alyaunce and sued at the lawe vpon an ac∣cion of trespace for wronges and extorcion by hym dooen, made in∣staunte requeste and peticion vn∣to Philippus, yt the same defendaunte might paye the damage and fyne but yet might for sauyng his ho∣nestee bee quieted and dispetched of the suite and accion,The vpright∣nes and ine∣gritee of Phi¦lppus, in mi∣nistreyng the lwes and in doyng iustice. leste that beeyng in the face of the court cō∣dēned, he should haue all ye world to raill and speake eiuill on hym. At these woordes, better it is ({quod} Philippus) that he bee eiuill spoken of, then me to haue an eiuil name for his cause. He was tendre and fa∣uourable to his frendes, & beare with theim albeeit no ferther then he lawfully might without empechemente of the existimacion and credence of a iudge. When Philippus beeyng in the campe with his armie had slept a great long while together,Antipater the deutie and high pitain vndr Phi∣lippus. beeyng at last awaked, I haue slept in safegarde saieth he, for Antipater hath in my stede watched and for borne slepe. Declaryng by ye watche woorde, not to bee the parte of a prince,Not to bee y• parte of a prince to tke his full reste & slepe, especial¦ly in tyme of warre. to lye in bedde, all daye, or to take his full reste and slepe, especially in tyme of warre, & yet nerethelesse, that thesame maye at a tyme without perell or daungier bee dooen, if a kyng haue a trutie and a peinfull deputie.A prince may bee in securi∣tee that hath a trustie and a vigiaunte deputie. Thus with the laude & praise of his frende, he made a good excuse in that he had ouer slept hym selfe. At an other season eftsons it fortuned, that while Philippus in the daye tyme tooke his reste & slepe, a sorte of the grekes (whiche had in a great noumbre assembleed a∣boute his doore) tooke peper in ye nose,How parme∣nio excused Philipp{us} sle∣pyng in the daye tyme. and spake many woordes of reproche by the kyng, for that by reason of his sluggyng thei might not at ye first choppe bee brought to his speche: then Parmenio beeyng in presence,Parmenio was one of Philipp{us} gē∣tlemenne and a capitain & in veraye high fauour & trust with hym, & after his da∣yes, with A∣lexander Ma∣gnus. in this manier defen∣ded the kyng, and made excuse in his behalfe, saiyng: Meruaill ye not if Philippus dooe now repose hymselfe & take a nappe, for when all ye wer in your ded slepe, he watched. Signifiyng, that the gre∣kes rechelessely conueighyng their affaires, Philippus broke many a slepe to prouide for their defense and safegarde. Like as hymself was mery cō∣ceipted and ful of preatie tauntes so did he muche delite in the sai∣ynges of others, if thesame had any quickenesse or grace in theim. Wherfore, when he was disposed on a tyme, as he sate at his sup∣per, to coumptrolle a mynstrelle plaiyng at yt presente before hym, and talked his phansie of fyngre∣yng and strykyng the strienges of the instrumente:Eury bodie is best iudge of his owne arte and fa∣cultie. God forfende sir kyng, {quod} the mynstrelle, that ye should haue more sight and know¦lage in this geare, thē I. Plea∣sauntely and as might stand with good ma¦nier, did the feloe take vpon hym to iudge in his owne art and facultee, and yet nothyng offended or displeased the kyng, whom he iudged to bee of more dignitee and high esta¦ste, then for to contend or striue with a myn¦strelle about ye twangyng of harpestrienges and lutestrienges. Yea and ye right sharpe or poy∣naunte saiynges of others (so it wer spoken in tyme & place opor∣tune, & not toto ferre out of course he coulde take in good parte.The human¦tee & paceinc of Pilipp{us}. For when he was foule out, both with The debate and displeasure of Philippus with Olym∣pias and Alexander, dooeth Plutarchus in the life of Alexan∣der shewe, in this maner: When by reason of the loue & soon∣drie mariages of Philippus, muche troubleous murmuryng and frayyng arose and begoonne within the courte of Phi∣lippus, emong his own folkes, in so muche that the kynges wife and the other women could scaely abyde one an other, muche querelyng, brallyng and discord grewe and dayly came in vre, euen vnder the nose of Philippus. Whiche grudges, quereles, debate and variaunce, the sharpenes or curstnes, the zelousie, and the eagre feersenes of Olympias did augmente and sette on Alexander against Philippus. Also of debate and enmitee one Attalus ministreed a wondreous good cause at y• mariage of Cleopatra, whom where Philippu had fallen i loue withall, beeyng yet a young damysell vnmariable, anon after he tooke to wife. For Attalus beeyng vncle to the maydē beeyng through drunken, euen in the feaste tyme of the mari∣age, exhorted & encouraged the Macedonians to make praier vnto the Goddes, that a lawfull and right born heire for the succession of the croune and empier might bee begotten be∣twene Philippus and Cleopatra. with which thyng Alexan∣der beeyng highly moued, saied: why thou naughtie vilain, what thynkest thou of vs that we are bastardes, or mysbe∣gotten? and euen with that woorde he caught a goblet in his hande, and cast it at the hedde of Attalus. Philippus ymme∣diately therupon arisyng ranne at Alexander with a naked sweorde to haue slain hym, but (fortune beeyng theim both good to ladie) what by reason of furie, and what of wyne the stripe did no harme all. Then Alexander begynnyng to rail on his father saied: This is the ioyly feloe & gaye manne, whiche makyng preparacion to passe out of Europa into Asia, and about to go but out of one chaumbre into an other stumbleed and had a great falle. After this high woorde and reasonyng had in cuppes, whē the saied Alexāder had conueighed awaye with hym his mother Olympias, and had lefte hir in the re∣gion of Epirus, hymselfe abode and liued in the countree of Illyris. And at thesame season, it fortuned that one Demara∣tus a Corinthian a veraye familiar acquaintaunce & frende of Philippus, pretendyng to bee one yt would hymself in al cau∣ses frankely, freely & boldely saye his mynde, was come vnto Philippus. Of whom after they had shaked handes, and had with pleasaunte and freendly woordes salued either the other the saied Philippus enquiered, howe the Grekes agreed and accorded within theimselfes. To whom Demaratus thus aū∣swered: O Philippus, of all menne lest of all it behoueth you to haue care and charge of Grece, that haue thus heaped your own courte and palaice with so many kyndes of discorde and with so many troubles and aduersitees. Wherupon Philip∣pus repentyng his folye, sent the saied Demaratus, to desir and praye Alexander to returne home again, and so he did.Olympias his wife, and also with Alexander his soonne, he demaun∣ded of Demaratus a Corinthian euen at that presēte tyme happyly com∣yng vnto hym in ambassade,Demaratus ambassadour from Cori∣the wt Phi∣lippus. what concorde, peace & vnitee the gre∣kes had emong theimselfes one with another. Immediately saied Demaratus to hym again. Iwys iwys, ye dooe of likelyhood take great thought and care for the cō∣corde and tranquillitee of the gre∣kes, when those that are nighest & moste dere vnto you, beare suche herte and mynde towardes you. What would a manne in this case haue looked for, but that the kyng beeyng highly displeased with ye bolde and plain speakyng of Demaratus, should haue commaunded the same to bee had awaye out of his sight? Yet for al that, because ye woordes of Dema¦ratus meaned to reuoke hym rom ire and wrathe, to takyng better wayes: the kyng pacified and reconciled hymselfe at the cor∣repcion of the straunger, and all indignaciō and wrathe laied a parte, fell to a fulle ato∣nemente with all his folkes. To an olde wife beeyng a poore sely solle, and cryyng and callyng vpon Philippus to haue the hearyng of her cause before hym, nor ceas∣syng with this ymportune & ear∣nest prayer in manier dayly to ryng in his eare,The office of kynges is to heare the com¦plaintes and causes of all persones wt out excepcion he at last made aunswer, that he had noo leasure. And when the olde wife had eft∣sons cryed out vpon hym, saiyng why, then bee no longer kyng ne¦ther: Philppus greatly meruaillyng at her bolde and franke speakyng did fromthensfoorthe geue eare not onely vnto her, but also to all others like. This selfesame thyng the latines dooen attribute vnto Adrian Emperour of Roome. Philippus, when it was come to his eare that his soonne Alexander had in a certain place shewed him selfe to bee a cunnyng musician,Not euery arte is meete for a kyng. graciously and courtisely chidde hym for it, saiyng: Art thou not a∣shamed of thyself to haue so good sight in musike? Signifiyng that other artes then musike were more meete and seemyng for a kyng. Thesame Philippus hauyng on a tyme gotten a falle in the wrast∣leyng place,Philippus reproued the ambicion of manne in de∣sryng empier when in the arisyng again he had espied the priente & measure of his wholle bodie in the doust, he saied: Oh the foly of manne, how we to whō of nature a veraye small porcion of the ye∣arth is due, desire to haue in our handes all the vniuersall worlde. Would god this saiyng had been well enpriented in ye herte of his soonne, to whose ambicion and couetous desire all the wholle worlde semed but a litle angle.The ambiciō of Alexander. Philippus chidyng his soonne Ale∣xander for yt he laboured & sought with presentes and giftes to pur∣chace the beneuolence and hertie loue of the Macedonians, did thus frame & sette his woordes: what (the deiuill) consideracion or mea¦nes hath putte suche a vain hope in thy hedde, and brought the into this fooles paradise, to suppose that thei will in tyme to come bee feithfull and true vnto the,Beneuolence ought to bee purchaced by vertue & not by giftes. whom thou shalte haue corrupted and bought with money? what? dooest thou goo about to bryng to passe, that the Macedonians shall esteme y• to bee, not their kyng, but their almoyner, or pursebearer? The Atheniens had sent an am∣bassade vnto Philippus. Thesame graciously receiued and heard, to thende that he would with all pos¦sible courtesie and humanitee di∣misse the Ambssadours, he willed theim to speake, in what thyng he might doo to ye Atheniens any good pleasure. Anon, Demochares taking the tale in hāde, saied: forsouth sir, if ye goo & putte your necke in an halter & hang yourselfe. This Demochares was one of ye Ambassadours, and for his malaparte toungne called at home in his conntree in their language, Democha∣res parrhesia¦stes, one of ye ambassadours sent in Lega∣cie frō the A∣theniens vnto Philippus. The bolde∣nesse yt some {per}sones haue, plainly & with out respecte, feare, accepti∣on or sparyng of any bodye whatsoeuer he bee, to vt∣ter & to speake that lyeth in their stomake yea, whether it bee to geue a checke and a rebuke to ones face, or∣els any other¦wise howsoeuer it bee, is called in greke , and ther∣of whatsoeuer persone hath that propretee without feare or sparyng to saie his mynde in al thynges as he thynketh, is cal∣led Parrhesiastes. And suche an one was this Demochares. , is in a manne the qualitee contrarie to assentacion, whiche assentaciō is the southyng of eche bodyes tale and sai∣ynges, and holdyng vp theyr yea and naye. Parrhesiastes, (as ye woulde saye in eng∣lyshe) Thom trouthe, or plain Sarisbuirie, The kynges frendes at suche a carlishe aun¦swer fumyng and takyng high indignacion Philippus appeased theim, and commaun∣ded theim safe and sounde to leat goo that same Thersites, was one of ye Grekes, and came emong the moo out of the countree of Aetolia vnto the battaill of Troye: a greate gentleman born, but the wurst of feacture, of shape and of fauoure, that possible might bee, and a veraye cowarde: Whom Homerus in his secounde volume of his werke, enti∣tleed Ilias (that is, of the battaill of Troye) describeth bothe in woordes and sense, much lyke as foloeth: Emong all others, to Troye there came, An eiuill fauoured geaste, called by name Thersites, a pratleer bee ye sure, Without all facion, ende or measure. What soeuer came, in his foolishe brain, Out it should, wer it neuer so vain. In eche mannes bote, would he haue an ore, But no woorde, to good purpose, lesse or more: And without all maner, would he presume With kynges and princes, to cocke and fume. In feactes of armes, naught could he dooe, Nor had no more herte, then a gooce therunto. All the Grekes did hym, deride and mocke, And had hym, as their commen laughyng stocke. Squynyied he was, and looked nyne wayes. Lame of one leg, and hympyng all his dayes. Croump shouldreed, and shrunken so vngoodly, As though he had had but halfe a bodye. An hedde he had (at whiche to ieste and scoffe) Copped like a tankarde or a sugar lofe. With a bushe pendente, vndernethe his hatte, Three heares on a side, like a drouned ratte. And not long after his arriuall to Troye, for that he was so buisie of his toungue, so full of chattyng and praleyng with euery kynge and noble manne of the Grekes, Achilles beeyng moued with his saucynes and ymportunitee, vp & gaue hym suche a cuff on the eare, that he slewe hym out of hande, with a lowe of his fist. Thersites. Then turnyng hymselfe to the residue of the Ambassadours, he saied Goo beare woorde again home to the Athe∣niens, muche more pride and stately pre∣sumpcion to rest in the speakers of suche vn¦goodly woordes as these, then in theim, whiche heare the same spoken vnto theim, and suffre it to passe vnpunished. When all is dooen, these are the stomakes and hertes worthye to haue empier. Democha∣res parrhesia¦stes, one of ye ambassadours sent in Lega∣cie frō the A∣theniens vnto Philippus. The bolde∣nesse yt some {per}sones haue, plainly & with out respecte, feare, accepti∣on or sparyng of any bodye whatsoeuer he bee, to vt∣ter & to speake that lyeth in their stomake yea, whether it bee to geue a checke and a rebuke to ones face, or∣els any other¦wise howsoeuer it bee, is called in greke , and ther∣of whatsoeuer persone hath that propretee without feare or sparyng to saie his mynde in al thynges as he thynketh, is cal∣led Parrhesiastes. And suche an one was this Demochares. , is in a manne the qualitee contrarie to assentacion, whiche assentaciō is the southyng of eche bodyes tale and sai∣ynges, and holdyng vp theyr yea and naye. Thersites, was one of ye Grekes, and came emong the moo out of the countree of Aetolia vnto the battaill of Troye: a greate gentleman born, but the wurst of feacture, of shape and of fauoure, that possible might bee, and a veraye cowarde: Whom Homerus in his secounde volume of his werke, enti∣tleed Ilias (that is, of the battaill of Troye) describeth bothe in woordes and sense, much lyke as foloeth: Emong all others, to Troye there came, An eiuill fauoured geaste, called by name Thersites, a pratleer bee ye sure, Without all facion, ende or measure. What soeuer came, in his foolishe brain, Out it should, wer it neuer so vain. In eche mannes bote, would he haue an ore, But no woorde, to good purpose, lesse or more: And without all maner, would he presume With kynges and princes, to cocke and fume. In feactes of armes, naught could he dooe, Nor had no more herte, then a gooce therunto. All the Grekes did hym, deride and mocke, And had hym, as their commen laughyng stocke. Squynyied he was, and looked nyne wayes. Lame of one leg, and hympyng all his dayes. Croump shouldreed, and shrunken so vngoodly, As though he had had but halfe a bodye. An hedde he had (at whiche to ieste and scoffe) Copped like a tankarde or a sugar lofe. With a bushe pendente, vndernethe his hatte, Three heares on a side, like a drouned ratte. And not long after his arriuall to Troye, for that he was so buisie of his toungue, so full of chattyng and praleyng with euery kynge and noble manne of the Grekes, Achilles beeyng moued with his saucynes and ymportunitee, vp & gaue hym suche a cuff on the eare, that he slewe hym out of hande, with a lowe of his fist. IN the saiynges of Philip∣pus there was nothyng but whiche besides the vrba¦nitee and pleasaunte grace myght not also auayll to good maners & honest beha¦ueour. Nether dooe I see, whom more con∣ueiently to ioyne vnto Philippus, thē his owne soonne Alexander. This Alexander beeyng yet but a little boye, when his father Philip¦pus executed many right high en∣treprises, & many right puissaunte and noble actes of prowesse achi∣ued wt veraye prosperous happe and successe: was therwithall no∣thyng wel apaied, but to his plai∣feeres, and suche as wer brought vp at nourice with hym, he vsed thus to saye: my father will leaue nothyng at all for me. Thei sai∣yng again: yes iwys, it is you and none other for whom he purcha∣ceth and procureth all thissame. And what good maye it dooe me, {quod} Alexander, if beeyng a lorde of greate possessions, I shall haue none affaires wherabout to bee dooyng, & to bee sette on werke?Alexander e∣uen of o child was of an ambicious stieryng na∣ture. Euen at that age might a bodye right well espye and knowe in hym a sparke of an ambicious and actif or stieryng nature to∣warde. Thesame Alexander whereas he was passyng light or nymble of bodye and veraye swifte of foote to renne,Alexander ve∣raye nymble of bodye and swifte to renne. to his father willing him at the games of Olympia to renne the race emong ye others, I would sir with all my herte, saieth he, if I should haue kynges to renne for the price or maisterie with me. In this poynte also maye ye euidently espye and knowe a manne of haulte courage and one yt would not to any persone liuyng geue place,The haulte courage & sto∣make of Ale∣xander. or yeld an ynche, in the tryall of laude and dominacion. Hymself was not yet come to bee a kyng, & for all that would he not vouchesalue in prouyng maisteries to bee matched with any persones beeyng vnder the estate of kynges.Alexander in prouyng mai∣steries woud not bee mat∣ched but with kynges. When a certain young womā was veraye late in ye night brou∣ght vnto Alexander to bee his bed∣feloe, the kyng demaunded, where she had been so long: the woman makyng aunswer, that she had taryed & awayted, vntill hir hous∣bande might first bee gon to bed∣de: he called his seruauntes, that had brought hir and gaue theim an high and a sore rebuke, saiyng conueigh this woman home a∣gain, for I was not ferre from ye poynte, nor failled but veraye litle thorough youre defaulte, to bee made an auoutreer. A passyng gaye exaumple of chastitee,A notable ex∣ample of cha∣stitee in Ale∣xander. on the oneside in a young manne, and on the other side in a kyng (and mote of all in an ethnike.) For emong theim, simple fornicaciō was reputed for noo cryme ne synne at all. And by this historie it semeth likly, that the maner and vsage at those dayes was, (as in Italie yet still at this presente daye it is) that mennes wiues laye aparte in a soondrie chaumbre and bedde from their housbandes,In old tyme ye wiues laye a parte in a soōdrie chaū∣bre and bedde frō their hus∣bandes. onlesse thei wer at this or that season called. To Alexander in his childehood excessiuely makyng incense and sacrifice vnto the goddes, & euery pater noster while ren̄yng to take still more and more of the frankin¦cēse, Paedaggus is he yt hath y• tuiciō, gouer∣naunce, nour∣turyng, brea∣kyng & bryn∣gyng vp of a childe aswell in maniers as in learnyng, whiche was in olde tyme aswel emong the Romains as the Grekes an honorable bothe name & funcciō. Nei∣ther was there any noble mā¦nes sōne, but that he had a peculiar tu∣our and go∣uernour. But Alexander be∣cause he was soonne to so noble a kyng, and also was of singular courage, sto∣make and to∣wardnes had many peda∣gogues, nour∣urers and schoolemai∣sters, emong whom the chief preeminēce had Leonides, and to hym by espe∣ciall commission apperteined the principall, cure, charge, auto∣ritee and rewle ouer Alexander, partely for that he was a manne of singular grauitee, wisedome, and seueritee of ma∣niers, and partely because he was of nere kynred and frēdship owardes Olympias the mother of Alexāder. Nerethelesse be∣cause Leonides thought the name of Paedagogue ouer basse and vile for a manne of suche dignitee as hymself was, Lysy∣machus had the name of Paedagogue, and in veraye deede was he that contynually attended and tooke dayly peines in nourturyng, teachyng, and breakynge Alexander, and Leoni∣des was called his tutour, gouernour, directour, and (as ye might saye) lorde Maistee.Leonides who was his gouer∣nour and had chief cure & charge of his bodye and of his bryngyng vp, and at that tyme was there presente, saied: Sirrha, my childe, thē shall it bee meete for you with thus great largesse to make incēse vnto the goddes, when ye shall haue subdued the countree where this incense groweth. After long processe of tyme, when Alexander had in deede conquered thesame countree, hauyng freshe in his re∣membraunce the saiyng of Leonides aboue especified, he wrote letters vnto hym with this clause: I send vnto ye The countree where odours growen, that is here meaned, was Gaza, whiche was a towne of the countree of Palestina or Iewrie in Pheniia beeyng a parte of Arabia, whiche Ale∣xander (as Plutarchus writeth) did subdue and conquer. And when he sent from then to his mother Olympias & to Cleo∣patra, and to his other frēdes, cote armours and spoyles there woonne, he sent also at thesame tyme (as thesame Plutar∣chus maketh mencion) to Leonides his olde maister, fiue hun∣dred talentes of frankinsense, that is of our Troy weight or poyse fowertie sixe thousande and fiue hundred poundes of weight or thereabout, and of Myrthe, one hundred talentes, that is of englishe poyse, nyne thousande three hundred poun∣des of weight or thereabout. For I take here a talente for the commen talente Attique whiche conteined of englishe poyse three score twoo poundes and one halfe pounde or thereabout. certain talentes of frank∣insense and of casia, to thentente yt thou maiest not fromhensfoorth bee a niggarde towardes the god¦des, sens thou art not vnknow∣yng, that we are now cōquerours and lordes of ye countree yt produ∣ceth frankincēse & swete odours. When he was readie & would nedes auenture battaill vpon the souldyers of Darius at the floudde Alexāder ma∣kyng a vage and gooynge with an ar∣mie royall of thirtie fower thousande footemenne, & fiue thousād horsemēne a∣gainst Dari{us} kyng of the Persians, cō∣ueighed his hoste & passed our Helles∣pontus (whiche is a narowe and veraye daungerous sea, rea∣chyng from the Isle of Tenedus, vnto Propontis) & so came to Granicus a floudde in the countree of Phrygia, whiche Phrygia is a region of Asia the lesse. At Granicus because it was (as ye would saye) the gates of Asia, and for that there was none other entreaunce nee passage into Asia to come to ye Persiās: y• Capitains of Darius had so sette there souldyers in araye to resiste Alexāder, that there might bee no waye made but with dynte of sweorde. Wherefore, Parmenio the dere frende, the moste feithfull herted counsaillour and the moste trustie Capitain of Alexander auised hym for many conside∣racions in no wise to enterprise so harde and so daungerous an auenture. Why, {quod} Alexander again, Hellespontus would blushe for veraye shame, now that I haue alreadie passed ouer it, if I should bee afeard to wade ouer so litle a floudde as Granicus, and then after that he had encouraged his sould∣yers to haue cherefull hertes, takyng with hym thirteen rayes of horsemen, hymself flounced me into the floudde, & at length in despyte & maugre the heddes of all his enemies, he gotte to the other side of thesame.Granicus, he badde the Macedonians to feede lustyly at their dyner, not sparing to fille their bealyes with such vitailles as thei had, for they should bee assured ye morowe next folowyng to suppe of the prouisiō of their enemies. A lustye courage, & an herte yt could not faint ne bee dismayed and as touchyng the ende of the battaill bee¦yng in nomaner doubte, mystruste, ne feare but that the victorie should goe on his syde. Parillus one of the noumbre of Alexanders familiare frendes,Parillus one of Alexanders familiare frē∣des. desi∣red of Alexander some dourie of mo¦ney towardes the maryage of his doughters. The kynge badde him take fiftie talentes of money. And when ye other had aunswered tenne talentes to bee sufficiēt, yea, ({quod} Alexander) soo muche is enough for y• to take,The bountee and munifi∣cence of Ale∣xander. but the same is not e∣nough for me to geue. Gayly & royally spoken, had not his towardnes vnto vertue been vitiated & corrupted wt ambiciō. Alexander had commaunded his treasourer to deliuer vnto the phi¦losophier Anexarchus how muche money so euer he would aske, And when ye saied treasourer had herde the requeste, & beeyng therewith more thē half astonned, had made relacion vnto Alexander that the philosophier asked no lesse then an hundred talentes:The bountee and munifi∣cence of Ale∣xander. he dooeth well ({quod} the kyng) knowyng hym∣self to haue a frende, whiche is bothe hable and willyng to geue so great a summe. Here maye a manne doubte whether of these twoo thyn∣ges he ought rather to maruaill at, the kynges liberalitee in geuyng, orels the vn∣reasonablenes of the philosophier, in askyng excepte we lust rather to calle thesame assu∣red trust and confidence that he had in the kynges beneficence. When he had seen in the citee of Miletus many and thesame right greate, and bowerly images and porturatures of suche persones as had tofore tymes woonne the victories or chief prices in the ga∣mes of Olympia & of Pythia,Apollo by one other na∣me was cal∣led Pythius of the great dragon Py∣thon, whiche dragon to his great honour glorie & reno∣ne, e slewe wt his bowe & aros. And for a memori∣all of y• acte there were holden & kept in y• honour of Apollo Pi¦thius, certain games of iustyng, rennyn, wratleyng, & shoo∣yng, and of the name of Apollo thei wer called Pythia. he saied: And where wer these so great gy∣auntlike bodyes, when the barba∣rous did besiege your citee? Nippyngly did he taunte and checkyng the foolishe ambicion of theim, who glorie and braggued of suche persones as beeyng in greatnes & strength of bodye perelesse, had gotten victorie in turnamentes, ustes, wra¦tleyng, rennyng & other sembleable games made for peasure & disporte, whereas in so great pereles & daūgers of ye citee, there had been none at all, that could trye and shewe theimselfes to bee such ioyly valiaūte feloes. Where Adas quene of the Carians had a great delyte and phantasie styl day by day,This Ades Alexander for fauour yt he had to hir, of his owne mynde tooke for his mo∣ther, & so cal∣led hir, and made hir queene of the Carians. ordynarily to send vnto Alexander presentes of cates and of iunquettes or confeccions dressed and wrought wyth greate cunnynge, by the fynest deuisers pastlers & artificers of such thyn∣ges, that coulde bee gotten: Alexan¦der sayde, that himselfe had of hys owne muche better cookes & dres∣sers of his viandrie,The cookes yt Alexāder had to dresse his meate. yt is to weete, for dyner, his iourneyeng ye night afore, and for supper, a spare and lyght repaste at noone.Caria is a prouince in the countree of Asia the lesse, lyyng betwene Lycia and Ionia, the inhabitauntes wherof wer cal∣led Cariās, a vile people & veraye abiecte, in so much y• diuerse prouerbes ye Grekes inuented, in reproche of their vilanie. As, Ite foras Cares nō amplius Anthisteria, & In Care periculū Of whiche prouerbes reade in the chiliades of Erasmus. On a certayne season, all thyn∣ges beyng in a perfecte readynes to ioyne battayle and to fightyng the felde, when he was asked the questiō, whether his pleasure wer yt any thing els shulde bee doone: Nothynge ({quod} he) but ye beardes of the Macedonians to bee shauen of. Parmenio woonderynge what thys saiyng should meane: why, dooest thou not knowe, sayed Alexander, yt there is in battayll nothyng bet∣ter or more apte to take holde on then a bearde?Beardes are in batll a great ltte & hindreaunce. He sygnyfyed that fyghtyng in warre ought to bee within han¦dye grypes, in which kynde of stryfe and try¦yng beardes are a greate hynderaunce, for that the souldyers or menne of warre maye veray easely bee caught by the beardes and bee holden faste. Darius offreed vnto Alexander these condicions,The condici∣ons offred by Darius vnto Alexander. that he shoulde haue tenne thousande talentes of money, & besydes that the empier of the whole countree of Asia to be egually deuyded betwene theim twaine. When Alexander this offre refused: I would surely haue takē it, {quod} Parmenio, if I wer Alexander. And so would I, {quod} Alexander, if I wer Parmenio. But vnto Darius he made aunswer in this maner,The aunswer of Alexander concernyng ye condiciōs of∣freed to hym by Darius. that neyther the yearth might endure or abyde twoo soones, nor ye coun∣tree of Asia twoo kynges Here al¦so myght one allow & commende his haulte¦nesse of courage or stomake: if the saiyng did not sauour of a certain inordynate wylfull heddynes to bee lorde alone,Alexander would needes bee lorde of all the worlde a∣lone. and to haue all vnder his owne subiecion. When Alexander was like at a certain toune called The battaill betwene Ale∣xander & Da∣rius, fough∣ten at ye toune of Arbeles.Arbeles to bee putte to the plounge of makynge or marryng & of habbe or nhabbe to wynne al, or to lese al (for he had to fight with a million of menne of armes wel appointed, and pre∣paired to trye it by strokes) there came vnto him certain of his soul¦dyers that bare towardes hym ve¦raye good & true feithfull hertes, and complained on their feloes, that in the campe thei made a mut¦treyng emong theimselfes, and cō¦spired together, of all the preade & bootie that thei should geat, not to bryng a iote into ye kynges pa∣uilion, but to conuerte it full and whole to their owne peculiare pro¦fite and auauntage. These thyn∣ges heard, Alexander smyled,How Alexan∣der toke, that his souldyers had cōspired emong theim¦selfes to con∣uerte all the booties that they shoulde geat, to their owne priuate vse. and saied: Sers, ye haue brought me good tydynges. For I heare the words of feloes minded to wynne the victorie, & not to flee. Ney∣ther was he deceiued in his geasse. For vnto hym came right many an one of the souldy¦ers, saiyng: Be of good chere sir kyng, and haue good herte, neither feare ye the greate noumbre and multitude of your enemies, thei shall not bee hable to abyde, no not so muche as the veraye smelle of vs.Plutarchus in ye life of Alexander saieth in maner & fourm here foloyng. Immediatly hereupon was there a greate felde foughten with Darius, not (as some autours writen) in the towne of Arbeli, but at Gaugameli. Whiche worde Ganga∣mel is as muche to saye, as the Cameles hous. Whiche it is saied, that a certain kyng in forne yeares, when he had on a Domedarie Camele escaped the handes of his enemies, buil∣ded there, and appoynted to the ouersight and the charges of thesame, the reuenues of certain townes and villages. The same Alexander, his armie now alreadie sette in a raye, & ap∣poynted euen out of hand to fight the felde, whē he espyed one of the souldiers euen at the same present houre trymmyng a strop or loope to sette on his darte,A stroppe is y• streng that is fastened in y• middes of a darte, wherin to putte ones fynger when he picketh it. he putte out of wages, and discharged of his roume, as one lyke to do no good seruice at all, whiche then and not afore begoonne to make redie his weapens when it was alreadie high tyme to occupie thesame.It is an eiuill man of warre that wil haue his weapē vn¦readie when he should oc∣cupie it. This was to bee putte rather emong stratagemes then emong apophthegmes, e∣uē as is also thissame, whereof I shall nowe nete after make rehersall. Alexander was readyng a let∣tre sent from his mother, whiche lettre cōteined certain secrete ma∣ters of coūsail, together with false crymes surmised agaynst Antipater These lettres did Hephastion after his accustomed maner reade toge¦ther with the kyng.Hephestion was so high∣ly in fauoure with Alexan∣der, yt he called hym, ater se, the second A∣lexander, and vsed hym as familiarly as his owne self hydyng from hym none of all his secre∣tes. Neither did the kynge forbidde hym to reade, but after reading of the epistle, he pulled his signet rynge from his fynger, & sette it hard to ye mouth of the said Hephaestion, warnyng the same by thus dooyng, to kepe his counsaill secrete. An example of notable truste and affiaunce hauyng in his frende, yea and also of passyng great huma∣nitee, in that he would these false accusaciōs and cōplaintes to bee spred abrode, although in deede he loued At the first begynnynge, who so high in price, estymacion or trust with Alexander, as was Antipa∣ter? in so muche that Plutarchus in the life of Phocion re∣herseth for a thyng notable and woorthie memorie, that the∣same Alexander neuer would vouchesalue to shewe to any per¦sones so muche honoure, as in his Epistles or lettres to write vnto theim this familiare clause in the begynnyng of his let∣tres, we grete you well, sauyng onely to Phocion of Athe∣nes, and to Antipater, whiche twoo persones he had in espe∣all high regarde and honour. And Iolas one of the soonnes of Antipater was vnto Alexander chief butler and cuppe bearer But in the later dayes Antipater lost vtterly all the fauour of Alexander, and was of thesame suspected, mystrusted & dedly hated. Antipater at that tyme no better then a doggue. In the temple ofAmmon, was Iuppiter wurshipped in the fourme & like∣nesse of a ramme. For when Bacchus otherwyse called Liber pater (all the whole countree of Asia now subdued) was con∣ueighyng his armie through the wyldernesse of Lybia (whiche Lybia is a region or coste of the countree of Afrike, boundyng vpon Aegypte, and sometyme sette for all Afrike,) beeyng al∣moste lost for drought bothe he and all his armie, he besought his father Iuppiter of helpe and succour. Wherupon ymme∣diatly appered vnto hym a ramme, whiche ramme while he pursued, he came by chaunce to a right pleasaunt & a plenteous welle. Bacchus therefore thynkyng this ramme to bee Iuppi∣ter, anon builded there a temple, & sette in it the ymage & por∣ture of a ramme to bee wurshipped for Iuppiter. And it was called Ammon (as ye would saie in Englyshe Iuppiter of the sande, because the temple was edified and builded in a sandie place) for the Greke vocable , souneth in englishe the sande. Albeeit, some there bee that affermen Iuppiter in the language of the Aegyptians to bee called Ammon, and therof this temple to haue taken the name of Ammō. But Pansai∣as holdeth opinion, that it was so named of one Ammon a shepehearde, who first builded thesame temple. Ammon, whē he was by the presidente or chief preest there, called the soone of Iu∣piter: it is no meruail (saieth he) for Iupiter in deede of nature is father vnto al menne, but of theim he ta∣keth for his veraye owne children in deede, especially al suche as are good and honest. He did after a ve∣raye humble sorte expoune the Oraculum an oracle, is proprely the mynde & aun∣swer of God by some di∣uine interpre∣ter declared, as by some Prophete, preste, or o∣therwyse by manne. oracle. For the mynistre of the temple, called hym the soonne of Iupiter in the waye of flatterie, as if Alexander had been lykewise begotten of Iupiter, as Hercules was reputed and bele∣ued to be the soonne of Iupiter. But Alexan¦der confessed that Iupiter was of nature the autour & parente of all mortall menne, but yet that the same did agnise and knowelage peculiarly or proprely for his soonnes, suche persones and none other, as by vertue and noble actes drewe nighest, and were moste aunswerable to the nature of god. And that is, vnto all persones without excepcion to bee beneficiall. When his leggue was woun∣ded with an aroe in battaille,What Alexā∣der said, whē he was woū∣ded with an roe. and many came rennyng about hym, whiche had of a custome ofte ty∣mes vsed to call hym a God, he wt a bolde and a mery countenaunce alludyng to a verse of the Poete Homere, saied: Alexāder bee∣yng wounded knowlaged hymself to be a mā mortall.This that ye see, is blood withouten oddes Euen such like, as cometh from the Goddes Mocking in veraye deede the vanitee of those flattreers, forasmuche as the thynge selfe declared hym to bee nothynge els but a mortal manne, as others wer. As for the al∣lusion yt he made, was to a place of Homere in the fifthe volume of his werke entitleed Ilias, where it is tolde howe Uenus was wounded of Diomedes. Many persones highly cōmen∣dyng and praisyng the frugalitee and spare maner of liuyng that Antipater vsed, who leed a life ve∣ray homely or grosse, & farre from all delices: yea, {quod} he, Antipater wea∣reth a white mantelle outwardely but wtin he goeth in purple euery ynche of hym. Notyng the feigned & colourable sparyng and homelynesse of the saied Antipater, wheras he was, yt not with∣standyng, in veraye deed as ambicious and stately,Antipater, though he sē∣bled to liue homely, yet in deede was ambicios stately. as the best. When he was on a daye in the wynter seasō, and in sharpe colde weather, feasted by a certain frēde of his, and sawe there a litle litle herthe, & in thesame a litle preatie small fyer, he saied:How Alexan∣der noted a frende of his to plaie the niggarde of his woodde. Sers, either laye on woodde, or cast in frank∣incense. Half geuyng a checke vnder a colour, that the feaster or banquetter plaied as muche the niggarde of his woodde,Unseasona∣ble housban∣drie. as if thesame had been frankincense, wheras in suche extreme colde, euen veraye frankincēse ought not to haue been spared: and farther signifiyng yt there was fyer sufficiēt for ma∣kyng incense to the goddes, but not enough to defend and keepe awaye colde. Whē he supped on a tyme at ye hous of Antipatrides, and thesame had brought in before Alexander at ye supper a passyng faire damysel, beeyng a mynion dooer in syng∣yng, Alexander beeyng rauyshed wt the sight of her, was soodainly striken with hotte burnyng loue. And anon demaunded of Antipatri∣des, whether he for his owne parte wer not ferre in loue with the da∣mysell:The continē∣cie and greate chastite of A¦lexander. Antipatrides plainly confes∣syng, yt yes, Alexander saied: O vn∣gracious manne, wilt yu not wt all haste haue her away from ye table and this coumpaignie? How ferre was tht herte and mynde from defy∣lyng an other mannes wedded wife, whiche stood in so greate feare of hymself, lest he should fall ouer ferre in loue with the lemā of his frende makyng hym a supper. At what tyme Alexander reuersed backe again to the sea (to departe out of his armie,) as many of the Macedonians, as wer sickely, maimed and feble or impotēte of their lym¦mes, there was one persone be∣wraied,Plutarchus in the life of Alexander na∣meth this mā Eurylochus. that had billed hymself in the noumbre of the sickefolkes, wheras in deede he had no disease nor ympedimente at all. This manne when he was brought to the sight and presence of Alexander and beeyng examyned, did cōfesse that he had made a pretexte and sembleaunce of a disease or mala∣die, for the loue of a woman called Telesipa, who was gon afore to∣warde the sea, Alexander asked, to whom might bee committed the charge to commaunde the saied Telesippa to returne backe again to the armie. (supposyng that she had been bondewoman to one or other of his souldyers.) But when he had due knowelage that shee was no bondewoman, but fre born: why, ({quod} Alexander) thē leat vs o Antigenes (for that was the feloes name,) entreacte, and by fair meanes perswade Telesippa to tar∣rye still with vs. For by force or violence to compell hir therunto beeyng a free womanborne, in no wise lyeth in vs.Alexander would not en¦force or com∣pell any per∣sone free borne. In suche sorte did he fauour the loue of a stoute and valiaunt manne of warre, whom he was desirous to kepe still in his armie, that neuerthelesse he would not ye freeborne womā to come backe again, but if she might bee brought ī mynde so to dooe with hir owne consente and agre¦mente. When the grekes, that tooke waiges to fight against Alexander vnder the baners of his enemies, wer come vnder his power and iurisdiccion,How Alexan∣der vsed the Grekes whi∣che toke wai∣ges of his ene¦mies to fight against hym. as for the Atheniens he commaunded to bee laied fast in shaccles and fetters because that, wher thei might haue had waiges competente at home at ye publique charges of their owne citee, thei had for all that become souldyers with his enemies. Of the Thessaliās also, he commaunded thesame, for asmuche as thei hauyng a right fertile countree of their owne, did lat it lye waste without bestow∣yng any tillage or housbandrie vpon it: but the When the Thebanes became rebelles against Alexander, and had procured vnto thesame the aide and helpe of the Athe¦niēs, Aleāxder with a greate puissaunce laied siege to ye citee of Thebes. And yet willyng to geue them space to repente their foly, and by submyttyng theim selfes to be reconciled, offreed theim bothe pardone that present, & from thens forth for to be free vpon condicion to deliuer into his handes Phoenix, and Prothyes (who had been the autours of the defeccion.) The Thebanes on their partie required of Alexander to haue deli∣uered to theim Philotas & Antipater twoo of the Capitaines of Alexander, and made an open proclamaciō, that whosoeuer was desirous to haue all the countree of Grece to bee sette in their olde state of freedome, should come and take their parte. Then Alexander with al his power of he Macedonians sette vpon theim. The Thebanes wer nothyng slacke, but fough stoutely & valyauntly against their enemies beeyng in noūbre ferre mo, then thei wer. But anon came in vpon theim at their backes others of the Macedonins, & so in fine wer thei bea∣en down, their citee taken, spoyled and destroyed bothe stiecke and stone. The Atheniens he perdoned, & by this acte he putte all Grece in suche terrour, that thei laie al quiete and durst not to stiere against hym.Thebanes he demi∣sed and leat goo at their libertee, saiyng: These poore solles are by vs put out of all together, nor haue any thyng at all leaft vnto theim, nether citee to dwell in, nor lande to till. So did he moderate the punyshemente of theim all,The modera∣cion of peine ministreed by Alexander vn¦to the Grekes yt had highly offended hym. that those persones, who had well deserued to dye, he commaunded no more but to bee laied in irons, and the faulte of theim whiche might iustely make their excuse, that by veraye necessitee thei had been driuen to dooe as thei did he laied from theim, and tooke vpō hymself. A certain Indian taken in ye war∣res, bearyng name of a feloe pere∣lesse in the feacte of shootyng, in so muche yt by the commen reporte and bruite that went on hym, he could as oft as hym lusted shoote his aroe quite & clene euē through a ryng, Alexander commaunded to shewe a poynte of his cunnyng. And where the partie refused so to dooe, the kyng takyng there∣with high displeasure and angre, commaunded that he should bee put to death. As he was in ledyng to the place of execucion, he saied to theim that ledde hym, that he had not of long tyme afore practi∣sed his feacte of shootyng, and by reason therof to haue stand ī feare lest he should haue myssed. When woorde herof was brought backe again, and relacion made vnto Alexander, that the feloe had not of any disdeigne or frowardenesse, refused to shoote, but onely for feare of beeyng opēly shamed for euer, if he should haue failled, the kyng hauyng woundre at the na∣ture of ye feloe so desireful of glory and renoume,Glorie & re∣noume is to many {per}sones more sweete then life. both gaue vnto the same perdone of his life, and also dimissed hym bounteously rewar∣ded, because he had been ī mynde and will rather to suffre death, thē to appere vnworthie the name & fame that went on hym. Here it appereth not to bee altogether a lye, that is o commenly spoken in the prouerbe,Like bea∣reth loue vn∣to like. like beareth fauour and loue vnto like. For Alexander beeyng out of all measure desirous of renoume, loued the sembleable affeccion and appetite in other persones. Taxiles one of ye kynges of India, presētyng hymself vnto Alexander,This Taxi∣les (as tstifi∣eth Plutar∣thus in ye life of Alexander was a manne of singulare wisdome and sapiene, and had vnder his gouernaūce ye more parte of India, enui∣roned with al the whole cir∣cuite of ye vni¦uersal coūtree of Egypte, a anke groūde for pasture, & an excellente good corne countree. And of this Taxiles Alexandr tooke many greate giftes and pre∣sentes, and gaue to hym as many again, and last of all sente vnto hym for a gifte, a thousande talentes at ones. spake vnto hym in this maner, I {pro}uoke ye sir kyng (saieth he) not to fightyng, nor yet to battail, but to another sorte of tryyng maistries. If yu be inferiour to me, take some benefite at my hādes: if superiour, let me receiue some bn̄fite at thine To whō Alex. thus aūswered. Ma¦rie, euē for yt veraye poynte ought we to striue together, whether may in dooyng benefites haue ye ouer hāde of ye other. And herupon. wt al possible humanitee embracyng ye said Tax∣iles, he did not onely not depriue thesame of his domyniō, but also gaue hym more to it. Whē he had herde of a certain rocke in the Indies, whiche by reasō of the excedyng heigthe of it is called in greke, ,, a rocke in the Indies. byrdelesse, as if ye would saie, so high, that ye byrdes maye not geat to ye toppe of it. When Alexander had heard of this rocke, that the place self was harde to bee woonne, but the capi∣tain that kept it, to bee a fearfull feloe, and to haue no more herte then a sheepe: By this tyme, {quod} Alexander, ye place is easie enough to bee gotten, Signifiyng, that for∣tresses & municiōs doo nothing auayle at al excepte an hardie mānes body defēd & main¦tein thesame.Fortresses & municions do nothynge a∣uaill, excepte hardie & vali∣aunte mēnes bodyes, defēde and mainai thesame. For a castle, or any strong holde is not so sure and fafe from enemies by the fense of dyches and walles, as by va∣liaunte and hardie mennes bodyes.Plutarchus thus telleth thesame historie. Alexander hauyng with siege encoumpaced the towne of one Sisimethres stā∣dyng on a rocke impenetrable, when he sawe his souldyers to bee of heauie here, he demaunded of one Oxiartes, what hert and courage the said Sisimethres was of, Oxiartes aunswe∣ryng that he was the verayest dastarde aliue, well, then ({quod} A∣lexander) by thy saiyng y• rocke wil soone & easily bee woonne forasmuche as the lorde therof is a cowarde and no manne of wae. And euē so came it to passe, for Sisimithres was wt the onely manacyng, thretenyng & facyng of Alexander so feared, that he yelded gaue vp his hold without any resistence at al. An other certain capitain, wher he held, and kepte a rocke vnpossi¦ble to be won (as it was thought) neuerthelesse submitted and yel∣ded hymselfe into the handes of Alexander.How Alexan∣der vsed a ca∣pitaine that gaue hymself and his holde into his han∣des & mercie. But Alexander, not onely did make thesame partie lorde & gouernour of all that seignourie & countree about, but moreouer spake & saide as foloeth. I holde this manne sapiente and wise, in that he thought better, and had more phansie, to putte his trust & affiaunce in an honest and a good manne, then in a place strong and well fensed. After the takynge of a certain strong holde or fortresse standyng on a rocke, when ye frendes of Ale∣xander saied, that in featesmarcial and in noble actes of prowesse he ferre surmounted Hercules:Alexander cō∣tēned Hercu∣les in repecte of hymselfe. Nay, {quod} he, I thynke ye actes, that I haue doone sens I haue been a kynge, are totoo ferre oddes, to bee in the waye of cōparison conferred with the thynges whiche Hercules did in his tyme,The mynd of Alexander no faterie was enough to sa∣tisfie. The other spake to flater hym, but the mynd of Alexander no flaterie was enough to satisfie. Certain of his frendes he puny∣shed by ye purse, and putte to their fine, because he had perceiued thē, in plaiyng at dyce, not to play for pastyme,How Alexan∣der vsed cer∣tain of his frēdes for bee∣yng ouer ear∣nest in play∣yng at dyce. as meete was. For ma∣ny there been that bestowe & vse themselfes in this game, as if it were in the moste ear∣nest mater of the worlde. For those persones dooe not playe, who dooen hasard and auen¦ture all their substaunce at ones,The incom∣moditees that come by plai∣yng at dyce. yea and sometymes their soones and heyres too, too stande to the grace and direccion of the dyce At lest wyse, homely playe it is and a madde pastyme, where menne by the course of the game goo together by the eares, and many times murdre one another, or at lestwyse of yght louyng frēdes, are made mutuall enemies all dayes of their life after. Emong those, whom he reputed and tooke for his principall fren∣des, or chief seruaūtes about hym and most of power, he shewed him selfe to honour Graterus aboue the rest,Alexander of al his frendes and true ser∣uaūtes moste honoured Crater{us}, but moste loued Hephaestion. but aboue all others to loue Hephaestion. For Craterus (saieth he) loueth the kyng, and Hephaestion lo∣ueth Alexander. This saiyng hath more grace in the greke, by reason of these twoo woordes and .Craterus , Hephaestion . The menyng of Alexander was, that Craterus in suche thynges as concer∣ned his dignitee royall did the partes of a true faythfull frende, but Hephestion of a cer¦tain priuee affeccion to beare his hertie loue and beneuolence towardes the persone of Alexander without ye respecte that he wa a kyng. Wherfore these twoo parties, whose loue and affeccion towardes hym proceded of vnlike respectes, he did after two soondrie sortes egually rewarde, either accordyng to his demerites. So high in dignitee and autoritee wer these twoo wt Alexander, that all the Macedonians whiche had any suite o the courte, wer from tyme to yme assigned to fette their aun∣swer and despeche at the handes of Craterus, and all ye Bar∣barians of Hephaestion. And so highly did the kyng honoure Craterus, that when thesame Craterus was on a tyme sore sicke, Alexander did openly muche sacrifice to the Goddes for his helthe & wrote letters with his owne hande to Pausanias his physician, that he should with all diligence and attendaūc possible, not onely tempre drynkes and medecines for hym, but also bee presente with hym to teache hym how thesame should ee receiued.For Craterus he auaunced to high dignitees, & Hephestiō he receiued to moste entiere familiaritee about his persone Unto Xenocrates ye philosophier, he sent of free gifte fiftie talentes:Xenocrates refused to take money of Alexāder. which when the philosophier refu¦sed to take, allegeyng that he had no neede of money, the kyng de∣maunded whether he had not so muche as any one frende neither, that had neede. For to me (saieth Alexander) vneth all the treasoures and richesse of Darius hath suffised to bestowe and to deuide emonge my frendes.The bountes of Alexander and propense mynde to geue. Whether of these twoo mēnes myndes is in this behalf more woor∣thie admiraciō, I cannot yet determyne nor perfectely saie: either of the kyng so propense vnto liberalitee, or els of the philosophier, whiche sent backe again so greate a gifte by so greate a kyng of his owne mere mocion offreed This Porus was one of the kynges of India, a stoute a valiaunte manne of armes, and also a manne of greate puis∣saunce, whom Alexander had a buisie piece of werke, & muche a dooe tooe vanquishe Plutarchus in the life of Alexander af∣fermeth many writers to agree in this poynte, that Porus was in heigth .vi. foote and one hande bredthe, wheras the naturall philosophiers auouchen the vttermost extente that maye possibly bee of the heigthe of a manne not to excede .vii. foote. Porus was so talle of stature & personage, that when he sate on his Elephantes backe (for he vsed to ryde on no other beaste) his tallenesse was answerable to the greatenesse of the Elephante that he rode on, although it was a mighte big Eli∣phante. And Plutarchus writeth that tisame Elephāte she∣wed euē at that season woondrefull prudence & no lesse woon∣drefull loue towardes his maister, then if it had been a crea∣ture wyth reason indued. For as longe as the kynge was safe without receiuynge any wounde, the Elphante made greate stieryng, and fought hardyly against his enemies, & destroyed theim on euery syde. And as soone as he perceiued Porus to bee sore wounded, and to haue stickyng in soondrie partes of his bodye veraye many dartes, fearyng lest he should by rea∣son therof synke and fall downe from his backe, of his owne accorde he sounk downe fair and softely vpon his knees, and with his snoute tendrely plucked out of his maisters body all the said dartes one after an other. And in deede of Elephantes how disciplinable and of how greate prudence, docilitee and (as ye would saie) capacitee aud aptitude thei are, & also what tendre loue and affeccion thei dooe naturally beare towardes manne: Aristotle, Plynius, & other naturall philosophiers she∣wen exaumples almoste bothe innumerable & also incredible.Kyng Porus beeyng subdued & taken by Alexander, and after the felde foughten, beeyng asked by ye same Alexander this question, how shal I nowe handle and vse thee? Porus aunswered in this manier,Howe kynge Porus beyng taken by Ale∣xander, & as∣ked howe he would bee v∣sed, made aū∣swer. regally: Alexander ferther demaun∣dyng, and nothyng els but that? in this one word, regally ({quod} Porus) al thynges possible are comprised Alexander hauyng admiracion as∣well at the wisedome of ye manne,The humani∣tee and mode∣raciō of Ale¦xāder toward yng Porus. as at his haulte courage & mag∣nanimitee, cōferred vnto thesame besides his owne former royalme a domynion of muche more large & ample circuite thē ye same which he was lorde of before. To ye said Porus humbly submitting himself, & falling down at his feete, Alexāder would not haue shewed so muche goodnesse. Suche fauoure zele, and affeccion did yt courageous young∣man beare towarde hertes that woulde not shrynke.The affecciō of Alexander towarde her∣tes yt would not shrynke. Quintus Curtius telleth it some∣what of another sorte. Porus beyng at the daye of his takyng asked the question, what waye he thought moste meete and conuenient for Alexander, (by whom he was now cōquered,) to take with him: suche waye ({quod} he) as this presente daye maye put in thy mynde, in whiche thou haste by experience founde, howe soone felicitee or high estate may haue a falle, and be brought full lowe. He gaue a by warnyng vn¦to Alexander not to bee ouer proude of his good fortune,That kynges may vse their good fortune with modera∣cion. but to vse it with moderacion bearyng well in mynde, to bee a thyng pos∣sible, that lyke chaunce might befall hym, as had lyghted on Porus. When it came to his eare, that there was a certain feloe, who ceas¦sed not speakyng ye worste of him, yea ({quod} he) it is a thyng to kynges peculiar, for their good desertes, to bee eiuill reported.No persones so muche as kynges for their wel doo∣ynges are of some {per}sones eiuil reported. Neuer was there any thynge more noble, or of a more right sorte, then this saiyng, albeeit the same is named on diuerse others aswell as on A∣lexander. Beeyng euen at deathes doore, he cast his yie on his frendes, and saied: I see a greate An epita∣phie is ye wri∣tyng yt is sette on dedde mē∣nes toumbes, or graues, in memorie, or c̄omendacion of the parties there buiried.epitaphie to∣warde. As hauyng halfe a foreknowe∣lage, that his actes should after his death be to his greate honour and renoume chroni∣cled & set out by the eloquence of many wry∣ters. Neyther dyd his geasse deceiue hym. For what writer almost at leste wise in ma∣ters prophane is not full of the actes of Alexan∣der? Albeeit the menyng of Alexander was, that he plainly perceiued to bee no waye but death For eptaphies are not cōmenly made, or at lest wise not set out till the parties bee deceassed. A∣lexander therefore as he knewe that his actes should by writers bee spred through out all the worlde, so he perceiued the tyme of y• same now approche and bee at hande. At what tyme he had ye dough¦ters of Darius prisoners with hym,Plutarchus in the life of Alexāder wri∣teth largely of the singu∣lare cōtinēcie and chastitee of Alexander. And as tou∣chyng the doughters of Dari{us}, he sai∣eth although the wife of Dari{us} did in beautie & fea∣ure excelle & passe al other queenes (like as Darius on his partie also was othe of beau∣tie and tallenesse one of the goodlyest manne of ye world) & the twoo doughters of theim in all poyntes of beautie and ma∣kyng guall with their parentes: yet not one of theim in all the tyme that thei wer with Alexander to haue heard come out of his mouthe so muche as one wanon woorde, ne to haue seen by hym any wanton looke or token towardes any of theim: but from their first entreyng into his tentes after muche com∣fortable and cherefull woordes, and right honourable entre∣teinemente, thei had purposely prouided and appoynted vnto theim a priue lodgyng, wher thei might liue at their own arbi∣trimnte, without all maner feare of any poynte of vilanie to bee offeed vnto theim, either by Alexāder, or by any other per∣sone. This writeth Plutarchus of the continencie of Alexan∣der, with many like thynges woorthie admiracion, namely in an ethnike or gentile, in a kyng, in so victorious a prince, yea & ymmediately von so noble a conquest, as might in a Christiā prince perchaunce bee an occasion of insolencie, & some cause of forgetyng hymself. he woulde bidde theim good mo∣rowe, good euē, or good spede, not castyng his yie on theim, but loo∣kyng downe to the grounde, and yt but sealdome neither, standyng in fear of hymselfe to bee rauished with their excellente beautie. And emōges his familiares these wor∣des folowyng were muche in his mouthe: The damyselles of Persia maken sore yies. He gaue streight charge & com∣maundemente by proclamacion,Alexander gaue charge by proclama∣cion not to be peinted but of Apelles, nor to bee engra∣uen in metall but by Lysip∣pus. yt his physiognomie or porturature should not be drawē by any other peinter, then by Apelles the moste excellēt pinter of the old tyme, and Lysippus the best statuarie. Apelles, nor engra∣uen or cast in brasse or other metal by any other persone then by Ly∣sippus, Beyng the twoo principall and moste excelent werkemē of that same tyme. For he iudged that same poynte also to ap∣pertein to the dignitee of a prince. And wt Cherilus the poete he was at a coue¦naunte, yt thesame for euery good verse that he made, should receiue a By a Phi∣lippes gildrn is not mened here the coyne that is nowe curraunt in Flaundres by that ap∣pellacion, but an olde coyne of fyne golde, in whiche was stri∣ken the ymage of Philippus father vnto Alexander, whiche coyne Budeus valueth at tenne frenche crounes. philippes gildrē, and for euery eiuill verse a good buffet. Beyng asked the question in what place he had his treasoures lyyng: in ye handes of my frendes,A mannes gooddes are no whermore safely laied vp, thē in the handes of his frendes. {quod} he, Signifiyng yt a mānes gooddes are nowhere more safely then so laied vp in store. For whē the case requireth, gooddes so bestowed, come again to ones handes with encreasse. When a certain persone, that had brought some message or ty∣dynges, came rennyng towardes hym hoppyng for ioye, & holdyng out his hāde as ferre as he could stretche it,The zele of Alexander to∣wardes Ho∣mere. about to make relacion of the good successe & procedyng of his affaires: Alexander saied what greate good newes haue ye to shewe vs good sir, if ye dooe not bryng woorde, that Homere is aliue again. Signifiyng that all ye glorie of his noble actes was like to perishe neuer after to bee spoken of, onlesse it might bee his happe to haue suche a trumpette of his laudes as In the werke of Homere entitleed, Ilias, are moste excellēt∣ly described and sette out the actes, the laudes, and ye prowesse marciall of Achilles to his ymmortall glorie and renoume. For whiche cuse Alexander had suche loue and zele towardes the said poete, that wheresoeuer he wente he carryed thesame his werke entitleed Ilias, euermor about hym in the daye tyme, in the night vsed euermore to haue his dagguer, and the said Ilias of Homere lyyng vnder his bolster at his beddes hedde. So desirous he was of honour, renoume and eternall memo∣rie, and to bee sette out of the best and moste cunnyng dooers, as maye appere by somethynges afore mecioned, and also by the .xlix. saiyng of this Alexander.Homere was. A certain countree to the ende that it might haue quiete & reste no more to bee vexed with the ar∣mure and ordeinaūce of Alexander,What Alexā∣der aūswered to a certain citee offreyng hym parte of their lan∣des, & halfe their gooddes to bee in reste and quiete. offred vnto thesame a good porci∣on of their possessions, and also ye one moytie of all ye other gooddes that thei had. To whom Alexander thus aunswered. I am come into Asia in this mynde and purpose, not to take what liked you to geue me, but that ye should haue what liked me to leaue vnto you. Alxander had in seruice one Eude¦monicus Parasites, wer called suche smelle feastes as would seeke to bee free geastes at riche mennes tables. Who to the ende y• thei might at all tymes bee welcome, would speake altogether for to please and to delite the riche folkes, flatreyng theim, and holdyng vp their yea, and naye, whatsoeuer thei saied, were it euer so contrarie to reason, truthe, or likelyhood. a philosophier,Edemoni∣cus a philoso∣phier in ser∣uice with Ale∣xāder, a great flaterer. Albe¦it, Plutarch{us} maketh Ana∣xarchus y• so∣phiste spea∣ker of these woordes. but more full of flaterie then any parasite. This Eudemonicus, on a tyme whē it thoundreed veray sore, in somuch; that al the coumpaignie wer right eiuil afraied, saied vnto Alexander: the soonne of Iupiter, why dooe not yee also Alexander the soonne of Iu∣piter thoūdre in this wyse? But the other not hable to abide ye woordes of such a vile philosopher, laughed & saied: for I am not willyng to be terrible, as thou teachest me to be, which biddest me to make a supper seruice for my table wt the heddes of dukes & kynges. Thus dooeth Athenaeus a greke histo∣riographier.Athenaeus reherse it. But Plutarcus in the life of Alexander telleth it somewhat va∣riyng from this.The tendre loue of Ale∣xāder towar∣des his lordes. What? art y• angrye wt me, because I am serued at my table with fishe, & not rather with the heddes of noble mēne? Alexander as he conueighed his host from place to place in ye wyn¦ter season,The exceding humanitee of Alexander, & tendrenesse o∣uer his soul∣dyours. sittyng by a fyer made in ye felde, begoonne to take vieue of his armie, as thei passed by. And whē he espyed a certain aged persone quakyng and sheureyng for colde, & seekyng to haue a place to stand in by the fyer, he commaū¦ded the feloe to sitte down in his chaire, saiyng:Emong the Persian, it was a mater of death for an priuate {per}sone to sitte in the kynges seate. If yu haddest been born in Persis, it would cost the thy hedde to sitte in the kynges seate, but for one born in Macedonia it is not vnleefull. Alexander beeyng yet but euen a young striepleyng, when he sawe his father Philippus, about to reiecte and cast awaye (as a thyng that would neuer bee brought to dooe any good seruice,) an This horse was called Bucephalus, as ye would saie in en∣glyshe, bulles hedde, either of his ougly looke, or ls of the fi∣gure and priente of a bulles hedde, with an hotte iron marked on his shoulder. One Philonicus a Thessalian had bought hym for .xiii. talentes, purposely to the vse of kyng Philippus. But after this facte, Alexander had the horse, and vsed hym for his owne sadle in al his warres afterwarde, vntil the horse was thirtie yeres olde. And then was he dedly wounded in a certain battaille, and had muche cure dooen vpon hym to saue hym, but it would not bee. The death of Bucephalus Alexan∣der tooke as heauyly, as if he had lost one of his nighest and derest frendes, in so muche that he builded a citee in the place where the horse dyed, and for a memorie of thesame called the citee Bucephalon, or, Bucephala, or (as it is in Plutarchus) Bucephalia. horse that was passyng fierce, and would not suffre any man to mounte or geat vp on his back: saied: Oh what an horse these folkes dooe marre, while through defaulte of skylle, and by reason of cowarde stomakes, thei haue not ye wayes to handle hym. So when hymself with meruaillous policie and cun¦nyng, without beatyng or stry∣kyng had had the handleyng of ye said horse, at last he lept vp on his backe, and putte hym to a galop, and then clapped spurres to hym. And when he sawe his tyme, gētly turning his hedde with the bridle: assoone as he had brought the horse backe again, & had elighted down, his father moste louyngly kyssyng his cheeke, saied:Macedonia was euer o litle for Ale∣xander. O my dere soonne, goo serche out some other kyngdome meete for thee, for Macedonia is allreadie all to litle for thee. Full well did it geue this prudent & wise prince in his mynde tofore, that to suche an haulte courage, & excellente nature, his fathers dicion might not suffise. But this horse is an exaumple for vs, that many wittes at their first begynnyng excel¦lente, are in processe vtterly destroyed and lost through the faulte of those that haue ye breakyng, trainyng, and bryngyng vp of theim,Many good∣ly wittes mar¦red throughe the faulte of the instru∣ctours. who for the moste parte knowe not the waye how to ordre and rewle theim, ex∣cepte thei shall first haue made theim of kyndely horses, veraye sterke asses. The same Alexander did conty∣nually shewe great honour and reuerence vnto Aristotle,Alexāder did conynual re∣uerēce to his maister Ari∣stotle. to whom he had in his childehood been cō∣mitted to bee enstructed & taught, auouchyng hymself to bee no lesse beholdyng to the said Aristotle, the, thē to his father, for that of his father he had receiued entreaunce into this life,We are no lesse bounden to our schole∣maisters, thē to our paren∣tes. and of his schoolemaister to liue well. When a rouer on the sea was taken & brought before hym,How a pirae beyng taken aūswered A∣lexander, whē he was exa∣myned. and was asked vpon whose supporta∣ciō he durst be so bolde to doo such myschief on the seaes, he aunswe∣red at fewe woordes as foloeth: I (saieth he) because I so dooe with no more but one sely poore foyste, am called a pirate, and yu, wheras, thou dooest thesame with a greate nauie, art called a kyng. Ale∣xander meruaillyng at the fearelesse herte of the feloe, gaue hym perdone of his life. Where he had in his owne per∣sone purposely made a iourney to Delphos,Delphi, or, a toune in the regiō of Pho¦cis, where A∣pollo had a notable good∣ly temple, and gaue vnto pil¦grymes that resorted thi∣ther, oracles, that is to saie aunsweres, voices, & to∣kens frō hea∣uen of suche thynges as thei sought to knowe, whi∣che we call werkyng of miracles, and thynges she∣wed by ru∣lation. when the prophetisse there saied that she would in no wyse at yt presente tyme desire of yt goddes any aunswer of the mater whiche he was come for, (because it wer dayes prohibited, duryng the whi¦che it was not leefull, no not so muche as for the oracles neither, to speake, or to geue aunswer in any matiers,) Alexander halyng & pullyng with hym y• said prophe∣tisse parforce, ascended into ye tem∣ple. And when the prophetisse by his ymportunitee & violente com∣pulsiō enforced to go whether she would or not, spake these woordes Thou art inuicible my soonne. This is euē enough of the oracle for me {quod} Alexander.Alexander toke al to his auauntage, yt was to his appetite and purpose. Accoumptyng and rekenyng the womānes priuate woor∣des, for an aunswer of his purpose directely geuen vnto hym from the god. After yt Alexander hauing takē a viage on warrefare into Asia,The assured truste and cō∣fidence of A∣lexander to prosper in all his entrepri∣ses. had distributed & in maner geuē away by patentes vnto his capitaines and menne of armes all his posses¦sions and lande: vnto Perdicca as∣kyng this question, what haue ye now leafte to yourself sir kyng? Marie, {quod} he again, hope. Then saied Perdicca:Perdicca one of Alexanders Capitaines. And Plutar∣chus writeth that as Per∣dicca did, so did a greate noumbre mo to whō Ale∣xāder had ge∣uen and assi∣gned porciō of landes and possessions. And as for hope shal bee indifferente and commune for vs your soldyours, as well as for you, and so refused to take ye lorde¦ship or mainour, which Alexander had assigned out for hym. Shuche assured trust and confidence had thei on all handes conceiued, to make a pros¦perous and a luckie viage. Thesame Alexander at ye begyn∣nyng of his reigne,Alexander would in ma∣ters of coum∣plainte euer∣more reserue one eare whol¦ly for the par∣tie defendaūt. whē he sate in iudgemente vpon causes concer∣nyng life & death, he would euer∣more stoppe thone eare as long as ye accuser was tellyng his tale. And beeyng asked why he did so, ye other eare, {quod} he, I dooe wholly reserue & kepe for the partie defen¦daunte. would Christ all iudges would dooe like wyse at these dayes. Against Callisthenes was a sophiste, and a manne of great eloquēce as declareth Plutarchus in the life of Aleander. He wa boght into Alexanders courte, by the meanes of Aristotle, whose nere kynsman he was. For Aristotle and Hero the mo∣ther of Callisthenes were come of twoo sisturs Plutarchus saieth that some writers affirmen Alexander to haue hanged hym on the galoes, and that other wryten hym to haue dyed in prieson, by reason of longe kepyng there in cheines & fettres, and that others saien hym to haue dyed of the congelyng of greate or talowe betwene the skynne and the fleashe.Callisthenes in no behalf framyng hymselfe to the facions and guyse of the kynges courte,Callisthenes contemnynge the faciōs of Alexanders court at lēgth grewe out of fauour, and encurred his mortall hate∣red. but both in woordes and in his o∣ther demeanure openly pretēding and shewyng hymselfe to myslike all yt euer was dooen there, Alexan¦der had ofte in his mouthe this ly∣tle greke verse. Beeyng about to make assaulte vpon ye toune of This Nisa was a toune in India builded by Bacchus. For there was an other Nisa in Aegypte, where Bacchus was nouriced by the nymphes. There wer also other tounes mo then one or twain of thesame name elswhere, as tetifien the Geographiers.Nisa, for to winne it, when he perceiued his souldy∣ers by reason of the deapth of the floodde whiche renneth a long by the citie,The forward¦nesse of Ale∣xāder in marcall entreprises. to bee clene discouraged and afeard to auenture, he stam∣ped and sterted at it, cryyng out with a loude voice, oh the naugh∣tyest feloe aliue that I am, which neuer learned to swymme, & euen with a tryce laiyng his bodie vpō his shielde or terguette in stede of a corke to staye him aboue water, he swimmed ouer the floodde first of all his owneselfe. Makyng a iourney to Troye, & there arriued, he decked and trym¦med ye ymage of Achilles with gar∣landes, and saied, oh, happie arte thou Achilles,Alexāder pro∣noūced Achil∣les happie y• euer he was borne. that euer thou were borne, to whom in thy lyfe tyme it fortuned to haue suche a frende,Patroclus y• frēde of Achil¦les in his life tyme and Ho¦mere the roū¦pette of his re¦noume after his death. & after thy deceasse, suche a troum∣pette and displaier of thine actes. Speakyng of Patroclus & of Homere: of whiche the one was vnto Achilles a most faythefull and trustie frende, and the other, throughall his whole werke entitleed Ilias cōteining .xxiiii. volumes spredeth and blow¦eth about al the worlde his glorie & renoume nowe when he is deade and gon.Patroclus a Locrensian, the soonne of Menetius, when h had dooen a murdre in his owne countree, fled into the coun∣tree of Thessalia, vnto Peleus y• kyng there, to whose soonne Achilles he was derely beloued, and a mutuall louyng frende to hym again, for he would neuer after forsake Achilles, but went with thesame to the battaille of Troye. And when Achil¦le for displeasure and angre that Agamemnō kyng of Grece had parforce taken awaye his paramour Briseis) woulde no more fight against y• Troianes, but did a long tyme forbeare & refuse to come foorth of his pauiliō vnto bataille, Patroclus did on his owne bodye the armure and harnesse of Achilles, & myndyng thereby to make the Troianes afeard, (for of all thynges in the worlde thei could not abyde the sight of Achil∣les he byckered and fought with the Troianes, and was slain with the handes of Hector. Wherefore Achilles to auenge his death bethought hymself again, and returned to bataille, and slewe Hector, and buiried Patroclus honourably, and oft y∣mes did muche sacrifice to the Goddes at his oumbe. Where he was by the cōmune talkyng of many one reported to bee a god,By what ar∣gumentes A∣leāder percei¦ued his mor∣talitee. he saied that by twoo thynges especially, he did wel per∣ceiue himself to bee a māne or crea¦ture mortal, yt is to wete, by slepe, & by compaigniyng with women. For that these twoo thynges did princi∣pally aboue all others discrye the feblenesse of mannes bodye. As touchyng all thynges els, he was inuīcible. For slepe is an ymage and representacion of death,Slepe an y∣mage of death and the vene∣reous acte a spiece of the fallyng eiuill. and the acte of venereous copulacion a plaine spiece of the fallyng eiuill. Plutarc addeth hereunto that onely the infirmitee and wekenesse of man∣nes nature is the brede and cause of werynesse, and of carnall pleasure. Beyng entreed into the palaice of Darius,What Alexā∣der saied, whē he sawe y• pa∣laice of Da∣rius so gor∣geously ap∣poyinted. whē he sawe a chaumbre of a greate highthe, & in thesame, the bedde of estate, y• tables to eate on, and all other thynges after a woondreful gorgeous sorte furni¦shed euē to ye pointe deuise: why ({quod} Alexander) was this to bee a kyng? Estemyng that it was vnmeete for a kyng to geue himselfe to suche maner delices.Unmete for a kyng to geue hymslfelf to delices. Thesame Alexander, whensoeuer he went vnto his bedde, he would of a custome diligently serche his robes, and al his wearyng geare,Alexander ab∣horred ffemi∣nate delices. & saie: hath not my mother (trowe wee) putte some poynte of delicate¦nesse, or some superfluous thyng here aboute my clothes? So greatley did he abhorre from delices more apperteinyng to women, then to menne. Beeyng brought vnto his han¦des a litle caskette or gardeuiaūce in whiche there was not founde emonge all yt other rychesse of Da∣rius any one iewel either more pre∣cious,The precious casket, or deske, or ādishe of Da∣rius. orels more goodly to ye yie. When the questiō was moued, vn¦to what vse it myght best bee ap∣plyed, eche māne geuing, one thys auise, another that. It wylbee the best thyng in ye world ({quod} Alexander) wherin to kepe the Ilias of Homere.How Alexan∣dr estemed ye Ilias of Ho∣mere & why. Estemyng no treasure to bee more pre∣cious then the saied booke. Suche was the conceipte of this kynge beeyng in his lustie youth, and wholly in all behalfes framynge hymselfe after the paterne of Achilles. When Parmenio gaue thesame Alexander counsaill to set vpon his enemies by night, allegeyng that otherwyse it woulde bee a veraye great daūger, if he should openly by daye time auenture batail vpō so greate a multitude, (for of the roumbleyng noyse reboundynge from a ferre, as it had been the ro∣ryng of the sea, thei myght conie∣cture the contrarie parte to bee in maner a noūbre infinite,) he saied:The animo∣sitee of Ale∣ander. I came not hither to steale the vic¦torie. Refusyng to wynne the victorie by the defense or aide of the darkenesse. When he had read a long bible writen and sent to hym from Anti∣pater,Antipater sur¦mused false accusaciōs a∣gainst Olym∣pias the mo∣ther of Ale∣xander. in whiche lettres wer contei∣ned many surmised maters & false complaintes againste his mother Olympias: It appereth ({quod} he) to be a thyng to Antipater vnknowen, that one teare of my mothers yien,Howe muche Olympias might dooe wt Alexander with one ere of hir yies. shal at all tymes washe awaye all epi∣stles that come, bee thei neuer so many. When he had perceiued and found that his sistur vsed wanton cōuersacion with a certain young māne of excellēte beautie, he tooke no displeasure there wt, but saied, to bee a thyng reasonable, or, to be a thyng to bee borne withall, that shee also shoulde in some behalfe haue prerogatiue to take fruicion of beeing a princesse in a royalme, forasmuche as shee was a kynges doughter. Beeyng of a muche contrarie mynde to Augustus Emperour of Rome,Read of this the .vii.xlv.xlvi and .xliiii apophtheg∣mes of Augu∣stu. who toke nothyng more greuously, thē the lasciuious∣nesse of his doughter and of his doughters doughters. When he had heard the philo∣sophier Anaxagoras holding opiniō & mainteining in a certein lecture,The insaia∣ble ambiciō & desie of em∣pier that rei∣gned in Ale∣xander. yt ther wer worldes out of noūbre, the reporte gooeth, yt he fell on we∣pyng. And to his frendes demaū∣dyng, whether any mischaūce had befallen him, meete to wepe for, he saied: haue I not, trowe ye, a good cause to wepe, in yt, wheras there been worldes innumerable, I am not yet come to be ful lorde of one? Philippus at the fighting of a cer∣tain felde receiued of the Triballes a sore wounde,The Tribal∣les a people nigh vnto Hungarie. by hauyng a spere thrust quite and clene through his thighe. And beeing afterwarde by the cure and helpe of hys surgeon saued,Philippu wounded in fightynge a felde against ye Triballes. and recouered from peril of death, yet he tooke heauily, that the deformitee & disfigure of hym∣ping on the one legge whiche had come to hym by the saied wounde, did stil remain. To whō Alexander saied:How Alexan∣der coūforted Philippus ta∣kyng thought for yt he shuld halte al dayes of his life. sir, take no discoumforte to shewe yourselfe abrode, but euer when ye sette foorth your foote to goo, haue mynde on your valiaūt manhood. And prowesse that ye shewed when ye receiued this wounde. This sai∣yng is ascribed to others mo besides Ale∣xander. If at any tyme, either in fami∣liare communicacion, orels at the table, there had come in place any contencion about the verses of Ho¦mere, one saiyng this verse to bee best, an other, that verse, Alexan∣der would euermore allow & praise this verse here ensuyng,What verse Alexander al∣lowed best of all the verses of Homere. aboue all the other verses in the booke. That is, Bothe a good capitain to guyde an armie, And wt speare & shielde valiaunte & hardie. He would moreouer saie, that Ho∣mere did in this verse bothe make honourable reporte of ye manhood and prouesse of Agamemnon,Alnder a∣uouched that Homere ī col∣ladyng Aga∣memnon pro∣phecied of hym. and also prophecie of thesame to come in Alexander. At what tyme Alexander hauyng passed ouer Hellespontus,Hellespōtus, the narrowe sea beteene Grece & Asia. went to see Troie, reuoluyng & castyng in his mynde the actes of aunciente prin¦ces of renoume, a certain persone promised to geue hym the harpe of Paris,Alexanr ha∣uyn ye harpe of Achilles, cared not for the harpe of Paris. if he had any mynde to it. No, no, ({quod} Alexander quickely a∣gain) I haue no neede at all of ye harpe of Paris, forasmuche as I haue allreadie ye harpe of Achilles.Paris the soōne of Pri∣amus kynge of Troie, of whom is no∣ted afore in y• third Apoph∣thegme of A∣ristppus. Achilles beeyng on his owne partie a knight stoute and actiue, vsed euermore on his harpe to plaie songes of the laudes and praises of hardie menne & valiaunte, where∣as Paris with his harpe did nothyng but twang fonde fansies of daliaunce and lasci∣uiousnesse. On a tyme he went to see the womē of Darius his court,The women of Dari{us} his court wer his wife, his mo∣ther, and his twoo dough∣ters. takyng Hephaestion wt hym. And this Hephaes∣tion (because he went at that tyme in thesame maner apparell that ye kynge did,Hephaestion somwhat big¦ger made, & taller of per∣sonage then Alexander. and also was of perso∣nage somewhat bigger made thē he) Sygambris the mother of Darius kneled vnto,Sygambris the mother of Darius. in stede of the kyng. And when she had, by ye noddyng and beckyng of those that stood by, well perceiued, yt she had taken hir marke amysse, she was muche dismaied withall, and begoonne of freshe to dooe hir duetie vnto Alexander. Anon saied Alexander:Alexāder este∣med Hephae∣stion a secōde Alexander, ac¦cordyng to ye {pro}uerbe, amicus alter ipse that is, twoo frēdes are one solle and one body. Mother, there is no cause why to bee dismaied. For this manne too is Alexander. Dooyng to weete, that his frende, was a secounde Alexander. When he was come into the temple of Hammon ye ministre there,How Alexan∣der comynge into y• temple of Hammon, was saluted by the preste, or minister there. beeyng an aunciente saige father, welcomed hym wt these woordes, All haill Plutarchus writeth cer∣tain autours to affrme, yt y• minister wel¦comed hym in greke, & myn∣dyng tendre∣ly and gente∣ly to salute wt thys woorde , sonnekyn, or litle soonne, tripped a litle in his toūgue by a wrong pronunciaciō in stede of said , whiche beyng diuyded into two woordes , souneth, the soonne of Iupiter.my soonne, and it is not I yt dooe call the by this name, but the god Iupiter. Then saied Ale∣xander, I take it at your hāde o fa∣ther, and wilbee contented from∣hensforth to bee called your sonne vpon condicion, that ye graunt vnto me the empier, & domynion of all ye whole worlde. The preste went into the priue chauncell, and (as though he had spokē wt god,) came forth again, and aunswered that Iupiter did by assured promisse make hym a graūte of his boune yt he asked. Thē eftsons saied Alex. Now would I fain know, if there bee yet remainyng vnpunyshed any of those persones which killed my father. To this the preste thus made aunswer: As many as putte their handes to the sleeyng of Phi∣lippus, haue receiued condigne pu∣nyshemente for their offense euery one of theim, but as for your fa∣ther, no mortall creature hath po∣wer to destroye, or to werke disple∣sure vnto, by laiyng awayte for hym. Signifiyng yt he was the soonne of Iupiter,Alexāder made to beleue, that he was the sonne of Iu∣piter, & not of Philippus. aud not of Philippus. Wheras Darius had sette his armie royall of a Plutar∣chus in y• life of Alexander saieth, yt Da∣ri{us} had in his armie sie hū∣dred thousāde fightyng men besides those which wer in his nauie on the seaes. woondreous great noumbre, in a readynesse to fight, Alexander was taken with a meruaillous dedde slepe, in so mu¦che, that, beeyng euen in the daye tyme, he could not holde vp his hedde, nor awake. At ye last greate perill and daunger beeyng euē at hande, his gentlemē entreyng his bedde chaumbre, made hym to a∣wake.Alexāder takē with a dedde slepe euen in the daye time whē Darius lae in y• cāpe radi eu hre to sette vpon hym, he said hē he was akened. And when thei saied vnto hym, that thei meruailled how he could in that presente state of his affaires bee so quiete and voide of all care, as to slepe so soundely, Marie, {quod} he Darius hath deliuered and quyte discharged me of gre∣ate carefulnesse and trouble of mynde, in that he hath gathred all his puissaunce together into one place, that wee maye euen in one daye trye, whether he shall haue ye soueraintee, orels I. The Corinthians had by ambas∣sadours geuen to Alexander Magnus to enioye ye right of all their liber∣tees and franchesse.The Corin¦thians made Alexāder free of . This kynde of pleasure dooyng, whē Alexander had laughed to skorne, one of the ambassadours saied: Sir, wee ne∣uer yet vnto this daye made any for euer free of oure citee sauyng now your grace, and ones afore tyme Hercules. This heard, Alexan∣der wt al his herte, accepted the ho∣nour vnto hym offreed. Whiche honour, partely the raritee made vnto hym acceptable, and partely, that he was therin ioyned with Hercules, a knight of moste high praise and renoume. At the siege of a certain citee, whyle he serched for the weakest places of the walles, he was strie∣kē with an aroe, but yet he would not leaue of his purpose. Within a whyle after that, the bloodde bee¦yng staunched, ye anguyshe of the drye wounde encreaced more and more, and his leggue flagguyng down by ye horses syde, by litle & li¦tle was al aslepe, & in maner sterke stife, he beeyng of force constreig∣ned to geue ouer that he had bee∣goonne, and to cal for his surgeō,Alexander a∣gnised and knowelaged hymself, to be a mortall mā. saied to suche as wer presente: E∣uery bodye reporteth me to bee ye soonne of Iupiter, but this wounde saieth with an open mouth, that I am a mortall manne. One Xenophantus customably v∣sed by certain measures plaiyng on a flute, to sette Alexander forth∣warde to battaill. And all perso∣nes woundreyng ye musike should bee of suche force and power, one emong theim saied: If Xenophantus bee suche a cū∣nyng doer, leat him plaie some measure to cal Alexander home a∣gain from ma¦kyng war∣res. Meanyng that it was no veraye high poynte of cūnyng to bryng a bodye to yt thyng, wher∣unto thesame is of hym self pro∣pense and of his owne propre nature inclined. This Antigonus was of all the successour of Alexander moste puissaunt and mightie. And Plutarchus in ye life of Demetrius saieth yt An¦tigonus had by Stratonice ye doughter of Cor∣haeus twoo soonnes, of whiche the one he cal∣led (of his brothers name) Demetrius, and the other (of his fathers name) Philippus. And the∣same Plutarc{us} in the life of Paulus Aemilius and els where in moo places thē one saieth that this Antigonus euen by ye title of his birth and descente, claymed to haue the name of a kyng, & first begoonne to reigne in Asia after ye deceasse of Alexander. Albeeit (as the said Plutarchus in the life of Demetrius testifieth) the successours of Alexander wer not euen at the first called kinges, but certain yeres after, whē Demetrius the soonne of Antigonus had on ye sea subdued Ptolome{us} the kyng of Egypte and had destro∣yed all his nauie, then came one Aristodenus a Milesian from Demetrius in poste, and salued Antigonus by the name of kyng. Then Antigo∣nus not onely on his owne partie and behalfe vsurped the name, the honour, the estate, and y• ornamentes and armes of a kyng, but also sent vnto his soonne Demetrius a Diademe, that is to saie, a kynges croune, together with letters, in whiche he called hym a kyng. Antigonus reig¦ned twoo and twentie yeres, and kept in ye tyme of his reigne many warres, & at last was slain and dyed euen in the felde. 1.ANtigonus was an eagre and a sore manne in ta∣kyng exaccions of mo∣ney of his subiectes.How Anti∣gon{us} excused his greuous exaccions of money emōge his subiectes. Wherupon, to a certain persone saiyng, Iwys Alexander was no suche manne: A good cause why, {quod} he again, for he rieped Asia and had all the eres, and I dooe but gather the stalkes. Menyng that Asia sometyme the rychest & welthiest coun∣tree of the worlde, had been afore his tyme spoyled by Alexander,Alexāder spoy¦led Asia and left it as bare as Iob. and that he must bee gladde and fain to scrape together what he might bee hable to geat emong theim, ha∣uyng been afore in suche wyse pilled, & leat as bare as Iob. 2. Beholdyng on a tyme a certain of his soldiours to plaie at ye balle hauyng bothe their iackes & their salettes on, he was highly well pleased with the sight therof, and commaunded ye capitaines of the∣same soldyers to bee called & fette, to thentente to geue theim thāke,How Anti∣gon{us} vsed cer¦tain of his cap¦tanes which sate drinkyng whyle their soldyours ex∣ercised theim selfes wt plai∣yng at ye balle in their har∣nesse. and to praise theim in presence of their capitaines: but when woord was brought hym, yt the said capi∣taines wer drynking and making good chere, he conferred their ca∣pitainshippes vnto those actiue souldyers, whiche had plaied at ye balle in their harnesse. All vnder one bothe punyshyng the sluggyshenesse of the capitaines, and with honour and promo¦cion rewardyng ye actiuitee of the soldyers. Euery bodye meruaillyng that wher in ye begynnyng of his reigne he had been a veraye sore manne,Antigonus in ye begynnyng of his reigne, a sore manne, but in the la∣ter ende ful of al mercie and gentlenesse. now beeyng striken in age, he go∣uerned his royalme with all mer∣cie and gentlenesse: At the begyn∣nyng, saieth he, it behoued me to haue a kyngdome, & at this daye I haue more neede of glorie and beneuolence. Menyng, that an em∣pier is ofte tymes by the sweord & by rough∣nesse purchaced or acquired, but thesame not reteined, or long yeres cōtinued, without the honest opinion yt the subiectes haue of their kyng and the hertie good wille of the prince mutually toward his subiectes. Thesame Antigonus vnto his soonne Philip beeyng full of questi∣ons in presence of a greate noum∣bre,What Anti∣gonus aun∣swered to his soonne beyng muche inqui∣sitiue when y• campe should remoue. Albe∣it Plutarch{us} nameth yt it was Deme∣rius yt was so inquisitiue and saiyng: Sir, when shall wee remoue the campe? thus aun∣swered: what, art thou afeard, lest thou alone of al the coumpaignie shalt not heare ye troūpette blowe? Notynge the lacke of experience & skylle in the young manne, in that he would in the hearyng of a greate compaignie moue suche a question to his father, wheras in tyme of warre,The ententes & purposes of price ought in no wyse to bee vttreed in tyme of warre. the ententes and purposes of princes ought in no wyse too be vttreed ne disclosed, but as often as the campe muste remoue, a trumpette geueth a knowelage therof to the vniuersall multitude all to gether. When his soonne the said Philip beeyng a young manne, had made woondreous earneste request and suite to haue his lodgeyng ap∣pointed hym at a wedooes house,How Anti∣gonus disap∣pointed the purpose of his soonne, see∣kyng to bee lodged in an house where his loue was that had three fair & welfauoured doughters, Antigonus callyng for ye knight herbynger, saied vnto y• same: wilt yu not see my soonne voi¦ded out of suche a streight corner? He did not discrye how ye young man∣nes herte was sette, although he knewe the∣same to seeke wheron to bestowe his loue, but found an ympedemente by the narrowe roome of ye house in which the wedooe liued with hir three doughters. After that he had perfectely re∣couered of asore disease and mala∣die well (saieth he) all this is no harme.Sickenesse putteth vs in remembraūce not to bee proude in hert forasmuch as we be mortal. For this syckenesse hathe geuen vs a good lesson, not to bee proude in herte, forasmuche as we bee mortall. Who had taught this heathen kyng suche a pointe of Philosophie meete and woorthie for any christian herte? his frendes lamēted & bewailled as a great eiuill that he had been so sore sicke, but he en∣terpreted and tooke, that to hym thereby had redounded more good then eiuill. The ma∣ladie had made his bodye leane and bare of fleshe, but it endued & replenyshed his herte with sobrenesse and humilitee. It had shrew dely abated the strength of his bodye, but frō his herte it pulled awaye insolencie,Insolēci one of the moste perillous di∣seases in the worlde that is to saie, presumpcion in takyng highly vpon hym, which is one of the most perillous dise¦ases in the woorlde. And therefore ye matter gooeth not all of the wurst, whē the lighter maladie either forefendeth and debarreth,It goeth not al amysse whē the lighter di∣sease shifteth awaye te greater. or els expelleth and drieueth out the greater. Hermodotus a poete had in his ver¦sis writen Antigonus to bee ye soonne of Iupiter. Antigonus readyng the∣same, saied:The humili∣tee of Antigo∣nus. To this thyng was ye pissepotte bearer, neuer made pri∣ue nor of counsaill by me. After a veraye pleasaunt sorte mockyng the flate∣rie of the poete, and with no lesse humilitee agnisyng and knowlageyng the basse linage that he was come of, in comparison of bee∣yng soonne to Iupiter. Lasanum is greke and latin for an yearthē pissepotte,Lasanum. or chaumbre vessell, and therof lasanophorus,Lasanopho∣rus. a chaum∣breer, or, a groome of the stoole so that if Anti∣gonus wer the soonne of Iupiter, thesame thyng had vnto that presente houre escaped vnknowē, aswel to his groome whose day∣ly office it was to geue vnto hym his vry∣nall in his chaumbre, as also to hymself the said Antigonus. A certain persone saiyng, that all thynges wer honeste and iuste or leefull for kynges to dooe: by Iupiter, saieth Antigonus and euen so thei bee for the kynges of barba∣rous, wylde, and saluage nacions,How Anti∣gonus aun∣swered one, saiyng al thin¦ges to bee ho∣nest & leefull for kynges to dooe. but to vs yt knowe what is what, those thynges onely are honeste,To good kynges only such thynges are honeste & iuste as been in veray deede honeste and iuste. whiche bee honeste of theimselfes, and onely suche thynges leefull or standyng with iustice, whiche are of their nature iuste & leefull in veraye deede. He did with high grauitee dampe and putte to silence the fla∣teryng woordes of the partie, by whose mynde and wille all thynges should bee per∣mitted as leefull vnto kynges & gouernours For truely a kyng is not ye rewle of honestee and of iustice, but ye minister of theim.A kyng is not the rewle of honestee & of iustice, but y• ministre of theim. And would God the eares of christian princes ne¦uer heard any lyke woordes spoken, or if thei did, that thei would with sēbleable seueritee reiecte & abandon thesame. For what other thyng saiē those persones, who are alwayes harpyng on this streng, and syngyng this songe, that foloeth: what standeth with the lykyng and pleasure of a prince hath the force, strength & vertue of a lawe. And those who dooen afferme a kyng not to bee vnder bonde or subieccion of any lawes, and suche as dooen attribute & assigne vnto a kynge twoo distincte powers, the one ordinate, & the other absolute, of whiche the first maye dooe no more nor no other wyse but as the lawes and statutes of a royalme, as coue∣nauntes and bargaines betwene partie and partie, and as leages and agrementes pub∣lique betwene royalme and royalme dooen regnire, and the other, whatsoeuer standeth with the pleasure, appetite, and phansie of the prince. Marsyas the brother of Antigonus had a mater of suite and trauerse in the lawe:What Anti∣gonus saied to Marsyas his brother, besechynge yt an accion of his might bee heard & iud∣ged in a se∣crete place, & not in open courte. but he besought the kyng yt the mater might bee heard and a secrete courte purposely hol¦den at home within his house for it. To whom Antigonus in this wyse made aunswere. If wee dooe no∣thyng but accordyng to iustice, it shalbe mouche better that it bee doen in open courte, and in y• face and hearynge of all the people. The naturall zele and tendre loue to∣warde his owne brother could not obtein of the kynge, to haue so muche as one iote of the lawe or of the ordre of iustice releassed.The vpright iustice of An∣toignus. And as for Marsyas he cloggued & bound on all sides wt this saiyng yt could not possible bee a voided. If thou knowe thy matier to bee naught, why dooest yu sue, or tra∣uerse ye lawe? if yu knowe thy cause to bee good, and the lawe to bee on thy syde: why wouldest thou auoide to haue all the world priue to it, and labourest in any wyse to haue a mater of open courte to be doen secretely in hugger mugger,It is to bee greately my∣strusted, if one labour to brynge a mater of opē courte into a secrete chaū∣bre. assured ther, not to escape or auoid the sinistre mystrustyng of all the coūtree, yea, although thou shalte cast thyn aduersarie, and haue the mater rightfully to passe with the? Where he had on a tyme in the wynter season constreigned his armie and tentes to bee remoued vnto a place wher was no store ne prouision of thynges necessarie, & for that cause certain of the soldy∣ers spake many naughty wordes of reproche by ye kyng, not knowe∣yng hym to bee euen at theyr pol∣les, he putte abrode the louvres of the tente with a ruttocke that he had in his hande, and saied: Sirs ye shall beshrewe yourselfes, ex∣cepte ye goo ferther of to speake eiuill of me. What thynge more full of mercie then this worde of pleasaunce?The lenitee & mercyfulnesse of Antigon{us}. or what thyng more full of pleasaūce then this deede of mercie? he sembleed and made as though he tooke not indignacion or displea¦sure for their speakyng eiuill of hym, but for yt thei did it so nere his nose, that thei might easely bee heard of the partie, on whom thei raylled. Unto one Aristodemus (who was one of the kynges priue chambre nere and familiar about hym, but descended (as it was thought) of a cooke to his father) vnto this Ari∣stodemus auisyng him to abate some¦what of his great charges and of his bounteous geuyng rewardes and fees, he saied.Howe Anti∣gonus aun∣swered one Aristodemus auisyng hym to abate of his charges & pēsions ge∣uyng. Aristodemus thy woordes doo smell and sauour all of the gruell. Couertely and by a preatie colour tellyng him that paring, pyn¦chyng, and plaiyng the nygardes or haynes belonged to cookes, and not to kynges:Bountie and largesse is be∣fallyng for kynges. and therefore that he the saied Aistodemus in suche counsail geuyng had no remembraūce ne cōsideracion with whom he was of hous∣holde in high degree fauour, & acceptaciō, but of what man to his father he was descēded. When the Atheniens, to shewe ho¦nour vnto Antigonus,What Anti∣gonus saied, when the A∣theniens had made a bond∣manne of his free citezen e∣mong theim. had admitted & recorded, or enrolled a bondemā of his in the noumbre of their free citezens or burgesses, as thoughe thesame had been come of an ho∣neste stocke, or had been borne out of seruitude and bōdage. It is no point of my mynde or wille ({quod} Anti¦gonus) yt any citezen of Athenes shuld come vnder my hādes to be scour∣ged with whippes. Signifiyng to bee a thyng of their owne voluntarie doo∣yng and of theyr owne hādie workyng, that he myght lawfully scourge, or beate wt whip¦pes one citezen of Athenes,In olde tyme it was leefull for the mai∣sters to beate their bonde seruaūtes wt oddes, or to scourge them with whippes at their owne pleasures and as often and as muche as theim luted. beeyng & remay∣nyng still his bondeman: but yet in the citee of Athenes many moo then one to had well deserued to bee whipped of the kyng, for that asmuche as in theim laie thei releassed and made free another mannes bondseruaunte. A certain young strieplyng, be∣yng a disciple or scholare of Anaxi∣menes the rhetorician, pronounced in the presence of Antigonus an ora∣cion deuised and made by his mai¦ster not without great studie, and the young thyng taught afore for the nones, and purposely brought in to pronoūce it, (as though the ora∣cion had been of his owne makynge, and that i myght none otherwyse appere vnto the kynge) And so when Antigonus in the mid∣des of geuyng audience vnto the proposicion (beeing desirous to be certified and to haue knowelage of whatsoeuer it was) asked a que¦stion, and the young man foorth∣with had soodainly stopped in his mater nothable to {pro}cede in it, nor hauing a woord more to saie: why howe saiest thou ({quod} the kyng) was not this also drawen & copied out for the afore in a booke? That this kyng iudged contrarie to all reason and reprocheable in one that was in maner but euen a veraye chylde, the same nowe at thys daye is accoumpted an high pointe & royall thing, that is, euē graund sequiours hauing to saie before kynges and princes, to counne by herte, and to rendre again after the ma∣ner of an oracion or sermon,Bosome ser∣mons & ora∣cions of an o∣ther manne makyng. hauyng been in makyng a whole halfe yere together with sore labour & studie by some rhetorician or learned manne hiered therunto. And many times it chaunceth, that suche persones, (yea euen no bodye at all breakyng their tale) for∣getten theimselfes, & fallen clene out of their mater, and maken all the presence to laughe at theim. Hearyng one other rhetoritian rolling in his peinted termes, and tellyng his tale after this curious sorte,Atigon{us} was muche offended wt a the∣toriciā vsyng our urious ynkehorne ter¦mes in telling his tale. , yt is, the snow castyng season nowe comynge in place, hath made this climate vt∣terly desolate of herbage, or hathe brought this climate to clene dis∣sherbageing: why ({quod} he) wilt thou not surceasse to deale wt me, in thy termes, as thou dooest with ye sim∣ple innocentes of y• comen people. The kynge was muche offended and displeased with the ouer exquisite manier of tellyng his tale, with the whiche maner cu∣rious filed termes ye rhetoriciās vsen to sette out their peinted sheathe emonge the vnex∣perte or ignoraunte multitude of the people. But the same to dooe before a kyng was an abusyng of the princes pacience. In stede of these wordes, , the snoweca∣sting season, he might haue saied, the wynter season. And these woordes,A clime is a reiō or coste of a coūtree. , that, is hath brought this climate to clene disherbageing, smellen all of the ynke∣horne, and may scacely bee wel licenced vnto a poete, muche lesse to an oratour. Unto Thrasillus a Cynique askynge of him, in the waye of a rewarde a grote or six pence:Howe Anti∣gonus defea∣cted a Cynike philosophier askyng a re∣ward of him. yt is no rewarde for a kyng to geue, {quod} he. The Cy∣nique eftsons replyyng, well, then geue me a talente: Nay ({quod} he) that is no meete rewarde for a Cynique to receiue.Of ye valour of a drachme and a talente it is noted a∣fore in the se∣coūde saiyng of Aristippus and .xlii. leafe. So on both sydes he defea∣ted and disapointed the ymportunitee or sau¦cynesse of the crauer that would not be aun¦swered, whom he demed not worthie to haue any good dooen hym. When he sent his soonne Deme∣trius Where it is afore noted yt Antigonus had twoo soonnes and named the one by his brothers name Demetrius, and the other by his fathers name Philippe, Plutarchus saieth that suche was the fame and bruite that went of hym. Albeeit (sai∣eth Plutarchus in the life of this Demetrius) many chroni∣cleers haue left in writyng, that this Demetrius was not the soonne of Antigonus, but his brothers soonnes soonne. For ye father of Demetrius beeyng deceassed, and his mother beeyng marryed vnto Antigonus, Demetrius beeyng a veraye young infante, was beleued to bee the soonne of Antigonus, & muche the more, because that Philippe beeyng twoo or three yeares younger of age then Demetrius dyed, and Demetrius was by Antigonus made his heire apparaunte to succede hym in his croune and empier. with a great nauie & with a greate puissaūce of soldyers for to deliuer the Grekes,Howe Anti∣gonus exhor∣ted his soōne Demetrius, when he sent hym foorthe with an ar∣mie to deli∣uer Grece. and to sette theim free from all yookes of ho∣mage or forren subiecciō: he saied, that glorie and renoume was like a beaken enkendleed or sette on fyer from grece, as from a moun∣tain with an high toppe to extend & spred lighte ouer all ye whole vni¦uersall worlde. Prickyng foorth∣warde y• young manne with desire of glorie to make hym dooe the parte of a valiaunte knight, forasmuche as by so dooyng y• bruite of that same his high praise and commenda∣cion was not to be hidden or pended within ye limites & precintes of grece, but rather to renne abrode throughout all costes and par¦ties of the worlde, by reason of the greate fame and name that Grece had euery where allreadie. The poete Antagoras he foūd on a tyme in his tente sethyng a coun¦gre, and buisilie stieryng ye panne wt his owne handes: & standyng euē herd at his polle behynd hym, he saied: dooest thou suppose o An∣tagoras that Homere,The famili∣are iestyng be∣twene ye kyng Antigonus & the poete An∣tagoras. when he wrote the actes of Agamennon, Agamemnon the kyng of Mycena, and of all the Argiues, the soonne of Atreus, and the brother of Menelaus kyng of Lacedaemon, (for whose wife Helene, all the kynges of Grece made warre against Troie.) And Agamemnon was the hedde & chief kyng of theim all. But at his returne frō Troie he was slain by his owne wife Clytemnestra, by ye helpe of Aegyptus who kepte hir by adulterie, because he had (as Clytēnestra sup¦posed) slain Iphigenia his doughter and hirs in sacrifice vnto Diana at the porte of Aulis, when ye Grekes should take their viage towardes Troie. did sethe coūgres, as thou doest nowe? To this saied Antagoras again: And thou sir kyng, dooest thou suppose yt Agamemnon in the time of dooyng those noble actes, made suche curi¦ous serchyng as yu dooest, if any bodye in the hoste sodde any coun¦gres? The kyng tooke pacientely and in the good parte to bee paied home ieste for este, euen as though the mater had been be∣twene twoo familiare plaiefeers eguall of degree, or feloes like. Antigonus had on a season in his dreamyng, seen Mithridates repyng golden corne, and therefore laied awayte to haue thesame Mithridates by the backe, and to despeche hym out of the waye. And when he had opened this mater vnto his sonne Demetrius, he bound thesame by an oth to make no woordes at all of it. Wherefore Demetrius takyng Mi¦thridates in compaignie with hym went walkyng vp and down on ye sea banke,The feithful∣nesse of De∣metrius to∣warde Mi∣thridates his frend sauyng his othe vp∣right, and not breakyng the commaunde∣mente of An∣tigonus. and with ye nether ende of his speare wrote in ye sande, as foloeth, Mithridates auoide the countree. MithridatesOf this Mithridates kyng of Pontus, it is written that he was a man of a mightie greate stature, stronge of bodye, of a noble courage, of excellente witte and policie, and of incredible memorie. For where he was kyng of twoo and twentie naci∣ons, it is certain that vnto euerie of thesame seuerally he made lawes, and kepte courtes, and ministred iustice in their owne toungues, and that duryng the tyme of his reigne whiche con∣tinued by the space of sixe and fiftie yeares, he neuer neded the helpe of any interpreter betwene hym and any of the nacions beeyng vnder his obeisaunce and subiection, but would talke with all and singulare persones of the saied nacions in their owne languages. He kept warre against the Romains many yeres. At last he was discoumfaicted by Lucius Scylla, & vt∣terly ouercomed by Pompeius Magnus. And at last beeyng besieged in a certain castle by his owne soonne, he. toke poison to destroye hymselfe, but when he sawe yt it would not worke vpon hym (for he had by the continuaunce of long and many yeres, accustomed hymselfe to take euerie daye preseruatiues and ymmediatly vpon the preseruatiues to take poison pur∣posely, that if any suche chaunce fell it might not hurte hym) he called one of his trustie seruauntes to slea hym, and where as the feloe beeyng with the veraye sight of his maiester dis∣maied, failled in herte nor had the power to execute that deede Mithridates called hym backe again, and helped his hande to the ministerie of cuttyng his owne throte. wel perceiuyng what ye mater ment, fledde into Pontus, and ther reigned as kyng al ye daies of his life after. But this historie, for∣asmuche as it is no apophthegme, (for an apophthegme consisteth in woordes spoken) semeth to haue been put in by some other bodye. Then by Plutarchus who compiled the treactise of apophthegmes. Albeeit woordes after suche sorte and for suche purpose writen maye haue the force, strength & place of woordes with the tounge and voice pronounced. When the frendes of Antigonus aduised hym, that in case he shuld wynne and take the citee of Athenes he should fēse and warde thesame with strong fortresses and sure ga¦risons, to thende that it might no more fall to rebellion, and that he should with moste earnest cure & diligence kepe it, as the founda∣mente,Athenes the foundamente of all Grece, & ye onely poste to leane to. the staye or ye leanyng poste of all Grece: he aunswered that he had euermore been of this mynde,The moste sure garrison of a royalme, is ye beneuo∣lence of the subiectes to∣wardes their prince. that he beleued none to bee a more sure fortres or garisō of a royalme then ye beneuolence & hertie loue of ye subiectes towardes their prince. Thesame Antigonus whē he heard reported that all the other kynges of Grece had cōspired his destruc∣ciō,What Anti∣gonus saied when it was shewed hym that all the o∣ther kynges of Grece had conspired his exterminaciō. woundreous presumpteously aūswered, that he would with one stone & with one shoughte make theim all to take their heles and to renne euery manne his waye, euē as one should spryng a whole flighte of byrdes peckyng vp cor∣ne newly sowen. but neuerthelesse in this battaill was Antigonus slain, and Deme∣trius vanquyshed and putte to flight, & all their kyngdome spoyled, and parted emōg Antiochus Seleucus, & the other princes that made warre against theim, as testifieth Plutarchs in the life of the saied Demetrius. When Antigonus had camped in the browes or edges of felles and cliefes, and in places all vneuen & full of pittes, arisyng & hangyng in heigthe muche aboue the plain champian grounde,This was at the siege of Argos a no∣ble citee in A∣chaia. For Pyrrhus and Antigonus came thither bothe at one tyme, & bothe in mynde and purpose to wynne the ci∣tee. But ye Ar¦giues sēdyng to either of theim ambas∣sadours, and praiyng them to holde their handes, & to absteine from dooyng iniu∣rie to a foren citee which neither of theim bothe had any right or title vnto, Antigonus promised to departe and gaue vnto the Argiues in hostage therof his soonne Alcyoneus. But Pyrrhus, wheras he promised to dooe thesame, yet did it not, but by night en∣treed the citee vnawares and vnknowyng to the Argiue tyll he was euen in the mddes of their high strete. Then wer the Argiues fain to desire Antigonus to come with aide & rescue and so he did. And there and then was Pyrrhus slain. Pyrrhus after pitchyng his tentes about Naplia, sent on the nexte morowe by an haralde of armes to bidde hym come down into ye plain, and there to assaye and trye what he could dooe in battaill. But Antigonus made aunswer, that his manier of battreyng stood not a whitte more in the furniture of harnesse and or¦deinaunce, then in the oportunitee of tymes when to fight, & that for Pyrrhus, (in case ye same wer werye of his life) there wer wayes many enough open or readie to dispeche and ridde hym out of the worlde. Antigonus beeyng asked the ques¦tion, whiche of all the capitaines of his tyme he iudged to surmo∣unt al others in worthinesse, Ma∣rie, Pyrrhus was kyng of the Epirotes (a nacion be∣twene Mace∣donie & Illy∣ricum, which Illyricum is nowe called Sauonie,) much praised of all wryters for a gentle and a courteous kyng, wittie, poli∣tike, quicke in his buisynesse, auenturous & hardie, & of such a ieryng nature, yt (as Plutarchus in his life testifieth) neither hauyng gottē any victorie or cōqueste, nor yet beeyng venquy∣shed or ouercomed, he could quiete hymself to bee in rese and peace. And Plutarchus in the life bothe of Anniball, and also of Titus Quintius Flaminius telleth, yt when Scipio emong many other thynges required Annibal to shewe hym euē as he thought in his mynde, whō he reputed of al that euer had been or wer then aliue to bee the moste woorthie & moste noble capi∣taine of an armie, Marie ({quod} Anniball) Alexander ye greate I e∣steme to bee chief & principall, & nexte vnto hym Pyrrhus, & my self the thirde. And of thesame Pyrrhus he saied at an other tyme, yt if he had had the feacte to hold and kepe an empier, as∣well as he could achiue and wynne it, he had had no cousyn. Al this was dooen when Pyrrhus would haue taken the citee of Argos, as is saied in the annotacion of the apophthegme nexte afore gooyng. Pyrrhus ({quod} he again) if he might liue to bee an olde manne. He gaue not a determinate sentence yt Pyrrhus was allreadie the veraye best, but that he was like to bee the principall best in deede, if age & contynuaunce of tyme might acquire ye experience and perfecte knowlage of thynges. Thesame Antigonus seeyng one of his soldyours,The tendre∣nesse of Anti∣gon{us} towar∣des his soul∣dyours if thei wer sicke. beeing in all be∣halfes, or, at all assaies stoute and valiaunt and foreward or prest to entreprise al maner hasardes or a∣uētures, to bee not veraye well at ease in his bodye, demaūded what was ye mater yt he looked so pale & wanne of colour. Whē the partie had confessed vnto hym a priue disease lyyng within his bodye, Antigonus commaunded his physi∣cians, that if it might possibly by any meanes bee dooē, thei should geue hym medicines yt might cure hym. But the soldyer beeyng now clene ridde of his maladie, begone to weaxe eiuill willyng, slacke, and lothe to fight, and with lesse fore∣wardnesse to putte hymself in any perilles or daungiers. The kyng greately meruaillyng there at, asked of hym, what was the cause of his mynde so chaunged. Then saied the soldiour: for south sir, euē you and no man els hath been the cause. For when I liued in conty∣nuall angyshe and peine,Felicitee ma∣keth mēne ti∣morous and false herted. I had no greate feare of my life beeyng in suche case, but now, sēs by your meanes my life is become more deere vnto me, I am muche more charie, that it maye not be lost. Antigonus the first vnto a certain Sophiste offreyng hym a booke conteinyng a traictise of iustice,This Anti∣gonus was ye firste kyng of that name, & there was be∣sides hym an other Antigo∣nus the se∣counde kyng of Macedo∣nie. saied: certes yu art an vnwise man̄e whiche, where thou seest me with all ordeinaūce of warre werkyng and dooyng myschief to the citees of foreners, yet neuerthelesse wilt nedes talke to me of iustice. His meanyng was, that suche persones as either for the enlargeyng of their dominion, orels for to purchace glorie and renoume dooen make warre vpon aliene citees,Such {per}sones as for empi∣er or for glo∣rie dooen in∣uade foren ci∣tees cannot saue ye lawes of iustice vp∣right. or forē coun¦trees, cannot saue ye lawes of iustice vpright. Antigonus the first, when he had often tymes suffreed Bias ymportu¦nately,With what woordes An∣tigonus gaue a talent vnto Bias, of whose ympor¦tune crauyng he coulde not bee ridde. troubleyng hym with beg∣gyng this and that: at last beeyng ouercomed with werynesse therof, sirs ({quod} he) deliuer vnto Bias a ta∣lente, thoughe it bee perforce and agaynst my stomake. Signifiyng that Bias had not with his good herte and wille obteined that benefite, but rather had forceably and by violence extorted thesame with ymportune and endelesse crauyng. Antigonus, when he hearde in the derke night season certain of hys souldyours wyshing al ye mischief possible vnto the kynge that had brought theim into that eiuil pece of way & into that moyre not pos∣sible to wade through, or to geate out of, he came to theim that were most encoumbreed,The exceding humanitee & moste noble herte of An∣tigonus, in a∣uengeyng ei∣uill woordes spokē by him. & when he had dispeched theim out of the moyre (the parties not knoweyng who had succoured and holpen theim so wel to passe through it: Now ({quod} he) curse Antigonus by whose faulte ye haue fallen into this encoum∣breaūce, but wyshe wel to thesame and praie for hym, that he hathe nowe recouered you againe, and brought you out of this goulfe or quauemoyre. With this sole auenge¦ment was the right noble herte of this kyng contented and satisfied. The same Antigonus when the grekes wer besieged in a litle prea¦tie pyle or castle, and thesame gre∣kes vpon the affiaunce and bolde¦nesse of the place (because it was a ve∣raye strong holde of so small a thyng) settyng their enemie at naught, made mu∣che and great iestyng at the defor∣mitee and bleamishes of Antigonus,Antigonus lowe of sta∣ture & hauyng a flatte nose. and made many mockes and skor¦nes, nowe at his dwarfyshe lowe stature, and nowe at his noose as flatte as a cake bruised or beatē to his face:What Anti∣gonus saied whē the Gre∣kes whom he besieged in a castle iested & ailled at him ouer the wal∣les. I am glad yet ({quod} he) and truste to haue some good chaūce & fortune by it, nowe yt I haue Silenus was the fosterfather of Bacchus, whom for his monstreous myshape, and for his fond toyes, Iupiter, Apollo, Mars, Bacchus, Mercurie and Uulcan, and the vniuersall coumpaignie of the poeticall Goddes vsed for their foole (such as our princes and noble menne haue nowe of dayes) to make theim sporte and passetyme to laugh at. For it was an eiuill disfigured apyshe bodye, croumpe shouldreed, shorte necked, snatnosed, with a sparowes mouth, full of vngracious pran∣kes of laughter, cladde in a fooles cote, neuer without his belle and his ockes combe, and his instrumente wheron to plaie toodle loodle bagpipe, muche after the facion of fooles (suche as are exhibited in Morice daunces, and suche as are peinted in many papers or clothes with wyde mouthes euer laughyng with their Iille, and hauyng fooles hoodes on their hedde wt long asses eares.) By the paterne and likenesse of this Sile∣nus, wer deuised and made in olde tyme to sette in the galaries and chaumbres of noble mēne, litle monstreous & eluyshe my∣sapen Images, so wrought that thei might bee takē one piece frō an other, & that thei had leaues to fold and to open. These Images beeyng shut cloce represented nothyng but ye likenesse of a fonde and an eiuill fauoured myshapen bodye made like a foole, blowyng on a bagpipe, or a shalme, or on some other fa∣cioned pipe, but thesame beeyng vnfolded & spred abrode she∣wed some high mysticall mater, and some excellente piece of werke ull of maiestee, moste contrarie to that it shewed to bee at the first vieu when it was shutte. Unto this sorte of Ima∣ges dooeth Alcibiades in the werke of Plato entitleed, ye ban∣quette, compare and liken Socrates, because thesame was a muche other maner manne if one sawe hym throughly, & toke vie of hi mynde and herte within, then at the first blushe in apparance of bodye he semed to bee, (as who lusteth to reade maye see more at large in the prouerbe Sileni Alcibiadis, in ye chiliades of Erasmus.) And to thesame alluded Antigonus signifiyng, that although he wer of personage, of feacture, and in shape not moste comely, nor all of the best made, yet in good qualitees of the mynde, in feactes of policie, in Marcyall pro∣wesse, in knowlage of gouernyng a royalme, and in all semble∣bl princely vertues, he gaue place to none other of his pro∣genitours the kynges that had been tofore hym. Yet Plutar∣chus saieh in the life of Demetrius, that thesame Demetrius was a veraye tall manne of personage and stature, and yet not althyng so talle as his father. Si∣lenus in mine armie. And after yt he had wt lacke of vitailles brought those choppeloges or greate prat∣leers as lowe as dogge to ye bowe, (as the manier is to dooe with su∣che persones as are taken prieso∣ners in warre,Howe menne taken prieso∣ners in bat∣tail wer vsed in olde tyme. that is to wete, such as may doo good seruice in warre to be appointed, sorted, and placed vnder one baner or another emong the ordynarie souldyours, and the residue to bee offreed to sale by an open crye) he saied that he woulde not dooe so with theim neither,The humani∣tee of Antigo¦nus and leni∣tee towarde his enemies. sa∣uyng for that it was expedient for theim to haue some maister to cor∣recte & punyshe theim whiche had suche naughty toungues. This saiyng I suppose to bee all one with yt which Plutarchus maketh mencion of, sauyng that it is otherwise tolde of Seneca. Thesame Antigonus when he had taken vp in his hande an instru∣mente writen in greate letters of texte hande: yea marie ({quod} he) these lettres are big enough to see euen for a blynde mannes yies.Antigon{us} i∣sted at ye ym∣pedimente of his own yies. Ie∣styng at the bleamyhe & ympedimēte of his owne Antigonus beeyng a sin∣gulare good mā of warre in his young lustie yeares, whē Philip∣pus ye father of Alexander, laie in siege of Perinthus (a noble citee of Thra∣cia in the coste of Propontis now called Heraclea) had the one of his yies striken clene out with the shotte of a quarrel out of a crossebowe. And many persones approchyng vnto hym, and addressyng to plucke out the quarrell, Antigonus would not suffre theim, but leat it stricke still, neither did he plucke it out, or departe asyde or ceasse fightyng, vntill he had discoūfaicted his enemies within the walles of the citee, and putte theim to flight. yies. For he had no more but one yie to see withall. But those same woordes an other bodie should not haue spoken without ieoperdie and perill of his best ioynte, which thing euen so proued & came in vre by The historie of Theocritus ye Chian, dooeth Erasmus write in the sixth boke of ye apophthegmes, as foloeth: when Theo∣critus had been attached and should be brought afore ye kyng Antigonus, and the persones, whiche led hym by the armes, bidde hym to bee of good chere, for that he should escape & bee as well as euer he had been, at the first houre of his comynge vnto the kynges yies. Naye ({quod} Theocritus) now ye putte me clene out of all hope of my life to bee saued. Geuyng a sore by∣tyng, or bloudie woorde towardes the kyng, tha the had but one yie and not yies. The kyng no sooner heard of the feloes iestyng, but he cōmaunded thesame streight wayes to bee han∣ged on the galoes.The¦ocritus ye Chian, of whom in another place and tyme shalbee mencioned. Kyng Antigonus, when word was brought vnto hym,What Anti∣gonus saied whē he heard yt his soonne Alcyoneus was slain in battaill. that his sonne Alcyoneus was slain fighting in the felde: stood hangyng downe his hedde a preatie space musynge or studiyng wt himself in his mynde, and within a whyle he brake out into these woordes: O my soonne Alcioneus thou haste chaunged lyfe for death, not so soone as of ryght thou shouldest haue dooen, which hast so vndiscretely assailled thine enemies & auentured vpon theim, not hauynge regarde neither of thyn owne lyfe, nor of my oftē war¦nynges to beware. He thought his owne sonne not woorthie to bee mourned or sorowed for,Antigonus thought hym not woorthie to bee mour∣ned for, that had beē cast a¦way through his own foly. whiche had through his owne foly myscarryed, and had been the procurer of his owne catyng awaye. This is told of the reporte of Plutarchus. Thesame Antigonus seeyng his soonne Demetrius somewhat feersly or roughly, and after a straunge sorte of lordelinesse, vsyng or han∣dleyng his subiectes ouer whiche he had Empier & dominion, saied: Soonne art thou ignoraunt that our state of reignynge, or beeyng kynges, is a seruitude faced or set out with dignitee and woorshyp? Nothyng might possibly bee spokē with more high witte or prudence.Reigne or em¦pier, sauyng for the digni∣tee is a mutu∣all seruitude. For aswell is the prince cōstreigned to serue the cōmoditee of the people, as the people to serue the turne of the prince, sauyng that the prince doeth it with a prerogatiue of dignite, that thynge excepted, in veraye deede it is a mutuall ser∣uitude of the one partie to the other. For the prince bothe nyght and daye perpetually ca∣reth for the safegarde,A prince per∣pertually ca∣reth for the welth of his subiectes. tranquillitee, defense, cō∣moditees, wealth, and auauncemente of his sub¦iectes, neuer satisfied ne pleased with his owne felicitee, excepte it be al wel with his people too. ¶Nowe to the entente that we may after a sorte make soome lykely matche of Roomains with the Grekes, we shal to Alexander sette Iulius Cesar, to Philippe we shal sette Augutus, and to Antigonus we shall turne Ponpeius of Roome. Octauius Augustus Cesar was the soonne of octauius by Iulius Cesars sisters doughter, whiche Iulius Cesar the first perpetuall Empe¦rour of Rome, had before his death made a wyl by which he adopted, that is to saie, freely chose the saied Augustus to bee his sonne and heire, and executour, and successour. Augustus then be¦yng a younge mnane absent from Rome a scho∣lare or studente in Apollonia (a goodly citee of Macedonie .vii. myles frō the sea into the lande warde, at the first inhabited by Corinthiās, pur∣posely sente thither to inhabite when it was de∣serte) afterwarde then Augustus beyng come to Roome, and sette in possession of suche gooddes as the saied Iulius had lefte vnto hym, and ha∣uyng pourchaed the fauou and beneuolence of the citezens, by reason of distributyng certain le¦gacies of Iulius vnto the people he ioyned hym selfe in societee with Marcus Antonius, and Marcus Lepidus. And these three diuided al the whole empier of Roome betwene theim to hold by stronge hande, as it had been by a iuste and right title of enheritaunce due vnto theim. In processe Augustus and Antonius (not withstan∣dyng al bondes of societee, leagasie, & allyaunce) felle out, and warred either against the other Antonius at length was driuen into Egypte, where he was receiued into the citee of Alexan∣dria, and aided by Cleopatra the Queene there, (who loued hym). And there did he gore himself through the bealy with a sweorde. And August{us} tooke Cleopatra, and all hir richese and iewei∣les, and woonne the citee. &c. WHen Rhymerales kynge of ye Thracians (who had emonge other kynges moo forsaken Antonius;Rhymirales kyng of the Thraciās, for¦sooke Anto∣nius, & tooke y• parte of Au¦gust{us} Caesar. and taken the parte of Augustus) did at a certain banquette veraye arrogantely or with many highe braggyng woordes make greate vaunte of his desertes to∣wardes Caesar,What Augu∣stus Caesar saied when Rhymirales made vaunte of his deser∣tes towardes hym. and without ende entwytyng thesame wt takyng his parte in warre, made muche tittle tattle nor would in no wyse lynne pratyng therof: Caesar makyng as though he marked not the repro∣chefull chattyng of the saied Rhy∣mirales, dranke to one other of the kynges, and saied: The treason I loue well, but the traitours I doo not cōmende. Signifiyng, no than∣kes at all to bee due vnto suche persones as haue dooen a manne a good turne by com∣mittyng treason on their owne partie.No thanke at all is due to theim yt dooe an other body a pleasure, by commityng treason on their owne behalf. For though the pleasure, that thei shewen bee for the tyme acceptable, yet are the parties selfes reputed for naughty felooes, and breakers of league and feithfull promyses afore made to another. When ye inhabitauntes of Ale∣xandria (the hedde citee of all Egypte) af∣ter their citee entreed and takē by force of armes,The clemēcie of Augustus towardes the Alexandrines when he had woone & takē their citee. thought to haue none other grace, but vtter exter∣minacion by fyer and bloudshed, Augustus gotte him vp into an high place, takyng with hym euen by ye hande one Arius a philosophier of the same citee borne, and saied vn∣to the people, that he did freely per¦don the citee:For what ca¦ses Augustus freely perdo∣ned ye citee of Alexandria. first for the greatnes and goodlinesse of the citee selfe: secondarily, for the respecte of Ale∣xander the great that was the first founder, edifier, and builder of it: and finally for to dooe his frende Arius a pleasure.Arius a philo¦sophier of A∣lexandria, to whom Augu∣stus for his learnyng she∣wed muche honoure and frendship and familiaritee. And (as Plu∣tarchus in y• life of Mar∣cus Antonius writeth) euen at this tyme besides this high pointe of honoure she∣wed towarde Arius, he did at the inter∣cession of thesame perdon many particular persones whiche had dooen hym muche displeasure, and had deserued not onely his displeasure but also all extremitee. It was a pointe of mercifulnesse not many tymes seen or heard of, not to riefle or spoyle a citee whiche had moste stubbernely and obstinately rebelled, but no lesse praise deserued that same his greate ciuilitee, that the thanke of such a be∣nefite as this was, he tooke not to hymselfe, but gaue one, yea and the principall parte of the same vnto the citee selfe, another porcion he attributed vnto Alexander, whose memo¦riall he knewe to bee of moste high accepta∣cion emong ye Alexandrines, the thirde piece he putte ouer to Arius a burgoise of the same citee, with so high a title commendyng & et∣tyng foorth his frende vnto his owne coun∣tremen. When it was complained vnto Augustus yt one Erotes the solliciter of Egypte had bought a quaille which in fightyng would beate as many as came, & at no hande could bee beatē or putte to ye wurse, and the∣same quaill beeyng rosted, to ha∣ue eaten vp euery morsell: he com∣maunded the feloe to bee brought afore hym, and the cause well dis∣cussed, ymmediately vpon the par¦ties confessyng of y• cause, he com∣maunded yesame to bee hanged vp on ye toppe of a maste of a shippe.Erotes y• sol∣liciter of E∣gypte putte to death by Au∣gustus for ea∣tyng of a quaille. Iudgeyng hym vnwoorthie to liue, who for so small a delite of his onely throte, or dentie mouth, had not spared a byrde, whiche in fightyng might many a long daye & to many a persone haue shewed plea∣sure and solace, and the whiche furthermore by a certain gladde signe of good lucke to ensue betokened vnto Caesar perpetuall suc¦sesse and prosperyng in his warres. In the countree of Sicile in the stede or place of Theodore he made Arius capitain or lieuetenaūt.Tharsus the chief citee in Cilicia, wher saincte Paule was borne. And when a certain persone putte vp vnto Caesar a supplicaciō or bille of complainte, in whiche wer writen these woordes, The pield pated Theo∣dore of Tharsus was a briber and a theefe, what semeth you? The bille perused, Augustus subscribed nothyng but this onely, Mesemeth. Unto Athenodorus a philosophier by ye pretexte or excuse of olde age makyng instaunte requeste thatAthenodorus a philosophi∣er in ye tyme of Augustus. There was also an other Athenodorus a philosophi∣er of Athenes of whō Plu∣tarchus both in the life of Alexāder and also of Pho∣cion maketh mencion. And the thirde, a werker of I∣magerie in metal a Rho∣dian born, of whom is mē∣cioned in the xxxiiii. and in ye .xxxvi. boke of Plynie. he might haue licence to departe home again into his countree, Au∣gustus graūted his desire. But whē Athenodorus had takē his leaue and all of the emperour, beeyng in mynde and wille to leaue with the same some monumēte or token of remembreaunce meete & semyng for a philosophier, this he saied more thē euer he had dooen tofore Sir emperour, at what tyme thou shalte bee angreed, neither saie, ne dooe thou any thyng, before that yu shalt haue rekened vp by rewle one after other in thy mynde the names of the .xxiiii. lettres of the greke alphebete. Thē Caesar frēdly takyng the philosophiers hande in his, saied:What coun∣saill Atheno∣dorus a philosophier gaue vnto August{us} against y• fu∣rious heat of sodain angre yet a whyle longer haue I nede of thy coumpaignie & presence about me. And so kept hym there with hym still euen a full yere more, allegyng for his purpose, that same the prouerbe of the Grekes. Of feithfull silence, the re∣wardes are daungerlesse.Of feithfull silence the re∣wardes are daungerlesse. Either al∣lowyng the philosophiers sentēce, for that in deede to represse and kepe in ones angre that it breaketh not out into woordes,To kepe in angre that it breke not out into woordes is a poincte of safetie. wer a thyng sure and safe from all perill of after clappes: orels meanyng, that it should haue been a good turne to the philosophier, if he had spoken no suche woorde at the later ende beeyng in purpose and readynesse to departe his waye. Albeeit, suche an holsome and espe¦ciall good lesson deserued to haue some roy∣all rewarde and recompense.An holsome lesson geuyng deserueth at ye handes of a price an high recompense When he had heard saie, that Alexander beeyng twoo and thirtie yeres of age,Alexander at ye age of .xxxii yeres hauyng woonne al∣mote all the worlde, dou∣ted what he shuld haue to dooe all ye re∣sidue of his ife. after hauyng passed ouer not a fewe regions or coun∣trees of the worlde, had putte a greate doubte what he might ha∣ue to dooe all ye residue of his life to come, Augustus meruailled muche if Alexāder had not iudged it a gre¦ater acte or werke well to gouerne an empier gotten, then to haue ac∣quired or purchaced a large and ample dicion. Of good right did he reproue the vnsaciable ambicion of Alexan∣der,How Augu∣stus reproued ye vnsaciable ambicion of Alexander. whiche had estemed none other office be¦longyng to a kyng, but to enlarge the pre∣cincte or limites of his dominion, wheras it is a greate dele bothe a more goodly thyng and also more harde,It is bothe more goodlye and also more harde wt good lawes & ma∣niers to ad∣ourne a kyng¦dome, then by warre to adde royalme to royalme. with right and iuste lawes, and with honest or goodly maners to beautifie a royalme that to a manne is falle is fallē then wt dynte of sweorde to adde kyngdome to kyngdome? Augustus had enacted and publy¦shed a lawe cōcernyng adulterers after what fourme of processe per∣sones detected of this crime shuld bee iudged,August{us} Cae∣sar made a lawe, yt there should bee no adulterers, or if any suche wer found, yt thei should be punished And it was called, Lex Iulia, and what kynde of pu¦nyshement thesame should haue, if thei wer cōuinced or found guil¦tie. Afterward, in a rage or furie of wrathe, he flewe on a young manne accused of hauyng to dooe with Iulia the doughter of Augustus, and all to pumleed thesame with his handes. But when the young manne had cryed out in this ma∣ner, O sir emperour, ye haue made and set foorth alawe of this mater it repented the emperour so sore of his dooyng,Augustus wt his owne hā∣des beate a young māne detected of ha∣uyng to dooe wt Iulia his doughter. that he refused to ta∣ke or eate his supper that daye. The offense euen of it self was hainous and besides that, trespaced in the emperours owne doughter. What prince in suche a case could tempre his dolour & angre? Or who in suche a case could abyde the long processe of the lawes and of iudgementes? yet this so greate a prince tooke suche displeasure with hymselfe, yt he punyshed his owne per∣sone, because he had not in all poyntes been obediente vnto the lawe,August{us} sore repented yt he had in his fu∣ dooen con∣trarie to the lawe, whiche hym self had made. whiche himself had geuen vnto others. At what tyme he sent Caius his doughters soonne into the coūtree of ArmeniaArmenia, a royalme in Asia, lyyng betwene the twoo greate mountaines, Taurus and Cancasus, and stretcheth on length from ye coūtree of Cappadocia vnto ye sea called Mare Caspiū. with an armie against the Parthians,What Augu∣stus wyshed vnto Caius, his doughters soonne, when he sente hym into Armenia an warrefare against the Parthians. he wished of the god∣des, yt there might goo with hym, the Of Pompeius it is writen, that neuer had any other per∣sone of the Romaines the propense fauour and beneuolence of all the people, either sooner begoonne in his young dayes, or in his prosperitee on all behalfes more assured and strong orels when good fortune failled hym, more costaunte in long contynuyng. And iuste causes there wer (saieth Plutarchus in his life) moo then one, wherefore the people did beare suche hertie loue towardes hym, his chaste liuyng, his expertenesse in feactes Marciall, his eloquence of toungue to persuade any mater, his substanciall and true dealyng, and his sobrenesse or humilitee to bee communed withall. He neuer desired or asked any thyng of any persone, but with an heauie moode as one lothe to aske, he neuer did any thyng at the requeste of another but with a gladde chere, as one prest & readie to dooe all per∣sones good. And of his good giftes or graces, one was to geue nothyng after a disdaignefull or stately sorte, an other, to re∣ceiue nothyng but as though it had been a large and high be∣nefite, wer it in deede neuer so sendre. Euen of his childehood he had a countenaunce or looke of no small grace to allure and wynne the hertes and fauour of the people. &c. hertie beneuolence of mēne whiche Pompeius had, ye auenturus courage Of the stomake, courage & hardynesse of Alexander, besides the testimonie of Plutarchus, of Quintus Curtius, & of other historiographiers, sufficiente declaraciō maye bee taken by his ieoperdyng to ride the vnbroken horse Bucephalus (of whiche in the .xl. apophthegme of Alexander it is afore mencioned) and by auenturyng ouer the oodde of Granicus, wherof reade in the fifth apophthegme of Alexander. Neither was ther any so high, so harde, or so daungerous an entreprise, that Alexander would feare to attempte and to auenture. At the age of .xvi. ye∣res he sette vpon the Megarians, and thesame discoumfeicted and vanquished. He sought the waye to the temple of Ammon through wildernesse, where bothe he and all his coumpaignie should haue been lost, had it not fortuned hym to bee brought into his ways again, and to bee counduicted or guided by a flight of crowes. In pursuyng Darius he rode .iiii.C. myles in tenne dayes vpon one horse. At the toune of Gordium (the prin¦cipall toune of all Phryia) wheras there was in the temple of Iupiter a wayne with thonges, writhen and wounde with so diffuse a knotte, that noman could vndooe it, and a prophecie dependyng of thesame, that whosoeuer could vndooe y• knotte should achiue and obtein the Empier of the whole vniuersall worlde, Alexander perceiuyng the knotte to bee ouer buisie to bee vndooen with his hādes, neglected al religion and supersti∣cious feare, and wt his sweorde chopped me it quyte in soon∣dre at a stroke. These thynges & many others mo did Alexan∣der whereby is euident what stomake and courage he was of. that was in Alexander, & theAs touchyng the felicitee and good fortune of Augustus, Cornelius Nepos in the life of Pomponius Atticus saieth in this manier. So high and greate prosperitee foloed Augu∣stus Caesar, that fortune leaft nothyng vngeuen to hym, that euer she had at any tyme afore conferred or purchaced to any liuyng creature, and that was possible for a citezen of Roome to haue. Whiche he addeth, because Augustus was no kynge. For at that daye it was not leefull for a citezen of Roome to bee a kyng, and it was high treason if any manne attempted to bee a kyng. happie fortune yt hymself had. What was in euery of the said three per¦sones seuerally the chief and highest poincte thesame did Augustus wishe to bee in one manne alone. But as for this thyng, truely it proceded of a singulare humblenesse,The humble∣nesse and mo∣destie of Au∣gustus. that beeyng a manne in witte, in knowlage, and in policie excellyng, he ascribed his owne no¦ble actes vnto fortūe. And would not take theim vpon hymself. He saied that he would leaue behynd hym vnto ye Romaines suche a successour in the Empier, as ne∣uer consulted or tooke deliberaciō twys of one mater. Menyng by Tiberius.The readie witte and po∣licie of Ti∣berius. A manne of a veraie readie witte and of greate policie. On a tyme whē his mynde was to pacifie certain young gentlemē of high dignitee, and thei tooke no regarde vnto his woordes, but persisted in their querele & noyse makyng: heare me,The autorite of Augustus, euē of a yoūg manne. ye yoūg mēne ({quod} Augusns) to whom beeyng but a young manne, olde folkes haue geuen eare. For Augustus beeyng scacely come to mannes state was putte to haue dooynges in the commenweale,The clemēci of Augustus. & was of right high autoritee. With this onely sai∣yng he appeaced ye parties that wer at strife neither did he ministre any ferther punyshe∣mente to thesame, for ye troubleous rumour and noyse by theim areised and stiered vp. When the people of Athenes se∣med to had trespaced against hym in a certain matier, he wrote vnto thē frō ye citee of Aegina in this ma∣ner.What Augu∣stus wrote to the Atheniens hauyng tres∣paced against hym. I suppose not it to bee to you vnknowen that I am angry with you. And in deede I purpose not to lye here at Aegina all this wyn∣ter to come? Neither did he any thynge els speake or dooe vnto the saied Atheniens, rekenyng sufficiente to manace and threaten theim, onlesse thei would sur∣ceasse so to abuse hym. Whē one of the accusers of Eu∣clides takyng his libertee and plea¦sure to tell his tale at large, and to speake euen his bealye full, at the last had gon so ferre, that he spake muche what these woordes folow∣yng: If all these thynges seme not to your grace high and greate ma¦ters, cōmaunde hym to rendre vn∣to me the seuenth volume of Thuci∣dides: Caesar beeyng highly displea∣sed wt those woordes cōmaunded ye saied accuser to be had to warde.The clemēcie of Augustus. But as soone as he heard that the same partie was alone remaining aliue of the of sprynge of Brasidas a stoute and valiaunte Capitain of the Lacede∣monians, slain in battail in defendyng the Grekes whiche in∣habited Thracia. For at his first settyng foorth towardes bat∣taill, he wrote vnto the officers of Lacedemon, that either he woulde putte of for euer all the eiuill that was in battail, orels he would dye for it. And whē word of his death was brought by ambassadours, purposely sent therfore to his mother Ar∣chileonide, at the first woorde that euer she spake, she demaun∣ded whether Brasidas had dyed with honour or not. And whē the Thracians praised his manhood, and saied that the citee of Lacedemon had not his feloe leaft in it, yes yes ({quod} the woman again,) full litle dooe ye knowe, what maner feloes the Lace∣monians are. In deede ({quod} she) Brasidas was a right good man of his handes, but yet the citee of Lacedemon hath many better mēnes bodyes then Brasidas was. For the respecte & memorie of this noble and valiaunte capitain, Augustus perdoned the vnmeasurable accusar of Euclides.Brasidas, he bidde ye same come to hym, and after a moderate or gentle correp∣cion leat hym goo at his libertee. Unto Piso substancyally buyl∣dyng an hous euen from the foun¦dacion vnto the vttermost raftre∣yng and reirynge of the roofe,What Augu∣stus saied vn∣to Piso buil∣dyng a sub∣stāciall hous. Au∣gustus saied: O Piso, thou puttest me in good cumforte, and makest my herte glad, in that thou so makest thy buyldinges, as though Rome must euer endure and contynue to the worldes ende. He was not offē∣ded with the ouer curious furniture of ede∣fiyng:Augustus en∣terpreted the dooynges of menne to the better parte & not to the wurse. but yt some other prince woulde haue suspected & mistrusted to meane some spiece After the expulsion and final exterminacion of kynges out of the citee of Roome, if any manne either had any high or large mansion place, or attempted any sumptuous or ample buil∣dyng, he encurred suspicion of tyrannie, and of takyng a kyn∣ges croune and power vpon hym: in so muche, that Ualerius Publicola a noble manne of Roome, & one of the chief dooers in expulsyng Tarquinius the proude the laste kyng of Roome because he had a faire hous and high, and nere vnto the kyn∣ges palaice, was not free of that suspicion, but to declare hym selfe was fain to pul down his hous sticke and stone euen to ye plain grounde. Thesame thyng purchaced vnto Pompeius al∣so and diuers others muche enuie, and suspicion of vsurpyng a kynges power, whiche to dooe in Roome at those daies was the moste high and ranke treason that could bee.of tyranny, Augustus turned vnto a glad begynnyng and prophecie of the Empier of Roome longe to endure. Thus ferre hathe Plutarchus in his treactise of apophtheg∣mes. The apophthegmes folowyng are for the moste parte taken of Macrobius, and out of Suetonius. Augustus had writen a tragedie entitleed Aiax,The tragedie of Augustus called Aiax. and yesame tragedie afterwarde (because it myslyked hym) he wyped out with a spoūge. So, whē one Lucius a writer of tra∣gedies demaunded, what is Aiax did: by my feith ({quod} Augustus woun∣dreous merely again) he hath rēne hymself through with a spounge.Augustus his Aiax ranne hymselfe tho∣rowe wyth a spounge. Alludyng to the argumente or mater of the entrelude, in the whiche it is conteined, y• This Aiax was ye sonne of Telamō & of Hesione ye doughter of Laomedon, and was the moste valiaunte and moste woorthie knight of all the Grekes, next after Achilles. But when Achil∣les was slain, Aiax required to haue his harnesse and weapen, as a manne moste apte and mete to haue the wearyng and vse of it. Ulysses also made suite for thesame, and by helpe of his eloquente toung preuailled against Aiax, and had the said har∣nesse deliuered vnto hym by the iudges. For angre wherof Aiax felle madde, and in his madnesse went emong an hearde of catalle and slewe a greate noumbre of theim, weenyng to hym that he had slain Ulysses and his coūpaignie. Afterwarde beeyng come to hymselfe again, whē he considered his folyes, he killed hymselfe synkyng downe on the poincte of his owne sweorde.Aiax, as soone as he wyst what thinges he had bothe saied and dooen in the tyme of his madnesse, ranne or sounke downe vpon the poincte of his owne sweord, & kylled himself. To a certain persone presenting vnto him a supplicaciō fearefully,What Augu∣st{us} said to one fearefully put¦tyng vp a sup¦plicacion vn∣to hym. nowe puttyng forth his hand, and nowe pullynge it backe again, he saied: what? doest thou thynke thy selfe to geue a penie to an Elephante For litle boyes vsed to holde foorth and to geue litle pieces of coyne to an Elephante whiche pieces of coyne the same Elephante, (not without the woundreyng of the behol∣ders) will in suche wyse snatche vp quickely with his longe snoute, that he wyll not hurt the childes hande. In the same wyse doo wee see children ptte their hande into the ya∣nyng mouthe of beares, not wtout our feare. It was to this moste good prince a mater of greef, that he was feared.It was gre∣uous to Au∣gust{us} that he was fared. When one Pacinnius Taurus asked a rewarde of hym,Howe Augu∣stus auoyded one Pacii∣us askynge a rewarde of hym beeyng not disposed to geue. allegiyng to be spred abrode by the comē voice of the people, that no smal summe of money had been geuen to hym by the emperour: well ({quod} Caesar) yet be not thou of mynde to beleue it. By a pleasaunte woorde of ieste dooing hym to weete that he would none geue hym The other partie looked to haue it come to passe, that Cesar woulde saue his honestee, left that, (in case it should come to light and bee openly knowen the saied bruite and com∣municacion of ye people to bee nothyng true) he should bee had in derisiō. But Augustus shewed hym another remedie, whiche was, that he should suffre the people to talke their pleasure, and to saie what thei would, so that thei persuaded not to hym the thynge that were false. An other persone beeyng dismis∣sed and putte from ye capitainship of a compaignie of horsemen,Howe Augu∣st{us} auoided a feloe askynge a pensiō whē he was putte from the ca∣pitainship of a compaignie of horsemen. was not afeard for al that to require of Agrustus a greate fee too, by this co¦lour, allegeing himself not to aske suche waiges or pension for any lucre or gaines, but (saieth he) to ye ende that I maye appere to haue obteined suche rewarde or recom∣pense by your graces iudgement, and so maye bee verayly beleued, not to haue been put from myne office against my wil, but willyng¦ly to haue resigned & geuen it vp: well ({quod} Augustus) saie thou to euery bodye that thou haste receiued it, and I will not saie naye. If no∣thynge els moued the crauer, but onely the feare of shame & reproche, a way was shewed by whiche he might aswell saue his honestee emong the people, as if he had in deede recei∣ued the money, that he asked. A certain young manne named Herennius beeyng with many vices corrupted, the emperour had com∣maunded to auoid his campe and armie. And when the partie beyng discharged of his roome, did with fallyng on his knees, and wt most lamentable blubbering or weping in this maner beseche themperour not so to putte hym awaye: Alas sir, with what face shal I retourne into my countree? and what shall I saie vnto my father? Marie ({quod} Augustus) saie, that I haue loste thy fauour. Because the young manne was ashamed to confesse that hymselfe had encurred the disfauour of Cesar, Cesar per∣mitted hym to turne the tale in and out, and laie the wyte or blame on hymselfe the saied Augustus. A certain souldyour of his ha∣uyng been strieken with a stone in a viage on warrefare,Howe Augu∣stus did putte to silence a souldyour of vnmeasura∣bly gloriyngs of his actes & woundes re∣ceiued in bat∣taill. and beeyng thereby with a notable scarre of ye wounde in his forehed disfygured because he bare the open marke of an honest wounde, bosted and cra∣ked beyond all measure of ye great actes yt he had dooen. The presum¦ptuous vaūtyng of this souldyer Augustus thus chastised after a gen¦tle sorte: well sir, ({quod} he) yet beware yt ye looke backe no more in your rennyng awaye. Halfe notifiyng that it might full well bee, that the wounde, whiche he gloried and braggued of so highly, he caught not in fightyng manfully, but in fleeyng cowardely. One Galba hauyng a bodye mis∣shapen with a great bunche which bossyng out made him crookebac∣ked (in so muche that there went a cōmen saiyng on hym, the witte of Galba to be lodged in an eiuil dwel¦lyng place) where this Galba plea∣dyng a cause before Augustus euery other whyle saied these woordes, emend & streighten me Caesar, if ye shall see in me any thing woorthie to bee reprehended or disallowed:The feacte & mery aūswer of Augustus vnto Galba. Naye Galba (saied Augustus) I maye tell ye what is amysse, but streigh∣ten the I can not. A thyng is saied in latin corrigi, & in englyshe to bee emēded or streightened, yt is reproued or disallowed and also that of crooked is made streight. Whē a greate mainy persones arrained at ones at the pursuite & accusacion of Seuerus Cassius wer dis¦petched and ridde in iudgemente euery one of theim, and the carpen¦ter with whom Augustus had coue∣naunted and bargained,August{us} wy∣shed yt Cassi∣us Seuerus had acused his courte hous that he had pute to makyng, for then it should haue been rid disetched as all those wer whom y• said Cassius accused. for edifi∣yng a courte hous where to sitte in iustice, delaied hym a long time with cōtynuall lookyng and loo∣kyng when that werke should bee finyshed: full gladly would I ({quod} Caesar,) that Cassius had accused my courte The latin woorde, Forum, in one significacion is a courte hous, or a place where to sitte in iustice, suche as is Westmyn∣ster halle, or the Sterre chaumber, or Guilde halle. And wee eade of three suche courtehouses or Guilde halles in Roome one that was called, forum latiū, or forum Romanū, whiche the aunciente Romains vsed at the begynnyng: the secounde that was called forum Caesaris dictatoris, whiche Iulius Caesar builded, and had there standyng his image in harnesse like a Capitain and a knight of puissaunce: and the thyrde Au∣gustus erected within the temple of Mars, that was called, Vltor, Mars the auenger. house too. He found a ma∣ter of testyng in a vocable of double signifi∣cacion. For bothe a piece of werke is saied in latin, absolui, & in englyshe, to bee despetched or ridde, that is finyshed and brought to a perfecte ende, & also a persone that in a mater of iustice or lawe is quytte and deliuered. Bothe a maister carpēter riddeth his werke and also a iudge riddeth a persone aunswe∣ryng before hym to the lawe at the barre. In olde tyme greate was the obseruaūce of sepulchres:In olde tyme the rligiō or obseruaunce of sepulchre was greate. and that porcion of mennes groundes whi¦che was especially appoincted for their monumentes or graues, was not broken with any ploughe. Wherupon when one Vectius bee∣yng wt this poincte of religion no thyng afeard,What Augu∣st{us} saied, whē one Uectius brake vp his owne fathers graue with a plouhe. had eared vp his fa¦thers graue, Augustus made a plea∣saunte ieste of it, saiyng: yea marie this is euen in veraye deede to harroe and visite ones fathers mo¦nument. Yet ones again he dalyed wt a worde of double significaciō. For the latin verbe, colere, in one significaciō is to honour or to wurship, and in an other significacion it is to tille or to housbande, as grounde or any other sembleable thyng is housbanded. Whiche I translate to harroe or to visite, as we saie that Christe harroed helle, and visi∣ted hell when he descended downe to helle ymme¦diatly after his passiō, and pourged, scoured, or clensed the same of suche solles as hym pleased. And visityng is in englyshe a kynde of shewyng honour, as wee viset sicke folkes & priesoners to dooe theim honour and coumforte. It had been a double amphibologie, at lest wyse for the latin if in stede of, monumente, he had saied, memoriall, as I thynke Augustus did saie in deede. For vnto vs high & holy is the memoriall of those, whō beeyng out of this life departed, wee honour, (as y• memoriall of all saintes and of all folkes departed in the true feith o Christe.) And the monumentes of persones deceassed wee call their memorials by imitacion of the grekes, who callen the∣same , or, . When the bruite of Herode his crueltee was come to the eares of Augustus, how yt the said Herode It is, I thynke, to no Christian manne vnknowen the moste detestable slaughter of infantes whiche Herode caused to bee slain rounde aboute all the precinctes of Bethleem for the hatered of Iesus, and vpon the querele, that he had been moc∣ked by the wyse menne that were called, Magi, as appeareth in the secounde chapitour of the Gospell of Matthewe. And that the Iewes should eate no swynes fleashe, was prescribed vnto theim in the lawe of Moses by God hymselfe, in the .xi. Chapter of Leuiticus, and in the .xiiii. of Deuteronomium. Where are forbydden all vnclene meates. And vnclene are ac∣coumpted as many kyndes of beastes, as dooe not both diuide the hoof into twoo clawes, and also chewe the cudde.had commaunded to bee murdreed & slain all ye young babes in Iewrie as many as wer not aboue ye age of twoo yeres,It is better to bee the hog of Herode (saied August{us}) then his soonne. & how that emong ye moo Herode his owne soonne also had gon to ye potte as well as the best: yea ({quod} Augustus) it is muche better to bee Herode his hog, then his soonne. Herode was a Iewe. And the Iewes of a greate conscience & of a rewle dooē abstein frō eatyng of allmaner swynes fleashe. So yt Herode would kill no swyne. Augustus after the takyng and entreyng ye citee of Alexandria, had graūted life to many persones for Arius ye philosophiers sake:Of Arius & of ye takynge of Alexādria it is noted a∣fore in the .ii. apophhegme of Agustus. yet one Sostratus (a manne in deede of a ve∣raye readie toungue and especiall good vttreaunce,Sostrat{us} an Alexandrine a māne of spe∣ciall good vt∣treaunce, but eddyly ta∣kyng on hym to be an Aca∣demique. but yet of suche sorte, that he encurred the indigna¦cion of Caesar, for that vndiscretely or harebrainlike he would nedes in any wyse bee reputed and takē for an Academique,) he would not heare, ne receiue to grace. But the saied Sostratus, in raggued apparell as one yt had no ioye of the worlde and with his hore white bearde hangyng down of a greate lēgth,Of philoso∣phiers Acade∣miques is a∣fore noted in the saiynges of Plato. begoonne to folowe Arius at the heeles whethersoeuer yesame went hauyng euer in his mouthe this litle verse of greke,Why Augu∣stus woulde not at ye firste perdone So∣stratus emōg other of ye A∣lexādrines at the intercessi∣on of Arius. Wise menne, if in deede thei wise bee, Can saue wise menne, and make theim free. By this craftie meanes he constreigned Caesar in maner parforce to geue hym per∣done. Albit Caesar prdoned hym (saieth Plutarchus in the life of Antonius,) more forto delyuer Arius from enuie, then Philostratus from feare. For so dooeth Plutarchus call hym and not by the name of Sostratus. When he was now fowertie yeres olde and vpward, and laie from Roome in Gallia, it was by presentemente brought vnto hym yt Lucius Cinna a young gentleman of noble birth,Cinna ye nef∣fewe of Pō∣peius sought to destrui the persone of Augustus. that is to saie, the neffewe of Pōpeius, wrought treasō against his persone & went about to destruie him. Plain relaciō was made, where, when and how the traitours entended to assaill hym. For thei had purposed and fully resolued to murdre hym,A notable hi∣storie, howe August{us} Cae∣sar made a {per}petuall frēde of Cina, who had secretely wrought high treason aga∣inst his per∣sone to destrui hym. when he should nexte bee in dooyng sacri∣fice. The enditemente and sentēce of atteindour of ye said Cinna was sette on werke to bee drawen and engrossed. But Augustus speakyng at that presente many woordes to this and that soundrie purposes, (Concernyng how Cinna should bee vsed) In cometh Liuia ye wife of Augustus.The consail of Liuia the wife of Au∣gustus, geuen to hir hous∣bande. Sir, saieth she, dooe ye accordyng to ye guyse & vsage of ye physicians who at suche tymes as ye customa¦ble medicines wil not werke, dooē assaye & proue ye contraries. With rigour & sharpe execuciō yet vnto this daye litle haue ye preuailled, now an other while practise to bee mercifull. Cinna beeyng thus foūd and proued faultie or culpable is not of power to dooe a poinctes woorth of harme to your life, but to your renoume he maye dooe much good. Immediately herupō Augustus cōmaūded Cinna to be sent for by hymself alone to come and talke wt hym.How Augu∣st{us} vsed Cin∣na, beeyng found & pro∣ued an offen∣der in highe treason aga∣inst his per∣sone. As soone as he was come, the Emperour caused an o∣ther chaire to bee sette for Cinna. Then spake ye Emperour & saied: First and foremust o Cinna this I require of the, that thou dooe not interrupt ne breake me of tellyng my tale. Thou shalt haue tyme & leasure enough to saie thy mynde at large, when I haue dooen. Thē after ye rehersall of diuerse & soon∣drie his benefites towardes Cinna how yt he had saued his life & par∣doned hym beeyng foūd in ye cāpe of his enemies:The benefi∣tes of Augu∣stus Caesar towardes Cinna. how that he had re¦leassed & graūted vnto hym al his whole patrimonie and inheriaūce, (whiche of right he ought to hau forfaicted and lost) how that ouer and besides this, he had ornated, enhaūced or promoted hym with the dignitee of a prebēde in a college of prestes: After ye rehersall of all these thyn∣ges, he demaūded for what cause Cinna thought hym woorthie to be killed. Cinna beeyng herewith vt∣terly dismaied, Augustus in this ma∣ner ended his chidyng. Well Cin∣na, now this is twyse that I per∣done the of thy life, ones afore bee¦yng myn open enemie, and now ye secounde tyme a werker of priue treason against me, and gooyng about to destrui me thy naturall prince. Frō this daye foorthward leat amitee & frendeship begynne betwene vs twoo, leat vs striue to¦gether, whether I haue more feith fully to trust vnto, geuen the thy life, or thou bound vnto me for the same. And foorthwith he offreed vnto Cinna the Consulship. Will ye knowe the ende what foloed? Caesar had of Cinna from thensfoorth a veraye assured frende, and when Cinna dyed, was mad and leaft his sole executour & heire. Neither was Augustus any more after that daye by any persone liuyng assaulted wt any priue treason against his persone. Augustus vsed to saie naye, in ma¦ner to no persone that would de∣sire hym to any banquette.Augustus v∣sed not to saie naye, almoste to any {per}sone that woulde desire hym to any feaste or banquet. And so beeyng on a tyme receiued and en¦treteined by a certain persone wt a veraye spare supper, and in ma∣ner cotidiā or ordynarie fare, whē he should depart from the maker of the feast, he whispreed softely in his eare, nothyng but this:What Augu∣stus saied to one who had entreteined him at a spare supper. I had not thought myself to bee so fami∣liare vnto the. Some other prince would haue enterpreted suche bare puruey∣aūce to be a plain despite & mockage, but Au¦gustus ferthermore saued the honestee of the partie that had desired hym to supper, ym∣putyng it vnto familiaritee, and that in the parties eare, lest the others might thynke niggardship to bee vpbraided vnto hym, and cast in his teeth. What thyng maie bee more amiable then this courtesie,Augustus an high & migh∣tie prince. in so greate a Monarche, as at this daie vneth thirtie kyn¦ges sette to gether wer well hable throughly to matche? Beeyng about to bye a piece of purple of Tyros makyng,Tyros an ysle where y• este purple was made. he found faulte that it was ouer darke and sadde of colour. And when the sel∣ler saied, lift it vp on high sir, and then looke vp to it: why thē ({quod} Cae∣sar) to haue the people of Roome saie that I goo well beseē in myn apparell, must I bee fain to walke on ye solares or loftes of my hous? Augustus had a biddel veraye ob∣liuius, wheras this sorte of menne ought chiefly emōg all other thyn¦ges to bee of especiall good memo¦ries.What a prea¦tie quippe Au¦gustus gaue vnto a biddel of his, beeyng a feloe veraye obliuious. This biddelle beeyng about to go vnto ye guilde halle, demaū∣ded of the Emperour, whether his pleasure wer to commaund hym with any seruice thither. Marie ({quod} Caesar) take wt the our letters of Letters of commendacion, he mened lettres directorie, or lettres of addresse, that is to saie, lettres that should expressely contein aswell the name of euery persone that he had any ma∣tier vnto, as also the message that should bee dooen or saied vnto thesame, that the biddell might not faill though he wer of hymselfe forgettefull.cōmendaciō, for thou knowest no man there.The propre office & due∣tie of a biddel And yet is it ye proper office & dutie of such biddelles (who wer cal∣led in latinNomenclator, is a vocable cōpouned of y• latin word, nom and of the greke diccion a caller, reherser, or rekener. So that nomēclatores wer those that we call bidelles. To whom peculiarly apperteined to knowe by herte the names, ordres and degrees of all persones. For their office was o call and reken vp at tymes requisite all persones, as senatour, al∣derman, comener, Lorde, knight, esquier, gentleman, yeoman, freeman, bondeman, & euery partie accordyng to his state, de∣gree, hauour, office or occupaciō. As for exaumple, in courtes of iustice, persones sued at the lawe, or in solemne feastes, (suche as in olde tyme the consuls, the pretours, and other hedde of∣ficers of Roome made vnto the citezens, and suche as now in London and other cites and townes of Englande the Mai∣our make doeth vnto the inhabitauntes or y• sergeaūtes at the lawe when they bee first created) the name of all the geastes, whom the feaster muste in the dyner tyme haill, salute, & wel∣come eche partie by his name & accordyng to his degree. The did also attend on suche persones as stood for the consulship the preatourship, the tribuneship or any other of the chief offi∣ces at euery chaunge from yere to yere in Roome, and when neede was, shewed the partie that sued for the office, the names of those persones whose fauoure & voice thesame should su and desire to haue towarde his eleccion and creacion. Where∣fore Cato is muche praised in the histories, for that he duely obserued and kept y• lawe, whiche lawe did forebidde that any suche byddelles should awaite on any persone suynge for an office, but would yt euery such suter standyng for any such ma∣gistrate, should knowe to salute & cal euery citezen by his nam without the helpe of any byddelle to prompe hym. Suche bid∣delles haue euery crafte in London that knowe euery persone of that crafte that thei belonge vnto, and their dwellyng pla∣cs, their degrees, their aūcientee, who bee maisters of y• craft who haue been wardens, and wardens peeres, who bee bach∣lers, who bee in y• liuerie, and who be not yet come to it. Such biddelles haue the vniuersitees, whose office is to knowe who een regentes, & who none regēes, to present y• inferiour gra∣duates to their superiours at their circuites gooyng, or at di∣sputacions, at takyng degree of schoole, at obites, at generall processions, or at other actes scholasticall. And to vse & to place euery persone accordyng to his degree. his auncientie of stan∣dyng, his dignitee, or his office. &c. And these biddelles maye well bee called in latin nomenclatores. Nomēclatores) to haue perfecte knowlage and remembreaūce of the names, of the surnames, and of ye titles of dignitees of all persones, to the ende that thei maie helpe the remembreaunce of their maisters in thesame whē neede is. Of whiche propre∣tee was their name geuen theim too. For thei wer called, Nomenclatores, by a woorde compouned of latin & greke mixt together. Augustus beeyng yet a young thyng vnder mānes state, touched Vatinius feactely & after a pleasaūte sorte.Howe Augu∣stus touched one vatinius sembleyng y• he had clene shaken of the disease of the goute. For this Vatinius beeyng eiuil coumbreed wt a spiece of the goute laboured to appere yt he had clene putte a waye that ympedimente, and made a proude braggue that he could now goo a whole myle at a walke. I meruaill nothyng ther at ({quod} Caesar) for the dayes are of a good length more then thei wer. Signifiyng the other partie to bee not one whytte more free from the disease of the goute, then he was, but the dayes to haue weaxed longer. After the deceasse of a certain knight of Roome, it came to light & was certainly knowē thesame to bee so ferre in debte, yt the sūme am¦moūted to twoo hūdred thousāde crounes & aboue. And this had ye saied knight duryng his life tyme kept secrete. So, when his good∣des was preised for to bee sold, to the ende that ye creditours might bee satisfied & paied of the money to bee leuied of ye sale, Augustus wil∣led and commaūded the matresse or vnderquilte of ye knightes owne bedde chaumbre to bee bought for hym.The bedde of a persone bee∣yng in greate debte is an vnrestefull thyng. And to his gētlemē hauyng meruaill at suche cōmaundement: It is a necessarie thyng ({quod} Augu∣stus) for me (to thende that I maie take my naturall slepe in ye night) to haue ye same mattresse on whi∣che that manne could take reste & slepe beeyng endebted for so great a summe of money. For Augustus by reason of his greate cares many a tyme & oft passed ouer the moste parte of the night without so muche as one wynke of slepe.The high cu∣res of a good prince. On a certain daye it fortuned hym to come into the hous, where Cato surnamed the Vticensian had en¦habited in his life tyme.Cato killed hymselfe at Utica that he might not co∣me alie into the handes of Iulius Cae∣sar. And so when one Strabo, for to flater Caesar, spake many sore woordes against the obstinacie of the said Cato, Cato the Uticensian, or Cato of Utica, was Cato the elders soonnes soonnes soonne. This Cato the younger in the ciuile battaill betwene Iulius Caesar and Pompeius the greate, tooke parte with Pompeius. And when Caesar begoonne to weaxe strōger and to preuaill, Cato fledde vnto Utica (a toune in Aphrica .xxx. myles from the cytee of Carthago) and held thesame with a stronge garrison of menne of warre. And whē he sawe that Caesar had conquered, & he muste needes bee ta∣ken, he killed hymself because he would not come aliue into the handes of Iulius Caesar. And because he did this at Utica, he was surnamed Uticensi. Cato of Utica, for a distinccion frō the other Cato his greate graundefather. Reade of this more in the .xiii. apophthegme of Iulius Caesar. in yt he thought better to kille hym∣selfe with his owne handes, thē to agnise and knowlage Iulius Caesar for his conquerour,He that is cō∣tented wt the presente state of his time, is a good sub∣iecte & an ho∣neste manne. whatsoeuer persone ({quod} Augustus) is vnwillyng to haue ye present state of a commē¦weale, which is in his dayes chaū¦ged or altreed, thesame is both a good citezen and membre of a com¦menweale, & also a perfecte good honeste manne. With one sole sai∣yng, he bothe defended the memorie of Cato and also spake right well for the safegarde & cōtynuaunce of hymselfe, puttyng all perso∣nes in feare from that daye foorthwarde to sette their myndes on newe chaunges. For ye presente state was by the woordes of Caesar called, not onely thesame that was at that daye when Augustus spake these woordes, but thesame also that had tofore been in the tyme of the conspiresie against Iulius Cae∣sar. For this latine diccion, praesens, emong the right latine speakers, hath respecte vnto three tymes, that is to weete, the tyme past, the tyme that now is, and the tyme to come. As for exaumple, wee saie in latine of a manne that was not contented with suche thynges as wer in his dayes, or in his tyme praesentibus non erat contentus:This latine diccion prae∣sens, may bee referred vnto the tyme past, the tyme that nowe is, and the tyme to come. we saie also in latine, praesens uita, this presente life that is now in ledyng, and thirdly, of a thyng at a more conueniente, apte, or propice tyme to bee dooen, wee saie in latine praesens in tem∣pus omittatur, bee it omitted or leat alone vnto a tyme to serue for it, that is to saie, vn¦till a propice tyme of oportunitee and occa∣sion herafter to come. Like as Augustus had a greate delite & phansie to fynde & make pastyme at others with woordes of ieste consistyng within ye boun∣des of honestee,As Augustus had a greate delite to ieste at others, so would he ve¦ray pacient∣ly take mrie iesting again. so would he woū∣drefull paciētely take merie bour∣dyng (yea some tymes beeyng wt ye largest & ouer plainly) either be∣gonne, orels reuersed backe again vpon hym. A certain young gētle¦manne was come out of one or o∣ther of ye prouincies vnto Roome, in the likenesse of visage so mer∣vaillously resembleyng the Empe¦rour, that he made all the people full and whole to gase on hym. Au¦gustus beeyng herof aduertised, cō∣maunded the said young gentle∣man to bee brought to his presēce, and hauyng well vieued the straū¦ger, he examined or opposed thesa¦me in this maner: Tell me young manne, hath your mother neuer been here at Roome? No forsouth Sir, ({quod} ye other). And perceiuyng Augustus to ieste, reuersed scoffe for scoffe, saiyng more ouer in this wyse:Howe Augu∣stus was aū∣swered by a young gentle∣māne, whom he would ha∣ue brought in suspicion to bee his soōne. But my father hath many a tyme & ofte? Augustus beeyng plea∣sauntely disposed, woulde fain haue laied vn¦to the young mannes mother suspicion, as though he had had his pleasure on hir: but ye young manne with a tryce reuersed that sus∣picion to the mother of Caesar, orels to his susur: for the resembleaūce of the fauour or visage did no more argue or proue ye partie to bee the soonne of Caesar, then to bee his brother, orels his neffewe, that is to saie, his sisturs soonne. For (excepte I ee muche deceiued) Erasmus wrote it, sororis filium, and not, nepotem. For, nepos, is proprely the soonnes soonne, or the doughters soonne, & no the brothers soonne, ne the sisturs soonne, as Augustus hymself was vnto Iulius Caesar, not nepos, but sororis filius his sisturs soon∣ne as afore is saied. In ye tyme whyle ye The Triumuirate here mencioned was when three per∣sones beeyng together confederated as sworn brethren, tooke into their handes by vsurpacion the whole vniuersall empier of Roome to bee egually deuided emonge theim, & thei to haue the administracion, rewle, gouernaunce and ordreyng of all thynges, & the one to maintein the other in all causes. Whiche begoonne in the tyme of Iulius Caesar, beeyng so coupled with Pompeius the greate, and Marcus Craus the riche.Triumuirate dured, (And ended in the tyme of Augustus when thesame fell to like societee and composicion with Marcus Lepidus & Mar∣cus Atonius. Of whiche is somewhat touched before ye first apophthegme of this Augustus. There wer also in Roome di∣uerse other triumuirates, of whom it wer superfluous in this presente place to make any mencion.Octauius, Lepidus, & Antonius, all three together holdyng the em¦pier of Roome in their handes as lordes of the worlde,) Augustus had written a greateThere was in Campania a toune called Fescenium, the first inhabitauntes wherof issued from the Atheniens (as Serui∣s reporteth.) In this toune was first inuented the ioylitee of mynstrelsie and syngyng merie songes and rymes for makyng laughter and sporte at marryages, euen like as is nowe vsed to syng songes of the Frere and the Nunne, with other sem∣bleable merie iestes, at weddynges, and other feastynges. And these sōges or rymes, (because their original begynnyng issued out of Fesenium) wer called in Latin Fescennina carmina, or Fescennini rythmi, or Versus. Which I dooe here trāslate (accordyng to our Englyshe prouerbe) a ragmans rewe, or, a bible. For so dooe we call a longe ieste that railleth on any per∣sone by name, or toucheth a bodyes honestee somewhat nere. ragmans rewe, or bille, to bee soung on Because ye name of Pollio is cōmē to many, I haue thought good to admonyshe, that this Pollio was called Uedius Pol¦lio, alias Atedius Pollio, a familiare frende of Augustus. Of which Pollio shalbe spoken more at large in ye note of the .lix. pophthegme of this Augustus. Pollio in derision and skorne of hym by na∣me.What Pol∣lio said to Au¦gustus, who had writē ry∣mes and rail∣lyng sōges on him by name. At thesame tyme, well ({quod} Pollio) poore I hold my peace. For it is not for myn ease, nor it is no ma∣ter of iape, to write rymes or rail∣lyng sōges on yt persone, in whose handes it lyeth to write a manne out of all that euer he hath. No¦tyng the tyrannicall power of Augustus. And yet was not thesame Augustus any thyng offended with that franke and plaine speakyng of Pollio. One Curtius a knight of Roo∣me,Curtius a knight of Roome. a ruffleer and one drouned in all kyndes of ryotte and sensuali∣tee, whē he supped on a tyme with Augustus, tooke vp a leane byrde of the kynd of blacke mackes out of the dishe, & holdyng it in his hāde, he demaūded of Caesar, whether he might send it awaye. And when Caesar had thus aūswered, yes, why should ye not? The other without any more bones cast me the byrde (because it was so caren leane) out at the wyndoore. Quickely takyng an oc∣casion to playe that merie toye of the am∣biguitee or duble significacion of the latin woorde, mittere, in englyshe, to send. For meate is sent from a table vnto mennes frē∣des in y• waye of a preasent,A thyng much vsed ī Roome to make dy∣shes frō their tables & sende it to their frē∣des. whiche makyng of a dyshe at a feaste was a thyng emong ye Romaines at all suche seasons ordinarie, & a thyng (bothe by the significacion of the la¦tine diccion,The gētlenesse of August{us} in takyng thyn∣ges dooen for myrth. and also of the englyshe) is sent a waye, that is floung awaye. Yet was not Caesar offēded wt this merie pranke neither. Thesame Augustus, beeyng not desired therunto,Augusus of his own mere mociō secrete∣ly paied .xx. thousāde poū∣des of debte for a senatour of Roome whom he lo∣ued. had of his owne mere mocion satisfied and conten¦ted the debtes of a certain Sena∣tour whom he had in right good fauour, & loued veraye well, and had paied down for him out of his cofers in readie mony one hūdred thousande crounes. And the said Senatour after yt he had knowe∣lage therof, wrote vnto the Empe¦rour to geue him thākes nothyng els but this: To me not a penie. In the waye of myrth pretendyng as though he had had a querele to Caesar for∣that, wheras he had told out readie paimēte to all his creditours,Howe a cr∣tain senatour of Roome thanked Au∣gust{us} for pai∣yng a greate summe of mo¦ney to his cre∣diours. he had geuē to hym for his owne parte not a ferthyng. Suche bour∣dyng as this, some other eagre {per}sone would haue enterpreted and taken for ingratitude and vnthankefulnesse, but this noble Empe¦rour highly reioyced,August{us} high¦ly reioyced, if suche as he fa¦uoured, putte their affiaūce in hym. yt the Senatour had so muche confidence and trust in hym, that he durst bee bolde to write vnto hym after suche a familiare sorte. Licinius, whom Caesar of his late bondeman had made free,Licinius of a bondeseruaūt made free by August{us} and enfranchesed. vsed e∣uen of an ordinarie custome to ge∣ue vnto his olde maister, whenso∣euer thesame begoonne any newe werkes of buildyng, great sūmes of mony towardes the charges of it. Whiche custome Licinius still cō∣tinuyng, promised vnto Augustus a¦gainst he shuld entre the ereccion of some new edifice what soeuer it was, one hūdred thousande crou∣nes by a bille of his hande, in whi¦che bille, after the sūme of money expressed,How Augu∣st{us} serued Li∣cini{us} geuynge him by a bille of his hande a certain sūme of money to∣wardes his buildyng. (whiche was marked & sette out with a capitall lettre of C signifiyng an hūdred, and a long strieke aboue ye hedde of it, in this wyse, C) whiche in writyng romain sum∣mes of money betokeneth so many thousande pieces of coyne, whether it bee golde or siluer, as the expresse letter dooen signifie hūdreddes or scores there stood a space vacaūt. Caesar not refusyng suche an occa∣sion, added an other .C. vnto the former summe yt his late bondeser¦uaunte now enfranchised had wri¦ten, and so made it twoo hundred thousande, (in this wyse .CC.) fil∣lyng vp as trymme as a trencher ye space that stood voide, with his owne hand, but forgeyng the let∣tre as like vnto ye hande of Licinius as could possibly bee made. Wher vpō he receiued at the daye of pai¦mēte double the summe of money that he should haue dooen, Licinius makyng no countenaunce at the mater, ne saiyng any woorde to it. But whē Caesar not long after, eft∣sons ētreed newe buildynges, his olde seruaūte touched hym a litle courtesie for yt facte, by makyng & geuyng hym an other bille of his hande,How Licini∣us serued Au∣gust{us} for dou∣bleyng the summe of his bille of fre gifte made vnto hym. of suche purporte & tenour as foloweth: Souerain I shall departe wt you towardes the char¦ges of these your newe buildyn∣ges, as much as shalbe your plea∣sure to annoincte me. And did not expre umme how muche or how litle he would conferre vnto hym, that it might bee at his pleasure to putte in the bille as muche as he would hymselfe, foras∣muche as he had dubleed the former summe at the other tyme. Whē Augustus was in the office of Censura, in Rome was an office, that we cal ye high coūstableship and he yt bare the office was called Cēsor, high counsta∣ble, or lorde coumptroller his office was o enquier & examyn of all {per}sones howe thei demeaned theimselfes, & to punyshe trāsgressours by his discre∣ciō. We reade of Censours that haue de∣posed Sena∣tours from their estate, for their mys∣demeanure. The office cō¦ynued in one mannes hāde v. yeres. And ones in y• yere there was as it wer a mou∣stre of all the knightes and gētlemēn of Roome, whi∣shoulde passe through the vieu of ye Cē∣sour. If any wer found a persone woor¦the blame, he was punished at the discre∣cion of y• Cē∣sour. And if y• case so requi∣red he was de¦posed also frō the ordre of knighthood. Censour, that is to saie, of lorde Coumptroller, or high Coūstable. A certain knight of Roome was by the waye of complainte presen∣ted vnto hym, that he had decayed and wasted his substaunce. But ye knyght beeyng brought to his aū¦swere, made due prouf that he had contrarie wyse emended & encrea∣ced his substaunce. And euen in ye necke of this, it was laied to the charge of yesame knyght yt he had disobeied the lawes biddyng eche manne to marrye a wife. But he made his declaraciō, & brought in his tryall, yt he was father of three children of his owne bodye begot¦ten by his lawfull wife. Wherup∣on the said knyght thought not hymself well, nor held hym conten¦ted for to bee freely quite and dis∣charged of these crymes, but vp∣bradyng vnto Cesar his lightnesse of geuyng credence to reportes and enformaciōs saied moreouer in this manier: Frōhensforth Cesar when thou makest enquierie of ho¦neste persones, geue it in cōmissiō to menne of honestee. After a me∣tely plaine sorte pronoūcyng, that those we no honest feloes, whiche had presented vnto hym thynges manifestely vntrue. And by ye waye laiyng shrewdly to the Emperours owne charge, in that he made and autorised suche surmuisers & piekers of quereles to bee his deputies, or to represēte his persone. And this large talkyng also Caesar perdoned for the respecte and in consideracion that the partie was innocente and giltelesse. Beeyng in a certain mainour place in the countree,Howe a er∣tain souldyer auēturer ser∣ued Augustus not rewar∣dyng hym ac∣cordyng to his expecta∣cion. he tooke ve∣raye eiuill reste in the nightes, by reason of an oule, breakyng his slepe euery halfe houre with hir oughlyng. A launceknight or a souldyour auenturer beeyng well skilled in foulyng tooke the pei∣nes to catche this oulette, & vpō hope of some veraye high reward brought thesame vnto Augustus, who, after gannyng hym thanke, commaūded a thousande Nummus, in y• .xxx.xxxv and .xxxvi. a∣pophthegmes is taken for pieces of gold & here it is ta∣ken for brasse pens, orelles pieces of sil∣uer of the va∣lue of a dan∣dipratte or i. d. ob. a piece or thereabout so that the thousande pieces wer muche about the summe of twentie nobles sterlynges The Frenche enterpretour transla∣teth it fiue and twentie crounes. pieces of money to bee geuen hym in re∣warde. The other partie (because he thought the rewarde ouer small) was not afeard, but had the herte to saie vnto the Emperour: Naye, yet had I rather she liue still, & with that woord leat go ye byrde again. What persone can but maruaill, that suche a soulain frowarde prāke shuld escape vnpunyshed in the souldyour auenturer? One of the olde souldyours of Roome, when he was sued at the lawe, and in daungier of condem∣nacion, came vnto the Emperour Augustus euen as he wente in the open strete, desiryng hym of his aide, & to helpe to stand betwene hym and harme in the courte be∣fore the iudge. Caesar out of hande appoincted to go with the feloe in his stede one of his chief gētlemē purposely chosen out of his owne traine, whō he required and char∣ged in ye suiters cause to dooe his true diligence. At these woordes ye souldyour criyng out with an opē mouthe, saied: I wys Caesar, when ye wer in daungier at ye battaill of Actium the peake of th coūtree of E∣pirus (yt is to saie) an high mountain to the seawarde suche an on as sainct Mi∣chaels moūte in Cornewal) where Augu∣stus discoum∣faicted Anto∣nius & Cleo∣patra, & after tenne houres fightyng de∣struied on the sea fiue thousande menne, and tooke al the nauie of Antonius to the noumbre of three hundred shippes. Antonius beeyng so putte to flight, Augustus recouered also his armie that tarryed the comyng of Antonius on the lande to the noumbre of .xviii. legions of footemen and twoo and twentie thousande horse∣men. At this Actium after the vanquyshyng of Antonius and Cleopatra, Augustus builded a citee whiche of that same vi∣ctorie was call Nicopolis, for is a victorie, and , a citee. In this citee of Nicopolis was there a noble templ consecrated vnto Apollo. And the citee a free citee, inhabited with menne of Augustus his sendyng thither.Actiū, I did not seke for a deputie or assigney to fight in my stede, but I fought for you myne owne han∣des, & euen with the woordes spea∣kyng, discouered the markes of wooundes receiued in ye saied bat∣taill. Caesar shewed a redde paire of chekes, & went euē in his owne persone to help hym in his cause, muche afeard lest he should seme not onely proude, but also vn∣thankefull, towardes suche persones a had dooen hym true and feithfull seruice. He had on a tyme at a supper taken greate pleasure and delecta¦cion of syngyng children brought purposely to syng afore hym by one Turonius Flaccus, yt brought thē vp in it for ye nones to geat money by them, and had geuē to thesame for their rewarde wheate, where∣as his guyse was to geue vnto o∣thers large rewardes of money. And so when Caesar an other daye at supper required to haue yesame boyes again to syng before hym, Turonius thus made an excuse:Howe Turo∣nius Flaccus made aūswer vnto August{us} requiryng to haue his bo∣yes syng before hym, to whom he had geuen in re∣warde afore, not money but wheate. In feith ({quod} he) thei are at the mille. Upbraidyng vnto Caesar his gifte of corne in stede of money. Neither had he any punyshement for the woorde that he had spo¦ken, beeyng not a manne of armes that did contynuall seruice in ye Emperours warres, but a lewde brynger vp and seller of boyes. When he returned to Roome with all pompe and ioylitee from the victorie gotten at Actium, emōg a greate multitude meetyng hym for to welcome hym home, a cer∣tain persone hearyng on his fist a crowe hauyng been taught to spe¦ake these woordes:August{us} gau a greate sūm of money for a crowe that had learned to speake. All haille Caesar Emperour moste victorious: Augu¦stus beyng muche delited with this salutacion, bought the crowe, and gaue sixe thousāde pieces of golde for hym. The partener of hym yt had dooen this feacte, because no porcion of yt liberall rewarde had come to his snapshare, did Caesar to weete that ye selfsame feloe had yet an other crowe too, whiche he bee∣sought of Caesar that ye feloe might bee cōpelled to bryng before hym. When she was brought, she soūed out plainly suche woordes, as she had lerned, whiche wer these:The good∣nesse of Augu¦stus in com∣plaintes or in¦formacions presented of malice and enuie. All haille Antonius moste redoubted cō∣querour. Augustus beeyng nothyng stiered to angre, onely commaun∣ded the rewarde afore geuē to bee egually parted with the feloe that was ye promotour of ye later crowe. Because he perceiued that his complaint had proceded of mere malice and enuie. Augustus beeyng sēbleably hail∣led or saluted by a popiniaye,Augustus bought di∣uerse birdes that saluted hym as thei wer taught to speake, com∣maunded hir to bee bought too. And meruaillyng at ye same thyng in a pye, bought hir vp also. This exaūple would not suffre a certain poore souter to bee in reste, vntill he must take in hande ye makyng of a crowe to a likemaner saluta∣cion. Who whē he had clene beg∣gered hymself wt expenses, would euer now and then thus saie vnto the birde, when it would not saie after hym: bothe our labour and all our cost is lost. Yet in processe of tyme at last by reason of conty∣nuall beatyng it in to ye crowe, he made ye same euē by strong hande that she could soune the salutaciō so often recited vnto hir. And whē she had therwith salued Augustus as he passed by, Tushe tushe ({quod} Caesar) we haue enough of suche sa¦luters as this at home alreadie: Anon the crowe recorded also the other woordes whiche she had so oftē heard,How Augu∣sus bought a crowe that a poore souter had taught to salute hym. brought out theim also in this maner, bothe our labour & al our cost is lost. Csar laughyng hertely therat, cōmaūded a greate dele more to be paied for hir thē he had geuē for any such bird tofore. A poore greke poete (to crepe in to ye fauour of Augustus Caesar, vsed this facion. Euer when the Empe¦rour should come down from his palaice, the poete would exhibite vnto hym some Epigramme or other in his honour & praise.How Augu∣stus serued a poore Greke poete geuyng hym epigrā∣mes of Greke and how he was serued of him again. And when he had ofte times so doen in vain, and Augustus sawe yt he woulde not leaue, he wrote out with his owne hande a well made Epigramme of Greke, and sent it to the poete ap∣proching to meete hym, as one en∣tendyng to recompēse verses with verses. The Greke hauyng re∣ceiued the Emperours Epigramme, read it, and not onely in woor∣des, but also with countenaunce & with gesture of bodye praised the∣same, & made muche woundreyng at it. And afterwarde when he had approched to the littre that Caesar rode in, puttyng down his hāde in to his thredebare pouche nigh pe∣nylesse, he tooke out a grote, or twoo or three, & putte it in ye hande of Caesar, wt these woordes: not ac∣cordyngly as your estate requi∣reth o Augustus, but if I had more, more would I geue, Whē all that wer present had takē vp a laugh∣ter therat,The liberali∣tee of Augu∣stus towarde learned mēne. Caesar called his purse∣bearer or coferer, and cōmaunded hym to deliuer vnto the poete an hūdreed thousāde pieces of golde. Niggardship in open presence cast in the nose of the Emperour happed well for th Grekes parte. Iulia the doughter of Augustus, when she came on a tyme to dooe hir duetie vnto hir father, percei∣ued his yies to bee offended with hir ouer wantō and staryng araie though he would nothyng saie to it.Augustus of∣fended with his doughter Iulia for go∣yng in ouer dissolute a∣raie. Wherfore the nexte daie folow∣yng, hir apparell chaunged into a more sadde sorte, she enbraced hir father. Then Caesar, who had kept in his grefe the daie afore, was not hable likewyse to kepe in his ioye and gladnesse, but saied: how muche better dooeth this sadde sorte of apparellyng become the doughter of Augustus. The yoūg la¦die had an aūswer readie quicke∣ly:The readie aunswer of Iulia to Au∣gustus for e∣csynge hir gorgeous go∣yng in hir ap∣parell. Forsouth (saieth she) I haue this daye trymmed my selfe to please the yies of my father, & my yesterdayes araye was to please my housbande. At a certain sight of fightyng and tourneyyng,The diuersi∣te of ye trai∣nes awaiting on Liuia the mother, & Iu∣lia ye doughter iuia the mother and Iulia the doughter had turned the yies of all the people on theim twain, by reason yt their traines wer so ferre vnlike, the one to the other. About the persone of Liuia awaited a coumpaignie of menne sage and aunciente,Of Iulia reade more in the .lxiii, a∣pophthegme. Iulia came ac∣coumpaignied with a sorte of lu∣stie yoūg rufleers and wylde mer∣chauntes. Augustus therfore by let∣tres admonyshed his doughter Iulia, to marke what greate diffe∣rence and oddes there was be∣twene twoo women of high estate She wrote to hir father again:The aūswer of Iulia vnto hir father Au¦gustus aduer∣tisyng hir of hir ryotious cūpaignie of seruauntes. well, and these folkes shalbee olde too, when I am. This aunswer if one dooe interprete it in ye good parte, may seme feactely and proprely made, if to the wurst, without either shame or grace. Thesame Iulia begoonne some∣what with the soonest to haue whyte heares in hir hedde.Iulia the doughter of Augustus be∣gōne to haue a whytehedde somewhat wt the soonest. And ye soudain comyng in of Caesar vpō hir, tooke vnawares the women, that had kēbed hir hedde, as thei wer piekyng vp hir whyte heares and tooke vpon their clothes di∣uerse of the heares that thei had plucked out of his doughters hedde.How Augu∣stus rebuked his doughter Iulia for pluc¦kyng ye whyte heares out of hir hedde. This matier Augustus made as though he had not knowen. And the a preatie whyle pas∣sed foorth with communicaciō of other matiers, at last he brought in mencion of olde age. And by this occasion he demaūded of Iulia whether she had lieffer in processe of a fewe yeares to haue an hore whyte hedde, orels to bee altoge∣ther balde. And whē she had thus made answer: forsouth father of ye two I had rather to haue a whyte hedde: Why then (saied he) dooen these damyselles all yt thei maye to make the clene balde before thy tyme? With this preatie inuencion subtilly deuised, he tooke hir tardie with a plaine lye. To a certain frende of hirs a manne of grauitee geuyng hir counsail to frame hirself after the exaumple of hir fathers soobre and aunciente maner of liuyng thesame Iulia aunswered pertely enough again:What Iulia saied to an auciēt saige manne exhor∣tyng hir to ye frugalitee of of hir father. he dooeth not re∣membre ({quod} Iulia) tha is an Em∣perour, but I dooe remembre that I am an Emperours doughter. Augustus settyng twoo iesters to¦gether forto plaie their merie par¦tes in gesturyng the one after the other by course, called the one of theim a daunser and the other a stopper. Because the one was out of measure full of his knackes aud toyes, & the other (whiche when he shoulde countrefaict to dooe after hym, as he had dooen afore coulde come nothyng igh to his facions) semed to dooe nothyng but to make pauses, & stoppe or lette hym of his daunsyng. The inhabitauntes of Tarracō,Howe Augu∣stus reproued the laterie of the Tarraco∣nians, bryn∣gyng hym ty∣dynges that a date tree was growen vp in his altare. for a gladde token of prosperous fortune, bryngyng hym tydynges that in his altare was sprongen and growen vp a palmetree: ther∣by ({quod} Augustus) full well appeareth howe often ye dooe sacrifice of in∣cense in our honour. That thei would faine haue attributed vnto the god∣des as a miracle, he imputed to their negli∣gence, who seldome or neuer did sacrifice of burnyng incense in the altare of Caesar.Tarraconia, a countree of Spain now called Aragousie. Tarracon, the chief citee of that countree, where was an altare cōsecrated to Augustus Tarraconenses, the inhabitaū∣tes of Tarracon. Thesame Augustus whē the Gal∣les had geuē hym a golden chaine of an hundred poūde weight, and Dolobella prouyng his mynde in sporte,How Augu∣stus auoided Dolobella as∣kynge a gol∣den chaine of hym. proceded in merie cōmuni∣cacion, till at the last he saied, Sir Emperour I praie you geue me this chaine: Naye, ({quod} Augustus) I had rather I might geue you a garlande A garlāde ciuike, was called in latine ciuica corona, whiche one citezen hauyng been rescued and saued frō killyng in bat∣taill made and gaue to another citezen by whom he was so rescued and saued as a testimoniall of his life saued when he should (but for the others aide and helpe haue been slain. And this garlande was of more honoure then ay other gifte by manhood and prowesse marcyall to bee acheued, (sauyng onely corona graminea a garlande of grasse, otherwyse called co∣rona obsidionalis, a garlande obsidionall, whiche was geuē to that persone, who by his aide and rescue had saued ye whole vniuersal armie of the Romaines beeyng besieged and besette or on euery syde enuironed with their enemies.) And yet we there many garlandes geuen in battaill of muche more price & value then either of bothe aforesaid, as maye appere by the woordes of Plynius, whiche I haue thought good here to sette because it maketh to the declaracion and vnderstandyng of this place. The garlande ciuike (saieth Plynius) at y• firste was of holme, afterwarde it was more fansied to haue it made of Oken leues with acornes. There belōged vnto it many cō∣diciōs, and many circumtaunces wer required, he that should haue it muste bee one whiche first of all gettyng vp to the wal∣les of the toune that he fighteth for in his owne countree hath slain whatsoeer persone was so hardie to entreprise brekyng in. And one that had more desire to saue the life of one of his owne coūtreemen and feloes, then to slea his enemie. And how that thesame place where the deede was dooen the enemies was like to haue enioyed thesame daie. And that the partie so saued confesse thesame with his owne mouth, other wyse wyt¦nesses dooen nothyng auaill, & that he wer a citezen of Roome Other forner comyng to succour and aide the Romaines gue not that honour though one saue a kynge. Neither dooeth the¦same honour asse the commen rate in dignitee though the high capitain bee sembleaby rescued and saued. For the first founds would the highest of all to bee in any y• wer a citezen whatsoeuer he wer. A ciuike garlād once receiued, it was law∣fl for hm that had i ones geuen, to weare all daie of life af. If h came to any commen plaies or open sightes, it is ye guise euen yet still that reuerence bee dooen to hym, yea euē of the Senate. He had authoritee to sitte in the seates nexte vnto the Senate. He was exempted and chartreed or priuileged frō beryng almanr offices of charge bothe for hymself, and his father and his fathers father. ciuike, or I will rather geue you a garlande ciuike. After a pleasaunte wittie sorte did he putte backe ye vnshamfastnesse of one that craued to haue a rewarde, & yet had neuer been in battaill (where he might deserue a reward,) & therfore a garlande ciuike was more meete for hym,A garlande ci∣uike made ei∣ther o holy, or els of oken leues. whiche was woont to bee made of oken leues, & of holme leues, as the garlande triumphal of golde. Albeeit, aswel castrensis corona, otherwyse called uallaris corona, the garlande whyche was geuen by the highe Capitayne of the Romayns vnto hym that fyrste had entreprised to breake into the campe and tentes of the enemyes & ouer their trenches in the felde as also corona muralis, the gar∣lande murall, whiche was the saied graunde Capitain conferred to suche persone, as at the aaulte of anye toune or fortresse had firste scaled the walles, and braste into the toune or holdes of the enemies,) and corona naualis other wyse called corona rostrata, ye garland that was geuen to hym that in battaill on the sea had firste bourded any shyppe of their ene∣mies, or elles subdued any pirates,) euery on of theim ordinaryly made of golde. Of whi∣che matier see Aulus Gellius in the sixth chapitour of the fifth volume. And the gar∣lande ciuike,The gar∣lāde ciuike of more honour thē any thyng of golde that was geuē for rewarde in battaill. as a rewarde of more honour then any other, Augustus offreed in sporte to Dolobella. For Suetonius telleth that thesame Augustus (emong the giftes, wher with menne of armes wer rewarded for any woorthie acte or feacte dooen in warre) vsed of a custome muche sooner to geue golden trappour or bardes for horses, and chaines & what so euer thyng els was made of golde and siluer, thē garlandes vallares,ugu. would muche sooner geue rewr∣des of golde to his menne of armes, then garlandes ci∣uike or mural yt wer made of leaues. and mu∣ralles, whiche (as touchyng honour) wer ferre aboue ye other thynges. Whiche thyng excepte one dooe knowe, the merie saiyng of Augustus hath no grace in the worlde. Al∣beeit as touchyng the stuffe wherof euery of the saied garlandes was made, Gellius & Suetonius dooe square and disagree. When he had many diuerse wayes bothe beautified and strēg¦thened or fēsed the citee of Roome,What Augu∣stus eied of Roome, by hym beautifi∣ed & fored. & had also for many yeres to come, as muche as in hym laie, made ye∣same suer and safe from all daun∣giers,Notyng to a prince may be more royall, the if he make y• state of his realme better then it was ere it come to his hande. beeyng proude therof not without cause, he would often saie: I found Roome made but of bric∣ke, and I will leaue it of marble. Nothyng to a prince maye bee more ma¦gnificente or regall, thē if thesame dooe me∣liora & bettre ye state of a dicion or royalme descended and come to his possession. Whē one of his mēne of warre begged shamefully of him a thing (what it was,How Augu¦gustu putte of twoo ym∣pudente cr∣uers at ones.) and he had espyed besides hym one Martianus also co∣myng a pase towardes hym, whō he mystrusted, yt he for his parte too would begge hard on hym ere he would haue a naye, he saied: I will no more dooe that yu desirest (good feloe myne,) thē that thyng whiche Martianus goeth about to craue on me. It was ye lawe in Roome, that what persōe had killed his father,The lawe for suche as kil∣led their fa∣thers. should bee made fast in a A lawe was made in Roome by Pompeius (and was of his name called, Lex Pompeia) that if any persone wrought the actuall deede of killyng his faher or his soonne, either pri∣ely or aprte, thesame should be sewed or fast knitte in a poke of saccloth, together with a liue doggue, a cocke, an ad∣der and an ap, and so should bee cast into the sea if there we any nigh to the place, orels into the riuer: to the ende that bee∣yng enbrked and hampered in the middes of those mortall streighte, he might euen in his life tyme begynne to lacke the vse of all the elementes, and that the aier should bee taken a∣waye rom hym whyle he wer aliue, and the yearth when he wer dedde.sacke, o (and so cast into ye riuer. And yet was not this punyshemente executed, but vpon the partie hauyng first cōfessed the case. Augustus therefore to the entente that he would help saue from the moste greuous tor∣mente of ye foresaid punyshemente a persone arrained at ye barre for killyng his owne father, that all ye worlde knewe to bee so in deede, vsed this manier of examynyng & laiyng ye matier against hym: In feith (I thynke for all this) thou diddest not kill thy father.The clemēcie and graciousnesse of Au∣gustus in mi∣nistryng the lawe. Doo∣yng enough to him for to make him saie nay in ye matier. So greate was the fauourable∣nesse of this prince in ministryug the lawe. He vsed cōmenly to saie, yt thers was nothyng more vnconuena∣ble for a perfecte good Capitaine,Hastyng and wante of dis∣creciō ye wurst propreees y• m bee in a good Capi∣taine. then ouer muche hastyng, & vna∣uisednesse, & he had almoste euer in his mouth this saiyng of greke ., make haste fair & softe∣ly, or spede the fair and softely. That is, has∣ten fair & softely. For muche bet∣ter is the Capitaine that will bee sure of his matiers ere he goo a∣bout theim, then he that is of cou∣rage to ieoperd at all auentures. Of whiche matier I haue saied at large in my werke of prouerbes, whiche is enti∣tleed Chiliades. The prouerbe, spede the fair and softely, s a lessō of coūsaill whereby all persones, and especially princes, rewlers and Capitains are admonyshed,Primum cō∣sulto: at ubi consulueris, maturè opus est facto. in dooyng of thynges bothe to adhibite or shewe the quicke spe∣dyng of acuitee, & also the slownesse of diligēce and circumspection, accordyng to that the sai∣yng of Sallustius: nedefull it is first to take good deliberacion, and as soone as yu hatt ones consulted, expediente it is, not to forsow the tyme of dooyng when it cometh. Unto his wife Liuia makyng in: staunte requeste in the behalf of a certain Galle to bee incorporated a citezē of Roome,August{us} wol not graunte vnto Liuia to haue a certai alle incor∣porated citezē of Roome. he gaue a plain naye, but yt thesame Galle should enioye the priueleges & frāchesses of Roome, (as if he had been a citizen i deede,) he graunted hir of his owne mociō vndesired:Augutus would not make the ho∣nour of y• ci∣tee of Roome ouer cōmune. allegyng that he could bee muche better contented to haue of his owne rentes and co¦fers abated, thē the honour of the citee of Roome to bee made ouer commune. As one that preferred the dignitee or high estate of the commenweale, before his owne singulare auauntage.Augustus pre¦ferred the di∣gitee of the commē weale before his owne sigu∣lare auaun∣age. When he sawe at an oraciō or propocitiō, (yt he made vnto the people) a greate maynye in vile apparell (readyng, palliatos, in stede of, pullatos as I suppose verayly ye bookes of Suetonius should bee) clad in greate large capes or mantelles, beeyng veraye sore moued therwith & in an high fume, loe (saieth he) these here been our Roomaines, the lor∣des of the worlde, and woonte in tymes past to goo in aūciente side gounesAugust{us} stu∣died to bryng vp again in Roome the aunciente, fa∣cions decaied. So greatly did he studie and labour to call backe again and to renewe y• olde aunciente facions, y• it greued his herte to see the olde gooyng in apparell, and gar∣mentes chaunged. Unto ye people makyng greate complainte of ye scarcitee of wyne and also of ye dearth,How Augu∣stus aunswe∣red the people of Roome cō∣plainyng of y• scarcitee and dearth of wyne. he saied, that by reason of greate aboundaunce of waters cōueighed to renne out of newe counduictes lately made by Agrippa his soōne in lawe, there was sufficiente prouision made, yt menne neded not to bee in thirste. In deede Agrippa bestowed all his stu∣die and diligence, from all places that could bee, to prouide for ye citee of Roome to haue aboundaunce of waters.Agrippa made many newe counduictes in Roome for the conueigh∣aunce of wa∣ter to the ci∣tee. And Augustus on the other syde, did sharpely cal backe the peo∣ple from wyne to water. Timagines a writer of histories had with opē mouth spokē many blouddie woordes against Caesar,The incōpa∣rable clemēcie and gracious∣nesse of Augu¦st{us} towardes one Timage∣nes a wri∣ter of histori∣es and chro∣nicles. many slaūderous woordes by his wife, & many naughtie woordes by all his whole familie. Augustus sent hym a gētle warnyng to kepe a better toung in his hedde, and to vse it more sobrely. And where the feloe persisted and held on still to make eiuill reporte, and to speake the wurst, Caesar did nothyng els in ye worlde but forbidde hym his hous. Well, Timagines solemnely afore audience read ouer certain bookes whiche he had written cō∣teinyng the actes or chronicles of Augustus,Timagnes for hatered of August{us} bur∣ed y• bookes which he had writen of his hronicle. and when he had perused theim, he cast theim in ye fyer, and burned theim, for hatered of Caesar as one couetyng to suppresse and extinguyshe for euer, the memori∣all of thynges frome tyme to tyme dooen by thesame. Yet for all this did not one of yt citezēs of Roome kepe out of his doores the said Ti∣magines thus openly & stiffely shew∣yng contynuall enmitee against Caesar. In the hous of Pollio Asinius he contynued till he was a veraye aged manne, and yet did Augustus neuer so muche as geue one foule woorde vnto Pollio, in whose hous his enemie was lodged and entre¦teined,The lenitee of Augustus towards Pol¦lio Asinius. sauyng yt one tyme he saied vnto hym onely thus: , yt is, ye fede in your hous a beaste, or a serpēte, (as if he should haue sied, your hous is a denne or caue for a sepente.) And anon where Pollio addressed hym self to make his purgaciō or excuse, Caesar broke his tale, saiyng: Naye, my frende Pollio, take ye frui∣cion of hym hardely, take the frui∣cion of hym. But when Pollio not beyng yet clene out of feare, saied, sir Emperour, if ye so cōmaunde, I will ere I drynke forbidde hym my hous. Why, ({quod} Augustus) thyn∣kest thou that I will so dooe, whi∣che haue beē the manne that ones made you at one? For this Pollio had aforetyme been angrye and foule out with Timagenes, and had none other cause to surceasse his maugre, but that Caesar be∣goonne to take displeasure with the said Ti¦magenes.Whē Augu∣stus begoōne to take di∣spleasure wt Timagees, then begoōne Pllio to bee his frende. So ye graciousnesse of this prince tooke in good gree the eiuill wille of bothe the saied parties against hym. It fortuned Augustus to suppe at the hous of one Of the straunge crueltee of this Aedius Pollio, alias Ue∣dius Pollio, Plynius (in the .xxiii. chapitour of the nynth vo∣lume, treactyng of the nature of Lamproyes) speaketh in this maner. Uedius Pollio a knight of Roome, and one of the fa∣miliare frendes of Augustus Caesar, deuised & inuēted in this fyshe, exaumples and wayes how to dooe cruell tormente, ca∣styng into close pondes and stewes of theim, the liue bodyes of bondemen condemned to dye, not as though the wylde beastes of the yearth beeyng for suche purpose vnsufficiente, but for∣because in any other kynde he might not stand and looke vpon whyle a liue manne wer toren piece mele in all the membres pares of his bodye at ones. Against thesame Pollio for the∣same crueltee dooeth Senca also sore inueigh. Atedius Pollio, alias Vedius Pollio.The straūge sote of cruel∣tee, that te∣iu Pollio ved, in ca¦styng his sr∣uauntes (if thei displea∣sed him alie vto liue ā∣proyes which he kepte in a stewe. And one of the bond∣paiges of this Pollio had by chaūce broken a drynkyng glasse of cryst∣alle stone. Anon was commaūde∣mēte geuen that the paige should at ones bee had awaye, and cast to his lamproyes. The lacke ranne for succour & fell down at the feete of Caesar, myndyng to desire of him nothyng els in ye worlde, but that he might dye some other kynde of deathe then to bee cast aliue vnto the liue lamproyes. Caesar beeyng moued with the vnquod maner of crueltee, cō∣maūded bothe the boye to bee leat goo, and also as many cuppes or other vessell of crystalle as wer in ye hous, to bee broken in pieces be∣fore his face eury one of theim, & ye stewe (where the lamproyes wer kept) to bee filled vp with thesame in stede of the boye. And as for his frende Pollio he greuously rebuked,The sore re∣buke yt Augu∣stus gaue vn∣to Pollio for his crueltee. saiyng: why, art thou suche an one so lordely, to bidde awaye with thy menne in all haste euen from thy table, and to be gnawē piece mele with a tormēte of a newe sorte ne∣uer seē afore? If it chaūce a scalde cuppe of thyn to bee broken, shall the bouelles & guttes of a manne bee toren in pieces for it? Wilte yu so highly stand in thyn owne con∣ceipte,The pietee & mercifull cō∣passiō of Au∣gust{us} towar∣des menne. or take vpon the as to com∣maund any bodye to bee had to death or tormentes in suche place where Caesar hymself is present? At a certain sittyng in iudge∣mente,Corduba a ci∣tee in Spaine where Sene∣ca the Philo∣sophier, & the poete Lucan{us} wer born. where vnto the charge of one Aemilius Elianus of Corduba emōg other crymes moo it was laied e∣uen as one of ye principall matiers against hym, that he was a spea∣ker of eiuill by Caesar: Augustus tur∣nyng to ye accuser, saied:The clemen∣cie of Augu∣stus towards emilius E∣lianus accu∣sed for spea∣kyng wordes against hym. I would haue the to bryng me in prouffes of that, and I shall make Elianus to knowe that I haue a toūg too as well as he, & I will tell as many good tales of hym again, I war∣raunt hym. And beeyng contented with this manacyng, he made no ferther en∣quierie at all against the said Elianus. Unto Tiberius oftētymes by let∣tres wrathefully complainyng on such persones as wer reporters of eiuill by Augustus,This Tibe∣rius sucded Augustus. thesame Augustus wrote lettres again,How Augu∣stus aunswe∣red Tiberius wrthefully complainyng of {per}sones re∣portyng eiuill by hym. yt he should not in yt matier bee ouer eagre as menne of his age wer woont to be. For it is enough ({quod} he) if we haue the matier at this poincte, yt nomā is hable to dooe vs any harme. He neuer commended his soon∣nes vnto the people,How Augu∣st{us} vsed to cō∣mend his son∣nes to ye peo∣ple. but with this excepcion: if thei shall deserue it & bee found woorthie. Myndyng & willyng that honour should bee deferred & geuen not vnto autoritee, but vnto merites and desertes. He had banyshed out of courte Iulia his doughter, and Iulia his doughters doughter,Augustus ba∣nyshe out of his court Iu∣lia his dough∣ter, and Iulia his dough∣ters doughte and Arippa for their lewd¦nesse and v∣thriftynesse. yea, & after that Agrippa also, afore adopted & made his heire apparaunte, and afterward (because of his beaste∣ly and fierse or vnrewlie facions) cast of again. At all tymes when∣soeuer was made any mencion of these three, he would customably crye out with this verse of Homere. .What Augu∣st{us} would saie whē any mē∣ciō was made either of Iu∣lia his dough∣ter, or Iulia his nice, or of Agrippa, and what name he gaue thē. That is, Oh, would god, would god, that my chaunce had been, To liue single, and dye without childrē. Neither vsed he to call ye said three persones by any other name, but three rotten apostemes, or three rennyng sores of his, orels his three cancres. For he could muche more pacientely take the death of his children and kinsfolkes,August could better take ye death of his children, then their disho∣nour. then their dishonour. Yea, and ferther∣more he prouided his last wille, yt, in case any thyng should chaūce vnto Iulia his doughter or Iulia his nice other wyse then well,Augustus would not haue his doughter Iu∣lia to bee obed with hym. neither of theim bothe should bee buiryed vnder his toumbe. He would take veraye gre∣uously that any thyng should bee made of hym and sette out in wri∣tyng,Augustus would not haue any thyng made of hym in wri¦tyng, but af∣ter a substan∣cial sorte, and of the best dooers. but after a substanciall sorte and by the principall best dooers. And to ye iustices he signified his pleasure, yt thei should not suffre any poincte of vilanie to come vn∣to his name by ye meetynges and comyng to gether of iesters or of commen plaiers of entreludes. In deede in this behalf cousyn to Ale∣xander.Afore in the xxxiiii. apoph∣thegme of A∣lexander. And certes meete it is for the auto∣ritee of a prince, euerywhere to bee maintei∣ned in his royall estate, without any maner spotte or touche of derogacion. Another certain Isle lyyng nigh vnto the Isle of Capreae, arū, is a litle Isle beyond the toune of Surrentu in the royalme of Naples, whiche royalme of Naples is in latine called Campania.Capres (into the whiche suche of Caesars courte wer woont to departe for a season,How Augu∣stus named a lyle Ile ly∣yng nigh to ye Isle of Ca∣pres. as wer desirous to seiourne and repose theimselues) he commenly vsed to cal in greke, as if ye should saie in englyshe, the citee of dooelitle. For the greke woorde souneth in englyshe, vaca∣cion or reftyng from all buisynesse. When he perceiued and feled his dyyng houre to approche,What Augu∣stus demaun∣ded of his frē∣des a litle be∣fore his death. he enquiered of his familiares bee∣yng leat into his chaūbre to come and see hym, whether it semed to theim, yt he had any thyng hande∣somely enough plaied his parte in passing his life. Menyng of ye trade and course of this presente life whiche many writers dooen resemble and compare vnto plaiyng a parte in an entrelude. And then pronounced he this greke verse folowyng, customably vsed to bee soūgen at ye last ende of comedies exhibited and plaied to an ende. . That is. Clappe handes, in signe of contentacion, And with good herte, allow this our accion. Iulius Caesar, whē he fled from Sylla,Sylla a sena∣tour of Rome and a man of greate power who made ci∣uile batail wt Marius, and vanquished, & afterwarde weaxed a cru∣ell tyranae. beeyng yet but euē a striepleyng vnder mannes state, came by chaunce into the handes of pirates beeyng Cili∣cians. And at the first whē thesame Pirates had named the summe whiche thei would require of hym for his raunsome, he laughed the theues to scorne,Cilicians, the people of Ci∣licia, which is a region in in Asia y• lesse ioynyng vnto Syria, a goodly cham∣pian coūtree. as fooles that knewe not what manier feloe thei had taken priesoner, and promy∣sed of his owne offre to geue them double their asking. So, the tyme gooyng on, wheras he was safely kepte & watched whyle the money was in fetchyng he would charge theim to kepe silence,The hault sto¦make of Iu∣lius Caesar, beeyng but a young māne. and to make no noyse that myght trouble hym whyle he was slepyng. Unto the same pirates he would euer reade suche oracions and verses as he wrote beeyng there, which his ma¦kynges if thei did not in the best manier allow, he would cal theim asses and barbarous fooles, and with laughter woulde threten to hang theim one daye on ieobettes whiche thyng he did in deede too. For beeyng leat goo ymmediatly vpon the bryngyng of the money whiche the pirates patyshed for his raunsome,Caesar hāged vp y• pirates by whom he had been takē priesoner menne and shippes gotten together out of ye countree of Asia, he caught the selfsame rob¦bers, and hanged theim vp, but first hedded, yt the seueritee might not bee vntempreed with mercie.Iulius Cae∣sar moste like in faciōs vn∣to Alexander the greate. Dooe ye not here euen at the first chop see and knowe of olde the nature and faci∣ons of Alexander the greate, to whom noo meane thyng coulde bee enough? ☞Be∣cause the woordes of Plutarchus in the life of Iulius Caesar seme to geue no small light to the vnderstandyng of this present place. I haue thought it worthie y• dooyng to annexe thesame at large. Silla rewelyng the roste, and bearyng al the stroke in Rome (saieth Plutarchus) was in mynde and wille to take awaye from Caesar Cornelia the doughter of Cinna the dictatour, (that is to saie, the lorde greate maister, or the lorde cōmaunder) Whiche thyng when he could neither for feare ne for hope, that is to saie, nei∣ther by foule meanes, nor by faire menes bryng to passe, he stopped hir dourie as forfaicted to the chaumbre of the citee. As for the cause of en∣mitee betwene Caesar and Sylla, was the al∣lyaunce of Marius and Caesar. For Marius the elder had to wife Iulia the aunte of Caesar of whom was born Marius the younger Cae∣sars cousyn germain (thei twoo beeyng sisters children.) When (Sylla settyng and bestowyng his mynde, care, and studie about other matiers after the doyng to death and slaughter of many a persone in the tyme whyle he reigned (Caesar sawe hymselfe to bee nothyng at all regarded of hym, yet did not thesame Caesar shrynke, ne spar beyng euen a veray chyld of age, to steppe to the people, and to entre suite with theim for the obteinyng of a roome, dignitee, or promociō in the ordre or college of prestes, whiche dignitee he was put besides and could not obtein, by re¦son that Sylla was not his frende, but against hym in his suite. Sylla continually from that tyme foorthward deuisyng and cōsultyng how to destroye Caesar and to ridde hym out of the waye, where certain persones auouched to bee contrarie to all reason and conscience to dooe suche a younge boye to death, Sylla affermed theim all to bee more then madde, if thei did not in that one boye alone espye many sche as Ma¦rius. Whē this saiyng came to Cesars eare, he went for a space about from place to place and laie hidden emong y• Gabines (a people in Italie not ferre from Roome) afterwarde, while he nightely remoued from one lodgyng to another though he were veraye sickely, it chaunsed hym to come into the handes of Sylla his sodyours then scouryng the countree to take al suche per∣sones as laie lurkyng there in any place, and at the hande of Corelius the capitain of the said launceknightes he raunsomed hymself for two talentes. Upon this, taking his waye to the sea, he tooke passage ouer into Bithynia (a regiō of Asia y• lesser buttyg fore right ayenst Thracia) vnto Nicomedes the kynge there, with whom no long tyme hauyng made abode, as he wente down from thens, he was taken about Phar∣macusa (a litle Isle in the sea of Salamin not ferre from the region of Attica) by a sorte of pi∣rates, which at that presente season with great shippes of warre, and with whole nauies out of noumbre helde and kepte the possession of al the ses about. By whom when at the first wer ∣maunded of hym twntie talente for his raun∣some, he mocked theim, for that thei knewe not what maner a manne thei had taken, and there∣fore of hymself he proised to geue theim fiftie tlentes Then sendyng his folkes abrode some to one citee and some o another for spedie leui∣yng of the saied money, hymself remained prie∣soner emong the moste vncourtise Cilicians, with one and no moo of his familiare frende, and two seruauntes. But as for the saied Cili∣cians he ha in so vile reputacion, that as often as he was disposed to laie hym down to slepe, he would send one streightly to charge and com¦maūde theim to kepe silence & to make no noyse. And makyng demourre there emonges theim wt greae suffreaunce fourtie daies lackyng two and vsyng theim not as kepers but as seruaun∣tes and garders of his bodie, he would prouoke theim nowe at gamyng, nowe with prouing one or other maisterie, otherwhiles writyng ver¦ses and oracions he woulde desire theim to ge∣u hym the hearyng of thesame, and if thei did not highly esteme his doinges, he would plainly without any courtesie call theim foole or lou∣tes and barbarous feloes, hretenyng theim vn∣der the cloke of laughyng and sportyng to hang theim euery one on the galoes In whiche thyn∣ges thei like fooles tooke reate ioye and plea∣sure, as attributyng all that plain and franke speakyng vnto iestyng and simplicitee. And ym¦mediately vpon the bryngyng of the money for his raunsome from the toune of Miletu, nd the deliueraunce of thesame beeyng sette agai at his libertee, a nauie of shippes een with a tryce furnyshed & sette out from the hauē of th Milesians, he made vpon these pirates, whom lyyng yet still at rode with their nauie al at reste and quiete about the said Isle, he tooke and sub¦dued almoste euery one. And so al their gooddes and money taken from theim, he laied the feloes fast and sere in irons at Pergamus, (a toun in Asia and a prouince of the Romains) & went vnto Iulius the chief Iustice hauyng at that tyme the ordreyng of the prouince of Asia, vnto whom it belonged to punyshe suche as wer ta∣ken for any trespace. But the saied Iulius ra∣ther hauyng yie vnto the money, (for it was no small summe) saied that he would at leasure see what was to bee dooen wt the persones whom he had taken. Wherfore Caesar, when he sawe his tyme biddyng hym farewel, tooke his iour∣ney vnto Pergamus, and hāged me all the said theues on ieobettes from the first to the last, ac∣cordyngly as he had ofte tymes made promise vnto theim while he abode in the Isle. &c. Whē he made suite and labour to haue the dignitee of high There was in Roome of olde antiquitee a certain college, y• is to saie, a coumpaignie or feloship of magistrates, to whō ap¦perteied the ordreyng, ministreyng, execuiyng and iudgeyng of all sacres, of all holy rites, ceremonies, funeralle obsequies, and of all other causes that in any poincte concerned religion. And thei wer called Pontifices. And there wer of theim twoo oders, that is to weete inferiours and superiours, as if y should saie, at lestwise in case the terme maie serue) bishoppes and archebishoppes. And emong theim was one hedde, yt was called summus pontifex, the highest prelate, and as ye would saie the chief ordinarie, to whose power and autoritee belōged to make constitucions cōcernyng all the said rites, ceremonies nd all poinctes of their religion, and to see reformacion of all inferiour magistrates encurryng any contumacie, contempte or disobediēce. This magistrate was first instituted by Num Pompilius the seconde kyng of Roome. pre∣late or ordinarie at Roome,What Iuli{us} Caesar saied to his mother whē he stood for the digni∣tee of high bishop in Roome. (Quin∣tus Catulus a manne of right highe dignitee and power emong ye Ro∣mains standyng in eleccion with hym for thesame office) vnto his mother bryngyng hym goyng to the gate,Iuli{us} Caesar a manne of a woondreous hault courage Mother (saieth he) this daye shal ye haue your soonne ei∣ther the high prelate, orels a bany¦shed manne. An haulte courage to∣warde, and that could in no sauce abyde to bee putte backe. His wife Iuli{us} Cae∣sar forsooke & putte awaye his wife Pō¦pia. This Pōpeia was Caesars third wife, as witnesseth Plutarchus, first wife as Cornelia the doughter of Cinna a∣fore mēcioned by whom he had a dough∣ter called Iu∣lia, whiche was after∣ward marry∣ed vnto Pō∣pei{us} ye greate. Pompeia, because she was in greate slaundre, (as one yt had mysused hirself with Clodius,) in deede he forsooke & putte away from hym. But yet when Clodius was vexed in the lawe and arrai∣ned for thesame matier, Caesar bee∣yng called foorth for a witnesse, re¦ported no eiuill woorde by his wife. And when the accuser said, why thē hast thou made a diuorce with hir? forsouth ({quod} he again) be∣cause the wife of Caesar ought to bee pure & clere from all slaundre too. aswell as from the cryme. Besi∣des the witnesse of the aunswer, his ciuilitee also maie well bee praised, that he spared to defame his wife whom he had abandoned. When he read the chronicle of Alexander the greate,Caesar, whē he reade the actes of Alexander, could not hold we∣pyng. he could not forbeare to water his plātes. And to his frēdes he saied: At thissame age ({quod} he) yt I am of now, Alexāder had subdued Darius, & I haue not yet vnto this day doen so much as any one valyaūte acte of prowesse Suetonius writeth this thyng to haue chaunced,The ambicio of Iuli{us} Cae∣sar. at what tyme Cesar beeyng lorde After that the citee of Roome had subdued many countrees thei did from yere to yere create and send into euery seuerall prouince that thei had a seueral magistrate, who was cal∣led, paetor, a lorde presidēe. To whose authorite apperteined the determinacion of cause, and the redresse of all matiers cō∣cernynge iustice and lawe. A magistrate of muche like sorte as is here in Englande the lorde presidente of the counsaill in Wales, and the Lorde presidente of the counsaill at Yorke, sa∣uyng that the praetor of Roome had ye assistence, aide & main∣iaunce of menne of armes wheresoeuer he wente to keepe sises, sessions, courtes or lawedaies, or to sitte in iudgemen.presidente in Spain and rydyng his cir∣cuite to hold ye graunde iuries or lawedaies in tounes appoincted for sises and sessions to bee kept, had seen the image of Alexander in the temple of In the moste fehest parte of Spain, beyōde Granad weste warde are twoo litle Isles called, Gades. In the lesse of these twoo Isles was a citee called Iulia, inhabited all with citezē of Roome. There was also in thesame a temple dedicated vn∣to Hercules, in which it is thought by many persones, that ye twoo pillers of Hercules wer, whiche pillers wer of brasse eight cubites high a piece whiche Hercules (when he had pe∣ragrated all the worlde as ferre a any lande went) did erect nd sette vp for a memoriall that there he had been. Hercules within the Isle of Gades. But would God suche a nature as this would rather haue vsed his forward¦nesse and quicke spirite in takyng after a prince of a sobre sorte, then after one that would bee perelesse & alone aboue al others. As he passed by a beggerie li∣tle toune of colde roste in the moū∣taignes of Sauoye, his coumpaigne that wer with hym puttyng doub¦tes and questions whether in tha dog hole also wer sedicions and quereles for preemynence and su∣perioritee, as there contynually wer in Roome, he staied and stood still a preatie whyle musyng with hymselfe,The ambiciō of Iuli{us} Cae∣sar. Nec Romae potuere pati Caesarue pri¦orē Pōpeius ue parem. and anon, well ({quod} he) I promise you, I for my parte had lieffer to bee the first or the chief man here, then the seconde manne in Roome. This certes is euen ve∣raye it that is writen in the poete Lucanus that neither Cesar could abyde to haue any manne aboue hym,Neither Cae∣sar coulde a∣byde to haue any superiour nor Pompei{us} to haue a∣ny manne feloe wt hym. ne Pompeius to haue any peere. The ambiciō of Iuli{us} Cae∣sar. Nec Romae potuere pati Caesarue pri¦orē Pōpeius ue parem. He saied that thynges of high entreprise (because thei are subiect vnto daungiers,Iuli{us} Caesar would high entreprises to bee gooen through with all, without castyng of any perilles. and wer greate) ought to bee executed and dispe∣ched out of hāde, and none aduise ne deliberacion to bee taken of theim, because that to the gooyng through with suche matiers, cele∣ritee dooeth veraye great helpe, & castyng of perilles dooeth plucke a manne backe from hardy auen∣turyng. When he departed out of y• pro∣uince of Galle to matche against Pompeius, as soone as he was ones passed ouer ye floud of Rubicon, now (saieth he) bee There is a prouerbe, omnem iacere aleam, to cast all dyce by whiche is signified, to sette all on sixe & seuen, & at all auen∣ures o ieoperd assaiyng the wilde chaunce of fortune, bee it good bee it badde Therfore when Cesar saied: Bee all dyce al∣readie cast. His menyng was, to bee now ouerlate to repente yt he had dooen, or to call again yesterdaye. And therefore that he would nowe cast no more eniwoorthes in the matier, but go through wt his purpose, chaunce as it would. Cadat alea fati (saieth Lucanus in the persone of Caesar against Pompeius) lterutrum mersura caput, yt is. Leat the dye of fate chaunce as it will. Thone or other of our liues to spil. Euripides, Pla∣to, Terence, Plutarchus, Lucianus, and other writers moo liken he life of manne to the game of dycyng, in whiche plaie, what to cast lyeth not in our handes, but onely in chaunce and fortune, but hat that we haue cast, wee may with policie, con∣eighaunce, and good ordreyng, if it bee well cast, vse & applye it to our commoditee, if the contrarie, yet tempre it the lesse to hurte vs. it past castyng the dyce again (as if he should haue saied,Omnis iacta sit alia. now happe what shall happe, leat alltogether turne whiche way it wil,) Declaring that he was vtterly mynded to put al in hasarde to make or marre, & to bee manne or mous. For the saied flood of Rubicon disseuereth the Galle cisalpine from Italie. When Pompeius had forsaken Roome and had fled to the seaes, Metellus ye high treasourer of Rome withstod Caesar beeyng desirous & faine to take money out of ye trea∣sourie,Metellus let∣ed Caesar goyng about o take mo∣ney out of the treasue of Roome. and shutte vp yesame trea∣sourie fast. But Caesar thretened to slea hym, whiche woorde when it had astouned the saied Metellus, iwys young manne ({quod} Caesar) this thyng was more harde for me to speake thē to dooe.The mana∣cyng of grea menne. Menyng that it was in his power euē with a becke of his hedde, to putte to death whom soeuer he wer disposed, forasmuch as whersoeuer he went he had with him a bende of harnessed mēne. At the toune of Durachiū or Dyrrachiū a toune in Macdonia, first called ∣pidamnū, but the Romains whē thei had conquered it, would nedes haue it called Dyrrachium this was whē he wente to pursue Pom∣peius.Durach he tar∣ried lookyng that moo soudiours footemn should bee sente thither vnto hym from Brundusiū a toune in the royalme of Naples liyng vpon the sea of Adria frō whiche Brū∣duse, lyeth the passage o∣uer into Grece.Brunduse. Whiche thyng forasmuch as it was veray slacke and longe in dooyng, geat∣tyng hym priuely into a litle foyst he assaied to passe ouer the sea of Adria. And the vessell beeyng euen welnigh ouerwhelmed and soun∣ken with the main swellyng sour∣ges of this fierse sea, vnto his pi∣lote beeyng now clene in despaire to escape drounyng, & thynkyng to bee no waye but one, Caesar ope∣ned who he was, saiyng: put thy trust and affiaūce in ladie fortune and weete thou wel yt thou carriest Caesar in this litle boate of thyne. He was of suche excedyng haulte cou∣rage,The cedyng haul courage of Iuli{us} Cae∣sar. as though he had had bothe ye goddes, and fortune euen at his owne wille and cō∣maundemente. But yet at that presente sea∣son, the raige of the tempeste wexyng still worse and worse, he was letted of accom∣plyshyng that he had entēded. But as soone as his soudiours that wer alreadie at Du∣ach had knowelage of this his dooyng, thei came full and whole rennyng vnto Cesar,The hertes of Caesars souldiours towar¦des hym. and tooke veraye greuously, if the same loo¦ked for any moo or other bendes of menne, as hauyng some mystruste in theim. But when it came to the battre∣yng and tryall of strokes, Pompeius woonne the felde,Pompeius woōne y• first felde against Caesar. but he did not folowe his victorie to ye vttermost (as he should haue dooen,) but reculed backe to his campe. Then saied Caesar,Pompeius could no skill (saied Cae∣sar) howe to vse a victorie. this daie ({quod} he) the victorie was in the possession of our ene∣mies, but thei haue not a capitain that can skill how to vse victorie, when he hath it. When Pompeius had commaun∣ded his armie, albeeit thesame wer prest & in full readynesse to fight at Pharsalum,Pharsalū or Pharsalos, or Pharsa∣lia, a citee in Thessalia, in the feldes of whiche Cae∣sar vāquysh∣ed Pompei{us}. yet there to demourre, and to tarrye the comyng of their enemies: Caesar auouched hym to had dooen ferre wyde, in yt he had by suche delaie and tarryaunce in maner killed the habilitee, the fi∣ersenesse, and a certain diuine inspi¦raciō of his souldiours hertes, bee¦yng fully appointed and readie to fall vpō their enemies. So grea∣tely did Caesar contend & striue with Pom¦peius,Iuli{us} Caesar matched Pō∣pei{us} not onely in the fortune of battail, but also in the ex∣perience. not onely about the fortune of bat∣taill, but also in the experte knowelage of warre kepyng. When he had euen at the first choppe of encountreyng vanquy∣shed Pharnax or Pharnaces, the kyng of Ponius, and soōne of Mi∣thridates, whom eeyng his owne father he persecuted, and at length droue to kill hymself. For he fauoured Pompeius ma∣kyng warre against Mithridates. And in fine the said Phar∣naces rebellyng against Caesar, was by thesame discoūfaicted vanquyshed and driuen out of his countree. This feloe (saieth cius Florus, who writeth an abbriegemente of the chroni∣ of Roome out of the histories of Titus Liuius) was by Iulius Caesar euen at one felde, and yet not that all foughten so troden vnder feete, as it had been a thyng with a flashe of lightenyng sodainly crummed to dust and pouther.Pharnaces, he wrote briefly to his frēdes after this sorte: I came, I looked, I conquered. Signifi∣yng the greate celeritee and spede of dooyng. After that the souldiours and menne of armes, whiche folowed Scipio in Afrike wer fled,Scipio a no∣ble capitain of Roome. and Cato bee¦yng vanquyshed by Caesar had kil∣led hymself at Vtica,Of Cato is a¦fore noted in y• xxxi. apophtheg. of Au∣gust{us} Caesar wher vnto is to bee added, y• Caesar made all the spede & meanes possi∣ble to haue Cato aliue, & whē he could not, he wrote a booke of vn¦kyndnesse a∣gainst hym, whiche he en¦titleed Anti∣cato. these wer the woordes of Caesar: I enuie to the o Cato this death of thyne, sens thou hast enuied vnto me the sauyng of thy life. Cesar thought it a thyng like to redounde highly to his honour and renoume, if suche a noble manne as Cato hauyng beeen ouercomed in battaill should bee bound to hym and no man els for his life. But Cato rather chose death with ho∣nour, then after the oppressyng of ye publike libertee and freedome to bee as a bondeser∣uaūte to any persone. And therefore Caesar enuied vnto Cato ye honour of suche a death because he had enuied vnto Caesar the laude and praise of sauyng the life of Cato. Persones not a fewe (because thei had Antonius and Dolobella in greate mystruste lest thei should con∣spire and weke some treason against Caesar,What Iuli{us} Caesar saied when he was warned to be∣ware of Anto¦nius & Dolo∣bella.) gaue warnyng vnto thesame, that he should in any wyse beware of theim. Tushe, no no ({quod} Caesar) I eare not these ruddie coloured & fatte bealyed feloes, but yonder∣same spare slendre skragges and pale salowe coloured whooresoon¦nes,Antoni{us} and Dolobella fatte & wel co∣loured. Bru∣tus and Cas∣sius leane and pale. shewyng with his fynger Bru¦tus and Cassius.Brutus and Cassius slewe Iuli{us} Caesar. Neither did his suspi∣cion deceiue hym, for of theim twoo was he afterward slain in deede. Of whiche matier suche as bee learned maie reade Plutarchus and Suetonius. Communicacion beeyng on a tyme in a supper season begoonne what kynde of death was best,What kynde of death Iu∣lius Caesar thought to bee bste. he aunswered without makyng any bones, yt is soodain and nothyng thought on. And that he iudged to bee best, chaunced to hym in deede. Plu∣tarhus saieth yt he supped thesame tyme (beyng the daye nexte before his death,) at the house of Marus Lepidus his great and feithful frend. In a certain battree he caught fast by the hedde and the cheekes the standarde bearer of one of the legion called Marciall hauyng tur∣ned his backe to flee, and plucked backe ye contrarie waye. And stret∣chyng foorth his hande to his ene¦mies ward,When one of Iul. Caesars standard bea∣ would haue fled Cae¦sar plucked hym backe by the throe to go towardes his enemies. saied: whether gooest thou awaye thou felowe? Yonder been thei that wee fight against. Thus with his handes he chasticed one persone and no moo,The waye to wynne vict∣rie is not to ee & to renne awaye frō the nmies. but with these sharpe & poynaunte woordes he clene putte awaye y• fearefull trembleyng of all the legions, and where thesame wer at the veraye poincte to bee discoumfaicted, he taught theim a lesson to wynne the victorie. After that Publius Mimus a plaier of wanton entreludes and other iestyng toyes had on the staige in open presence ferre passed all his feloes, and emong theim one Labe∣rius a maker and a plaier as Publius was, thesame Iulius Caesar pronounced the sentence of iudgemente in this wyse.How Iulius Caesar gaue iudgemēte of Laberius bee∣yng ouercomed by Pub∣lius Mimus in iestyng and plaiyng. Caesar shewyng the o Laberius all the fauour that maye bee, thou arte ouercomed of ye Syrian. For the saied Publius was in condicion or state of liuyng a bondeman, & of nacion or coun∣tree a Syrian borne. Ferre a waye is he left behynde, that is ouercomed, ye iudge beeyng his frende or shewyng hym fauour. And the iudge beeyng but indifferent, it was toto ferre oddes yt a Syrian born should in Roome uercome a Romain. Whē Caesar sawe in Roome cer∣tain aliens that wer riche & wel∣thie persones, carryyng about the stretes in their armes & bosomes litle young dogges and apes,What Iuli{us} Caesar saied whe he sawe in Roome straungiers carrye young puppees and in their ar∣mes to plaie withall. and to make all sporte and plaie with thesame, he demaunded, whether the women in their countree did bryng foorth no children.Pericles a no¦ble manne of Athenes, whi¦che gouerned y• cōmē weale here by the space of xl. ye∣res, a māne in aturall elo∣quence in cōparable Me∣nyng that there wer no suche yoūg whelpes of any kynd more pleasaūte to plaie or fynd pastyme withall, thē their owne litle sweete babes. Plutarchus telleth this historie in y• life of Pericles, allbeeit he sheweth not whi∣che Caesars saiyng it was. I deme it to bee Augustus Caesars. When he sawe his souldiours to bee woundreous sore afeard of their enemies whiche thei looked for daily,Wht Iuli{us} Caesar saied to his souldi∣ours beeyng in great eare of their ene∣mies, whose comyng thei daily looked for. he spoke openly to the whole coūpaignie in this manier. Bee it knowē to you all, that with in these veraye fewe dayes, there will come hither a kyng wt tenne legions,This kyng was the kyng of the Persi∣ans. thirtie thousand horsemē of others in light harnesse an hū∣dred thousāde, and three hundred elephaūtes. Therefore some emōg you here, ceasse to make any fer∣ther enquierie or serche, or to con∣ceiue this or that opinion, & geue thei credence vnto me, who haue certain knowelage of al the truth, orels in feith I will cause all suche persones to bee putte in the oldest and moste rottē shippe that I can geatte, & to bee carryed hens what soeuer wynde shall blowe into what soeuer countrees it shall chaunce at auenture. A straunge facon of puttyng awaye feare,Great mati of daūgier re¦quireth herte and stomake accordyng, for to resist thesame. not by naye saiyng, ne by lessenyng the noumbre of the enemies, but by encreasyng the occasion of terrour, to the ende that beeyng adcerteined of sore perill and hasarde to come, thei might take vnto theim stomakes & hertes for suche greate daungier conuenable. To certain persones comyng in with their fiue egges, how that Sylla had geuen ouer his office of Dictature as he should dooe,What Caes. saied for his excuse of not leuyng, y• of∣fice of dict∣tour. where∣as Caesar kept it still & would not out of it at all, (whiche thyng to dooe lacked veraye litle of plaine vsurpacion of tirannie:) he aun∣swered yt Sylla was not bookyshe, nor half a good clerke,Iuli{us} Caesar saied yt Sylla was not half good clerke. and there∣fore gaue vp hisFor the better vnderstandyng of this place, it is to bee no∣ted, that by reason that the citee of Rome was rewled by two persones of eguall power, who were called Consules, & wer chaunged from yere to yere, ther chaunced oft tymes matier of contention and strife whether of the twoo Consules should goo to battaill, or if thei kept warre in twoo places at ones whether should goo to this place, and whether to that. And by reason of suche contenciō many tymes the affaires of the citee proceded not, and the citee self was oft in greate daungier. It was therefore by a lawe prouided that in suche tyme and state of the cōmen weale, if ye twoo Consules betwene theim twain or els the Senate emonge theim did not ne would agree, there should bee elected an officer, who was called dictator, as if ye should saie, a lorde commaunder, he was called also, Magister populi, the maister of the people. His office was called, Dicta∣tura ye dictatourship, or y• dictature. Whiche was as touchyng his autoritee, the veraye absolute power of a kyng. And what∣soeuer the dictatour commaūded or bidde to bee dooen, should bee eecuted without any maner lette, contradiccion, or reaso∣nyng. And because the power was so greate, it was by thesame law prouided that no one persone should contynue in it aboue the space of sixe monethes at ones. And whosoeuer would not geue vp the dictature at the sixth monethes ende, encurred the suspicion of tyrannie, and of conspiryng to bee a kyng, & there by the cryme of high treason against the commen weale. This lawe not withstandyng Sylla beeyng dictator would not at his due tyme yelde vp his office, but by meanes vsurped a per∣petuall dictature for the terme of one hundred and twentie ye∣res, yet at last he gaue it vp in his last daies. Thē came Iulius Caesar, and so sembleably vsurped the dictatourshp for terme of life. And of that came in, the power of theim who wer after¦ward called Caesares. And the office of dictature ceassed. Nei∣ther was there any that wer euer called perpetui dictatores that is perpetuall dictatours, or dictatours for terme of life, but these twoo aforenamed. dictature. Schoolemaisters, when thei shewe afore woorde by woorde, orels recite vnto their scholares what to write after theim, are sai∣ed proprely in latine dictare discipulis.Dictare di∣scipulis. Cae∣sar herunto alludyng saied that Sylla was not half a cunnyng clerke. Menyng (as I suppose) that on the one syde, if Sylla had been so well seen in histories, in chronicles, and in ex∣perience of y• worlde, as to consider what greate daūgier it was, frō suche an office so long tyme by strong hande contynued to returne to his for¦mer state of a priuate manne again, he would haue looked twys on the matier ere he would haue geuen it vp, (of whiche matier is somwhat touched afore in the .xxiiii. apophthegme of Di∣ogenes) and on the other syde, that suche a per∣sone as should be in aroume of such high power and autoritee, that what soeuer he would com∣maunde must & should nedes bee dooen, ought to bee a manne of high wysedome, knowelage, & discrecion, to kepe hymself vpright in all bee∣halfes, and to dooe nothyng by violence power whiche he might not at all tymes after auouche & iustifie, as Sylla had dooen, who in y• tyme of his dictature, would not onely bee rewled by no lawes, ne ministre any iustice, but ferthermore, vsed suche detestable crueltee & tirannie ouer the citee and all degrees & sortes of menne, as could not choose afterwarde but redound to his final cōfusiō & exterminiō. Albeit (except my memorie fal me) y• histories saiē y• Sylla gaue not vp the said office vntil he laie sicke in his death bedde. As Caesar makyng his triumphe passed alonge by the seates of the Tribunes, Pontius Aquila beeyng one of the noumbre of ye Tribunes,Caesar tooke verye gre∣uously yt one Aquila a Tri¦bune made no reuerence to hym at his triumphe. alone of theim all not os arose out of his place to dooe hym any reue∣rence. This matier Caesar tooke so highly eiuill, that he saied to hym as loude as he could crye. Then come thou Aquila beeyng a There wer tain mēne of office and autoritee in Roome called Triuni, thei wer as chief of the cōmēs And their po∣wer was as∣well in ma∣kyng of law∣e & decrees, as also in all other causes, to intercede betwene the Senate & the people, that the lordes and nobles might not by any newe found actes, statutes, or decrees, in any wyse oppresse or greue the commenalte. And so greate was their autoritee in this be∣half, that whatsoeuer the consuls or Senate would enacte, if but one of the Tribunes said naye to it, all their dooyng was oide, ne coulde take any effecte. The college of Trybunes for the people in Roome might well bee likened to ye coumpaignie of Bourgeoysses o the parliamente here in Englande. There wer of the Tribunes at y• first no more but twain, afterward sixe, in processe a college of thirtie sixe. There wer also tribuni militares, tribunes of the souldyours, whose office was, to se that the souldyours wer well armed and appointed as thei should bee.Tribune and take the commenweale out of my handes. Neither did he by the space of a good many daies toge∣ther after, make promisse of any∣thyng vnto any persone but with this excepcion, at lest wyse if wee maie bee so bolde for Pontius Aquila. Unto the people for flaterie sa∣lutyng hym by the name of kyng,Iuli{us} Caesa rfused to bee called kyng. I am Caesar ({quod} he) I am no kyng. He rather chose to bee called by his owne priuate name, then by the name of kyng, whiche at that tyme was sore hated in the citee of Roome. Some one feloe of the people had sette on the image of Caesar a garlande of laurell wound about with a whyte lynē rolle.A croune woūd abou with a whyte lynē roll, was the token of kyng & was y• veraye dia∣deme. But whē the Tribunes, the lynen rolle pulled of, had Plutarchus saieth that a diademe or croune emperiall was at this tyme sette on sondrie images of Caesar in diuerse pla∣ces, and the twoo Tribunes that plucked awaye the crounes he nameth the one Flanius and the other Marullus, and ad∣eth that thesame tribunes did cast in prieson all suche perso∣nes, as thei found had salued Caesar by the name of kyng.commaunded the feloe to prieson, Caesar after yt he had geuen ye Tribunes a sore rebuke for it,Iuli{us} Caesa put out of of∣fice the tribu∣nes whiche had taken a∣waye frō his porerature kynges dia∣deme. de∣priued yesame of their offices. And yt he might not by so dooyng see∣me to attempte the vsurpacion of the name and power of kyng, he pretended for an excuse, ye glorie of refusyng suche honour his owne self to had been takē awaye from hym by theim. Because Caesar had chosē many alienes of straunge countrees in∣to the senate,Iuli{us} Caesar chose many a¦liens into the noūbre of se∣natours of Roome. there was a bill wri∣ten & sette vp, that it should bee a good deede, if some manne would goo shewe ye parliamente chaum∣bre, to one of the newe chosē sena∣tours straūgiers. He mened (what feloe so euer it was that sette vp the bille) those foreners newly made Senatours of Roome, not so muche as to knowe the waie to ye senate hous, excepte yesame wer shewed vnto theim. A feloe wrote vnder ye image of Brutus,What poses certain perso∣nes wrote vn∣der the ima∣ges of Brut{us} and Caesar. would god thou wer yet a∣liue: because that Tarquinius the last kyng of Roome was expulsed and driuen out of the citee by the mea∣nes of the said Brutus. And vnder ye porturature of Caesar thei had wri∣ten emong theim, verses of this sense and menyng. Whē likelyhood appered trea∣son and conspirisie on euery syde to bee wrought against hym,Better ones to dye then e∣uer to feare said Iulius Caesar. and warnyng was geuen hym, that he should take good heede to hym∣self, he aunswered, yt better it was ons for all together to dye, then to bee in perpetuall care of takyng heede. Signifiyng, y• persone not to liue, who liueth in perpetuall feare of death.One wer as good bee out of the worlde as to liue in {per}ptual feare of death. When Caesar, after that he had made the The Tigurines, a people of Germanie, whiche dooen in∣habite the fowerh parte of Suycerlande. Tigurines crye creake, beeyng on his waye towardes a certain citee of people ioyned in league with hym,The animos¦ee & courage of Iul. Caes. heard that an other sorte of ye The Suyceners are y• whole nacion of Suycerlande whiche is called in latine Heluetia, and the people Heluetii, menne of suche sorte, that for money thei will fight, thei care not vnde whose banner. And subiectes thei are vnto no prince, ne dooe any thyng passe on life or death, heauen or helle. Suyceners wer cō∣yng against hym in the waye yt he had to goo, he reculed into a cer∣tain place strong and well fensed. There all his cōpaignie gathered together, & well sette in araie, his horse Plutarchus in the life of Caesar, and Plynius in the .xlii. chapitour of the eight booke dooen write, that Iulius Caesar had an horse with feete facioned & shaped like a mannes foote, and the houe deuided as it wer into .ii. toes euen as a manne hath. And that he would not suffre any bodye to site hym, or gette vp on his backe, sauyng onely Caesar. A like straunge thyng is afore noted of Buephalus the horse of Alexander. yt he had been accustomed to ride on, was brought vnto him Wel ({quod} Caesar) after yt I shal haue gotten this victorie, & not afore, I wil occupie this horse in pursuing myne enemies. And so euen on foote he sette vpon the Suyceners. Caesar now opēly dooyng many thynges by plaine might & power,What Con∣sidius a Se∣natour of Roome saie vnto Caesa dooyng all thynges by force & vio∣lēce in Rome. & contrarie to all lawes, one Consi∣dius beeyng a manne veraye ferre striken in age, plainly and with a bolde spirite saied vnto hym, that y• senates wer for this cause onely slacke in meetyng and sittyng in counsaill, that thei stood in feare of his billes & glieues. And when Caesar at these woordes had saied, why then dooest not thou for the∣same feare, kepe thyselfe at home within thy hous? Naye as for me (saied Considius) olde age maketh me out of feare. For sens there is but a veraye litle litle tyme of my life behinde, there is no cause why I should take any greate care or thought for the matier. Iulius Caesar vnto Pomponius a launce knight,What Iuli{us} Caesar saied to a souldy∣our makyng vaunte yt he had reciued a wounde in the face for hym. makyng muche a dooe of a wounde receiued in the face, at the insurrecciō whiche Sul∣pitius This Sulpitius was a Tribune or bourgeoyse for the peo¦ple in the tyme of Sylla and Marius, whē Caesar was a ve∣raye younge manne. Of whom Plutarchus in the life of Syl∣la writeth in this manier. Therefore Marius tooke vnto hym Sulpitius a Tribune of the people, a manne in no poincte be∣hynd whosoeuer was moste flagicious And neuer aske ye the question how he was more vngracious then an other, sens he was more mischieuous then his owne self, a man of excedyng crueltee, and sette a gog with toto muche bothe presumpcion & auarice. To whatsoeuer deedes dooyng abominacion and all kyndes of mischief had enticed hym, he had no regarde, he had no consideracion to sell the commenweale of Roome euen in the open strete to menne that had been not many daies afore bondeseruauntes, and to denysens hauyng not a foote of lāde of their owne, and to tell suche money as was by theim paied vpon tables sette euen in the open mercate place. He maintei∣ned three thousande persones that neuer went without swor∣des and buclers, he had also of yoūg horsemēne moste quicke and readie vnto all maner feactes a great power for the garde of his persone. And these he named Antisenatum, a coumpai∣gnie to matche the Senatours. This manne when he had made a lawe that no manne of the degree and ordre of the Se∣natours might owe aboue twoo thousande drachmes at ones, hym self when he was departed this worlde left thirtie hūdred thousand drachmes yt he owed of due debte. This man beyng sette the people on by Marius, when he entended to dooe all thynges with violence and with the sweorde, partely enacted many flagicious lawes, and especially one, whiche made Ma∣rius chief capitain of the warre to bee made against Mithri∣dates. Wherefore, the consuls geuyng commaundemente that the ministryng of lawes should for a tyme ceasse, thesame con∣suls declaryng their myndes vnto the people in the temple of Castor Sulpitius bryngyng in amōg theim a coumpaignie of feloes in harnesse, bothe slewe many persones, and also thrust to the herte with a dagger the sonne of Pompeius then cōsull beeyng of age in manier but a veraye childe, euen in the myd∣des of y• guilde halle. But he was within fewe daies after con∣demned to death by Sylla, and by the trson of one of hi owne bondeseruauntes slaine, and the seruaunte made a free manne (as Sylla had promised) and ymmediatly by the com∣maundement of thesame cast down hedlong frō a rocke where he broke his necke. made against the Senate, whiche wounde the saied launce knight made a braggue yt he had taken in fightyng for Caesar, well (saied he) neuer looke behynd the again when thou rennest awaye. Suche a like thyng dooeth Macrobius father vpon Augustus Caesar, Quintilia∣nus ascribeth it to Iulius Caesar. Thesame Caesar, when a certain plaintif to aggrauate his har∣mes, & to make ye moste of theim, alleged that ye partie accused had striekē alltogether at his thighes & legges, saied: Why, what shuld he haue dooen, thou hauyng a sa∣lette on thy hedde, & a cote of fense on thy bodye? He was not igno∣raunte, for what cause the other feloe was desirous to strieke that parte chiefly, but the same thyng dissēbled, he had more phāsie to est. An helmet & a Iacke or platecote hideth all partes of a manne sauyng the legges. Thesame Caesar vnto Metellus wt standyng that he might not take any money out of the treasourie or chaumbre of y• citee,This is tou∣ched afore in y• viii. apoph∣hegme. and bryng∣yng foorth lawes forbiddyng the same to bee dooen: The tyme of weapen (saieth he) and of lawes is not all one.What Iuli{us} Caesar saied vnto Metell{us} withstādyng that h should not take any money out of the treasourie of Roome. That in case thou cāst not bee contēted with the matier, now for this present gette the out of the waye, & after that (al leages and bondes of peace throughly drieuē) wee shall haue laied down all wepen, then (if yu shalt so thynk good) laie to my charge in the be∣half of the people, & I shall make the aunswer. Thesame Caesar would often tymes saie, that he had like entēte & mynde of dealyng against his enemies,Enemies in battaill are to bee ouercome rather wt fa∣myne then wt the sweorde. as ye moste parte of good phisicians haue against the mala¦dies and sores of mennes bodies, whiche is, rather with hungre then with iron to ouercome theim For the physicians dooe not fall to cut∣tyng, except all other meanes & wayes afore proued. And this vsage euen at this presente daye still endureth emong the Italians:The Italiā in all diseases dooen enioyn abstinence. a∣gainst al kindes of diseases thei doo streight¦ly enioyne abstinence. A like thyng vnto this it is,Dimiti{us} Cor∣bulo, would enemies to be ouercomed sokyngly by litle and litle. ye Domitius Corbulo vsed muche to saie, that a mannes enemies in bataill are to bee ouercomed wt a carpēters square∣yng are, that is to saie, sokyngly one pece af∣ter an other. A commē axe, cutteth through at the first choppe, a squaryng axe by a litle and a litle werketh thesame effecte. It breded & areised greate en∣uie and grutchyng agaist Caesar,What thyng was occasion of greae en∣uie & grutche against Iuli{us} Caesar. that one of those persones, whom he had sent to Roome, standyng in the senate hous, as soone as he knewe that the senate would not geue ne graunte vnto Caesar pro∣rogacion, that is to saie, a longer tyme in his dictature, gaue a greate stroke with his hande vpō ye hiltes of his swerde, & saied: well yet this feloe here shall geue it. Thretenyng to ye commenweale force and violence.Iuli{us} Caesar by force & vio¦lnce oppres∣sed the cōmē¦weale. Sylla hauyng obteined the pre∣tourship, manaced Caesar veraye sore,What Caes. saied to Syl∣la thretenyng to vse his po∣wer vpō him. that he would vse his autori∣tee and power vpon hym: yea, ({quod} Caesar laughyng at it) thou dooest of good right call it thy power, whiche yu hast bought wt thy penie.Sylla purcha¦ced the prae∣tourship with greate giftes & rewardes. Notyng Sylla, that thesame had pur∣chaced ye said office by geuyng greate giftes and rewardes. Marcus Tullius in ye thirde booke of that his werke entitleed, de offi∣ciis, (that is to saie, of honeste beha¦uour, or, how eche manne ought to vse and to demeane hymselfe) writeth that Caesar had euer in his mouthe these greke verses out of the thirde tragedie of Euripides en∣titleed, Phoenissae. , . That is. If a manne should nedes dooe wrong, It ought to bee onely in this case, To make hymself a kyng, by hande strong, In other thynges leat right haue place. When Caesar gooyng towardes the countree of Africa had slipped and gotten a falle in gooyng out of a shippe,How Caesar turned an ei∣uil likelyhode to the better parte. the likelyhood of euill chaunce to come, he turned to the better parte, saiyng. I haue ye fast in my handes o Afrike. Sextus Iuli{us} Frontinus a latine autour that writeth fower bokes of stratage∣mes, that is to saie of the sightes and policies of warre.Fronti∣nus thynketh, that this happened at his ta∣kyng of shippe, and that he saied: I haue the fat o yearth whiche arte my mother. Allu∣dyng (as I suppose) herunto, that where he was on a tyme sore troubleed with a certain dreame,The dreame of Iul. Caes. in whiche it semed to hym, that he had to dooe wt his owne mother, the reders or southsaiers expouned, the empier of all ye whole worlde to bee prophecied vnto hym. CNeus Of Pompe∣us it is afore noted in the viii. apoph∣thegme of Au¦gust{us} CaesarPompeius surna∣med the greate, was with the people of Rome as ferre in fa∣uour, as his Plutarchus in the life of Pompeius writeth, that the Ro∣maines neuer shewed against any Capitain or hedde citezen ei∣ther greater orels more eagre hatered, then against Strabo, ye father of Pōpeius. For duryng his life tyme thei stood in per∣petuall feare of his greate power purchaced and gotten by the sweorde (for he was a veraye hardie and valyaunte manne of warre.) But after that he was ons departed out of this life, strieken sodainly to death with a flashe of lightenyng, his corps beeyng carryed foorth to bee buiryed, ye people violently haled the ded bodye from the bere, and did vnto it all the moste vilanie that thei could ymagyn. The cause why he was so sore hated, was estemed to bee his vnsaciable auarie and couete∣ousnesse. father before hym, had been in grutche & hatered. This Pompeius beeyng yet a veraye young manne, wedded hymselfe wholly to the faccion of Sylla.Pōpeius bee∣yng but a ve∣raye young manne gathe∣red an armie in Italie, be∣fore yt he was eiter any of∣ficer of the ci∣tee, orels a se∣natour, and tooke parte with Sylla. And although he wer nei∣ther any officer of the citee, nor se∣natour, yet he gotte vnto hym out of one place and other of Italie a greate armie. And when Sylla had cōmaunded thesame to come and ioyne with hym, Nay ({quod} he) I wil neuer present an hoste vnto ye high capitaine of Roome without boo∣ties or spoyles, nor vnfleashed on their enemies. Neither did he re∣pair vnto Sylla, before that he had in soondrie battrees and encoun∣treynges vanquyshed diuerse ca∣pitaines of enemies. Euen at the first date, shewed he a greate token and lyke∣lyhood of a prince moste woorthie, and born to dooe greate thynges. It was not his en∣tente to bryng vnto Silla, philip and cheiny moo then a good meiny, but to bryng hable soudiours of manhood approued and well tryed to his handes. And beeyng now created a ca∣pitaine,Pompeius e∣uē at his first begynnyng did ye partes both of a va∣liaūt and of a righteous ca∣pitain. when he was by Sylla sent into Sicilie, he begoonne to dooe the partes, not onely of a valiaūte and woorthie capitaine, but also of a iuste and righteous capitaine For when he had heard, that his soudiours in gooyng foorthward on their viages, made by stertes out of their waye, and did muche oppression in the countree as thei went, and pieled all that euer thei could fyngre, suche persones as he tooke rouyng and trottyng or scuddyng from place to place thei could not tell where about theim selfes he punyshed,Pompeius would not his souldy∣ours to dooe any oppres∣siō or pilage where thei went. and what com¦paignie hymself had sent afore, he empriented on euery one of their sweardes ye seall of his ryng, that thei shuld dooe no bodie no wrong ne harme by the waye. The The Ma∣mertines, a people in Si∣cilie, whose toune wa cal¦led Messana. Mamertines (because thei had taken parte and sticked hard with the enemies of Sylla) he had appointed to slea euery mothers soonne. But Sthenius the lorde of ye citee or countree came vnto Pom∣peius with these wordes:Sthenius the lorde of the Mamertines toke parte wt Marius aga∣inst Sylla. O Pompeius ye dooe not accordyng to equitee and conscience, in yt ye goo about, for one mannes cause that hathe offended, to dooe a greate noum∣bre of innocentes to death. I wys euen veray I myself am ye manne that bothe haue persuaded my frē¦des,The noble & māly harte of Sthenius. and also haue coarcted myne enemies to take the part of Marius against Sylla.This was dooen in ye ci∣uile battail be¦twene Mari{us} and Sylla. Here Pompeius greatly meruaillyng at the manly herte of this Sthenius, said that he perdoned the Mamertines who had been per∣suaded by suche a manne,ōpius for the respecte of Stheni{us} per∣doned y• Manitines. as pre∣ferred his coūtree aboue his own life, and so deliuered bothe ye citee and Sthenius. In Sthenius ye haue an example, what herte a prince ought to beare towarde the cōmenweale in case any perill or daungier dooe chaūce: and in Pompeius a good lesson of placabilitee or myldenesse, in that he was more propense to shewe ho∣nour vnto one that had a natural affeccion and zele toward his coūtree, then to execute his wrathe to the vttermost. When he had passed ouer into Libya a parte of Afrike ad∣onaunte to Egypte, so na¦med of Liba y• wife of Iupi¦ters soonne. Libya against Domitius, and had ouercomed thesame in a He calleth it a greate victorie, for the saied Domitius (a no∣ble Senatour of Roome and consull with Messala) peryshed in ye battaill. And of twentie thousande, whiche he had in an armie, there escaped aliue no mo but three thousande. At this victorie Pompeius subdued all Aphrike into the power of the Romains. And for this victorie was he surnamed Magnus, and was called Pompeius the greate. greate & sore battaill, his souldiours full & whole salutyng hym wt the title of Emperour, he saied, he would not take at their handes the ho∣nour of that high name, as long as the trenches and bulwerkes of his enemies campe was standing whole. This heard, his soldiours,The good cou¦age of Pom¦peius his souldyours. (although it wer thē a great raine to leat theim) soodainly with all their might assaillyng the campe of their enemies, woonne it, and beate it down hande smoothe.Pōpeius re∣fused honour vntil he knew hymself to haue deserued it. Thus the saied Pompeius refufed an honour not yet truely deserued with deedes. Thesame Pompeius beeyng re∣turned from ye saied victorie,The surname of Magnus, when where∣fore & by whō it was geuen to Pompei{us}. was partely wt other honours highly receiued by Sylla, and also besydes other thynges he first of all gaue vnto hym the surname Magnus, the greate. But when Pompeius not satisfied wyth al this, woulde nedes triumphe too, Sylla would none therof, because Pompeius was not yet of ye degree of a senatour. But when Pompeius had saied vnto the coumpaignie then presēte, Sylla to bee ignoraunt, yt moo persones dooen worship the soonne when it ariseth,Mo persones wurship the soonne wh it ariseth, then when it goo∣eth downe saied Pom∣peius. then when it gooeth down Sylla cryed with a loude voice, leat hym triumphe. He was strieken in fear of ye courageous stomake of the freashe young manne,Pōpeius tri∣mphed bee∣yng a veraye young manne not yet a Se∣our. and of his glorie dayly more and more encreasyng. Neither sticked he or put any doubtes to geue place vnto suche an one, as he sawe could in no wyse he brought to yeld an ynche to any manne lyuyng. The menyng of Pompeius was, that the people would bee more propense to fauour th honour and glorie of a young manne comyng vpward, and growng towardes the world, as hymself was, then of an olde manne beeyng al∣moste past, and begynnyng to decaye, as Sylla now did. In ye meane whyle, euen against the tyme Seruilius a ioyly feloe and emong the hedde menne in the cō∣menweale highly estemed was madde angrye that a When any consull or other high Capitaine by the Senate & people therunto deputed, had holden greate warres, and had with sauyng his owne armie (or at let wyse with smal losse of menne achiued some notable high cōqueste, or had gottē some excelente victorie vpō any foren nacion, kyng or capitain, to ye high honour, renoume and auaūcemente of the commenweale of Roome, or to the victorious enlargeyng of the empier of the same, he should at his returnyng home bee receiued with all honour, ioye, solemnitee, pompe and royaltee that might bee deuised. He should haue to go before hym ye kyng or capitaine by hym subdued, & all captiues taken in the warres, he should haue pageauntes as gorgeously sette out as might bee, of all ye tounes, castelles, fortresses, and people or prouinces by hym subdued, hymself should ryde in a chairette moste goodly be∣seen, bare hedded sauyng a garlande of laurell, and after his taille should come his owne souldyours with all ioye, mirth & solace that was possible to bee made. And this was called a triumphe, the highest honour that might bee shewed. Neither was it awarded to any manne, but by the iudgemente of the whole armie, with the decree of the Senate vpon thesame, and consente of the whole vniuersall people, nor without the e∣sertes aboue rehersed. triumphe was graunted to Pompeius. The souldyours also not a fewe of thē made many stoppes & lettes that there might bee no triūphe dooen, not for that thei bare Pompeius any grutche, but thei required to haue certain rewardes distributed e∣mong thē, as though ye triumphe must haue been bought at their handes with greate largesse: orels the souldiours thretened that thei would echemāne for hymself cat∣che awaye of the treasures and ri∣chesse yt should bee carryed about in the triumphe. And therfore the saied Seruilius and one Glaucia gaue hym aduise and counsaill rather willyngly to parte ye saied money emong ye souldyours, thē to suffre it to bee taken awaye euery māne a flyce by strong hande. But whē Pompeius had made theim aunswer that he would rather leat al alone and haue no triumphe at all,Pompeius would rather make no tri∣umphe at all, thē flattre his souldyours or bye it with money. then he would make any seekyng or en¦treactyng to his owne souldiours and euen with that woorde sette down before theim ye roddes boū∣den together with an axe in the middes garnyshed and decked wt garlandes of laurel, yt thei should therof first begynne their spoyle if thei durst: Naye, {quod} Seruilius, now I see the in veraye deede to bee Pompeius the greate, and worthie to haue a triumphe.What tri∣umphe is ho∣nourable and shewe woor¦ For Pompeius iudged no triumphe to bee honourable and worthie shewe, except that it wer as a thing in the waye of recompense or so duetie re∣paied to good demerites, without any great suite makyng, and without giftes geuyng. It was the guyse in Roome,The guyse & custome in Roome for souldyours yt had ben horse¦men in the warres. that the horsemē whiche had been a conuenient space of tyme foorth in the warres, should bryng forth their horse into a solēne place ap∣poincted before by ye two officers called Censours,Of the office of Censours in Roome it is afore no∣ted in ye xxxvii saiyng of Au∣gust{us} Caesar. and there, after re∣hersall aswell of suche viages as thei had been in, as also of ye capi∣taines vnder whom thei had been in waiges, accordyng to their de∣merites, either to haue thanke and praise, orels rebuke & blame. So Pompeius beeyng Consul, euen in his owne persone came and brought his horse before Gallius and Lentulus then Censours,How Pōpe∣ius presented hymself & his horse to Gal∣lius and Len∣tulus the Cē∣sours. whiche persones ac∣cordyng to ye custome and vsage demaūdyng, whether he had true∣ly exercised and dooen all the par∣tes and dueties to a souldyour be∣longyng, yea ({quod} Pompeius) to the vt¦termust in al behalfes vnder myn owne self the lorde high capitaine Signifiyng,Pompeius so executed ye of∣fice of a capi∣taine, that ne∣uerthelesse he accomplished all the partes of an inferi∣our souldyer. that he had in suche wyse executed & ministred ye office of a capitanie, that he did neuerthelesse like no sleper accō∣plyshe all poinctes that euer belonged to an inferiour souldiour. So was he one and the same manne, bothe an especiall good capi∣taine,The highest praise & com∣mendacion yt a capitain maye haue. and a lustie valiaunte manne of his handes, then the whiche praise and commē∣dacion there maye none higher or greater possible chaunce to a capitaine. When he had in Spaine takē the packette of Sertorius was born in Nursia, a toune of the Sabines, and was a citezen of Roome, at last an outlawe & a banyshd man of whom Plutarchus thus telleth. Capitaines that haue been as good menne of warre, as euer wer any, haue lacked the one of their yies, as Philippus, Antigonus, Anniball, & this Sor∣torius, of whom no manne can denye, but that he was a māne more chaste of his bodye in absteinyng from womē, then Phi∣lippus: more assured and feithfull to his frendes, then Antigo∣nus: lesse fuious & eagre on his enemies, thē Annibal: in witte inferiour to neuer an one of theim all, but ferre behynd theim all in fortune, whiche fortune although he found at all tymes more heauie and sore vnto hym then he found his enemies, ye did he matche to the vttermust in perfectenesse of warre, Me∣tellus: in hardinesse of auenturyng Pōpeius, in fortune Syl∣la, in power the whole people of Roome, beeyng a manne banyshed his owne countree, and bearyng rewle emong the Barbarous, that is to weete y• Portugalles, whose coūtree is called in latine Lusitania.Sertorius his lettres in the whiche wer close trussed the lettres of capitaines not a fewe in∣uityng and callyng thesame Serto∣rius to Roome, there for to make a newe turne of the worlde, and to chaunge the state of the citee, he burned ye lettres euery one,The modera∣cion and cle∣mēcie of Pō∣peius. to the ende that he would geue vnto the caitifes tyme and occasion to re∣pent, and leue or power to chaūge their traitreous entētes to better. This historie like as it might well bee rekened in ye noumbre of thynges vnwrathe¦fully and prudentely dooen, so doo I not see what it should make emong apophthegmes. Albeeit, right many of suche lyke sorte are found in the colleccions of Plutarchus. If he had discryed their names, thei would vn∣doubtedly by and by addressed theimselfes to a manifeste sedicion for veraye feare of punyshemente.To opē an o∣ther bodyes lettres, or to discouer thyn¦ges cōmitted to the by let∣tres sealed. On the other syde, in that he suppressed and kept secrete the lettres of his enemies, he gaue a good lessō, what a greate offence it is to open other bodyes lettres, or to crye at ye high crosse, what thou hast been putte in truste wtall by lettres vnder seale. Unto Phraates kyng of the Par∣thians requiryng of hym by ambas∣sadours to bee contented that the floodde Strabo in his werke of geographie, that is to saie, of the de∣scripciō of the yearth, writeth, that out of Niphates (an hille in Armenia) spryngeth and issueth Euphrates, a greate, a depe and a swifte riuer, not ferre frō the riuer of Tigris. It is the greate riuer of the Parthians, and passyng through Babylon i renneth into the redde sea. In the first booke of Moses Euphrates is rekened one of the fower riuers, whose foun∣taines or hedsprynges are in paradise. Euphrates might bee ye for∣thest marke for the boundes of the dominion of Roome,How Pōpe∣ius aunswe¦red Phraates kyng of the Parthiās re∣quiryng that Euphrates might bee the boundes of ye dominion of Roome. naye, ({quod} he) this wer a more meete requeste to bee made, that iustice maie disse∣uer the boundes of the Romaines from the royalme of the Parthians. Signifiyng, not to bee any prescrbyng to the Romaines, how ferre thei ought to extend their empier,It was no scribyng to ye Romai∣nes ow ferre thei ought to extende their empier. from daily enlargyng wherof not hilles and flooddes ought theim to kepe backe: but in suche place and none o∣ther euermore to bee appointed the limites and boundes of the Segniourie of Roome, where right would not suffre theim to passe any ferther. Whē Lucius Lucullus after hauyng a long space folowed the trade of warre, gaue hymself at the later cast vnto al sensualitee,Luci{us} Lucu∣lus in his la∣ter daies gaue hymself alto∣ther to sensu∣alitee. ne would dooe any thyng but spend and make good chere, and on a tyme called Pompeius foole, for yt thesame before he was of age conueniente had greate desire & mynde to bee enwrapped in many coumbreous affaires,What Po∣peius saied o Lucullus re∣prouyng hym for entreyng dooynges it the commen∣weale oue yoūg of age. & high dooynges, Iwys ({quod} Pompeius again) much more out of season it is for an olde manne to bestowe hymself altogether on sensual delices, then to bee an hed gouernour in a commenweale. He greuously reproued the mynde and iudgemente of those persones, whiche thyn∣ken, that aged folkes should haue nomanr thyng at all to dooe, wheras it wer a gaye thyng for a manne hauyng the rewle and gouernaunce of a commenweale to dye euē standyng on his foote. And as for ryot and idlenesse is in young menne foly,Ryot & idle∣nesse in yoūg men foly, in old folkes ab∣hominacion. in olde fol¦kes abhomynacion. Unto Pompeius lyyng sicke, his physiciā had prescribed yt his diete should bee nothyng but blacke byrdes. And whē the parties that had the charge to purueie theim saied that there wer none to bee gottē (for it was not the season of the yere in whiche this kynde of byrdes are woont to bee taken) one persone there, putte theim in remembrreaūce, that there might some bee foūd at Lucullus his hous who vsed to kepe of theim aliue al the yere long. Why ({quod} Pompeis) is the wynde in this doore, yt except Lucullus wer a manne geuen to de∣lices,The manly brte of Pōpeius in con∣temnyng sen∣suall elices. Pompeius might in no wyse cō∣tinue aliue? And so the physician abandoned, he tooke hym to mea∣tes purueiable. O a manly herte of the right sorte in deede, whiche would not bee bound to ough thākes vnto delicate pie∣kyng meates, no not for to saue his veraye life therby. When there was on a tyme be∣fallen in Roome a greate scarsitee of corne, Pompeius beeyng declared in woordes and in title the purui∣our of corne, but in veraye deede the lorde bothe of sea and lande, sailled into Africa, Sardinia, and Sici∣lia: and a greate quantitee of corne shortely gotten together, he made haste to returne to Roome again. But the maryners, by reason of a sore tempeste soodainly arisen, bee¦yng lothe to take ye seaes, Pompeius hymself first of al entreed into the shippe, and bidde the ancores to be waied or hoysed, cryyng in this manier: To auenture sailyng ne∣cessitee constreigneth vs, to liue it dooeth not. Declaryng that more regarde ought to bee had of our countree beeyng in ieoperdie,More regard ought to bee had of our countree, bee∣yng in ieoper∣die thē of our owne priuate safegarde. then of our owne pri∣uate safegarde. For to spend our life in the cares of succouryng and relieuyng the com∣menweale is a high honestee: but our coun∣tree in extreme peril to be desolated through our slouthfulnesse or slackyng is the foulest shame in the worlde:Mne bee thei neuer so high are with famyn made me enough. here bee wee putte in remembreaunce, that not onely brute bea∣stes dooen leat goo libertee, and come into seruitude, but also sturdie and stifnecked menne are with famyn brought down and made to stoope. Wee bee also taught that our priuate safegarde is lesse to bee tendreed then the welth publique. When the breche betwene Pom∣peius and Iulius Caesar was come to light and openly knowē, and one Narcellinus (as Plutarchus saieth, but by the iudgemente of others. Mar∣cellus,) one of ye noūbre of those per∣sones whō Pompeius was thought to had sette on loft, had chaunged his mynde from thesame Pompeius vnto Caesar, in so muche yt he was not afeard to speake many woor∣des against Pompeius, euen in ye se∣nate hous, Pompeius cooled & why∣shed hym in this wyse:ow Pōpe∣us put to silēce one Mar¦ellinus ra∣lng on hym in the senate hous. Art yu not a shamed o Marcellinus ({quod} he) to raill on that persone, by whose benefite thou art made of a tounglesse bo∣dye, eloquente, and of an hungre sterued feloe, brought to suche poynte that thou maiest not hold vomityng. He laied sore to the par∣ties charge ingratitude,The shameful ingratitude of many {per}sones. who abused all that the dignitee, autoritee, and eloquence that he had, to the displeasure of thesame persone whō his bounden duetie had been to thank for thesame. For this kynde of ingratitude is of all others moste vnhoneste, but yet alas toto comenly vsed in the worlde. Unto Cato right eagrely yal∣lyng at Pōpeius, because that wher he the said Cato had often tymes afore told that the power of Caesar from daye to daye encreacyng, would in fine bee no benefite at all to the publique gouernaunce of the citee, but was rather encly∣nyng & growyng towardes tyrā∣nie, yet Pompeius that not withstandyng would nedes entre familiaritee and bee allyed with hym, Pompeius made aunswere after this sorte: Thy dooynges o Cato dooen more nere approche vnto the spirite of prohecie, but myne are muche better standyng with frēdeship and amitee Me∣nyng yt Cato talked at rouers,The ende of casual thyn∣ges in the world, no mā dooeth ne aye fore∣knowe. forasmuche as no manne liuyng maie foreknowe of cer¦taintee ye ende of casuall thynges in ye worlde to fall, and that he on his behalf tooke suche wayes as the amitee and frendeship whiche was betwene hym and Caesar at that pre∣sēte tyme required. It was a thyng certain what of duetie ought to bee dooen for ones frende,Humanitee of a fde rather hope y• best, thē fore∣eme y• wurst. but vncertain it was, whether one yt was now his frende would afterwarde in tyme to come bee his enemie. And of a frēde it was more standyng with humanitee & gentlenesse to hope the best, thē to foredeme the wurst. He would frankly make open vaunte of hym self,What vaūte Pompeius would make of hymself touchyng of∣fices baryng in Roome. yt euery publi∣que office that euer he had born in the citee, he had bothe obteined sooner thē he for his parte looked for, and also had sooner geuen vp again, thē was of other persones loked for. That he had so tymely ta∣ken in hande to beare rewle and office, or to bee high capitain of an armie, came either of fortune or of manlynesse before the com∣men course of age werkyng in hym. That he gaue vp any office in due season again, came of a moderate mynde, hauyng an yi and respecte not vnto tyrānie, but vnto th profite of the commenweale. After the battaill on ye dounes of Pharsalia foughten, he fledde in∣to Egypte. And whē he should come down out of his galie into a litle fisher bote sent purposely vnto hym by ye kyng of Egypte,This kyng of Egypte was called Ptolo∣meus (as thei wer al for th moste parte) he had not lōg afore been driuen out of his royalme, and came to Roome for aide & succour and was by Pompeius brought home again wt an armie, & sette in possssiō of his croune, & in fine he slew Pōpeius (by whom he had bē restored to his kyngdō & sent his hedde vnto Casar who as soone as he sawe i wept. turnyng hymself backe to his wife and his soonne, he saied no more but these woordes of Sophocles. It appereth, yt his herte throbbed afore, at his death approchyng, for as soone as he was descendyng into the bote, receiuyng a stripe with a sweorde, he gaue but one sole grone, & wrappyng vp his hedde in a thyng he held it out to bee strieken of. Pompeius because he could not, to dy for it,What Pō∣pei{us} saied of Ciero. who¦se catng he coud not byde. awaye with y• chattyng and contynual bableyng of Cicero saied many atyme and ofte emōg his familiare frendes, I would wth all my herte yt Cicero would departe from vs to our enemies, to thēde that he might bee afeard of vs. Notyng the nature and facion of thesame, of whiche by mennes reporte he was to his enemies full of crouchyng and lowely submission, & towardes his frendes froward in opinion, of his nature & fa∣cion to his enemies lowly & to his fren¦des froward. and woondreous self-willed. This saiyng of Pompeius dooeth Quintilian thus reherse, departe from vs to Cesar, and then yu wilt bee afeard of me. Thesame Pompeius after that he had had woondreous myssehappe in bataill against Caesar,Pompeius brought to t¦r despaire. beeyng brought vnto vtter despaire, he came into his pauiliō like vnto a māne vtterly amased or a stonned & spake not one woorde more, but onely this, why then streight into our campe too. And by & by doo∣yng on hym a wede aunswerable vnto his presente fortune, he fled awaye secretely. The sediciō of Sicilie suppressed and appeased, & the citees whiche had made ye insurreccion or rebel∣lyon peasably & quietely receiued to grace again, onely the Mamerti∣nes required to bee heard, allege∣yng and recityng certain lawes many yeres afore graunted vnto thē by ye Romains, why ({quod} Pōpeius) wil ye not surceasse to bryng forth and read lawes vnto vs hauyng your sweordes gyrded about you Signifiyng that in case thei wer dispo∣sed to bee ordreed by ye right of ye lawes,Where y• or∣dre of y• law maye serue, weapen hath no place. thei neded not to weare weapen about theim. Thesame Pompeius when by let∣tres frō the Senate to hym direc∣ted he had perceiued, all that euer Sylla had by the sweorde vsurped,What Pom∣pei{us} said whē all that Syl∣la had vsur∣ped was by y• cōsente of th people of Roome pt into his hades. to be by ye whole cōsente, agremēt, and voices of ye vniuersall people cōmitted vnto his power and go∣uernaūce, he gaue a greate clappe on his thighe wt his hāde, & saied: oh perill & daungier neuer like to haue ende. How muche better had it been for me, to haue been born a poore mans chyld,Pompeius wished to had been borne a poore mannes ilde. if I shal neuer obtein to retire from the cures of warfare, ne beeyng clerely dispe∣ched of suche mater and occasiō of enuie as to be myne owne mai∣ster, that I maie with my wife lede a quiete life in the countree. Greate power and autoritee,Gat power an utoritee w hath not assaied, se∣keth: who so hath proued, hatth who hath not assaied it, maketh high suite to haue, who so hath proued it, hateth dedly, but to leaue it, is a matier of no small daungie and perill. What Pom∣peius saied to cerain per∣sones suppo∣syng that he could not bee hable to beare the maugre of Caesar.Certain persones allegeyng ye thei could not see how he should bee hable to sustein or beare the furour of Caesar, Pompeius wt a merie countenaūce bidde theim to take nomāner thought ne care for that matier. For (saieth he) as sonne as euer I shall haue geuen but a thumpe wt my foote on ye groūde of Italie,The stoute māly harte of Pompeius. there shall anon come leapyng foorth whole swarmes, of bothe horsemen and footemen till wee crye hoe again. A stoute cou∣rage and a veraye mānes herte, if fourtune had been aunswerable in dooyng hir parte. Now if ye haue not yet youre bealye full of this banquet, we shall adde also out of the noumbre of the oratours twoo or three of the principalles and veraye best. Phocion a noble Coūsaillour of Athenes, a manne of high wisedome, singulare prudence, notable policie, moste incorrupted maniers, in cōparable innocencie & integritee of life, meruai¦lous clemencie, most boūteous liberalite & to be shorte a rare myrrour to all Counsaillours. Yet all this not wtstādyng, he was at lēgh through enuie & falsely surmised accusacions, guiltelesse candemned & putte to death by his owne coun∣treemen the Atheniens, and that so cruelly, that not onely he suffreed the accustomed peines of death, but also after the execucion, was cast out into the feldes without sepulture or hauyng so muche as one poore turf of yearth to lye vpon hym. Suche was partely the ingratitude and partely the madnese of the Atheniens in Pho∣cion, Socrates, Solon, Aristides, & many moo innocene persones by their whole consente and agreement to persecute moste high vertues in stede of moste haynous offēses, and with moste horrible iniuries to requite benefites. THen first and foremust hall ye haue Phocion of coūtree a manne of Athenes, but a veraye Lacedemoniā aswell in integritee of maers, as also in knittyng vp his tal shortely at fewe woordes.Phocion a mne of fewe in el∣lyng his tale. He was euen So∣crates vp and down in this poincte and be∣half, yt noman euer sawe hym either laugh or wepe,Pociō was nur sen laugh we. or chaunge his moode, of so greate constancie of mynde he was. Unto this Phocion sittyng in a greate assemblee of ye people, a cer∣tain persone saied in this manier: Phocion ye seme to bee in a greate muse or studie. Right well coniec∣tured of you it is, {quod} he again: For I am musyng if I maie cut of any parte of the woordes that I haue to saie emong the Atheniens. Other persones take greate care and studie, to tell their tale at length with all y• maie bee saied,Phocion l∣boured in fewe worde to comprise y• effecte of his matier. to the ende yt thei maie appere eloquente: but he did all his endeuour and diligence to the contrarie, that is to weete, how to comprise & knette vp in fewe woor∣des, suche thynges as should directely serue to the effecte and purpose of his matier. A voice beeyng by reuelacion sent to ye Atheniens, that in thesame their citee one certain māne there was, who euermore cōtraried and again saied the myndes and sen∣tencies of all the vniuersall mul∣titude besides, and the people bee∣yng in a greate rore willed enqui∣erie and serche to bee made who it was, Phocion discryed hymselfe, saiyng: Euen I am the manne, whom the oracle speaketh of.Phociō like nothyng that the gross and rude multi∣tude either did or saied. For, me onely nothyng pleaseth of al yt euer ye cōmen people either dooeth or saieth. What maye a bodye in this behalf first maruaill at? The herte of his manne beeyng voide of all feare? orels the pietie and compassion of hym in that he would not suffre this suspicion to light on the necke of one or other innocente persone? orels the singulare wysedome,The multi∣tude of ye peo∣ple, neither dooē ne saien any thyng right. by whiche h perfectely sawe that ye rude and grosse mul∣titude (forasmuche as thei are led all by af∣feccions & pangues) neither dooe ne saie any thyng standyng wt good reason or discreciō? On a certain daye Phocion ma∣kyng an oraciō in presence of the people of Athenes pleased all par∣ties veraye well. And whē he sawe his tale to bee well allowed and accepted of the whole audiēce, he turned hymself to his frendes & saied:Phociō was ully {per}suaded that nothyng procedyng of right iudge∣mente might please ye peo∣ple. What, haue I (trowe wee) vnawares spokē, any thyng other wyse then well? So throughly was he perswaded, that nothing might contente or please the grosse people, that proceded of a right iudgemente. When the Atheniens of a course made a gatheryng about of the citezens to contribute eche manne somewhat towardes a sacrifice yt thei prepaired and went about to make,What Pho∣cion saied to certain Athe∣niens gathe∣ryng money toward a sa∣crifice. and (other folkes geuyng their deuocion towardes it) Phociō was more then a doosē tymes spo∣ken to, It would bee a shame for me ({quod} Phocion) if I should with you make contribucion, and make to this manne here no restitucion, (poinctyng to a creditour of his.) Right many there been that thynken highly well employed all that is bestowed or spent on temples, and on sacrifices, or on featyng at churche houses. But this ferre seeyng manne, did the people to vnderstand, that a muche more holy and godly thyng it is,To repa where a ma oweth is an holy & a god∣ly thyng. to rapaie whom to a bodye is endebted: & what is it like that he would now iudge (trowe ye) of those persones, who (their wife and chyldren defrauded) dooen edifie to the vse of menne of the clergie or spiritu∣altee, palaices meete for kynges, & to main∣tein the idle loytreyng of thesame, dooen deburse & laie out no small porcion of their substaunce. To Demosthenes the oratour sai∣yng, the Atheniens will putte the to death one daye o Phociō, if thei shall ons begynne to bee madde, he aunswered in this manier: Me in dede (as ye saie) if thei shall bee∣gynne to bee madde, but ye, if thei shall come to their right wittes a∣gain.Demosenes would speake all for to please, and ra¦ter swete wordes, then olsome. For Demosthenes in opē audi∣ence of the people spake in maner all yt euer he did forto please theim, & to obtein fauou & would speake rather sweete woordes, then holsome. When Aristogiton a false accuser and brynger of menne to trouble was now alreadie cōdemned, and in priesō there forto dye, & hertyly praied Phocion to come and see hym & Phocions frēdes would not suffre yt he should goo to suche a vile b die:In priesen is the best place possible where to see cōtinuall & thesame haious ma∣factours. And I praie yo ({quod} he) in what place should a manne haue better phancie to speake vnto Aristogiton? The argumente of his frendes he did moste fynely wrest to the contrarie of their menyng signifiyng, that he would not goo thither to bee a supporter or bearer of a com¦men mlefactour, but to take the fruicion of his iusely deserued calamitee. The Atheniens beeyng sore mo∣ued with the Byzancians,Byzantiū, a citee of Thr¦cia nigh to y• sessyde, firs edified & bu∣ded by Pan∣anias Capi∣tain o kyng of the Lacede∣monīs, & of¦erward n∣larged by Cō¦stantin{us} Em∣perour of the Romanes, & made ye hedde citee of al the he empier, & named Con∣stantinopolis whiche name of Constanti∣noble it obtei∣neth & kepeth yet still vnto this daie, it was also cal∣led noua Ro∣ma, newe Roome. forthat the same would not receiue one Chare¦tes, whom ye saied Atheniens had sent with an armie for aide and defēse of their citee against Philippus kyng of Macedonie, when Phociō had saied yt there was no cause why to take displeasure with their frendes for hauyng suche mystruste, but ra∣ther with the capitaines that wer menne not to bee trusted, he was chosen capitain hymself. And the Byzancians puttyng their affiaunce in hym, he brought to passe that Philippus departed thens as wyse as he came without his purpose. The mystrustfulnesse of the Byzanci∣ans he laied on the necke of the Charetes ye capitain, who was suche maner a manne, yt it semed an vnsure thyng for ye saied people to committe theimselfes to his proteccion. To mistrust an vntrustie {per}sone is a poinct of wysedome:To mystrust an vntrusti persone, is poincte of wysedome. but to putte theimselfes into the handes of Phocion beeyng a manne of honeste estimacion & credit thei made no∣maner stickyng nor no bones at all. Alexander kyng of the Macedonians had sent an hundred talentes vn∣to Phocion in the waye of a rewarde But Phocion demaunded of theim whiche brought the money, how it happened, that, where there wer Atheniens many moo thē he, Alexan∣der would send suche a rewarde to him alone. The messagiers in this wyse aunsweryng, because he iud∣geth the alone emong theim all to bee an honest and a good manne, well ({quod} Phocion) then leat hym suf∣fre me bothe so to bee reputed,Phociō refu∣sed a greate summe of mo¦ney sent vnto hym in re∣warde by A∣lexander. and also to bee suche an one in deede. How proprely he tooke their reason out of their mouthes, and applied thesame to an occasiō of the refusyng the gifte. Now, what manne maye in this matter any other then meruaill at the synceritee of an herte which could not bee corrupted? Phocion was a manne in pouertee, and yet was he nothing at all moued with the greatenesse of the re∣warde.Those perso∣nes throuh whose hādes the admini∣straciō of the commēweale dooeth passe bee naught if thei take re∣wardes. And al vnder one did he notifie, that suche persones as hauyng the conueighaūce and administracion of the commenweale, dooen yet for all that not hold their handes from takyng rewardes, neither been good menne, nor ought to bee accoumpted for any suche. Whē Alexander made instaunce to haue certain galies found vnto hym by the Atheniens at their coste and charge, and the people cryed earnestely for Phocion by name to apere,What coun∣sail Phocio gaue to ye A∣theniēs, cōsul¦tyng whether thei should send to Ale∣xander any galyes r not. that he might declare what aduise & coūsail he would geue: he arisyng vp out of his place, saied: Then, myne aduise and counsaill is, that either ye suppresse wt wea∣pen suche persones as been of po∣wer to ouermatche you & to hold you in subiecciō, orels shewe ami∣tie and frendeship towardes the∣same.The stronge must bee obey¦ed and haue his wille. At fewe woordes he gaue coun∣saill that nothyng was to bee denyed vnto Alexander on their behalf, onlesse thei had assured truste & confidence, if he would take peper in the nose, or stiere coles, to wryng hym to the wurse with dynte of sweorde. Wherin if Alexander semed the stronger o bothe,Alexander ould in no wyse ayde to haue any nay in his reque∣es. that then it was no prouokyng of the young manne beeyng all herte, and one that to dye for it could not abyde to haue any naye in his requestes. There was a brute and rumour noysed (of Plutarchus in the life of Phocion saieth that one Asclepia∣des was the first that told the newes of the death of Alexande in Athenes. Unto whom Demades an ratour saied yt there was no credence to bee geuen, allegeyng, yt it could none other wyse bee, but al the whole vniuersall worlde to bee replenished and suffed with the odour of suche a dedde bodye euen y• first daye, i i had been true that Alexander was dedde. whose bryngyng vp noman could tell) that Alexander was deceassed. Anon out sterten y• oratours, exhortyng the Atheniens to make no ferther delaie ne tary∣aunce, but incontinente with all haste to begynne warre. But Pho∣cion willed theim,What Pho∣cion saied whē the ora∣tours of A∣thenes gaue thē coas to make warre vpon a ru∣mour of the death of Ale∣xander. not bee ouer ha∣stie vntil some more certain know¦lage might bee had. For, (saieth he) if Alexander bee dedde this day, he wilbee dedde the morowe too, & the nexte daye also. He grauely restreigned and staied the heddie vndiscrete∣nesse of the oratours. When Leosthenes was a manne at this tyme, of greate authoritee and estimacion in Athenes, who would not rest prouokyng the people to make warre vpon the residue of Grece, vntill he had brought theim in mynde so to dooe. And hymselfe was Capi¦tain in thesame warre, and fought a greate felde against Anti¦pater and the Beocians, and the Atheniens woonne the feld But Leosthenes was slain in that battree. And wheras the A¦theniens myndyng to continue warre and perceiuyng Phoci to bee altogether against it, had deuysed a wyle to haue on Antiphilus succede Leosthenes, and to put Phocion by, les he would turne the warre into peace, Phocion commaunded by proclamacion yt as many as wer betwene the age of sixteen yeres & seuentie, should out of hande geat theim to their hors and harnesse, & prouidyng theimselfes vitailles for fiue daie to come and folowe hym. This the people cryed out vpō, and thei that wer by reason of yeres ympotēte or vnhable or other¦wise by the lawe discharged of gooyng to warre, grutched a suche an vnreasonable proclamacion. To whom Phociō thu aunswered: why what wrong dooe I vnto you, sens that I must goo foorth with you myself beeyng .lxxx. yeres olde? Bu thus at the last he abated their hast towardes warre, & quieted the citee to kepe theimselfes at home in reste and peace. Thi annotacion maye serue for the perfecte elucidacion of the .xvii apophthegme.Leosthenes had persuaded the citee of Athenes to make warre beeyng sette agog to thynke all ye worlde otemele, & to imagin the re∣coueryng of an high name of free¦dome and of principalitee or soue∣raintee,The woorde of Leosthenes Phociō like∣ned to a cy∣pres tree good¦ly to see to, but in deede vnfruitefull. Phocion affermed his woor∣des to bee sembleable vnto cypres trees, y• whiche although thei bee of a greate highthe, and goodly to behold, yet haue no fruite ne good¦nesse on theim. Nothyng could pos∣sible haue been spoken to better purpose of talke that promiseth many gaye good mo∣rowes,Uneth any tree more goodly to be∣holde afarre of, thē the cy∣pres tree, nor in deede more barren. and maketh ioyly royall warantie of thynges in wordes, but without any ef∣fecte or comyng to passe of deedes, euen sem∣bleably as the cypres tree The Cypres tree (saieth Plinius in the .xxxiii. chapitur of the xvi. volume) is elfishe and frowarde to spryng vp, of a fruit that maye well bee spared, of beries euilfauouredly wythered and shronken, of leafe bittur, of sauour rammyshe, and not so muche as for geuyng shadowe to bee loued or sette by, o boughes, branches and leaues no more but here and there on in maner euen like a litle thynne shrubbe. &c. shootyng vp into the aier with a toppe of a great highthe, and growyng sharpe with a bushe greate beneth and smal aboue of a trymme facion, semeth a ferre of to make assured waraūtise of some especiall gaye thyng, and yet in deede there is almoste no tree more barren. But when ye first begynnyng of thesame warre had happyly for∣tuned (for as is aboue noted, thei woonn the first felde and vainqushed the Beocians putte Antipater to light) & the citee for ye prosperous tydynges therof gaue laude and thankes to the goddes with sacrifice & high solemnitee, Phociō beeyng demaūded whether he would not with his good wille haue had yesame thynges so dooē,The constācie of Phociō in not repētyng his good coū∣saill geuen, though the cō∣trarie happe∣ned well and luckely. saied, yes veralye, my wille was neuer other but to haue all execu∣ted and dooen euē as it hath been now, but that not withstandyng, I am yet still of this mynde, that I would the other waye had been decreed. Menyng,Thynges vn∣discretely pur¦posed, dooen many tymes succede well, but yet ye best wayes are e∣uermore to bee taken. that thynges also without all wyedome or good aduise pur∣posed, haue at many tymes prosperous and luckye happe, and that, as often as thesame dooeth so chaunce, the partes of menne is, to reioyce in the behalf of the commenweale but yet that menne ought not for any suce respecte or cause,Not ye begyn∣nyng of hyn∣ges, but ye last ende must de∣clare whether thesam was well aēpted or not. not to purpose euermore the best, and take ye best wayes. Yea and par auenture this ranne in Phocions hedde, yt menne ought not euen at the first choppe to putte assured truste and confidence in the luckie chaunces that happen at the first be∣gynnyng of thynges, but that the later ende of all the whole maier must bee it that shal dese of what sorte the first attemtyng ppoemente of thesame entreprise was. When the Read of this in the apoph∣them & note next afore go∣yng. And of ye same matier read in ye xvi apophthegme of this Pho∣cion. Macedonians had by orceable entreaunce broken into the coūtree of Attica, and destroyed the sea costes of thesame round a∣bout, Phocion tooke forth with hym a coumpaignie of young menne beeyng in their best luste & age, of whom soondrie persones hastyly approchyng vnto hym, and (like as if thei had been capitains) ge∣uyng hym coūsaill that he should by preuēcion geat to a certain hil∣locke, that was euen there in sight of the Macedonians, and should in thesame pitche his campe and there sette his footemen:This is added out of Plutarchus in he life of Phocion. other some affermyng to bee best that e should soodainly enuion the saied Macedo∣ians with his horsemē: and other ome taking pon theim to teache hym to sette vpon his ene¦mies, oe out of one place, an other out of ano∣ther place, & one this waye, and another yt way, oh god Hercules ({quod} Phocion) what a mayny of capitaines I see here,Many Capi∣taines, & few good souldy∣ours, {quod} Pho∣cion. and good souldyours woondre∣ous fewe. Notyng y• vnaduisednesse ndiscret facion of young folkes, whiche was so prest to take in hāde to lede & teache the capitain, wheras the duetie and parte of a souldyour is not to bee a busie geuer of counsaill,The dueie and parte of a good souldy∣our. but when ye case requireth, lustyly to besere hym about his buisynesse. Yet neuerthelesse battaill ioyned, he woonne the victorie, and ouercame Nicion the capitain of the Macedonians. But ere long tyme af¦ter, the Athenieus beeyng clene ouercomed and subdued, wer driuen to take a garrion of Antipater to bee ouer theim i the castle of their ciee.The Atheni∣ens in conclu∣sion ouerco∣med by Anti∣pater & kepte by his garri∣on. When Menyllus the capitain of the garrison,Memyll{us} ∣pita of An∣ter his rrison in Athenes. would (for loue and good wille) haue geuē Phocion money, Phocion takyng greate indignaciō and foule skorne at ye mater, saied yt neither he the said Menyllus was better manne then Alexāder,Phociō refu∣sed to take oney of Me¦yll{us} his gift. and y• cause to take any rewarde or gifte of money now was wurse then at that tyme when he refused to take money sēt vnto hym by Alexander.This is tou∣ched afore in ye .viii. apoph. O an herte that could not bee coniured ne bought with money. Antipater would many tymes saie, yt wheras he had twoo frēdes in Athenes, he could neuer in all his liue perswade Phocion to take any money or other thyng of his gifte,Antpater could neuer {per}suade Pho∣ciō to take a∣ny money, nor fill Demades with geuyng. nor neuer fille Demades wt geuyng. Thissame was Demades the oratour who was excellente & passyng good in ma∣kyng an oracion or settyng out of a tal wt∣out any studie or vnprouided,Demades had no feloe ī ma∣kyng an ora∣cion without studie, wher∣as Demoste∣nes penned al his matiers afore. wher as De∣mosthenes made none oracions but dili∣gentely penned afore. Unto Antipater requiryng hym to dooe for hys sake some thyng whatsoeuer it was not standyng with iustice, he saied:How Phociō made aūswer to Antipater requiryng hī to dooe a cer∣taine thyng contrarie to iustice. O Antipater thou cannest not haue of Phocion a frende & a flaterer bothe to gether. A frende is at cōmaundemente so ferre as conscience and honestee will suffre, and no ferther. For in dede one frende ought in no wyse to require of an other frēde a thyng that is vniust.One frende ought not to require any vniste thyng of another. But as for a flaterer, he is a readie and a seruiceable paige for what so∣euer a bodye will haue hym dooe. When the people of Athenes wer ymportune yt Phocion should take an armie with hym into Beotia,For ferther declaracion herof reade y• annotacion of the .xi. a∣pophthegme of this Pho∣cion. and Phocion iudged in his mynde that so dooyng would bee nothyng for the profite of the commēweale, he made a proclamacion, yt as many as wer in the citee betwene sixteen yeres of age and sixtie should bee in a readynesse and come folowe hym. The aged mēne in this case cryyng out against hym, and alle∣geyng for their excuse yt thei wer ympotēt and feble for age, why ({quod} Phocion) there is none vnresonable thyng conteined in my proclama∣ciō,How Phociō staied the A∣theniens bee∣yng in a so∣dain pangue o continue wa wt the Beoian. sens that I myself dooe make readie to goo foorth wt theim as their capitain beeyng .lxxx. yeres of age. By this subtile meanes he ap∣peaced & cooled ye soodain heate of ye cōmens. After the death of Antipater, the commenweale of the Atheniens bee∣yng come again to suche state yt the peopleThe philosophiers that dooen write of politique gouernaūc describen the state of commenweales to haue been diuerse in diuerse places Somewher, kynges gouerned, as in Persia & in Roome at the begynnyng, and now in Englande, which was called Monarchia, and this state al writers dooen agree vpon to be the beste. Some commenweales haue been gouer∣ned by a certain oumbre of magistrates and coūsaillours, as in Roome, from the exterminacion of kynges vntil the tyme of Iulius Caesar, & at this presente daye in Uenece, & this was cald Oligarchia, or Aristocratia. Somewhere all the people rwled and wer echeman of eguall autoritee, as in Athenes vntill thei wer yoked by the thirtie tyrannes, and afterwarde conquered and subdued by Philippus, and after hym hold in subiccion by Alexāder, after hym by Antipater, after whose ss thei obteined again their first state, whiche was called moatia. And this was of all other the wurst, as here may riht well appere, for the people beeyng sembleable to a mon∣strious beaste of many heddes did thynges heddyly without due counsaill, aduise, deliberacion, discrecion or reason, as the Atheniens beeyng in furious raiges mooste wrongfully putte to death many innocente persones, high clerkes and noble counsaillours, as afore is noted in the .v. apophthegme of this∣same Phocion. rewled, and wer euery manne like maister, Phociō was at a commen assemblee condemned to dye.Phocion bee∣yng innocēte condemned to death by the people of A∣thenes. And so it was, yt his other With Phocion wer cōdemned to death Nicocles, Thu∣dippus, Hegemon and Rithocles. And besides these wer con∣demned beeyng absent Demetrius Phalereus, Callimedon, Charicles and soondrie persones moo. frendes whiche had been con∣demned to death together with hym at thesame tyme, went piete∣ously wepyng and makyng lamē∣tacion when thei wer led to priesō but Phocion went as still as a lābe not speakyng a woorde. But one of his enemies meetynge wt hym in the streete, after manie despite∣ous and raillyng woordes, spette in his face. Then Phocion lookyng backe vpon the officers, saied:The pacience of Phocion. will nomā chastice this feloe here vncomely demeanyng hymself? This moste vertuous and godly māne euen when there was with hym none other waye but death,Phociō whē he was cae to dye yet had care of good ordre to bee kept in the ci∣tee. had care of ye publique good ordre to bee kept. He made no complainte of that so haynous a touche of vilanie, nei∣ther did he require auengemente against y• partie who contrarie to ye lawes was eagre to shewe crueltee vnto a cast māne: he onely willed the eiuill exaumple, yt was contrarie to good manier & behaueour to bee repres∣sed: and to that horrible cruell dede he gaue no wurse name but vncomely demeanure Of those persones whiche wer to suffre death with Phocion,How Phociō coumforted Thudippus beeyng out of pacnce whē he should dye. one manne especially emong all the others, beeyng woondrefull ym∣pacient bewailled his missehappe whō Phocion coumforted after this sorte: Is it not enough for the O Euippus, (or as some readen Thudip∣pus) to dye in cumpaignie wt Phociō Phociō was dooen to death, not onely beeyng wtout gilt but also beeyng one yt had dooen highly well for the commenweale.It maye bee a coumforte for an innocente wrōgfully to suffre with in¦nocentes. It ought therefore to haue been estemed a grea¦te coumforte and reioycyng for the partie beeyng innocente, wrongfully to bee putte to death with suche an innocente and good manne as Phocion was. At his last houre, when ye bruage of wyne and the iuice of hemlocke tempreed together was brought vnto hym,Of y• maner of puttyng cō¦dēned {per}sones to death in A∣thenes, reade afore in ye an∣notacion of y• liiii. apoph. of Socrates. one demaunded of hym whether he wer disposed any∣thyng to saie vnto his soonne, (for thesame was there present: (Dere soonne ({quod} Phocion) I bothe streigh∣tely charge and commaunde the,What Pho∣cion saied to his soonne at the houre of his death. and also right hertyly desire and praie the, neuer to beare towardes the Atheniens any grutche or malice for ye remēbreaunce of this matier. To other persones when thei suffre ex∣ecucion the chief coumforte, that thei com∣menly haue, is the hope of their death to be afterward auenged:The ntiele & affecciō of Phociō to∣ward his coū¦tre. but Phociō did all that in hym laie to prouide that ye soonne should not reuenge ye wrongfull murdreyng of his own father, and was more desireous that ye same should beare tendre zele & affeccion to∣ward his countree, then toward his parēte. Unto Nicocles makyng instaunt requeste for licēce to suppe of his parte of the poyson before y• Phociō should, well ({quod} Phociō) though this bee an harde thyng to obtein and muche against my stomake,Phociō loued and fauoured Nicocles sin∣guarly well. yet must it nedes bee graunted vnto yt manne whō I neuer saied naye of any thyng in all my life tyme. Phocion had euermore borne singuler loue & affecciō towardes Nicocles the mos feithful and truest herted manne emong al the frendes he had,Nicocles the moste trustie frende that Phociō had. and for y• cōsideracion it would haue been a greate greef to y• herte of Nicocles to see the other passyng out of this worlde. Whiche greef to auoid, he desired to drynke first hymself. And in this thyng also did Phocion shewe pleasure to his frende. When all ye cast menne sauyng he alone had droonken,The price of an ounce of Hemlocke iuice in A∣thenes. and onely Phocion was remainyng vnserued (by reason that y• poison had been all consumed by the others) the hangmā saied plainly and swore yt he would not serue hym except there wer laied down in his hande twelf good drachmes (litle vnder .s. sterlyng,) for an ounce of hem∣locke iuice (he saied) would coste not a ferthing lesse. Phociō therfore to thēde that his death might not bee delaied or slacked through ye feloes brableyng,What Pho∣ciō saied whē the hangman would not mi¦nistre the pi∣son vnto him without m∣ney. to one of his frendes purposely called, spake thus. Forasmuche as it is so (sai∣ed he) yt in ye citee of Athenes a māne cannot dye neither, but he must paie for it, I beseche you hertyly, paie ye hangman here his askyng. When Demosthenes was buisie castyng out many blouddie woor∣des against Alexander beeyng now at ye veraye poincte to wynne and entre ye citee of Thebes, Phocion tooke hym vp with this greke verse of Homere,How Phociō rebuked De∣mostenes ca∣tyng foorth many ailling woordes aa∣ Alexāder out of the first booke of the werke entitleed Odyssea. Of Marcus Tullius Cicero to speake as his worthinesse requireth, wr to write an infi∣nite volume couched & replenished wt whole ea¦pes of laudes & praises But for this presēt pu¦pose & place it shalbe enough to saie, y• he lyne∣ally decēded from the hous of Tullius an ann∣ciente yng of the Uolsces. But (as the worlde and all thynges are full of chaunges) so in long processe of yeres the ioylite of that bloudde and name fell to dcye and to ignobilitee. Albeit euē in the tyme of Cicero the Tullies remained in the degre and acceptacion of gentlemen, and Ci∣cero euen at his first comyng to Rome enioyed th degree of a gentleman and lyke as he was vnder the estate of the Senatours hiche we lordes, so was he aboue the condicion and degre of the yeomanrie or comenaltie, his father was called Tullius, a manne of no greate name ne porte, his mothers name Olbia a riche woman. He was born in a toune of ye Uolsces called Ar∣pinū (free of Roome to enioye all manir fraū∣chesses, libertees, priuileges, and offices in the∣same). Neuerthelesse al suche persones as neuer had their parentes dwllyng in Roome, ne bea∣yng any magistrate or office there, wer called, no homines, newe men, that is to saie come of straungirs and menne vnknowen to beare autoritee and rewle in the citee. Tullius was at last the father of all eloquence, a greate writer of bookes in all kyndes, and a manne (as Pli∣ius of hym saiyth for witte and eloquence out of all comparison, he gotte vp by litle and litle to beare offices in Roome euen to the veraye onsulship, and that wih as muche honour, a¦torite, glorie, and renoume as euer manne did, in somuche that he was y• first yt euer was cal∣led in Roome, parens patriae, the ather of his ountree, that is to saie, the onely sauer & kepe of th countree. Neuerthelesse, was he at lengt banyshed & his hous in despite, beatē & throwen down to the hard grounde, but at last he was fette home again of their owne accorde and re∣ceiued wt suche honour as neer was any māne there before or sens, and had a newe hous buil∣ded for hym at the charges of the citee twys s good & double so faire, as his owne was afore. In fine he was by the permission & suffreaunce of Augustus Caesar with all vilanie possible lain at the cōmaundement of Marcus Antoni{us} his enemie, who caused his right hande with whiche he had writen to bee strieken of, and his oung to bee cut out of his hedde with whiche he had made many noble oracis before the Senate and pople of Roome. And after that the saied Antonius had had his hedde presented i a dyshe at his table, and had aciated his most rell yies with the contemplacion of it, he cau∣sed thesame for extreme contumelie and despite to bee nailled vp in the place that was called o∣stra, where Tullius had before that tyme pro∣ounced many a sore inuectiue against hym. MArcus Tullius,Mac{us} Tul∣lius muche ie∣ted at for the surname of Cicero. (foras∣muche as he was muche tested on for the surname of As touchyng the surname of Cicero, it is to bee noted y• this Marcus Tullius right well knowyng his owne petigree and ancestrie, resumed the surname of the stocke from whiche he was descended. For the first Tullius was surnamed Cicero, of a litle piece of fleashe growyng in the syde of his nose like to a cicer, whiche is a litle puitz muche like to a pease, some there been that call it the fatche, but I doubte whether truely or not. But in tyme of olde antiquitee a commen thynge it was that families wer surnamed of diuerse suche thynge (saieth Plinius in the third chapitur of the .xviii. booke) a the familie of those whiche wer in Roome called Pilumn was first surnamed of the inuētyng of Pilum, whiche is a pestell suche as thynges are braied withall in a mortae, & in old tyme thei had none other waye to grynde their corne. Also Pisones wer surnamed, a pisēdo, of gryndyng with a querne, be∣cause it was their inuencion. Those also (saieth he) whiche wer called Fabii, Lentuli, and Cicerones had their surnames at the first of suche thynges in the sowyng and housbandrie wherof thei ecelled others.Ci∣cero) beeyng warned by his frendes to choose and take vnto hym some other surname,What Tul∣li{us} saied whē his frēdes ad∣ised hym to take some o∣ther surname in stede of Ci∣cero. aunswered that he would ere he dyed make the name of Cicero more noble and famous, then was the name either of the For the renoume of the Catons, of the Catules, and the Scares, & of their families in the histories of Titus Liiu Florus, Plutarchus and Ualerius Maximus. For some more light to bee geuen to this presente place, as touchyng Cato the first, I haue thought good to sette the woordes of Plinius in the .xxvii Chapitur of the seuenth booke. In other kyndes of vertues (saieth he) many persones haue many soondrie wayes excelled. But Cato the first of the hous that was called in Rome gens portia, hath been thought to haue in moste high de¦gree perfourmed & shewed the moste high thynges yt maye bee in any mortall creature, beeyng the best oratour that euer was before his tyme, the best capitain of an armie, and the best Se∣natour. And as for this was in Cato alone and neuer in any manne els, that he was vpon accusacions so wer and owertie tymes brought to his aunswer before iudges at the barre, and neuer any manne moo tymes arrained, and yet euer quite. For this Cato because he was a graue and a sage father, and a cō∣tynuall enemie and pursuer of all vice, had the hatered of many persones, who of malice wrought to bryng hym to con∣fusion, but his innocencie euermore deliuered hym. From this Cato lyneally descended Cato Uticensis a veraye noble māne also, as is afore in the saiyges of Augustus largely mēcioned and noted.Catons, or of the Of Quintus Luctatius Catulus, it is writen in the chroni∣cles of Roome, that in ye first warre yt the Romaines made a∣gainst the Cartaginiens he with a nauie of three hūdred ship∣pes made sixe hūdred shippes of theirs couche, and tooke thei itailles and other ladyng, and the chief Capitain of thesame Himilcon. But the memorie of these mennes actes is now clen extincted, the memorie of Cicero by reason of his moste noble bookes is ymmortall, & shall neuer dye whyle the worlde shall stande. Of whom Plinius in the .xxx. chapitur of the seuenth volume emong many high praises moe saieth in this wyse: ll haill Cicero the first manne that euer was called parens patriae, the father of our countree, and the first manne yt euer deserued a triumphe and neuer diddest on harnesse for the ma∣ier, and yet diddest as worthyly deserue to haue the garlande of a triumpher for thy oung, as euer had any other before for the swearde. (Whiche he speaketh of the suppressyng of y• sedicious coniuracion of Catiline, whom Cicero did peasably destroye and put to death with all his complices and adheren∣tes without blouddeshed of any of the true citezens.) All haill the parente & chief founder of all eloquence of the latine toung and (as Iulius Caesar the dictatour sometyme thy greate ene∣mie hath left in writyng of the) one that had achiued a garlāde of triumphe so ferre surmountyng the garlandes of all other mennes triumphes, as it is more highly to bee estemed to haue so highly anaunced and extended through out all partes of the worlde the boundes and limites of the witte whiche the Ro∣maines haue, then of their empier.Catules, orels of the Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, in the tyme of his consulship passyng by chaunce along by Publius Decius then chief iu∣stice, when he sawe thesame iustice not to dooe his duetie of o∣beisaunce, commaunded thesame to arise from the benche, and then did Scaurus cutte the garmente of Decius (whiche was s greate a dishonour & ignominie, as if a chief iustice should haue his coyf pulled from his hedde here in Englande, and be disautorised or deposed from his office) he cutte the benche y• Decius had sitten on, in token of his deposicion or depriuaciō and proclaimed that no persone should any more resorte vnto thesame Decius for iustice. Also, beeyng consull he triumphed of the Ligures and the Gantiskes. And at other seasons did many noble actes both of buildynges and otherwyse. He was of so high autoritee in Roome, y• of his owne hedde without any other bodyes coūsaill, he sette Opius in harnesse against Gracchus, and sette Marius to warre against Glaucia & Sa∣uninus. In his olde age he was accused and appealed by Marius one of the tribunes for the people, that he had enfor∣ced the frendes of the Romaines and all the countre of Latiū to battaill, for aunswer to whiche complainte and accusacion, thus he saied openly vnto the people: Maisters all, Uarius saieth that Aemilius Scaurus enforced and droue such as are in League with this citee to harnesse and weapen, and Scau∣rus saieth it was nothyng so, to whether of the twoo dooe ye geue credence? vpon these woordes was he dimissed.Scaures, For these houses wer of especiall fame and renoume emong the Romaines,The houses of the Catōs Catules & the Scaures wer of greate re∣noume in Roome. wheras Tullius was a manne but newly come to Roome and as yet vn∣knowen there. And as for the surname was a readie thyng to bee tested at, because it ap∣pered to haue been deriued of the moste vile Poultz called cicer. Yea iwysse, as though the familie of those Romaines whiche were called Fabii,The surna∣mes of those whiche were called fabii Lentuli, wher of thei came vp. smed not to haue had that sur∣name first of Benes (whiche are in latine called, Fabae) & thei that wer called Lentuli, to haue been surnamed of another Poultz whiche the latine menne dooen call, Lentem But to this present purpose, of slendre no∣bilitee and renoume is that manne,Of slēdre no∣bilitee is that manne, who hath nothyng but the peti∣gree of his auncesours & his surname. whiche hath none other poincte of nobilitee in hym besides the lineal descent of his auncestours and his surname. The moste honourable kynde of nobilitee is yt whiche euery manne dooeth purchace to hymself by his own pro∣pre vertues and good qualitees.The moste laudable nobilitee is that whiche euery manne achi∣ueth by his owne propre vertues. Neither pro¦ued Marcus Tullius a false manne of his woorde, for ye name of Cicero is at this pre∣sente daye more commen in eche mannes mouthe, then are thre hundred suche as the Catules, and ye Scaures with all their gar∣landes, their images of honour and their petigrees. When he offreed a siluer bolle to the goddes,Marcus Tul¦li{us} would not forsake ye sur¦ame of Ci∣cero. he had his The Romaines for the moste parte, especially suche as wer of any nobilitee and renoume, had three names, the first was called Praenomen, the forename, as Marcus, whiche we dooe call the christian name: the secounde was called nomen, the name, as Tullius, whiche was he commen name of the hous stocke or familie that thei wer descended of, and this we call our surname, because we haue not the thirde in vse, (except it should bee called out sie name that is to saie ye name of our f¦thers bloudde & auncestrie.) The thirde was geuen vpon some other externall chaunce, cause or consideracion, as Cicero, and semblealy in others. fore∣name, and his name stamped and sette out in plain lettres, but for his surname, Cicero, he engraued the figure and proporcion of a ci∣cer. Not shrynkyng an ynche for the interpretacion of capcious bourders. Suche oratours or aduocates s in vttreyng their matier, or in makyng their plea dooen vse to crye out as if thei wer in a mylne or in a roode lofte, Cicero auouched to bee sembleable vnto lame cre∣ples,Clamouros and brallyng oratours Ci∣cero likened vnto lame creples. for yt suche manier oratours sembleably had al their refuge vn¦to suche clamourous, yallyng, as lame bodyes to their horses. Yea & euē at this presēt daie, a rief thyng it is to see feloes enough of the self same suite, which as oftē as thei see theim selfes to haue the wurse ende of the staffe in their cause, dooen make their recourse wholly vnto fu∣rious brallyng, to the ende that where thei are not of facultee and cunnyng with good argumentes and profoūde reasons to make their mater good, thei maye wt malaperte facyng and with feare, by hooke or crooke drieue it to their purpose. Whēerres, a gentlemā of Roome, who beeyng Praetor in Si∣cilie did muche pillage and extorcion there. Wherupon he was accused, and brought to his aunswer in Roome. Cicero made and pronounced against hym certain inuectiues, and in theim so laied to his charge, and brought in witnesse vpon thesame, that Uerres was cōdemned in a greate summe of a rierage. And not many yeres after, he was cast in a forfaicte of all his gooddes and lades by Marcus Antonius, vpon none other cause ne grounde (saieth Plinius) but for that on a tyme brag∣guyng and cockyng with Antonius, he craked and made vaūte that he would droppe plate of Corinthe metalle with hym oūce for ounce and not bee one piece behynde hym. Verres, who had a soonne iciously myspendyng the floure of his youth railled on Cicero vn∣der the name of a synneful abuser of his body in abominacion,How Cicero auned Uer∣rs laiyng to his charge vn¦chast liuyng. thou art ignoraunt ({quod} Cicero) yt a māne ought to chyde his children secre∣tely within doores. Signifiyng that woorde of reproche not to take place in hym, but in the soonne of the faulte fynder or quereler. And in deede to parentes it ap∣perteineth to blame or chyde their children,Parentes ought to re∣buke ther children se∣cretely with∣in their hou∣ses. but yet not wtout the circuite of their owne houses, neither ought thesame woordes of rebuke to bee notified foorth of doores. But that persone dooeth no lesse then publyshe it abrode, who laieth to others abrode, that thyng whiche his children dooe perpetrat at home in his owne hous. Unto Metellus laiyng to ye charge of Cicero, that yesame had been the death of mo persones by geuyng euidence against theim, then euer he had saued by pleadyng for thē,How Cicero aunswered Metellus lai∣yng to his charge yt he had been the death of mo menne by his euidence ge∣uyng, then he had saued by pleadyng for theim. yea marie ({quod} Cicero) for I haue in me more trueth of my woorde in bearyng witnesse, then I haue of eloquence to persuade. With a meruaillous wittie braine did he wrest the other parties worde of reproche to his own laude and praise. For in a geuer of euidence truth is to bee regarded, in an aduocate or attourney, eloquence it is that dooeth moste auaile. Eftsons to thesame Metellus de∣maundyng of Cicero who was his father (as castyng hym in ye teethe with the bassenes of his birth) he said:How Cicero aunswered Metellus de∣maundynge, who was his father. thy mother is in the cause yt a right hard thyng it is to make a directe aunswer vnto this questiō of thyne.It is afore noted that ye father of Ci∣cero was o no name. For the mother of Metel∣lus had a name that she was no veray good wooman of hir bodye.The mother of Metellus vnchast of hir bodye. Yea and Metellus hymself beeyng of his mothers condicions was veraye Metellus was so shuttlebrained that euen in the middes of his tribuneship he left his office in Roome, and sailled to Pō∣peius into Syria, and by then he had been with hym a whyle, ame flyngyng home to Roome again as wyse as a capon. light and mutable, and one yt could none other but folowe euery soodain guerie or pangue that shotte in his braine.Metell{us} light and incōstāt. Cicero chaunged the contumelie from the father to the mother. For then is the father vncertain to bee knowen, when the mother kepeth not hirself to one sole manne. When the same Metellus after the deceasse of DiodorusDiodorus a∣lias Diodor{us} maister vnto Metellus in rhetorike. (whom he had to his maister in rhetorike) had sette for a memorial vpon the toumbe of yesame a crowe of stone Cicero saied:What Cice∣ro saied when Metell{us} had sette vpō the toūbe of Dio¦dor{us} a crowe of stone. Truly he is rewarded accordyng to his desertes. For he hath taught Metellus to flygh and not to make oracions. Notyng the lightenesse and inconstauncie of Metel¦lus. The crowe is a byrde that hathe none other musike, nor can none other songe ne tune but ka, ka. Plutarchus calleth ye Rhe∣torician Philagres, and saieth that the toumbe was of marble, and that Metellus caused the crowe to be grauen in the marble stone, whiche thyng in deede is the more likely. Marcus Tullius had heard saie that Vatinius (a mortall foo of his, and besides that of hymself) a persone ful of myschief) was dedde,What Cice∣ro saied whē one had tolde newes yt Ua∣tinius was dedde, and af∣terward the thyng was found other∣wyse. shortly after when he had heard contrary woorde again, that thesame was aliue and merie: eiuill chieuyng come to hym (saied Tullius) that ei∣uill lyed. Signifiyng that Uatinius was vnwoorthie any lōger to liue. In deede euery lye is eiuill, but this lye was double iuill, because it had brought honeste menne into a fooles paradise. Yet neuerthelesse the saiyng was doubtefull, as the whiche might haue been spoken of suche a persone also, whom a bodye would not wt his good wille haue had dedde. As if some light feloe shuld bryng vs newes that some one of our kynne, or of our dere frendes, or some learned manne wer departed this world, and thesame newes wer afterward found vntrue, we might and would geue hym Christes curse that had made suche an eiuill lye to putte vs in discoumforte and heaui∣nesse And in this poincte of speakyng, ambigu∣ously resteth the wittynesse of the apophthegme When Marcus Tullius was ma∣kyng an oraciō on a tyme,Plutarchus nameth this māne Octa∣ius & a cer∣tain, persone supposed of al mēne to bee born in Lybia spake in this manier, I heare not this tale (me∣nyng by thesame woordes, that he did no poincte lyke ye matier whi∣che the oratour treacted of.The vse in Lybia was to haue their ea∣res bored full of holes for to hang ryn∣ges and pre∣cious stones therat.) And yet ({quod} Cicero) ye haue holes plen∣tieth in your eares. For y• nacion of a custome had their eares bored full of holes, to hang therat rynges & precious sto∣nes, whyche wee now of daies dooe weare about our necke, or on our fyngers. And how suche holes are made, Celsus dooeth teache. One Caius Popilius (who would in any wyse seme to bee an experte lawier,Now Cicero mohed one Popili{us} bea∣yng the coū∣tenaunce of a good lawier wheras in deede he had no sight in it Albeit Plu∣tarchus, in y• life of Cicero nameth this manne Cotta in the apoph∣thgmes. C. Popilius. wheras in deede he was but a boungleer and a veraye asse in knowelage of the lawe) beeyng on a tyme called foorth to geue euidēce in a certain matier of tra∣uerse, aunswered, y• he knewe no∣thyng in the matier, nor nothyng could saie. Yea ({quod} Cicero) ye thynk perchaunce yt ye are now asked a questiō of some poincte of ye lawe. Hortensius the oratour had recei∣ued of Verres an image of Sphinx all of clene siluer in parte of a re∣warde to defēd his cause against Cicero (at what tyme he was accused as aforesaied).Plutarch{us} in the life of Ci∣cero saieth, y• this Sphinx was all of clene Iuerie. And when thesame Hor∣tensius vpō a certain poincte some∣what coulourably aferre of and mystically vttreed by Cicero, had thus saied: I haue not learned to soyle no riedles I, he saied again:He maye wel oyle riedles (saieth Tul∣lius) y• hathe Sphinx dwel¦lyng at home in his house with hym. And yet hast yu Sphinx dwellyng at home in thy hous with ye. The fable of ye monstre Sphinx is well knowen, whiche wt condicions of prices & rewardes did putte foorth riedles to menne,Of this read afore at large in y• .l. apoph∣thegme of Di¦ogenes. and of suche persones as could not soile theim the rewarde was death. When he mette one Voconius by chaunce in ye strete with his three doughters beeyng notable foule & eiuill fauoured beastes,What Ci∣cero saied whē he mette one Uoconi{us} and his three foule dough∣ters. he reci∣ted to his frendes softely this litle verse of greke. Menyng, that Uoconius of likelihood went about the gettyng of children vtterly against the wille,Children be∣gotten towar¦des the soōne arisyng are cōceiued more perfecte of lymme, shape and fauour. mynde and disposicion of Apollo: either because Apollo is of y• poetes feigned to bee amiable & all full of beautie, orels for yt the folkes thynken childrē begottē towardes ye soonne arisyng to bee concei∣ued more perfecte of fourme, shape, lymme & fauour. Orels forthat Cicero thought in his merie cōceipte, y• forasmuche as accordyng to the prouerbe,The soonne seeth all thyn¦ge saieth th prouerbe. Sol omnia uidet ac reuelat the soonne seeth all thynges and disouereth all thynges, & bryngeth all to lighte, excepte Phe∣bus (whiche is ye soōne) had oughed Uoconius a shame, he would neuer haue suffreed hym to begette suche foule babies & oule faced doudes as all the worlde should afterward woondre at. At what tyme Faustus Sylla (the sonne of Sylla the dictatour) for to discharge the greate debte that he was in, had made an inuentorie of all his mouables to sette foorth ye same to sale: yea marie ({quod} Cicero) this proscripcion I dooe muche better allow, then the proscripcion that your father vsed to make. He made a mery ieste of ye double signi∣ficaciō of this worde, proscripciō.Of y• double significacion of this worde proscribere, it is afore de∣clare. For thyn∣ges are saied proprely in latine, proscribi, which are at an opē preisyng sette to out vēt or sale, and menne also are saied in latine,Of Sylla it is largely no∣ted afore in soōdrie apoph¦thegmes of Iulius Cae∣sar & of Pō∣peius. proscribi, that are proclaimed traitours to bee slain of any manne y• will dooe it where soeuer thei bee found, after whiche cruell forme and sorte Lucius Cornelius Sylla ye father had proscribed no small noūbre of ye citezēs of Roome in y• tyme of his dictature. Pompeius & Caesar beeyng fallen at debate & variaūce, Cice saied whō to eschewe I knowe veraye well,What Cice∣ro saied, whē Caesar & Pō∣peius wer fal¦len at strife. but whom to ensue I cannot tell. Menyng that bothe the saied parties tooke the sweorde in hāde,Of the vari∣aūce betwene Iul. Caes. & Pompeius it is afore men∣cioned ī their apophtegmes not for ye libertiee or fredome of ye commenweale, but whether of theim twoo should haue the soueraintee. He found a greate faulte with Pompeius,Cicero bla∣med Pomp∣ius for depar∣tyng awaye out of Rome. for yt thesame had aban∣doned the citee and had in that his dooyng folowed Themistocles, a manne of greate rewle and autoritee i Athenes (as is afore noted) was at last banyshed his countree, and pursued in suche wyse, that he was constreigned to take refuge vnto Xerxes kyng of the Persians, against whom he has afore kept battaill, with whom at last he grewe so ferre i fauour and credite, that Xerxes made hym high capitain of his armie against the Atheniens. But Themistocles, whē he saw his countreemen, tooke remorse of conscience, and because he would neither deceiue the kyng whiche had putte hym in trust or yet be the destroyer of his owne countree, poysoned hym∣self with drynkyng the bloudde of a bulle. Themistocles was a manne of no eloquence, fauour nor maiestee. But Pericles was a manne beautifull, passyng eloquente, wyse, polytike, in high estimacion & autoritee emong the Atheniens, in so muche that he gouerned and rewled the commenweale of Athenes by the space of fowertie yeres with all mennes fauour, beneuo∣lence and supportacion. And in like case was Pompeius in the citee of Roome, so that his case was more like vnto the case of Pericles then of Themistocles. And in deede (as Cicero by the testimonie of Pluarchus writeth) Pompeius his cause stoode more wt the commēweale then Caesars, and all the aun∣ciente, graue, wyse and good menne fauoured Pompeius, and drewe to hym as Cato, Cicero, Lentulus, & suche others mo.Themistocles ra∣ther then Pericles, seeyng that the cases of Themistocles & Pompeius wer nothyng like at all, and the cases of Pericles & Pompeius muche what of a rate in all behalfes. For Themisto∣cles fledde vnto ye Persians, & Pericles remained still resyaunt in Athenes. Whē he was come to Pompeius, and repented his foly of comyng, beeyng asked the question where he had left Piso his soonne in lawe:What Ci∣cero saied to Pompei{us} de∣maundyng where he had left Piso his sonne in lawe mary ({quod} he) wt your father in lawe. Speakyng by Iulyus Caesar. Cicero euen like as though he had had halfe a ru∣buke, for that he had separated and deuided hymself from Piso, who had marryed his doughter,Piso marry∣ed y• doughter of Cicero, & tooke part wt Caesar. Pō∣pei{us} had mar∣ryed y• dough∣ter of Caesar & yet war∣red aga∣inst hym. gaue Pompeius again taunte pour taūte, for yt yesame kept warre against his owne father in, lawe whose doughter he had marryed. Whē a certain persone hauyng renne awaye from Caesar to Pompeius saied, yt for greate desire to make haste, he had left his horse behynd hym in Caesars campe, marie ({quod} Ci∣cero) thē hast thou dooen better by thy horse, then by thy self. Este∣myng yt ye feloe should haue dooen muche bet¦ter, if hymself had taryed still wt Cesar too. To a feloe bryngyng tydynges that Caesars frendes wer all sadde and in their dumpes.Plutarchus saieth yt one Lentul{us} tol these newes. That is euē as muche ({quod} Cicero) as to saie, that thei thynk a mischief on hym. He mocked the flateryng brynger of newes, as though Caesars mennes hertes wer in their heles, and thei sore afeard of Pompeius. After the battaill foughten in Pharsalia when Pompeius was fledde, one Nonius saied,Of this bat∣taill is aboue mēcioned in ye saiynges of Casar and Pompeius. yt there wer seuen eagles yet left, & therefore encou∣raged ye souldyours to bee of good chere, and to take their hertes to theim. Thy cheeryng wer veray good O Nonius,What Cice∣ro saied whē one Nonius would with seuen egles crye a newe feld aainst Caesar at Phatsalium. (saied Cicero) if our warre should bee against Iaies. But Nonius, whē he saied eagles, spak of ye omaines baners or stādardes which had euermore the picture of an eagle dis∣plaied on theim. The menyng of Cicero was yt for their seuen eagles, Caesar who had alreadie vanquyshed theim, and aains whem thei had to fight the nwe felde, had tenne, and yt he had in his armie no dastardes but experte souldyours, yea & better menne of their handes then Pompeius had any. In deede a iaie is no∣thyng in the talauntes of an eagle, but an eagle to an eagle is a full matche, tenne eagles to seuē is an ouermatche. Whē Caesar beeyng lorde of all had with muche honour sette vp in their places again,What Cice∣ro saied whē Caesar sette vp again the images of Pompei{us} in their places. the images of Pompeius whiche some bodye had in despight cast down, Cicero saied Caesar whyle he restoreth ye images of Pompeius to their olde places, dooeth sette vp and stablyshe his owne sure for euer. Dooyng to weete, that Caesar did not thesame for any fauour yt his herte did beare toward Pom∣peius, but to ye ende that by the coulourable sembleaūce of mercifulnesse, hymself might purchace fauour emong the citezens, and by suche meanes might establyshe his owne reigne and dominacion y• longer to endure. So carefull was Marcus Tullius to tell his tale after a good & per∣fecte sorte, and would bestowe so thoughtful study on such a matier yt no woord might bee placed out of square,The careful∣nesse of Mar¦cus Tulli{us} studie that no woorde in his oraciō might bee amysse or out of frame. yt where he had an oraciō to make before ye benche of iudges whiche wer called The people of Roome wer diuided into thirtie fiue tribes, a the citee of London is into twentie fiue wardes. Out of euery tribe wer elected frō tyme to tyme, as cause required, three men to assemble for iudgeyng in sprciall cases of controuersie be∣twene partie and partie. Their iudgemētes and sittynges wer called centumuiralia iudicia, the iudgementes of the hundred persones. And the benche self, though thei wer an hundred and fiue persones in all, yet wer thei of the greater and the more woorthie nombre called centumuiri, and not centum quin∣que uiri.Centumuiri, and the daie was come euen at hande, he made free one Erote a bondeman of his for onely bryngyng hym tydyn∣ges that the sittyng was adiour∣ned and putte of one daie ferther thē had been appoincted at ye first.Eros a bonde¦man of Cice∣ro, vpō what cause he was made free. This historie also hath some bodye putte in emōges the apophthegmes, wheras in deede it is none. And yet (as I haue afore noted any facte or exaumple that maye bee to vs anhoneste lesson or instruccion (thouh it con∣tein no woorde at all) maye woorthely bee este∣med to haue the strength name and place of an apophthegme. And suche good exaumple dooeth not Plutarchus refuse ne abhorre to putte in emong his apophthegmes, as namely this presente historie of Cicero his facion. And would Christe our grene prechers now of daie whiche haue neither shame ne feare to steppe in to pulpites ere thei can well construe ye gospel or epistle whiche thei boldely take vpon thei to preache, wer of Cicero his modestie and carefulnesse in this behalf. At his arriuall into the campe of Pompeius vnto suche as saied, ah Cicero, ye are come tardie. No ne∣uer a whitte tardie ({quod} he again) for I see nothyng here yet in a rea∣dynesse. He alluded to suche as come late to a dyner or supper. The myrth of the saiyng to come tardie, is grounded vpon the ouble menyng of ye woorde, tardie, for thei come tardie that come late to ye begynnyng, and thei come tardie, that come when all is past and dooen. When Pompeius had admitted a certain galle free citezē of Roome,How Cicero taunted Pō∣peius for ma∣kyng a Galle free citezen of Roome. because yesame had forsaken Caesar for to come & to bee on his syde, A gaye feloe in deede ({quod} Cicero) to promise aliens the citee of other menne, wheras he is not hable to restore vnto vs our propre owne. After ye victorie and conqueste of Caesar, Cicero beeyng asked the questiō,How Cicero was beguiled to leaue Cae∣sar and cleu to Pōpeius. how he had so ferre missed the cushyn in chosyng of partes, saied: In feith ye gyrdyng of their gounes deceiued me.Caesar went in his goune wantōly gir about hym. Menyng hymself neuer to had trusted that ye victorie would haue gon on suche a nyce & effemi∣nate persones syde.With what wordes Syl∣la would oftē tymes, warn Pompei{us} to beware of Caesar. For Caesar vsed to goo after suche sorte girded in his goune that he would goo (euen as wanton or volupteous feloes dooen) traillyng after hym the skyr∣tes of his goune all pounced in cuttes and agges. Wherefore Sylla would many a tyme and ofte geue Pompeius warnyng t beware of the boye yt went so lewdely girte. Thesame Cicero beeyng at sup∣per with one Damasippus, when the maister of the feaste had sette vpō the table wyne that was but easie and soso, & myndyng to praise the∣same vnto his geastes of the olde∣nesse of it, saied, Maisters drynke ye well of this wyne, for it is fow∣ertie yeres olde:How Cicero aūswered one Damasippus praisyng his wyne of fow∣erti yeres lde. By my feith ({quod} Cicero) it beareth ye age right well. After suche fourme of woordes dooe we vse to speake of a manne, whose beautie and strēgth age dooeth not veraye muche abat nor breake. But it was a fonde thyng sēble∣ably to cōmend wyne for beeyng toto olde. This wyne was called vinum falernum,The wyne fa∣ernum. of Falernus an hille in Campania whr it was made. This wyne falernum (saieth Plinius) was estemed emong all wynes y• secoūde in dig∣nitee. Thesame neither beeyng veraye newe no on the othersyde veraye olde was thought hol∣some for amannes bodye,The wyne fa∣lrnū if it bee either to new or to olde, is not holsome for mannes bodye. but beeyng of a meane age (whiche meane age begynneth frō .xv. yeres, and so vpward vntill it bee sowre, as I thynk Damasippus his wyne was) & then it is it oue olde, so that when Cicero affermed it to beare it age well, he mened that it was sterk soure, and that the sourenesse declare it to bee ouer olde though Damasippus had saied neuer a woorde. nd where in a manne to beare his age fair is n high grace,Wyne of .ii. hūdred yeres olde Pl. l. xiiii.C.iiii. so wyne to beare the age well (by n ironie) signifieth thesame to bee soure & sterk naught. Albeeit Plinius maketh mencion of wynes of twoo hundred yeres olde. Whē he sawe on a tyme Lentulus his doughters housband,When Piso was ded, Ci∣cero marryed his doughter to Lentulus. beeyng a manne of a veraye lowe stature girt wt a veraye long sweorde by his syde, he saied: who hath tyed my soonne in lawe to a sweorde?Who hath tyed my sōne in lawe to sweorde, {quod} Cicero. For the manne semed to bee bound to the sweorde, & not the sweorde to the māne. When he had espyed in the pro∣uince of Asia (where his brother Quintus Cicero had before that tyme been gouernour,Quint{us} Cice∣ro the brother of Marcus Cicero.) the image of the same Quintus made with his ter∣guette (as y• facion then was) frō ye middle vpward,The one half of my brother is more the all his whole bodye saied Cicero. muche greater then the veraye true proporciō of his bodye was in deede, whough (saieth he) half my brothers bodye is more thē the whole.Quint{us} Cice∣ro a litle man of statu. For the said Quintus was but a litle preatie bo∣dye of stature. Where Tullia the doughter of Cicero went with a more stieryng and fast passe thē was comely for a woman,How Cicero with one sai∣yng rebuked his doughter for gooyng to fast, and Pi∣so forgooyng o softe. & cōtrarie wyse Piso his soonne in lawe with a more slowe & still passe then besemed a manne to dooe, he rebuked theim bothe at ons wt one saiyng, when he spake to his doughter in this manier, hir housbāde Piso beeyng presēt: for shame vse in your gooyng suche a passe as your housbāde dooeth. Upon Vatinius (who was Consull but a veraye shorte tyme) he iested in this wyse.Whyle Uati∣nius was cō∣sul, ther was neither wyn∣ter, ne sryng¦tyme, ne soo∣mer ne har∣ueste. In the yere of Vatinius there befell a greate woōdre, that whyle he was Consul, there was no wynter, ne spryngtyme, no soomer ne harueste. For by these fower sea∣sons ye whole yere is deuided,Pllio wrote chronicles in . of whiche sea∣sons euery one conteineth ye complete terme of three monethes. I cannot certainly tell whether this bee not thesame thyng ye Pol∣lio otherwyse reherseth in the chronicle of Marinus the tyranne,In the tyme of one consul no manne dy∣ned, supped ne slept. Caninis Re¦uilus was cō∣sul, no more but sixe hou∣res. Read the xxxi. apoph. where he saieth thus The Cōsul yt had been Consul no more but ixe houres begynnyng about yt middes of the daye was eiuill araied with Cicero his iestyng. Wee haue had a Consul (saieth he) of suche seueritee, & so rigourous, yt duryng his office, noman made so muche as one dy∣ner, nomā ones supped, nomā slept a wynke. Except percase this historie seme rather to pertein to Caninius Reuilus. In the tyme of one consul no manne dy∣ned, supped ne slept. Caninis Re¦uilus was cō∣sul, no more but sixe hou∣res. Read the xxxi. apoph. Eftsones to Vatinius makyng a querele that Cicero had disdeigned to come and visite hym whyle he laie sicke of y• goute and could not stiere:Of Uatinius beeyng disea∣sed of the goute it is a∣foremēcioned in the .xxix. a∣pophthegme of Augustus Caesar. For south ({quod} Cicero) I was mynded and on my waye to come to you in your consulship, but the night tooke me (ere I could reache to your hous.) This might well seme a re∣paiyng home again of a mocke. For Vati∣nius afore yt tyme vnto Cicero glo∣riyng and bragguyng that ye cō∣menweale had called hym home again from banyshemente,How Uatini∣us mocked Ci¦cero gloryyng of his reuoca∣cion from ba∣nyshemente. & had brought hī home again on their shulders, had geuē a curst mocke saiyng: how thē hast thou come by the swellyng or broken veines in thy legges? For ye maladie of swell∣yng or broken veines (whiche is in latine called Varices) are woont to fall in y• legge not of persones sittyng at their ease, but of mē lōg stādyng orels trauillyng on ye waye. Caninius Reuilus was Consul no more but onely one daie.Canini{us} Re∣uilus was cō∣sull no more but one daye. This Ca∣ninius whē he had gon vp into the place called RostraOf Rostra is afore noted. (where oracions wer made to the people) he in one houre bothe entreed ye dignitee of Consulship,Reuil{us} in one houre entreed y• dignitee of cōsulship and cōmitted per∣urie. & also committed per∣iurie, on whom gooeth about this saiyng of Cicero, Caninius ye Consul is : yt is, a wel aduised spea¦ker. On yesame Caninius he cast out this saiyng too,The recordes wer serched, saied Cicero: in the tyme of which cōsuls Reuilus was consul. Reuilus hath had this one chaunce aboue all other menne yt the recordes wer serched in the tyme of whiche Consuls he was Consul. For the noumbre of the yeres was woonte in Roome to bee reke∣ned and sette out by ye names of ye Consuls. (as here in Englande wee rekē the tyme by ye yeres of eche kynges reigne.The yeares wer rekened in Roome by the names of the consuls.) But now Re∣uilus for his parte bothe was Consul, and yet had neuer a yere at all to reken by. And this saiyng also had Cicero on yesame Ca∣ninius. Wee haue a good vigilaunt Consul as y• whiche neuer slept one wynke duryng the tyme of his Consulship.Reuilus a vi∣gilaūte cōsul, for he neue slept wynke in his consul∣ship. Plutarchus in the life of Iulius Caesar tellethe that yesame Caesar when all ye ciuile warres wer one ended and all thyngs brought to some staie of quiete∣nesse,What mea∣nes Caesar vsed to esta∣blyshe hi po∣wer in the ci∣tee of Rome. left nothyng vndooen y• might purchace vnto hym beneuolēce, fauour, authoritee, power and rewle emong the Romaines. To his olde enemies he shewed notable mercifulnesse, to his frendes greate bountie. He would often tymes pe open householde, he would diuerse tymes diuide wheate to y• coms hous by hous. He was full of geuyng landes, fees, and rewardes. o suche as would bee suiters vnto hym to haue this or that office, dignite, or wuship of the citee, he would readyly make promisse and graunte of their piticious, & serue their turnes in deede as soone as y• tyme would sffre hym, in so muche, that Marimus the Consul beeyng deceassed, allthough there was but one sole daie to come of his yere to bee completed, yet did Caesar declare and create Caninius Rebulus (who is here called Reuilus) Cōsul. To whom where many of y• nobles resorted in the waye of gratulacion, & of kepyng hym coumpaignie, Cicero saied: My lordes lea vs make spede, y• wee maye come to my lorde before the tyme of Consulip bee expired. Caius Caesar had elected into the senate many persōes vnwoorthie to bee of that ordre & degree, and emong all others one Laberius of a gentlemā of Roome became a cō∣mē gester.Of this labe∣rius is afore¦mencioned in ye xvii. apoph∣thegme of Iu¦lius Caes. And as this Laberius pas∣sed by Marcus Tullius in the senate hous seekyng a place to sitte in, I would take you in here ({quod} Cicero) & make you roome here besides me but that I sitte in so narrowe a roome myself. All vnder one bothe reiectyng ye partie, and also makyng a ieste at ye newe coumpaignie of Senatoures, th noumbre of whom Caesar had encrecaed more then lawefull was. And yet was Laberius euen with hym for it well enough again ere he went, thus saiyng vnto Cicero,How laberi{us} ped Cicero m again with a ieste. Imeruaill, if thou sitte in a narrowe roome, whiche art woont to sitte in twoo seates at ons. Laiyng to his charge lightenesse and ficlenesse, yt beeyng a slipper manne to trust vnto, he would bee hangyng now of one syde, now of an other. For in deede Cicero was muche noted of in¦constancie,The lighte∣nesse and in∣constancie of Cicero. he was ones of greate amitee & fren∣deship wt Clodius, afterward his mortall ene∣mie, and like wyse with Dolobella, with M. Crassus, and with diuerse others. Sembleably he was now frēde to Pompeius, anon he repē∣ted thesame, and wyshed that he had folowed Caesar, and that so manifestely, that (as Plu∣archus testifieth) Pōpeis well perceiuyng ye∣same, neuer would ne durst putte hym in truste wt any matier of greate weight or ymportaūce. Thesame Cicero beeyng hertyly desired by his hoste Publius Manlius wt speede to helpe his wiues soōne to the office of a peticapitainship,Publi{us} Mā∣lius the hoste of Cicero. made this aūswer (a great coum∣paignie of the citezens standyng thicke about hym) If it shalbee in the power and autoritee of Pompe∣ius to call a Counsaill it wilbee no light matier. Notyng the facilitee of Caesar in assembleyng ye Senate. For euery mannes pleasure, & for euery light matier.Iulius Cae∣sar would for euery mānes pleasure & for euery light matier call a Senate. Beeyng saluted of a certain La∣odician named Andro,Laodicea a no¦ble citie in A∣sia, nigh vnto ye floud Ly∣cus, & therof Laodicen{us}, a māne of Lao∣dicea. when he had demaunded the cause of his com∣myng, & had well perceiued that yesame was come as an ambassa∣dour vnto Caesar for the libertee of his countree of Laodicia, Cicero ex∣pressed in greke woordes the pub∣lique seruitude,How Cicero expressed the publique ser∣uitude vnder Casar. in this manier: . If ye spede well, and obtein your purpose, bee an ambassadour for vs of Roome here also. This latin woorde quoque, is a coiuc and souneth in englysh (also) Cocus is in latine for a cooke, and the vocatiue ase of it, is Coce. And so it was yt a certain persone standyng in electiō for a publique office in Roome, (who was ve∣rayly supposed to haue come of a cooke to his father) desired of an other manne in the presence of Ci∣cero to haue his voice, to whō Cice∣ro thus saied in latine: Ego quoque tibi fauebo.Ego quoque bi fauebo. Whiche woordes might bee taken twoo manier wayes, the one. I will bee thy frende with my voice too, thou cooe: the other, And I also wilbee thy frēde wt my voice. Wherof it is gathered ye Coce the voca¦tiue of Cocus,Quoque the coniunction, & ce, the voca¦iu of cocus, souned bothe like in Cicero is tym. and quoque the coniunccion wer in the tyme of Cicero either of one and the selfesame soune in pronunciacion, orels veraye like. Whē the accuser of Milo, by the argumente or presumpcion of the tyme of ye daye, prouyng and con∣cludyng thesame Clodius a Romain of noble birth, but a veraye vicious per∣sone and voide of all grace. He was a sworne enemie vno Ci∣cero, and in his tribuneship foūd meanes and brought to passe that Cicero was banyshed from Roome, wherfore Cicero n∣uer ould fauour hym after, and at length procured that Milo should sette vpō hym on the hygh waye, and slea hym, whiche was dooen and Milo banyshed for the death of Clodius, ot withstandyng the defense of Cicero, and all the frendeship sides that he could make.Milo to had pur¦posely lyen in awaite for Clodius, at euery other woorde demaunded what tyme or season of the dae Clodius was slain,How Cicero aunswered ye accuser of Milo demaū∣dyng at what tyme Clodius was slain. Cicero made aun∣swer thus: veraye late. Signif∣yng by that woorde late, beeyng a woorde of double vnderstādyng that it should haue been for the profite of the commenweale, if Clodius had been slain muche sooner. It might haue been vnderstanded also, yt the deede was dooen veraye late to wardes the euenyng Tydynges beeyng reported yt atinius was deceassed, where the first bringer vp of that bruite was not certainly knowē, wel ({quod} Cicero) yet will I take the auauntage of it whyle I maye.What Cice∣ro saied whē vncertain ne∣wes wer told of the death of Uatinius. Menyng, that he would take ioye of the death of Uatinius whyle he might, though it wer but for a ty∣me, sembleably as one that hath borowed money applyeth it to his owne vse and cō∣moditee, and hath his owne full pleasure of it for ye tyme, euen as though it wer his pro∣pre owne. So that Cicero mened to take as much goodnesse of the newes in the meane tyme till the cōtrarie wer certainly knowen, as if thei wer true in veraye dede. Marcus Caelius more effectuously laiyng crymes to mēnes charges, then defendyng thesame,What Cice∣ro saied of Marc{us} Cae∣li{us} who could better laie to mannes char∣ges, then de∣fend theim. he aou¦ched to haue a good right hande, & an eiuill left hande. Alludyng herunto that at suche tyme as wee fight, in the right hand wee hold our sweorde, and in the lieft hande our bucler. With the sweorde wee laie on, with the bucler wee beare of. Marcus Caelius an oratour of excellente witte, and of singulare eloquence, to whom Ci∣cero writeth many epistles, and Caelius many to hym again so purely wel endited that Cicero thought theim worthie to bee put in emong his owne epistles, whiche honour he geueth but vn∣to fewe persones, and Cicero in his epistles fa∣miliare, is not ashamed to confesse hymself to be feriour to Caelius in witte & faceciousnesse. Iubius Curtius lyyng like a dog of the yeres of his age, to the ende yt he might bee thought yoūger thē he was in deede, Cicero thus pro∣ued a lyer:How Cicero proued Iubi∣us Curtius lyer. why (saieth he) then at what seasō you and I wer young scholares first and exercised ma∣kyng of oracions together, ye wer not borne. Unto Fabia Dolobella saiyng hir∣self to bee thirtie yeres of age,How Cicero mocked Fa∣bia Dolobel∣la dissemble∣yng hir age. it is true, {quod} Cicero, for thesame haue I heard euery daye these twentie ye∣res alreadie. Hir desire was to bee thought yoūger thē she was in deede. There¦fore Cicero mocked hir to th harde teeth wt sembleyng that he graunted hir saiyng, and neuerthelesse signifiyng that she was fiftie yeres olde. To suche as made it a matier of reproche that beeyng a manne of three score yeres of age,How Cice auoided ye re∣proche of mar¦ryyng a yoūg maide in his olde age. he had marryed a young Cicero beeyng an aged māne diuorced his wife Terentia, wt whom he had liued many yeres. The causes of deuorcemente wer these. That she had so slendrely regarded hym, that when he should take his iourney toward warrefare, he was drieuen goo veraye barely prouided of all manier necessarie prouisiō Besides this, after yt he was returned home again frō thens into Italie, he found his wife coumbresome, crabbed & snap∣pyshe vnto hym. Item whereas he made longe abode at Brun∣dusiū, hir self would not take peines to come thither to hym & yet whē his doughter Tulliola should take hir iourney thither Terentia let hir go with a veraye slendre porciō of money to∣wardes hir charges. Ouer and besides all this, she had leat hi hous fall sore in decaye, and had made the walles of it bare, brought it sore behynde hande in debte. All these articles Te∣rentia denyed, but Cicero with a longe oracion proued euery one of theim to bee true. Within fewe dayes after, he marrye a young girle, beeyng rauyshed with hir beautie (as Terenti affrmed) but (as Tiro his late seruaunt auouched) to thentēt that he might bee hable to paie and discharge his debte. For ye maiden had a greate dourie and was a veraye riche marryage. Not long after this newe marryage the doughter of Cicro dyd, for whom he tooke woondrefull sorowe And because hi younge wife semed to bee gladde of the death of Tulliola, Ci∣cero forsooke hir to, and putte hir awaye from hym by di∣o. damyselle bee∣yng a maide: well ({quod} he) to morowe she shalbee a woman. Declaryng by a mery woorde thatsame reproche to be a thyng that would with a tryce bee washed awaye, for the nexte morowe folowyng it could not bee obiected vnto hym, that he had a maide to his wife. Thesame Cicero in this manier pleasauntely iested on CurioHow Ccer mocked Cu∣rio begyn∣nyng his ora∣ciōs alwaye of his age. (who at no tyme would faill to begynne the preaumble of any oracion ma∣kyng of his olde age) that he af∣fermed thesame to haue the proe∣mes of his oraciōs euery one daye more easie and light to make then other? By reasō of age growyng euery daye more and more vpon hym. Yet ons again for a cast more at Vainius,Uatini{us} mo∣ked of Cicero for saiyng yt he had wal∣ke a couple of myles. (who although he wer sore diseased in his feete, & vtterly lamed with the goute, would ne∣des yet neuerthelesse appere to bee veraye well emended, and saied yt he was hable now to take a walke of a couple of myles at ons) yea, I thynke well ({quod} Cicero) for ye daies are a good deale longer then thei wer. This apophthegme doeth Quin¦tlian attribute vnto Cicero, and Macro∣bius vnto Augustus Caesar.It i afore t the .xxx. apoph¦thegme of Augustu. There gooeth nother tale about at this daye also euen as ery as this, sauyng yt it hath not semblea∣ble antiquitee ne auncientenesse to cōmende and sette it out withall. A certain laūce knight made his vaūte at a ban∣quette where he was, that he had a crossebowe so good of castyng, yt it would send a bolte or a quar∣rell of suche a fersenesse as no mā aliue could beleue or thynke, and named a certain space. Al ye coum∣paignie, whiche sate at the table cryyng foh at suche a shamefull lye, he abode by it that his owne seruaūte had seen ye thyng dooen. The seruaunte beeyng called in, how saiest thou sirrha, ({quod} his maister) diddest not thou see suche a thyng, and suche a thyng dooen Then saied the seruaunte. Yes sir ye tell a true tale, but at that tyme when ye shotte, the wynde was wt you. It had been muche meryr if he had saied, yes sir your quarell flewe so ferre as y speake of in deede, but it was at two shottes. Cicero after hearyng the false rumour that was bruited of y• death of Vatinius,What Cice∣ro said to O∣uini{us} of bruit of Uatinius his death. when he had enquiered of one Ouinius late seruaunte with thesame,Ouini{us} a late seruaunte of Uatinius, & by hym ma∣nuissed. whether all wente well, & the partie aunswered, yea veraye well: why is he dedde in deede thē, {quod} Cicero? Signifiyng that all went not right if Uatinius wer still aliue. Thesame Cicero beeyng called foorth for a witnesse to geue eui∣dence, when he had read in the bill of complainte,Ennius an olde auncient latine poete, & of greate au∣toritee, whom Cicero veray often tymes citeth in soon¦drie his wer∣kes. The defendaunte sued by Sextus Annalis, and this accuser still called buisyly vpon hym in this manier, speake on o Marcus Tullius if thou cāst any thyng saie of Sextus Annalis he begoonne by & by to recite versis out of the sixth booke of the werke of Ennius enti∣tleed Annales,What diffe¦rence is be∣twene histori∣es and anna∣les such as be learned maye read in y• viii chapitur of y• v. booke of Aulus Gelli{us} in this manier. Quipo∣tes ingentis causas euoluere belle. &c. For Ennius wrote in verses a cronicle of ctes dooen from yere to yere, in ordre as thei wer dooen and suche are in latine called Annales, & thi latine woorde, sextus, souneth in englyshe the sixth. And the name of the accuser was, Sextus Annalis A mey conceipte to those that are of capte to take it, sauyng y• it cannot in englyshe haue eguall grace with the latine. An other tyme also at one Accius beeyng a wylie pye & a feloe full o shiftes,How Accius escaped y• daū¦gier of a cer∣ain idge∣mente. Of Sylla & Charybdis it is afore no∣ed in y• .cxvii apoph. of Di∣ogenes. whē yesame was suspected in a certain matier, Cicero had a cast wt this litle verse of latine out o some olde poete, Nisi qua Vlysses rate euasit laertius. That is, With ye selfsame shippe, & none other thyng Wherewith Ulysses escaped scouryng. Ulysses beeyng subttle & craftie,Ulysses the sōne of Laer∣tes whō Ho∣mere in al pla¦es maketh to bee wylie suttle, proui∣dente & full of ll shifte in y• world possible escape safe with his shippe from bothe Charybdis & Sylla: So Accius by his wylynesse auoi∣ded and shifted hymself from the perill o the iudgemente. How Accius escaped y• daū¦gier of a cer∣ain idge∣mente. Of Sylla & Charybdis it is afore no∣ed in y• .cxvii apoph. of Di∣ogenes. Upon an other certain persone who after beeyng come to a good wyndefall of inheritaunce, was first of all the coumpaignie asked his sentence in a matier of consultaciō, wheras before ye obteinyng of thesame inheritaūce, he was re∣puted for the verayest foole in the worlde, Tullius sembleably iested, saiyng: Cuius hereditas quam uocant sa∣pientiam: that is, whose liuelehood whiche thei callen wysedome. In ye verse in stede of facilitas, he chaun¦ged it and saied, hereditas. For in the poete the verse is thus written, Cuius facilitas quam uocant sapientiam: that is, whose fa∣cilitee whiche thei callē wisedome. The me∣nyng of Cicero was to signifie that landes and gooddes had chaunced vnto the partie nstede of wisedome & sapience,Who hath lādes & good∣des enough shall soone haue ye name of a wyse manne. and that for the respecte of his liuelehood thesame was now estemed and taken for a wyse manne. Seruilia ye mother of Marcus Bru∣us had a doughter called Iunia Tertia, whiche Iunia Tertia was wife vnto Ca∣ius Considius. And Caesar the dictatour had bothe the mother & the doughter at his commaundemente for his wanton pleasure Also this latine woorde tertia is the femine endre of the nowne numerall, tertius, beto∣enyng the third in noumbre or in ordre. Ther s also a verbe, deducor, whiche in one signifi∣ciō is to bee rebated out of anoumbre or out of a summe, and in an other significacion it i to bee conueighed or to be brought as one con∣ueigheth home to his hous or chaumbre his wife or paramour. Of deducor is deriued a participle deductus, deducta deductum con∣ueighed or brought.What Cice¦o saied whē Seruilia had urchaced of Caesar a ich piece of lande or a litl mony. When Seruilia the mother of Marcus Brutus had for a small dele of money gottē awaye a riche piece of lande out of the handes of Caesar (who made open sale of many of ye citezens lādes & gooddes) Cicero made this ieste on it. Yea maisters ({quod} he) and that ye maye knowe this piece of lande to haue been the better cheape pur∣chaced, Seruilia hath bought this lāde tertia deducta. Whiche two wor∣des might twoo maner wayes bee enterpre∣ted and taken, either the thirde parte of the price abated, by vnderstandyng, parte, orels tertia ye womā taken home into his chaum∣bre to hym, so yt Cicero his ieste is grounded on ye ambiguous sense of these twoo lataine woordes tertia deducta. And to one tha hath good sight in y• latine yt saiyng is preatie. Thesame Cicero made a plea∣saunte riedle in the waye of ieste on the mother of Pletorius,The riedle of Cicero vpō ye mother of Pletorius. (whiche Pletorius accused Fonteius,) saiyng, yt whyle she liued she had a schoole and taught: & whē she was dedde she had maisters hirself. Notyng that in hir life tyme women of eiuill name wer cōmen resorters to hir hous, & after hir death hir gooddes wer preised & openly sold. The tale in apparence, bothe is standyng against all naturall reason, and also setteth the carte be fore yt horses. For those persones who haue a schoole, been maisters on their parties, and haue scholares vnder their tea∣chyng and gouernaunce. And maisters are called, not onely suche persones as dooen teache, but also those that haue ye rewle and ordreyng of others. He made also a ieste on ye name of Verres,How Cicero iested on the name of Uer∣res. as though he had been so named of the latine verbe Verro, (whiche is to swepe) Notyng that Uerres wheresoeuer he came plaied swepe∣stake, and left nothyng behynde hym, as bee¦yng a taker and abrybyng feloe, and one for whom nothyng was to hotte nor to heauie. After whiche sorte of bourdyng one feloe whatsoeuer he was, myndyng to signifie yt Cicero was a bryber and a preuie theef, in stede of Tullius called hym Tollius.Tollius for Tullius. For tollere is in latin to take away, as the∣ues piekers dooe take awaye by embesleyng. And some there wer that nickenamed an Emperour of Roome callyng hym Bi∣berius in stede of Tiberius.Biberius for Tiberius. For bibere is latin to drynke. And of Tiberius the succes∣sour of Augustus it is written,Tiberi{us} Caes. in his youth loued dryn∣kyng & so did usus after hym. yt in his youth he was proue to drynkyng and bollyng, in so muche, that in his tyme was brought vp a newe found diete to drynke wyne in ye mornyng nexte the herte. And Drusus because he loued dryn∣kyng was for that by the commen voice of the people saied to had regenerate his father Tibe∣ius and made hym aliue again. It was no rare thyng wt hym to speake of Iulius Caesar in this manier as foloeth:What Cicero saied of Caesars, cle∣mencie & nici∣tee coupleed together. As often as I consider the wylynesse and ambi∣cion of this manne lyyng hidden vnder the cloke and sembleaunce of humanitee and gentlenesse, I am afeard on the behalf of ye com∣menweale, lest thesame shall haue a tyranne of hym, & again when I behold his hear hangyng downe so nicely and so like a minyō, and hymself scrattyng his hedde Vno digito caput scalpere, that is: To scratte y• hedde with one fynger, was a prouerbial speakyng whereby to notifie a wanton feloe & a {per}sone effeminate, because such do take care & feare lest thei ruffle their trymme combed bushe, and sette some one heare out of ordre. It is thought that one Caluus a poete brought it firste vp on Pompeius, and thereof thesame to haue been taken vp in a prourbe. And yt the saied esure was in the olde tyme accoumpted for an argumente of vnchastnesse and of nicitee, Seneca in his epistles beareth witnesse: Of all thynges (saieth he) if thei bee well marked, there been priue to∣kens, yea, & of the lest thynges yt bee, maye a man gather argu∣mentes and presumpcions of mennes maniers and condicions An vnchaste {per}sone or a vicious mā of his bodye both his passe of gooyng dooeth shewe, and the mouyng of his handes, and at a tyme one sole aūswer, and one fynger putte vp to ye hedde and the castyng of his yies. &c. with one fynger, I can scacely thynke in my mynde, yt euer he will conce∣iue in his herte suche an high en∣treprise. To soondrie menne obiectyng vnto hym yt he had taken a greate summe of money of a persone en∣dited to bee tryed by ye lawe,How Cicero pourged hym¦self of takyng money of one of his cliente with the whiche money he should pur∣chace a stately mansion place. I will confesse yt I tooke suche mo∣ney in deede of my cliente (saied Cicero) if I bye the hous hereafter And when he had bought it in deede, to thesame menne castyng hym in the teethe with his lyyng,It is a wyse poicte of hous¦bādrie to dis∣semble, if one goo about to bye a thyng, for feare lest his bergain should bee ta∣kē out of his ande. why, ({quod} he) dooe ye not knowe it to bee a poincte of a good hous∣bande to dissemble if he haue pur∣posed to bye athyng? This historie dooeth Aulus Gellius much more pleasauntely and with more grace tell in the .xii. chapitur of the .xii. booke. Where he noteth yt whē a cryme is laied to ones charge, whiche he can by no meanes coulour ne auoide, one poore helpe and one poincte of shifte it is, to make a ieste of it, & to turne it (if one maye) to a matier of laugher, This persone accused, Gellius nameth Pub∣lius Sylla, and sheweth that Cicero did but borowe the money of hym. Betwene Cicero and Crassus ther was a priue malice.Betwene Ci∣cero & Mar∣cus Crassus the oratour, there was a priue grutche and malice. And so when one of the twoo soonnes of Crassus, beeyng not vnlike of fauour vnto one (whose name was Dignus) and by reason therof, suspicion entreed into the heddes of the people vpō the wife of the said Crassus that she had had ouermuche familiaritee & compaignie with thesame Dig∣nus) had made a gaye oraciō in the senate hous,One of the soonnes of Marc{us} Cras∣sus like of fa¦uour to one Dignus. Cicero beeyng asked the question what manier a feloe he yt had made the oracion semed vnto hym, thus made aunswer in latine, Dignus Craso est. Couertely alludyng to the name of Dignus.What Cice∣ro saied of one of ye soon¦nes of Crass{us} hauyng made a good oraciō in the senate house. For of those woordes, Dignus Crasso, might indifferentely bee taken, either that he was a young manne aunswerable to ye eloquence of Marcus Crassus his father, orels yt he ought of right to bee called Dignus though he beare ye name that Crassus was his father, for Dignus, is also la∣tin for woorthie. So that the ieste shall bee muche more pleasaunte if ye frame the latine woordes accordyng to ye greke phrase & saye, Dignus Crassiest. Understandyng that there wer in dede twoo of ye right and true name of Dignus, that is to weete one the adultreer yt occupied ye wife of Marcus Crassus, and the other like of fauour to the same Dignus, though he wer called the soonne of Crassus. Cicero had been attourney to defend one Munatius beeyng arrai∣ned of a certain cryme, and Muna∣tius therby quytte. Afterward wh̄ thesame Munatius sued one Sabinus a frende of Cicero to the extremite of the lawe,How Cicero reproued Mu¦natius of in∣graiude. Cicero throughly en∣kendleed in wrathe, vpbraided to Munatius what he had dooen for hym: why Munatius (saieth he) did∣dest thou thyself escape iudgemēt (whē it was) by thyne owne mea∣nes, orels by the helpe of me, that did cast a greate miste ouer the benche where the iudges sate?Cicero ould cast a miste o∣uer the seates iudgemēt. When he had openly praised Marcus Crassus in ye place that was called Rostra,Cicero prai∣sed Marcus Crassu in an oracion, & af∣terward dis∣praised the∣same again. y• people highly well allowyng his oracion: and after∣ward baited the selfe same manne in thesame place with many poy∣naunte and nippyng woordes of reproche, what ({quod} Crassus) diddest not thou in manier euen the last daye praise me and geue me high commendacion in thissame selfe place? yes ({quod} Cicero) I praised the in deede, but it was onely for exer∣cise to assaie what I could dooe in a naughtie matier.Rhetoricians are woont for exercise to take figned argumētes of matiers ino∣pinable, and suche are pr∣prely called declamaciōs and not ora∣cions. For rheto∣ricians are woont for exercise to hādle ma∣tiers inopinable, as for exaumple when thei make an oracion in the praise of Busyris, a kyng of Egypte for his moste horrible crueltee de∣tested of all nacions in the worlde. For there came vnto hym n a tyme a southsaier geuyng hym counsaill, that if he would auoide sterilitee & barennesse, he should kill vp as many straū∣giers as were within his royalme, whiche coūsail Busyris fo∣lowed, and executed, begynnyng first of all with the south∣saier self. Busyris, or of the feuer quertane, or when thei praise ingratitude. So did Homere write the bat∣taill betwene the frogges & the myce, Erasmus wrote the praise of foolyshnesse, an other the praise of baldenesse, an other of drounkenship: & this last argument I hanleed for myne exercise beeyng a young studente, albeeit thesame deca∣acion now lyeth all woorme eaten, as right woorthie it is. When thesame Crassus in an o∣racion whiche he made had saied, that neuer any māne of the name of Crassus had liued in Rome past the age of three score yeres,None of all ye Crasses liued in Rome past ye age of three score yeres. & then repentyng hymselfe of ye woorde speakyng, saied in this manier, what ailled me to speake suche a woorde as this? Marcus Tullius in this wise soodainly aunswered:Crass{us} coulde curryefauour ioylyly, as Plutarchus in his life ma∣keth mencion & was a māne of greate elo∣nce. Marie thou knewest ful wel that the Romaines would geue eare to that tale with all their hertes, and by suche a waye art thou come to beare rewle in the commenweale. Signifiyng twoo thynges, that is to weete, bothe that the name of the Crasses was odious vnto ye Romaines, and also yt this Crassus had been auaūced to honoures not by vertue, but by fauour curryeng. For when he saied by suche a waye art thou come. &c he mened, by speakyng suche thynges as might bee delectable and pleasaunte to the eares of the people. Crassus allegeyng it to bee one posicion or opinion of the Stoikes, yt It was an opinion of the Stokes, that good menne and vertuous menne are riche, and an other that a sapiente manne is lorde of all thynges in the worlde, because that only suche persone, are contented with that that thei haue, & if thei haue gooddes, thei can and also dooen bestowe it wel, & applye it to good vses: if thei haue no substaūce, none thei care for, but are cōtented with their vertues & honeste qualitees, as the whiche dooe persuade theimselfes, that he can not bee poore, who hath the grace of God, and is not couetous. And of this conclusion it is afore menioned in the .xlviii. apophthegme of Diogenes. But wheras the posicion or conclusion of the Stoikes mened that no manne was riche (though he had millions of talentes) except he wer a good and a vertuous manne withall. Crassus (because he was couetous) did interprete & take it to his pur∣pose, that no manne was a good manne except he wer riche, so that he would his richesse to bee a cloke of goodnesse, of vertue and of perfecte honestee. Therefore Cicero mocked hym with an other opinion of the Stoikes, whiche was, that in a sapi∣ente manne all thynges are possessed, wherby Cicero by an onie exhorted Crassus to peruerte the sense therof too, as he had dooen of ye other, and to persuade hym self, that if he could geatte all the worlde into his possessiō, he should be a sapiente and a perfecte good manne. Whereas the mynde of the Soi∣kes was clene contrarie. But Crassus was so couetous, that he would often tymes auouche no manne to bee woorthie the name of a riche manne, except he wer hable with his yerely re∣enues to kpe an armie, and to maintein an hoste of menne. Wherefore when he warred vpō the Parthians, and was by thesame taken and slain in that warre, thei cutte of his hedde & in despite melted golde into his mouth, saiyng these woordes Aurum sitisti, Aurum bibe, golde hast thou thirsted, now drynke golde enough. a good manne is he that is riche. Naye ({quod} Cicero) see whether this bee not rather their opinion, that a wyse manne is lorde of all the worlde, or hath all thynges of the worlde in his possession. Couertely notyng the auarice of Cras∣sus,The excedyng auarice of Crassus. to whom nothyng was enough but all thynges semed to litle. When Crassus was towarde a iourney into Syria, beeyng more desirous to leaue Cicero his frend then his foe, when he should bee gon, he saluted Cicero diligently, & saied yt he would suppe at home with hym that night. Whom Cice∣ro with a cherefull & gladde coun∣tenaūce receiued and entreteined. Within a fewe daies after this, certain of his frendes went in hande with hym, aud made mea∣nes vnto hym for to bee at one wt Vatinius also.What Cice∣o saied whē his frēdes la∣boured to bryng hym & Uatinius at oe. Why ({quod} Cicero) is Vati∣nius disposed to haue a supper at my house too? Signifiyng that the same Uatinius did make meanes more to haue a supper, then to haue his frendeship. Yet one cast more he had at Va∣tinius, who had a swellyng in the throte (whiche is in latine called, strumae, a disease like that is called the kyn∣ges iuil, if it bee not ye veraye same) when ye said Vatinius made a plea for a cli∣ente of his in a certain cause. Oh ({quod} Tullius) wee haue here an ora∣tour gayly puffed vp.Cicero called Uatinius an oratour gayly puffed vp, be∣cause yesame had a swel∣lyng in hi throte. In the latine it hath a veray good grace. For this woorde Tumidus, souneth in englyshe, swollē, inflated or puffed vp. Whiche termes aswell the latine as the englyshe, by translacion are referred not onely to swellyng in some parte of the bodie, but also in pride, bragguyng, and vainglorie. As the oratoures Asiatique wer called, Tumidi, swollē, or inflated, be cause their sorte & facion of makyng oracions, was proude, soleme, pompeous,The pomp∣ous manice of the Asiti∣ques in ma∣kyng oraciōs bolde, perte, & replenyshed with vauntyng bostyng, crakyng, bragguyng, and vaingloriousnesse: As witnesseth Plutar∣chus in the life of Antonius. And therunto did Cicero allude. Iulius Caesar had earnestely pur∣posed to distribute the landes of Campania emong his menne of ar∣mes. This thyng bothe many o∣thers in ye senate tooke greuously, & especially one Lucius Gellius bee∣yng a manne euen wt veraye age almoste clene dooen saied & swore, that it should not so bee, as long as he liued.What Cic∣ro sied whē Luci{us} Gelli{us} an aged ma spake of a thyng that it should not so long as he liued. Well ({quod} Cicero) leat vs tarye so long hardyly, for it requi¦reth no long delaie. Signifiyng that Gellius was euen at the last caste, and in manier at deathes doore. When a certain young feloe to whose charge it had been afore∣tymes laied that he had killed his father wt a spiececake infected wt poyson:How Cice¦ro checked a young feloe thretenyng to ree hym. whē this young feloe bee∣yng angreed euen at ye herte roote thretened in his furie yt he would haue a flyng at Cicero with woor∣des that should soune litle to his honestee, so had I rather yu shoul∣dest ({quod} Cicero) then wt spiececakes. Under yt coulourable woorde of double interpretacion obiectyng vnto the feloe the murdreyng of his father. One Publius Sextius had taken Cicero together with certain aduo∣cates mo to assiste hym & to help defend hym in a cause of his.How Ciero saied to Pub¦lius Sertius takyng on hym to make all his plea hymself. And when thesame Sextius would nedes declare his owne matier, and haue all ye saiyng his oneself, & would not geue any of his aduocates place or leaue to speake a woorde, as soone as the matier was clere and out of parauentures yt Sextus should bee quitte and discharged by the iudges: Take the tyme O Sextius ({quod} Cicero) this daye whyle thou mayest. For tomore thou shalt bee a priuate man gain. Geuyng hym half a checke for that he had taken vpon hym in ye matier to dooe all together hymself alone at his owne pleasure Wheras the next daye folowyng he should haue no publique office of a patrone or oratour, nor bee adhibited to any suche vse, but bee as other menne wer, that had nothyng to dooe wt pleadyng in courtes, as Cicero and the other publique oratours had. When Marcus Appius in the pre∣amble of a certain oracion or plea saied yt he had been by a frende of his greately desired to vse and to shewe all his diligence,How Cicero mocked Mar¦cus Appius. eloquēce, & fidelitee in his clientes cause, at this woorde, spake Cicero & saied: and hast yu such an hert of steele of thyn owne, yt of so many thynges whiche thy frēde hath desired the vnto, yu dooest neuer an one at all? Menyng that in his oracion appered not so muche as any one poincte of diligence, of el∣quence, or yet of trustynesse. Marcus Aquilius hauyng twoo soōnes in lawe, yt wer housbandes to his twoo doughters but bothe of theim banyshed & exiled, Cicero called Adrastus.Cicero gaue vnto Marc{us} Aquilius the name of A∣drastus Be cause yt he alone kept his standyng like a manne & saued ym self vpright Alludyng to ye propre sign¦ficacion of y• greke vocable. For signifieth: infected orels, one frō whō is no ster∣yng away, nor escaping of a shrewd turne. And therof Nemesis (ye Goddesse of takyng vēge∣aūce on such as are proude & disdeigneul in ty∣me of their {pro}sperite) is called in greke because yt no such {per}sone may escape hir handes. Neuerthelesse (vnder ye correccion of Erasmus) I take that Cicero alluded to Adrastus kyng of the Argiues, who had twoo doughters the one called Deiphile, and the other called Argia. Deiphile was marryed to Tydeus the soonne of Oene{us} kyng of Aetolia or Calydonia, which Tydeus beeyng a right valiaūe and an hardie manne, whē he had vnawares slain his brother Menalippus at an huntyng, fledde from his countree, & came to Adrastus, & there marryed the saied Deiphile, and there liued a banyshed manne, and neuer wnt again into his owne countree as shall appere. The other doughter Argia was marryed vnto Polynices ye soonne of Oedipus kyng of Thebes and of Iocasta queene of thesame, of whom and of his brother Eteocles, (who would not accordyng to his pro¦misse suffre Polynices to reigne in Thebe by course whē his first yere was expired,) it is vp∣on the .l. apophthegme of Diogenes in he first booke largely noted, and sufficientely for ye per∣fecte declaraciō of this place and purpose, that Polynices liued and dyed a banyshed manne. And so it befell that Tydeus was sent ambas∣sadour from Polynices vnto Eocles, that ye same should remembre his couenaunte and pro∣misse, and accordyng to thesame should surren∣dre vnto Polynices the kyngdome of Thebes there to reigne by course one fll yere as Eteo∣cles had dooen. When Eteocles had made hym a plain resolute aunswer yt he would not suffre Polynices o reigne there Tydeus sharpely re∣uked hym of breakyng his feithfull promisse, & spake many high & bolde woordes. Wherat Eteocles takyng greate indignacion, priuely sent fiftie stoute mēne of armes to lye secretely in a woode, & soodainly to kyll Tydeus in hi waye homeward. These menne myndyng to execute and accomplyshe the commaundemente of their lorde, sette vpon Tydeus in the saied woode, & Tydeus slewe theim euery mothers soonne excepte one, whom he saued purposely and sent backe to beare tydynges of that feaste vnto Eteocles. Then Adrastus and Polynices made warre on the Theanes. Where Tdeus after many noble actes of chieualrie at last was sain by one Menalippus a Thebane, and yet after y• receiuyng his deathes wounde, he slewe thesame Menalippus, & chopped of his hedde gnawed it in pieces with his teeth. Thus for our presēte purpose it appeareth that the twoo soonnes in lawe of Adrasus wer bothe oute lawes, and therefore did Cicero geue Marcus Aquilius the name of Adrastus. Of the office of Cenour is afore .In the tyme whyle Lucius Cotta was Censour, (who was takē for the greatest swielbolle of wyne in the worlde one of theim,Lucius Cotta .) where Cicero standyng in eleccion for the cōsulship happened to bee veraye drye, & had drounk a draught of water enuironed and hiddē from the Censours sight on euery syde with frendes, he saied: ye dooe well to feare lest I should haue y• Censour my heauie lorde, because I drynke water. Cicero made as though he beleued his frendes for this cause to stand thicke aboute hym,. that the Censour might not see hym drynkyng wa∣ter. For like beareth fauour to like. And vnlike hateth vnlike. So y• the Censour beeyng suche a gredie dynker of wyne, if he had seen Tullius drynkyng water, would haue suspec∣ted hym to dooe it in cōtumelie & re{pro}che of hym. When Marcus Caelius (who was thought to bee discēded of father and mother not free but bonde) had with a loude & a whole voice reade a lettre before the Senate, Cicero saied:What Cice∣ro saied of Celius, who had a loud voice. Maruaillye nothyng her at my lordes. For this is one of theim yt hath had a good loude breste in his dayes. Signifiyng, ye Caelius had been a commen cryer, and that by longe vse it had come vnto him to haue a shrille voice. And in dede bondemē that wer to bee sould, wer woont to bee made the best of, by the oyes of the cryer. Unto one Memmius reprochyng Cato the Vticensian, and saiyng that he would bee drounk euen whole nightes through, yea ({quod} Cicero) but thou speakest nothyng at all that all ye daye tyme he would bee plai¦yng at dyce.How Cicero excused Cato for makyng merie now & then in the night tyme. Manerly excusyng Cato, who bestowed all ye whole daye vpon the affaires of ye commenweale, and would take an houre or twoo or three of the night to take some recreacion of mynde,Cato would bee buisie in y• daie tyme, & merie in the night. and to refreshe his spirites. And in deede it is writ¦en of Cato yt he would now and then be merie and make good chere. What Cice∣ro saied to Iu¦lius Caes. de∣fenyng the doughter of Nicomede kyng of Bi∣ynia.Unto Caius Caesar earnestly de∣fendyng the cause of Nicomedes his doughter in the senate hous, and rehersyng ye benefites and greate pleasures of the kyng towardes hym, Cicero saied: No more of this I beseche you, for it is not vnkno∣wen what he gaue to you, & what ye gaue to hym. The pith and grace of the saiyng dependeth of the double sense yt might bee takē of y• woorde. dare For in latine he is proprely saied, dare, to geue, that conferreth a benefite: and also a womā is saied in latine, dare, that is gentle & kynd of hir fleashe. Wherof the poete Martialis thus writeth to a woman, uis dare, nec da∣re uis, that is, ye will geue and ye will not geue. &c. Caesar had an eiuill name, yt whē he was in Bithynia in his youthe at what tyme he fled from Roome for feare of Sylla, wherof is mencioned in the first apophthegme of thesame Iulius Caesar) he was somewhat more at the cōmaundemente of kyng Nicome∣des, thn the lawes of chastitee dooe requere. Marcus Callidius accused Gallus, & Marcus Tullius defended Gallus. And when the accuser affermed that he would both by witnesses, by Gallus owne handie wrytynges,How Cicero defeacted the accusacion of Marcus Cal∣lidus against Gallus. and also by examinacions confessed afore, make due proufe that there had been vennyme tēpreed and made readie in a cuppe for hym by the partie arrained: but yet al ye whyle pronounced suche an hainous ma¦tier wt an vnearnest countenaūce, with a dedde voice, and with the residue of his iesture nothyng hot nor vehemente, Marcus Tullius saied: O Marcus Callidius, if thou diddest not feigne this geare, wouldest thou handle thy plea so faintely?Faint hādle∣yng of a plea argueth the cause to bee weake & vn∣true. Gatheryng, of his countenaunce and iesture that his woordes came not from the herte. Thesame Cicero after this sorte iested on Isauricus:How Cicero iested one I∣sauricus who had beē beatē with whippes of his father afore. I meruail what the matier is, yt thy father beeyng alwayes one maner a manne, hath left ye vnto vs so diuerse. A merie woorde depēdyng of ambiguousnesse of the vocable. For, Varius, in latine, and diuerse, in englyshe is called one that is of a waue∣ryng mynde and nothyng substancial, he is also called in latine, Varius, in englyshe di∣uerse, that is marked with the prientes of trypes. And in deede it was commenly noy¦sed that this Isauricus had been scourged a¦fore of his father with whippes. And therof came thatsame, not the saiyng, but the deede of Marcus Caelius, whose chaire of estate when Isauricus beeyng Consull had brokē, he sette vp an other with whippes kerued in it, without any woordes thretenyng thesaid Isauricus,How Marc{us} ued for and also castyng in his teth, that he had ones been scourged with whippes of his father. Plutarchus & other historiographers doen write that Demosthenes had a poore woman to his mother and a woman vnknowen, his fa∣ther kepte a cutlers shoppe and sould kniues, a good honeste manne and meetely welthie, as the whiche when he dyed leaft vnto his soonne ho∣neste substaunce, but because Demosthenes was then but a litle childe, he & his patrimonie was cōmitted to certain executours or feoffers who beguiled Domosthenes so ferre, that thei neither regarded to sette hym to schoole, nor while he was at schoole to paie his schoolemai∣sters duetie. At last he became the moste noble oratour that euer was in Grece. And then tooke in hande to bee a dooer in the cōmenweale, and spared not to sette against Philippus wt moste vehemente oracions inuectiues, and wore out Philippus well enough and after hym Alexan∣der But Antipater sent certain of his garde to slea hym. Demonsthenes hearyng therof fledde priuely into a litle Isle named Calauria, & there kept hymself secrete. At lat he was found out. And when he sawe that there was no remedie but that he should bee had to Antipater, he desi∣red that he might haue licence first to write an epistle to the Atheniens. And takyng a penne in his hande he begoonne his episle thus: Demo∣sthenes to the Atheniens gretyng & wel to fare. And euen so brake of writyng and receiued poy∣son whiche he had long tyme of a purpose kept vnder the stone of his ryng, and so poysoned hymself out of hande. Plutarchus ioyneth the life of Demosthenes and of Cicero bothe toge∣ther, and compareth theim twoo together as a veraye good matche and wel coupleed. For (sai∣eth he) whē god at the first begynnyng fourmed Demosthenes & Cicero bothe after one paterne, he semeth to haue putte and enspired into their natures and disposicions many like qualitees, as for example, that bothe the one and the other was ambicious, bothe the one and the other a citezen francke, bolde and plain in tellyng his mynde to the people, bothe of theim to perilles, ieoperdies and warres not veraye hardy mēne. There wer in their fortunes also many thinges ommune aswell to the one as to the other. Fo I cannot fynd any oter twoo oratours, which beeyng of sembleable lowe birth, grewe to bee soo greate menne of authoritee and dignite, and which durst auenture to wihstand kynges and chief gouernours, and lost their doughters, we banyshed their countrees, & returned fette home again with honour, eftsons voidyng their ci∣tees came into the handes of their enemies and finally whiche wer extincted together with the libertee of their countree. ONe This Pytheas was in the tyme of Phocion and Demo∣sthenes, a man newly come vp in Athenes of late, & by eleccion put in autoritee to haue dooyng and saiyng in the publique af∣faires of th citee, partely by giftes and rewardes, and partely by speakyng faire vnto the people. And whē he was ons got∣ten vp to beare some stroke in the citee, he would haue to dooe in euery matier, and weaxed a woondreous buisie mdler in all causes, in somuch that at commen assemblees he woulde often tymes trouble all the whole coumpaigni wth his daily pratleyng, vntill Phocion at last saied: will this feloe here ne∣uer hold his peace, that came but yersterdaye in manier out of the shelle, and one that hath bought the people of Athenes to be his owne?Pythias obiected to Demosthenes that his argumentes of rheto∣rike smelled all of the cādle:Hw Demo∣shenes aun∣swered Py∣theas aiyng to his chage that his ora∣cions smelled f the candle. signifiyng, that he pronoūced none oraciō but out of writyng, and made with greate studie by cādle in the night tyme. Whiche saiyng Demosthenes in such wyse reuersed backe again, that he auouched hymself and ye other partie not to bee at equal charges for candle, Notyng y• the other was a contynuall reueller and gourmaunder by night, and bestowed more money on ryot∣tous banquettyng, then he on his behalf did n studie. Unto others obiectyng vnto hym vnmeasurable affectacion of eloquence he thus aunswered,How Demo∣sthenes pour∣ged hymselfe of y• obiecciō of ouermuche studie of el∣quence. the studie of eloquence to declare a manne that loueth the people, and can bee contented to bee feloe like with the people: and cōtrariewyse to neglect the studie of eloquence, to bee the guyse of suche persones as sought to bee lordes ouer the people, as the whiche went about not to perswade menne by fyne vt¦treaunce of a matier, but to com∣pell theim parforce. As often as Phocion should arise to saie his mynde in any assēblee Demosthenes would saie of thesam Phocion to his frendes yt sate nexte by hym:Phocion the are of Demo¦sthenes his reasons. now ariseth vp the axe o all my reasons. For Phociō was brief in tellyng his tale,Phocion and Demosthenes fewe tymes agreed but sharpe as a axe And his custome was for y• moste parte to bee of a contrarie mynde and opinion to Demosthenes. The people of Athenes ymportu∣nely required Demosthenes to take vpō hym ye accusyng of a certain persone.What De∣mosthenes saied when ye Atheniēs ear∣nestely praied hym to accuse a ertain per∣one. And when Demosthenes re∣fused to dooe it, ye people begoōne to bee vp in a rore against hym, (as commenly thei will in suche a case) thē Demosthenes arisyng spake in this manier: O ye menne of Athenes, ye haue of me a faithfull counsaillour & helper at all tymes of neede whether ye will or not, but a false accuser shall ye neuer haue of me would ye neuer so fain. Demosthenes had been one of the enne, whom the Atheniens had sent mbassadours vnto Philippus kyng f Macedonie.Demosthenes one of the .x. whom the A∣theniens sent ambassadours to Philippus kyng of Ma∣cdonie. So after that Aeschines nd Philocrates (whiche twoo Philip∣us had especially aboue ye residue familiarly embraced & made of) beeyng come home again frō the saied ambassade, gaue the kyng muche high praise, partely for ma∣ny other thynges, & especially for these three folowyng, that he was full of fauour and beautie,Philippus kyng of Ma∣cedonie, was beautiful, elo∣quene and a good drynker that he had a goodly eloquente toung, & yt he could drynk lustyly. Demosthe∣nes made this cauillacion, that he auouched in all those praises to bee not so muche as one poincte comely for a kyng.To drynke well is a pro∣prete mete for a spoūge, but not for a mā. For ye first, he saied, belonged to women, the se∣counde to sophistes or rhetorici∣ans, and the thirde to spounges,This ambassade was at thesame tyme, when Demochares saied to Philippus that he might do to the Atheniens muche pleasure, if he would put his necke in an halter, and hang hym self. Wherof read the .xxxv. apoph. of the saied Philippus. Demosthenes had writtē vpon hi shilde in lettres of golde that is,, write about Demostnes his bucler in ltters of olde. Good fortune. Yet neuerthe∣lesse when it was come to handie strokes This was at the battaill in Cherronea (wherof is afore spoen i the .vii. apophthegme of Philippus) in whiche battaill he subdued and conquiered all Grece. And of this battaill De∣osthenes was the chief procurer and setter on, in so muche yt he onely persuaded the Thebanes and others therunto, and was one of the chief ryngleders and capitaines hymself, in so muche that the kyng of the Persians wrote letters about to is nobles in all places, that thei should aide Demosthenes wt money enough on all syde for the suppressyng of Philippus. The battaill wa kept in Chrronea (the countree of Plutar∣chus) at Thermodon. Whiche Thermodon (as the reporte gooth saieth Plutarchus) shuld bee a litle preatie floudde ren∣yng into the riuer of Cephisus. But thesame Plutarchus saieth that he knoweth no suche flodde there about of y• nam nor yet in any place of al Cherronea. Neuerthelesse he beleueth that the floudde Haemō (whiche renneth along by Heraclium, where ye Grekes at yt tyme pitched their cāpe against Philip∣pus) was at the first in olde tyme called Thermodon, and frō that battaill foorthward thesame to haue taken the appelaciō of Haemon, because it was then filled vp with dedde corpses nd with bloudde. For , is greke for bloudde. But this was such a sore battaill, that Philippus feared Demosthenes all daies of his life after, for that thesame had persuaded the Grekes to battaill. Demosthenes euen at ye first meetyng cast shilde and all awaye from hym, & togoo as fast as his legges might beare hym. This poincte beeyng cast in his nose in the waye of mockage & reproche,How Demo∣sthenes aoi∣ded y• reproche of rennyng awaye in bat∣taill. that he had in battaill cast awaye his bucler, and taken hym to his heeles,Plutarchus saieth yt Py∣theas it was whiche thus mocked De∣mosthenes for his mannely rennyng ∣waye. like a pretie māne, he auoi∣ded it with a litle verse commen in euery bodyes mouthe. Iudgeyng that it is more for ye benefit of ones coūtree to renne awaye in battaill, then to lese his life. For a dedde manne can fight no more, but who hath saued hymself aliue by rennyng awaye, maye in many battailles mo, doo good seruice to his coūtr At leste wise, if it bee a poincte of good ser∣uice, to renne awaye at al tymes when the coun∣ree hath moste nede of his helpe to sticke to it. When Alexander on this condi∣cion offreed peace vnto ye Athenien if thesame would yeld vp into his handes eight of ye citezens,How Demo∣sthns esca∣ped beeyng de∣liuered into ye handes of A∣xāder. emōg whō Demosthenes to bee one: Demosthenes told vnto theim the tale of the woulf, who vpon this condicion offreed peace vnto the sheepe, if y• same would yeld and deliuer hym their dogges that kept hym from the folde. Under the name of the woulf betokenyng Alexāder, by the dogges menyng those persones who at that present season had the cure and charge of all ye pub∣lique affaires, and by the sheepe signifiyng the commenaltie of the Atheniens. He ad∣ded moreouer an other exaumple. As the mercatemenne (saieth he) dooe bryng out a litle modicum of wheate or other corne in a treen¦dishe for a saumple or shewe,Who betrai∣eth the gouer∣nours & rew∣lers, betraieth the whole peo¦ple & coūtree. de∣siryng by thesame to sell whole greate heapes: so ye, if ye betraie and deliuer vp the eight citezens whiche are demaunded of you, ye betraie & deliuer ye whole vniuer∣sall people euery mothers chylde. When Demosthenes beeyng con∣demned of ye Areopagites,Of Aropa∣gus & the A∣reopagites, it is afore noted had esca∣ped out of prieson, & was rennyng The cause of the banyshemente of Demosthenes was this. There was one Hapalus (of whō it is afore mencioned) who partely of remorse and conscience of eiuill handleyng hymself in matiers committed vnto his fidelitee, and partely for that he sawe Alexāder begyn to weaxe veraye rigorous and sore to his frendes, fled out of Asia and came to Athenes. And whē h had with certain shippes and greate substaunce of money sub∣mitted hymself to the pleasure and wylle of the people of Athe¦nes, the other oratours counsailled the people to receiue & pro∣ecte hym, but Demosthenes at the first begynnyng gaue theim counsaill in no wyse to receiue hym, but to bee well aware, lest thei should by reason of hym areise battaill of an vniuste and vnreasonable cause. Within fewe daies after, whē Harpalus (who by like had a good insight in suche matiers) espiyng and markyng Demosthenes to haue an earneste yie, & a greate fan∣sie vnto a goodly cuppe of golde, that was of excellente werk∣manship caused thesame to bee weighed. Demosthenes muche woondreed at the weight of the cuppe, and demaunded what the cuppe drawed (menyng of weight in the balaunce) I wys {quod} Harpalus (smylyng vpon hym) it shall drawe you twentie talentes, and the nexte night folowyng sent vnto Demosthe∣ns the saied cuppe of golde secretely, & twentie talentes with all, whiche Demosthenes receiued. And when Harpalus his caus within a daye or twoo after was had again in commu∣nicacion, Demosthenes came to the assemblee of the people, wt his necke all stuffed, lapped, and wrapped in wulle, furres, and cloutes. He was bidden to saie his mynde, he refused to speake, allegyng that he had a bone in his throte & could not speake. But the people perceiued the matier well enough that he had been corrupted with money by Harpalus. And without any more busynesse, first and foremust thei expulsed Harpalus and bidde hym voide. And that dooen, forasmuche as thei stood in feare and drede, left the money whiche the oratours had recei∣ued, should bee required of theim by Alexander, thei serched the oratoures houses for all suche money and iewelles. Then De∣mosthenes beeyng manifestly foūd culpable, would haue pour∣ged hymself, but y• people would in no wyse heare hym speak No? (saied one) wil ye not geue eare vnto hym that hath such a goodly golden cuppe? well, the people cryed out vpon hym. Demosthenes putt the matier vp to the iudgemente and sen∣tence of the Areopagites, by whom he was cōdemned in a fine of fiftie talentes, and commaunded to warde, vntill the fine should bee satisfied and paied. Demosthenes partely by reaso of that extreme iudgemēte for that he was feble and weake of bodye, nor hable to endure the enpriesonmente, broke awaye priuely, and fledde into Arcadia, whiche is a region of Achaia.awaye, & had mette in the teeth not ferre from ye citee, certain per∣sones of the contrarie parte, that wer not his frēdes: first he would faine haue hidden hymself. But when ye parties speakyng to hym, & callyng hym Demosthenes by his name, bidde hym to bee of good coumforte,The naturall loue & desire of eche māne towarde his natiue coun∣tree. & also offreed hym mo∣ney to help hym on his waye, he gaue an heauie sigh euen from ye botome of his herte, saiyng: How can I possible forsake this citee, in whiche I haue suche enemies, as I shall not fynd frendes of the like sorte in an other countree? It is reported that Demosthenes in his departyng from y• citee loo∣ked backe vnto the toure of Pallas,What Demo¦sthenes saied to Pallas at his departyng out of Athe∣nes. & his handes lifted vp vnto hea∣uen saied: O Pallas ladie of citees, why settest thou thy delite in three the moste vnluckeful beastes of ye worlde, the oulette,The Oulett dedicated vn∣to Pallas. the draguon, and the people? The oulette wher∣as she is of all birdes the moste vnluckefull,The people beaste of ma∣ny heddes. yet is she dedicated vnto Pallas, like as the same Pallas hath a draguō also whiche she beareth aboute wt hir for hir cognisaunce.The ingrati∣tude of ye peo∣ple towarde their benefa∣cturo. And as for ye people is a monstreous beaste of many heddes, accustomed with ye moste naughtie vnkyndenesse possible to rewarde suche persones as hath dooen theim bene∣fite, as thei did Socrates, Phociō, Of the ingratitude of the people of Athenes towardes So¦rates and Phocion, it is afore declared. As touchyng Scipio there wer fower of the name in Roome, one after an other, as nobe menne, as wyse counsaillours, and as valiaunte Capi∣taines, as euer wer in Roome, & whiche did asmuche benefite in the commenweale, as vneth any penne maye wryte. And yet euery one of theim found at the hādes of the people of Roome inomparable ingratitude. The first of theim woonne Car∣thage, and made it tributarie vnto Roome, when it had so tie∣ed Roome with long warres, that it was muche more nigh to subdue Roome, then to bee subdued vnto Roome. This Sci∣ triumphed on Carthage, and had geuen vnto hym the sur∣name of Africane (because he subdued Carthage and thereby Afrike.) And yet was he at last exiled, and did dye out of his countree a banished manne. Scipio surnamed the Asiatik (be∣cause he subdued kyng Antiochus vnto Roome, and besides hym all Aia, of whō he also triumphed) was afterward alse∣ly arrained of robbyng the treasourie of Roome, and moste wrongfully commaunded to prieson. Scipio Africane the se∣counde (to whom that surname was geuen because he beatte downe and destroyed bothe the citee of Numantia, and also ye citee of Carthage, beeyng with all their power and puissaunce ent and sette against the citee of Roome) was wekedly slain in his bedde in ye night, and yet in all the citee of Roome could not one bee found that would see suche an hainous murdre a∣uenged or punyshed. And this Scipio it is, that Erasmus here speaketh of Scipio surnamed Nasica (who saued the cōmen∣weale from the violente oppression of Tiberius Gracchus the Tribun) was in his later daies sent as half a banyshed māne to Pergamus, and there spent the residue of his life.Scipio and right many others mo. Unto the young menne wt whō he vsed familiaritee, he would of∣ten tymes saie,The affaires of a commen∣weale are daū¦gierou to mede withal saied Demo∣sthenes. that knowyng as he now did, how muche enuie, feare, false surmuised querelyng, and how muche perill, a manne comyng to ye affaires of the com∣menweale hath to looke for, if the one of twoo wer to bee chosen, he would rather goo to his death, thē vp into a pulpite to make an ora∣cion, orels vp to the benche to sitte vpon matiers of iudgemente. At what tyme he liued in Arca∣dia a banyshed manne,Contencion betwene Py∣theas & De∣mosthenes. and Pytheas in the fauour and behalf of ye Ma∣cedonians had saied in this manier, as wee deme yt hous to haue some eiuil maladie wtin it, into ye which is carryed mylke for to bee sold, so may wee thynk yt citee to bee cor¦rupted wt some eiuil disease, vnto the whiche is sent any ambassade of ye Atheniens: Demosthenes thus tur∣ned yt clause clene arsee versee. As mylke (saieth he) is brought into houses for to restore sicke folkes to their helthe again, so are the Atheniens alwayes readie for ye safe∣garde and preseruacion of other foren citees.How Demo∣sthenes was retored from banyshement. As soone as the com∣menaltie of ye Atheniens had knowe∣lage of this, thei foorthwithall sent for hym to come home again from exile. After this saiyng, the comenaltie of Athene whiche had afore condēned hym, wer soodainly stricken again in loue with hym, and saied tha he was an honest manne again, and loued the ci∣tee, and many gaye good morowes. Wherupon Damon Paeaniens ye neffewe of Demosthene made mocion vnto the people that Demosthe∣nes might bee restored to his former state and might come home to the citee again. The people made a decree vpon it. And vnto Aegina was sent a galie for hym to fette & bryng hym home again with honour. And whē he was approched nere to Athenes, all the magistrates of the citee, all the ministres and presidentes of the temples full and whole, and the other citezens by whole ockes went to meete hym, & receiued hym (as ye would saie) with generall processiō, and with all triumphe, honour, and solemnitee. Yea, and the fine of fiftie talentes whiche he had afore been condemned in, (because thei might not by iustice or law releasse or forgeue it) thei ordeined by a publique decree to couerte vnto the altare of Minerua, and to bee deducted of the money whiche was to bee leuie for the behouf of the same altare. For the Atheniens had a vse and custome at certain feaste (which thei called the feaste of Iupiter the saueour) to make a commē boxe for y• repairyng, deckyng, and furnyshyng of the altare of Minerua, and for the dooyng of this, thei appoincted a gatheryng of fiftie talen∣tes in the name of Minerua, to bee conuerted and applyed to y• satisfiyng and paiyng of De∣mosthene his fyne, for in so muche a summe he was condemned, as afore is saied. When a shippe was sent hym returnyng home again frō exile,Demosthene gloried in cō∣paryng his re¦turnyng from exile, with the returnyng of Alcibiades. and many of the magistrates or publique officers, and citezēs had come foorth of the citee to meete hym, Demosthenes liftyng vp his handes to heauen, saied, yt a more honourable returnyng had chaū∣ced vnto hym then vnto Alcibiades, for that Alcibiades beeyng absente on warrefare was accused by one Thessalus, that he ha a certain brethreed, whiche vsed to re∣sorte and gther together at his hous, and there to assēble like plaiers on a staige, to coūtreaicte the sacres of Ceres (the god∣desse of corn) and to represent ye mysteries of thesame sacres, whiche wer woont to bee celebrated and kept of the Atheniens with greate reuerence and deuocion. He added moreouer, that Alcibiades and his adherentes diuided the executyng of all the offices apperteinyng to those ceremonies, and that one Poly∣tion was the cādlesticke bearer or torchebearer, and one Theo∣dous to bee the chaunter, or clerke, and Alcibiades beeyng the eecutour and chief president of all the sacres to reade a lecture vnto al his compaignie of al the saied misteries. &c. Alcibiades was gently required to come home to Athenes for to make his and declaracion in the premisses, he drewe backe and not come to Athenes, and to one demaundyng whether e mystrusted his owne natiue countree and citee, he aunswe∣red, that he trused his countree veraye well, but as for the ha∣rdyng of his hedde & life he thought not best to putte in the handes of his veraye mother neither, lest she might chaunce to bryng and cast in a blacke stone in stede of a white. Upon this e fledde, and would not come to Athenes. Wherupon he was condemned beeyng absēte, and all his goodde forfaicted, and to the ende that no poincte of ignominie o shuld lacke, all the minisres of all the temples wer hidden to accurse Alcibiades as an impious persone and a wked miscreaunt. Thei also by a decee condemned hym to death as a traitour. Wherof whē relacion was made vnto Alcibiades, he aunswered that the A∣theniens should fynd hym to bee aliue. Then went he to their enemies, and did the Atheniens muche scathe till at laste thei wer gladde and sain to desyre and praie hym to come home and help theim. The parely remorse of conscience, and partely the naturall desire of his countree so pricked hym, that euen at the veraye plounge when the Lacedemonians should vtterly foreuer hau confounded the Atheniens in battaill on the sea, Alcibiades soodainly without the knowelage of either partie came with certain shippes vpon the Lacedemonians behynd at their backes, and turned the victorie to the Atheniens, and so came home highly welcomed, although thei had by necessitee been forced to seeke vpon hym.Alcibiades had come home again, the citezens constreigned parforce to sēd for hym, and he on his partie, ye citezens through pea¦ceable and gentle perswasiō con∣descēdyng & a greeyng therunto. After that Demosthenes for feare of Antipater had fledde into the Isle of Calauria,Reade the an∣notacion of y• viii. apoph. and kept hymself in the temple of Neptunus, and Archias,This temple was a sure place of refu∣ge as a san∣ctuarie. of a plaier of tragidies now growen & come vp to bee a māne of power assaied and laboured with honey sweete woordes to perswade De∣mosthenes that thesame should putte hymself in ye grace of Antipater,Archias first a plaier of en∣treludes, and afterwarde a greate manne of power wt Antipater. by whō not onely to haue nomanier harme at all, but also to bee ho∣noured with moste high & boun∣teous rewardes: He saied in this manier: O Archias thou neuer did∣dest like me in thy life on ye staige beeyng a plaier, nor shalt {per}suade me to thy purpose now at this pre¦sent beeyng an oratour. But whē Archias beeyng throughly out of paciēce thretened to pull hym par∣force out of the temple: yea marie ({quod} Demosthenes) now at last thou hast plainly opened the The oracles of Macedonie, Demosthenes called the plea∣sure of Antipater kyng of Macedonie. Menyng that Antipa∣ter had commaunded Archias to bryng Demosthenes by faire meanes or foule. Demosthenes alluded to the propre significa∣ion of an oracle, menyng that Antipater tooke vpon hym in manier no lesse then if he had been a god. oracles of Macedonie.What an ora¦cle is reade in the .xv. saiyng of Alexander. For vntill ye speakyng of this woorde, thou diddest but countrefaicte and make a feigned countenaūce accordyng to ye guise and facion of entrelude plaiers. Demosthenes is reported to haue sailled on a tyme to ye citee of Co∣rinthe,Of Corithus is aforenoted in y• xxxiii. A∣pophtheg. of Diogenes. enticed & allured wt the fame of Lais a Courtisan there of greate name,Demosthenes sailled to Co∣inthe to haue his peasure of Lais. to thentente yt he also emōg the mo might haue his pleasure of the paramour whiche all ye worlde spake of. But when she by coue∣naūte required for one night tēne thousande drachmes,Lais a costely dame to lye with, of whō reade the .xxxi saiyng of Ari¦stippus. Demosthenes feared wt the greatenesse of ye price chaunged his mynde, saiyng: . that is: I will not bye repentaunce so dere. Signifiyng, that vnto vnhoneste plea∣sure repentaunce is a prest compaignion to come after.Repentaunce euermore en∣sueth of vn∣honeste plea∣sure. Yea and one propretee more it hath, that the pleasure is small, and is gon in a momente, the repentaunce greate, and still endu¦ryng as long as life continueth.Lais an harlot of Corinthe of excellent beautie, but so dere & costely, that she was no morsell for mowyers. She was for none but lordes and gentlemenne that might well paie for it. Wherof came vp a prouerbe, that it was not for euery manne to go vnto Corinthe. This historie of Demosthenes is reher∣sed of Ualerius Maximus, Aulus Gellius and others. The saiyng of Pytheas is cōmen and muche spoken of, that the ora¦cions of Demosthenes smelled all of the candle,Read ye first apophthegme of Demosthe. for that thesame did in the night seasō wryte and recorde suche thynges as he had to saie to the people in the daye tyme. So whē an other feloe, whiche had an eiuill name abrode for the suspiciō of piekyng and brybyng, veraye malapertely inueighed against ye same thyng: I knowe it full well ({quod} Demosthenes) yt wee dooe werke the muche sorowe, in yt wee light candles in the night.Priue theues loue ye derke. For priue stealers loue ye derke. On Demades cryyng, oh, Demosthe¦nes will take vpon hym to correcte me,How Demo∣sthenes taun∣ted Demades. the sow will teachewyne to teache Minerua, was a {pro}uerbe against suche, as either beeyng theimselfes of no knowlage ne wisedō at all, wil take vpō theim, to teache {per}sones yt are excellētely skilled & pas∣syng expert, for which we saie in Englyshe to teache our dame to spnne: orels, yt will take vpō theim to bee doctours in those thynges in whiche theimselfes haue no skille at all, for whiche wee saie in Englyshe, to correcte Magnificat before he haue learned Te Deum. For Minerua was thought the patronesse of al witte and of al ingenious artes (as is afore saied) and the swyne, by the tradicion and wrytyng of all the naturall philo∣sophirs is declared to bee of al beastes the moste brutyshe, and lest apte to learne any thyng. Minerua, ye same Demosthenes saied: Yea, but this Minerua ({quod} he) was taken the last yere in aduouie.Minerua by the ficcion of the poetes a perpetuall virgin. He lated vnto ye charge of Demades aduoutrie, wher as the poetes dooe make Minerua to bee a perpetuall virgin. Thesame Demosthenes withstood ye Atheniens ymportunely desiryng hym to shewe his aduise,Demosthe∣nes would not bee at the becke of the people. & saied: . that is, I am none of those whiche are brought, vnder coram. Signifi∣yng, that he was not as a bondeseruaunte made to the becke of the people, but at his owne wille & pleasure at all tymes to dooe what thyng he had iudged expediente to bee dooen. A certain bonde maiden had re∣ceiued of twoo menne of hir ac∣quaintaunce a certain summe of money to kepe for theim, with this condiciō and agreemente, that she should redeliuer thesame summe vnto theim bothe together. The one of these twoo parties within a shorte space after, comyng cladde in a mournyng garmente, & goo∣yng as though he had no ioye of his life, and feignyng that his par¦tener was dedde, beguiled the wo∣man, & gotte the money out of hir fyngers.How Demo∣sthenes by a suttle ingen saued a poore woman from paiyng one summe twys. This dooen, anon came the secounde partie vnlooked for, and begoonne to require that had been leafte in hir custodie. And wher ye woman beeyng in a pecke of troubles was half in mynde & purpose to hang hirself, Demosthenes was so good vnto hir to become hir aduocate, who, as soone as he came to make his plea in hir be∣half, went roundely to the demaū∣der of the money after this sorte: This woman (saieth he) is readie well & truely to discharge hirself of the money which she was putte in truste withal to kepe, but onles thou bryng thy partener too, she maye not dooe it, because that by thyne owne confession and woor∣des, this was a plain composiciō made betwen you, that the money should in no wyse bee deliuered to the one of you without the other. By this suttle ingen he saued the poore seelie woman, and clerely defeacted the con∣spirisie of the two vilaines, who had drieuē a drifte to receiue double paimente of one summe. To a certain {per}sone demaūdyng what was the principall poincte in eloquence, he made aunswer, hy¦pocrisis, that is, accion or pronun∣ciacion. To yesame persone eftsons askyng, what was y• nexte poincte and what the thirde, he still made none other aunswer but, accion, accion. Referryng so muche to pro∣nunciacion, that he thought all together to consiste in thesame. And in deede y• accion or pronunciacion comprehendeth many thyn∣ges mo then one, that is to weete, the tem∣peryng and qualifiyng of the voice, the ear∣nest looke of the yies, the porte of the coun∣teaunce, and the gesturyng or conueigh∣aunce of all the whole bodye. When the fyngers of the Athe∣niens ticleed to aid and succour Har¦palus, and wer now alreadie vp to∣wardes warre against Alexander, soodainly was seen Philoxenus ar∣riued in the countree of Attica, whō Alexander had made his high ami∣rall. At this sodain arriuall of the saied Philoxenus when y• people bee¦yng with feare astouned wer soo∣dainly whished & weaxed dumme: what would these menne dooe ({quod} Demosthenes) if thei should see the soonne, which haue not the power to looke against a candle? After suche sorte did he vpbraid to the people their rashe and vnaduised stieryng of coles, and arisynges to warre. By the soonne he me∣ned Alexander, in comparison of whom, this Philoxenus was scacely to bee estemed a cādle. Certain persones estemyng and saiyng that Demades had now geuē ouer to bee suche an haine, as he had been in tyme past:Demades was couetous of money. Yea marie ({quod} Demosthenes,) for now ye see hym ful paunched, as lyons are For Demades was couetous and gredie of mo∣ney. And in deede the lyons are more gentle when their bealyes are well filled. When he was by a certain per∣sone reuiled with muche naughty language:In reuiyng one an other who so ouer∣cometh, lseth the victorie. I am now matched ({quod} he) to buccle in a strife, in whiche who so hath in fine the ouer hāde, getteth the wurse, and who so ouer cometh, leseth the victorie. Thesame Demosthenes, when he heard a certain oratour speakyng out of measure loude and high, & all together in Pilates voice, saied: Not all that is greate,Not all yt is greate is well but all that is wel is greate. is well, but all that is well is greate. This saiyng is ascribed to others also. And some folkes there been, that esteme feastes whiche are drawen of a greate length to sitte all daie, and are furnyshed with soondrie dishes or courses of the moste,One dishe a∣lone to fde on, is more holsome for y• bodye, then variete of dishes. to bee royall deintie geare, wheras by the plain determinacion of all naturall philosophiers, and of all good physicians in the world, one good dishe alone to fde on is more naturall and more holsome for the bodye, then the varietee of many costely di∣ses at one repaste.
A00320.P4	Bellum Erasmi· Translated into englyshe	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	An. M.D.XXXIII. [1533, i.e. 1534]	In aedibus Tho. Bertheleti,	Londini :	eng	[ "War -- Early works to 1800." ]	IT IS BOTHE an ele∣gante prouerbe, and amonge al other, by the writynges of many excellent auctours, ful often and solempnely vsed, Dulce bellū inexpertis, that is to say, Warre is swete to them that know it nat. There be some thinges amonge mor∣tal mens businesses, in the whiche how great danger and hurte there is, a man can not per¦ceyue tylle he make a profe. The loue and frendshyppe of a great man is swete to them that be not experte: he that hath had therof experience, is aferde. It semeth to be a gay and a glorious thynge, to iette vp and downe amonge the nobles of the courte, and to be occupied in the kynges busynes: but old men, to whom that thing by long experiēce is wel knowen, do gladly absteyne them selfe from suche felicitie. It semeth a pleasant thyng to be in loue with a yonge dammo sell: but that is vnto theym, that haue not yet perceyued howe moche grefe and bytternes is in suche loue. So after this maner of facion, this prouerbe may be applied to euerye busynes, that is adioyned with great peryll and with many euyls: the whiche no man wyl take on hande, but he that is yonge and wanteth ex∣perience of thynges. Aristotle in his boke of Rhetorike, sheweth the cause, why youthe is more bolder, and contrary wyse olde age more fearefull: for vnto yonge men lacke of experience is cause of great boldnes, and to the other, experiēce of many grefes ingendreth feare and doub∣tynge. Then if there be any thynge in the worlde, that shulde be taken in hande with feare and doubtynge, ye that oughte by all maner meanes to be fledde, to be withstāde with prayer, and to be cleane auoyded, veri∣ly it is warre: than whiche nothynge is ey∣ther more wycked, or more wretched, or that more farther of distroyeth, or that nere hand cleeth sorer to, or dothe more hurte, or is more horrible, and brefely to speke, nothyng dothe worse become a man (I wol not say a christen mā) then warre. And yet it is a won¦der to speake of, howe nowe a dayes in eue∣ry place, howe lyghtly, and howe for eue∣ry trifelynge mattier, it is taken on hande, howe outragiously and barbarously it is ge∣sted and doone, not onely of hethen people, but also of christen men, not onely of seculer men, but also of pristes and byshops: not on∣ly of yonge men, and of them that haue none experience, but also of old men, and of those that so often haue hadde experience, not on∣ly of the commons and moeuable vulgare people, but mooste speciallye of the princis, whose duetie had bene, by wysedome and re∣son to sette in a good order, and to pacifie the light and hasty mouinges of the folishe mul∣titude. Nor there lacke neyther lawyers, nor yet diuines, the which put to theyr fyre bran¦des, to kendel these thinges so abomynable, and they encorage them that els were colde, & they priuely prouoke those to it, that were wery therof. And by these meanes it is come to that passe, that warre is a thynge nowe so well accepted, that men wonder at hym, that is not pleased therwith. It is so moche ap∣proued, that it is counted a wycked thynge (and I had almoste sayde herisie) to reproue this one thynge, the whiche as it is aboue al other thynges moste mischiefful, so it is most wretched. But howe more iustly shulde this be wondred at, what euyl spirite, what pesti∣lence, what mischiefe, and what madnes put firste in mannes mynde a thynge so beyonde measure beastly, that this moste pleasant, and reasonable creature man, the whiche nature hath brought forth to pece and beneuolence, whiche one alone she hath brought forthe to the helpe and succour of al other: shuld with so wylde woodnes, with so madde rages, ronne heedlonge one to distroye an other? At the whiche thynge he shall also moche more meruayle, who so euer wold withdraw his mynde from the opinions of the common people, and woll turne it to beholde the very pure strengthe and nature of thynges: and woll aparte beholde wel with philosophical¦ies the image of man on the tone syde, and the picture of warre on the tother syde. Then first of al if one wold cōsider wel but the behauour & shap of mās body shal he not forthewith perceyue, that Nature, or rather god, hath shaped this creature, not to warre, but to frendshyppe, not to distruction, but to helthe, not to wronge, but to kyndenes and beneuolence? For where as nature hath ar∣med al other bestis with their owne armure, as the violence of the bullis she hath armed with hornes, the ramping lion with clawes, to the bore she hath giuē the gnashīg tuskes, she hath armid the elephāt with a long trūpe snoute, besyde his great huge body and hard¦nes of the skynne: she hath fensed the Loco∣drill with a skynne as harde as a plate: to the Delphin fyshe she hath gyuen fynnes in tede of a dart: The Porcopin she defendeth with thornes: the ray and thornebacke with sharpe prickels: to the cocke she hath giuen stronge spurres. Som she fenseth with a shel, some with a harde hyde, as it were thycke lether, or barke of a tree. Some she proui∣deth to saue by swyftnes of flyght, as dou∣ues. And to some she hathe gyuen venome in¦stede of a weapon. To some she hath gyuen a moche horrible and owgly loke, she hath gi∣uen terrible eies and grountynge voyce. And she hath also set amonge some of theym continual discention and debate. Man alone she hath brought forth all naked, weke, ten∣der, and without any armure, with most sof∣test fleshe and smothe skynne. There is no∣thynge at all in all his membres that maye seme to be ordeyned to warre, or to any vio∣lence, I wolle not seye at this tyme, that where all other bestis, anone as they are brought forthe, they are able of theym selfe to gette their foode: Man alone cometh so forthe, that a longe season after he is borne, he dependeth all together on the helpe of o∣ther. He can neyther speake nor goo, nor yet take meate, he desyreth helpe alonely by his infant crieng: so that a man may at the leest way, by this coniect, that this creature alone was borne al to loue and amitie, whiche spe∣cially increaseth and is faste knytte together by good turnes done eftesones of one to an other. And for this cause Nature wold, that a man shuld not so moche thanke her, for the gyfte of lyfe, whiche she hathe gyuen vnto hym, as he shulde thanke kyndnes and bene∣uolence, wherby he myght euidently vnder∣stande hym selfe, that he was all to gether dedicate and bounden to the goddis of gra∣cis: that is to say to kyndnes, beneuolence, and amitie. And beside this nature hath gy∣uen vnto man, a countinance not terrible and lothly, as vnto other brute bestis: but meke and demure, representynge the very tokens of loe and beneuolence. She hathe gyuen hym amiable eies, and in them assured mar∣kes of the inward mynd. She hath ordeined him armes to clyp & enbrace. She hath gyuen hym the wytte and vnderstandynge to kysse: wherby the very myndes and hartes of men shulde be coupled to gether, euen as thoughe they touched eche other. Vnto man alone she hath gyuen laughyng, a token of good chere and gladnes. To man alone she hath gyuen wepynge teares, as it were a wedde or to∣ken of mekenes and mercy. Ye and she hathe gyuen hym a voyce not thretnyng and horri∣ble, as vnto other brute betes, but amiable and pleasant. Nature not yet content with al this, she hath gyuen vnto man alone the com¦moditie of speche and raysonynge: the whi∣che thynges verily may specially bothe gette and noryshe beneuolence, so that nothynge at all shulde be done amonge men by violence. She hath indewed man with hatred of soli∣tarynes, and with loue of company. She hath vtterly sowen in man the vey sedes of Bene¦uolence. She hathe so doone, that the selfe same thynge, that is moste holsome, shulde be moote wete and delectable. For what is more delectable than a frende? And ageyne, what thynge is more necessarie? Moreouer, if a man myght leade all his lyfe moste pro∣fytably withoute any medlynge with other men, yet nothyng wold seme plesant without a felowe: except a man wolde caste of al hu∣manitie, and forsakyng his owne kynd wold become a beaste. Besyde al this, Nature hath indewed man with knowlege of lieral sciences, and a fer∣uent desire of knowledge: whiche thynge as it doth moste specially withdrawe mans wyt from all beastly wyldnes: so hath it a speci∣all grace to get and knyt to gether loue and frendshyp. For I dare boldely sey, that no∣ther affinitie nor yet kynrede, doth bynde the myndes of men to gether with trayter and surer bandis of amitie, than dothe the felow∣shyppe of them that be lerned in good letters & honeste studies. And aboue al this, nature hath diuided among men by a merueylous va¦rietie the gyftes, as wel of the soule as of the body, to thintent truly that euery man might fynde in euery synguler persone one thyng or other, whiche they shuld other loue or preise for the excellency therof: or els greatly de∣syre and make moche of it, for the nede and profyte that cometh therof. Finally she hath indowed man with a sparke of a godly mind: so that though he see no rewarde, yet of his owne courage he delyteth to do euerye man good. For vnto god it is mooste propre and naturalle, by his benefyte to do euery bodye good. Els what meaneth it, that we reioyce and conceyue in our myndes no lyttell plea∣sure, when we perceyue that any creature is by our meanes preserued. More ouer god hathe ordeyned man in this worlde, as it were the verye image of hym selfe, to the intēt, that he, as it were a god in erth, shuld prouide for the welthe of al crea¦tures. And this thīg the very brute bestis, do also perceiue, for we may se, that nat only the tame bestis, but also the liberdis, lions, and other more fierce and wylde, when they be in any great ieoperdie, they flee to man for succour. So man is, whan all thyngis faile, the laste refuge to all maner creatures. He is vnto them all the verye assured aulter and seynctuarie. I haue here peynted oute to you the y∣mage of man as welle as I canne: On the other syde (if it lyke you) ageynste the figure of man, let vs purtraire the facion and shap of warre. Nowe then imagin in thy mynde, that thou doste beholde two hootis of barbarous peo¦ple, of whome the loke is fierce and cruelle, and the voyce horrible, the terrible and fere∣full rustelynge and glysteryng of theyr har∣nes and weapons, the vnlouely mourmour of so howge a multitude, the eies sternely menassyng, the blody blastis & terrible soun∣des of trumpettis & clarions, the thondryng of the gonnes, no lesse fearefull than thon∣der in dede, but moche more hurtefulle, the woode crie & clamour, the furious and mad runnyng to gether, the outragious slaugh∣ter, the cruel chances of theym that slee, and of those that are stryken downe and slayne, the heapes of slaughters, the feldes ouer∣flowen with bloudde, the ryuers dyed redde with mans bloudde. And it chauncethe often tymes amonge, that the brother fygh∣teth with the brother, one kynsman with an other, frende ageynst frende: and in that cō∣mon furious woodnes ofte tymes one thru∣steth his weapon quyte through the body of an other, that neuer gaue hym so moche as a foule worde. Verily this tragidie conteineth so many mischeues, that it wold abhorre a∣ny mans harte to speake therof. I wyl lette passe to speake of the hurtes, whiche are in cmparison of the other but light and com∣mune, as the tredynge downe and distroying of the corne al about, the burnynge of tow∣nes, the villages fired, the dryuynge aweye of cattell, the rauysshynge of maydens, the olde men ledde forthe in captiuitie, the rob∣bynge of churches, and al thynges confoun∣ded and full of theftes, pillages, & violence. Nother I woll not speake nowe of those thin¦ges, whiche are wonte to folowe the mooste happye and moste iuste warre of all. The poore commons pilled, the nobles ouer charged, so many olde men of their chyldren bereued, ye and slayne also in the slughter of theyr chylderne, so many olde women de∣stitute, whome sorowe more cruelly sleeth then the weapon it selfe, so many honest wy∣ues become wydowes, so many chyldren fa∣therles, so many lamentable howses, so ma∣ny ryche men brought to extreme pouertie. And what nedeth it here to speake of the di∣struction of good maners, sithe there is no man, but he knoweth ryght wel, that the v∣niuersal pestilence of al mischeuous lyuynge procedeth at ones of warre. Therof cometh despysynge of vertue and godly lyuynge: herof cometh, that the lawes are neglected, and not regarded, hereof cometh a prompte and a redy stomake, boldly to do euery mis∣cheuous dede. Out of this fountayne sprin∣geth so houge great companyes of thenes, robbers, sacrilegers, and mourderers And that is mooste greuouse of all, this mischie∣uous pestilence can not kepe hir selfe ithi hir boundes: but after it is begon in m one corner, it doeth not onely (as a contagous disease) sprede abrode and enfecte the cou∣treyes nere adioynynge to hit, but also it draweth in to that commune rumble and troublous busynesse the countreyes that be verye farre of, eyther for nede, or by rea∣son of affinitie, or elles by occasion of some leage made. Ye and more oer, one warre springeth of an other: of a dissembled warre there comith warre in dede, & of a very smal, a right great warre hath risen. Nor it chan∣cethe often tymes none other wyse in these thynges, thenne hit is feyned of the mon∣st, whiche laye in the lake or poddell cal∣led Lerna. For these causes I trowe, the olde poeis, the whiche most sagely perceyued the power and nature of thynges, & with most mete fey¦ninges, couertly shadowid the same: haue left in wrytynge, that warre was sent out of hel: and that by the labour of the furies of hell: nor euery one of the furies was not mete and conuenient to bryng about this busynes, but the moste pestilent and mischieuoust of them all, was chosen oute for the nones, whiche hathe a thousande names, and a thousande craftis to do hurte. She beinge armed with a thousand serpentis, blowith before her fend∣ly trumpette. Pan with furious ruffelynge accombreth euerye place. Bellona, shakethe hir furious flayle. And then the wycked fu∣riousnes hym selfe, when he hathe vndone all knottis and broken all bondes, russheth oute with blouddye mouthe horryble to be∣holde. The grammarians perceyued right welle these thynges, of the whiche, some wyl, that warre haue his name by contrary meanyng of the worde Bellum, that is to seye fayre, bycause it hathe nothynge good nor feyre. Nor bellum, that is for to sey warre, is none other wyse called Bellum, that is to seye fayre: than the furies are called Eume∣nides, that is to seye meke: by cause they are woode and contrarye to all mekenes. And somme gran maryans thynke rather, that Bellum warre, shoulde be deryuied out of this worde Belua, that is for to say, a brute beaste: for soo moche as hit belon∣geth to brute beastis, and not vnto menne to runne to gether, eche to distroye other. But it semeth to me to passe farre all wylde and all brute beastlynes, to fyght to gether with weapons. Fyrste for there are manye of the brute beastis, eche in his kynde, that agree and lyue in a gentylle facion to gether, and they go to gether in hirdes and flockes and eche helpeth to defende other. Nor it is not the nature of all wylde beastes to fyghte. For some are harmeles, as doois and haaris. But they that are the moste fierse of all, as lyons, wolfes, and tygers: doo not make warre amonge theym selfe as we doo. One dogge eatethe not an nother. The lyons, thoughe they be fierce and cruelle, yet they fyghte not amonge theym selfe. One dragon is in peace with an other. And there is agrement amonge poysons. But vn∣to man there is no wylde or cruel beast more hurtfull, than man. Ageyne, when the brute beastis fyght, they fyght with theyr owne naturall armour: we men, aboue nature, to the distruction of men, arme our self with armour, inuented by craft of the dyuell. Nor the wylde beastis are not cruell for euery cause: but eyther when hun∣ger maketh them fierce, or els when they per¦ceyue them selfe to be hunted and pursued to the dethe, or elles when they fere leste their yonglynges shuld take any harme or be stol∣len from them. But (oh good lord) for what tryflynge causes what tragidies of warre do we styre vp For moste vayne titles, for chyldyshe wrahe, for a wenche, ye and for causes moche more scornefull then these, we be inflamed to fyght. More ouer, when the brute beastis fyghte, theyr warre is one for one, ye and that is ve∣rye shorte. And when the battayle is soorest foughten, yet is there not paste one or two, that goeth away sore wounded. When was it euer harde, that an hundred thousande brute beastis were slayn at one tyme fyghtyng and tearynge one an other: whiche thynge men do full oste & in many places? And besyde this, where as some wylde beastes haue na∣turall debate with some other, that be of a contrary kynde: So agayne there be some, with whiche they louyngly agree in a sure amitie. But man with man, and eche with other, haue amonge them continuall warre: nor there is no leage sure inough amōge any men. So that what so euer it be, that hath gone out of kynde, it hath gone out of kynde into a worse facion: then though nature her selfe had ingēdred therin a malyce at the be∣gynnynge. Wyll ye se howe beastly, howe fowle, and howe vnworthy a thynge warre is for man? Dyd ye neuer beholde a lyon let loose vnto a beare? What gapynges, what rorynges, what grisely gnesshynge, what tearynge of theyr flesshe is there? He trembleth, that be boldeth theym, yea though he stande sure and safe inough from them. But howe mo∣che more grisely a sighte is it, howe moche more outragious and cruel, to beholde man, to fyght with man, arrayed with so moche armour, and with so many weapons? I be∣seche you, who wolde beleue, that they were men, & it were not bycause warre is a thyng so moche in custome, that no man meruayleth at it? Theyr eies glowe lyke fyre, theyr fa∣ces be paale, theyr marchynge forth is lyke men in a furie, theyr voyce skrytshynge and gruntynge, theyr crye and clamour woode, all is iron, theyr harnes and weapons gyn∣glen and clutteren, & the gounnes thondren. It myght haue ben better suffred, if man for lacke of meate and drynke, shuld haue fought with man, to the intent he myght deuour his fleshe and drynke his bloudde: All be it, it is come also nowe to that passe, that somme there be, that do it more of hatrede, then ei∣ther for hunger or for thyrste. But now this same thynge is done more cruelly, with wea∣pons enuenomed, and with diuilyshe ingins. So that no where may be perceyued any to∣ken of man. Trow ye that nature coude here knowe the same thynge, that she sometyme had wrought with her owne handes? And if any man wolde enfourme her, that it were man, that she behelde in suche array: myght she not well, with great wonderynge, saye these wordes? What newe maner pageant is this that I beholde? what dyuell of hell hath broughte vs forth this monstre? There be some that calle me a stepmother, bycause that amonge so great heapes of thynges of my makynge I haue brought forth some venemous thyn∣ges: and yet haue I ordeyned the selfe same venemous thynges, for mans behofe. And bycause I haue made somme beastes verye fiers and peryllous: and yet is there no beest so wilde nor so peryllous, but that by crafte and diligence he may be made tame and gen∣tyll. By mannes diligente labour the lyons bene made tame, the dragons meke, and the beares obedient. But what is this, that wors is thanne any steppemother, whiche hathe broughte vs forthe, this newe vnreasona∣ble brute beaste, the pestilence and mischiefe of all this worlde? One beaste alone I brought forthe holly dedicate to be beneuo∣lente, pleasante, frendely, and helthe of all other? What hath chaunced, that this crea∣ture is chaunged into suche a brute beaste? I perceyue nothynge of the creature man whiche I my selfe made. What euyll spirite hath thus defyled my warke? What Wytche hath bewitched the mynd of man, and trans∣formed it into so beastysshe? What sorceresse hath thus tourned hym oute of his kyndely shappe? I commaunde and wolde the wret∣ched creature shulde beholde hym selfe in a glasse. But alas what shal the eies se, where the mynde is awey? Yet beholde thy selfe (if thou canst) thou furious warriour, and se if thou mayste by any meanes recouer thy selfe agane. From whese haste thou that tretnynge creste vppon thy heed? Frome whens haste thou that shynynge helmette? from whens are those iron hornes? Whens cometh it, that thyne elbowes are so sharpe and piked? Where haddest thou those scales? Where haddest thou those brasen teethe? Of whence are those harde platis? Whence are those eedly weapons? Fo whens cometh to the this voyce more horrible then of a wylde beaste? What a loke and countinnce hast thou more terrible, thā of a brute beast? Where haste thou gotten this thonder and lghtnynge, bth more fearefull and hurte∣fule then is the verye thonder and lyghte∣nynge i selfe? I fourmed the a goodly cre∣ature, what came in thy mynde, that thou wolde thus trnourme thy selfe in to so and so bastly facion, that there is no rute ease so vnreasonable in comparyson vnto man? These wordes, and many other suche lyke I suppose, she dme nature, the worker of al thynges, wolde say. Ten sith man is suche, as is shewed before that he is: & that warre is suche a thynge, lyke as to ofte we haue felte and knowen, it semeth to me no smalle wonder, what yl spirite, what disese, or what myshappe, first put into mans mynde, that he wolde bathe his mortalle weapon in the bloudde of man. It muste nedes be, that mē mounted vp to so greatte madnes by dyuers degrees. For there was neuer man yet (as Iuuenall sayth) that was sodenly moste vn∣gratious of all. And alwaye thynges moste worste, haue crept in amonge mens maners of lyuynge, vnder the shadowe and shappe of goodnes. For somtyme those men that were in the begynnynge of the worlde, ledde theyr lynes in wodes, they went naked, they had no walled townes, nor howses to put theyr heedes in: it happed other whyle that they were sore greued and distroyed with wylde beastis. Wherfore with them fyrste of all, mē made warre, & he was estemed a mighty stronge man, and a capitayne, that coude best defende mankynd from the violence of wilde beastis. Yea and it semed to theym a thynge mooste egall, to strangle the stranglers, and to slee the sleers, namely whanne the wylde beaste, not prouoked by vs for any hurte to them done, wolde wylfully sette vppon vs. And so by reason that this was counted a thynge mooste worthy of preyse (for hereof it rose that Hercules was made a god, the lufty stomacked yonge men, beganne all a∣boute to hunte and chace the wylde beastes, and as a token of theyr valyant victorie, the skynnes of suche beastis as they slewe, were sette vp in suche places, as the people might beholde theym. Besydes this they were not contented to slee the wylde beastes, but they vsed to weare theyr skynnes to kepe theym from the colde in wynter. These were the fyrst slaughters that men vsed: These were theyr spoyles and robberies. After this, they went so ferforth, that they were bolde to do a thynge, whiche Pythagoras thoughte to be very wycked: and it myghte seeme to vs also a thynge monsterous, if custome were not, whiche hath so great strength in euerye place: that by custome it was reputed in som countreys a moche charitable dede, if a man wolde, whan his father were very olde, first sore beate hym, and after thruste hym heed∣longe into a pytte, and so bereue hym of his lyfe, by whome it chaunced hym to haue the gyfte of lyfe. It was counted a holy thyng, a man to fede on the fleshe of his owne kyns men and frendes. They thought it a goodly thynge, that a virgin shulde be made cōmon to the people in the temple of Venns. And many other thynges, more abhominable thē these: of whiche if a man shoulde nowe but onely speake, euery manne wolde abhorre to here hym. Surely there is nothynge so vn∣gratious, nor nothynge so cruelle, but men woll holde therwith, if it be ones approued by custome. The wyll ye here, what a dede they durste at the laste do? They were not abasshed to eate the carcases of the wylde beastis that were slayne: to teare the vnsa∣uery flesshe with theyr tethe, to drynke the bloudde, to sucke out the matter of theym: and (as Ouide sayth) to hide the beastes bo∣wels within their owne. And although that at that time semed, to be an outragious dede, vnto them, that were of a more mylde and gentyll courage: yet was it generally allo∣wed, and all by reason of custome and com∣moditie. Yet were they not so content. For they went from the sleinge of noysom wylde beastes, to kylle the harmeles beastes, and suche as dyd none hurte at all. They waxed cruell euery where vppon the poore shepe, a beaste without fraude or gyle. They slewe the haare, for none other offence, but bicause he was a good fatte dysshe of meate to fede vppon. Nor they forbare not to kyl the tame oxe, whiche hadde a longe season, with his soore labour nourysshed the vnkynde house∣holde. They spared no kynde of beastis, of foules, nor of fysshes. Yea and the tyranny of glottony went so ferforth, that there was no beaste any where, that coude be sure from the crueltie of man. Yea & custome persuaded this also, that it semed no cruelnes at all to sice any maner of beast, what so euer it was, so they asteyned from manslaughter. Now perauenture it lyeth in our power to kepe out , that they entre not vpō the maners of men, in lyke maner as it lyeth in our power to kepe out the see, that it breke not in vpon vs But whā the see is ones broken in, it pas∣seth our power to restreyn it within any boū∣ds. So eyther of them both ones let in, they wyll not be ruled, as we wolde, but ronnne forthe heedlonge whither so euer theyr owne rag carih them. And so after that menne had bene exercised with suche begynnynges to slaughter, wrath anon entysed man to set vpon man, eyther with staffe, or with stone, lles with his fyste. For as yet, I thynke they vsed none other weapons. And nowe had they lerned by the kyllynge of beastes, that man also myght sone and easily be slayn with lyttell labour. But this cruelnes re∣maned betwyte singular persones, so that yet was there no great nombre of men, that fought to gether, but as it chanced one man ageynste an other. And besyde this, there was no smalle colour of equitie, if a manne slewe his ennemie: ye and shortely after, it was a great preyse to a man, so slee a violēt and a mischeuous manne, and to rydde hym out of the worlde, suche dyuelysshe and cru∣elle caytyues, as men saye Cacus and Bu∣siris were. For we see playnely, that for su∣che causes, Hercules was greatly preysed. And in proces of tyme, many assembled to take parte to gether, eyther as affinitie, or as neyghbourheed, or kynred bounde them. And that that is nowe robberye, was then warre. And they soughte then with stones, or with stakes, a lyttell burned at the endes. A lyttell ryuer, a rocke, or suche other lyke thynge, chaunsynge to be betwene theym, made an ende of theyr battayle. In the meane seson, whiles fiersnes by vse increaseth, whyles wrath is growen great, and ambition hotte and vehement: by inge∣nious crafte, they arme theyr furious vio∣lence. They diuise harneys, suche as it is, to fense them with. They inuente weapons to distroy theyr ennemyes with. Thus nowe by fewe and fewe, nowe with greatter com∣pany, and nowe armed they begyn to fighte. Nor to this manifeste madnes they forgette not to gyue honour. For they cal it Bellum, that is to sey, a fayre thyng: ye and they re∣pute it a vertuous dede, if a man with the ieoperdie of his owne lyfe, manlye resiste and defende from the violence of his enmies, his wyfe, chyldren, beastis, and householde. And by lyttell and lyttell, malice grewe so great, with the high estemyng of other thin∣ges, that one citie beganne to sende defiance and make warre to an other, countreye a∣geynste countrey, and royalme ageynste ro∣yalme. And though the thyng of it selfe was thē most cruel: yet al this while there remai∣ned in thē certayn tokēs, wherby they myght be knowē for men. For such goodis as by vi∣olēce were taken awey: were asked and requi¦red ageyne by an heralde at armes, the god∣dis were called to wytnes, ye and whan they were ranged in battayle, they wolde reason the matter, er they fought. And in the bat∣taylle they vsed but homely weapons, nor they vsed neyther gyle nor disceyte, but one∣ly strength. It was not lefull for a man to stryke his ennemie, tyll the signe of batayle was gyuen. Nor it was not lefull to fyghte after the sownynge of the retreate. And for conclusion, they fought more to shewe theyr manlynes, and for preyse, than they coueted to slee. Nor all this whyle they armed them not, but ageynste straungers, the whiche they called hostes, as they had ben hospites, their guestis. Of this rose empires, of the whiche there was neuer none yet in any nation, but it was gotten with the greatte shedynge of mans bloudde. And sith that tyme there hath folowed continuall course of warre, whiles one eftesones laboureth to put an other out of his empire, and to set hym selfe in. After all this, when the empyres camme ones in to theyr handes, that were most vn∣gratious of all other: they made warre vp∣pon who so euer pleased theym: nor they were not in greattest peryll and daunger of warre, that had moste deserued to be punys∣hed, but they that by fortune hadde gotten great riches. And now they made not warre to gette preyse and fame, but to gette the vile mucke of the worlde, or els some other thynge far worse then that. I thynke not the contrarye, but that the greatte wyse manne Pythagoras, ment these thynges: when he by a propre diuise of phi∣losophie, feared the vnlerned multitude of people from the sleinge of sely beatis. For he perceyued, hit shoulde at lengthe come to passe, that he whiche (by none iniurie pro∣uoked) was accustomed to spille the bloud of a harmeles beaste, wolde in his anger, beynge prouoked by iniurie, not feare to slee a man. Warre, what other thyng els is it, than a cō¦mon manslaughter of many men to gther, & a robbery? the which, the farther it spraw∣leth abrode, the more mischeuous it is. But many grosse gentylmen nowe a dayes laugh merily at these thinges, as though they were the dreames and dotynges of schole men, the whiche sauynge the shappe, haue no pynte of manhoode, yet seme they in theyr owne conceyte to be goodis. And yet of those be∣gynnynges, we see we be rounne so farre in madnesse, that we doo noughte elles alle oure lyfe dayes. We warre continual∣lye, nation with nation, royalme with roy∣alme, cytie with cytie, Prince with prince, people with people, ye and (hit that the heathen people confesse to be a wyckedde thynge) cousyne with cousyne, alyaunce, with alyaunce, brother with brother, the sonne with the father, ye and that I esteme more cruelle thanne all these thynges, a Christen manne ageynste an other manne. And yet farthermore, I wolle saye, that I am very lothe to doo, whiche is a thynge moste cruell of all, one christen man with an other christen manne. Oh blyndenesse of mannes mynde, at those thynges no man marueyleth, no manne abhorrethe theym. There be some that reioyce at theym, and preyse theym aboue the moone: and the thynge whiche is more thenne dyyllyshe, they calle a holye thynge. Olde menne croked for age, make warre, pryestes make warre, monkes gone forthe to warre, yea and with a thynge so dyuyllysshe we myn∣gle Christ. The batayles raunged, they en∣countre the one the other, bearynge be∣fore theym the signe of the Crosse, why∣the thynge alone myghte at the late wyse admonysshe vs, by what meanes it shoulde become christen men to ouercomme. But we ronne heedlonge eche to dystroye o∣her, euen from that heuenly sacrifyce of the auter, wherby is represented that perfecte, and ineffable knytynge to gether of al chri∣sten men. And of so wicked a thynge, we make Christe bothe auctour and wyttenes. Where is the kyngedome of the dyuelle, yf hit be not in Warre? Why drawe we Christe into warre? with whome a brothell howse agreeth more then warre? Sayncte Paule disdayneth, that there shoulde be any so great discorde amonge christen men, that they shoulde nede any iudge to discusse the matter betwene them. What and he shoulde come and beholde vs nowe through all the worlde, warrynge for euerye lyghte and trifelynge cause, stryuyng more cruelly then euer dydde any hethen people, and more cru∣elly then any barbarous people. Yea and ye shall see it done by the auctoritie, exhorta∣tions, and furtheringes of those, that re∣present Christe, the prince of peace, and ve∣ry byshoppe, that all thinges knytteth to∣gether by peace: and those that salute the people with good lucke of peace. Nor it is not vnknowen to me, what these vnlerned people, wyll say (a good whyle sens) ageinst me in this matter, the whose wynnynges a∣ryse of the common yuels. They saye thus. We make warre ageynste our wylles: for we be constrayned by the vngratious dedes of other. We make warre but for our right. And if there come any hurte therof, thanke theym that be causers of it. But lette these men holde theyr tongues a whyle, and I shal after in place conuenient, aoyde all theyr cauilations: and plucke of that false visour, wherwith we hyde all our malice. But firste as I haue aboue compared man with warre, that is to say, the creature most demure, with a thynge mooste outragious, to the intent that cruelnes myght the better be perceyued: So wyll I compare warre and peace to gether, the thynge moste wret∣ched, and mote myschieffull, with the beste and moste welthy thynge that is: And so at laste shall appere, howe greatte madnes it is, with so greatte ruffelynge, with so great laboures, with suche intollerable expen∣ces, with so many daungers and extreme perylles, with so many calamities, affectio∣nately to desyre warre: where as agrement myght be bought with a farre lesse price. Fyrste of all, what in all this worlde is more sweter or better then amitie or loue? Truely nothynge. And I pray you, what o∣ther thynge is peace then amitie and loue a∣monge many men? lyke as warre on the o∣ther side is nought els but discention and de∣bate of many men together. And surely the propretie of good thynges is suche, that the broder they bene spredde, the more profyte and commoditie cometh of them. Farther if the loue of one singular person with an other be so swete and delectable: howe great shuld the felicitie be, if realme with realme, & nati¦on with nation were coupled together, with the bande of amitie and loue? On the tother syde, he nature of yuelle thynges is suche, that the farther they sprawle abrode, the more worthy they are to be called yuell, as they be in ded. Then if it be a wreched thing, if it be an vngratious thynge, that one man armed shuld fight with an other, how moche more miserable, how moch more mischiuous is it, that the selfe same thynge shoulde be done with o many thousandes to gether? By loue and peace the small thynges increae and waye great, by discorde and debate the great thynges decaye and come to nought. Peace is the mother and nource of all good thynges. Warre sodaynly and at ones ouer∣throweth, destroyeth, and vtterly fordoth euery thynge that is pleasant and fayre, and bryngeth in amonge men a monstre of alle mischeuous thynges. In the tyme of peace (none other wyse than as vere, the lusty spryngynge tyme, shulde shewe and shyne in mens busynesses) the feldes are tylled, the gardeyns and or∣chardes fresshely florysshe, the beastes pa∣sture meryly, gaye manours in the contreye are edyfyed, the townes are buylded, where as nede is, reparations are done, the buil∣dynges are highted, and augmented, ryches increaceth, plesures are nourished, the lawes are executed, the common welthe floury∣sheth, religion is feruente, ryghte rayneth, gentylnesse is vsed, craftis men are busylye exercised, the poore mens gaynes is more plentifull, the welthynes of the ryche men is more gay and goodly, the studies of most honeste lernynges florishen, youthe is well taughte, the aged folkes haue quiette and reste, maidens are luckely maryed, mothers are praysed for brynginge forth of chyldren like to their progenitours, the good men pro¦spere and do well, and the yuell men doo lesse offence. ¶But as soone as the cruel tempest of war cometh on vs,what mchief cometh of warre. good lorde, howe greatte a floud of mischeues, occupieth, ouerfloweth and drowneth all to gether. The fayre hir∣des of beastes are dryuen a way, the goodly corne is trodden downe and distroyed, the good husbande men are slayne, the villages are burned vp, the moste welthy cities, that haue florished so many wynters, with that one storme are ouerthrowen, distroyed, and brought to naughte: so moche more redyer & prompter men are to do hurte th good. The good citezens are robbed and spoyled of theyr goodes by cursed theues and mour∣therers. Euery place is ful of feare, of way∣lynge, complaynynge, & lamentynge. The craftes men stande idell: the poore men must eyther dye for hunger, or fall to stealynge. The ryche men eyther they stande and so∣rowe for theyr goodes, that be pluckte and snatched frome theym, orels they stande in great doute to lose such goodes as they haue lefte theym: so that they be on euerye syde wo begonne. The maydens, eyther they be not maryed at all, or els if they be maryed, theyr mariages are sorowfull and lamenta∣table. Wyues beynge destitute of theyr hus∣bandes, lye at home withoute anye frute of chyldren, the lawes are layde asyde, gentyl∣nes is laughed to scorne, ryghte is clene ex∣iled, religion is sette at nought, halowed and vnhalowed thynges al is one, youthe is cor∣rupted with al maner of vices, the olde folke they wayle and wepe, and wysshe them selfe out of the worlde, there is no honour gyuen vnto the study of good letters. Finally there is no tonge can telle, the harme and mischief that we feele in warre. ¶Perchaunce warre myghte be the better suffred, if it made vs but only wretched and nedy, but it maketh vs vngratious, and also ful of vnhappynes: and I thynke Peace lyke wyse shulde be moche made of, and it were but onely bycause it maketh vs more welthy and better in our lyuynge. Alas there be to many all redy, ye and mo then to many mis∣chiues and yuelles, with the whiche the wret¦ched lyfe of man (whether he wyll or no) is continuallye vexed, turmented, and vtterly consumed. ¶It is nere hande two thousande yere sithe the phisitians had knowlege of thre hundred dyuers notable sickenesses by name, besyde other small sickenesses and newe, as daylye sprynge amonge vs, and be syde aege also, whiche is of it selfe a sikenes ineuitable. ¶We rede, that in one place whole cities haue ben destroyed with erthe quakes. We rede also, that in an other place there haue ben cities al to gether brente with lightning: howe in an other place whole regions haue ben swallowed vp with openyng of the erth, townes by vndermyninge haue fallen to the grounde: so that I nede not here to remem∣bre what a great multitude of men are day∣ly destroyed by dyuers chaunces, whiche be not regarded, by cause they happe so often: as sodayne breakynge out of the see, and of greatte flouddes, fallynge downe of hylles and houses, poyson, wylde beastes, meate, drynke, and slepe. One hath ben strangled with drynkynge of a heare in a draughte of mylke, an other hath ben choked with a littel grape stone, an other with a fishe bone styc∣kynge in his throte. There hath bene, that sodeyne ioy hath kylled out of hande: for it is lesse wonder of them that dye for vehe∣ment sorowe. Besyde all this, what mortal pestilence se we in euery place. There is no parte of the worlde, that is not subiecte to peryl and daunger of mans lyfe, whiche life of it selfe also is moste fugitiue. So many∣folde mischaunces and yuels assayle man on euerye syde, that not withoute cause Homer dyd say: Man was the most wretched of al creatures lyuynge. ¶But for as moche these myschaunces can not lyghtly be eschewed, nor they happe not through our faute, they make vs but onelye wreched, and not vngratious withall. What a pleasure is it than for them that be subiecte all redy to so many miserable chaunces, wil∣lyngely to seke and procure them selfe a no∣ther myschefe more than they hadde before, as thoughe they yet wanted myserye? Ye they procure not a lyghte yuell, but suche an yuell that is worse than al the other, so mis∣chiffull, that it alone passethe all the other: so aboundante, that in it selfe alone is com∣prehended all vngratiousnesse? so pestilente, that it maketh vs all a lyke wicked as wre∣ched, it maketh vs full of all misery, and yet not worthy to be pitied. ¶Nowe go farther, and with al these thyn∣ges consider, that the commodites of Peace spreaden them selfe mooste farre and wyde, and pertayne vnto many men. In warre if there happen any thynge luckely (but o good lorde, what may we saye happeth well and luckely in warre?) hit perteyneth to verye fewe: and to theym, that are vnworthye to haue it. The prosperitie of one is the dis∣truction of an other. The inrychyng of one, is the spoyle and robbynge of an other. The triumphe of one, is the lamentable mourning of an other, so that as the infelicite is bytte and sharpe, the felicite is cruell and bloudy. Howe be it other whyle bothe parties we∣pen accordynge to the prouerbe, Victoria Cadmaea, Cadmus uictorie, where boothe parties repented. And I wotte not whether it came euer so happely to passe in warre, that he that had victorye, dyd not repent him of his enterprise, if he were a good man. ¶Than seinge Peace is the thynge aboue all other moste best & most plesant, & contra∣riewyse warre, the thynge moste vngratious and wretched of all other: shall we thynke those men to be in theyr ryghte myndes, the whiche when they may opteyne Peace with lyttell busynes and labour, wol rather pro∣cure ware with so greate labour, and moste diffycultye? ¶Fyrste of all consider, howe lothelye a thynge the rumour of warre is, when hit is fyrste spoken of. Then howe enuious a thing hit is vnto a prince, whyles with often demes & taxes he pilleth his subiectes. What a busynesse hath he to make and entreteyne frendes to helpe hym, what a businesse to procure bendes of strangers, and to hyre sowdyars? harges warre.¶What expences and labours must he make in settynge forth his Nauey of shyppes, in buildynge and repayrynge of castelles and fortresses, in prepayrynge and apparaylyng of his tentes and pauillions, in framynge, makyng, and caryenge of ingyns, gounnes, armour, weapons, baggage, cartes, and vi∣tayle? what greate labour is spente, in ma∣kynge of bulwarkes, in castynge of dyches, in dyggynge of mines, in kepynge of wat∣ches, in kepynge of arrayes, and in exercy∣synge of wepons? I passe ouer the feare they be in, I speake not of the iminent danger and peryll that hangeth ouer theyr heedes (for wht thynge in warre is not to be fea∣red?) what is he that can reken all the in∣commodious lyfe, that the mooste folyshe sowdiours suffern in the felde? And for that worthy to endure worse,Sodiou lyfe. in that they woll suffer it wyllyngely. Theyr meate is so yll, that an oxe of Cypres wolde be loth to eate hit: they haue but lyttell slepe, nor yet that at theyr owne pleasure. Theyr tentes on euery syde are open on the wynde. What a tent? no no, they muste all the day longe, be it hotte or colde, wete or drye, stande in the open ayre, slepe on the bare grounde, stande in theyr harneis. They muste suffre hunger, thruste, colde, hete, duste, shoures, they muste be obedient to theyr capitaynes, sometymes they be clapt on the pate with a warder or a trouncheon, so that there is no bondage so vyle as the bondage of sodiours. ¶Be syde al this, at the sorowful sygne gy∣uen to fyght, they muste ronne hedlonge to deathe: for eyther they muste flee cruellye, or be slayne wrechedly. So many sorowful labours must they take in hande, that they may brynge to passe that thynge, whiche is mooste wretched of al other. With so ma∣ny great miseries we must fyrste afflicte and greue our owne selfe, that we mowe afflicte and greue other. ¶Nowe if we wolde call this matter to ac∣cumpte and iustely reken, how moche warre woll coste, and howe moche peace, surely we shall fynde that peace may be gotte and op∣teyned with the tenthe parte of the cares, la∣bours, greffes, perils, expences, and spil∣lynge of bloudde, with whiche the warre is procured. So greate a company of men, to theyr extreme perilles, ye leade out of the re¦alme to ouerthrowe and distroye some one towne: and with the labour of the selfe same men, and without any peryll at all, an other towne moche more nobler and goodly, might be newe edified and buylded. But you saye, you wil hort & greue your ennemy: lo euen that doing is agaynst humanytie. Neuerthe∣les this I wolde ye shuld cōsider, that ye can not hurt & greue your ennemies, but ye muste first gretly hurt your owne people. And it semeth a point of a madde man, to enterprise where he is sure & certayne of so great hurte & damage, & is vncertayne, whiche way the chaunce of warre wyll turne. ¶But admytte, that eyther folyshenesse, or wrathe, or ambition, or couetousnes, or out∣ragious crueltie, or elles (whiche I thynke more lyke) the furies sente from helle, shulde rauyshe and drawe the hethen people to this madnes. Yet from whence commeth it in to our myndes, that one christen man shoulde drawe his weapon to bathe it in an other chri¦sten mans bloudde? It is called Parricide,Parrici is more abhorre thē sim mans slaught if the one brother slee the other. And yet is a christen man narre ioyned to an other, then is one brother to another: except the bondes of nature be stronger then the bondes of Christ. What abominable thinge than is it to se them almoste continually fyghtynge amonge them selfe, the whiche are the inhabytantes of one house the churche, whiche reioyce and saye, that they all be the membres of one body, and that haue one heed, whiche trewelye is Christ, they haue al one father in heuen, they are all taughte and comforted by one olye spirite: they professe the relygion of Christe all vnder one maner: they are all edemed with Christes bloud: they are al newe borne at the holy fonte, they vse al lyke sacramen∣tis, they be al soudiours vnder one capitaine, they are all fedde with one heuenly breade: they drynke all of one spirituall cuppe, they haue one common ennemy the dyuell: fynal∣ly they be all called to one enheritance? Where be they so many sacramentes of per∣fecte concorde? Where be the innumerable teachynges of peace? There is one specyall precepte, whiche Christe called his, that is Charitie.haritie. And what thynge is soo repug∣nante to Charite as warre? Christe salu∣ted his disciples with the blessed lucke of peace. Vnto his disciples he gaue nothynge saue peace, sauynge peace he lefte them no∣thynge. In those holy prayers, he specy∣ally prayed the father of heuen, that in lyke maner as he was one with the father, so al his, that is to saye christen men, shoulde be one with hym. Lo here you maye perceye a thynge more then peace, more then amitie, more than concorde. ¶Salomon bare the figure of Christe: for Salomon in the hebrewe tonge sowneth pea¦sible or pacyfull. Hym god wolde haue to builde his temple. ¶At the byrthe of Chryste the angels pro∣claymed nother warre nor tryumphes, but peace they sange. And before his byrthe the prophet Dauid prophesied thus af hym: Et factus est in Pace locus eius, that is to saye, His dwellynge place is made in peace. ¶Serche all the hole lyfe of Christe,The ly of Chri and ye shal neuer fynde thinge, that brethe not of peace, that sowneth not amitie, that sauou∣reth not of charytye. And bycause he per∣ceyued peace coude not well be kepte, except men wolde vtterly despise all tho thynges, for whiche the worlde so gredelye fyghteth, he commaunded, that we shulde of hym lerne to be meke. He calleth them blessed and hap∣py, that setteth naughte by ryches, for those he calleth poore in spirite. Blessed be they, that despise the pleasures of this worlde, the whiche he calleth mourners. And them blessed he calleth, that paciently suffre them felfe, to be put out of theyr possessions, kno∣winge that here in this worlde they are but as outlawes: and the very trewe countrey & possessiō of godly creatures is in heuē. He cal¦leth them blessed, whiche deseruynge well of all men, are wrongefully blamed, and yll afflicted. He forbade that any man shoulde resyste yuell. Brefelye, as all his doctryne commaundeth sufferaunce and loue, soo all his lyfe teacheth nothynge els but mekenes. So he reigned, so he warred, so he ouercam, so he triumphed. ¶Nor the appostols, that had sucked in to theym the pure spirite of Christe, and were blessedly dronke with that newe muste of the holy gooste, preched nothynge but mekenesse and peace. What do all the epistols of Paule sounde in euery place but peac, but longa∣minite, but Charitie? What speaketh saynct Iohn̄, what reherseth he so ofte, but loue? What other thynge dyd Peter? What other thynge dydde all the true christen writers? From whens then cometh al this ruffling of warres amonges the chyldren of peace? Thynke ye it a fable, that Chryste calleth him selfe a vyne tree, and hisen the branches? Who dyd euer see one branche fyghte with an other? Is it in vayne: that Paule so ofte wrote, The churche to be none other thyng, than one bodye compacte to gether of dy∣ners membres, cleuynge to one heed, Christ? Who euer sawe the eie fyght with ye hande, or the bealy with the fote? In this vniuersall body, compacte of all those vnlyke thynges, there is a gremente. In the bodye of a beaste, one membre is in peace with an other, & eche membre vseth not the propertie therto gyuen, or it self alone, but for the profite of al the other membres. So that if there come any good to any one mēbre alone, it helpeth all the holle body. And may the compacti∣on or knyttynge of Nature doo more in the body of a beaste, that shortly muste perishe, than the couplynge of the holye gote in the mysticall and immortall body of the church? Do we frustrately byd this prayer taughte vs by Christe:Mat. 6. Good lorde euen as thy wyl is fulfylled in heuen, so let it be fulfylled in the erthe. In that citie of heuen is concorde and peace mooste perfecte. And Christe wolde his churche to be none other, then a heuenly people in erthe, as nere as myghte be after the maner of them that are in heuen, euer labouring & making haast to go thyther, and all wayes hauynge theyr mynde theron. ¶Nowe go to, lette vs imagen, that there shoulde come some newe guest out of the Lu∣narie cities, where Empedocles dwelleth, orels out of the innumerable worldes, that Democritus forged, in to this worlde, desi∣ring to know what the inhabitantes do here. And when he were instructed of euery thyng, it should at laste be olde him, that besydes al other, there is one creature maruaylousely mingled, of body like to brute bestis, & of soul like vnto god. And it shuld also be tolde hym, that this creture is so noble, that tough he be here an outlawe out of his owne countrey, yet are all other beastes at his commaunde∣mente, the whiche creature through his he∣uenly begynnyg inclyneth alway to thynges heuenly and immortall. And that god eter∣nall loued this creature so well, that where as he coude neyther by the gyftes of nature, nor by ye strong reasōes of philosophy atteine vnto that whiche he so feruently desired, he sente hyther his onely begotten sonne, to the intente to teache this creature a newe kinde of lernynge. Then as soone as this newe guest had perceyued well the hole maner of Christes lyfe and preceptes, wolde desyre to stande in some highe place, from whence he myghte beholde that that he had harde. And whan he shulde se al other creatures soberly lyue accordynge to theyr kynde, & beinge led by the lawes and course of nature, desyred nothynge but euen as nature wolde: and shulde se this one speciall creature man gy∣uen ryottously to tauerne hauntynge, to vile lucre, to byinge and sellynge, choppynge & chaungynge, to braulyng and fyghtynge one with another, trowe ye that he wolde not thynke that any of the other creatures were man, of whome he harde so moche of before, rather than he that is in dede man? Than if he that hadde instructed hym afore, wolde shewe hym, whiche creature is man: nowe wolde he loke about to se if he coude spie the christen flocke and companye, the whiche fo∣lowynge the ordynaunce of that heuenly te∣cher Christe, shoulde exhibite to hym a fy∣gure or shappe of the aungelycall cytye. Thynke ye he wolde not rather iudge chri∣stians to dwell in anye other place, then in those countrayes, wherin we se so great su∣perfluite, riotte, voluptuousenesse, pryde, ty∣ranny, discorde, braulynges, fyghtynges, warres, ruffelynges, ye and breffelye to speake, a greater puddell of al those thinges that Christe reproueth: then amonge Tur∣kes or Saracens? From whence then cre∣peth this pestilence in amonge christen peo∣ple? Doutles this mischefe also is come in by lyttel and littel, lyke as manye mo other be, ere men be ware of them. For trewlye euery mischiefe crepeth by lyttel and lyttell vppon the good maners of men, or els vn∣der the colowr of goodnesse hit is sodeynlye receyued. ¶So then fyrste of all lernynge and coun∣nyngeErudi crepte in as a thynge verye mete to confounde heretykes, whiche defende theyr opinions with the doctryne of philosophers, poetis, and oratours. And surely at the be∣gynnynge of our fayth, christen men dyd not lerne those thynges, but suche as parauen∣ture had lerned theym, before they knewe what Christe ment, they turned the thynge that they had lerned all redy, in to good vse. ¶Elouqence of tonge was at the beginnyng dissembled more thā dispised, but at length it was openly approued. After that vnder co∣lour of confoundynge heretikes, came in an ambicious pleasure of braulynge dispitions, whiche hath broughte in to the churche of Chrite no small mischife. At lengthe the matter wente so farre forthe, that Aristotell was al to gether resceiued into the middel of diuinitie, & so receyued, that his auctoritie is almoste reputed holyer than the auctoritie of Christe. For if Christe spake anye thynge that dyd lyttell agree with our lyfe, by inter¦pretation of Aristotell it was lefull to make it serue theyr purpose. But if any do neuer so lyttell repugne agaynste the hygh dyuiny∣tie of Aristoteli, he is quickelye with clap∣pynge of handes driuen out of the place. For of hym we haue lerned, that the felycytie of man is vnperfecte, excepte he haue bothe the good gyftes of bodye and of fortune. Of hym we haue lerned, that no common weale may florishe, in whiche all thinges are com∣mune. And we indeuour our selfe to glewe faste to gether the decretes of his man and the doctryne of Christe: which is as likely a thynge as to myngle fyre and water toge∣ther. And a gobbet we haue receyued of the ciuell lawes, bycause of the equitie, that se∣meth to be in them: And to thende they shuld the better serue our purpose, we haue as nere as may be, writhed and plyed the doctrine of the gospell to them. Nowe by the ciuile lawe it is leful for a man to defende violence with violence, and eache to pursue for his ryght. Those lawes approue bienge and sel¦lynge: they allowe vsury, so it be measura∣ble, they praise warre as a noble thynge, so it be iuste. Fynally al the doctryne of Christ is so defiled with the lernynge of Logiciens, sophiters, astronomers, oratours, poe∣tis, philosophers, laweyrs, and gentyles, that a man shall spende the mooste parte of his lyfe, ere he may haue any leysure to ser∣che holy scripture, to the whiche when a man at laste cometh, he muste come infecte with so manye worldly opinions, that eyther he muste be offended with Christes doctrynes, or els he muste applie them to the mynde & doctryne of them that he hath lerned before. And this thynge is so moch approued, that it is nowe a heynous dede, if a man presume to study holy scripture, whiche hath not no∣silled hym self vp to the harde eares in those trifils, or rather sophestries of Aristotle. As thoughe Christis doctrine were suche, that it were not lefull for all men to knowe hit, orels that it coude by any meanes agre with the wysedome of philosophers. Besyde this we admitted at the begynnynge of our feyth some honour, whiche afterwarde we clay∣med as of duite. Than we resceyued riches, but that was to distrybute to releue poore men, whiche afterwarde we turned to our owne vse. And why not, sith we haue lerned by the lawe ciuile, that the verye order of charie is, that euery man muste fyrste pro∣uide for hym selfe? Nor there lacke no co∣lours to cloke this mischiefe: fyrste hit is a good dede to prouide for our children: and it is right that we forsee how to lyue in age. Finally, why shulde we, say they, gyue our goodes away, if we come by theym with∣out fraude? By these grices hit is by lyt∣tell and lyttell come to passe, that he is ta∣ken for the mooste best man, that hath moste ryches: nor neuer was there more honour gyuen to ryches amonge the hethen people, then is at this daye amonge the christen peo∣ple. For what thynge is there eyther spiri∣tuall or temporall, that is not done with greatte shewe of riches? And hit semedde a thynge agreable with those ornamentis, if christen men had some greate iurisdicion vn∣der theym. Nor there wanted not suche, as gladly submitted theym lelse. Albeit at the begynnynge it was agaynste theyr wylles, and scantly wolde they receyue hit. And yet with moche worke, they resceyued it so, that they were contente with the name and tytle only: the profite therof they gladly gaue vn¦to other men. At the laste by lyttell and lyt∣tell it came to passe, that a byshop thoughte hym selfe no bishoppe, excepte he had some temporal lordship withal. An abbot thought him self of smal auctorite, if he had not wher with to play the lordly syre. And in conclusi¦on, we blushed neuer a dele at the matter, we wyped awey al shamfastnes, & shoft a side al the harres of comlynes. And what euer abu¦sion was vsed amonge the hethen people, were it couetousnes, ambition, riotte, pompe, or pride, or tyranny, the same we folowe, in the same we matche theym, ye and farre passe theym. And to passe ouer the lyghter thinges for the while, I pray you, was there euer warre amonge the hethen peple so long continually, or more cruellye, than amonge christen people? What stormy romblynges, what violente braydes of warres, what tea¦rynge of leages, and what pitious slaugh∣ters of men haue we sene our selfe wihin these fewe yeres? What nation hath not fought and skyrmoushed with an other? And then we go and curse the Turke, and what canne be a more plesante syghte to the Turkes, then to beholde vs dayly eche sle∣ynge other? ¶erxes doted, when he ledde oute of his owne countreye that huge multitude of peo∣ple to make warre vppon the Grekes. Trowe ye, he was not madde, when he wrot letters to the mountayne called Atho, thret∣nynge that the hylle shulde repente it, except he obeyed his luste And the same erxes commaunded also the see to be beaten, by∣cause it was somewhat rough when he shuld haue sailed ouer. ¶Who wol denye but Alexander the great was madde also? He the yonge god wished, that there were manye worldes, the whiche he myght conquere. So greatte a feer of vayne glorye had enbraced his yonge lustye courage. And yet these same men, the whi∣che Seneca doubted not to call madde the∣ues, warred after a gentyller facion then we do, they were more feythfull of theyr promise in warre, nor they vsed not so mis∣chiuos ingins in warre, nor suche craftes and subtelties, nor they warred not for soo lyghte causes as we christen men do. They reioysed to auunce and enryche suche pro∣uynces as they hadde conquered by warre, and the rude people, that lyued lyke wylde beastis withoute lawes, lernynge, or good maners, they taughte them boothe ciuyle condicions, and craftis, where by they might lyue lyke men. In coūtreys that were not inhabited with people, they builded cities, and made them bothe fayre and profitable. And the places that were not very sure, they fensed for sauegarde of the people with brid¦ges, bankes, bulwarkes, and with a thou∣sande suche other commodities they holpe the lyfe of man. So that then it was ryght expedient to be ouer come. Ye and howe manye thynges rede we, that were eyther wysely done, or soberly spoken of theym in the myddes of theyr warres. As for those thynges, that are done in christen mens war¦res they are more fylthy & cruell than is con¦ueniente here to reherse. More uer loke what was worst in the hethen peoples war∣res, in that we folow them, ye we passe them. ¶But nowe it is a worlde to here, by what meanes we meyntayne this our so gret mad¦nes. Thus they reson. If it had not ben leful by noo meanes to make warre, surely god wolde neuer aue benne the auctour to the Iewes to make warre agaynst theyr enne∣mes. Wel sayd, but we must adde herevnto, that the Iewes neuer made warre amonge them selfe, but ageynste strangers and wic∣ked men. We, christen men, fyght with chri∣sten men. Diuersite of relygiō caused the Ie¦wes to fyghte agaynst theyr ennemyes: for theyr ennemyes worshypte not god as they dyd. We make warre often tymes for a lit∣tell chyldyshe angre, or for hunger of mo∣ney, or for thyrste of glory, orels for fylthy mede. The Iewes fought by the command∣ment of god, we make warre to auenge the grefe and displeasure of our mynde. And ne¦theles if men wol so moch leane to the exam¦ple of the Iewes, why do we not thā in like maner vse circumcision? Why do we not sacri¦fice with the bloude of shepe and other bea∣sis? Why do we not absteyne from swynes fleshe? Why doth not eche of vs wedde ma∣ny wyes? Syth we abhorre those thynges, why dothe the example of war please vs o moch? Why do we here folow the bare lettre that kylleth? It was permitted the Iewes to make war, but so lyke wise as they were suffred to depart from their wiues, doubtles bycause of theyr harde & frowarde maners. But after Christ cōmanded the sworde to be put vp, it is vnleful for christen men, to make any other war but that which is the most fai¦rest war of al, with the most egre & fierce en¦nemyes of the church, with affection of mo∣ney, with wrath, with ambition, with drede of death. These be our philisteins, these be∣our Nabughodosor, these be our Moabitis and Ammonitis, with the whiche it behoueth vs to haue no truce. With these we muste con¦tinuallye fighte, vntylle (our ennemies be∣inge vtterly vanquished) we may be in qui∣ette, for except we may ouercome them, there is no mā that may atteine to any true peace, nother with him self, nor yet wt none other. For this war alone is cause of true peace. He that ouercometh in this battaile, woll make war with no man liuing. Nor I regarde not the interp̄taciō, yt some men make of the two swordes to signifie either power spiritual & tēporal. Whā Christ suffred Peter to erre pur¦posely, yt after he was cōmāded to put vp his sword, no man shuld doubt, but yt warre was forboden, whiche before semed to be lefull. But Peter (say they) fought. Trewe it is, Peter foughte, he was yet but a Iewe, and had not the spirite of a very christen man. He foughte not for his landes, or for any suche tytles of landes as we do, nor yet for his owne lyfe, but for his maysters lyfe. And fynally, he fought, the whiche within a while after forsoke his mayster. Nowe if men woll nedes folowe the example of Pe∣ter that foughte, why mowe they not as well folowe the example of hym forsakyng his mayster? And thoughe Peter throughe ympell affection erred, yet dyd his maister rebuke hym. For els, if Christe dyd allowe suche maner of defence, as some mooste fo∣lely do interpretate, why dothe bothe all the lyfe and doctryne of Christe preache none other thynge but suffraunce? Why sent he forth his disciples ageynste tyrantes ar∣med with nothynge els but with a walkyng staffe and a scrippe. If that sworde, whiche Christe commaunded his disciples to selle theyr otes to bie, be moderat defēce against persecutours, lyke as some men do not onely wyckedlye but also blyndlye interpretate, why did the martyrs neuer vse that defence? But (saye they) the lawe of nature com∣maundeth, it is approued by the lawes, and allowed by custome, that we ought to put of from vs violence by violence, and that eche of vs shulde defende his lyfe, and eke his money, when the money (as Hesiodus saith) is as leese as the lyfe. All this I graunte, but yet grace, the lawe of Christe, that is of more effecte than all these thynges, com∣maundeth vs, that we shulde not speake yll to them, that speake shrewedly to vs: that we shulde do wel to them, that do yll to vs, and to theym that take aweye parte of our possessions, we shoulde gyue the whole: and that we shulde also pray for them, that ima∣gin our dethe. But these thynges (sey they) apperteyne to the apostolles, ye they apper∣teine to the vniuersall people of Christe, & to the hole body of Christes churche, that must nedes be a whole and a perfecte bodye, all though in theyr gyftes one membre i more excellent than an other. To them the doc∣trine of Christe apperteyneth not, that hope not to haue rewarde with Christe. Let them fight for money and lordshyps, that lawghe to scorne the sayeng of Christ: Blessed be the poore men in spirite: that is to say, be they poore or ryche, blessed be they, that coueted no riches in this worlde. They that put all their felicite in these richessis, they fight glad¦ly to defende their life, but they be those that vnderstand not this life to be rather a dethe, nor they perceyue not, that euerlastynge lyfe is prepared for good men. Nowe they lay a¦gainst vs, diuers byshops of Rome, the whi∣che haue ben both auctours and aydours of warring. True it is, some such there haue bē, but they were of late, & in such tyme as the doctrine of Christ waxed colde. Ye & they be very fewe in cōparison of the holy fathers that were before them, which with their wri¦tinges {per}swade vs to flee war. Why are these fewe exāples most in mynde? Why turne we our eyes from Christ to men? And why had we rather folowe the vncertaine examples, thā the auctorite that is sure & certayne? For doubtles the bishops of Rome were mē. And it may be righte well, that they were eyther foolys, or vngratious caytiues. And yet we inde not that any of them approued, that we shuld styl continually war after this faciō as we do. Which thinge I coude wt argumentis proue, if I lifted to digresse & tarie thervpō. ¶Sayncte Barnarde preysed warriours, but he so praysed them, that he condemned all the maner of our warfare. And yet why shulde the sayenge of sainct Barnarde, or the dyspitiō of Thomas of Alquine moe me rather then the doctryne of Christe, whi∣che commaundeth, that we shulde in no wyse resyste iuell, specially vnder suche maner as the common people do resiste? ¶But it is lefull (say they) that a trangres∣sour be punished and put to deathe according to the lawes: then is it not lefull for a hole countrey or citie to be reuenged by warre? What may be answered in this place, is lon∣ger than is conueniente to reply. But this moche wol I say, there is a great difference. For the yuel doer founde fauty and conuicte, is by auctoritie of the lawes put to deathe. In warre there is nother parte with out faute. Where as one singular man doothe offende, the punyshemēt falleth only on hym selfe: & the example of the punyshement doth good vnto all other. In warre the mooste parte of the punyshemente and harmes fall vpon them that leaste deserued to be puny∣nyshed: that is vpon husband men, olde men, honest wyues, yonge chyldren, and virgins. But if there may any commodite at al be ge∣thered of this moste myscheffull thyng, that all to gether goth to the behoue of a certeine mooste vengeable theues, hyred soudiours, and stronge robbers, & parhappes to a ewe capitaynes, by whose crafte warre was rey¦sed for that intent, and with whiche the mat¦ter gothe neuer better, then when the com∣mon weale is in moste hyghe ieoperdie and perylle to be loste. There as one is for his offence greuously punished, it is the welthy warnynge of all other: where as in warre to thende to reuenge the quarell of one, or els paraenture of a fewe, we cruellye af∣flicte and greue so many thousandes of them that nothynge deserued. It were better leae the offence of a fewe vnpunished, then whiles we seke occasion to punishe one or two, to brynge in to assured peril and daunger, both our neyghbours and innocent ennemyes (we call them our ennemies, though they neuer dyd vs hurte) and yet are we vncertayne, whether hit shall fall on theym or not, that we wolde haue punished. It is better to lette a wounde a lone, that can not be cu∣red without greuous hourte and daunger of all the holle body, then go about to heale it. ¶ Nowe if any man wyll crie out and say: It were ageynste all ryghte, that he that offendeth, shulde not be punished. Here vnto I answere, that it is moche more ageynst all righte and reason, that so many thousandes of innocentes shoulde be broughte into ex∣treme calamite and mischiefe withoute dese¦ynge. Albeit nowe adayes we se, that al∣moste all warres sprynge vp I can not tell of what tytles, and of leages betwene prin∣ces, that whyles they go aboute to subdue to theyr dominion some one towne, they put in ieoperdye all theyr holle empire. And yet within a while after they sell or gyue a waye the same a towne agayne, that they gotte with shedynge of soo moche bloudde. ¶Perauenture some man woll sey: woldes not haue princis fighte for there ryghte? I knowe righte well, it is not mete for suche a man as I am, to dispute ouer boldylye of princis matters, and thought I mighte do it without any daunger, yet is it longer then is conuenient for this place. But this moch wol I say, If eche what soo euer title be a cause conuenient to go in hande with warre: there is no man that in soo greatte alteracions of mens affaires, & in so great variete, & cha¦ges, can want a title. What nacyon is there that hath not sometyme be put out of theyr owne countrey, and also haue put other out? Howe ofte haue people gone from one con∣trey to an other? How ofte haue holle em∣pires bē translat from one to an other eithe by chaunce or by leage? Let the citisens of Padu claime nowe againe a goddes name the countrey of Troye for theyrs, bycause Antenor was sometymes a Toyan. Lette the Romaynes nowe hardly clayne agayne Affrycke and Spayne, bycause those pro∣ynces were somtyme vnder the Romaines. We cal that a dominion, whiche is but an ad∣ministration. The power and auctoritie ouer men, whiche be free by Nature, & ouer brute beastes, is not all one. What power and souerayne so euer you haue, you haue it by the consente of the people. And if I be not deceiued, he that hath auctorite to gyue, hath auctoritie to take awaye ageyne. Wyll ye se howe small a matter it is that we make all this rufflynge fore. The stryfe is not, whether this citie or that shulde be obeysant to a good prynce, and not in bondage of a Tyrante, but whether Ferdinande or Si∣gismunde hath the better title to it: whether that citie ought to paye tribute to Philyp or to kynge Lewes. This is that noble ryghte, for the whiche all the worlde is thus vexed and troubled with warres & manslaughter. ¶Yet go to, suppose that this right or title be as stronge, and of as great auctoritie as may be, suppose also there be no difference betwene a priuate felde and a wholle citie: & admitte there be no difference betwene the beastes that you haue bought with your mo¦ney & men, whiche be not onely fre, but also trewe christians: yet is it a poynt of a wise man to caste in his mynde, whether the thing that you wol warre fore, be of so great va∣lure, that it wyll recompence the excedynge great harmes and losse of your owne people. If ye can not do in euery poynte as be com∣meth a prince, yet at the leaste wayes do as the marchant man dothe: he setteth naught by that losse, whiche he well perceyueth can not be aduoided without a greatter lose, and he rekeneth it a wynnyng, that fortune hath ben ageynste hym with his so lyttell losse. Orels at the leaste wyse folowe hym, of whom there is a mery tale commonly tolde. ¶There were two kinsmen at varience a∣bout deuiding of certayne goodes, and when they coude by no meanes agre, they must go to lawe to gether, that in conclusion the mat¦ter myght be ended by sentence of the iuges. They gotte theym atturneys, the plees were drawen, men of lawe had the matter in hande, they came before the iudges, the complaynte was entred, the cause was ple∣tid, and so was the warre begonne betwen theym. Anon one of them remembynge hym selfe, called asyde his aduersary to hym and sayd on this wise. Fyrste it were a greatte shame, that a lyttel money shuld deseuer vs twayne, whom nature hath knytte so nere to gether. Secondly the ende of our stryfe is vncer∣tayne, no lesse then of warre. It is in our handes to begynne when we wol, but not to make an ende. All our stryfe is but for an hundred crownes, and we shall spende the double therof vpon notaries, vpon promo∣ters, vpon aduocates, vpon attourneys, vp∣pon inges, and vpon inges frendes, if we trie the lawe to the vttermooste. We muste wayte vpon these men, we muste flatter and speke theym faire, we muste gyue them re∣wardes. And yet I speake not of the care and thought, nor of the great labour and trauayle, that we muste take to runne about here and there to make frendes, and whe∣ther of vs boothe that wynnth the victorie, shalbe sure of more incommodite then pro∣ite. Wherfore if we wise be, lette vs rather se to our owne profite, and the money that shal be iuell bestowed vpon these bribers, let vs deuide it betwene vs twayne. And forgyue you the halfe of that ye thynke shuld be your duite, and I wyl forgyue as moch of myne. And so shal we kepe and preserue our frend¦shyp, whiche els is lyke to perishe, and we shal also eschewe this great busines, coste, & charge. If you be not content to forgo a∣ny thyng of your parte, I commit the whole matter in to your owne handes, do with it as you wyll. For I had leauer my frende had this money, then those vnsatiable the∣ues. Me thynke I haue gayned inoughe, if I maye saue my good name, kepe my frende, and avoyde this vnquiet and char∣geable busynesse. Thus partly the tellyng of the trouth, and partlye the merye con∣ceyte of his kynseman, moued the other man to agree. So they ended the matter be∣twene them selfe, to the great displeasure of the iudges and seriantes, for they like a sort of gapynge rauons, were deluded and put besyde theyr praye. ¶Let a prince therfore folowe the wyse∣dome of these two men, specyally in a mat∣of moche more daunger. Nor let hym not regarde what thynge it is, that he wolde opteine, but what great losse of good thinges he shal haue, in what gret ieoperdies he shal be, & what miseries he must endure, to come therby. Nowe if a man wol wey, as it were in a paire of balance the cōmodities of wa on the one syde, & the incommodities on the other syde, he shall fynde that vninste peace is farre better then rightous warre. Why had we rather haue warre then peace? Who but a madde man wolle angle with a golden fyshe hoke? If ye se that the char∣ges and expences shall amount farre aboue your gayne, ye thoughe all thynges go ac∣cordynge to your mynde, is it not better that ye forgo parte of your ryghte, than to bie so lyttel commodite with so innumerable mis∣chieues? I had leuer that any other man had the tytle, then I shoulde wynne it with soo gret effusiō of Christē mens blode. He (what so euer he be) hath nowe ben many yeres in possessiō. He is accustomed to rule, his subiec¦tes know him, he behaueth him like a prince, & one shal come forth, which fynding an olde tytle in some historyes, or in some blynde e∣uidence woll turne clene vp sette downe the quiete tate and good order of that commen wele. What auaileth it with so gret ruffeling to change any tytle, which in short space by one chance or other must go to an other man? Specially sith we mowe se, that there is no∣thing in this world, that doth cōtinue styl in one state, but at the scorneful plesure of for¦tune they rol to & fro, as the waues of ye see. Finally if Christen men can not despise and sette at naughte these so lighte thynges, yet wherto nedeth it by and by to runne to har∣nes? Sith there be so many bishops, men of great grauite and lernynge: sith there be so many venerable abbottes: sith there be so many noble men of great ancientie, whom longe vse and experience of thynges hathe made righte wise. Why are not these trife∣lynge & childishe quarels of princis pacified and set in order by the wisedome and discre∣tion of these men? But they seme to make a very honest reason of warre, whiche preend as they wolde defende the Churche. As though the people were not the churche, or as though the church of Christ was beun, augmented, and stabished with warres and slaughters, and not rather in spillynge of the bloude of martirs, sufferance, and des∣pisynge of this lyfe, or as though the holle dignite o the churche reted in the riches of the pristis. Nor to me truely it semeth not so alowable, that we shuld so ofte make warre vpon the Turkes. Doubtles it were not well with christen religion, if the onely safe∣garde therof shulde depende on suche suc∣cours. Nor it is not likely, that they shulde be good christians, that by these meanes are brought therto at the fyrste. For that thyng that is gotte by warre, is agayne an other tyme loste by warre. Woll ye brynge the Turkes to the fayth of Christe? Let vs not make a shewe of our gay riches, nor of our great nombre of soudiours, nor of our great strengthe. Let them se in vs none of these solempne titles, but the assured tokens of christen men, a pure innocent lyfe, a feruent desire to do well, yea to our very ennemes, the despisynge of money, the neglectynge of glorie, a poore simple lyfe. Let them here the heuenly doctrine agreble to suche a maner lyfe. These are the bst armours to subdue the Turkes to Christe. Nowe often tymes we beinge ill, fight with the yuel. Ye and I shall sey an other thynge (Whiche I wolde to god were more boldly spoken then truely) if we sette a syde the title and signe of the Crosse, we fighte Turkes ageynste Turkes. If our religion were fyrst stablis∣shed by the might and strengthe of men of warre, if hit were confyrmed by dente of sworde, if it were augmented by warre, then let vs maynteyne it by the same meanes and wayes. But if all thynges in our feyth were brought to passe by other meanes. Why do, we thē (as we mistrusted the helpe of Christ) seke suche succoure as the hethen people vse. But why shulde we not (say they) kyll them that wolde kyll vs? So thynke they it a great dishonour, if other shoulde be more michiuous then they. Why do ye not then robbe those, that haue robbed you before? Why do ye not skolde and chide at them that rayle at you? Why do ye not hate them that hate you? Trow ye it is a good christen mās dede to slee a Turke? For be the Turkes neuer so wicked, yet are they men, for whose saluation Chrite suffred death. And kyl∣lynge Turkes we offre to the dyuell moste pleasant sacrifice, and with that one dede we please our ennemy the dyuell twyse, fyrste bycause a man is slayne, and agayne, by∣cause a christen man slewe hym. There be manye, whiche desyrynge to seme good christen menne, studye to hurte and greue the Turkes al that euer they may: & where they be not able to do nothynge, they curse and ban, and byd a mischife vpon them. Now by the same one poynte a man may perceyue, that they be farre from good christen men. Succour the Tourkes, and where they be wycked, make them good if ye can, if ye can not, wyshe and desyre of god they may haue grace to turne to goodnes. And he that thus dothe, I woll say dothe lyke a christen man. But of all these thynges I shall in∣treate more largely, when I sette forthe my boke intytled Antipolemus, whiche whilom when I was at Rome I wrote to Iuly by∣shoppe of Rome, the seconde of that name, at the same tyme, when he was counsailed to make warre on the Venetians. ¶But there is one thynge, whiche is more to be lamented then reasoned: That if a man wolde diligently discusse the matter, he shal fynde, that all the warres amonge vs chri∣sten men do sprynge eyther of folishenes, or els of malyce. Some yonge men without experience, inflamed with the yuell exam∣les of their fore fathers, that they finde by redynge of histories, writen of some folyshe auctours, & beside this being moed with the exhortations of flaterers, with the instigatiō of lawiers, and assentynge therto of the di∣ynes, the byshoppes wynkynge therat, or perauenture inycynge thervnto: haue ra∣ther of foolehardynes thenne of malice, goone in hande with warre: And with the great hurte & damage of al this world they lerne, that warre is a thynge, that shoulde be by all meanes and wayes fled and esche∣wed. Some other are moued by priy ha∣tred, Ambition causeth some, and some are stirred by fyrcenes of minde to make warre. For truly there is almoste nowe none other thynge in our cities and common weales, then is conteyned in Homers warke Ilias, The wrathe of vndiscrete princis & people. ¶There be whiche for none other cause moue Warre, but to thentent they may by that meane the more easily exercise tyranny on theyr subiectis. For in the tyme of peace, the auctorite of the counsaile, the dignite of the rulers, the vigor and strengthe of the lawes, do somwhat let, that a prince can not do all that hym listeth: But as soone as warre is ones begunne, now all the hand∣lynge of matters resteth in the pleasure of a fewe persons. They that the prince fauou∣reth are lifted vp alofte: and they that be in his displeasure, go downe. They exacte as moche money as pleaseth them. What nede many wordes? Then they thynke theym selfe, that they be the greateste pryncis of the worlde. In the meane season the capy∣taynes they sporte and playe to gether, tyl they haue gnawen the poore people to the harde boonis. And thynke ye that hit wyll greue them, that be of this mynde, to entre lyghtly in to warre, whan any cause is of∣fered? Besydes all this, it is a worlde to se by what meanes we colour our faute. I pre¦tende the defence of our religon, but my mynde is to gette the great riches that the Turke hath. Vnder colour to defende the churches ryght, I purpose to reuenge the hatred that I haue in my stomacke. I inclyne to ambition, I folowe my wrathe, my cruell fierce and vnbridled mynde com∣pelleth me, and yet woll I fynde a cauilla∣tion and say, the leage is not kept, or frend∣shyppe is broken, or some thynge (I wotte not what my selfe) concernynge the lawes of matrimony is omitted. And it is a won∣der to speake, howe they neuer opteyne the selfe thynge, that they so greatly desyre. And whiles they folishely labour to eschue this michiefe, or that, they fall in to an other moch worse, orels into the same. And sure∣ly if desire of glory causeth them thus to do, it is a thynge moche more magnificent and glorious to saue then to destroy: moch more gay and goodly to builde a cite, than to ouer throwe and destroye a citie. ¶Farthermore admitte that the victorie in batayle is gotte most prosperously, yet how small a porcion of the glorie shall go vnto the prince? The commons woll clayme a great part of hit, by the helpe of whose mo∣ney the dede was done, outlandishe souldi∣ours, that are hired for money, woll chal∣lenge moche more then the commons: The capitaynes loke to haue very moche of that glorie, and fortune most of all, whiche stri∣kynge a great stroke in euery matter, in warre may do most of all. If it come of a noble courage and stoute stomake, that you be moued to make warre: se I pray you, how farre wyde be ye from your purpose? For whyles ye woll not be seen to bowe to one man, as to a prince your neyghbour, & per∣auēture of your aliāce, & which may fortune hath done you good: howe moche more ab∣iectly muste ye bowe your selfe, what tyme ye seke aide and helpe of barbarous people, ye and that is more vnworthye, of suche men as are defiled with all mischiuous de∣des, if we must nedes call suche kynde of monsters men? Whiles ye go about to allure vnto you with fayre wordes and promisses, rauyshers of virgines and of relygious wo∣men, menkyllers, stout robbers and rouers (for these be the speciall men of warre). And whyles you labour to be some what cruell and superiour ouer your equall, you are constrayned to submitte your selfe to the very dregges of all men lyuynge. And whiles ye go aboute to dryue your neygh∣bour oute of his lande, ye muste nedes fyrste brynge into your owne lande the most pestilente puddell of vnthryftes that can be. You mistrust a prynce of your owne aliance, and wyll you committe your selfe holly to an armed multitude? Howe moche surer were it to committe your selfe to concorde? ¶ If ye woll make war bycause of lucre, take your countours and caste: And I woll saye, it is better to haue warre than peace, if ye finde not, that not alonely lesse, but also vncertayne wynnynge is gotte with inesty∣mable costis. ¶ Ye say ye make warre for the safe garde of the common weale, ye but no way sooner nor more vnthryftyly may the comon weale peryshe, then by warre. For before ye enter into the feld, ye haue alredy hurt more your countrey, then ye can do good gettynge the victorie. Ye haue wasted the citisens goodes, ye fyll the houses with lamentation, ye fyl al the contray with theues, robbers, and ra∣yshers. For these are the relikes of warre. And wher as before ye might haue enioyed al France, ye shyft our selfe besydes many regions therof. If ye loue your owne sub∣iectes truely, why reuolue you nat in mind these wordes. Why shall I put so many, in theyr lusty floryshing youth, in all michefes & perils? Why shal I departe so many ho∣nest wyues & theyr husbandes, and make so many fatherles childrē? Why shal I claime a title I knowe not, & a doubtful right, with spilling of my subiectes blode? We haue seen in our time, that in war made vnder coloure of defence of the church, the pristes haue ben so often pylled with demes, that none enne∣mye myght do more. So that whyle we go a¦bout folishely to eschewe falling in the diche, we willyngly leape hedlonge into the diche, while we can not suffre a light iniurye, we af¦flicte our selfe with moste greuous despites. While we be ashamed of gentilnes to dowe to a prynce, we be fayne to please peple mos̄ base. Whyles we vndescretelye coueite libertie, we intangle our selfe in moste gre∣uous bondage. Whyles we hount after a li∣tel lucre, we greue our selfe and ours with inestimable harmes. It had ben a point of a prudent chrysten man (if he be a true christen man) by all maner meanes to haue fled, to haue shoned, and by prayer to haue withstan¦den so fendly a thynge, and so farre boothe from the lyfe and doctryne of Chryste. But if it can by no meane be eschewed, by reason of the vngratiousnes of many men, when ye haue assayed euery way, and that ye hae for peace sake, lefte nothynge vn∣soughte vp, than the nexte way is, that ye do your diligence: that so yll a thynge may be geted and done by them that be yll, and that it be atcheued with as lyttell effusion of mans bloudde as can be. Now if we endeuour vs to be the self same thynge, that we here our selfe called, that is, good chrysten men, we shall lyttell es∣teme any worldly thynge, nor yet ambici∣ously couet any thynge of this worlde. For if we set all our mynde, that we may lyght∣ly and purely parte hence, if we inclyne hol∣ly to heuenly thynges, if we pyche all our felicite in Christe alone, if we beleue all that is truely good, truely gaye and glori∣ous, truelye ioyfull, to remayne in Christe alone, if we throghly thynke that a godlye man can of no manne be hurte, if we pon∣dre howe vayne and vanishynge are the scornefull thynges of this worlde, if we in∣wardely beholde, howe harde a thynge hit is for a man to be in a maner transformed in to god, and so here with continuall and vnfatigable meditation to be purged from all infections of this worlde, that within a while the huske of this body beinge caste of, it may passe hence to the company of an∣gels, finallye if we surelye haue these thre thynges, with out whiche none is worthy of the name of a christen man, Innocency, that we maye be pure frome all vicis, Charitie, that we may do good as nere as we can, to euery man, Pacience, that we maye suffre them that do vs yl, and if we can with good dedes ouercome wronges to vs done: I pray you, what warre can there be amonge vs for triffils? If it be but a tale that is tolde of Christe, why doo we not openlye put hym out of our company? Why shoulde we glory in his title? But if he be, as he is in verye dede, the trewe waye, the verye Trouthe, and the very lyfe, why dothe all the maner of our lyuynge differre so farre a sonder, from the trewe example of hym? If we aknowlege and take Chrite for our auctour, whiche is very Charite, and nothe taught nor gaue other thynge but charytye and peace, then go to, let vs not in titles and signes, but in our dedes and liuynge playne∣ly expresse hym. Let vs haue in our hartes a feruent desire of peace, that Christe may gayne knowe vs for his. To this intente the princis, the prelates, and the cites and cominalties shulde applie theyr counsailes. There hath ben hither to inoughe spylte of christen mans blode. We haue shewed plea∣ure inough to the ennemes of christen reli∣gion. And if the common people, as they ar wont, make any ruffelynge, let the princis bridle and quayle them, whiche princis ought to be the selfe same thynge in the com¦mon weale, that the eie is in the body, and the reason in the scule. Agayne if the princis make any trouble, it is the part of good pre¦latis by theyr wysedome and graite to paci¦fie and swage suche motions. Orels at the least we being satiat with continual warres, let the desire of peace a litell moe vs. The very misery and wretchednes of warre dra¦weth vs to peace, Christe inticeth vs, The bishop exhorteth vs, if euer any bishop dyd, Leo the tenthe dothe, whiche occupieth the owme of our peaceble Salomon. For all his desire, all his intent and labour, is for this intent, that they whom one commune feyth hath coupled to gether, shulde be ioy∣ned in one commune concorde. He laboureth that the churche of Christe shulde florsshe, not in riches or ordshyps, but in her owne propre vertues. Surely this is a right goodly acte, and well besemynge a man des∣cended of suche a noble linage as Medices: by whose ciuile prudence the noble cite of Florence moote freshely florished in longe continuall peace: the whose house of Medi∣ces hath ben a helpe vnto all good letters. Leo hym selfe hauynge alwey a sobre and a gentyll witte, gyuynge hym elfe from his tendre youthe to good lettres of humanite, was euer brought vp as it were in the lappe of the Musis amonge men must highly ler∣ned, he o fautles led his life, that euen in the citie of Rome, where is mot liberte of vice, was of hym none yuell rumour, and so go∣ernynge hym selfe came to the dignytie to be byshop there, whiche dignite he neuer coueted, but was chosen therto when he left thought theron, by the prouision of god to helpe to redresse thynges in greate decay by longe warres. Let Iuly the byshoppe haue his glorye of warre, victories, and of his great tryumphes. The whiche howe yuell they beseme a chriten byshoppe, it is not for such one as I am to declare. I wol this say, his glorie, what so euer it be, was mixt with the gret ditruction & greuous sorowe of ma¦ny a creature. But by peace restored nowe to the worlde, Leo shall geatte more true glory, then Iuly wonne by so many warres that he eyther, boldely begunne, or prospe∣rously fought and atcheued. ¶But they that had leauer here of prouer∣bes, thenne eyther of peace or of warre, woll thynke that I haue taried lon¦ger about this digression: then is mete for the declaracion of a Prouerbe.
A00321.P4	The psalme of mercy, or, A meditation vpon the 51. psalme by a true penitent.	[ "I. B.", "Bate, John.", "Bennet, John, Sir, d. 1627." ]	1625.	Imprinted by Felix Kyngston, and are to be sold by Matthew Lownes,	London :	eng	[ "Miserere -- Meditations." ]	AFter that Dauid in many successefull battailes was be∣come a Conqueror, and had defeated and destroyed the Syrians and Mesopota∣mians, who came to suc∣cor the Ammonites his Opposites, hauing now no enemy abroad, of any ac∣count to encounter with∣all, he was surprized by his dangerous enemy at home, and taken priso∣ner by Securitie, he grew by Plenty and Prosperity, (as it commonly fares with men, in such case) forget∣full of his former miseries, and God his singular mer∣cies, and was captiuated wholy, by his lustfull de∣sires, and sinfull concupi∣scence. For not contented to take by stealth, Vriah his wife from him, in his ab∣sence, while hee was im∣ployed in his seruice, but (which is the nature of sinne, still to increase and multiply) to his foule A∣dultery, hee added cruell Murther, giuing order to his trusty Commaunder Ioab, to marshall him in the front and poynt of those Israelites, who did assaile the Suburbs of Rabbah, when there was no possi∣bility, at least, no proba∣bility of preuailing, and (which could not but bee, more displeasing to God) was wittingly contented that many other his best seruants and soldiers, vn∣der Vriah his command, should perish with Vriah for company, to cloake and disguise his particu∣lar wicked designe against him. To omit his practice, in calling Vriah from the Warres, and sending him home (both sober and drunke, though he went not at all) to couer the shame, and shadow the sin, which Dauid had commit∣ted, (she being then with child by him:) no soo∣ner was Vriah slaine, but hee married the widdow, whom being a wife, hee had defiled; and so secure∣ly enioyed the forbidden fruite of his filthy plea∣sure, and mischieuous Po∣licie, till Nathan the Pro∣phet was specially sent, as an Herald, to summon and challenge, checke, and re∣prooue him, for these ma∣nifold defections, and ma∣nifest rebellions against God. Now the time of Na∣than his comming to Da∣uid, is purposely recorded, to shew that Dauid was in a kind of Lethargy for a∣bout a yeeres space (as it is collected by the story) which is a strange and re∣markable thing, that so great a person, so endued with God his excellent Spirit, could sleepe and snort in the bed of security, as if he had beene quite bereaued of the sence and life of Piety, and out of his wits, (as it were) for so large a time. For who would not thinke and say, he was bewitched by Sa∣tan, & benummed with the spirit of slumber, & growne, if not obstinately con∣temptuous, yet retchlesly careles of God his Iudge∣ments? Which circum∣stance, as it doth much ag∣grauate his fault, that hee felt not true remorce of conscience, till the Prophet Nathan came to rowze and raise him; so doth it excee∣dingly amplify the mercy and goodnesse of God, who when ordinary meanes of Prayer, reading and medi∣tating of Gods Word, could not worke and pre∣uaile with him, (for who can imagine, that such a person could altogether in that time want such helpes,) addressed an ex∣traordinary Ambassador, euen one of his Prophets; a Prophet, to a Prophet; a Phisicion, to a Phisicion; but to a sicke Phisicion, who could not cure himselfe, to handle and search his wounds, to touch him to the quick, and so to reduce him to a sound and sincere repentance. Now, who on the one side, doth not tremble and quake, to thinke of this fearefull example, that so holy a Prophet, so worthy a King, could, after so foule a fall, lye so long, in this dyrt and myre, and bee so ouerwhelmed with such a beastly and sencelesse slug∣gishnesse? On the other part, whose heart is not rauish∣ed with delight, and euen resolued into teares of ioy and comfort, to behold such a mirrour of Gods mercy, in Dauid, after hee had plunged himselfe in∣to so many and manifold great and grieuous sinnes, as were folded vp in those capitall crimes of Adultery and Murther, that hee should yet finde grace to rise againe by Repentance, obtaine pardon of all his sinnes, and be restored and reintegrated into God his speciall loue and fauour? So then the Title tells both the tyme and occasi∣on of composing this Psalme, which doth passi∣onately declare, and liuely expresse Dauid his humi∣liation, sorrow and discon∣tentment, for the offences he had done, and publish, and record to posterity, a forme and Modell, (as it were) of penitent prayer, to be vsed, by Sorrowfull Sinners, in all succeeding a∣ges. This excellent Ditty of the sweet Singer of , was (as the Title purports) recommended to him that excelled, to wit, the of the or Chanter, to be into a note tune fit for it, and to bee played vpon an In∣strument of Musike, called Neginoth, that the Art might , as all other humane arts ought to bee accessary and ser∣uiceable, to the aduance∣ment of diuine glory. For the fashion was in those times, to sing such Hymnes artificially set and tuned to some Instrument, in the publike Assemblies, that by the melody of the eare, the Iubilation of the heart might be enlarged. THis is a penitentiall Psalme, and the chiefe of the penitentials, in common account, a liuely mirror of a true penitent, and a zealous prayer of a mournefull soule, oppres∣sed with the weight, and perplexed with the sight of sinne. But the doth not exactly pursue this method, but rather the or∣der of his own iudgement, often iterating and varying his petition for one & the same thing, by the Meta∣phors of washing, clean∣sing, purging, blotting out and doing away his sins, and in the middest of his prayer for sanctification, abruptly and passionately interlacing his sute, for pardon of his crying crime of Murder. O Miserable wretch that I am, what shall I say? What shall I doe? Which way shall I turne? To whom shall I addresse my selfe? Hell will not; the earth cannot relieue me, and I dare not lift vp mine eyes to Heauen, hauing so highly offended against Heauen, and before thee the great King of Heauen. I am assailed on euery side, assailed by mine own ini∣quities, assailed by thy gra∣ces. Where may I shrowd my selfe from my sinnes? How can I hide mee from my selfe? Where may I expect succour? Whence may I hope for helpe; si∣thence thy graces, which I haue turned into wan∣tonnesse, doe conuince me of foule ingratitude, doe multiply iniquities vpon me, and euen arme thy mercies against me? The extremity of my Condi∣tion is such, as will afford no long time of delibera∣tion. In briefe, there is one onely way left of e∣scape, and euasion, and that is, by flying from thee, to fly to thee; to appeale from thy seate of Iustice, to thy throne of Mercy, as to thy Court of last resort, which is alwaies open. Either that way or no way, can I be rescued from vtter de∣struction. The most odi∣ous sinne of desperation, wil but plunge me further, into the depth of damna∣tion. But with the Lord, there is maruailous mer∣cy, and plenteous redemp∣tion. By this meanes it is possible; without it, impos∣sible to saue my sinfull soule. Wherefore my re∣solution is; in the lowest degree of humiliation, in the deepest straine of con∣trition, faithfully, (and yet, (in a sort) fearefully) to re∣pose my selfe vpon his in∣finite, and vnspeakeable compassion. I will pierce mine entralles, and pricke the heart of my corrupt heart to the quicke. I will let out a flood of teares, which are the bloud of my soule: I will mingle my zealous and humble pray∣ers, with those salt and brackish teares: I will knocke hard at his mercy gate, and cry aloud, Mi∣serere. THAT which I begge at thy hands, O God, is mercy: for of many proper∣ties in thee, which are all essentiall to thee, there is none so vsefull, none so delightfull, to my per∣plexed soule, as is thy mercy. Were it not for thy Mercy, thy Maiesty would affright, thy Wisedome confound, thy Iustice con∣demne, and thy Power destroy me; as on the o∣ther part, through the sweete mixture of thy Mercy, thy Maiestie will reuiue, thy Wisedome en∣lighten, thy Iustice acquit, & thy Power preserue me, and euery of thy other At∣tributes will contribute to the aduancement of my inestimable benefit, and endlesse good. In Mercy all my pray∣ers and petitions are com∣prized; by Mercy all my defects and desires are sa∣tisfied; for Mercy all my prayses and thankes are re∣turned. Euery thing that hath being, doth naturally affect continuance, and well be∣ing. Euery Man doth or should desire his chiefe good, and true happinesse, which consists in thy re∣mission of his sinnes, in his reconciliation to thee, and that is the blessed, and kindely fruite of thy gra∣cious and tender mercy a∣lone. A sinner I am, and who is not? Therefore I cannot seeke for happines in free∣dome from sinne (that is aboue the nature of man,) but in the free pardon of my sinne, by grace, which surmounts all the sinnes of all the world. Thou didst looke downe, O Lord, from all eternity, out of thy highest throne of Hea∣uen, by way of Suruey, a∣mong the sonnes of men in all ages and generati∣ons, (all things and persons being euer present vnto thee) to see, if there were any, that would vnder∣stand and seeke after thee. But vpon exact enquiry returne was made, they were all found corrupt and abominable, There was not one that did good; no not one. Which for grea∣ter vehemency and eui∣dence of the truth, is re∣peated the second tyme, and purposely recorded, by an infinite foresight, to take away all colour of doubt, and to impose per∣petuall Silence, to such as afterwards might deceiue themselues, and abuse o∣thers with an opinion of their owne iustice and ho∣linesse, as answerable to thy diuine law, and meri∣torious of thy louing fa∣uour. Wherfore I present this lamentable supplication, and sing this dolefull dit∣ty, though framed for my selfe , yet fitting euery of the sonnes of A∣dam generally: Haue Mer∣cy vpon mee, O God. I call vpon thee, O God, at this time, by the name of Elo∣him, which purports the Trinity of Persons; and not of Iehouah, which denotes the Vnity of substance, in the Godhead: for my threefold sinne doth iust∣ly occasion mee, to fixe mine eyes vpon the Three persons distinctly. Vpon thee, O Father, who art power, against whom I haue offended, by abuse of my regall Power, in mur∣dering Captaine Vriah, and his whole troope; Vp∣on thee, O Sonne, who art Wisedome, by vsing fine∣nesse and fraud in carry∣ing closely, and cunningly contriuing the murder. Vpon thee, O holy Ghost, who art goodnesse, whom I haue grieued, by defiling my hands with blood, and body with , which is, or should be thy temple and habitation. When I implore thy great Mercie, I imply my great misery. The PhisickAug. in . 51. of the body must be attem∣pered to the malady. If the receipt be giuen vnder the due Dosis, it may moue, but it will not re∣moue the peccant humors. Desperate diseases must haue soueraigne : for meane medicines will neuer cure great griefes. If the plaster bee too skant for the sore; If the wound be not throughly teinted, and wholy couered, it will neuer bee well cured, or soundly recouered. As it is in the diseases and sores of he body; so is it also in of the soule. One deepe another: the depth of sinne requires the depth of grace; and a depth of misery calleth for a depth of mercy. If I aske my selfe, why is thy Mercy great? for that, there is no cause of thy mercy, but thy Mercy. I must answere by the effect, Because thou canst my soule from the nethermost hell, from such anguish of body, from such perplexity of spirit, from such terrors and torments, as are rea∣dy to ouerwhelme mee, in the pit of destruction. If I aske how great isChrysost. in hunc Psal¦mum. thy Mercy? I must giue an answere answerelesse; I know it to be meruailous great, but how great it is, I cannot comprehend. The immensity of it I haue as∣sayed to shadow out, by such resemblances as the world affords to outward sence, for the shallow con∣ceits, and weake capaci∣ties of mortall men, be∣ing not able with my thoughts to reach, much lesse with my tongue or penne to expresse it. The height of thy mer∣cy I to the al∣titude of the Heauen a∣boue the Earth, the bredthPsal. 103. to the distance of the East from the West, the depth, to the affection of parents to their children: butalas, these are no euen matches: for that which is limited and finite, hath no proportion at all, with that which is vnlimited, and infinite. Thy Mercy, O Lord, is as thou art: thou art great without quantity, as thou art good without quality. Thou art not merciful, but mercy: not good, but goodnesse: not louing, but Loue it selfe, in the ab∣stract. The extent of thy goodnesse, loue, and mer∣cy is such as hath no bounds, the depth is such as hath no bottome. The influence of it, will make me feele that which no eloquence can vtter, noMelius im∣pressum quàm ex∣pressum in∣notescit. intelligence can containe. No man can tell how sweete hony is, but heeIn his non capit intel∣ligentia, ni∣si quantum attingit . Bern. in Cant. 3. that tasteth it. I see, O Lord, great fruite of thy rich roote of Mercy. For were not thy mercy exceeding great, few or none could liueQui non gustauerit, non intelli∣get, quàm sapit mel, Aug. in Psal. 30. here the life of grace, or there, the life of glory. Looke how many Saints there be in heauen or on earth, by inchoation here, in perfection there: So many worthy examples, so many infallible demon∣strations there are, of thine vnspeakeable mercy, with∣out which, they should haue perished and sunke downe to Hell. If therefore thy Iustice lift vp it selfe as the high Mountaines, to eclipse the light of thy gracious coun∣tenance from mee, I will raise my selfe yet high∣er, in confidence of thy Truth, which reacheth to the clouds, and thy Mer∣cy, which mounts euen to the heauen of heauens. I will frame this comforta∣ble consequence to my di∣stressed soule: if thy mercy bee magnified aboue thy Iustice, it must needs bee farre aboue my transgressi∣ons. O Lord, I haue caused my sinne to abound, farre beyond the bankes and bounds of thy Law, but it is thy property, to pardon, and the property of thy Mercy, where sinne a∣bounds,Rom. 5. there to super∣abound. Thy mercy doth euen crosse and controule thy Iustice; and as the highest Orbe doth by violence carry with it the inferior Spheres, against their pro∣per inclinations and moti∣ons; So the force of thy powerfull mercy doth o∣uerrule my naturall and wilfull courses, running to wickednesse, and in that race, hasting to iust con∣demnation. My sinnes therefore, how great soeuer, cannot stop the flowing of thy vast Ocean of Mercy. When I fall into com∣putation, and comparison of my sinnes on the one side, and thy mercies on the other; I finde by di∣uine Arithmetike, and the true Iacobs-staffe, (to my singular comfort) that my sinnes, how great, and how many soeuer, yet may bee both measured and reckoned; but on the o∣ther part, that neither the magnitude nor the multi∣tudeMiseratio∣num Dei, nec magni∣tudo men∣surari, nec multitudo numerari potest, Basil. of thy mercies can be either fathomed or num∣bred. I beg thy great Mercy, because thy lesser mercies will not doe the turne, which my miserable con∣dition requires. For they may ease me of lesser mi∣series, of afflictions in bo∣dy, of distresses in estate, of other incumbrances in the world; but it is thy larger Mercy that must forgiue, not my lesser on∣ly, but my greater sinnes, which haue prouoked thy iust and heauy indignati∣on against me. Thy wayes, O God, are not as mans wayes, nor thy mercies, as mans mer∣cies. Mans mercy is short and scant, mingled with hardnesse, and maymed with sundry imperfecti∣ons. In ciuill matters some man will forgiue the in∣terest, but not the princi∣pall: some man will for∣giue the halfe, but not the whole debt: some man will forbeare to demand the debt, yet will not for∣goe the Bond; hee will keepe that, to curbe his debtor, vpon all occasions. In matters criminall, one will forgiue the fault, but not the punishment: ano∣ther will remit a part, but not all the penalty: a third will forgiue, but not for∣get the iniury. But thy Mercy, O Lord, is great & large, free and absolute, intire, and indefinite, or rather infinite; Thou for∣giuest both the fault and punishment royally and really: all is acquitted and discharged at once, in accomplishment of that comfortable clause in the cloze of thy new Coue∣nant, Thou wilt remember ourIerem. 31. iniquities no more. The multitude of my sinnes occasions me, to pa∣rallel them with the mul∣titude of thy mercies, that there may bee a medicine for each malady, a salue for euery sore. I touch still vp∣on one and the same string, though with some varie∣ty, because the meditati∣on and modulation of this mercy of thine, is as sweet Musicke in mine eare, and a ioyfull Iubile in my soule. I striue to expresse one and the same thing in diuers words or phrases; great mercy, and a multitude of mercies, being all one in sence and meaning: for great mercy comprehends a multitude of mercies, and a multitude of mercies a∣mounts to one great masse of mercy. The greatest mercy, that the greatest person can doe to the most miserable wretch vpon earth, is not to bee compared to the least of thy mercies, which thou affoordest to the ho∣liest man that liues, in re∣gard of the infinite dispro∣portion that is betweene the Offendor and the Of∣fended, the Creator of Heauen and earth, and dust and ashes. Howbeit, euen in thine infinite mercy, as it hath relation to sin∣full man, there be degrees, whereof we cannot better take the skantling, then by our greater or lesser offen∣ces committed against thy diuine Maiesty: for the Law of gratitude amongst men, teacheth mee to ac∣knowledge, that thy loue is greater to them, to whō thou forgiuest greater, thē to such as thou acquitest of smaller debts. There∣fore as my more heynous sinnes, at the Tribunall of thy iustice, do call for seue∣rer punishment; so at thy throne of mercy (which is aboue thy seate of iustice, and to which I appeale, as to thy Court of last resort) they begge and craue, for thy more great and tender compassions. Debt is a burthen; and a great debt, is an heauy bur∣den: hee that beares an ho∣nest minde, cannot be qui∣et in minde, so long as hee continues in debt. My sins are my debts, and that scoare runnes still in my minde, whereon I haue runne so fast and so farre; I professe truly, that my sins haue gone ouer, not myPsal. 38. body only, but my head also, and that they are a burden too heauy for mee to beare. I know, O Lord, thou kee∣per of men, that thou mar∣kestIob. 7. what is amisse in me, thou scorest vp my sinnes, my wilde and wandring thoughts, my vaine and wicked words, my foule and filthy actions; thou keepest a day and a debt∣booke of them, to charge mee by way of account, whensoeuer it pleaseth thee: thou settest them downe in capitall and red letters, (to declare thine anger:) thou grauest them with the poynt of a Dia∣mond, and writest them with a pen of Iron, both in thy Registry of Heauen, and in the Tablet of mine own conscience on earth, placing on the right side thereof, the straight rules of thy Law, and mine Obliquities on the left, each as a foile to set forth the other: Debts must ei∣ther be paid or forgiuen, else they cannot be dis∣charged. Pay, O Lord, I cannot, I am become bank∣rupt, I am not able, (no not, by way of compositi∣on) to answer thee one for a thousand. Therefore it remaines onely that I be∣seech thee, whose proper∣tie it is to haue mercy, and forgiue, to crosse this debt∣booke, to wipe out the score, to cancell the hand∣writing, and deface the re∣cord that is against me, to put away and blot out my transgressions, that there may remaine no memory of them, either to prouoke thy heauy vengeance, or to affright my distressed soule. Wash mee, wash mee a∣gaine and againe, or wash me throughly from mine ini∣quity, and cleanse mee from my sinne. As my sinnes, being in nature of debts, are registred in thy book, and set vpon thy score: so like spots and staynes, they blemish and deface the I∣mage of thy diuine nature, ingrauen in my soule at the Creation of it, in such sort, as thou canst hardly dis∣cerne it to be thy worke∣manship: and therefore I intreate thee, to wash me often and throughly, that I may appeare cleane and holy in thy pure and pier∣cing eyes. There is nothing so pure, (O Lord) as thou art in thy diuine nature, nothing so foule, as I am by naturall and actuall cor∣ruption: Wherefore I thinke nothing too much, to bring the most defiled thing on earth to the Essence in heauen, and that makes me to beg a∣gaine and againe, that thou wilt wash me againe and againe. Sinne is filthy to thinke of, more filthy to speake and heare of, most filthy to act and commit; there is nothing in it, or any part or passage of it, but vile∣nesse, basenesse, and filthi∣nesse. All the washings in thy Leuiticall Law, were types and figures of this Spirituall washing in the blood of the Lambe, slaine from the beginning of the world. Wash me, O Lord, with the water of thy grace, with that water, whereof whoso drinketh, shall ne∣uer thirst: wash mee with the water of mine owne teares, with the water of thy Word, with the water of thy Sacraments. I know, O Lord, that vn∣lesse thou wash mee, I can haue no part or portion in the. e Wherefore I beseech thee to wash, not my feeteIohn 13. onely, but my head also, and all the parts and mem∣bers of my body; yea to rince and scowre my soule and all the powers and fa∣culties thereof, that I may present both soule and bo∣dy, an holy and acceptable sa∣crificeRom. 12. vnto thee. It is thy blessed busines, O Christ, to me in this worlde, that thou maist render me spotlesse to thy Father in another world. I sinne daily, and therefore had neede of daily washing: I sinne con∣tinually, and therfore had of continuall wash∣ing; for the word inclu∣ding a multiplication of washing, doth imply a multiplication of sinning. For if my soule lothing the filth and mire wherewith shee hath soiled her selfe, euen to vglinesse, take a course by the teares of contrition, for the cleane washing of her face, how soone doth the old dirt of sinne spurt into her visage againe? So that the bu∣sinesse of the soule in this life, (if it be a life of repen∣tance) is neuer at an end, being indeed nothing else, but the washing of that which is foule, and the fouling of that which was washed. There be (as it is repor∣ted in the story of nature,) certain flying fishes, whose wings by flying waxe dry, and being dry, lose their flying; so as they must e∣uer and anon returne to the Sea, by the moisture thereof, to enable their flight againe. Euen so my soule, washed in the la∣uer of regeneration, and mounting vp towards hea∣uen, through this wicked world, her wings, euen her best purposes, cogitati∣ons and conceptions easily grow dry, by the contagi∣on of earthly conuersati∣on, vnlesse they bee often bathed and moistened in the waters of repentance, to carry her thorow to her iournies end. So then, my case and condition is such, as in re∣gard of many sports how∣erly falling, and deepely staining my ill fauoured and disfigured Soule, haue iust cause to pray earnestly, that I may bee both often, and through∣ly washed, and by thee, who canst alone make me cleane, and clense me from my sinnes. As I haue a great debt to be discharged, much fil∣thinesse to bee washed, so haue I a loathsome Lepro∣sie of sinne, to be clensed; wherefore I pray thee, O Lord, to clense mee from from my sinnes. This Leprosie, and the cure of it, were shadowed out, and figured also by sundry purgations & clen∣sings in thy Leuiticall law, all poynting to that blood of the Lambe, whereby my sinnes are purged. The Leprosie (as Phy∣siicans tell vs) is an heredi∣tary disease, descending from the Father to the Child. An ignominious and odious disease, bani∣shing the Leper from all company; a contagious disease, spreading from man to man, then the Plague; a dull and stupid disease, that makes him in∣sensible altogether; and a dangerous, or rather des∣perate disease, or not at all to be cured. In all which , sinne may fitly bee resem∣bled to a : for sinne comes by propagati∣on from our first Parents, to all their posterity. It se∣parates vs from thy pre∣sence, from the company of thy , of An∣gels, and all good men. It infecteth others, and poy∣loneth not onely with the breath, but with the sight of it too. It benums vs so, as wee feele not thy feare∣full iudgements. It is vt∣terly incurable, otherwise then by the blood of the Lambe. It hath been ob∣serued, that the teares of a Vine, when it bleedes, are a very good medicine for curing of the bodily Le∣prosie. so the teares. of the heart, and lies lowe, as doth Vine, that and mournes in humility for sinne, auaile much to clensing of this Leprosie of the soule. My sinne, as a Leprosie, doth ouer∣spread both my soule and body, from the crowne of the head, to the sole of the foote, from the highest fa∣culty of my vnderstand∣ing, to the lowest affecti∣on of my will, there is no sound part in mee, my disease is growne to the height, to full ripenesse, or rather foule rottennesse: it hath put out the scabbe (as they say) by enormi∣ous and scandalous acti∣ons. Wherefore I beseech thee, who art the prime and soueraigne Physician, to looke vpon me with the eye of pitty, and to clense, and cure mee of my Le∣prous sinne and sinfull Le∣prosie. BEfore the Prophet Na∣than was sent as a spe∣ciall Bailife, to summon me, by a writ, ad meliùs in∣quirendum, I cast mine eye carelesly, I did not fixe it fully, I looked slightly and superficially, as in passage, not sadly and mourneful∣ly, vpon my grieuous sins: I did not behold them so seriously as I ought to haue done: I saw but the Epitome, or grosse summe of them: I did not viewe them in the large volume, written at length, or ra∣there painted out as now they are, in their true shapes and colours. Euery man, by the light of nature, must needs see somewhat of this kinde, in the glasse of his owne con∣science; but through the corruption of nature, no man is willing to take a perfect suruay, and make a full portraiture of his own transgressions. There is in man an affe∣ctedUt liberiùs , ig∣norant. Bern. de grad. humi. ignorance and blind∣nesse, in this behalfe: and who so blinde, as he that will not see? who so igno∣rant, as hee that will not know? As wee put off the euill day so long as we can; so we put by the euill ob∣iect, so farre as wee may, from our sence and sight. I knew, I had offended; but I knew not, that I had so highly offended: I thought thou diddest see my sinnes; but I did little thinke that thou haddest taken such speciall and ex∣act notice of them, as to send an Herald, or extra∣ordinary Ambassadour, of purpose to challenge, and reproue me for them, and to rowze me out of my sound sleepe and snorting security, in them. It was thy great mercy, (O God) to send a Pro∣phet, to check, admonish, and correct mee; and it is of thy gracious goodnesse that crosses, which are thy Messengers for that pur∣pose, afflictions of body or mind, outward or inward, one or other, are ordinari∣ly laid vpon thy children, to make them know them∣selues; and by knowing themselues, to know thee; and by knowing, to loue thee; and by louing thee, to bee beloued of thee. This is that golden chaine, euery linke where∣of is fastened within ano∣ther, whereby a man is ty∣ed and nexed to thee: this is that Ladder of Iacob, by which thou descendest to him, and hee ascends to thee. None is so dangerouslyNemo est insanabi∣lior, qui sibi sanus . Greg. in . sicke, as hee that doth not finde, and feele himselfe to be sicke. I know mine own maladies, and thereforeInitium sa∣lutis, notitia . resort to thee the great Physicion, to be eased andQui pecca∣rese nescit, corrigi non vult. cured therof. It is in vaine to seeke health and helpe, vnlesse I lay open my. Frustrà me∣dicantis auxilium expectat, qui valnus non . . wounds, and discouer the malignity of my disease, which is, morbus complica∣tus (as the Physicions terme it) not a simple or single, but a compound disease, wherein many dis∣eases are folded, and wrap∣ped together: so as, if thereNon scire quo modo mor∣bos curare conueniat, qui vnde hi sunt igno∣rat. Cornel. Cels. de Re . lib. . be not extraordinary care taken, to apply somewhat, to each ill affected part, re∣spectiuely, I may soone come ad diliquium animae, to the fainting, and failing of my spirituall life. I know my sinnes in the plurall number, which al∣beit they flowed from one and the same fountaine; yet ranne they into diuers streames, for as much as to my adultery, I added both trechery and murder; neither did I betray and expose to slaughter, one man alone, or a few per∣sons, but a whole band and troope of men, fighting in mine owne quarrell, and in defence of thy Church. Wherefore it is not with∣out cause, that in one grosse body of sinne, I re∣present vnto my selfe, ma∣ny seuerall branches, and kindes of sinne, by multi∣plication, and seuer it into sundry parts, by diuision. He that knowes his sin, knowes himselfe: which the Heathens held to be a coelo de∣scendit, &c. diuine lesson, and most profitable instruction. For what can hee vnderstand that knowes himselfe, but that the imaginations of his heart, the words of his mouth, the workes of hisGen 6. hands, are euill onely, and wicked continually? On the other part, he is not a sinner onely, that is, one that hath sinne in him, and somewhat also besides sinne: but hee is a great lumpe and intire masse ofChrysol. sinne: nothing but sinne, that doth not know him∣selfe to bee a sinner; and that, hee hath commit∣ted many and manifold sinnes. Hee that knowes him∣selfe and his sinnes, can∣not but displease himselfe, and thereby please thee; as also, he that neither knows himselfe nor his sins, may haply please himselfe, but he cannot possibly but dis∣please thee. Hee knowes his owne sinne (as is fitting) who is sorry for it, and displeased with it; he that is readie to abide Gods chastisement, and mans reprofe, for his a∣mendmēt; he that resolues for the time comming, to auoid sin, and all occasions of sinning; who seriously considers what the malig∣nity of sin is, of what good things it bereaues him, to what penalties it makes him liable, how venemous poison of it is at home, how contagious the ex∣ample of it is abroade. Thou hast giuen me (O Lord) the knowledge of thy Law, and by the know∣ledge of thy Law, the knowledge of my sinne.Rectum in∣dex sui, & . For that which is right and straight, doth both shew it selfe, and that which is crooked also. But if thy written Law were silent, and dumbe, and did conceale it selfe, or my sinnes, from me; yet thy vnwritten Law grauen in euery mans heart, both Iew and Gentile, doth ac∣cuse me, so oft as I trans∣gresse the limits thereof, and leaue me without ex∣cuse. Mine owne consci∣ence cryes alowde, and layes wide open, before mine eyes, the Booke wherein my enormous sinnes are in ca∣pitall Characters, so that I may runne and read them. It stands Centinell in the watch-towre of my soule, and doth keepe me wa∣king, when my sence or sensuality would faine be sleeping, it doth restlesly rayse, and rowze my dull, and dead spirits, out of the deepe dungeon, and spiri∣tuall Lethargie of carnall security. The true fence and full knowledge of my sinnes, makes me so anxious and ardent, in begging pardon, because I cannot rest, till I haue made my peace, and wrought my reconciliati∣on with thee. The extre∣mity of my danger and di∣stresse, doth cause mee in∣cessantly to importune thee, for reliefe and reme∣dy; and my strong hope is, that this force will not be displeasing to thy tender mercy. My sinne is euer before me.] I doe not onely know and vnderstand my sinnes, and there leaue the mat∣ter: I doe not, vpon a bare enumeration and cogitati∣on of them, cast them care∣lesly behind my back, but I muster them before my conscience daily, I behold them as in a Table set be∣fore mine eyes continual∣ly, that vpon sight of the vglines of them, I may be humbled and cast downe; of the terror and horror of them, I may tremble and quake for feare; of the basenesse and filthinesse of them, I may loath them, & my selfe for them. For sinnes committed, being truly felt, and liuely represented to the consci∣ence, like furies or ghosts of hell, fright their behol∣ders away, with their vgly shapes, & deformed forms. Sinne is of that ill na∣ture and condition, that it will cast him that hath done it, in the teeth (as they say;) it will lye vpon the conscience, as vnsauory oyle floates vpon the sto∣macke, it will neither bee disgorged, nor digested. Thou toldest Cain, If thouGen. 4. dost euill, sin lies at the dore: it is restles, it will not be stil, it wil not keep house, it wil not hide it selfe in a corner of the heart; it will lye in the way, so as thou canst neither come in, nor goe forth, but thou must needs stumble vpon it. A sinner is fitly resem∣bled to a dreamer, not on∣lyPeccatores somnianti∣bus simi∣les. Ioan. Her. because the pleasure of sinne doth quickly and lightly vanish away, like a shadow, or dreame, but al∣so, because the shapes and formes of his day-sinnes, doe represent themselues to him in the night, the pleasurable actions there∣of for the time, doe beget hideous apparitions af∣terwards. On the other part, a sin∣ners conscience, is like a graue, that casts vp the earth againe, as fast as hee casteth it in. It is a graueInsepulta sepultara. euer open, though hee cloze it neuer so often. It is reported of the In∣dian Bracmanni, that to the end they might still be occasioned to thinke of their end, they kept their graues ready digged, and alwaies open before their houses, that at their comming in, and going out, they might bee euer mindfull of their iourney and passage to death. If those Heathen, by the light of nature, tooke so wise a course; how much more ought Christians, by the lampe of grace, still behold their sins as their Graues, wherein their soules must lye eternally buried, vnlesse they bee timely raised, and thorow∣ly renewed by repentance? As the sight of the Bra∣zen Serpent, did cure the sting of the serpents; so the and dis∣pleasing sight of my sins, doth take away the biting of these serpents. So then, in the middest of the discontent which I finde in this fearefull and wofull sight of my grie∣uous sins, there is this sin∣gular comfort, that thou in mercy turnest thy face from them, thou castest them behinde thee, while I set them before mee. They doe not deepely dis∣please thee and me, at one and the same time; when they procure my sorrow and humiliatiō, they cease to prouoke thine anger and indignation. My sinsPeccata non nocent, si nō placent. August. de temp. neuer mee, but when they delight mee; they ne∣uer displease thee, but whē they please me; Where∣fore as fóule as the obiect, as odious as the is; in my better iudgement, I am contented with an im∣patient patience, still to re∣present it to my soule; be∣cause howsoeuer in it selfe vgly, it vshers me by de∣grees, to the view and con∣templation of thy vndeser∣ued loue and fauor, which at length, as the bright sun, dispels all the cloudes of care, and mists of Melan∣choly, and raises my deie∣cted heart, to the partici∣pation of vnspeakable con∣solation. Wretched and vnhap∣py I was, in committing so great and grieuous sinnes; but I am happy in a sort, in this vnhappinesse, if I haue eyes to see my sins, being committed, to see them as it were thorow a perspectiue glasse, so as they may seeme in ful pro∣portion, as great to mee, as they are in deed. Satan deales with his vassales, as the Rauen doth with the Lambe; the Ra∣uen first picks out the silly creature his eyes, and then carries him out of the way, securely to deuoure him. First, Satan blindes me in sinne, and then hee bindes me in the chaines of dark∣nesse, as fast as hee can, of purpose to throw me into vtter darkenesse. When after shippe∣wracke, I see the Rocke, which I could not fore∣see, before I fell vpon it; I striue by all meanes to a∣uoyde it the second time. When I see my sinnes past, in the true lineaments of their vgly shape, I can∣not but bee shie and wary to shun the like monsters euer after. When the bayted hook of sinne is cast before me, I see the baite of pleasure only, but not the hooke of thy iudgements: but after I haue beene catched, and felt and seene the bare hooke without a bayte, I become circumspect, and suspect euery bit I swal∣low, for feare lest I be en∣snared againe. My sinne is euer against me;] ranged as it were, and marshalled in battaile aray against me. My sinne doth proudly affront, and di∣rectly oppose mee, nay it doth euen outface mee shamelesly. Before Nathan came vn∣to me, I had cast my sinnes behinde my backe; his message hath caused mee to transpose them; for now they are set before my face, they stand stoutly a∣gainst me, euen to my face. My sinne (O Lord) as it is a witnesse, so is it an in∣former against my consci∣ence, it charges and con∣uicts me before thy iudge∣ment seate, I haue no hope of preuarication, I see no way of euasion. It makes hue and crie against mee, with eager pursuite; it will not giue ouer, till I be ap∣prehended, and deliueted into the hands of iustice. When there is no man to vexe mee outwardly, I torment my selfe inward∣ly, as holy Iob confessed in those words; Why hast thouJob. set me ouer against thee? I am become burden some, euen to my selfe. Thou diddest set his sinnes against him, which made him conceiue that thou diddest set him against thee, as a marke to shoote thine arrowes of anger at; but when began thorowly to feele, thou diddest begin graci∣ously to ease him of his burden. My sinne as it opposes against mee; so it interpo∣ses betweene thee and me, in such sort, as neither my prayers can ascend to thee, nor thy graces de∣scend to mee, vnlesse thy mercy interuene to keepe the peace, and cleere the passage betweene vs. Against thee, thee, only, haue I .] Now my in∣closed sorrow must haue vent, my oppressed con∣science must be disburthe∣ned: This knowledge, andMeum cog∣noscere, Meum ag∣noscere, Tuum ig∣noscere. representation, breeds an acknowledgement and re∣cognition of my sin. The contrition of my heart for∣cethAugust. Exploran∣dum, Imploran∣dum. . Syst. from me, a confession of my mouth: I can hold no longer, but must needs, with teares in mine eyes, and anguish in my soule, crie out, Peccaui, and with an ingemination, by way of aggrauation: Against thee, against thee, onely; to declare my iust indignati∣on against my selfe, for committing so foule and grieuous faults against that great Maiestie, and that gracious goodnesse, which I haue so highly offen∣ded. And thus doe I limit, and (as it were) appropri∣ate my offences, as com∣mitted against thee alone, for many causes: For, al∣though I haue sinned a∣gainst Heauen, and against Earth; yet is there no wit∣nesse of my sinne on earth, but thou, O God, in Hea∣uen; so closely and cun∣ningly haue I carried it. That I defiled the wife, & (to conceale that) destroy∣ed the life of Vriah, was not knowne to the world, that I so treacherously and cruelly exposed to slaugh∣ter, a great troope of Soul∣diers, fighting for mee and vnder my command, (to couer my wicked designe against Vriah,) was hidden from the eyes of men. Thou knowest and seest all things; wherefore a∣gainst thee onely haue I sinned. Againe, though there bee no man that dare re∣prooue mee, that will ac∣cuse me, that cā punish me, being a King, and aboueOmne sub regno gra∣uiore reg∣num est. . the Law; yet euery King and kingdome vpon earth, is subiect to thee the King of Kings, and thy soue∣raignety; I must render thee an account of my de∣meanour, which I tremble and quake to thinke of. Moreouer, although I haue not onely sinned a∣gainst thee in Heauen, but scandalized men on earth also; yet it vexeth mee beyond all comparison, that I haue wittingly and presumptuously offended thee. Although all the world should emee; yet it is too too much to me, to finde and feele thee my Iudge, that mine own con∣science doth summon mee before thy Tribunall, and frame my proces against me, before thy Iudgement seate. In this case, no flat∣tery of my seruants (who (according to the fashion of Court) doe sooth and claw their Masters) can lessen my paine, asswage mine anguish, or pacifie my conscience. Say what they will or can, I must say still; Against thee, against thee, only, I haue offended. Furthermore, none but thou that art iust and with∣out sinne, hast of right theChrysol. cognizance of sinne, and coertion of offenders. Sin∣ners are not competent Iudges of sinners. Men doe murmur and grudge to giue account of their sinfull actions to sinfull men, who are tainted with the same, or greater vices; but the nocent cannot but yeeld and submit to such, as in the same and in all o∣ther kindes, are innocent and faultlesse. Wherefore against thee onely, haue I offended, who only maiest aske confidently; Who can reprooue me of sinne? Now, albeit thou know (O Lord) my sinnes, not only before I confesse, but before I commit them too; yet I sinde, that thou art well pleased to take knowledge of them, by my acknowledgement, andFac illum , quem is . , . that thy Saints haue e∣uer held it a poynt of ho∣nest policy, to make thee propitious, by confessing, whom they could not find ignorant, by denying or concealing their faults. Finally, though the hurt redound to many men; the sinne is committed a gainst thee onely, because thou art supreme Lord and soueraigne King, the transgression of whose iust Lawe, giueth being and birth to all sinne. In which regard I may truly say, that against thee, thee only, I haue sinned. I haue done this euill in thy sight.] Since, I professe to know mine owne wicked∣nesse; I will yet confesse it more freely, because the more vile I am in mine own, the more acceptable I shall bee in thine eyes. By doing this euill, by fal∣ling into this enormous sinne, I haue fallen into a kinde of Atheisme (at the very name whereof I tremble,) for although I haue not blasphemously and shamelesly spokē with my mouth: yet haue I im∣piously, and sinfully said in my heart; There is no God; or, which is tantamount, all one in effect; God hides his face, and will neuer see. Which when I call to re∣membrance, mee thinks, I heare Nathan the Prophet againe, fearefully thunde∣ring, and directly charging me, Thou art the man that thinkest, There is no God. For to deny expressely, or tacitly, thy science and wisdome (who art all eye, and wisdome it selfe) is to deny thy very essence and being. Whereupon, my soule euen melteth within me, and resolueth it selfe into teares, to thinke that I could bee so impudently bold, and insolently care∣lesse, as in thy sight and presence (thogh none else beheld) to commit such foule and vgly offences. Hee is held a desperateChrysol. Malefactor, that commits an outrage in presence of the Magistrate, and before the Iudge his owne face. Such (in true iudgement) is my case; and this consi∣deration alone (if there were nothing else,) ought to be, instead of a bridle to restraine, and in stead of a bogle to terrifie me from all sinfull and wicked acti∣ons. I was loth that man should see me; and yet not afraid that thou shouldest behold mee, whilest I did those foule and odious facts, which (in my better iudgement) I finde to bee so grosse an absurdity, as I am exceedingly, both a∣greeued and ashamed, that I forbare not, to doe that, when thou lookedst on with thy pure eyes, which I should haue bin abashed to haue done, if the mea∣nest seruant in my house, or the basest groome in my stable had been by. A franke and sincere confession, (such as this) is a full and direct conuiction in it selfe, and of it selfe, in courts held vpon earth,Chrysost. and before men, in foro fori, (as the Lawyers speake.) Wherupon the Iudge hath no other part to act, but to pronounce sentence of cō∣demnation. But in foro Poli, in thy court of Heauē, the course of proceeding is far other∣wise; the best way there, is to confesse before accu∣sation, or when thou art impleaded, by and by, to pleade guilty; for a free confession, moues thy gra∣cious compassion: and that, without any more adoe, grants forthwith a full and finall absolution. This confession of mineConfessio peccati, est professio desinendi. Hilar. doth imply of congruitie, or rather of necessitie, a profession, and a kinde of obligation, of forsaking such sins in time to come, as I confesse my selfe to haue heretofore commit∣ted. Else is my confession idle and counterfeit, such as may deceiue mee that make it, but not mocke Thee, to whom it is made. The heathen man, by the dusky light of nature, deriued from the nature of thy supernaturall light, can say; If I were assured thatSeneca. neither men should know, nor gods would punish what I did; yet would I disdaine to commit an act, in it own nature foule and filthy. How much more ought a faithfull man, who be∣sides the obscure glimpse of nature, hath the pure light of thy Spirit, and the bright lampe of thy Word shining vnto him, to bee carefull and wary, that he doe not wittingly and wil∣lingly, or rather wilfully offend in the sight of thee, the omnipotent and om∣niscient God, who dost not only threaten the losse of thy fauour, but the exe∣cution of thine eternall vengeance, for the breach of thy commandements? That thou maist be iustifi∣ed in thy sayings, and pure when thou art iudged.] And thus I make this franke acknowledgement of my foule faults, as to ease mine oppressed soule, so to vin∣dicate thine honour from all vniust aspersions. For as the scandall lies vpon the Iudge, when punishment isReatus re∣dundat ad iudicem si Poena per∣cellat in∣noxium. Chrysol. inflicted vpon an innocent person; so the ingenuous and voluntary confession of the partie, touching his owne guilt, preuents and excludes all imputation that may bee cast vpon the Iudge or iudgement. My desire is, as it is my dutie, to take my sinnes wholly to my selfe, and vpon my selfe. I will yeeld the glo∣ry to thee, to whom it is due; I will reserue the shame to my selfe, to whom it appertaineth. I know, O Lord, that thy iudgements are right; that thou hast afflicted me iust∣ly. I cannot impute any. . thing to thee, O most iust God, (whose will is per∣fect iustice) that thou hast either prouoked me to this enormous euill, or con∣sented to the committing of it; for euen thy permis∣sion of this, was a iust pu∣nishment for my other sinnes; Mine owne fraile and peruerse nature, my inbred corruption cast in the seed: mine owne will, or wilfulnesse rather, che∣rished and nourished it; mine own consent and de∣light fashioned it in the wombe of my sinful soule; and, at last, brought it to light, as one of Satans ba∣stards, to my iust confusion. But thou, O Lord, art euer, and euery way iust, and so to be esteemed. Thou hast dealt iustly in all that is come vpon me; it is I that haue done wickedly. I cannot say, that thy seueri∣tie or rigour is ouermuch against mee. I haue deser∣ued more then is laid vpon me. He that is aware of his owne ill desert, and weigh∣eth it in an indifferent bal∣lance, doth rather thanke∣fully wonder at thy indul∣gent mercie, then vnpati∣ently repine at thy rigo∣rous seuerity. O Lord, thou art iust when thou speakest, pure when thou iudgest. True it is, that the wic∣ked cease not to grunt and barke against thee, though they cannot bite thee. There is an ouer-great boldnesse and naughti∣nesse in men, that they de∣sire nothing more, then to lift vp themselues, and cast out ill words against thee at all aduentures. The crea∣turesNisi homi∣ni Deus placuerit, Deus non erit. passe their bounds so farre, that thou the Crea∣tor, must needs be blasphe∣medHomo iam Deo propi∣tius esse . Ter∣tul. Apolog. and reproched, and thy creatures (O indigni∣ty!) must become thy Iudges. But yet for all this, thou art, and euer shalt bee found iust and pure: and it is my part, as, to beleeue there is equity and iustice in all thy proceedings, ( sometimes, through my blindnesse I cannot, sometimes through my , I will not ;) so, euen when doe most bit∣terly smart, to bridle my vnruly passions, and with a calme and subdued heart, to kisse the rod wherewith I haue been scourged, and to indeuour by all meanes, that thy righteousnesse, as it is indeed, so it may shine cleere and bright, to the face of all the world. Behold, I was borne in ini∣quitie, and in sinne hath my mother conceiued me:] Vp∣on the straight inquisition, and exact suruay of my selfe, and my sinnes, search∣ing and ransacking eue∣ry corner of my house of clay, I haue found a noy∣some sincke, and filthy puddle, or rather a poyso∣ned and poysonous spring, a paternall, or a parentall sinne, an hereditary, a radi∣call, and originall sinne, whence all the sinnes of my thoughts, words, and deedes, are continually and plentifully deriued. This is that canker of sin, which being bred in the bone, will neuer out of the flesh. This is the law of my members, which doth alwaies resist the Law of my minde; the euerliuing seed of rebellion, which maintaines the implacable warre, betweene the flesh and the Spirit; which will neuer , till mortality hath put on immortality, and death, the last enemy, be swallowed vp in victo∣ry. This is peccatum peccans, a sinning, or a spurning sinne. It is a sinne, a punish∣mentPeccatum, poena pecca∣ti, causa peccati. of sinne, and a cause of sinne.Aug. contra Iuli. . Which yet I do not al∣leadge, to excuse or exte∣nuate, but rather to accuse my selfe, and aggrauate my sinne; knowing right well, that the viler I am in mine owne, the more ac∣ceptable I shall bee in thy sight, and hoping, that the franke confession of my miserable condition, pro∣ceeding from true humili∣ation, and contrition, will the rather moue thy ten∣der compassion; as beggersChrysost. vpō earth, to stir the bow∣els of pitty in their be∣holders, lay open to their view, their grieuous sores, and lothsome dis∣eases. The greater misery is, the fitter obiect of thy greater mercy; & the more desperate the malady, the more honourable will the cure bee to the Phisician. Where my sinne abounds, thy grace delighteth to su∣perabound. For the onely and sin∣guler sinne of Adam, as of him that bare the person of all his posterity, is iust∣ly the sinne of the whole posterity; and all being guilty of sinne, by his sin∣guler sinfull act, thou, O God, in thy Iustice, diddest permit the naturall pro∣pagation of sinne in his off-spring, which deserued such a punishment, for such a sinne. Hereupon it com∣meth, that my inbred cor∣ruption, and the inherent sting of sensuality, in mee (who sinned in Adams, as Leui tithed in Abrahams loynes) is not the first cause of my guilt, but a fruite or reward thereof, according to thy iust iudg∣ment, whence it may well bee termed, the penalty of sinne. For that prime sin, the chiefe source of sinne, which the further it run∣neth, the faster it increa∣seth, by this streame fal∣ling into it, growes in the end, to such a strong and forcible current, as doth euen carry, and compell me violently to sinne, if thy grace do not resist the thereof; because hence doe flow my sinfull passions, my euill affecti∣ons, my sinister inclinati∣ons, and from them, my sinnes of action, or omissi∣on (which are sins of acti∣on also) in their full per∣fection, or imperfection rather, which I daily, or rather hourely and conti∣nually commit. In which regard, (my woe arising from mine owne wicked∣nesse) my case is most de∣plorable, euery way. Wherefore I beseech thee, with the eyes of pit∣ty and mercy to behold it. I was conceiued in sinne:] And therefore there is noAug. . sinne that I am not apt and ready to conceiue, yea, to engender, and produce from imagination, to as∣sent; from assent, to dele∣ctation; from delectati∣on, to resolution; from resolution, to execution; if thou, O Lord, doe not be∣get me anew, by the im∣mortall seed of thy Word; if thou doe not quell and extinguish in me this old seede, which will alwaies be springing and sprouting in the ranke soyle of my sinfull flesh. When my mother first warmed me in her bowels, shee conceiued sinne; when she brought me forth into the world, she was deliue∣red of a child of sinne. The child in the mo∣thers wombe, is held to be a part of the mother; and vndoubtedly the mother hath a great share in the Child; before shee depart with it, besides her nature and substance, shee imparts vnto it her qualities, incli∣nations, and dispositions, being as it were a scion takē from her tree, and a collop cut out of her flesh. That which is borne of flesh, is flesh: and therefore holy , asketh this vnanswe∣rable 14. question; Who shall appeare cleane before thee? or, Who bring a cleane thing out of an ? Not onely actuall , but , and naturall; not the se∣cond motions of it onely, put into forme, but the first, that are vnshapen, doe plot and contriue the treason, are authors, if not actors of it; they bring fewel to the fire, which af∣terwards is kindled and set a burning; that fomenta∣tion of sinne, is not onely the cause of sinne, and the punishment of sinne, but sinne it selfe. This is that threefold cord, euery part and piece whereof is sin∣full, that bindes me fast to the barre of thy iustice: First, Adam his primitiue sinne; then, the diriuation of sinne to all his posterity: and afterwards, the parti∣cular actions of sinne, pro∣ceeding from them both. Now, if I were a sinner. . in my mothers wombe; when, and where shall I be faultlesse? If I were so bad, before I saw the light, how should I not be much worse, when through the corruption of the world, and the contagion of sin, I haue sucked in the infe∣ctious aire thereof? How can it bee, but that my in∣bred naughtinesse must needes gaine strength, and gather increase? And what can the pro∣gresse and end bee, when the beginning of my life is so and sin∣full? If I bee cast out of my mothers wombe, into the roade-way of sinne, and trauell the iourney of sin, still onward: let mee but recount the vanity of childhood, the my youth, the slips, or ra∣ther falls of my age, the infirmities of my old age, and I shall finde, that from my and , to my death and , I trod the way, not of life, but of sinne. IN these two Ecce's, which are happily sor∣ted together, I desire to intimate two remarkeable things. The one is, the misery of my wretched condition: The other, the largenesse of thy ten∣der affection. The first Ecce, is on thy part: Be∣hold, O Lord, my concep∣tion and birth in sinne; be∣hold mee drowned and o∣uerwhelmed in a sea of sin. The other Ecce, is on my part: I behold in thee, O Lord, a fire of loue, be∣cause thou louest the least sparkles of grace in mee, (which mounting vp∣wards, make me looke to∣wards heauen) thou doest nourish and cherish them, thou art vtterly vnwilling to quench or extinguish them, and when thou find∣est but such an inclination in my will, thou doest strengthen it with wise∣dome in my vnderstand∣ing. When the vnder∣standing and wil concurre, that I both know what to doe, and am desirous to do it, then doe I bring it to effect, or (which is all one in effect) thou in thy graci∣ous goodnesse doest ac∣cept it, as if it were ef∣fected. Thou louest truth, O Lord,] for thou louest thy selfe, who art Truth it selfe, es∣sentiall Truth, Truth, not in words onely, but in acti∣ons, and euen in thoughts also; that is to say, Veri∣tie and Sinceritie in all things. Thou louest truth in the reines] not in the shad∣dowes of my outward actions (which I can dis∣guise at pleasure) but in the most hidden, close, and couert imaginations of the heart, which thou seest continually, and knowest exactly. Thou art, by a para∣mount power, and a pecu∣liar attribute, stiled, The searcher of the heart and reynes, (Who knowes my heart, but thou alone?) therefore thou canst not but loue truth in the heart and reynes; that is the most pleasing and delight∣full obiect, thy pure and All-seeing Eye can fixe vpon. As thou louest trueth and sincerity in the heart and reynes; so thou hatest all dissimulation and hypo∣crisie. Thou canst not abide that which is faire in shew, and foule in deed. Thou canst not abide dissembled holinesse, fai∣ned repentance. Thou ab∣horrest such as make a sowre face, & hang downe their heads like bulrushes, that they may seeme to fast and mourne; that make false semblance of piety, inSapiens Deus est, fractumnon recipiet. Bernard. de gradib. o∣bed. their outward fashion, and in the sight of men, when thou seest their hearts to bee farre from that they should, or pretend to be. The light (faith Iob) isIob 36. as the shaddow of death, to such, the hollow-hear∣ted doe but heape vp and increase wrath. No man deserues meretur, quàm ami∣cum simu∣ans inimi∣cus. . de Conuers. cap. 27. of God, or man, then enemy pretending friend∣ship: yea, thou so louest truth in the inward parts, as thou acceptest them for iust and righteous, who such onely, in respect of their desire, study and in∣deauour, though their pra∣ctice bee most imperfect,Tota vita honi Chri∣stiani, est sanctum de∣siderium. Aug. in . such as sincerely and hear∣tily affect to serue & please thee, though they come farre short of the due per∣formance of thy Word tota po∣sita est in voluntate faciendi bo∣na. Lact. . l. 6. and will. As a husband passeth by with conniuence, and beareth with patience, ma∣ny faults and imperfecti∣ons in his wife, so long as she is true and loyall, and keepeth her selfe chastely and solely to him: Euen so, thou (O God) winckest at many errours, and par∣donest many offences in thy people, (to whom thou hast married thy selfe in mercy) so long as they bee such as they ought to bee, in the mayne point: that is, in the truth of their affection, and the sincerity of their deuotion towards thee. To increase the com∣fort, which I apprehend, in this sweet Meditation and Admiration, I follow the scent (as it were) and re∣present to my minde and memory, the sundry traces and footsteps of thy mar∣uellous mercy. First, That it is not so much the quantity, as the ; not so much the , as the sincerity of grace, which thou re∣gardest. A little and courseMelius , auri . in Cantic. gold, is of much more va∣lue, then much bright cop∣per, then much shining brasse. An of gold is true gold, it bee mingled with much drosse. Nor will a manNec vinum etsi fe∣cem habeat, aurum, quamuis . . de . that is in his right wits, cast away his gold for the foulenes, be it but a graine or two, wrapped vp in a great masse of other earth, but will keep the one with the other, till hee haue fi∣ned and seuered the one from the other. In like maner, thy grace in the hearts of thy chil∣dren, though it bee still mixed with many imper∣fections, and corruptions too; yet it is true grace, and all the , and shewes of it, that are in the liues, ei∣ther of Heathens, or . , I hope strongly, wilt not re∣iect it, though it bee neuer so small in , and refine nee; so as my osse may be , and thy grace more and more in me. , that in thy , thou art wont to the wil, for the worke; and the de∣sire, for the deed. As in e∣uill,Voluntas pro facto . . Ep. 77. . Iuris. the very desire and in∣deuour of ill doing, makes me to stand guilty before thee, though the euill beeRes mira ille viuit, homicida. Illa casta, tu tamen . Aug. de verb. Dom. not actually done; (Hee that lusts after a woman, He that hates his brother; the one is an adulterer, the other a murtherer:) So in goodnesse, the settled study, true desire, and ear∣nest indeauour of holi∣nesse and piety, causes me to bee esteemed pious and holy in thy sight, though I cannot attaine to that measure of it, that I would and should; for thou, Lord, regardest more what I affect, and desire to be, then what I am; more what I indeauour and striue to doe, then what I doe. Such, vndoubtedly, is thy disposition, such ought to be my apprehension, vn∣lesse I will needs, to thyNisi fortè putetur in , quàm in bono, &c. dishonour, and mine owne disaduantage, peeuishly and peruersly imagine, that Thou (being Loue it selfe) art more prone to punish, to pardon; that Thou (being Mercy it selfe) art more forward to reuenge, then to reward thy seruants and children. Thirdly, that thou doestNos etsi minus dili∣gimus quá ; diligimus qu valemus, & vt à vnde amplius diligamus. . Epist. 85. exact no more of thine, then thou hast bestowed vpon them. For I obserue, (to my singular content∣ment) in the legall sacrifi∣ces and oblations, how low thou doest, in mercie, descend. Thou art content to accept a Sheepe or two, or a Lambe or two, for a Sacrifice; or if a man bee not to bring so much, thou pleased with one, or if he want meanes for a Lambe, thou art not. 5. 6 , , 14, 21, 30. vnwilling to take a paire of , or two little Pigeon, instead of it: yea, if a not able to so farre ; a handfull or two of flowre, with a of salt or two, doeth s , where it is offered with an honest heart. There is a curse laid vpon the coozener, whoMal. 1. 14. a sound or a fatte male in his flock, bringeth a corrupt carrion, or a leane starueling to thee, for a sacrifice: But hee is not accursed who bringeth no better, because he hath no better to bring. And I finde it often iterated for the comfort of poore and weake ones, that being not able to offer as the rich did, might therfore doubt of the like acceptation:Leu. 14. 22, 30, 31, 32. Looke, what he is able, ac∣cording to his ability, e∣uen what his hand is able to reach vnto, and it shall be accepted: for thou mea∣surest the gift, not by the worth or greatnesse of it; but by the might and minde onely of the giuer. Thou doest not so much2. Cor. 8. regard, what I should, as, what I can, and am willing to doe. What I would, butQuic quid vis & non potes, Deus repu∣tat. Aug. cannot doe, thou doest ac∣count it as done. Thou crownest willingnes, when thou findest not ablenesse in me to performe. Cain offered sacrifices,Gen. 4. but thou didst not accept them, because thou didst see his cruell heart. But Abel his sacrifices were pleasing, because they were offered with a lo∣uing and sincere heart vn∣to thee. Thou doest not accept the person for the sacri∣fice, but the sacrifice for the persons sake. The truth and sincerity of the heart is all in all with thee. Lastly, that it is not soSi ea, quae meri∣ta nostra, sunt spei quaedam seminaria. bernard. de & lib. arbit. much any vprightnesse in me, in regard of the worth and dignity, much lesse of the perfection and purity of it, that ministers this comfort vnto mee, but as it is a fruit of thy fauour, and a token of thy loue, not it selfe so much, as that whereof it giueth me assurance, and that in two respects. First, as it is a signe and seale of my Adoption; as∣suring me, that I am thine adopted child: For my re∣generation, whereby this sincerity is wrought in me, doeth ratifie and seale vp my Adoption (the old man harboureth no such ghest.) None are thy A∣dopted, but such as are thy regenerated children; and on the other part, all that are thine by Regenera∣tion, are thine by Adopti∣on also. Now as earthlySi non di∣lexisset , ami∣cos. Sicut nec quos . es∣sent, si non dilexisset, qui nondū erant. Bern. in Cant. 20. parents loue their chil∣dren, not so much for their wit and comelinesse, as be∣cause they are theirs; so doest thou, O God, loue thy children, because they are thy children. If thou doest not loue them be∣fore they haue, they shall neuer haue any thing, toQu in∣uenit, nemi∣nem saluat, nisi quem . idem de & li ber. a. b . 10. make them bee loued of thee. So then, this begin∣ning of true grace argueth thy child; and a weake child of thine, being yet thy child as well as a strong, may, in that regard, expect a childes portion, in thy heauenly inheri∣tance. Secondly, as it is an ear∣nest,Arra poti∣us, quàm , quia , arra . or Gods-penny of my glorification. For this sin∣cerity is the earnest of that Spirit, which thou giuestAugust de . Apost. me before-hand, for full of the faithfull performance of all thy gracious promises after∣ward. Therefore as a pen∣ny giuen in earnest, bin deth as strongly, as a pound, (the person that giueth it, being a sufficient man:) Euen so the least measure of true grace, be∣ing thy earnest, bindes thee to the faithfull ac complishment of all thyPignus do∣num est verbo (vt Iureconsul∣ti) nec potest esse sine pa∣cto pignus. fauours, promised to all thy faithful seruants what∣soeuer. It is thou only (ô Lord) that preparest my heart, and workest this truth in it, and thou wilt neuer fru∣strate the desire, that thou thy selfe hast there wrought. As no man can∣seeke thee, but hee that hath found thee; so no man can desire grace, but hee that hath grace: for euer∣more hee that desireth Grace, hath grace to de∣sire it. It is thy gracious Pro∣clamation:Ipse vt dili∣geretur de∣dit, qui non dilectus di∣lexit. Aug. in Joan. The Lord God will be mercifull, yea, hee hath beene alreadie, and is mercifull to those, that set their hearts aright, that desire to feare his name. Whereupon I take heart, and say: Then shall I not beePsa. 119. 6. confounded, when I haue re∣spect to all thy precepts, and when I am vpright with my God. The louing kindnesse of the Lord is from euer, and for euer vpon those that thinke vpon his com∣mandements to doe them: and therefore vnto such also, is ioy, in plaine termes promised; The righteousPsal. 64. shall bee glad in the Lord, and trust in him, and all, (with∣out exception) that are but vpright in heart, shall re∣ioyce. And therefore ha∣uing by warrant of the blessed Spirit, pronoun∣ced them blessed, not that neuer sinned, but that haue sincerely repented their sinnes, and in whose soule there is no guile, I con∣clude with an Iniunction, awarded vnder the seale of the same Spirit, and laidPsal. 32. vpon all such; to reioyce: Be glad, ye righteous, and re∣ioycePsal. 32. 11. in the Lord: be merry (not onely in your owne selues: and soules) but euen with acclamations and iubila∣tions: shout for ioy, all you that are vpright in heart. The summe of all is: I doe not finde my heart so free from sin, or so full of grace, as it would and should bee; but I finde it to be true, plaine, and vp∣right (wherein I appeale to thee, O thou searcher of hearts) not such as hath no sinne, (for it hath in a manner nothing but sinne) but such as loues no sinne, not such as wants no grace, but such as is hum bled for want of grace, hauing the grace to feele that want. THe conscience of my vnfained sorrow for sin, on the one side, & my true desire to serue thee better hereafter, on the o∣ther, doe raise my dciected soule, and make me be∣leeue and hope, that thou in thy gracious goodnesse wilt teach me more wise∣dome, euen the mystery of godlinesse, and art of Re∣ligion (which is the soule of the soule) in the secret of my heart; I say, thou shalt, because I begge ear∣nestly, and hope confi∣dently, that thou wilt teach mee such Wise∣dome. The teaching of the in∣ward man, by the true in∣struction of heauenly wis∣dome, the end wherof is eternall saluation, belon∣geth to thee alone. It is thy proper and peculiar worke; whereupon thine elect ones are termed, The taught of God: for flesh and blood reueales not these things vnto me. Hee hathCathedram in Coelo ha∣bet, docet. August. his chaire in heauen, that teacheth the heart: and to thy schollers, it is only gi∣uen to know the secrets of thy Kingdome. Therefore, I trust, thou wilt teach me thy wayes, and thy statutes, thou wilt open mine eyes, that I may sce the wonders of thy Law, thou wilt giue me true vnder∣standing, and send me thy good Spirit, as a perfect Pylot to leade and guide me into all truth & good∣nesse. This is the wisedome ofSol non om∣nes, quibus lucet, etiam calesacit. the heart and brest, not of the head and braine: whereby I shall become,Sic sapien∣tia , quos docet sit facien dum, non accendu ad . Bern. in Cant. Non sa∣pientem, sed timor facit, quia & af∣ficit. Grego. not more learned or poli∣ticke, but more godly vertuous; not more able to discourse and dispute, but to doe, and liue well: become righteous, that is, (by a little variati on of the word) right wise. For whē all is said & done. That is right wisedome, which makes me wise vnto Saluation: That is not see∣ming and shining, but sound and solid wise∣dome: that is reall and o∣peratiue,Nunquam nimis dici∣tur, quod nunquam satis dici∣tur. not speculatiue and formall wisedome. The true information, and thereby Reformation of the soule, is the soule of wisedome. It is neuer taught e∣nough, which is neuer suf∣ficiently learned; and this wisedome is of that nature, that the soule is neuer sa∣tiated therewith, but is still hungry, and couetous of more. I haue heard and read many lessons, by way of instruction, in this wise∣dome; but either through my dulnesse, I could not apprehend them; or through my obliuion, I could not remember thē; or through my infirmity, I could not practise them: Howbcit, by the superemi∣nent authority of thee, the Teacher; the excellencie of the matter taught, and the increase of my dili∣gence (all happily concur∣ring together,) I hope at length, to attaine the depth of wisedome, in the deepe and secret corners of my heart. THe tongue wil be lick∣ing,Lingua se∣quitur den∣tem dolen∣tem. where the tooth is aking; the finger will be touching, where the paineVbidolor, ibidigitus. is fretting. The Leprosie of my sinne is so irkesome and lothsome vnto mee, as I cannot but it erate my ear∣nest Petition, and re-en∣force my humble Prayer, to bee purged thereof, and for the fitter application, and better operation of the purgation, to bee purged with Hysope. Thou, O Lord, didst ap∣point Hysope to be vsed in thy Law for diuers purpo∣ses. In the institution ofEx. 12. 22. the Passeouer, the blood of the Lambe was appoin∣ted to bee sprinkled vpon the doore cheekes, with a bunch of Hysope, and with a Scarlet lace. In the purgation of the Leper,Leu. 14. 6. the bunch of Hysope was to bee dipped in the blood of the Sparrow. In the burning of the red HeiferNum. 19. (which was to bee chosen without spot or wrinckle) the Priest was to put in Hysope, besides Cedar wood and Scarlet. By the blood of the Lambe, the Sparrow and the red Heifer, the blood of that immaculate Lambe was vndoubtedly prefigu∣red and represented. By the bunch of Hysope, the besprinkling of the soule with that blood; and the applying of it thereunto by faith: by the red, or crimson lace, the vnion and communion of thy Saints was shaddowed, who are tyed together by a True-loues knot, and sprinkled with that same blood, for the remission of their sinnes. Whiles I suruey the vertues and qualities of this herbe, (to vnfold this riddle of thy Law) I may iustly take occasion, as to magnifie thy goodnesse (O God) who hast proui∣ded so powerfull a medi∣cine, to cure all mans cor∣ruptions; so to obserue thy wisedome, who, for our better apprehension, hast so fitted the signe and figure to the thing signifi∣ed and represented there∣by, Hysope: whence I borrow, this Allegory hath many things where∣by it doth aptly and neer∣ly resemble Christ. It is obscure, base, and low; the Hysope, as theProuerb. lowest herbe, is opposed to the Cedar, as the tallest tree. In the person of Christ, I haue said, I am aVermis, non homo. worme, and no man, the re∣proach of men, and despised of the people: all they that see me, doe scoffe at me, they a mowe with the lip, and they wagge the head. Hysope growes of it selfe, among stones, not planted by man: Christ was hewne out of the Rocke, without hands. Hysope is bitter and sowre, vnpleasing to the taste; so Christ his Crosse, by which we are crucified to the world, & the world vnto vs, is harsh and vnsa∣uourie to flesh and blood. Though Hysope bee sowre, it is wholesome for the body: The bitter medicines are euer the better: so the Recipe of re∣pentance, albeit odious to the flesh, is most profitable to the soule. The doctrine which is seasoned with salt and Hysope, is fitter for vs, then that which is swee∣tened with honey: For on the one side, honey was neuer appointed to be vsed in any sacrifice; on the o∣ther side, not any sacrifice,Omnis . but was to bee seasoned with salt. Hysope (as Physicians. . . tell) is powerfull to purge the lungs. The humility of Christ, like Hysope, doth purge our pride, which floteth in the lungs, and is discouered by the fuming, puffing, and blow∣ing thereof. Hysope, being hot in o∣peration,Cyrill. doth cut and ex∣tenuate the grosse and fleg∣maticke humours of the body. So true grace takes away all the dulnesse and drowzinesse of my Spirit, makes me feruent in pray∣ers, and zealous in holy duties. Hysope euacuateth theHug. Card. Lorin. in Psal. 51. body, nourisheth the na∣tiue colour, cureth the bi∣ting of Serpents, prouo∣keth the appetite, sharpen∣eth the sight, warmeth the blood, cooleth Feauers. So grace purgeth by con∣trition, spitteth foorth by confession, warmeth by charitie, seasoneth by tem∣perance, quencheth the fiery inflamations of vnru∣ly passions, maketh vs hun∣gry after righteousnesse, quicke-sighted to discerne our own errours and faults, yeeldeth remedies against the stings of concupis∣cence, restores againe that spirituall vigour, which we daily lose by our mani∣fold transgressions. Hysope hath many ver∣tues and properties, (if well vsed) for the health of our bodies. But that which is shaddowed by it, towit, the bloud of Christ, cures all the diseases of the soule, and clenseth vs from all our sinnes. With Hysope this blood is sprinkled vpon vs, that is, by faith it is applied to our consciences, to purge and purifie them from dead workes. BEcause I finde my selfe so spotted with the staines, so polluted with the dirt and drosse of my sinne, so soone soyled a∣gaine after my washing, e∣uen in the teares of repen∣tance; so prone, with the Dog, to returne to my vo∣mit, with the Hog to the myre, wherein I formerly wallowed: therefore I harpe still vpon this string, which I touched before, I doe iterate this Petition also, and cry againe; Wash me, &c. If thou, Lord, bee plea∣sed to wash mee often and thorowly, I shall not one∣ly be freed from the foule blacknesse which my grie∣uous sinnes haue cast vpon mee, but I shall become neate, faire, and white, yea, whiter then snow. If I wash my selfe withIob 9. 30. snow water, (saith holy Iob) and make my hands neuer so cleane; yet shalt thou plunge me in the ditch or myre, that is, thou shalt discouer an vn∣cleannes in me (which was not perceiued before) and mine own clothes shall abhorre me. But if thou, Lord, bee pleased to wash me, I shall be whiter then snow; that is, I shall abandon all euill affections, and preserue my heart pure and holy, conse∣crating all the faculties of my soule, and members of my body, to thy true and sincere seruice. Can the BlackamoreIer. 13. 23. change his skinne, or the Leopard quit his spots? If that cannot be; yet thou, O Lord, canst so wash me, that I shall be whiter then snow. That which is impossi∣ble by nature, is possible and factible by grace. That foulenesse which is propa∣gated to mee by discent, and bred in me by naturall generation, as also nouri∣shed and increased by con∣tinual actuall transgression, is not only remooued, but quite changed by free iu∣stification, and supernatu∣rall regeneration. If my sinnes bee as red asEsay 1. skarlet, thou canst make them as white as wooll; if they bee like crimson, thou canst make them whiter then snow. O wonderfull mysterie! O incomprehensible miracle! that blood should make me white, that the wash∣ing and bathing of my soule in the blood of that immaculate Lambe, should make wee whiter then snow! that euen the gar∣mentsReuel. 7. of thy Saints, by washing in this blood, should become white, which yet shall bee reuea∣led to, and wrought vpon thy Saints! I shall bee white heere by grace, yea, whiter then snow; I shall bee bright heereafter in glory, brigh∣ter then the starres, yea, then the Sunne in the fir∣mament; grace heere shall be the beginning of glory there, and glory there shall bee the complement and perfection of grace here. This is arcanum diuini, a secret of thy Di∣uine state and gouerne∣ment, which thou shalt (I am hopefull, thou wilt) not onely teach by infalli∣ble demonstration, but also worke by thy blessed Spi∣rit, his powerfull opera∣tion in the secrets of my heart. The cause of the snow his whitenesse, is held (by Philosophers) to bee the store of ayre, shut vp, by the extremity of cold, in the cleere water that di∣stilleth from the cloudes. Thy celestiall ayre and light, which surpasseth all bodily and naturall white∣nesse, being gathered into my soule, when it is mel∣ting into the teares of re∣pentance, makes it cleere and bright, euen to admi∣ration. Christ, by washing my soule, hath taken my spots out of mee, vpon him∣selfe: hee himselfe re∣maines all and stai∣ned with my sinnes; inso∣much, that the Spouse is a∣mazed at it, and wondring demands; Wherfore doest thou weare garments all spotted and dyed with blood, like vnto them thatEsa. 63. stampe grapes in the wine∣presse? Thy seruant Moses, outNum. 12. of his kinde and vndeser∣ued loue, tooke an Aethio∣pian woman to his wife. No wife is deformed inNulla vxor proprio ma∣rito defor∣mis. . her owne husbands eyes, if he be such a husband as he ought to be. The mysticall Moses, who in loue hath married himselfe vnto his Spouse the Church, not onely blacke and deformed, but vgly and filthy in her selfe, hath by his gracious ele∣ction of her, though nei∣ther by her beauty nor manners recommended vnto him, made her (be∣cause he so esteemeth her) faire, comely and graceful, he hath changed her color and complection, yea, and her nature and condition too, so as she sticks not to say, I was black by nature,Nigra & formosa. Cantic. 1. 5. but I am faire by grace. Can that which is blacke as Pitch, or Ebeny, become perfectly white, and whiter then snow? yes verily, for my state by adoption and regenerati∣on in Christ, is of more perfection, then Adam his happiest condition in Paradise; This might and did faile: that can neuer alter or decay, but abides firme and sure, to all eter∣nity. Blacke by the art of man, can take no other hue: nor can this whitenes by the fraud or force of the prince of darkenesse, be euer either darkned or defaced. Snow is white without and within, on euery side. Thy Grace will make mee, not like a painted sepulcher faire without, and foule within, not hy∣pocritically specious, but really sound and sincere, and the beauty of the soule thus washed, will infinitely exceede the whitenesse of any body, yea, euen of snow it selfe. Make mee to heare of and gladnesse, &c.] O Lord, I beg of thee the whole tree of life, growing by the riuer side in the Gar∣den of Eden, whose roote is iustification, by remission of my sinnes, and whose fruite is true ioy and con∣solation, in thy gracious fauour. There may bee aPotest esse radix sine , sti∣pes sine fructu, sed nec stipes nec fructus sine radice. roote without a stocke, as when a Tree is hewne downe: a stocke without , as in the winter sea∣son: but nor fruite nor stocke, where no roote is. The forgiuenesse of my sinne is the root of all my ioy. O Lord, giue me the fruite of that roote, and that will assure me of the roote of that fruite. Vnlesse thou make me, I cannot heare; Vnlesse thou open mine eare, the voice of gladnesse will not enter; or if it goe in at the one, it will go out at the o∣ther eare, I shall be neuer the better for hearing. Thou must not only tel me the tale, but finde me eares also; thou must not onely present the obiect, but en∣able my faculty also, to perceiue, or receiue it. The Adder or Cocka∣trice, is (as some say) natu∣rally, (as some others) cun∣ningly deafe, laying the one eare close to yt ground, & stopping the other with his tayle, purposely to pre∣uent the skill of the Char∣mer, who seekes to en∣chant him in such sort, as he shall not be able, either to bite, or sting. So man, in his pure, or rather impure naturals, is either sencelesly deafe, and cannot, or voluntarily deafe, and will not heare any voice, that tends to the spirituall solace of his soule, no not the sound of sound ioy, not the melo∣dious noise of true glad∣nesse, vnlesse thou that sendest the tidings of Grace, doe giue him the grace also to entertaine those tidings. Now what is the end and indeuor, either of this corruption by nature, or peruersenesse by will, but that none of thy words or spels (O God) none of thy holy Spirit his moti∣ons or inclinations may haue power (wickednesse being so powerfull) to charme or inchant me, but that I may still bite, and sting, still hurt and annoy, both my selfe and o∣thers. I desire ioy and glad∣nesse doubled, that is, both of soule and body, and I cannot rest contented with one or two, or a few comforts; I seeke to haue them multiplied, that as my tribulations were in∣creased, so, in like propor∣tion, my consolations may be inlarged; and I terme this ioy and gladnesse in∣definitely, because this is the onely solid ioy, and true gladnesse. All other ioyes are but toyes, like false fires, and counterfet , such as deserue not the name of ioyes at all. I beseech thee, O Lord, not onely to blot out my transgressions, and to take away the guilt of my sins, but (for the raising of my deiected, the relieuing of my distressed soule) to let me know so much, also: let me heare this ioyfull Word, in the eare of my heart, from thine owne mouth, by thine holy breath and Spirit, Thy sins,Mat. 9. 2. are forgiuen thee. Not onely bee vnto me a Sauiour, but say vnto myPsal. 35. 3. soule; I am thy saluation. For I may stand pardoned and iustified in thy gracious, and certaine resolu∣tion, and yet not know so much; and not knowing it, how can I be but grieuous∣ly perplexed, & fearefully distracted in my conscious & distrustfull cogitations? Wherefore, O Lord, let thy Spirit certifie my spi∣rit, that All is peace. Let my soule sensibly feele, though it cannot fully conceiue this peace, which passeth all vnderstanding. To a Prisoner conuicted and condemned for high treason, to cruell death, and euery houre expe∣cting execution, accor∣ding to course of Iustice, what greater ioy can there bee, then to heare of a gracious and free pardon, of all his offences, from his Soueraigne? This is the true chara∣cter of my selfe, and euery other sinner, in respect of our spirituall condition. Wee were damned before antequam nati. Bern. wee were borne in sinne: since our birth wee haue li∣ued in sinne, we haue mul∣tiplied sinne vpon sinne, wee haue drunke vp ini∣quity,Iob 15. 16. as a fish drinketh vp water, wee haue commit∣ted sundry hainous and horrible treasons against thy diuine : (to say nothing of other capi∣tall crimes) wee haue after all this, wilfully drawne downe thine indignation, and called for thine eter∣nall vengeance vpon vs: In this deplorable, and e∣uen desperate case, what more welcome tydings, then to heare of this Iu∣bile? Sinne doth not onely bring me into a dull slum∣ber, but euen into a dead sleepe also. In sleepe all my sences are bound vp, as it were, in chaines; when I am fast asleepe, I heare no∣thing at all. Wherefore awake me, O Lord, and make me to heare. Make mee to heare thy Word (the conduit of comfort) openly taught, with such diligence and deuotion as is meete; make mee to heare the secret whisperings of thy blessed Spirit, with such reuerence and obedience as is requi∣site: make me so to heare, as I may beleeue (faith commeth by hearing with thy blessing) and then I shall not faile to heare of this redoubled ioy and gladnesse, which my sor∣rowfull & perplexed soule doth so much hunger and thirst after. I doe the more earnest∣ly desire, and affectionate∣ly long to heare of this ioy, because it is an assay and foretaste of that ioy, which I hope fully to en∣ioy in heauen: it is not the red∣ditur, arra . . pawne or pledge (that must bee returned againe but the earnest, or Gods∣penny (which continues still with the receiuer) of a farre greater ioy heere∣after, and where thou gi∣uest earnest, thou neuer failest to performe the bar∣gaine. This ioy is great inBernard. Gaudium in praesenti ex∣hibitione. Gaudium in futurâ expecta∣tione. the present exhibition, far greater in the future ex∣pectation, no meane ioy in the meane time, while I liue in this valley of teares, the life of grace, but glori∣ousEt res plena gaudio, & . Idem. Gaudium in fine, sed gaudium si∣ne fine. Bernard. and vnspeakable ioy hereafter in the life of glo∣rie; such ioy in the end as shall be without end, in the heauenly , where there shall be peace with∣out trouble, plenty with∣out want, light without darkenesse, health with∣out sickenesse, melody without discord, security without feare, felicity without misery, ioy with∣out interruption or inter∣mission, ioy vpon ioy, ioy exceeding all ioy, without, or beyond which, there is no ioy at all. If I heare this word of comfort in this life, which giueth mee title and inte∣rest; (Thy sinne is forgiuen thee:) I shall be sure then to heare the warrant for possession and fruition; (Enter, good seruant, into thy Masters ioy.) Without this ioy, there is nothing but disquiet and discomfort, nothing but and horror, nothing but ap∣prehension of wrath and vengeance. The wicked, who hea∣reth nothing of this ioy, feeleth no serenitie or tranquillity of minde, but (as holy Iob saith) is like aIob 15. 35. woman that is alwayes in trauaile, like the raging sea,Esa. 57. 20. still foaming and casting vp dirt and myre; on the other part, the penitent sinner, who in anguish of soule harkeneth after these tydings, deriueth ioy from the wel-head, where there is Gods plenty (as they say) fulnesse of most sweet and delightfull comforts, euen a torrent, or strong running streame of plea∣sures, flowing perpetu∣ally. He shall haue incompa∣rably more ioy than the worldling, whose corne, and wine, and oyle, are in∣creased, and therefore may lay him downe in peace,Psal. 4. and rest in security, be∣cause thou makest him to dwell in safetie. Such as the matter is,Cùm de transitorijs non poterit non transire lae∣titia, ijs, de , , ignis. . de Temp. whereof ioy ariseth and consisteth, such is the ioy it selfe. If the matter bee slight, flitting, and momen∣tary, (as the world and the flesh are,) how can the ioy be constant, solid, and du∣rable? On the other side, the ioy that is grounded vpon so precious a founda∣tion, as remission of sinne, and reconciliation with thee, how can it bee but vnchangeable and inexpli∣cable? This ioy will eate vp all false ioyes and flitting de∣lights which men fansie, to take in the pleasures of sinne, as the Rod of AaronExod. 7. . did deuoure the rods of the Aegyptian Sorcerers. This ioy, like water, will quench and extinguish all the hot desires and fiery lusts of the world and the flesh whatsoeuer. That the bones which thou hast broken, may reioyce.] I made my moane heereto∣fore, that my bones werePsal. 32. sore vexed, that there was no peace or rest in them, by reason of my sinne. I now professe, that they were not only crushed and bruized, but euen disioyn∣ted and broken, that is, the most strong & able powers and faculties of my soule and body (which I de∣scribe by the name of bones) haue been oppres∣sed, & battered, as it were, with the terrible pangs and restles tortures which I haue suffered, by the hammer of thine indigna∣tion, conceiued against my grieuous and enormous transgressions. But if thou, Lord, wilt now be pleased, after my vnfained repentance, to make me heare of this ioy and gladnesse, all these bones, with the and marrow of thy , shall in iust , and , cry out, Lord, who is vnto thee? It is thy and manner of proceeding, O Lord, with thy dearestDeut. 32. children. Thou makest the wound, and bindest it vpa∣gaine; thou smitest, and healest againe; thou kil∣lest, and quickenest againe; thou castest downe to the nethermost hell, and thou raisest vp againe to the heauen of heauens, shew∣ing and declaring thereby, thine irresistable power, to worke mine humble obe∣dience; vnspeakable wisedome, to breed my re∣uerent admiration; thy se∣uere Iustice, to beget mine awefull feare; thy super∣eminent tender mercy, to purchase mine affectionate loue towards thee. The deeper mine hu∣miliation is, the greater will bee mine exaltation; the sowrer the sorrow is, the sweeter will the suc∣ceeding gladnesse prooue, when thou shalt please to affoord it vnto me: for not my spirit onely, but all the parts of my soule and bo∣dy, will exceedingly re∣ioyce, when after these tempestuous stormes, I shal safely arriue at the ha∣uen of rest and content∣ment. For as water is more grateful to the way-faring man, after a long drought, and a calme more to a sea-faring man, after a terrible tempest: so will my deliuerance bee, after my tribulation. O how beautifull will thy mercy appeare, after the depth of my miserable affliction. How shall I reioyce, euer I was sorrowfull. How shall my bones bee glad, that euer they were broken! I shall gratefully acknowledge, that thy Psal. 23. and thy staffe haue mee; that is, I shall take comfort that euer I was chastized with them, and that according to the mul∣titude of my griefes, thy consolations haue made my minde ioyfull, that is, for euery sorrow that I re∣ceiued in time of my tribu∣lation, I shall receiue a con∣solation after my deliue∣rance. O then what a madnesse is it, to buy a little vaine, idle, frothie, and momen∣tany pleasure, at so deare a rate, as the vexation and anguish, the terrors and tortures, both of soule and body? which none can conceiue by imagination, but he that feeleth, and he that feeleth, is not able by any representation to ex∣presse. Hide thy face from my sinnes, and blot all my transgressions.] Because my sinne is the source of my sorrow, and the bane of my blisse, I make this the burthen of my song, and doe reiterate my Prayer, for pardon: I beseech thee once againe, O Lord, either to remooue thy sense from the obiect, or the obiect from thy sense; hide thine eyes from such an vgly sight, looke ano∣ther way, behold any thing rather then it; or if being all Eye, thou canst not but see all things that are, and so all my sinnes, (if they be at all) O Lord, blot them out, let not them be to be seene, blot them out all, and at once, vna litura, with one dash of thy pen, efface all my transgressions. Hide thy face not from me, but from my sinnes: Thou hast charged me lo∣uingly; Seeke my face; andPsal: 27. 8. I haue answered resolute∣ly; Thy face, Lord, will I seeke. If thou withdraw thy face from me, woe is me, I shall bee like those that goe downe into the bottomlesse pit: where∣fore still shew me the light of thy countenance: looke vpon thy creature, which thy hands haue made and fashioned; looke vpon thine owne Image, which thou hast stamped vpon me; looke not vpon my sinnes, which haue blemi∣shed and disfigured my soule, which haue almost quite defaced that thine I∣mage, and in stead thereof haue placed the very por∣traicture of Satan. Although custome of sinning haue made my sin another nature in me, al∣though I be so compassed with infirmities, so inclo∣sed in my corruptions, as they may seeme to be in∣corporated in me, and be∣come my very substance; yet thou, O Lord, canst di∣stinguish between the and the rust, between thine owne and Satans worke, between man and a sinner.Duo nomi∣na; Homo, Peccator. August. Thou canst looke on that which thou hast made, and look off that which I haue marred, with one and the same Eye of pitie and mer∣cie. When thou seekest aChrysol. sinner, thou the man, and not his sinne, that thou mayest despise the sin, which is mans worke, and not lose the man, which is thy worke. Hee that loseth a preci∣ousChrysol. Iewell, seeketh it in all the sluts corners, and stick∣keth not to rake the ken∣nell, and stirre the dung∣hill to finde it. The Iudge, when he willChrysol. pardon, lookes vpon the man, & not vpon his fault: the father, when he is dis∣posed to pitty his child, thinkes vpon his owne af∣fection, and not vpon his sonnes transgression: Euen so, O Lord, thou art mind∣full of thine owne worke, that thou mayest forget the worke of another; thou turnest thy face to the tone, that thou may∣est hide thy face from the tother. O Lord, at least hide thine angry face from me. I cannot deny, but that I neede correction, and am not therefore altogether vnwilling to beare it; if thou holdest it meete. Correct me, but not in thy fury; chastize me, but not in thy displeasure; let mineAugust. in Psal. 103 afflictions be instructions, & not destructions; rather medicines, then punish∣ments; castigations, not condemnations. Let them a di∣ligentis. be the wounds of a louer. Let me perceiue thy grace euen when thou doest seeme to frowne vpon me; let me discerne the sweete sunshine of thy mercy, tho∣row the thickest cloudes of thy fiercest wrath. I will follow the way, which thou hast taught me; I will set my sinnes be∣fore mine owne face, that thou mayest hide thy face from them; I will re∣member, that thou maiest forget them: I will con∣fesse, that thou mayest for∣giue them. I am much ashamed and agreeued to see mine own sinnes: I am much more a∣shamed and agreeued, that thou with thy pure eyes, and bright face shouldest behold the fowlenesse and filthines, the folly, and madnesse, the absurdity and grossenesse of them. Yet, O Lord, let mee be∣hold my sinnes alwaies, so as thou wilt be pleased to hide thy face from them altogether. Thou canst, but thou doest not alwaies, because thou wilt not, sometimes in fauour, see the faults thy people. Thou diddest not, because thou wouldest not see iniquity in Jacob, nor, peruersenesse in Isra∣el. If thou canst not, in Iu∣stice but looke towards my sinnes; yet I beseech thee in mercy, to suffer the Blood of thine Immacu∣late Lambe, to interuene betweene thy glorious face, and my lothsome cor∣ruptions. Let that specta∣cle either diuert or re∣straine thy sight, and hin∣der the representation of the vgly shapes of my faults, to thy pure and per∣ceiuing eyes: Looke vpon that precious obiect first, and there stay and termi∣nate thy sight; or, at least, looke through it, as men looke through a coloured glasse, that the foule obiect may appeare in the colour of the glasse, and not in his owne co∣lours. Let the robe of the Lambes innocency, couer the shamefull nakednesse of my vnrighteousnesse, so as it may be hidden from thy angry face and feare∣full countenance. Blot out all my transgressi∣ons.] When a man feeles his soule laden with the burden, and his affrighted with the appari∣tion of some one or two grieuous offences lately done, hee begs earnest∣ly for pardon of those sinnes in particular, or his sinnes indefinitely, falls not at the first, into computation or conside∣ration of the rest of his sinnes, in former times committed. The fresher wounds seeme, euer the more fearefull; and the new terrible obiect doth so dazle and confound the soules sight, as it cannot looke either beyond or besides it. But the more grieuous and enormous sinnes, after awhile doe occasion vs to make a more narrow in∣quisition, and take a more exact suruey of the whole course of our sinfull life; whereby wee cannot but finde, that we haue runne into many errors, and ma∣nifold crimes, the remem∣brance and recognition whereof wee had former∣ly, in a sort neglected. Then we beginne seri∣ously to consider, that in this generall muster, there is not any one sin, (seeme it neuer so light or slight) but being an of∣fence against an infinite Maiesty, and a violation of the whole Law of God, deserueth an heauy iudge∣ment, in the seuerity of , and that, if some of our sinnes bee re∣mitted, and others retay∣ned, we remaine still in a most wofull condition; & therefore doe not content ourselues with a praier that some, or many of our spots and sinnes may bee wyped out, but craue, with a note of vniuersality, an aboliti∣on of them all. Blot out all my transgressions, my sinnes in thought, word and deede, my sinnes of omis∣sion, and my sinnes of acti∣on; my sinnes of child∣hood, youth, middle-age, and elder yeeres; my sins of infirmity, and my sins of presumption; my sinnes within, and my sins with∣out my body; my bloody and my vnbloody sinnes; my sinnes committed in mine own person, and my sins committed by others through my ill example: (for they are mine too) my single sinnes committed by me as a priuate person, my double sinnes commit∣ted by me as a publike ma∣gistrate, (who when hee sinneth, doth rather teach then act sinne) my lesser and my greater sinnes (the sins of Soueraignes, are sinnes) my se∣cret and open, my knowne and vnknowne sins, (who can tell how he offen∣deth?) my sinnes past, pre∣sent, yea and to come, (for whilst I liue in this body of death, I cannot but sin) all my sinnes whatsoeuer, when I say all, I except none; no minyon or dar∣ling sinne at all. Thou diddest command the the Leuit. . be away. Who is not sinfully ? and whose sinnes are not more in number then the haires of his head? Let them all come vnder the Raisor of true repentance, and then they will come within the reach of thy free remission. Not one Egyptian escaped, out of the red Sea. Saul was1. Sam. 15. commanded to kill all the Amalekites; men, such as offend of malice, women, such as offend of infirmity, children, such as trans∣gresse out of ignorance onely. Create in mee a cleane heart, and renew a right spirit within me.] Whoso beggeth Iusti∣fication, which is the foun∣dation, will seeke Sanctifi∣cation also, which is the goodly frame there∣upon, and cannot but after sinnes committed and re∣mitted, shine and flourish in holinesse of life and con∣uersation. Hee that hath that fire, cannot bee with∣out this heate; he that hath that Sun, cannot be with∣out this light. When my great and en∣ormous sinnes had plun∣ged me into the sea of mi∣sery, finding no other meane of helpe in that fearefull danger, I catch∣ed vp, and tooke hold of the planke, or boord∣of Repentance, to saue me from drowning. Repentance hath two faces, and so looketh two wayes, backward and for∣ward, to sinnes past, and holinesse to come. I haue grieuously lamented my offences formerly done, and importunately beg∣ged pardon for them, ac∣counting this remission (because thou art pleased, O God, so to esteeme it) my iustification. I now earnestly craue a cleane heart, and a new spirit, that being clensed, I may keep my selfe cleane; that being renewed, I may entertaine newnesse of life for my sanctification. For if I fall againe vpon the same rock of presump∣tion, which caused my shipwracke before; it will plainely appeare, that I haue not really acted, but formally counterfeited re∣pentance; in which case I must pronounce an heauie doome against my selfe, for dissembled holinesse, isSimulata aequitas non est aequitas, sed duplex iniquitas, quia & , & simulatio. August. in Psal. 63. double wickednesse; wic∣kednesse masking vnder the sinfull vayle and vizard of hypocrisie. Repentance neuer attaines her Crowne and Garland, till shee haue brought forth amendment of life; after lamentation for sin, to make some kind of reparation. That which thou requi∣rest of me, O God, is my heart, and how can I deny thee one thing, that hast giuen me all things? for what haue I, that I haue not receiued of thee? Well then, I resolue (as it is meet) to giue thee my heart: But when I looke into my heart, by the helpe of thy suruey (for it is thou that declarest vnto man, what, and how ill his heartAmos 4. is) I finde it so foule and full of corruption, as I am ashamed to present it vnto thee in that plight. Nay, I tremble to thinke, that thy Pure and Radiant Eyes, should behold such a pud∣dle and sincke of sinne as lurketh in my heart. For, alas, euery imagination of the thoughts of my heart, is onely euill continually. Were my heart such as it should be, I would cheere∣fully giue thee my heart. O Lord, therefore, create in mee a cleane heart. Thou madest my heart first in A∣dam; hee marred it, (and I in him) by disobedience; from him to all his poste∣rity, the contagion of this pollution is spred and pro∣pagated; wherefore create my heart againe, create it a cleane heart, either a cleane heart, or no heart at all. I affect purity of heart by thy grace: for indeed I cannot so much as affect, much lesse effect it, with∣out thee. Vnlesse thou take the worke in hand, it will be vndone. My heart, that is originally and totally vncleane by naturall gene∣ration, and daily soiled by actuall transgression, can∣not become cleane and neate, without spirituall washing, and supernaturall regeneration, and that is thy proper operation. Seeke not to new make & mould my defiled hart, out of the forebeing mat∣ter thereof. (That may seeme a strange enterprize and fruitlesse worke.) But thou, O God, who by thy power madest the world of nothing, by thy power∣full grace, Create (which is thy peculiar attribute) a cleane heart within me. To create, is not to make a thing out of the power of any subiect or matter formerly being. But to create, is to make a thing of nothing, and that is an act of diuine power, that is a case excepted, and a prerogatiue reserued to thee alone. The producti∣on of grace in a gracelesse heart, is a wonderfull and gracious creation. Create in mee power∣fully, and of nothing, with∣out any mat∣ter; create in me , and for nothing, without any precedent merit of mine, a pure heart; so thou crowne in mee, not my deserts, but thine gifts, if ought proceed from my heart, to my tongue or hand, not dis∣pleasing vnto thee. Worke this worke thy selfe, and take the praise ofPsal. 115. it to thy selfe alone, O God. Not vnto mee, not vnto me (I doe iterate and ingeminate my disclay∣mer) but vnto thy Name giue all the glory. It is another manner of power to make the quali∣ty, then the substance of the heart; yea, it is a harder taske to make a heart cleane, that hath beene soiled with the filth, and tainted with the putrifa∣ction of sin, then to make a pure and innocent heart at the first. The more shall be my thankfulnesse, if thou, O Lord, vouchsafe me so great a fauour. I will not curiously en∣quire into the meanes or manner of atchieuing this worke. Let me henceforth really finde, by the imagi∣nations and inclinations of it, that it is a cleane heart, conformed (as it may be in the frailty of flesh) thy holy , all is well. As a woman by the stirring of the in her wombe, that hath conceiued: so me feele, by the effectuall mo∣tions of thy good , that I am begotten anew vnto a liuely , by the resurrection of Christ, ac∣cording to his abundant mercy. The summe of all is; Giue me, O Lord; what thou enioynest, and then enioyne mee what thou pleasest. I am of no ability to do what thou comman∣dest, and therefore am en∣forced to beseech thee thy selfe to do in me, what thou requirest to bee done of me. Create a cleane heart in me. If my heart, as the spring and conduit head, be pure and cleane; the wa∣ters that flow thence, though conueighed in ear∣then pipes, will be cleare still: my secret thoughts, my open words, my visi∣ble workes, though they sauour somewhat of earth and flesh, will not be alto∣gether vncleane and vnsa∣uoury. A man must bee twice borne, ere he can enter in∣to the kingdome of hea∣uen. As he is made to the1. Cor. 15. similitude of the first A∣dam, so must he be made to the similitude of the se∣cond Adam: and the re∣generation is a more ex∣cellent worke then the ge∣neration; the re-creation, then the creation. In the first, man was wrought out of clay; in the other, God workes grace out of sinne. In the former, he breathed a soule into the dead bo∣dy; here he breatheth his holy Spirit into a dead heart. In the creation, he made man perfect in all his members. In this re-crea∣tion, not only all the mem∣bers of the body, but the faculties of the soule also, must be framed anew. It is a greater matter to raise a man dead in sinne, then to raise a rotten carkasse out of the graue. In the one birth and thePrimum . Arist. other, the heart is the first that is enlyued: my must first take fire, can I neuer bee with the true zeale of glory, and mine owne saluation. In the first creation, this Chaos and darke , was couered by thy , without any contra∣diction or resistance: Thou spakest but the word, and all was readily done, and perfectly framed. But in my re-creation, my flesh or my spirit, or my fleshly spirit, doth oppose and in∣counter thy holy Spirit, grieueth and maketh it sad, laboureth to quench it, euen then when it stri∣ueth to reuiue, repaire, and reforme me. This is noto∣riously verified, not onely in the aliens & reprobates, but euen in the domesticks of the houshold of faith, in thy most inlightned and best disposed children, e∣uen in the Elect them∣selues, and those that are sealed vp for the Day of Redemption. Wherefore I must say freely, as I may truly, I am thy workemanship, not onely of thy power, (as all other creatures are) but of thy mercy also, created in Christ vnto good workes, whereof he is the sole Author and Actor, working effecaciously in mee, both the will and the deed, according to his good pleasure. O Lord, giue me a liue∣ly Faith (thy Gift alone) which hath power, to quicken my dull, to enlyue my dead, to purifie my impure heart: Giue me grace stedfastly to beleeue thy Word, to take sure hold of thy promises, e∣uermore to cleaue and sticke fast to thy good∣nesse: Kindle this fire in my soule, which will in∣flame my loue of all good duties on the one, and on the other side, waste and consume, eate vp and de uoure my concupiscence, and all my carnall desires, and cause them to returne into that dead sea, whence they were first exhaled. Renew a right Spirit with∣in me.] Hee whose spirit is deserted by Gods Spi∣rit, loseth the vigor and viuacity of his spirit, his spirit waxeth old & croo∣ked in him. Sinne, where it inuades, makes such spoile and hauocke of all good∣nesse and vertue in the soule, as it cannot subsist, vnlesse it be timely repai∣red, and truly renewed by repentance. When a man lyes gro∣ueling vpon earthly, and houering vpon fleshly de∣sires: his spirit, which should directly vp∣ward, is bowed downe and made crooked. A spi∣rit then, is a sincere and vpright heart, raysed and lifted vp into heauen and heauenly things. What is sinne else, but an obliquity, a depriuati∣on or deprauation of that rectitude, and vpright∣nesse, which was origi∣nally, and should be conti∣nually, in the soule; if it were throughly purged and purified? I haue impayred this re∣ctitude and vprightnesse, which once I had in some measure, by my heynous and enormous transgres∣sions, and therefore, re∣sort to thee for helpe, who onely art able to renewe and repaire it a∣gaine. Giue me, O Lord, a spi∣rit rectified in it selfe, di∣rected by thy Spirit, cor∣rected by thy discipline, and erected to thy glory; a spirit firme without fai∣ling, constant without va∣rying, and durable with∣out decaying; that I may happily choose new waies, walke in them carefully, and perseuere in them constantly: giue me grace to turne ouer a new leafe (as they say) to abandon the old man with the lusts and affections thereof, and to put on the new man, and so to serue thee in ho∣linesse and newnesse of li∣uing, all the dayes of my life hereafter. I doe wittingly and thankefully ascribe the pu∣rity of my heart, to thy Creation, the vpright∣nesse of my spirit, to thy renouation alone; as to giue thee thy due honour, so to preuent and antici∣pate the proud and fond conceit of those men, (if a∣ny such there be, or shall be hereafter) who to grace thēselues, wil abate the po∣wer, & diminish the lustre of thy grace, who though they cannot but confesse, that they neede the assi∣stance of thy Spirit, & that they are holpen by thy, both preuenting and fol∣lowing, grace; yet be∣tweene those two graces, (for their own credit) will needes vainely interpose, or rather violētly intrude mans reason, whereby he chuseth what is good; and mans will, whereby he as∣senteth to thy diuine po∣wer, in the blessed worke of regeneration. But hereby, I take se∣cret comfort in my selfe, to preserue my perplexed soule from vtter despaire, that I discerne the foule∣nesse of my heart, & feele the weaknes of my spirit; and therefore pray ear∣nestly, for a purification of the one, and a renouation of the other: for I know, I cannot craue either of those graces, without some measure of grace. As the sunne cannot be seene but by the Sunne, nor the light be perceiued, but by meanes of the light; so nei∣ther can I begge a full cleansing of my heart, without some cleanenesse in it, nor a through-reno∣uation, without some new∣nesse, in my decayed spi∣rit, at least, in true affecti∣on, and vnfaigned de∣sire. Cast me not away from thy presence, and take not thy ho∣ly Spirit from me.] I feare, and cannot but feare thy face; and yet I feare with∣all to be cast from thy face presence. Mine owne makes me, on the one side, to feare the face of a seuere Iudge, and my worthlesse weak∣nesse on the other, (being not able to subsist at all, without the light of thy countenance,) makes mee desire thy presence and sight. What-euer thou doe with me, while thou loo∣kest vpon me, I shall in∣dure, though not without feare and perplexity; But if thou cast me quite away from thy presence, I am vtterly vndone for euer. The presence of the Physicion is a present, if not helpe, yet comfort to the sicke patient. But thy presence, Lord, being the soueraigne Physicion, ministers all comforts, and cures all maladies both of soule and body. Therefore I loue the habitations of thy house, and the place where honour dwelleth. As the hunted and cha∣sedPsal. 42. Hart desireth the wa∣ter brookes; So longeth my soule after thee: When shall I come and appeare before thee? O how amiable are thyPsal. 84. Tabernacles? My soule euen longeth, and fainteth for the courts of the Lord. One day in thy Courts (where thou art present and resident,) is better then a thousand elsewhere. I had rather bee a dorekee∣per there, then to dwell at liberty, and in iollity, in the tents of the vngodly. The priuation of Gods presence, is the position of all misery, and the withdrawing of his coun∣tenance, drawes with it all manner of discom∣forts. Heauen it selfe were not heauen, if thou wert not there present, and Hell could not be hell, if thou wert not absent thence. To bee cast out of thy presence, is to be cast out of ioy, into sorrow; out of light, into darkenesse; out of life, into death; (not the first onely, but the second also) out of heauē, into hel. The very sight and visi∣on of thee, is of it selfe, and in it selfe, the height of happinesse. In thy presence is the fulnesse of ioy, and at thy right hand is plen∣ty, without satiety of plea∣sure and delight, for euer∣more. Wherefore though I haue multiplyed and in∣creased my contumacie beyond all measure; yet I beseech thee, O Lord, not to excommunicate me. I submit my selfe, with teares in mine eyes, and anguish in my heart, hum∣bly and wholly to thy dis∣cipline; I am content to endure any penance, ra∣ther then to bee banished from thy presence. What the want of this presence is, none can know but he that feeleth; and he that feeleth, cannot make another know by any rela∣tion. Hee may indeuour to shaddow it out slender∣ly, but hee is not able fully to expresse it. If the Master turne his seruant out of doores; if the Father abandon his sonne from his fight; if the King command his subiect from the Court, (that hee come not within the Vierge) how grieuous and irkesome will the damage and disgrace be, to euery, or any of these respectiue∣ly? Thou, O God, art our Master, and to serue thee, is to raigne with thee. Thou art our Father; and what greater preeminence then to bee the Sonne of God? Thou art our King, and to be in subie∣ction to thee, is our chie∣fest dominion. How then doth it concerne me, being an vnfaithfull Seruant, a prodigall Childe, and a trayterous Subiect, to beg earnestly of thee, my bountifull Master, my lo∣uing Father, my gracious Soueraigne, that thou wilt not take away thy , banish me from thy fight, nor expell mee from thy Courts? As the soule doth excell the body, and the the flesh, beyond propor∣tion; so the one losse is incomparably greater then the other. Thou, O God, art pre∣sent with me, by thy good Spirit; and so long as I haue this Ghest in my soule, I haue the fruition of thee and thy presence; wherefore suffer not this noble Ghest to be dislodg∣ed and taken from mee. Thou and thy Spirit are vndeuided companions: If thou cast me from thy pre∣sence, thou takest thy ho∣ly Spirit from me; and if thou takest Spirit, thou takest thy selfe from me. I doe yet enioy thy pre∣sence, in a sort; I behold thy countenance, though full of anger; I feele thy Spirit within mee, though sad and grieued: for I find contrition in my heart, confession in my mouth, and confusion in my face, for my grieuous offences. I hate my sinnes, and my selfe for my sinnes. This smoake cannot ascend, but from that fire of thy Spi∣rit; this fruit cannot grow, but from that roote of re∣pentance. Howbeit, when I behold the vglinesse of my offences, with an vn∣partiall eye, and consider how hard & harsh a thing it is, for Purity and Holi∣nesse, to dwell or abide with wickednesse and fil∣thinesse: I tremble and quake in an awefull feare, that thou wilt (as iustly thou mayest) depriue me of thy gracious presence, and bereaue mee of thy blessed Spirit. Lord, thou art in all things by thine Essence, thou art in all places, and at once, by thy Power and presence. I may well bee asked; Whither wilt thouPsal. 1 39. flye from his Spirit, or whither wilt thou goe from his presence, &c? If thou shalt say; The darke∣nesse shall couer me, euen the night shall bee light a∣bout thee. Yet thou canst, and wilt cast me from thy presence, and withdraw thy holy Spirit from me, if I be settled vpon the dregs of my sinnes without re∣morse, in contempt of thy Maiestie, and abuse of thy mercie. If thou in thy iust iudgement and wrathfull indignation, abandon mee from thy presence, thou castest me out of thy pro∣uidence and protection, thy blessed Spirit doth quite desert mee, I am ba∣nished out of the land of the liuing, into the Desert of desolation, (which is without the compasse of the whole Vniuerse, that thou didst create, and d'st vphold.) In that case, hap∣py were I to bee no more, but I shall be most vnhap∣py, to bee and continue helpelesse and hopelesse in endlesse misery. Thy holy Spirit is, by a speciall title, stiled, The Comforter, by excellen∣cie, because all other com∣forters and comforts, are cold and vncomfortable, without and beside it. I haue (I confesse with griefe) many times chec∣ked this Spirit, when it hath presented good mo∣tions to my minde, and good desires to my hart; I haue grieued it exceeding∣ly, while I carelesly neg∣lected, and stubbornely re∣fused the good counsell it ministred vnto me. How∣beit, sithence without this Comforter, I must bee for euer comfortlesse in the depth of discomfort, I thee, not to take vt∣terly and finally thy holy Spirit from me. Thy gifts, O Lord, are. . without repentance (there∣fore I trust I shal neuer be without repentance) whō. 13. 1. thou louest once, thou. 31. 3. doest euer loue; if thou be∣gin,Semel , semper . thou wilt perseuere to loue. Although I doe notMulier soe∣tum concep∣tum non semper mo∣litantem ; vbi tamen semel & iterum , se esse non am∣bigit. Spin. de . . alwayes feele the graces of thy Spirit in my sinfull soule; yet I shall ( trust) haue euer, because once I had them. My sinne may take away the sence and for a while, but not the interest and pro∣perty (if I may so say) which I haue in thy bles∣sed Spirit: Which not∣withstanding, the fruition of this Spirit being so pre∣cious, and the losse of it so inualuable, I cannot but in feare and anxiety of soule, instantly pray, that it may not be taken from me. Although the seed of1. Pet. 1. 23. thy Word, whereby I am begotten againe to a liue∣ly Hope, be immortall and incorruptible; yet it is so choked with the weeds of fleshly desires, so intangled with worldly allurements, it lyeth so buried in the furrowes of my hard and stony heart, as I may much doubt, and, in a manner, distrust the shooting and springing of it vp againe, without an extraordinary influence of thy heauenly grace, which cannot de∣scend vpon me, vnlesse my humble and earnest pray∣ers ascend vp to thee. Wherefore retaine mee, O Lord, in thy fauour, and permit thy blessed Spirit, not onely to soiourne for a season, but to remaine continually with me. Let me so keepe a doore in the Sanctuary of my soule, (which is one of thy Courts) as I may neuer suffer this Ghest to goe out of it. I Doe not say; Giue mee what I neuer had, but restore vnto mee what I had, and haue lost by mine owne fault and folly. It is a greater fauour to re∣storeTertull. de poenit. then to giue, in as much as it is a greater vn∣happinesse to lose a IewellQuid boni sanitas ha∣bet, languor ostendit. Hier. which I had, then neuer to haue had it. Priuation is a greater punishment then want: It is the height ofGratior est reddita quā retenta sa∣nit as. misery to haue beene hap∣py. To come out of dark∣nessePost tempe∣statem dul∣cior sereni∣tas. Quint. Desiderata dulcius ob∣tinentur. into light, out of sick∣nesse into health, out of perplexity into security, out of sorrow & sadnesse, into ioy and gladnesse; and so by the contrary, toAugust. de Verb. Dom. come out of cheerfulnesse into pensiuenesse, sets out more liuely, and causes to be felt more sensibly, both the one and the other con∣dition. One contrary is a foyle vnto another. We then make the tru.Quoniam ob bona , gratias Deo non agimus, necessaria nobis est pri∣uatio, vt quid habut∣rimus sen∣tiamus. est valuation of thy grea∣test mercies, O Lord, when we are for a time de∣priued of them, which is one speciall cause why thou takest them from vs, that by the want, we may learne the worth of them,Basil. Plus sensi∣mus quod habuimus, postquam habere desi∣nimus. Hier. in Consol. and shew our selues accor∣dingly thankefull, because thou diddest vouchsafe vs the fruition of them so long, and much more ioy∣fully imbrace, and charily preserue them, when thou pleasest to restore them to vs againe. For as the eyes cannot discerne a goodly obiect when it is held close vnto them, but when it is remo∣ued in some distance; so our vntoward & vnthank∣full hearts cannot iudge of the excellency and sweet∣nesse of present graces; but when they are with∣drawne a while from vs, then doe we more cheere∣fully behold, and fully ob∣serue the riches of thy bounty & mercy in them. This ioy of thy saluati∣on, consisteth in an assured hope and hopefull assu∣rance of eternall happi∣nesse. This hope, is the heart of my soule, and the very life of my life. It put∣teth spirit into my decay∣ed spirit, and vigor into my dead heart; for a hopelesse, is a heartlesse life, and were it not for this hope, (a∣midst the inward and out∣ward crosses of this life) my very heart would breake. All the ioyes vpon earth cannot make me cheerfull, vntill I bee seized of this ioy, nor can all the crosses and calamities which the world affoords, dishearten me, while I finde and feele this ioy of thy saluation. What greater ioy to an afflicted soule, lying oppressed vnder the heauy apprehension of thy wrathfull indignation, and for a long and tedious time, suffering euen hell out of hell, then to receiue a gracious pardon of all his sinne, freely granted vnto him by thee, through the mediation of thy Christ, sealed by thy blessed Spi∣rit, and deliuered to his spirit into the hand of faith. Wherefore turne, O Lord, my mourning in∣to dancing; loose my sack∣cloth, and gird mee with gladnesse, O Lord; let me shout out songs of deliue∣rance from the captiuity and thraldome of sinne and Satan. I haue wilfully put my selfe out of possession of this ioy, which I so happi∣ly enioyed. O Lord, re∣store it vnto me againe, by a new order & iniunction, out of thy Court of equi∣ty and mercie; let mee re∣turne into it, by Remitter, & hold it, as in my former ancient right. I haue iust cause to stile it, Thy saluation. For I am the patient onely, thou, O God, the onely agent: thou hast not the greatest share, but all the interest, in this affaire. Thou art the sole, not only Author, but also actor in it. For the purchase thereof, I neede thy first grace of Initi∣ation, and thy second of Confirmation, thy preue∣nient and thy subsequent grace, thy accompanying, and thy perseuering grace. All is thy grace, and thou art all in all, and therefore to thee alone, I ascribe all the honour and glory. It is meerely and intirely thy saluation. Christ his righteous∣nesse imputed and impar∣ted to me, is the true roote; ioy and peace are the hap∣py fruite; and faith is the rooting of it in my soule. Though there come a winter of affliction, to re∣straine the sap, and hinder the shewe: yet the Sum∣mer of cheerefulnesse will make all to flourish a∣gaine in perfect lustre. But how can I expect the serenity and Sunshine of this ioy in the valley of teares? Why should I de∣sire this garment of glad∣nesse, when my heart ought cōtinually to weare the sables of sadnesse, and the mourning weede of repentance, for my daily or rather howrely sinnes? how can there be any time or place left for ioy, when there is almost a of sorrow enioyned? He that will reconcile himselfe to thee, O God, may easily reconcile these different passions, & make them dwell together in his soule, with amity and vnity. Else thou that hast required mee oft-times to mourne, wouldest neuer haue commanded mee to reioyce alwaies. The faith∣full man hath a sorrow mingled with ioy, and a ioy mingled with sorrow. There is a griefe in ioy, as there is a ioy in griefe, nay (which may yet seeme more strange) the greater griefe sometimes, the greater ioy, and the grea∣ter ioy, the greater griefe; for one and the same man, at one and the same time, may bee ex∣ceeding sorry for his sin, and excceding ioyous with the apprehension of thy mercy, in the free for∣giuenesse of his sinne. The greater griefe hee conceiueth for his sinne, the more comfort he may iustly take, euen in that regard. And the grea∣ter ioy hee feeleth in the hopefull assurance of thy fauour, the greater sorrow must hee needs conceiue for his sinne, that bred thy displeasure: for, the more assurance hee hath of thy loue towards him, the more hee will loue thee: (Loue is the loadstone loue, and will draw loue e∣uen from an yron heart) and the more hee loueth thee, the more his soule must melt into teares, when he recounts & con∣siders, how by his wicked and rebellious courses, he hath demeaned himselfe, wretchedly and vnwor∣thily, towards that God whom he findeth so graci∣ously and pittifully affec∣ted towards him. Sorrow may bee some∣times vnseasonable, but this spirituall ioy (as wee say of some kinde of meates) is neuer out of season. The precept of reioy∣cing, though conceiued in the affirmatiue, doth al∣waies binde, & at all times. Reioyce in all things, and1. . 5. 16. euermore reioyce. The grace I beg, is the complement, crowne and garland of all the graces I haue formerly craued. For although I be washed ne∣uer so cleane from my for∣mer staynes; though my hart be neuer so throughly purged from old corrup∣tions, my spirit neuer so well renewed and rectified for the time to come: yea, though I obtaine a full re∣stauration of the ioy of thy saluation, which I had and haue lost; yet, vnlesse thou bee pleased to con∣firme and stablish me with thy firme and free none of those blessings a∣part, nor all of them together, can much a∣uaile me. For without this and establishment, I neuer be able to and perseuere in true Piety of Religion, in sin∣cere probity of . Well I may, like a ban∣krupt Marchant (supplied by friends or credit,) set vp my trade of godlinesse a∣while, but I shall soone be enforced to shut vp shop againe. Well I may be∣ginne to runne the race of godlinesse, but I shall ne∣uer get the goale; well I may enter the lists afresh, with my old and deadly enemy, the Deuill, and his two valiant Champions, the World and the Flesh; but I shall quickly be foy∣led, I shall neuer the victory fully and finally. Wherefore do not one∣ly raise mee that am falne, but vphold me when I am raised; sustaine mee conti∣nually with thy firme Spi∣rit, that I may not onely begin well, and proceed cheerefully, but also perse∣uere constantly, and end happily. I did endeauour when time was, in some sort to serue and please thee; I frequented publike assem∣blies in thy holy Taberna∣cle; I sent vp sundry Pray∣ers from my priuate Ora∣tory, and the secret closer of my heart, vnto thy Ma∣iestie; I laboured to go∣uerne my people with Iu∣stice and equity, to punish wilfull offenders seuerely, to reward well-deseruers cheerefully, to deliuer the oppressed, to relieue the needy; but (this notwith∣standing) how soone, alas, was I taken with the sight of Bathsheba, and, through my frailty, carried cap∣tiue into Adultery, to sa∣tisfie my ; and into Murther, to conceale my Adultery! Wherefore set∣tle, confirme, and establish me, O Lord. I haue direct∣ed generally. All you that trust in the Lord, be strong, and hee shall establish your heart; he kee∣peth the faithfull, and vp∣holdeth the iust; by him alone the steps of men are established, that is, firmely directed and perfected. My spirit, which must bee wrought vpon by thy Spirit, through the conta∣gion of my flesh, and the carnality of it, is become almost wholly carnall, and by that meanes weake and fraile, soone weary of well doing; it quickly slips from good Meditations and Actions; slides from honest purposes and proceedings, vnlesse it bee sustained by thy Spirit. But being quickned and enlyued by thy Spirit, though otherwise dead, I shal liue in thee, by thee, & for thee: all my thoughts, words and workes shall breathe continually thy praise and glory. Thy Spirit, O Lord, is the life of my soule, as my spirit is the life of my bo∣dy; if my spirit faile, my body perisheth; if thy Spi∣rit desert my soule, my soule cannot but fall irre∣couerably. Wherefore vp∣hold mee with thy Spi∣rit. Thy Spirit is free in it selfe. As the winde bloweth, so the Spirit breatheth where it listeth. As it is a free, so it is a freeing Spirit, a Spi∣rit of liberty, which deli∣uereth me from the bond∣age of Sinne; a Spirit of Adoption, whereby I cry, Abba, Father. As the Spi∣ritRom. 8. 15. is free, so are those that are led by the Spirit, free, ingenuous, bold, and cou∣ragious: it infranchizeth and naturalizeth me in the heauenly Hierusalem. This Spirit hath power to helpe all my infirmities; it hath skill and will to frame my Supplications within me to be expressed, if not by tongue & voyce, yet by sighes and grones vnutterable, but still intel∣ligible to thee; it can pre∣serue mee from falling; it can raise mee after I haue falne; and then so establish mee, that I shall neuer come againe into danger of relapse or recidiuati∣on. My spirit, thus vpheld and established by thy free Spirit, what is it else but a cheerefull alacrity and for∣ward disposition to im∣brace any thing that is good, for it owne sake, and for thy sake, without any by or secondary respect whatsoeuer; banisheth all drowzy dulnesse and vnto∣ward listlesnesse in thy ser∣uice; that putteth wings to my obedience, and maketh it not to walke slowly, but to flye nimbly in the ac∣complishment of thy er∣rands and directions; that causeth me to doe ingenu∣ously what becommeth me, for loue of vertue, and not for feare of the whip, basely? When thou hadst ap∣pointed that the first of euery beast should bee set apart to thee; thou diddest specially ordaine,Ex. 13. 13. that if it were the Foale of an Asse, it should be redee∣med with a Lambe; if it were not, the necke of it should bee broken; thou wouldest not haue it sacri∣ficed vnto thee at any hand. Surely, it may well seeme, that this is, alterius rei , a kinde of rid∣dle; and that by this shad∣dow, thou wouldest shew thy of slothful∣nesse and , want of life and cheereful∣nesse in thy seruice, that an Asse being one of thy dul∣lest creatures (Sloth is wont to bee pictured ri∣ding on an Asse) thou wouldest not bee honou∣red by the sacrifice of such a beast. Thou, O Lord, louest a swift hearer, a cheerefull giuer, a zealous Petitio∣ner, a voluntary Souldier, and a diligent for all which purposes, thy free and firme Spirit will strongly enable and sup∣port mee continually. Wherefore establish mee with thy free Spirit, O Lord. WHen thou hast vouchsafed graci∣ously to bestow vpon mee those graces, whereof I haue gracelesly my selfe, then will I my selfe gratefull vnto thee, I will that dutie of thankefulnesse, so sutable to humanity, so a∣greeable to piety; it being a thing good and com∣mendable, and profitable, pleasant and di∣lectable, & grace∣full to returne praises and thankes to thee for thy mercies, duly to acknow∣ledge, and truly to thy singular fauours; in such manner as I can, and by such meanes as are within the reach of my weake and worthlesse abi∣lity. I will not follow the common fashion of world∣ly men, who, like barrels, sound when they are emp∣ty, but are still when they are full; who craue earnest∣ly when they feele want, but are dumbe and silent when their turne is serued. I solemnely vow, and will really performe thankfull acknowledgement for so great benefits, when I haue receiued them. Thou, O God, by dif∣burthening man of his sin,Onerat nos Deus , quan∣do . Aug. in Ps. doest impose a burthen of gratitude vpon him. A be∣nefit is a burthen to an in∣genuous minde, that can∣not rest quietly, but lyeth shut vp (as it were) in pri∣son straightly, till it haue procured liberty, by ven∣ting some kinde of retri∣bution. Although there can be no proportion betweene thy infinite goodnesse, and my, not onely finite, but in∣finitely weake meanes of requitall; yet inasmuch, as for a more bountifull fa∣uour, a larger returne of is (of congru∣ence) required, and the greatest blessing that can bee bestowed vpon a mor∣tall man in this life, is peace of conscience, intended by the ioy of thy saluation, and implyed in the firme support of thy free Spirit: I will indeauour, in way of , to doe thee the best seruice that any man can performe vpon earth; that is, I will teach thy wayes to Transgres∣sors, and cause (as much as in me lyeth) sinners to bee conuerted vnto thee. I will teach such as wan∣der and goe aftray, how to come into the way: A∣gaine, those that goe by∣wayes, I will teach thy wayes; that is, the wayes of thy directions, which leade vs by a right line (as it were) through the maze of this miserable world, to the land of Canaan, that happy country, which we should so loue and long for. Conuerted sinners, are iniquorum , quia tales . the fittest conuerters of sinners. The sickly Physi∣cian, who hath not onely read in his Booke, but felt in his body, the maladies whereupon hee is consul∣ted, is the likeliest man to worke a cure vpon his patient. Goodnesse of it owneBonum na∣turá sui diffusiuum. nature, is apt to spread and inlarge it selfe. It is theNaturalis. opus viuen. gignere sibi simile. Arist. most naturall and kindly worke of each liuing crea∣ture, to engender a like vnto it selfe. As in nature, so is it in nurture also. An honest well-disposed man, will striue as much as hee can, to make others good and godly. A chast and so∣ber man, will endeauour to restrayne and reclayme o∣thers from wantonnesse and drunkennesse; the like may bee said of all other vertues and vi∣ces. The rule of Charity re∣quires, that he, who hath beene raysed out of the dyrt, and reskued out of the myre, should lift vp others, who lye wallow∣ing therein. If we be once inflamed with the loue of God and godlinesse, wee shall labour to kindle the zeale of others, & set them on fire also. Bad men are, and why should not good men much more become, Incendiaries. This is the matter and effect of my gratitude, which though it may seeme to be no great mat∣ter: For my goodnesse exten∣deth not to thee, neither art thou any whit the better, for my being better any way, (the grace is thine, the good is mine alone,) yet I know it to bee very aceptable and highly plea∣sing vnto thee, being so louing and gracious, so co∣uetous of mans saluation, as thou dost euen hunger and thirst after his conuer∣sion. Thou dost euen long for our returne home, from out of those farre remote countries, where∣in wee haue wandred, and spent our patrimony of thy gifts, in wickednesse, to the house of thy habi∣tation. I, euen I that lost my way in my pilgrimage, and fell among theeues who robbed me of my garment of godlinesse, of my of righteousnesse, of my girdle of gladnesse, and wounded mee with bitter Arrowes, and darts, almost to death; I (I say) being reduced into the way againe, refreshed and comforted, raysed and set on horsebacke (as it were) will teach others, careful∣ly to kepe themselues in the right way, to shunne idlenesse, and security, and all other occasions of sinne, to auoyde such inconueniences, as by wofull experience I haue found, and felt with into∣lerable griefe. I will teach Transgres∣sorsHomines malunt ex∣empla quā verba. . act. ver. sap. Validior quàm oris, oratio. Greg. by instruction, and will teach them by exam∣ple also. Men are more ef∣fectually perswaded by the workes they see, then by the words they heare;Regis ad exemplum nec sic infle∣ctere e∣dicta va∣lent, ac vita regentis. Claud. by Princes acts, then by their Edicts. I will ioyne both precept and practice together; my words shall bee working words, and my deeds shalbe speaking deeds. Nay, I will not on∣lyHabent & opera suam linguam. teach them, by my words, and by my deedes,Author de dupl. mar∣tyr. but by my writings also. I will cause my Psalmes (the webs which my restlesse soule hath wouen) to be sung in Gods Tabernacle, while I liue; & when I die, bequeath them to God his Church, to be vsed in all succeeding ages; which (I hope) will bee of some force, to mollifie and qua∣lifie the hard and stony hearts of retchlesse and impenitent sinners. I will vse all the wayes I can, to teach sinners, in thy wayes, and I will en∣deauour to reclaime all sorts of sinners from their euill wayes, As there bee seuerall sorts and degrees of transgressors; so I will apply my counsailes and admonitions, in seuerall kindes, respectiuely. I will teach sinners ofSinne of infirmity. infirmity; that they yeeld not at all to the assaults and allurements of sinne; that they fight couragi∣ously in that neuer-dying combate betweene the flesh and the Spirit; that in no wise they suffer them∣selues to be carried away Captiues to sinne; that they let not sinne raigne, howsoeuer it will re∣maine,Rom. 6. in their mortall bo∣dies. I can, and will tell them (out of knowledge and experience,) that if they giue the water pas∣sage but a little, they shall not bee able to withstand the Current of their owne concupiscence; that a little sparke of a wanton looke vpon Bathsheba, bred such a huge flame of lust in mee, as I could not quench. That Satan is subtile and will cunningly insinuate himselfe euery way; hee will seeke to make the breach where thy fortifi∣cation is weakest; hee will vndermine, if hee cannot batter thy strongest castle; if he see where thou my∣nest, he will countermine: That he makes semblance sometimes to strike at one place, when he intends to hit another; that now and then he faignes to make a retraite, when he returnes suddenly againe, to finde thee the more vnproui∣ded. That he is like those Pyrates which alwaies carry in their shippes, flags of peace, when they intend nothing but warre; that when they hold out those flagges, their enemies may hold them for friends, and so become their prisoners; and that therefore it be∣houeth them to watch continually, and carefully to keepe Centinell ouer themselues, and in time of peace, more then in time of warre. The shippe that saileth, many times in∣curres more danger when the Sea is quiet, then when stormes arise: for in the calme water, the Saylers ride without care, or dread of danger; but in time of tempest they prouide for euery mischiefe that may befall. I will tell them, that sin∣nersVitia cate∣nata inter se. are linked and chay∣ned, nexed and twisted to∣gether, so as one still draw∣eth on another, and the lesser euer a greater; that Satan that foule thiefe, and old Setter, hath in each pack of Theeues, little sins,. in lib. Sapient. like little boyes, to creepe in at the windowes, or o∣ther narrower passages, & then open dores for grea∣ter sinners, like greater theeues, to enter sreely, & so spoile the goodman of the house of all goodnesse & vertue, at their pleasure. I will teach sinners ofSinne of presump∣tion. presumption, that as God is mercifull, so hee is iust; that wee must not so re∣memberVolo te prae∣sumere, ne diffidas, praesu∣mere, ne torpescas. Bern. Ep. 87. his mercy, as we forget his Iustice. Our Lord is sweete, but yet vpright. All his wayes are mercy and truth. These bee the two feete, whereby hee wal∣kethPsal. in his wayes; that e∣uery sinner that will truly turne to God, must lay handfast on both these feete: for if he lay hold onBernard. mercy onely, letting passe iustice and truth, he must needes perish by presump∣tion; If he apprehend Iu∣stice onely, without mer∣cy, he cannot but perish by desperation. Let him ther∣fore kisse both these feete, that hee may, in respect of Gods iustice, retaine feare; & in respect of his mercy, conceiue hope. I teach them to tune their notes to my ditty; I Psal. 101. 1 sing of mercy and I will not sing vnto thee mercy alone, nor iudge∣ment alone (O God) mercy and iudgement ioy∣ned together. I will teachAbsit vt redundan∣tia clemen∣tiae coelestis, libidinem faciat hu∣manae teme∣ritatis. them, what an absurd cōse∣quence, and vnkindly kind of reasoning it is: In as much as God is merciful, louing and long suffering, therefore I will abuse hisTertul. de poenit. mercy, and continue myPrauicordis est ideò esse, quia Deus bonus est. Bern. in Cantic. wicked courses; I will doe what liketh my wilfull ap∣petite; that, the Argument, in morall congruity, as well as logicall diuinity, holds strongly in the quite contrary forme; God is gracious, and expects my conuersion; and the lon∣ger he expecteth, the hea∣uier will bee my punish∣ment when it commeth, if I neglect, or rather con∣temne the riches of his pa∣tience and gentlenesse; and therefore I ought, euen to day, before to morrow, to heare his voyce, and pre∣sently to accept of his vn∣deserued mercie. Whereunto I will adde another consideration, of great waight and much feare; and that is, ThoughQui poe∣nitenti ve∣niam, non . August. God promise pardon to him that repents, yet hee doth not promise repen∣tance to him that offends: (Repentance is his gift a∣lone.) Though hee offer thee grace to day, thou knowest not whether hee will offer it againe to mor∣row; though hee affoord thee life and memory this weeke, little doest thou know whether thou shalt enioy these fauours the next. Finally, I will teach them to take my whole pe∣riod together, and not to catch at one piece onely, for their aduantage, or dis∣aduantage rather, (which is against the rules both of Law and Logicke,) for when I haue said; The eyesPsal. 34. 15 of the Lord are vpon the iust, and his eares are bent to heare his prayers: I adde on the other side, in the same sen∣tence: But the face of the Lord is against them that doe euill, to roote out their memo∣ry from off the earth. My last Corollarie and conclusion shall be; Blessed is the man that feareth the Lord: Therefore serue thePsal. 2. 11. Lord in feare, and reioyce in him with reuerence. I will teach transgres∣sorsSinne of Desperati∣on. in all kindes and de∣grees, that they doe not at any hand, through the ter∣rour of their owne sinnes, or apprehension of Gods displeasure, either by cowardize or carelesnesse, quite despaire of Gods a∣bundant mercie. I will vse my best skill, and bestowe the most powerful perswa∣sion I can deuise or find for the purpose. I will tell them of my Soliloquie, and the secret conference between me and my soule, to this effect; Though, vn∣happy man that I am, I haue not alone slipped, but falne; and not falne onely, but falne fouly too: though I haue not onely done much euill carelesly; but This Euill; This Euill in Gods sight contemptu∣ously, (This Euill, which is a massie chaine of enor∣mous iniquities, nexed and linked together, strongly binding, and grieuously burthening my soule:) yet will I not doe worse, or ra∣ther, what is worst of all; I will not still adde sinne vnto sinne; I will not fill vp the full measure of my wickednesse, with that horrible sinne of sinnes; I will not stab my soule (if I may so say) with the deadly dagger of finall im∣penitencie; for the depth of desperation, is the height of impious abomi∣nation. I will not wilful∣ly wayue, and scornefully reiect his general, free, and gracious Pardon, proclai∣med to all penitent sinners, without any exception or limitation at all. His bene∣fits are infinite, endlesse, and inestimable; therefore the Origen, fountaine, and well-spring of all these fa∣uours, graces, and good∣turnes, is infinite, vnmea∣surable, and farre surpas∣sing all the compasse of mans vnderstanding. But specially, he loueth soules, which are his by a mani∣fold interest; created by him, when they were not; saued by him, when they were lost; marked for his, with the stampe of his owne Image. Farre be it therefore from me to fall into that desperate resolu∣tion, which, of all other of∣fences vpon earth, doeth most exasperate his anger, and doth depriue his di∣uine Maiestie of that most excellent propertie, wher∣in hee chiefly delighteth and glorieth, which is, his infinite and vnspeakable mercie. I am his workemanship (his hands haue made me, and fashioned me:) The worke∣man cannot chuse but bee fauourable to his owne worke, especially so excel∣lent and bountiful a work∣man as he is, towards such a worke as man is, framed to his owne shape and like∣nesse. He is my Creator, and thereby priuy to my frailety, of how brittle and weake a metall I was 1 3. made. Hee is my Father, (which is the title of the greatest loue and coniun∣ction that nature hath left to men in this world;) andFacilè im∣petratur quod filius . Tertul. de . therefore cannot but af∣fect his child: His diuine Maiestie is so earnest and vehement to giue assu∣rance in this behalfe; that being not contented to represent his loue vnto vs by the loue of a fathers heart; hee goeth further yet, and protesteth that his heart is more tender to∣wards vs, then the heart of any mother can bee to the onely child of her owne wombe. Can the motherEsa. 49. forget her owne infant? if she could, yet can I not forget or reiect thee. Nay, he is my heauenly Father, who inTam pater nemo, tam nemo. . de∣poenit. this perfection of true fa∣therly loue, so farre excee∣deth all earthly parents put together, as in power, clemencie and goodnesse he surpasseth the infirmity of his feeble creatures; and therefore his bowels and entralls of tender and end∣lesse mercy, will be moo∣ued (I know) in commise∣ration towards mee, vn∣faignedly returning vnto him. Nay, I haue yet a further claime, and title to his gra∣cious fauour & compassi∣onate mercy, in that hee is not only my Creator, and Father, but my RedeemerIob 19. 25. also. I know (with holy Iob) that my Redeemer li∣ueth, for I haue it by his , and ; that will . 16. 1. hell, nor suffer his to see . this be not to the by the act execution and perfor∣mance , in the fulnesse of time, it will bee accomplished and acted, to the admiration of all the earth, and the amplifica∣tion of his eternall glory. Not his Sonne onely, but his onely Sonne, will take my nature vpon him, be∣come flesh of my flesh, and bone of my bones, will vouchsafe to bee borne of a Virgin, descended of mine owne race and pedi∣gree; hee will conuerse vp∣on the earth, in the simili∣tude of sinfull flesh; hee will, in the nature and pro∣perty of man, not onely suffer hunger and thirst, but also all manner of in∣dignities, affronts, and dis∣graces; hee will be content to be beaten, and buffeted, launced, & pierced, woun∣ded and crucified for mee, and for my sake; hee will shead his blood vpon the Crosse, as a malefactor, to satisfie Gods iustice, and to purchase my freedome from hell, and euerlasting damnation. And sithence he hath in his immutable decree giuen him, and will in his time, apparently giue him to such a shame∣full death, for gayning me vnto him; how should he not, but with him giue allRom. 8. 31. things else whatsoeuer? I know and am assured, that he who beleeueth in Christ to come, hath as and full interest in his excessiue loue, and this inestimable benefit, as hee who shall beleeue in him, when and after he is come. The times must bee chan∣ged, variata , non fides. Au∣gust. in Psal. 51. but it is and will bee one and the same faith, yea and one & the same obiect of faith, in substance, in all times. His promises of par∣don, whereby he hath ob∣liged himselfe to sorrow∣full sinners, are affectio∣nate, absolute, and vniuer∣sall. First, Whosoeuer shall2. Cor. 6. depart from his wicked wayes, & turne vnto him, shall bee receiued of him. Secōdly, At what time so∣euerEzek. 18. a sinner doth repent him of his sinne, and turne to him, his wickednesse shall not hurt him. Third∣ly, If your sinnes were asEsa. 1. red as scarlet, they shall be made as white as snow. How then can I mistrust my selfe to bee excluded from this assurance of mer∣cy, wherein all sorts of people, all kinds of sinnes, all times and seasons are comprehended? His Loue, that calls mee to repen∣tance, is inexplicable. His Truth, and certainty of promise, is infallible. His Power of performance, is omnipotent and endlesse. This threefold cord, or rope (which cannot bee broken) bindeth mee fast to the barre of his mercy, and will not suffer mee to slip away, or start a side, till I haue obtained full remis∣sion of all my sinnes. Cain, my vnhappy pre∣cedentGen. 4. in murther, did more offend God, by those words; My sinne is greater, then that I canAugust. hope for pardon, then, by all his former iniquities. My confidence in this mer∣cy is assured, and my hope inuincible; therefore I re∣solue, though he kill mee,Job 13. 15. yet to trust in him, with holy Iob. I will tell such hopeles, and retchlesse persons, that my sinnes are set be∣fore them, for caution; my repentance, for imitation; that they which stand, may warily looke to theirAugust. in Psal. 51. footing, that they fall not; and they that haue , may rise hopefully and speedily, by , and not ingulfe themselues into the depth of all dete∣stable enormities, special∣ly the gulfe of desperati∣on. I will tell them, that their vouching of my ex∣ample, to extenuate, is anAugust. ibid. odious circumstance, to aggrauate, such sinnes as I haue committed. So as he that shrowdes himselfe vnder this sinfull shaddow, offends, euen in that re∣spect, in a higher degree then I did; because he wit∣tingly propounds an vn∣warrantable precedent to warrant his wickednesse; wheras I fell only through frailety, without alleadg∣ing, or thinking of any such pretence or patterne. I will tell them, that Na∣than the Prophet was sent to rowze me out of secu∣rity, but I am sent as a Pro∣phetAugust. in Psal. 51. to raise them to re∣pentance, and to rescue them from : I will aduise them, that are prone to God his bundant mercy, to heare with ; to heare , and with me; to heare me wayling and weeping, and to ioyne their teares mine; to heare me re∣formed, and to reioyce with mee; that howsoeuer could not stay the current of their own sins, they stop not the of Gods mercy, they haue sinned; that howsoe∣uer they could not bar sin from entring in, they ex∣clude not hope of pardon, out of the doores of their sinfull soules. Hast thou sinned? Re∣pent,Chrysost. in Psal. 51. Hast thou sinned a thousand times wretched∣ly? Repent a thousand times vnfainedly. This is the onely Oyle, that may be powred into thy woun∣ded soule, and afflicted conscience, to reuiue, and refresh it at all times. This soueraigne salue is of pow∣er, to cure, and recouer thy most incurable, and despe∣rate sores, and diseases of sinne, yea, if thou be vpon thy death-bed, and ready to breathe out thy soule and spirit, euen at the last gaspe, feare not to repent,Nec enor∣mitas cri∣minis, nec extremit as temporis. for that Gods mercy is not restrained, either by the e∣normity of Crime, or ex∣tremity of time; and for that, betweene the bridgeInter pon∣tem & fon∣tem. and the brooke (as they say) when thou art falne from the one, and not falne into the other, Gods grace may interuene, to saue thee from downing. Howbeit, let not this ftrong water, and most comfortable Cordiall of the teares of repentance, make thee negligent, to delay thy conuersion to God; both, because re∣pentance will not come at thy becke and call, (be∣ing by custome habituated in sinne;) and because also, though true repentance be neuer too late, yet lateSera , vera. repentance is seldome true, and such as it should be: but let it onely reuiue and animate thy confi∣dence in Gods bottom∣lesse mercy, if, and when thou art in the greatest straights, and come to the last exigent, to preserue thee from vtterly fainting, and falling into the deadly swoone of desperation. The impious persons, or sinners shall bee conuer∣ted vnto thee. I doe not, I may not, say, I will conuert sinners vnto thee; for conuersion of sin∣ners, is a peculiar be∣longing to thine owne Iu∣risdiction; a case reserued to thy power alone; a branch of thy Prerogatiue and honour, which thou wilt not impart to any o∣ther. Well I may plant by my instructions and admo∣nitions; I may water by my practice and example: but it is the influence of thy grace, that must giue the increase. I will by the assistance of thy Spirit, do my best and vttermost in∣deauour, with fidelity and diligence ministerially to helpe, and co-operate with thee the prime Agent and principall Efficient in this most difficult and impor∣tant affaire: for a greater businesse it is to regene∣rate, then to create; to build a new house vpon a false and rotten foundati∣on, then it was to erect the first Fabricke. And I hold my selfe the more obliged to this seruice, because I haue not only scandalized thine owne people, the Iewes, by my heathenish iniquities; but I haue cau∣sed thy holy name to be blasphemed among the Gentiles also: for mee thinkes, I heare thine own people whispering and murmuring among them∣selues, in this sort; If this King and Prophet did be∣leeue what hee pretends and professes, his behaui∣our would be sutable to his beliefe; his actions an∣swerable to his professi∣on; his words and deeds would better tune toge∣ther, and not make such a harsh discord as they doe. Surely, sithence workes are surer testimonies then words, of our hearts affe∣ctions, we may iustly con∣ceiue, that hee vseth Reli∣gion only, as a stalking horse, to serue the turne for policie and worldly re∣spects, that he thinkes and sayes in his hart, though not with his mouth, There is no God. The Gentiles, on the o∣ther side, who are Aliens from God his couenant, & strangers to the Common∣wealth of Israel, me thinks, I heare them boldly, and broadly speaking to this effect: That King that seekes by all meanes, both of prowesse, & policie, to reduce vs vnder his obedi∣ence, to the worship of his God, and the embracing of his Religion, we see how hee carries himselfe; wee can discerne by our light, that he violates the law of nature imprinted in all mens harts; that he shame∣lesly defiles the beds of his Subiects, and kills them cruelly and treacherously, at his pleasure, to attaine his lustfull desires. Wee will be still irreligious, ra∣ther, of no religion, then his religion; wee will sub∣mit our selues to any Prin∣ces yoke; we will fall into any mans hands, rather thē his. To make amends for these faults, and to repaire these ruines, I will teach at home and abroad, Iewes and Gentiles, such as erre either in Religion, or con∣uersation, the wayes of God and godlinesse, by instruction, by discipline, by example; what hath fallen to the ground by my euill, I will build vp again by my good de∣meanour; my light shall so shine before Dome∣stickes & Forreigners; be∣fore mine owne Subiects, and before others, both Princes & people, as they shall glorifie the God of Israel, they shall beleeuePsal. 48. 1. & 95. 3. and say, Great is the Lord, and worthy to be serued aboue all gods; Blessed is the Lord, euen the God of Israel for euer. AMong all my sinnes, which are sans num∣ber, & many of them hei∣nous in their quality; this horrible and crying sinne of murder lyeth heauiest vpon my distressed soule, in the generall muster of my sinnes; the shedding of so much innocent bloud, makes the most fearefull and hideous apparition to my tormented conscience. In regard whereof I cry out, Deliuer me, not from bloud, but from blouds, in the plurall number. I begged first indefi∣nitely, 2. that God would clense me from mine ini∣quities; then, that hee would blot out all my transgressions vniuersally.Verse 9. I presented and iterated this petition in humility and faith, knowing that my prayers, if they were not so accompanied, could not preuaile. Howbeit, because this sinne seemes so enormous, so exorbi∣tant, that it can hardly be comprized and inuolued in the generality of all my sinnes; I send vp a single petition as a speciall mes∣senger for more surety, in no other errand, but to sol∣licite at the Court of Hea∣uen, that this grieuous, this bloudy sinne, may be not onely necessarily im∣plyed and infolded, but expressely named and spe∣cified in my generall and gracious pardon. Thou diddest in thy Le∣uiticallLeuit. 7. 26 27. Law forbid thy people to eate any flesh, with the bloud thereof (whatsoeuer soule eateth any manner of bloud of Fowle, or Beast, that soule shall be cut off from the people) that thou mightest make them so much the more to abhor the bloud of man, wherein his life consisteth. Deliuer mee (O God) from the guilt of that bloud which I haue spilt by the of Cap∣taine , and so many Souldiers vnder his com∣maund, from the punish∣ment of that sinne threat∣ned by Nathan, (that bloud should not depart from my house) and finally from future bloud, that I may neuer embrew my hands in bloud hereafter. The teares of those widdowes, whose hus∣bands were slaine in that disastrous assault made at Rabbah; the cryes of those children, whose Fathers then lost their liues; haue mounted vp to , do frame my Enditement, and make my Processe against me before thy Tribunall, and doe call instantly for iudgement, according to the iust law of Retaliation; He that sheddeth mans bloud, his bloud shall be shed. Wherefore, that I may the sooner obtaine my par∣don in such latitude as I desire it, I doe re-enforce my prayer with all man∣ner of zeale and earnest∣nesse. Deliuer me, O God, thou that art the God of my saluation. I double thy Name, when I tender this single supplication, hoping by my affectionate insinua∣tion, and vehement com∣pellation, to draw thy gra∣cious compassion towards me: I take hold of thee, as it were, with both my hands: I cry incessantly for par∣don of this sin, which cries so eagerly in thine eares for vengeance against me. Thou God of my saluation.Psal. 3. 8. I said elsewhere, that salua∣tion is the Lords, because it can flow from no other fountaine; but here I desire to apply it particularly, to draw the water to mine owne Mill, and to appro∣priate it, as it were, whol∣ly to my selfe. Thou art of that gracious nature, as wee cannot better please thee, then by challenging a speciall interest in thy loue, by assuring our selues that thou art ours: so that howsoeuer our premisses be generall for remission of sins, our conclusion must be speciall, proper, and pe∣culiar: Thou art my God, and the God of my saluation. I will sing ioyfully, or aloud of thy Righteousnesse.] The satisfaction should be an∣swerable to the trespasse done, and the retribution to the benefit receiued, in some proportion. As to a greater sinne, a dee∣per repentance is due; so for a more bountiful fauor, a larger returne of thanke∣fulnesse is, (of congruence) required. I haue grieued beyond measure for my bloody sinne; for the ine∣stimable benefit of my free pardon, I know not what to render againe. In briefe, I can returne nothing but praises and thankes; (a poore requitall for so rich a mercy:) But sithence I can yeeld no better, no o∣ther; it is meete I should improoue this, and set it forth to the vtmost ad∣uantage. Wherefore I will sing ioyfully, with a liuely spirit, with a cheerefull heart, I will sing vocalissimè Alleluia. My tongue shall become a Trumpet of thy praises, which shall sound them out lustily and loud∣ly: I will bestow all my breath and strength in pro∣clayming thine honour: I will become a chiefe Chanter: I will eleuate the note in the highest straine: I will so chant out thy praises, as thou shalt take notice of it abundantly, and so, as the noyse may be heard, not only in my pri∣uate Chappell, or Orato∣ry, but in the chiefe Ca∣thedrall Churches, in the greatest congregations on Earth, yea, euen in the blessed Synode of Angels and Saints in heauen. Nay, I will not onely sing my selfe, but I will call in o∣thers also to make vp a full Quire: O come, vs singPsal. 95. loudely, let vs re∣ioyce, &c. Thy righteousnesse, that is, Thy faithfulnes and truth, in accomplishment of thy gracious promises to such, as truly and sincerely re∣pent, and humbly & hope∣fully craue pardon for their sinnes: for true iustice doth much consist in the due performance of pro∣mises. Thou thy selfe hast made thy selfe our debtor,Debitorem se fecit, deus non accipi∣endo, Sed , , &c. not by receiuing from vs. but by promising to vs. No man can say vnto thee, Render, Lord, what thou hast receiued: but eueryAugus. Psal. 25. 10 man may, and must say; Performe, O Lord, what thou hast promised. All thy waies are mercy and truth; Mercy, whereby thou forgiuest sinners, and Truth, whereby thou ma∣kest good thy promises. O then, how happy are the people, whose God is the Lord, who by his pro∣mise is become their faith∣full debtor, and whose iu∣stice giues assurance of his mercy, whose mercy and truth are met together, and whose righteousnesse and peace haue kissed each other! So as by a reuerent confidence, and a holy kinde of boldnesse, I may thee in this , by the worth of , but by of thy promise, not to lay my sinnes to my charge; bee they neuer so many, neuer so great, I may pleade my interest in the death of my Sauiour, and in thy faithfull pro∣mise, and free pardon, to this effect: O my God, thou that art the God of my saluati∣on; it is agreeable to di∣uine and humane iustice, to keepe promise, to per∣forme couenant. In the new and sacred couenant, it is the Article of Inprimis (as they say) that thou wilt forgiue the sinnes of thy people: & remember their iniquities no more. Make good then thy word, and full agree∣ment, really and effectual∣ly. It stands not with thy iustice to exact twice one and the same debt of mee. My suerty and elder Bro∣ther Christ Iesus, hath pai∣ed the debt which I owed, hath suffered the punish∣ment which I deserued: wherefore enter not into iudgement with thy vn∣worthy seruant, O Lord; but for the of his death and passion, accep∣ted by thee; with free con∣sent, for full satisfaction, let me be acquited and dis∣charged of all my trans∣gressions whatsoeuer. I will rely and repose my selfe securely, vpon thy word and promise, because thou hast ratified and con∣firmed it with an oath, with a solemne oath. Thou hast sworne by thy selfe, (because there is no grea∣ter to sweare by) by thy ; the Lord Ieho∣uahPsal. 132. 11. sware vnto Dauid; Truth, that is, a true oath, a faithful promise: or Truth, that is, God sware vnto Dauid; He will not turne a∣way the face of his Anoynted, his seed shall indure for euer: thou hast sworne by thy life; I will not the death of aEzech. 33. 11. sinner, if he repent, he shall liue. Oh happy people, forO nos soeli∣cis quorum causd De∣us iurat! O nos , si nec Deo, &c. Tertul. . whose cause thou vouch∣safest to sweare! Oh most miserable wretches, if we beleeue thee not when thou swearest! Thy word (O Lord) is an in it selfe and of it selfe, (so faithfull thou art) but to giue vs full , thou dost condescend to our capacity and infirmi∣ty, thou makest assurance to men, after the manner of men (with whom, a promise clothed with an oath, seemes of greater strength and validity, then a bare and naked word) and therefore out of abun∣dance of thy loue, dost vse a protestation, or adiurati∣on (otherwise needlesse) to remooue out of our incre∣dulous hearts, all distrust, and colour of dubitation. BVt I haue beene too forward (now I thinke of it) to engage my selfe, so deepely, to sing ioyful∣ly, and sound loudly thy righteousnesse. I confesse I haue promised more thē I can performe; I haue as∣sumed and presumed, to doe that is out of my power, vnlesse thou (O Lord) bee pleased, by thy gracious fauour, to enable me for accomplishment thereof. It is gracefull to me to shew my sefe grate∣full to thee; yea, it is iust, that for the singular bene∣fit of thy Iustice, in perfor∣ming promised and vnde∣serued mercies, I render all possible thanks, and returne all manner of prayses, vnto thee; but this I am not able to make good, without thy good∣nesse. As I could not re∣pent, nor beleeue; so nei∣ther can I yeeld thankes or prayses, but by thy gifts & grace alone. I am blinde, and cannot see; deafe, & cannot heare; dumbe, and cannot speake thy wonders, thy words, thy praises, vnlesse thou o∣pen mine eyes, eares, and lips. It is thou alone that must speake in mee, that must worke in mee, both to will and to do, nay, thou must do in me, and for me, what thou requirest to be done by me; else it will be vnsaid, and vndone; thou must be all in all to , else all will be nothing. Who is hee among the sonnes of Adam, that can∣not sing and say any thing that is euill, by his owne power and will, by Satans instigation, (howbeit, not without God his permissi∣on) that cannot speak vaine and wicked words, that cannot sing wanton and ri∣bald songs, scandalous and scurrilous libels, that can∣not blaspheme thee, slan∣der his neighbours, that cannot flatter his superi∣ours basely, lye to his e∣quals cunningly, reproach his inferiours scornefully, that cannot say and vnsay, sweare and forsweare, and what not? But it is a good thing to sing prayses to thee; That he cannot do, nor say ought else that is good, vn∣lesse thou put the thoghts into his heart, and the words into his mouth. Wherefore open thou my lips, O Lord, circumcise them, vnty the strings of my tongue, and , (not before) my mouth shall shew forth thy prayse, My lips shall speake thy praise, when thou hast taught me thy statutes. It is possible for a man, that is stirred vp and pre∣uented by thy grace, to thinke and conceiue well, what is to be said: but to vtter & deliuer that well, is a further blessing, and re∣quires a new supply and helpe of grace, for guiding and gouerning the tongue, in that behalfe. Nay, there is yet a further and subse∣quent grace required, to take a fit occasion and op∣portunity, seasonably to vtter what is well concei∣ued and digested, both in regard of the speaker and hearers, that all interueni∣ent impediments may bee remoued and taken away. And in our case, this is the more requisite, because our prayers and prayses commonly goe together (as is meete) so as at one and the same time, we are, both to encounter Satan (who is then most busie to distract and disturbe vs,) and God himselfe, to whome by the feruent im∣portunity of our prayers, we must offer a kinde of violence, as Iacob did, when he was said to haue wrast∣led with thee. Wherefore there is re∣quired a long Chayne, fa∣stened by many seuerall linckes of grace, to binde together this blessed worke, of setting forth thy iust and due prayses. My mouth shall shew forth thy praise,] not onely in Psalmes and Hymnes, with all manner of Iubilation, but in the instruction, ad∣monition and correction of wicked and impious ones, and the reduction of them to thy law and lore. Nay, I will play the Ad∣uocate, & open my mouth for widdowes, orphanes, and other miserable crea∣tures, such as are tongue∣tyed and cannot, as are o∣uer-awed, and dare not speake for themselues. I will in earnest and effectu∣all manner recommend the care and protection of them also, to all my sub∣ordinate Magistrates and Ministers. He that speakes for such Clients, may bee said to be thine owne mouth, because thou the Patrone of all those that are oppressed, for want of assistance and de∣fence, and men vndertake their causes by thy speci∣all assignement and depu∣tation, which redounds to thy prayse and glory, in an extraordinary man∣ner. True it is, that the thankfulnesse of the heart, is the heart of thankeful∣nesse; there is the well∣spring. The heart, as a King, commands this duty to bee done; the tongue, like an Herald, sounds the Trumpet. As the heart is the hart, & the tongue the trumpet; so the life, is the life of thankfulnes, it must be acted indeede, as well as proclaimed with the mouth. Then will the tune be perfect, when there is a true consort, betweene the heart, and the tongue, and the deede. The thankes and prayses must bee cor∣diall, vocall, and reall, all together. I doe sometimes, in con∣templation and admirati∣on of thy wonderfull bles∣sings & bountiful fauours, wherewith thou hast la∣den my soule (as it were) breake out into this excla∣mation and interrogation; Quid retribuam? What shallQuid retri∣buam. I render to thee, Lord, for allPsal. 116. 12. thy mercies? In an amazed astonishment, when I can giue my selfe no satisfacto∣ry answere, knowing, that all I can doe, is lesse then nothing, in comparison of what thou hast done to me, or I should and would doe to thee; yet thinkingInuenit ali∣quid. Aug. that I finde (as it were) something, I resolue to make some shew of returne at least, and to take the Cup of saluation, or of health, and call vpon the name of , accor∣ding to the custome of our Church and people, who for benefits receiued, vse to offer peace or thanke∣offerings, whereof they eate and reioyce before the Lord, and at their ban∣quets take vp the Cup of wine, in their hands, and blesse God (called there∣upon, The Cup of Bles∣sing.) When I seeke serious∣ly what I might render vnto thee, I finde nothing but what is thine already, and therfore I must desire thee to giue mee, to giue thee, & when all is done, I must giue thee of thine own, els I can giue thee nothing. For who hath preuented thee, or beene aforehand withIob 22. 2. thee? Who hath giuen thee first? Wherefore, when1 Cor. 4. 7. the question is pursued and pressed yet further, who hath giuen me this Cup of saluation? I must ingeni∣ously confesse, that euen thou hast furnished mee with this kinde of retribu∣tion, I cannot make this good without thy good∣nesse; I cannot praise thee, vnlesse open my lips with the key of thy grace, and tune my tongue and voyce to sing; Praise thouPsal. 103. the Lord, &c. O my soule. I haue nothing of mine own to giue but my sin, and that may not be presented vnto thee. My sin is mine indeed, and not thine, (I haue the full interest and ownership therof.) What∣soeuer I haue else is thine, and not mine, thou art the sole Author and proprie∣tary thereof. Mine is on∣ly the fruition and vse by thy permission, and as a Tenant at will. I am but instrumentum animatum, a meere instrument, liuing by thy breath. Thou must open my lips, else my mouth cannot vt∣ter thy praises. The very sound and voyce in me, is thine, I am but the Eccho to resound and returne it againe. As the Riuers flow from the the sea, and re∣flow backe into it: so euen thy praises must come from thy , to set forth thy glory. Thou desirest not sacrifice, else would I giue it, or had gi∣uen it.] In regard of the heauy burthen of many sins, oppressing my soule, and the feareful apprehen∣sion of thy iust indignati∣on conceiued against me, to ease and free my selfe, to appease and please thee, what would I not doe? what would I not suffer? what would I not offer? But I haue nothing where∣by I might redeeme thy fauour towards mee. For if I had Mountaines of Gold, if I had Riuers of Oyle, if I had tenne thou∣sand sacrifices to bestow vpon thee, it booted mee nothing; they are all thine owne already; and besides, thou makest not account or esteeme of any of these things at all, which I doe not deliuer to disallow, or altogether disualue all kinde of , by slaughter of Beasts and Birds, appointed by thee, and prescribed by thine owne Law; but because these are signes onely, and representations to the weake capacities of mor∣tall men, of that reall, ef∣fectuall, renowned, and e∣ternall sacrifice, once to be offered for the redempti∣tion of mankinde. I know (O Lord) by the illumina∣tion of thy holy Spirit, that it is an inward and in∣ternall, not an outward or externall sacrifice, which thou (being a spirit) de∣lightest in: Thou lookest vpon the heart, and pious affections thereof alone. I conceiue, that to draw. cont. Mar cio. thine owne people from the superstitious Idolatry whereunto the Gentiles (through the blindnesse of their vnderstanding, and the delusions of Satan) were so prone, and so much addicted, and to teach them to embrace such worship of thee, as thou shouldest prescribe, not themselues , thou hast instituted sundry kindes of sacrifices, vpon seuerall occasions to be of∣fered vnto thee, with an indulgent respect to our infirmity, (who being car∣nall, delight in outward shewes, without which wee cannot so easily com∣prehend those inward ser∣uices and spirituall duties, to bee performed by vs) and euer with relation to the true substance of the hearts affections, to be e∣rected, and consecrated wholly to thine honour. For thou hast not or for thy selfe. wouldest not drinke the bloud of Bulls and Goats.. 50. The eternall God doth neither hunger nor thirst, &c. But a single and sin∣cere minde fearing God, of those that offer such things as they haue from thee, is a sweet smelling and well-pleasing sacrisice to thee, by thy gracious acceptation: who dost not so much regard the thing that is done, in this kinde, as the minde where with it is done, and the end wher∣fore it is done, to wit, thine owne glory. Thou dost not respect the shadow, but the sub∣stance; not the shel, but the kernell; not the chaffe, but the corne; not the signe, but the thing signified. At least thou doeft not esteem the type without the truth, nor the figure in any de∣gree of comparison, with that which is represented thereby, and therewith to be presented vnto thee, that is, a broken heart. The sacrifices of God (in the plurall number) be∣cause this one is many sa∣crifices, this one is all the sacrifices that thou expe∣ctest at our hands. A broken heart, a con∣trite spirit, (diuers words importing one and the same thing) is a heart wounded, a spirit deiected and perplexed with the sight and sense of sin com∣mitted, mourning and mel∣ting into teares, through the remorse of conscience, grieuously lamenting that it was so wretched and wicked, as gracelesly and vngratefully to reiect the iust lawes of so powerfull a Iudge, and to neglect the kinde inuitations of so pit∣tifull a Father, and all for a little vaine, idle, foolish, frothy, and fruitlesse plea∣sure, which was mingled with in that lit∣tle time, wherein it was so greedily , and pleasingly . Now, doth thy gracious goodnesse won∣derfully shew and forth it selfe, that thou not only to teach vs what to doe, and what to say, how to our acti∣ons, and frame our suppli∣cations, that, both in word and deed, wee may please thee; but also whē we haue offēded & displeased thee; to tell vs how to pacifie and appease thee againe; The Sacrifices of God are, &c. Nay further, thou dost not require such a sacri∣fice, as must be procured and purchased from a∣broad, with much care and cost, farre fetcht and deare bought (as they say) but such a sacrifice as we haue, or may haue, in our owne bosomes. à te extrâ. PP. to quaeritur: Thou requirest nothing from mee, but what is within mee. Beyond all this, thou doest vs the honour, and trustest vs, with the office of Priests that wee may be sure to see this Sacrifice duly performed. We must our selnes, for our , offer vp our , in hu∣mility & contrition (which is only and vn∣bloody ) and thee. Euery as a Priest, a victime. Aug in . within , to offer the franke-Incense that must be put vpon the Altar, in his owne bowells; in his owne heart, a Sacrifice, that is of force, to and winne thee to com∣passion, he neede not seeke for a beast abroade to slaughter, and burne to ashes, he hath within him∣selfe, that hee may and should kill. He may slay sin, he may mortify his earth∣ly members, he may strike with the hammer of sound repentance, vpon the hard Anuile of his stony heart, till it be mollified, bruised, and brayed to pieces, and then it will be thy time & turne (as it is thy greatest honour,) to binde vp and heale the wounded and broken hearted.) Hee may kill and sacrifice to thee, his Bull of pride, his Goat of lasciuiousnesse, his Ramme of stubbornenes, his Birds of flying and wandering imaginations, and so the rest of his car∣nall & sensuall affections which being beastly, doe turne men into beasts, de∣facing that Image of thee, wherein they were crea∣ted to holinesse, and righ∣teousnesse; The morall whereof, is this; He may, in a life of vertue and piety offer vp, the death of his vices & iniquities to thee. He that repents his sins,Omnis quē poenitet, rixatur se∣cum. Aug. in Psal. 33. doth chide and braule, quarrell and brabble, hee doth expostulate and fall out with himselfe, in this tune; Oh vnhappy wretch, why wouldest, how coul∣dest thou, so basely stoope, to the lure of fleshly wan∣tonnesse, of wordly profit, of spitefull reuenge, of trecherous infidelity? how couldest thou be induced to sell thine inheritance for a mesle of Pottage, thy euer during treasure in heauen, for a little flitting and vnconstant trash of the world? What fruite hast thou now of the forbidden fruite, of enioy∣ing those sinfull and mo∣mentany pleasures, where∣of thou art so much asha∣med? was not the terrible voice of the Law, thun∣dring out hell and damna∣tion, of power to fright thee from rebellion, were not the sweete promises of the Gospell, of force to inuite thee to the and constant seruice of God? Nay, beyond chiding and brauling, a true peni∣tent, must chastise and pu∣nish himselfe. Thy Lustice, O God, although it be ful∣ly satisfied, by that all suf∣ficient obedience and pro∣pitiatory Sacrifice of the Lambe, slaine from the beginning of the world, yet as a fruite of our re∣pentance, expects from vs a holy reuenge vpon our selues. We must iudge ourPeccatores, vindica , exige de te poenas, cru∣cia teipsum, &c. Aug. in Psa. 140 selues, that wee bee not iudged, and least our iudgements become fruit∣lesse and elusory, We must put them in execution, se∣uerely, without pitty, or partiality. Let vs therefore preuent his face of Maie∣sty, his countenance of Authority, by confession, (wich confession, is a pro∣fession of forsaking our former faults.) The IudgeCurrat poe∣nitentia sententia. Cbrys. we cannot, the iudgement we may preuent, if we take the opportunity, and re∣pent truly and timely of our sinnes, thou wilt mer∣cifully and graciously re∣pent thee of the iudge∣ments, denounced & doo∣med against vs. Therefore it be houeth euery man, to keepe a Court at home, and therin to sit, as chiefe iustice, to indict and ar∣raigne himself at the barre of his owne conscience, & where he findes the fault, there to inflict punish∣ment. In as much as at these Assizes, the heart must needes be found the greatest offender, because from the heart doth flow, all vaine and sinfull imagi∣nations, all idle and wicked words, all lewde and scan∣dalous actions; let him doe Iustice vpon his heart, in the first place, let him cor∣rect the pride of it, by hu∣miliation, the wantonnesse of it, by contrition, the io∣lity of it by sorrow, the stubornenesse of it by wee∣ping, the gluttony of it by fasting, the couetousnesse of it by almes-giuing; and so according to the rule of Physicke, cure each con∣trary by his contrary af∣fection. The physicke must bee applied to that part of the body, which is ill affected, the salue laid vpon the place that is sore. Where the sinne breedes & swels, there must the sinner cut and launce. He must pricke his heart to the quicke, and let out store of teares, as the former, and latter rayne. As our hearts haue beene fatted and pampe∣red (as it were) with sinne; so they should grow leane and meagre againe, by sor∣row for sinne. Looke how much theIn quantū tibi non pe∣perceris, in tantum tibi Deus par∣cet. Tertul. de poenit. lesse I spare my selfe, so much the more wilt thou spare me. My repentance doth in a sort execute thy vengeance, and with a temporall vexation, doth preuent and auoide thine eternall damnation, by ca∣sting me downe, it lifts me vp, by making me vgly in mine own, it presents me pure in thine eyes, by ac∣cusing, it doth excuse, by condemning, it doth ac∣quite me. It is a kind of vnhappi∣nesse, to be seared and cau∣terized with an hot yron, and fretted with an eating powder; but those meanes and medicines, which doe cure by sharpenesse and sowernesse, by the benefit which they procure, doe excuse their distastfulnes, and by the succeeding profit, do allay the present paine. By sin, thy spirit takes oc∣casiō to increase grace, not by the nature of sinne, but by the soueraignety of that spirit, which euen of sinnes makes a plaister against sin. For I being as sicke of sor∣row as of sinne, may hope∣fully resort to thee, the Physitian of my soule, whose end of comming into the world is, to cure the sicke, especially such as feele themselues sicke, e∣nen at the heart. I must breake my gol∣denExod. 32. Calfe, that is, any idoll of sinne, which my cor∣rupt heart doth serue and worship, I must burne it with zeale, and with con∣trition grinde it to pow∣der, and then strowing it vpon the water of teares, drinke it vp againe. By this thy gracious meanes, an Antidote will bee drawne out of poyson, the oyle will cure the bitings of Scorpions, the worme wil gnaw the wood, the moth the cloth that bred it, the very excrements of my sinfull soule, like dung and mannor, will fatten and make it fruitefull in goodnesse. The hunted and woun∣dedTertul. de poeniten. Hart, by eating of an herbe knows how to helpe. and heale himselfe, and to make the arrow that pier∣ced his ribbes, to fall to the ground. The Swallow when she hath put out the eyes of her young ones; knowes by an herbe of her owne name, how to restore their sight againe. Thy herbe of grace, the iuyce whereof, is our re∣pentance, doth expell the fiery darts of Sathan shot by sinne into our soules, and this eye-salue doth cause vs though neuer so much blinded with sinne, to see, both our error, in committing, and thy mer∣cy in pardoning our offen∣ces. The most powerfull rhetoricke, to mooue thee to pitty, is repentance, and the most delightfull Mu∣sicke in thine eares, is that dolefull ditty, tuned to a trembling tongue and a quauering voyce, peccaui in coelum, &c. Against thee, a∣gainst thee onely, I haue offended. The string bends theNerue cur∣uabitur ar∣cus. Igne Chalibs. strongest bowe, the fire mollifies the hardest steel, the Goates blood breakesAdamas, Sanguine, corde Deus. Mantuan. euen the Adamant; I hope my harts humble and mel∣ting repentance, will ap∣pease thy hottest and hea∣uiest indignation concei∣ued against me. The most worne and torne linnen, by contusion and grinding in the Mill, makes smooth and white paper. Euen so, my most base and rotten ragges of vanity and wickednesse, by true contrition (with thy benediction) will produce a cleane heart, and renew a right spirit within mee. The corruption and con∣sumption of the one, will prooue the generation or regeneration of the other. To sacrifice & to kill, are expressed by one and the same word, in holy writ, because euery sacrifice was slaine in thy Leuiticall lawe, but this breaking of my heart, and offering my body in sacrifice to thee, is an Euangelicall sacrifice, because therin (which mayHostia ctatur & viuit. Cry∣sol. in 12. Rom. seeme strange) the sacrifice is slaine, and yet liueth: For it is my faith, not my death, which thou seekest, thou thirstest for my holy desires, not my polluted blood, thou art appeased with my willingnesse to renounce the world, not with my departure out of the world. This was A∣braham the Father of all thy faithfull ones, his sacri∣fice, which thou requi∣redst of him. For what did Abraham, but offer his owne body in his Son? What didst thou require of him but his Faith, who, as thou diddest commandSicut of∣ferri iussit sic non occi∣di. Chrysol. his Sonne to be offered, so thou wouldest not suffer him to be killed. I hold it a wise and an aduantage∣ous course in any man, to dye to sinne that hee may liue to righteousnesse, to mortifie the old man, that hee may bee quickened in the new, to dye daily, that hee may liue eternally. Wherefore I will dye, that I may not dye, I will wound my hart with tem∣porary contrition, that I may auoyde the deadly wounds of , who desires my euerlasting de∣struction. I will liue a dy∣ing life, that I may not dye a death: For thy sake are we killed all the day long, and right deare in thy sight is this death of thy Saints. Here I can bee contented to stirre vp an holy emula∣tion betweene those that thus dye, and such as are stoned, burned, or other∣wise done to death for de∣fence of thine honor and testimony of thy trueth,Cyprian. de dupl. . who, by excellency are termed Martyrs. These dye but once, and at once, their paine is soone past, but the other dye a linge∣ring death, they dye daily and continually. It is ac∣countedGenus cito occide∣re. Seneca. a mittigation of cruelty, and a kind of mer∣cy, to put men to death quickely. This Martyr∣domeMorsque minus poenā quam mora . Maxim Eleg. of mortification, God doth highly prize, without that other, which is by effusion of blood; this must goe before that,Non Mar Sola sanguinis effusio con∣summat nec solam dat Palmam, exustio illa . Multi du∣cunt , in Aug. and that without this, is of no worth, nor deserues the name of Martyrdome at all. Whose Martyrdome shall I dare to compare, with the various, hideous and tedious sufferings of holy Iob? The best is; this contention for immortali∣tie,Auth. de dupl. Mar∣tyr. will not onely be mor∣tall, but soone at an end. The Martyrs of both sorts (so I tearme them, because they dye in, and for thee) shall haue fulnesse of feli∣city to satiate their largest desires, for they both shall haue, both, ioy without measure, and life without end, they shall both enioy abundance of pleasures, at thy right hand for euer∣more. The summe of all is, I must drench and drowne my sinnes, and the corrupt affections of my wicked heart, in the sea of sorrow∣full repentance, and then my soule will nimbly and swiftly swim to the land of promise, and hauen of hap∣pinesse. They that will offer this sacrifice, their hearts must fall from the high mountaine of pride, downe into the lowest valley of humiliation, and they must bee bruised with the fall, & pained with the bruise. I will present an humble, bruised, and sorrowfull heart vnto thee. Thou, O Lord, art nigh to them that are of a con∣triteIob. 30. 29. spirit, who speake to thee, in bitternesse their soule, who crye like the Draggon and Ostriche, for griefe of their sinnes com∣mitted. They who cry, De profundis, out of theAugust. in Psal. deepe, are not in the deepe their very crye reares and raises them vp. Thine eare is within mans heart, thou perceiuest the hearts first relenting, before it come to the tongues relating. I did purpose, and say, with∣in my selfe, I will confesse myPsal. 32. sinne; and thou tookest notice thereof, and for∣gauest the iniquity of my sinne. Thus saith the High andEsay 57. lofty One, that inhabiteth eter∣nity, whose Name is holy, dwell in the High and holy place, with whom? with him that is of a contrite and humble spirit, to what end? to reuiue the spirit of the hum∣ble, and to reuiue the heart of the contrite ones. Thou wilt not despise, nay, thou wilt highly prize, graciously receiue, and comfort thou wilt giue them beauty forEsay 61. 3. ashes, the oyle of ioy for mourning, the garment of gladnesse, for the spirit of heauinesse. As a bone in the arme, or legge onceFirmior est fides quam , de . . 5. broken, and being well set againe, growes stronger then if it had neuer beene broken: so our hearts, be∣ing well and soundly hea∣led by true repentance, of the sores and bruises of sinne, become more firme and stable then euer they were before. Thus my foule fall becomes foelix culpa, I am after a sort hap∣py in my vnhappinesse, for out of my great misery, through thy greatest mer∣cy, a greater happinesse doth arise, then euer I felt before. HEE that prayes to thee, must not pray for himselfe alone. How∣soeuer hee beginne with prayer for himselfe (when he hath gained some inte∣rest in thee for himselfe, hee may the sooner pre∣uaile for others) hee must end with prayer for thy Church, hee must not end till hee haue recommen∣ded the whole Church in his prayers vnto thee. He that is a liuely and feeling member of that mysticall body, whereof thy Christ is the head, must pray for the whole body. As in the naturall body the heart feeles the akeing of the head, and the head the op∣pression of the heart, the heart and head both doe resent a fellon in one of the fingers, and the gowt in one of the toes, the sto∣macke simpathizeth with the braine, and the braine with the stomacke; so, and much more is it in the mysticall body. True Christians are like those Twynnes, who are repor∣ted to haue wept and laughed, slept and waked, liued and dyed together. They must weepe with them that weepe, mourne with those that lament, suffer hunger, thirst, na∣kednesse, and imprison∣ment, with others their brethren afflicted with such crosses, participate with them in all their mi∣series and aduersities what soeuer. Captaine Vriah mine honest seruant could say; The Arke, and Israel, and Iudah abide in Tents, and my Lord Ioab, and the seruants of my Lord are incamped in the open field; and shall I then goe into my house to eate and drinke, and lye with my Wife: While they are in ieopardy, I cannot be in iollity; while they liue in feare, I cannot enioy secu∣rity. Wherefore be fauoura∣ble to Sion, to thy Church and chosen; I being one of them, must abide one and the same fortune and condition with them. This is that vnion of the Saints in thy Christ, that communion of them a∣mong themselues, which cannot easily bee compre∣hended, much lesse fully expressed, and yet must it bee constantly belieued, and will be in some mea∣sure continually resen∣ted. The Church is repre∣sented by the name of Sion. Sion the holy Mountaine in Hierusalem, which thou louest, from whence thy lawe should come, and where thou wilt dwell for euer. Iehouah hath chosen Sion, and desired it for hisPsal. 132. 14. seate, and said, This is my rest, here will I sit, euen to perpetuity. But besides this gene∣rall, I acknowledge my selfe tyed by a speciall ob∣ligation to pray for Sion: for there was no let, on my part, but that the whole kingdome of thy Christ might haue fallen to the ground; for, I being raised from the dunghill, to the Diadem; from the Parke, to the Pallace; from fol∣lowing the Ewes great with young, to feede thy people, and anoynted King, to the end I should gather thy Church toge∣ther, by my Apostasie haue scattered and wasted it, so farre forth as there is great cause to feare the vtter ru∣ine and desolation there∣of. Wherefore by force, and in remorse of consci∣ence, I beg for the susten∣tation and preseruation of thy Church, through thy free and vndeserued mer∣cy. Thou, O Lord, art the onely founder of this choise Company and cor∣poration. As out of thy loue onely thou didst sin∣gle and select them from other refuse people, be∣fore the foundation of the world, as by the same loue thou hast supported and preserued them (amids all dangers and disasters) euer sithence; so, I beseech thee still to continue thine an∣cient, accustomed, and af∣fectionate fauour to them. Let not my vnhappinesse impeach their happinesse; let not the darke and fog∣gy mists of my wickednes, ecclipse the light and lu∣ster of thy countenance to∣wards them; let them be still as deare vnto thee as the apple of thine owne eye; doe not spill them for my faults, but spare mee and them for thine owne sake. Thou doest often, and mayest alwaies punish the people for the sins of their Princes. Wherefore I be∣seech thee not onely to pardon my sins to my selfe, but to be fauourable to my people also, and not to suf∣fer them to smart, and suf∣fer for my offences. It is I that haue sinned and done euill indeed, but as for these sheepe, what haue they done? let thine hand bee on mee, and my Fathers house, but not on thy people, that they should bee plagued. Let not the contagion of my corruption spread vnto them, let not the punish∣ments which I (their head) haue deserued, fall vpon their heads; be fauourable to them, howsoeuer thou be displeased with me. I doe acknowledge, that looke how farre Kings do exceed other men in place and dignity; so farre doe their sinnes surpasse other mens sinnes in quality. Their sinnes, though lesse in their owne nature, are greater by reason of their persons, they are crying, capitall, and sinning sinnes. Wherfore it behooues me to repent more deepely to pray more earnestly, not onely for my selfe, but for my people also, whom I haue scandalized by my ill example, and exposed, as much as in mee lay, to thy heauiest venge∣ance. For thy good pleasure, in thy good pleasure, according to thy good pleasure. I can propound no other mo∣tiue, to induce thee, I can name no Saint, nor Angell in heauen, for whose I should intreate thee. Therefore for thy good pleasure, be fauourable to Sion. No sacrifice, either without or within mee is sacred enough, no sincerity in my thoughts, no holi∣nesse in my words, no vp∣rightnesse in my actions, is of power to merit the least grace from thee. I for my selfe, and as Procurator for thy Church, doe renounce all right, disclaime all de∣sert, by meanes of any all of these. It is thine own louing kindnesse that must ouer come thee. There is no reason of thy loue, but thy loue, no reason of thy good will, but thy good pleasure. Stat pro ratione vo∣luntas.Saluian. Thy will is perfectSaluian. iustice, & stands for a law. Thou art not only louing, but loue it selfe, for thouNon Elegit , sed &c. Aug. didst loue thy Church and chosen first, thou didst not chuse them worthy, but by chusing, didst make them worthy to inherit thy Kingdome, thou didstQuare gra∣tia? quia gratis da∣tur. Quare gratis da∣tur? quia merita tua non , sed beneficia Dei te . Aug. in Psal. 30. loue them gratis, freely. Grace is not grace any way, vnlesse it be free and gracious euery way, with∣out any precedent merit, or so much as loue, on our parts. Build thou the walls of Ie∣rusalem.] I pray as for thy Church, so for thy Com∣mon-wealth, Sion, thy Chuch, Ierasalem, thy Cit∣ty, Sion, thy holy habitati∣on, Ierusalem, the mother City of the Kingdome of Israel. I haue done wrong to both, and therefore de∣sire to make reparation, to both. That I can in no wise make, but by thy gracious fauour, vpon mine humble and earnest supplication. Ierusalem, though a City of peace (as the word Sa∣lem imports) yet must bee prepared and fortified for warre, It must haue Castles Towers, and walles, to de∣fend them against the en∣counters of their enemies, which are many and mighty. There be walls of this City, which the world sees not, for thou, O Lord) art a wall of brasse about her, and a wall of fire, to consume her foes, thine Angels pitch their tents about her Inhabi∣tants. Shee hath also visi∣ble walles, framed of a number of liuely stones, which being first rough, are hewne by affliction, in the quarry of this world, squared by repentance, and cemented by loue, and so pollished and made fit for the heauenly Ierusalem, that truly glorious City. But I will not pray onely for the defence and safety, but also for the peace and prosperity of the earthly Ierusalem. O pray for the peace of Ierusalem, they shall prosper that loue her, peace bee within her walles, and plenty within her pallaces; because of my brethren, neighbours and companions, for the loue I beare them out of naturall affection and ciuill respect I pray for Ierusalem; but chiefely and mainely, for thy House sake, O Ieho∣uah. This house is the heart of this body, it puts life into all the outward parts and members there∣of and in a relati∣on (though not in like pro∣portion) those outward parts, doe guard, and de∣fend and cherish his heart. Thine Israel must needes be in much affliction and reproch, whiles the walles are vnbuilded. Thou hast forbidden thy people to offer in euery place. There thou art well pleased to haue thy name called vp∣on. I haue much battered these walles, I haue made large breaches in them, by my haynous offences, O Lord, I beseech thee who art the Arch-builder, to re∣repaire these breaches, to build vp these walles, that Ierusalem may continue in safety, and in pro∣sperity, not a few moneths or , but e∣uen till the comming of thy Christ. Sion is the ioy of the the whole earth; not only all the creatures, but all o∣ther men also, are created, and disposed for her good. For thy loue of them, I must loue them, for I cannot loue thee, vn∣lesse I loue thy spowse, in whome thou delightest, which is mystically, yet re∣ally, one flesh with thee? I pray for fauour to Si∣on, in the first place, for building the walles of Ie∣rusalem, in the second place, for good to the Kingdome in regard of the good that will thereby accrew to thy Church, the prosperity whereof, is the the prime obiect, and last complement of my de∣sires. Then when thou art be∣come fauourable to Sion, thy Church and chosen, when the place is builded, which thou hast singled out for thy seate and ser∣uice, then wilt thou ac∣cept, and the people offer their sacrifices, inward and outward vnto thee. This correspondency, and resti∣pulation, as it were, be∣tweene thee and thy peo∣ple, that they shall offer cheerefully, and thou gra∣ciously entertaine their seruices, is the foundati∣on and height of true fe∣licity. But they must be right sacrifices, or the sacrifices of righteousnesse, such as are required by thee, and in faith tendred vnto thee, else will they not hit the marke whereat they ayme. For it is not the deede done alone, that will a∣uaile, or worke any good effect: it is not enough that the thing that is done bee good, but it must bee well done also. Bonum, benè the Noune without the Ad∣ucrbe, is of no value, or vertue at all. The burnt offerings of beasts and birds and other things wholy giuen vp, in fire, by the Priests, and consumed to Ashes; the other oblations of peace and thankesgiuing, made by the Laity according to thy prescription, though thou do not esteeme them at all, when they are dis∣ioyned from an humble and penitent heart, yet be∣ing happily conioyned & consorted together, will be most gratefull, and highly pleasing vnto thee. They shall offer Bul∣locks vpon thine Altar, and there slay them (which is the signe & figure) they shall withall, tender the calues of their lips, in prai∣ses and prayers, which is the substance and body thereby repesented. Thy Christ as their high Priest shall offer himselfe the sa∣sacrifice, and vpon him as their Altar they shall put their Incense of heartie deuotion, by that meane, to become sweet smel∣ling, in thy nostrils. Hee shall be the Priest, the Sa∣crifice Altar, all in all, him∣self. To him & be all honor and glory, &c.
A00325.P4	Familiarium colloquiorum formulae. Et alia quedam per Erasmu[m] recognita	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1519]	Apud Wynandu[m] de Worde calcographie prelis examinata nouiter: suaq[ue] in domo sub Solis intersignio vendu[n]tur,	Londini :	lat	[ "Dialogues, Latin (Medieval and modern) -- Early works to 1800." ]	PRodijt nuperlibellus quidā colloquiorū fa∣miliariū / quē mihi tribuūt: & ediscitur a pue¦ris meo noīe: vt audio. Quetamnū si maxime is es∣set: qui latine lingue castimoniam doceret. nolim ta∣men mihi asscribi quod meū nō sit. Nunc cum multa sint admixta que merā darbariem oleāt: paucis rem vt habet a periam. Fateor me quondā cum essem Lu¦tetie an̄ annos plus viginti quas nu∣gas. Siquando libuisset a cena garrire ad foculū: et discinctū (vt ait Flacc{us}) ludere de formulis {rum}gressus cotidiani. rursum de sermonibus conuiuialibus. Ad hec scripseram crassissimam paraphrasim in elegan∣tias Laurentij Ualle: nec mirum. lapidi scripseram verius {quam} homini. Quan{quam} hoc quo{que} frustra: vs{que}∣adeo plūbeū erat ingeniū vetuli psitaci. Preterea iā tum copie qualecun{que} simulacrū delinieram. Ad hec ceptus erat liber de conscribendis epistolis. Itē ali∣us aduersus barbaros: quem quorundam opera per didi. Postremo quotidie calamum in familiaribus epistolis exercebam / quiduis nugans apud hūc aut apud illū amiculū: & effutiens / qualia solemus a po¦culis inter amiculos & congerrones alter in alterius inū effūdere. Huiusmodi nugarū insatiabilis lauer¦na semper fuit Augustinus Camynadus / q cū mihi tū erat domestica cōsuetudo menses aliquot. Is hūc libellū ceu corniculā Esopicā ex his omnibus concin∣nauit: aut cōmiscuit magis rhapsodus ille farraginē suam / veluti cum multa iura cōfundit coquus. Addi¦tis personis ac titulis / & quibusdā de suo affictis: ne nus{quam} cumanus ille asinus seip̄m proderet. Ne{que} enī est tam facile latine: vel nugari. {quam} existimāt quidam Possum adhuc de singulis pronūciare: vnde desum∣pserit ille. Et sunt apud quos extant adhuc huiusmo∣di schede qui fatētur et agnoscūt me verū dicere. His nenijs imposuit quibusdam crassulis. inscio me. quo nimirū homo tenuis / ac famelic{us} non nihil nūmorū abraderet. Nec est qd me beat{us} Rhenanus / homo cā∣didus / et amicus excuset: hoc pretextu. {quod} hunc libel∣lum an̄ annos viginti scripserim. An interim accesse∣rit aliqd vel eruditiōis vel iudicij / alio{rum} facio iudiciū certe linguā latinā: ac bonas quas vocāt litteras / id tēporis melius callebam {quam} nunc. etiam si tunc quo{que} infra mediocritatem tenebā ea studia. iam vt ex pau¦cis cetera cōijcias lector. Quis vn{quam} dixit: dare salu∣tationem / {pro} dicere salutem. id qd ille ponit pag. a. iii. Rursum pag. a. vi. me ī derisum habes. Rursum ea∣dem. Occupationes tue excusationis locū habent. de suo addidit. Item a. vij. Ago tibi gratias / {quod} littera∣rū fasciculis nos onerasti. Nō sensit qui poscere mo∣dum subiunctiuū. qui nos oneraris. Item a. viij. Ad clunes mundādos. clunes ponit pro diuersa corporis parte. Rursus ibidē. Laudo te virū prestitisse. Quis vel Geta sic loquit? Sed desino plura / ne lectori sim molestus: cum hec sint in primis pagellis. Quā{quam} sūt in his et alia que mihi non probantur. Quorū est illd Qua valitudine es predit{us}. Recte forsitan sic dixerit medicus: si de perpetua corporis crasi percōtaretur non de presenti corporis statu. Admonui. meo sū offi¦cio functus. Posthac si quis vltro se fallet: sibi impu¦tet. Holonio non inuideo / si quid hinclucelli corrasit. Sed gratias acturus non sum hoī: nisi me alio deme ruerit officio. Quē / si pergat ex Holonio faciem{us} Ho∣lopolā: aut si malit holopoliū. Scio nō esse leuē iniu∣riā / edere meo noīe: quod meū nō est. p̄sertim me su{per}¦stite. Sed quēadmodū Balaā ille non admodū expa∣uit ad vocē asine loquētis: qd mōstris assueuisset. ita ego quoniā ad maiores cōtumelias iā occallui / min{us} ad hec leuia cōmoueor. Alioqn nō aberat res ab atro∣ci iniuria. etiāsi libellus a me conscriptus fuisset: nisi forsitan / quicquid experientes calamū. quicquid pue¦ri. quicquid soluti. qcqd vuidi. quicqd amātes aut ira ti chartis illinimus, id cuiuis ius erit typis excussum orbi tradere. Que tandē ista licētia: me superstite mi¦hi ascribere: quicqd cui{que} collubitū fuerit / & aliene fa∣me periculo ludere. Et tn̄ quoniā libellū vbi{que} corri∣pi videbam / perlectū emendauimus. ne iuuētus no∣stri noīs lenocinio decepta solecismis inficeretur. Be ne vale lector optime. Louanij Anno. M.CCCCC.xix. kalen. Ianua. ¶Colloquiorum familiari∣rum formulae. Sal{us} tibi. Salue regina formosissima: cū catulis te matre dignis. Salue turpissime nebulo. ¶Respon. Salue leuissime ganeo. Ut me salutas / ita resaluta∣bere. Ut me salutaris: ita resalutaberis. Saluus sis tu quo{que} Nicolae. ¶Salutare est dicere salutem. Resalutare est salu∣tationem reddere. Obuios quos adimus colloquendi gratia / cenantes / oscitantes / singultientes / sternutantes / tussientes sa¦lutamus. nos{que} tū illi salutant. In ructu crepituue salutare: hominis est plus satis vrbani. Christianū plurimū saluere iubeo. Christianum suū plurima salute impartit Erasmus. Arnoldum meū mea causa fac diligentissime salutes Matri {quam} potes officiosissime ex me salutem dicito. Christiano bene esse cupio. Christiano vt bene sit pre cor. Augustinus tuus te plurimum saluere iussit. Gerardus me tibi suo noīe salutem dicere precepit. Ab Erasmo iussus sum te magnopere salutare. Oēs tibi salutē comprecātur. Salutat te Petrus Egidi{us}. Henricū meis verbis saluta diligēter. Iacob{us} multā salutē tibi asscribi iussit. M.T.C. Tyroni suo S.D. Preceptorem meū fac meo noīe salutes. Salutabis ex me patrē tuū virū integerrimū. Adriano meo fac mea causa salutem nūcies diligentissime. Salutato homines quotquot de me / te percōtabūtur. Faciam equidem / ac lubens. Curabo. Curabit. Haud negligam. Habebo cure. Haud pretermittam. Uolens faciam. Nihil eque libens fecero. Curabo di∣ligenter. Fiet. Cure erit. Ita faciam. Licebit interim honoris gratia mutare salutādi for∣mam. hoc modo. Ut vales optime Augustine? Qui va∣les? Quo pacto tecum agitur? Ut habes? Recte. bene valeo. belle. perbelle. bellissime. fe∣liciter. {quam}optime. pulchre. festiuiter. haud male quidē valeo. bene habeo. Sin minus recte valeas: caue di∣cas vulgato more taliter qualiter q̄ culinaria est ele∣gātia: haud oratoria. Sed sic respōde. Equidem vt∣cun{que} valeo. Mediocriter quidem valeo. Ut possum. quando vt volumus non licet. Ut soleo. Ita vt supe∣ris visum est. Nō optime sane. Plane infeliciter. Nō admodū ex sententia. At tu qua valetudine es? Ecqd valuisti vs{que}? Uerū tu christiane satin recte vales? Qua valetudi∣ne es preditus? sic forte recte dixeris. si de perpetua corporis temperatura percōteris: nō de presenti cor∣poris affectione. Fausta. incolumi valetudine. felici. prospera. bona. optima. Basilica. Athletica. Pancratica. Letus istud audio. Audire istud ex aīo gaudeo Ut idem facias semper opto. Est mihi istud auditu per{quam}iucundum. Uoluptatē magnam mihi nuncias Haud inuitus audio. Oppido letor istud audire ex te Oppido aduerbium .i. valde. Gaudeo tua causa. Le tor vicē tuam. Ita vt perpetuo facias precor. Ut sic {quam}diutissime valeas oro. Gratia deo. Laus superis. Gratiā habeo celitibus. Deo gratia. Deo gratias. ec¦clesiasticis relinquito pro cantilena. Quo tandē in statu res tue sunt posite? Quo pacto res tibi habent? Recte ne funt omnia? Satis ne omnia ex sentētia? Salua ne sunt omnia? Sunt ne vt vis oīa. An ex voto sunt omnia. In optimo statu. In tolerabili. In felicissimo Mediocri. Oīa salua. Uelim quidē: at minime sunt. Recte quidem vellem omnia. omnia prospera. Bene est. Recte. pulchre res habet. optime. be∣ne factum. Perplacet. est volupe. gaudeo. qui fit vt minus salua sint omnia? Caue dicas. bonum est. pulchrū est. est rectum. in hoc duntaxat sensu. Item. Quid agitur? quid rerū agis? quid operis facis? qd negocij geris? quid rerū geritur? quid agis? Equidem ocium ago. nihil quidem agitur. ni¦hil rerum ago. nihil sane fit apud me. id quod vides. nempe nihil. Sum fortasse tibi impedimēto. ego te fortasse quippiā agentē interturbo. Ego fortassis tibi aliud conanti obturbo. forsitan negocia tua interrumpo. Remoror fortasse tuum negocium. Imo in tēpore aduenis. Oportune ades. expectatus aduenis. nā voluptati est mihi tuus aduē tus. haud impedimento. Tu perpetuo studes. Studes & noctes & dies. Assiduus in studio es. Nullum facis studendi modū. Immodico studio te maceras. Nullam studijs tuis quietem intermisces. nun{quam} studēdi laborē intermit∣tis. Nihil tibi parcis. Cōtinue studes. Nūc tu plane rides me. Derides me. Ludis ne nunc me? Habes me risui. Iocaris mecū. Pro de∣lectamento me habes. Ludibrio sum tibi. Illudis mi¦hi. & illudis me: pro rides me. Minime rideo: sed id quod res est dico. Non ri¦deo quidem: immo rem ipsam dico. Serio loquor. Ex animo dico. Ex animi sententia loquor. Haud (ita me deus amet) iocor. Quid cause est: {quod} iam prīdem nos nō viseris Quid accidit: qd iamdiu ad nos nō accesseris? Quid sibi vult: quod post tantum dierum nos nō inuiseris Cur tam rarenter nos visis? Non licuit per occupationes. Non licuit per ocium. Uolui quidem: at nō licuit mihi per mea ne∣gocia. Nō sinūt mea negocia: vt te aliquando visam. Ita sum occupatus: vt nū{quam} fuerim occupatior. Tot me res distinēt: vt nihil fuerit ocij. Occupatior fui: {quam} vt potuerim. Negocijs multis impeditus venire nō potui. Non licuit per valetudinem. Non licuit per tempestatem. Accipio excusationem: at ea lege. ne sepe vta∣ris. Excusationē tuam accipio. Habeo te excusatum: an latine dicatur / nōdum mihi quidē liquet. Gratum mihi fecisti: {quod} aliquoties ad me scri∣pseris. Habeo gratiam: {quod} ad me crebrius scripsisti. Amo te: {quod} interdum ad me litteras dare nō dedigna∣tus es. Habeo gratias {quod} crebris litteris me viseris. Ago tibi gratias: qui litterarū fasciculis nos onera∣ris. Maxima tibi a me habetur gratia: qui nos aliqū litteris lacessiueris. Nihil ne nouarū rerū e patria affertur? Nun∣quid noui de nostratibus accepisti? Quid noui? Que noua fers? Num quid noui fertur? Nū que res noue e patria nunciantur? Noui quidem permultū: at nihil veri. Nouarū quidem rerū satis: at nihil comperti. Noua {per}multa at explorati nihil. Non parū noui: at veri non multū Nihil affertur noui. Nouarū rerū nihil prorsus acce¦pi. Certi nihil. noui non nihil. Rumores afferuntur permulti: {sed} dubij. plurima est fama: at rerum nihil. firmi nihil. Nihil ne litterarū accepisti? Nū vllas e patria recepisti litteras? Nulle tibi sunt reddite littere? Nū qd scriptorū accepisti? Nū quas accepisti epistolas? Litterarū nihil accepi. Equidem pecunias {quam} litteras malim. argentū accipere malim {quam} epistolas Nummos recipere malim / {quam} epistolia. Facile credo. Haud difficile creditu est. Cred istud perfacile potest. Istud tibi quis non credat: Ad∣modū incredulus fuerit: qui hoc tibi non credat. At vtrū{que} malim {quam} neutrum. Quorsum spectant littere sine pecunia? Ad qd tandē inanes conducūt littere? Quorsum valent. ad quid conferunt. faciunt. littere vacue? Cui grate / cui accepte littere sine nummis? Quid emolumēti affe∣runt littere inanes? Podici tergendo vtiles. idonee. conducunt na tibus tergendis. Si vsuz nescis carū: ad anū expur∣gandum valent. ad nates tergendas. ad posticum purgandum. Quid? valent ne amiculi? quid vxor agit tua? Recte. eam apud matrem reliqui: et quidem pregnantem. Bene et tibi / & illi vertat. tibi quod pater: illi quod mater futura sit. assit deus. vt vtri{que} vestrum faustū / felix{que} sit precor. opto. queso. oro superos om∣nes. vt incolumis prolem vobis dignā pariat. & pul∣chra faciat te prole parentem. Laudo te: {quod} virum te prestiteris. Gaudeo te virum prestitisse. Gallū te esse declarasti. Abi. virum te iudico. Augustine facis tuo more. Age age: est tibi ius apud me loquendi que voles. Audio te patriā nu∣per reuisisse. Sic est factum. Nam diutiuscule iam abfuerā. nō ferebam tā diuturnū patrie desiderium. nō pote∣rā a parentū aspectu abesse diuti{us}. torquebat me diu∣tinum amicorum desiderium. Pie fecisti. Pius es qui ista cogites. Ducimur enim om̄es admirabili quodam amore eius regionis que nos aluit / at{que} edidit. Et nescio qua natale solum dulcedine cūctos ducit: & immemores nō sinit esse sui Dic quonam in loco illic offendisti omnia? Nihil non nouum. Mutata omnia. Nouata omnia. Omnia noua. Uide {quam} repēte tempus res mu∣tet humanas. Uix dū decennium abfueram: & non se cus omnia admirabar / {quam} Epimenides somniatorum princeps. vix tandem expergefactus. Missas fac has nugas. quenamista est fabula? Dicam equidem si vacat. Nihil fuerit iucundius. Sellam igi∣tur vna cum puluino mihi poni iube. Recte admones. nā sedēs cōmodius mentieris. Fabulantur historici de Epimenide quodam Cretensi: qui deambulandi gratia / solus vrbe egres∣sus: quū in quadam spelūca obdormisset / quadragin∣ta septē perpetuos annos somnū continuasse dicitur. Quid narras? Incredibile dictu. Nō verisimi∣le dicis. Somnium narras. Not fit mihi simile vero Quid tandem theologū tot annos somniasse reris? Quid aliud {quam} que postea prodidit Scotus? vel potius fratralia omnia. Sed bene cum Epimenide actū est: qui vel tandē ad se redierit. multi Parrhysi∣is theologi nun{quam} expergiscūtur. Age. facis vt poete dignū est. sed perge mētiri. Epimenides igitur somno solutus e spelunca prodit. circūspicit. mutata videt omnia. syluas / ripas flumina: arbores: agros: breuiter nihil non nouum. Accedit ad vrbem. percontatur. manet illic aliquādiu ne{que} nouit quen{quam}. ne{que} a quopiam agnitus est. Nec miror hoc Epimenidi post tātum annorum euenisse. quando mihi idem propemodum euenerit: qui pau∣culos annos abfuissem. Quid vter{que} parens: viuunt ne? Uiuūt ambo: & valent vtcun{que}: senio. morbo. curis. deni{que} bellorū calamitate confecti. Cenabis hodie domi? Foris cena∣turus sum. foris cenandū est mihi. Apud quem? Apud socerū meum. apud generum meum. apud nurum meam. apud affinem meum. Affines dicuntur qui nō sanguinis. sed matrimonij coniunctione copulati sunt. Que sunt igitur vsitata vocabula affinitatū: Maritus et vxor nota sunt. vxoris mee pater est. filie mee maritus. vxoris mee mater. filij mei vxor. mariti frater dicitur ab vxore. vt Helena Hectorem leuirum vocat: quod esset nu∣pta Paridi. fratris mei vxor mariti soror matris mee maritus patris mei vxor vxoris aut mariti filius. filia alterutrius. qui amat eandem. que amat eundem Ago gratias. laudo te. cras igitur te ad ce¦nam voco. cras ergo vt mecum cenes oro. cras igitur mecum prandeas oro, cras igitur te mihi conuiuam volo. Timeo ne non pos∣sim. Formula. At vereor ne non licuerit. Ut possum metuo: veniam si quidem licebit. at metuo ne non queam. Cur non licebit? qui sic? quid ita? quam ob rem? quo pacto? quid cause? quid obstat. quo minus potueris? Tum quidem mihi domi manendum est. Ut domi nocte sim necesse est. Tum certe foris esse non licebit. Cras quo{que} mihi ire foras liberum non erit. A prandio abesse mihi integrum non erit. Aliquot ipse conuiuas eo die operior. Aliquot amiculi constituere ea nocte domi nostre cenare. Ipsi mihi conuiue sunt ea nocte tractandi. alioquin lubens venirem. ni id es∣set: haud grauatim facerem. quod ni esset: haud me ti¦bi difficilem preberem. Uel perendie apud me sis oportet. Saltem perendino die ad cenam venias necesse est. Non possum polliceri. Affirmare istud tibi nō possum. Promittere certo nequeo. Ueniam vbi vtri∣{que} nostrū videbitur cōmodissimum. Diem igitur mihi cōstituas volo: ad quē me∣cum sis cenaturus. Diem igitur assignes oportet. Diem igitur promittas: necesse est. Prescium te esse nolim. Prescire te nolo. De improuiso te opprimā. Inopinato te opprimam. Te nec opinantem oppressero. Te nihil suspicantem op∣pressurus sum. Non expectatus adfuero. Adoriar te nec opinantem. Biduū prescire volo. Biduum prescius esse cupio. Premoneto biduo prius{quam} venias. Fac me bi∣duo ante certiorem. Equidē tuo detrimēto. Tuopte quidē malo. Iu¦damnū tuū istud optas. Incōmodo istud p̄caris tuo. Quid ita? Quāobrem. Ego instructus accedā. Ego munitus veniā. Aggrediar te paratus. Instructus multa fame acce∣dam. Tu vide vt vulturē expleueris. Parabo vētrē acdētes exacuā. Tu vide quib{us} modis lupū exatures Age ad hoc certamē te {pro}uoco. Age fac pro viri∣bus. pro virili. si quid potes maxime. Ueniam quidē: at hac lege / vt tu postridie vicis∣sim apud me cenes. Faciam eo quidē pacto: vt tu dein de mihi quo{que} sis cōuiua. Ea lege cenā condico: vt tu rursum mihi sis conuiua. Spōdeo futurum. Recipio tibi facturum me. Do fidem futurum his quidem le¦gibus: vt tu mecū postridie prandeas. Age fiat. Esto. Sit ita vt vis. Si iubes faciam. Noui Gallorū magnificentiam. non vis gratis apud me cenare: nisi vices retuleris. Ceterū ego te detineo alio fortasse iturum. Imo ego te opinor. Sed cras latius & familiari¦us confabulabimur. Uerū crastino die plura nugabi¦mur. Interim fac valeas. Interim fac bene valeas. Quo tu nūc abis? Quo tu nūc {pro}peras? Quo tu tā celeri gradu tendis? Quonā te confers? Domum me recipio. Domum reuertor. Domum repeto. Domum me confero. Uiso quid do∣mi agatur. Accerso medicum. Rus hinc concedo. Constitui ad hanc horā cum viro quodā grauissimo colloqui. Statui hac hora verba facere cum viro gra¦uissimo. Quonam? Curione multiloquo. Qua nam iturus es? Qua ibis? Hac ad sinistrā. hac. illac / per forū. Comitabor igitur te. Assectabor ac deducā te: ad diuerticulum vs{que}. Hic te superis cōmēdo. Nolo te lōgius comitē. Ulterius nolo me comiteris. Tu me Curioni magnopere commendato. Fac me curioni multiloquo {quam} cōmēdatiss. Facias me Curioni cōmēdatū {quam} diligētiss. curato. Iube vt me si∣bi cōmendatiss. habeat. Ego me illi per te {con}mendatū facio. Me tibi etiā at{que} etiā commēdo. Me tue huma¦nitati {quam} possum diligentiss. commēdo. Recōmēdo au∣licis pro vrbanitate rustica relinquito. Uide ne pau∣ca cum multiloquo loquaris. Uis me tibi morem gerere? Uis me tibi obse∣qui? Uis tibi obsecundē? Te igitur imitari me iubes? Quandoquidē ita vis: faciam libentissime. Sed pri∣us{quam} abeas queso te / ne graueris me docere: quo pacto est his (in culpa. in mora. in causa) vtendum. Opinor tibi obseruatum apud autores / quibus modis soliti sint his vti. Christianus Quin tu potius id aperi qui soleas elegātie studiolissim{us} esse. Quare age do∣ce obsecro. Dissere amabo. Mos gerendus est tibi. Non est culpa ī me. Non est culpa in te. Mora est in te. in te causa est grā¦matice quidem dicitur at multo elegantius. Non sum in culpa. Culpa non est mea. Uaco culpa. Quod nihil proficis: tua desidia in causa fuit. nō pre∣ceptor. nō pater tuus. In culpa omnes estis. Utri{que} in culpa estis. Utri{que} culpandi estis. Ambo accusan∣di estis. Ambo in culpa estis. Incidisti in morbū tuo ipsius vitio. Quo minus ad te scripserim: morbus in causa fuit. Quod rarius ad te scripserim / mea negocia in causa fuerūt: nō negligentia. Quid in causa fuit? Quid cau¦se fuit? Ego non sum in causa. Qd nullas a me litte∣ras acceperis: tabellarius in causa fuit. Qd tā maci∣lentus es: amor / nō studiū in causa est. Hoc est ī causa Non ero vobis in mora. Quidnam vobis in mora fu∣it? Tu nobis in mora fuisti. Tu semper in mora es. Quid te remoratū est? Quis te remoratus est? Habes quod petebas: tuum est memorie insculpere. Uale mi Christiane. Uale in crastinū: & tu mi Au∣gustine. Salue multum iucundissime Augustine. Salue tantundem mi humanissime Christiane. Felix sit tibi huius diei exortus. Prosper sit tibi hic dies. Quid tandem agitur? Sua∣uiter: vt nunc res nostre sunt. Et cupio omnia q̄ vis. Merito te amo. Amo te. Amandus es. Beni∣gne dicis. Habeo gratiam. At ego non nihil tibi succēseo. At ego tibi sabi∣rascor. Uerum ego tibi sum subiratus. Atqui ego suz in te stomachosior. Atqui nō nihil est: vel habeo / quod tibi succenseam. Quidnam est istud obsecro? Quid ita? Quam ob rē tandem oro? Quid admisi sceleris? qd cōmerui? Demereor bona / aut laudē. cōmereor mala / aut cru∣cem dicitur. ilud in bonā: hoc in malā partē sumitur. Quod nulla mei tibi cura sit. Quod nihil nos respicis. Quod tā raro nos reuisas. Quod nihil nos cures. Quod me plane negligis. Quod nostri curam videris abiecisse. At nihil est cause cur succēseas. At preter me∣ritum meum. At immerito succenses. Ne{que} enī mea culpa accidit: quod te rarius visam▪ Da veniam occu¦pationibus meis: per quas mihi nō licet toties quoti∣es cupio te reuisere. Ita demum tibi ignoscam: si hodie apd me cenes. Ea conditione purgat{us} mihi eris: si vespe∣ri ad cenam venias. Haud iniquas pacis leges prescribis Christia¦ne: quare haud inuitus faciam. equidem faciam vo∣lens. Istud quidem fecero perlibenter. Nihil hac re fe¦cero libentius. Animo faciam lubenti. Laudo tuam facilitatem: et in hac re / et in cete¦ris omnibus. Sic soleo amicis obsequi: presertim non iniqua petentibus. Ridiculum: an tu me recusaturū putabas oblatum / quod vltro etiā erat rogandum? Age: at caue ne me deluseris. Caue fallas. Ca∣ue spem frustra foueam. Caue luseris expectantem. Nihil opus iureiurando. In ceteris. in alijs time perfidiam. hac in re non fallam. Sed heus tu: caue quicquā paraueris preter cotidiana. mea causa dies festos nolo. Scis me cōuiuam minime edacem / bibacem multo minus. Nosti enim me conuiuam nō multi cibi: sed ioci plurimi. Curabitur diligenter. Ego te pythagorica cena excipiam. aut fortasse frugaliore. Immo diogenica: si me delectare voles. Placet. fiat vt mones. Tu vide om̄es curas tuas: ac rugas etiam istas domi relinquas. Huc pre∣ter nugas: et risum nihil afferas. Et (vt inquit Iuue¦nalis) Protinus ante meū quicqd dolet exue limen. Quid? litteras mecum venite non vis? Mu∣sas meas mecū adducam: nisi quid aliter censes. Tetricas musas vna cum negocijs domi claudas. Blandas camenas omnes. deinde sales tu∣os. dicteria. scommata. facetias. lepores. ridicula om¦nia tecum adducito. Ita fiet. Exporrigemus frontē. Bellos homū∣culos agemus. Ridebimus affatim. Curabimus cu∣tem. Indulgebimus genio. Genialiter cenabimus. Epicureos agemus. Bonū vultum faciemus: et erimus boni socij. fratrū elegantie sunt / qui suam habēt linguā sibi peculiarē. Quo nūc properas? Ad generū meum. Quid illuc. quid eo. quid illo? Audio: nescio quid turbe inter eos natum / vt redigam eos in gratiam. vt reducam in concordiam. pacem inter eos componam. Benigne facis: {quam}{quam} nihil te opus esse arbitror. Nā ipsi inter se melius hoc bellum composuerint. Fortasse et inducie indicte sunt. Noctu de pa∣cis legibus agetur. Sed nunquid aliud me vis? Uocabo te per puerum meum. Ubi voles domi ero. Bene vale. bene sit tibi. Fac hic ad quintam horam adsis. Heus Petre accerse ad cenam Augustinū Barrettum: qui mihi hodie (vt scis) cenam condixit. Puer Petrus. Eo. Salue poeta. Cena iamdudū pa∣rata est: te herus expectat domi. vbi voles accedas. Uenio. Salue mi christiane. Bū factū qd venisti. Gaudeo te aduenisse. Gratulor aduentui tuo. Nondū quinta sonuit credo. Puer. Immo iam dudū preterita est. Haud longe sexta abest. Instat ho∣ra sexta. Mox sextam audies. Parui refert: an post quintam venerim nec ne. modo ne post cenam. Nam post festum venire mi serum est. At quorsum tot apparatus? Quorsum tot epule? Num me lupum existimas? Num tibi lupus videor? Num me vulturē putas? Haud ita conuene∣rat. Lōge aliter pollicitus es. Age inepte: nec ipse conuenta seruas. Cōuene∣rat enī: ne quid preter nugas inferres. Quin hec mis∣sa faciamus. Lauemus: ac discūbamus. Heus tu ga¦neo ministra aquā: qd cessas: Laua Augustine. Laua prior. Hoc anno perpetuo illotus cenare mallem. Ridiculum. non honoratiori: sed turpiori ante alios lauandum est. laua igitur vt immundior. Tu es vrbanus plus satis. Es vrbanior / {quam} sat sit / {quam} par est. Quorsum attinetista vrbanitas? In¦terim cena corrumpitur. Uiuamus nunc: ac cutem laute curemus. Simus nūc Epicurei. Nihil nobis cū frōte Stoica. Ualeant cure. Quinam sunt isti Stoici at{que} Epicurei Augustine? Stoici philosophorū quoddam genus est tri∣ste. seuerum. ieiunum: qui hominis summum bonū honesto nescio quo / metiuntur. Epicurei his longe di∣uersi felicitatē hominis voluptate terminant. Tu igit cuias es tandē. Stoic{us} an epicure{us}? Xenonem laudo: at Epicurum viuo. Quod tu ioco dicis Augustine: id serio factitāt hodie non pauci cucullati. Immo isti vel asotos superant luxu. Heus Dromo ades huc. Tuo munere fungere. consecra cenam. Benedicite. Hospites. Dominus. Quicquid appositum est et quicquid appone¦tur: felix ac sacrū esse iubeat. qui sua benignitate pas∣cit vniuersa. Amen. Appone epulas. Quid cūctamur hūc capū de¦cerpere? quid trepidamus hunc gallum lacerare? Ego Herculē prestabo: ac belluam hanc confici¦am. Utrū mauis de ala: an de poplitibus? Utrum vis: nihil mea refert. In hoc genere: alis prime partes tribuuntur: in ceteris poplites lautiores putat vulgus. Tu multum laboris mea causa capis. Tu per¦multū laborem mea causa sumis. Quid si ego vicis∣sim tibi de his clunibus ministrem? Non amo. At nihil lautius? Tu igitur tuos clunes istis clunib{us} pasce. Ti∣bi igitur istas delicias habe. Tu omnib{us} mi∣nistras: ipse nihil edis. Ego tibi hāc alam ministrabo at ea lege: vt dimidium mihi restituas. Ita ne agitur? At istud est tibi ministrare: non mihi. Tibi serua. Ego enī sum impudētior / {quam} cui mi ninistrari quicquam debeat. Probe facis. Eho. tu lupo tibum mini¦stras? Uulturem inuitas? At pitissas: non cenas. Immo me vno nihil edacius. Immo mendacius nihil. Perinde agito: ac si domi sis tue. Istud iam plane mihi persuasi. istud iam in animum induxi. sic stat sententia. consi∣lium est istud facere. Quid tibi hoc vinum placet? Quid te hoc vini delectat? Mihi quidem perplacet. Mecerte vehementer iuuat. Me satis delectat. Me non medio¦criter iuuat. Utrum mauis rubrum an candidum? Equidē vtro{que} iuxta delector. Nihil refert quo sit colore: modo sapor placeat. Non labor quantum oculis placeat vinum: modo palatū iuuet. Nihil me mouet aspect{us}: si sapor placeat. Parui refert: quo sit colore. quem habeat colorem: si sapiat bene. Non co∣nor oculos pascere: si palato satisfacere queat. modo palatum iuuare possit. Credo: tamē iudicium tuum audire cupio: ho¦minis his in rebus peritissimi. Album nostrates rubro preferunt: {quod} album paulo sit acerbius / & alterum exilius quidem: sed illd mitius & (vt arbitror) salubrius. Heus puer vbi cessas? Nos hic plane negligis nō vides quanta sit hec siccitas? quid si hoc rerum sta¦tu incendium contingeret: quo restingueremus? Da to singulis plenos cyathos. Augustine quid habes {quod} parum es hilaris? Quid accidit tibi / {quod} sedes tristior? Quid tibi est / {quod} minime gaudes? Aut doles: aut car∣mina condis. Tu nūc Chrysippū agis. Melissa tibi opus est. Quam hic mihi fabulam narrat? Scio me surdo asello narrare fabulam. Nihil enim intelligis: qd studio. ex industria. de industria interdū facio: ne tibi placere incipias. Sed {quod} tristior tibi videor: nihil est. Om̄ia recte / benignitate diuina: at{que} opera tua. Sed cur natura paulo taciturnior sim nō est opus expresso. Scis opinor: quid sibi velit. Memini. Recte admones: liberalius bibēdum. Remacu tetigisti. Recte iudicas. Scopū attigi¦sti. Nā fecundi calices quē nō fecere disertū? Perdocte tu quidem Augustine: vt omnia. Sz quoniam in sermonem vinarium. in mentionem in∣cidimus vinorum. libet interrogare: quonā cōsilio ve¦teres illi Bacchum: quem vini autorem videri vole∣bant / poetarum deum dixerint. Questio (ita me Bacch{us} amet) poculis digna. verū quorsum tue questiones spectēt / saris intelligo. Quorsum amabo? Astute de vino disputationem inijcis Gallica astutia / quā didicisse Parrhisijs te suspicor. Abi: vi∣rum te iudieo. nō frustra in tanta schola versatus es. Accipio tua dicta: referant paria scommata / vbi erit commodum. Sed ad rem. Dissoluā vbi bibero. Siquidē absurdū fue∣rit sicco palato de questione vinosa disputare. Prebi∣bo tibi Christiane. Propino tibi hunc cyphum dimi∣diatum. Christian{us}. Accipio abs te libēter. Sit sa∣luti. Prosit. Aug. Iam accingor: vt missum facias. Ego meo more prepostere faciaz. qd Baccho pueritie effigiem tribuerint / id habet mysterij: qd vinum potū curas / et sollicitudines animis nostris eximit: hilari∣tatem{que} quandam inducit. Quare senib{us} quo{que} ip̄is iuuentam quandam reddere videtur: dum et hilario∣res facit et formosiores. Id quod Horatius cum mul∣tis in locis: tum precipue his versib{us} aperte testatur. Ad mare cum veni: generosum et lene requiro. Quod curas abigat / quod cum spe diuite manet. In venas: animū{que} meum: quod verba ministret. Quod me Lucane iuuenem cōmendet amice. Nam quod huic poetas dicarunt deo / id significatum voluisse suspicor: {quod} vinum et ingenium excitat / et fa∣cūdiam ministrat. que duo poete sunt aptissima. Ha∣bes quod querebas. Nihil vn{quam} audiui verisimili{us} dici ab homine poeta. dignus es qui bibas gemma. Heus puer tolle hanc patinam: at{que} appone cetera. Puerum habes admodum inurbanum. Est veterator nequissimus. Cur non instituis alio pacto? Difficile est canem vetulum loris assuescere. Difficillimum est veteratoris mutare mores. Uetu∣lus canis non facile assuescit loro. Decerperem tibi quippiam / si palatum tuum tenerem. Ministrarem tibi / si gula tua mihi satis co∣gnita esset. Apponerē tibi / si quid potissimū iuuaret: scirem. Equidē tātundē palato sepe quantū aīo sapio Palatum habes eruditissimum. Nihil tuo pa¦lato doctius: eo te quo{que} miseriorem puto. De cuius singulari peritia testatur Satyricus. Ostrea callebat primo deprendere morsu. Et semel aspecti dicebat littus echini. Et tu mihi Christiane (vt par pari refe∣ram) ipsum audiuisse Epycurū: aut in schola Catia∣na institutus videris. Quid enim tua gula aut sapi∣entius aut fastidiosius. Si oratoriam eque artem / vt culinariā callerē nec Cicero ipse me vinceret. Equidē si alterutra carē∣dum esset: culinariam / {quam} rhetoricam mallem. Non stolide eam partem selegisti: grauiter. acute. vere{que} iudicas. Quid enim Oratorū confert lo quacitas? nisi {quod} aures ociosas inani voluptate demul cet. Culinaria tum palatum / tum ventrem / tum to∣tum hominem (quantus est) pascit: ac reficit. Conce∣dat laurea lingue (inquit Cicero) at vtra{que} cōcedat cu¦line. Nun{quam} mihi Stoici illi magnopere placuerunt: qui omnia ad suum: nescio quod honestum referētes. cutis ac palati nullam rationem habēdam putāt. Di¦ci non potest quanto Diogene sapientior Aristippus mihi fuisse videtur. Ego Stoicos cum suis ieiunijs contemno. Epicurum magis laudo ac probo / {quam} Dio∣genem illum Cynicum: qui oleribus incoctis / ac simplici aqua victitabat. Quare nihil miror: si Ale∣xander rex fortunatissim{us} se Alexandrū / {quam} Diogenē esse maluit. Nec homūcio cum Diogene me∣am philosophiam commutarem: fortassis et Catius tuus facere recusa ret. Melius nostri temporis Theologi sentiunt: q̄ cō∣tenti Stoicorum more disputare: viuendo ipsum eti∣am Epicurum vincūt. At ego quidē rem ī primis pre∣claram philosophiam puto. Nimium philosophari nō laudo. Est enim res per{quam}ieiuna / sterilis at{que} tristis. Ubi in calamitatem aut egritudinem incidi: tum de∣mum ad philosophiam tan{quam} medicā cōfugio. Ubi cō∣ualui: rursum illi vale renuncio. Tuam rationem probo. Te laudo. Quid tan∣dem habes Erasme: {quod} parū sis hilaris? An mihi succē ses / {quod} te frugaliore cena exceperim? Immo iam tibi sum iratus / {quod} tantum impē∣dij mea causa sit factum. Interminat{us} erat Augusti∣nus: ne sua causa dies festos faceres. vis nos posthac redire nun{quam}. Nā talem cenā dare solent ij / qui vnam duntaxat dare constituissent. Quos tandem cōuiuas videris accepisse? Non amiculis: sed satrapis cenam parasse videris. An nos vultures credis? Etiam tu pergis esse Demea. Cras vt lubet disputa: hodie Mitionē te prebeas oro. Deim pendio cras sobrij disputabim{us}. nūc nil nisi meras nugas au¦dire libet. Christiane vtrum de bubulis an de ouillis carnibus mauis? Bubulis quidē magis delector / at ouillas ma∣gis salutares arbitror. Ita ingeniū est hominum / vt perniciosissima que{que} appetant vehemētissime. Galli suillas carnes mirū in modum amant. Galli amāt que paruo constāt. In hoc vno iudeus suz. Nā nihil eque odi / at{que} carnes suillas Nec iniuria. Quid enim insalubrius? Ego in hoc non cum Gallis / sed cum iudeis sentio. At ego ouillas pariter amo / & suillas: sed diuer sa ratione. Nam ouillis quod amem: libenter vescor. Suillas pre amore non tango: ne quid offendam. Bellus homo es Erasme ac festiuus. Equidē mirari mecū sepe soleo: vnde tanta in palatis huma∣nis diuersitas. Nam vt Horatiano carmine vtar. Tres mihi conuiue prope dissentire videntur. Poscentes vario multum diuersa palato. Quan{quam} (vt ait Comicus) quot homines / tot sentētie et suus cui{que} mos. Tamē nemo me adduxerit: vt cre∣dam plus ingenio inesse varietatis / {quam} palato. Ita vix duos reperias / quos eadē iuuent Permultos vidi: qui butyri ac casci ne olfactum qui∣dem ferrent. Sunt quibus carnes nausee sint. Alius elixis / alius assis abstinet. Multi aquā vino preferūt. Et (quod incredibile est) vidi hominem / qui nec pane nec vino vteretur. Et quibus tandē miser ille victitabat? quibus vescebatur. Ceterorū nihil fastidiebat / nō car¦nes. non pisces. non olera. non poma. Uis vt istud tibi credam. Si lubet. Credo. at ealege: vt vi∣cissim mihi mentienti fidem sis habiturus. Age faciam: modo verecunde mentiaris. Quasi vero sit quic{quam} tuo cōmento impudēti{us}. Quendam in Italia: cum illic agerē vi∣dere memini: qui nullo ne{que} cibo: ne{que} potu adiutus / somno saginabatur. Ut nihil pudet. Non possum illud Satyri∣cum non dicere. Tunc immensa caui spirant mendacia folles. Tu poetaris. Tu nunc poetam agis. Nam mentiris dicere: mihi religio est. Mentiris dicere: religione pro hibemur. Mentiar: si nō Plinius autor certissimus scri∣psit vrsum xiiij. dies solo somno mirū in modū sagina ri: quo tamen ita alte premitur / vt ne vulnerib{us} qui∣dem queat excitari. Immo quo magis mireris: addā quod Theophrastus scribit. per id tempus vrsorū car¦nes coctas quo{que}: si asseruentur / reuiuiscere. Uereor ne Parmeno ille Terentian{us} ista non contineat. Mihi facile fidem facis. Ministrarem tibi de ceruinis carnibus / si satis essem vrbanus. Unde tibi nunc venatio? Midas hominum omnium qui viuunt libe∣ralissimus nostri{que} amantissimus / mihi misit. Idem suo more nudiustertius hunc ceruum venatus est. Quid tu / qui soleas istius studij esse amantissimus▪ Equidem hoc studio plane relicto: iam preter litteras nihil venor. At mihi videntur quouis ceruo fugaciores. Duobus tamen potississimum canibus assequimur: admiratione scilicet / at{que} improbitate laboris. Nam et admirari plurimum discendi ardorem ministrat: & vt facundissimus poeta scripsit. Labor improbus om¦nia vincit. Amāter admones Augustine / vt soles: propte rea non desistam. non quiescam. non defatigabor do nec consequar. Carnes ceruine sunt nūc admodū tempestiue. Meminit Plinius de hoc animāte quiddam admira¦bile. Quidnam obsecro? Quoties arrexere aures. acerrimi esse audi tus. at contra cum remisere. surdos. Istud ipsum persepe numero euenit. Nam si quando mihi fiat sermo de dandis mihi aure is. nihil tam auritum. Hic enim cum Pamphilo illo Terētiano aures arrigo: vbi de recipiendis a me ver¦ba fiunt: illic remitto. Laudo te. Facis vt te decet. Uis de his leporinis clunibus? Tibi sumito. An de tergo mauis? Hoc animal preter ilia / & clunes: nihil habet appetendū. Uidisti ne vn{quam} leporem candidum? Sepe numero Plinius / in alpibus candidos reperiri scribit: quibus hybernis mensibus niuem {pro} cibatu esse sit creditum. An verum sit Plinius ip̄e vi derit. Quod si leporis cutem cādidam reddit nix. sto∣machum habeat candidum necesse est. Mihi verisimile non fit. Accipe magis admirandum: at fortasse tibi non inauditum. Idem vtran{que} vim singulis inesse testatur maris & femine: ac femellas sine mare eque gignere. Istd ipsum mul¦ti asseuerant: presertim venandi studiosi. Est ita vt dicis. Sed hos cuniculos (si placet) tentem{us}: quia pinguiusculi sunt ac tenelli. Ministra∣rem illinymphe: si propius assiderem. Austustine isti∣us tibi vicine curam age / silibet. calles enim quo ge∣stu sit ministrandum istis veneribus. Teneo quid dicas nasute. quid te anserine car∣nes delectant? Me quidem non mediocriter iuuāt: vt sum minime fastidiosus. At hic anser: nescio quo pa∣cto nihil me iuuat. Nihil enī in vita vidi siccius. Sic∣cior est pumice. aut etiam nouerca Furij illius: ī quē Catullus multum iocatur. Ligneus mihi videtur. Et mehercule (quantū suspicor) veteranus miles immo∣dicis excubijs sese maceauit. Aiūt enim anserem in∣ter omnia animalia longe esse vigilantissimū. Et pro fecto (nisi cōiectura fallor) hunc anserē ex eorū nume∣ro fuisse suspicor: qui canibus vna cum excubitorib{us} somno sopitis / Romanum olim Capitolium defende runt. Uerisimile (ita mede{us} amet) dicis. nā ex eo seculo relictum arbitror. Hec quo{que} gallina aut parcū saginatorē habu∣it / aut amauit / aut certe zeloty pa vixit: quo quidem morbo hoc animantis genus maxime laborat. Hic ca∣pus longe melius pinguit. Uide cure quid faciant. Quod si ex Theodorico nostro gallo faceremus capū multo citius pinguesceret. Non sum gallus. Fateor non es gallus Cybeles / ne{que} gallus gallinaceus. At forte gallus gallaceus. Quid hoc verbi est? Hoc enigma tibi coniectandum relinquo. Ego Sphingen prebui / tu Edippus esto. Dic mihi bona fide Augustine / nulla tibi cum gallis vn{quam} necessitudo fuit? Nihil ne affinitatis tibi eū gallis contraxisti? Nullum fuit cōmercium? Nihil. Nihil sane. Tāto es nequior. Libet ne de iecore anserino? qd apud veteres in delicijs cum primis habebatur. Liberalis es. benignus es Christiane. Has perdices nemo attingit: ne columbos qui∣dem. Cras est dies ieiunij ab ecclesia indictus: aduer∣sus hanc esuriem munite vos. Agite hospites huma¦nissimi. queso vt cenulā nostrā (lz tenuē) equi boni{que} consulatis. Prebete vos hilares ac lubentes: quā{quam} cō¦uinium tenue sit et frugale. ego vestra facilitate fret{us} familiariter vos vocare suz ausus. Et est sane vester mihi aduētus conspectus{que} nō modo gratissimus: ve∣rum etiam iucundissimus. Cena tua Christiane optime. multis modis elegans lauta{que} nobis videtur: quod excusas id vnū habetur excusandum: quod magnificentior sit / {quam} sat est. Nam hoc conuiuium opiparū in primis / ac lau∣tum iudicarim: quod primū simplicibus epulis: dein de liberalitate. risu. iocis. salibus sit cōditū: que om̄ia nostro conuiuio non defuerunt. Uerum conuiuarum de numero / hic mihi quiddam in mentem venit: quos ne{que} pauciores tribus / ne{que} plures nouem esse oporte re scripsit Uarro. Tres enim sūt charites. id est Gra¦tie: humanitatis ac beuiuolētie presides: & nouē sunt muse honestiorum studiorum duces. At hic decem cō¦uiuas esse video: virginibus exceptis. Nihil conueni entius accidere potuit. Nos sum{us} Uarrone ipso pau¦lo sapientiores. Nam tres puellas lepidissimas / tā{quam} tres Charites adhibuimus. Deinde qr a nouem Mu¦sarum choro Apollo abesse nun{quam} credendus est: iure decimum adiecimus conuiuam. Poetice dixisti. Si mihi laurus adesset / lau∣rea corona caput tuum cingerem. Laudo te. probo te. Non improbandus es. Uultis ne hospites singuli tantundē mea cau∣sa facere / quantum vestra sum facturus? Uolumus: ac libentes quidem. Ebibetis igitur ordine suum quis{que} calicem. A me exēplū capietis. Tibi hoc primū {pro}pino Mida. Accipio a te libēter. Pro quo vulgus presto∣lor dicit. Equidē nō recuso. Nihil tua causa recusabo. Tu deinceps ceteris propina. Erasme prebibo tibi dimidiatū cyphum. Precor vt sit tibi bono. Sit tibi bonū / at{que} com¦modū. Prosit tibi. Proficiat durius dicitur. Erasme salue. quidam pro foribus te conuen∣tum expetit. Quisnam est? Mori famulum se dicit: herum eius ex Britā¦nia aduenisse / cupere vt se visat Erasmus. quādoqui¦dem prima luce iter parat in germaniam. Christiane subducatur ratio. Nam mihi qui∣dem abeundum. Rationē Erasme doctissime huius cene ego confecero. Non est quod calculum fru¦stra teras (gratiam habeo) qui dignatus sis nostro ad esse conuiuio. Ego pariter tibi gratias ago / {quod} pro tua hu∣manitate ad hoc conuiuium longe suauissimū me vo∣caris. Ualete sodales optimi. Heus dromo? Sedetis iamdudū ociosi omneis Libet ne cui{quam} quicquam amplius. Nihil omnino. Strenue mun{us} nostrum administrauimus. Tolle igitur hec / ac bellaria appone. Muta quadrulas at{que} orbes. Tolle cultrum meuz quihumi decidit. Pira vino perfunde. Adsunt mora precoqua etiam domi nostre nata. Tanto erūt suauiora / quod vernacula. En pruna cerea. en damascena: rarū apud nos spectaculum. En mitia mala. En mali nouum gen{us} / cuius matrem ego hisce manibus cōseui. Nuces ca∣stanee / omne delitiarū (quas horti nostri benigne effū¦dunt) genus. Sed fosculi desunt. Isti Gallici sunt apparatus / qui magnificē tiam eam potissimū amāt: que minimo cōstet. Nobis non est ea mens aut ingeniū. Sed heus tu Augusti∣ne / nū tu credis te hic immunē bibisse? Ego te meis im¦munem reddā poculis. at Christiano dimidiū cyphi¦debes. Christianus iamdudū me missum facit Ita fiet. Sed quorsuz iste euasurus est hodie? Impendiū reddas oportet / vnus noīe omniū. Ne ve∣rere: {per}facile poteris. Fac qd sepe fecisti / vt aliqua ele∣gantia: doctiores a cena surgamus. Ne{que} enī clam te est / veteres illos in secundis mēsis hilariora quedam disputare solitos. Age igitur. Quib{us} modis hec ora∣tio potest enūciari. Indignum auditu? Dixti pulchre per posterius supinū. Auditu minime est dignū. Indignū est audiri. Haud dignū est {quod} audiatur. Est vt audiatur indignū. Leuius est / {quam} quod audiri debeat. Uix opereprecium est scribere Non tanti est / vt audiatur. Ineptius est / {quam} quod au∣diatur. Non est opereprecium narrare. Quot modis hec sententia verti potest? That costeth me moche labour / tyme / or money. His verbis: impendo. insumo. impertio. con¦stat. Ut: multum in te docendo insumpsi laboris. Plu¦rimum in ea re opere insumpsi. Non minus pecunie {quam} cure in eam rem impendi. Non parum insumpsi pecunie. temporis permultum. laboris plurimum. in∣genij nonnihil. Multū lucubrationis impendi. Mul∣tis vigilijs hecres mihi constat. multo sudore. multa opera. plurimo labore. sumptu ingenti. pecunia ma∣gna. Pluris mihi constat / {quam} credis. Minoris mihi cō∣stat vxor / {quam} equus meus. At quid sibi vult Augustine / {quod} verbo isti (constat) modo ablatiuum / modo genitiuum ca∣sum apponis? Questionem plane perutilem / ac late patentē mouisti. verū ne {con}uiuas loquacitate mea premā pau¦cissimis absoluam. Sed cupio singulorum hac dere audire sententiā: ne cui{quam} (vt dixi) sim molestus. Quid ni cupiant idem vel puelle? Scis verba emendi ac vendendi / alia{que} esse consimili significatu: quibus apponantur hi genitiui soli / tanti / quanti / pluris / minoris / tantidem / quanti¦uis / quanticun{que}. At ita si substantiua non apponan¦tur: que si accedant / vtra{que} in ablatiuum casum ver∣tuntur. Quod si precium certum apponatur / pones in ablatiuo. Si per adiectiuum / substantiuum in ab∣latiuo pones: nisi per aduerbium loqui malis. Quenam verba sunt de quibus precipis? Hec fere sunt. Emo / mercor / redimo aut ca∣ptum aut perditum / vendo / venundo / reuendo / rur∣sus vendo quod mihi venditum erat. Ueneo .i. ven∣dor: in preterito veniui vel venij / in supino venum. Hinc venalis. Ab illo .i. vendo vendibilis manat. Me¦reo pro inseruio / et stipēdium facio. Comparo .i. emo¦vel committo / cōmuto / muto / permuto (to chaunge). Cambire penitus barbarum in hoc sensu. Estimo / ta∣xo / indico / censeo (to prayse / or to set pryce). Liceor / eris. licitor / aris. anglice (to aske pryce of a thyng). Addico (to depute). Distrahor .i. circūferor vt veneā. Metior pro estimo aut taxo. anglice (to set pryce). Cō¦stat pro emitur. Cōducere (to hyre). Locare quando∣{que} est ad appensionem dare. Fenero ad fenus do. Fe∣neror ad fenus accipio. Paciscor pactus sum. Pango pepigi pactum facio. Da exemplum. Quanti istū agrum in singulos annos locas? Respondebimus. Uigenis francis. Hui nimio locas. Immo locaui olim multo pluris. At ego tanti non cō¦ducam. Si cōduxeris minoris. pereā. Immo iam vi¦cinus tuus Chremes agrū obtulit / ac rogat. Quāti? Tantidem quantum tu petis. At multo meliorē. Mē¦tiris. Facio vt solent / quilicentur. Tu ipse tanti possi¦de. Quid liceris vel licitaris cum nihil sis empturus? Quanticun{que} addixeris / soluam optima fide. Alterum exemplum. Congrum istum Syra quanti vēdis? Decem obolis. Nimio turpissima. Immo minimo: nulla tibi vendet minoris. Moriar si non tanti mihi cōstet: aut certe nō multo minoris. Mētiris venefica: quoniam duplo vis vendere / aut triplo. Et centuplo si queam / at fatuos non inuenio. Quid si liciter teipsam. Quāti estimas te? Ut lubet: quanti me liceris? Quanti esti∣mas te? Dic quantite taxas? Decem scutatis. Hui tā¦ti? Eho: an tu minoris me estimas? Ego olim nō semel pluris vna nocte sum conducta. Credo. at nūc nō pau¦lo minoris estimo / {quam} piscem. Abi in malam rem ga∣neo: tantidem te estimo / quanti tu me. Qui te terun∣tio emerit / nimio emerit. Aut pluris emar / aut non vendar. Si magno venire cupis / larua tibi opus est. nam ruge iste non sinunt / vt charius vendaris. Ei qui tanti me nolit / nō sum venalis. Ego ne culmo quidem te emero. Constiti pluris. Tertium exemplum. Auctioni hodierne interfui. Ain tu? Licitatus sum vectigalia. Quanti tandem? Decē millibus. Hui tanti? Ne mireris: erāt qui multo pluris licerentur / pauci qui minoris. Cui tandem addicta sunt vectiga¦lia? Chremeti vxoris tue summo et maximo amico. Sed diuina quanti sunt addicta. Decē: immo quin∣decim deus bone. Ego mihi hominē ipsum cū tota fa∣milia dimidio addictum nolim. At ille vxorem tuā du¦plo emptā cupit. Aduertisti ne in his orationib{us}: vbi∣cun{que} adsit substantiuum precij / id in ablatiuo poni: ceteris aut in genitiuo positis / aut in aduerbiū muta¦tis? Cōparatiuū nun{quam} audisti sine substantiuis: exce¦ptis illis duobus / pluris et minoris. Uerum vbi has Erasmi tui elegātias leges / rectius intelliges. ille enī hunc nodū explicuit luculētissime. Sunt et alia ver∣ba his (de quibus sumus locuti) nō admodū dissimi∣lia. Sum / facio / habeo / duco / estimo / pendo: que idē fere significant: fio itidem. Iūgūtur aūt his fere ge∣nitiuis multi / parui / magni / pluris / plurimi / mino∣ris / minimi / maximi / tāti / {quam}ti / flocci / pili / nihili / nau∣ci & si qua sunt his similia. Da exempla. Scis quāti te semper fecerim? Tāti fies apud hoīes / quāti virtutē facies. Preceptores meos sem{per} feci plurimi. Aurū hac tēpestate magni penditur. lit∣tere nihili ducūtur. Aurum minoris habeo {quam} credas. Tuas minas flocci facio. Promissa tua duco minimi Non pili te facio. Si tanti sapientia penderetur / quā¦ti pecunia: nemo auro egeret. Pluris apud nos fit au¦rum sine sapientia / {quam} sapientia sine auro. Hoc pluris te habeo / {quod} doctus sis. Minoris hic fies / {quod} mentiri minime calleas. Hi multi fiunt / qui nigrum in candi∣dum vertunt. Hoc mihi pluris es / {quod} litteras amas. Tanti apud omnes eris / quantum possidebis. Tan∣ti vbi{que} habeberis / quantum habebis. Nō quanti ha∣bearis / sed quanti sis interest. Tanti Christianū me∣um facio / quanti alium neminem. Inueniuntur et alia verba cum his genitiuis & ablatiuis. Petrus os∣culum puelle scutato emit. Sit illi faustum▪ nolim ego basiare tanti. Quanti luditis? quanti cenastis? Quosdā sexcētis sestercijs cenasse legimus: at galli se penumero Liardo cenitant. Faustus quanti docei? Paruo. At pluris / {quam} denis. Quanti igitur? Undeui∣ginti aureis. Non discam mentiri tāti. Phedria apud Terentium / et rem & seipsum perdidit. At nolim ego amare tanti. Equi / boni{que} consulas oro (I praye ta¦ke this aworthe). Est et aliud verborum genus que acusatiuum vna cū genitiuo aut ablatiuo casum exi¦gunt: que sunt accuso. id est obijcio crimen / aut culpo etiam absentē. Incuso īculpo extra iudicium. Arguo reprehendo. Insimulo. impingo suspicionem culpe. Postulo / in ius voco. Damno / condemno / pronuncio illum esse in culpa. Exempli causa. Scipio accusatus est ambitus: aut de ambitu. Argu∣is me impudētie ipse impudētissimus. Lepid{us} postu¦latus est repetundarū. Si hominē insimulabis auari¦tie / male audies. Admoneto eū pristine fortune. Mor¦tales ipso suo vocabulo sue conditionis admonentur. Sunt plera{que} que actm̄ geminū admittāt. Doceo te litteras. Exorat te veniā. Dedocebo te istos mores. Poposcit me mutuū. Hic eius rei mihi admonendus es: quod secundū actm̄ etiam passiua obtinent: in ali∣is genitiuus manet. A me doctus es litteras. Postu∣lant me furti: postulor furti. Accusas me sacrilegij. ac¦cusor sacrilegij. Scio te nondū expletū. Scio animo tuo nondū esse satisfactū. Quando enī tantus helluo satiari neqs. Erasmi cōmentarios legito: qui si nequi bunt explere te: nun{quam} expleberis. Sed cōuiuis parcē∣dum est / quos hec non oēs perinde delectant. Cenate inter deambulandū: id quod rationi deerit / persolue∣mus: nisi quid aliud censes. Agamus deo gratias īmortali: deinde paulis∣per deambulaturi. Pulchre dicis. Nihil enī hoc vespertino celo amenius. nihil salubrius. Petre adesdum. Tolle suo que{que} ordine: ac vi∣num cyphis infunde. Qui nos creauit. redemit. ac pa¦uit. benedictus sit ineternum. Amen. Gratias agimus tibi omnipotens deus: qui {pro} tua largitate nos alis tuos famulos: miserere viuo∣rum / pacem{que} dones ecclesie tue: ac requiem in tuo re¦gno animabus defunctorum largiaris eternam. Amen. Habeo vobis hospites candidissimi gratiam / qui ad hoc cōuiuiolum venire dignati sitis. Oro equi¦boni{que} consulatis. Nos vicissim gratias referre volumus nō tantum habere. Proinde ne multis agantur gratie. Quin potius surgamus et expatiemur. Ducamus nobiscum virgines: nam eo minus molesta erit deambulatio. Recte sentis. Utrū mauis nostris ī hortis mo∣re poetico reptare / an foris adamnem expatiari? Habent quidem horti tui amenitatis per∣multum / verum eam voluptatem matutinis deam∣bulationibus serua. At sole inclinato: amnium aspe∣ctus oculos mirum in modum iuuat. Antecede igitur Augustine / vt poeta dignū est ego latus tuum claudam. Bone deus quantum comitum / quantā pom¦pam nobiscum ducimus. Dici non potest Christiane quantū mihi placeā. Satrapes mihi videor. Age nūc {pro}missum presta. Solue qd recepisti. Quid me potissimū vis dicere? Eho quondam in Erasmi oratione cum multa tum illud in primis solebā admirari {quod} tam facile / tā¦crebro / tam venuste orationē verteret: que res nō mo∣do singularis ingenij / verumetiam multi vsus mihi videtur. Haud iniuria istud in Erasmo admiratus es Ille enim tum hac in re diuinā quandam vim obtinet / quam quidem illi cum ingenij dexterita te quadam: tum plurimo / et dicendi / & legendi et scri∣bēdi vsu contigisse (opinor) potius {quam} ratione aliqua aut preceptione. At ego rationem aliquam istius rei si fieri pōt expecto. Ita vt dixi / res habet. Uerum quia te tantopere video velle: quoad potero morem geram eas{que} ratiunculas / quas in Erasmi orationibus mihi visussum animaduertere vt porero / reddam. Age percupio. Accingor. Principio res ipsa puris / ele∣ctis / ac latinis verbis efferenda est: quod ipsum posse non mediocris artificis est. Sunt enim permulti: qui (nescio quo modo) copiā et varietatem orationis affe∣ctant: quum ne semel quidē rem possint apte explica∣re. Isti tan{quam} semel balbutisse sit parū: balbutiem suā alijs at{que} alijs modis reddunt balbiorem / tan{quam} ip̄i se¦cum certamen susceperint: vt {quam}bar barissime dici pos∣sit / dicant. Ita{que} inepti synonyma quedā congerunt adeo interdū inter se dissidentia: vt ipsa mirētur / quo pacto conuenerint. Quid enim absurdius {quam} hominē pannosum: cui nec vna quidē quā sine pudore possit induere sit vestis. eum tamen suos pānos mutare ac mendicitatē suam pro opibus ostētare? At nihilomi∣nus ridiculi videntur isti varietatis affectatores: qui quū barbare semel dixerint / repetunt idem multo bar¦barius: demum iterum at{que} iterum indocti{us}. Hoc est non oratione / sed solecismis abundare. In primis igi¦tur (vt dixi) res ipsa aptis at{que} electis verbis est expli¦canda. Deinde mutatorijs verbis vtēdum: si que idē efficiant / reperiantur. Reperiuntur enim permulta. Demū vbi propria deficient translaticijs erit vtendū si modo verecūda sit translatio. Ea quo{que} vbi deerunt si per actiua dixisti / ad passiua reuerrendum erit: que nobis totidem orationes reddūt quot ex actiuis cōsta bant. Postea verba (si licebit) aut in nomina verbalia aut in participia commutabimus. Postremo: vbi mo¦do aduerbia ī nomina / modo noīa in alias at{que} alias parteis cōmutauerimus: per cōtrariū dicemus: aut affirmatiuā orationē in negatiuā cōmutemus / aut re¦trorsum: aut certe quod pronunciatiue dictum per in¦terrogationem efferamus. Nunc exempli causa hanc sententiam sumamus. Epistola. epistolium. scripta. schede. littere. Mirum in modū. miris modis. maiorem ī modum. supra modū. plurimum. non mediocriter. summope∣re. maximopere. Animum meum. pectus meum. oculos meos. cor me¦um. Erasmum. Uoluptate affecerunt. recreauerunt. exhilararūt. vo∣luptati fuerūt. oblectarūt. voluptate perfuderūt. mel¦litissime fuerūt. iucūdissime &c. Habes materiam / tu∣um erit cōponere. Experiamur igitur. faciam{us} {per}icu∣lum. Tue littere magnopere me delectarunt. Tua epistola mirifice nos exhilarauit. Uerte actiuū in passiuum: alia erit facies. Ut / dici non possit / {quam} tuis sim scriptis exhilaratus. Item per alia verba idem efficientia. Tuis ex litteris incredibilem cepi voluptatē. Exepi∣stola celsitudinis tue plurimum voluptatis accepi. nō mediocrem leticiam tua mihi scripta attulerūt. Gau∣dio tua me scripta (quantus eram) perfuderunt. Hic non ita liceret mutare in passiua: nisi ī illo postremo. perfusus gaudio / quod vsitate dicitur. Capiebatur a me voluptas. allatum est gaudium. non perinde vsi∣tate dixeris. Singulari voluptate littere tue me affecerunt. Tuis scriptis incredibili sum affectus voluptate. Nō parum gaudiorū tuum nobis epistolium peperit. Tue mihi littere multis modis iucundissime fuerūt. Fuit tua illa epistola sane {quam}gratissima. Ineffabili voluptati tua nobis epa fuit. Incredibili iucunditati fuerunt tue littere. Tua scripta non mediocri leticie fuere. Nihil in vita tuis litteris accidit iucundius. Quan{quam} hac ratione aliquoties iam vsi sumus / q̄ nō est negligēter pretere∣unda. Nam quoties multum / plurimū / singulare si∣gnificare volum{us}: per {con}trariū verbū idem efficiem{us}. Ut vehementer te amat Henricus. Haud vulgariter te amat. Multū me iuuat vinū. haud parū iuuat. Est vir singulari ingenio. Est vir ingenio nō vulgari. Est homo doctrina admiranda. Est homo nō contēnenda doctrina. Thomas est summo apud suos loco natus Non infimo loco natus. Augustinus eloquentissim{us} fuit. Nō ineloquēs fuit. Carneades orator fuit nobi¦lis. Non ignobilis. non obscurus. Et id genus simi∣lia / que nun{quam} nō vsu veniunt. Sed admonuisse rem clarissimam satis est. Nec te lateat bifariā nos huius∣modi orationū genere vti: modestie causa / presertim si de nobis ipsis loquamur. Tū etiam amplificandi gratia. Nam nō ingratū / {pro} valde grato. Nō vulga∣riter / pro singulariter recte et venuste dicimus. Ego litteris meis nonnullā doctrine sum opinionem consequutus. Semper curaui / vt in litteraria gloria non postremas parteis tenerem. De amplificatione superiora sunt exempla. Nunc ad nostra reuertamur Nihil tua epistola vn{quam} euenit grati{us}. Nulla res ma¦iori vn{quam} voluptati fuit / {quam} tua scripta. Nulla vn{quam} ex re tātūdē cepi voluptatis / quātū ex tuis lr̄is amātissi¦mis. Hoc modo singule orationes superiores pote∣runt variari per interrogationem. Quid tuis litteris in vita iucūdius esse potuit? Quid epistola illa tua nobis euenit dulcius? Quid ita oblectauit vn{quam} vt proxime tue littere? Hoc modo rursum singulas fere orationes variari licebit. Quid deinde fiet▪ Iā paulo liberi{us} totā oratio¦nem vertemus / vt vnā dictionē plurib{us} verbis circū∣loquamur. Dic exempli causa. Quod modo per nomē incredibile / modo {per} aduerbiū incredibiliter dictū erit. Unā dictionē aliquot verbis cōmutabimus. Litteris consequi nequeā: quantū tu¦is litteris sim delectatus. Et mihi scriptu / et tibi cre∣ditu perdifficile fuerit: quāte iucūditati tua mihi scri∣pta fuerunt. Explicare prorsum nequeo / {quam} sim tuis lr̄is gauisus Et itē infinitū. Rursum alio pacto. Nā hactenus & per negationē / & per interrogationē: postremo per infinitas orationes variauimus. Nūc {per} subiūctiuas siue conditionales variabim{us} hoc mō. Moriar si vn{quam} quicquā fuit tuis litteris aut optati{us} aut dulcius. Peream / si vlla res maiori voluptati fu¦it / {quam} tue littere. Ita me deus amet: vt nihil in vita tu¦is litteris accidit iucundius. Et itē alia multa ī hunc modū excogitare licebit. Quid deinde? Nūc ad trāslationes / similitudines et exēpla fugien∣dum est. Accepi lr̄as tuas / q̄ mellite fuerūt. Nil nisi delitie tua mihi scripta videntur. Mera voluptas sunt tue litte¦re. Et huiusmodi plurima. Sed cauēdū / ne obsoletis aut durioribus trāscationib{us} vtamur: quale est illud. Iuppiter hybernas cana niue conspuit alpes. Et qua le est illud. Cena tuo{rum} scriptorū me suauissimis epu∣lis refecit. Tua scripta omni vel ambrosia vel nectare suauiora fuere. Littere tue quouis melle mihi fuere dulciores. Epla humanitatis tue & siliquā omnē / & mel atticū et saccarū om̄e: nectar ambrosiam{que} deo{rum} lōge su{per}auit. Hic quicqd dulcedine nobilitatū est / in mediū adduci potest. Ab exemplo. Nū{quam} adducar vt credam Hero Leandri sui lr̄as aut maiore voluptate / aut plurib{us} osculis accepisse / {quam} tu∣as accepi. Uix crediderim: aut Scipionē euersa Car∣thagine / aut Paulū Emiliū (capto Perseo) magnifi∣centiorē egisse triumphū / {quam} ego: simul ac suauissima tua scripta tuus mihi tabellari{us} reddidit. Hmōi ex fa∣bulis / tū ex historijs infinita pn̄t īueniri. e physica ve¦ro sumūtur rerū silitudines / quarū {quam} plurimarū na∣turas memorit tenere necesse est. Nunc si libetin alia snīa tētem{us}. ¶ Nun{quam} dū viuā tui ero immemor. Sem{per} dū viuā tui meminero. Quoad viuā nū{quam} me tui capiet obliuio. Prius viuere desinā / {quam} tui memi∣ne. Si vmbrā corp{us} poterit effugere: & hic anim{us} tui qui∣bit obliuisci. Tui memoriā / ne Lethes quidē amnis poterit abolere. Dum iuga montis aper / fluuios dum piscis amabit. Ante leues ergo &c. que nō est multi negocij excogita∣re. Uerū ne immodici videamur: hoc mō {con}tenti sim{us}. Alias si voles: copiosius hac de re colloquemur. Ego te Augustine iā plane exhaustū putabam Sed tu preter expectationē nouū thesaurū indicasti: quē si pergas explicare / nox ante occupauerit {quam} tibi eadem de te desint verba. Si ego hoc medio∣cri et doctrina / et ingenio presto: quantū Ciceronem ipsum valuisse credis / qui cū Roscio histrione certasse legitur. Sed aduesperascit / lectus nos accersiri iubet Proinde vale mi Christiane suauissime ī crastinum. Tu itidem bene valeas Augustine omnium doctissime.
A00327.P4	The censure and iudgement of the famous clark Erasmus of Roterodam: whyther dyuorsemente betwene man and wyfe stondeth with the lawe of God With diuers causes wherfore it is permitted, with the mynde of the olde doctours, wrytten by the said Erasmus in the booke of his Annotations, vpon these wordes of Paule. i. cor, vii. She is delyuered fro[m] the bond of the lawe, let her marry to whom she wyll, translated by Nycolas Lesse.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Lesse, Nicholas." ]	[1550?]]	In Aldersgate strete, by the wydowe of Ihon Herforde, for Robert Stoughton, dwellyng by Ludgate at the sygne of the Byshops Myter,	[Printed at London :	eng	[ "Divorce -- Early works to 1800." ]	She is set at libertye from the lawe, let her marry to whom she wyll. ALthough, as I haue ons al ready openly declarid in the begynning of my boke (and as the thynge it selfe shulde and ought alwaye testifye in it selfe) that in this my whole worke, I entende, or minde in no place therof, to be the father or bringevp of any new opiniō, whiche shoulde brede contention, but that my desire is, all that I maye to helpe them forward, whi∣che are studiouse, with the pure & sounde iudgemente of the holye churche, and of those, to whome Christe hath geuyn a more large gyfte of learninge, and wysdome: yet for al that, I doo proteste the selfe same thinge againe, in thys place, because of certaine persons whiche are in these matters, wher of we now do speake, more capti∣ouse, and fynding of faultes, than becommeth good christen men. But, as I do thinke, that it is no contumely, or a thinge wherwith men shoulde be offended, though a man be of an other mynd & iud gement, than other authors be of: (be they neuer so great of name, & therwith also aunciente) so can I be content with a good wil, to for∣sake myne owne iudgement, and to be againste it, if any man (be he neuer so symple) can shew me that which is better. It is not vnkno∣wē vnto e, yt it is a thing among al christen people moste generaly receuyd, & agred vpon, that wher soeue matrymony is once cele∣brated, that there it can non other wyse be dyssoluyd but by ye death of one of the two partes, whiche were so ioyned togyther. Of thys mynd was Chrisostom, & the olde latyn wrytars, and wyth oute doute the greate doctor Au∣gustin, being confyrmed not only by the constytutions and ordy∣naunces of byshops, and wyth the authoryte also of the decretall lawes, but also approued, and al∣lowed by the whole consentes of the schoolemen. But if so be, ye godly men haue alway thought it good to alter and chaunge ther opynions, when it is for a better pourpose, and is also standynge wyth reasō, to make the lawes for to serue vs after the fashyon as we vse medicines, acording to the nature of the syknes and disease, wherwith man is payned: then let vs consyder, and waye, whyther it be expedient and proffytable that the selfe same thynge sholde be done in thys cause of matrimo∣ny: and if we do fynde it expedient and requysyt that it shold be, than let vs se whyther it be lawful, yea or naye, that some sorte of mari∣ages sholde be vndone, not wyth oute a good ground, but for ear∣nest causes, nor yet by euery man that wolde take vpon him, but by the gouernors of the churche, and lawfull iudges, and that the same matrimony shulde so be dissolued, that both partes might mary againe to whom they lese, or that parte, whiche was not the cause of the breache of matrimo∣nye. I am not ignoraunte, that there are many thynges, whereof, to make any doubte, or to brynge into question, were greate synne: as if we shoulde dispute, whither Christe were both god and man, whither he was borne withoute ye seede of man, whyther our soules do lyue after the death of ye body: and so, whyther that our bodyes shall be restored to lyfe agayne in tyme to come. For me are taught these thinges so playnelye by the authoritie of the holy scripture, & by the whole consent of the holye churche, that it is a wycked and a very daungerous thynge, yea to holde any dysputation therof, ex∣cepte it shoulde be our chaunce to haue to do with those, whiche are infidels. But yet for al that, I do not thynke, that that man shulde be vngentyllye sayd nay to, and spyghtfully cast of, whiche (as the weaknes of our humayne nature is) hauynge some doubte, parad∣uenture, of some of these thinges: doth open his mynd to those whi∣che ar learned, so that he mindeth none other thynge, but ye he might more firmely beleue that thynge, whiche he dyd not throughlye be∣leue before. But nowe let vs see, whither this matter, whereof we do now speake, be of that kynde, & nature, ye or nay. Some thynges there are, whiche be so obseruyd & kept by the aucthorite of the chur che, that accordinge as tyme and nede sholde require, they maye be alteryd and chaunged. And as it is not lefull, to abrogate & disa∣nul the holy scripture, which is y• moste ryght rule of good lyfe, euē so it is the parte of a good and a wyse stuard, so for to vse it as ye maners of mē shal requyre, wher of we wyll speake more largely hereafter, myndynge nowe to go on with the matter which we haue in hand. Fyrst therfore of al, I do saye, that it perteyneth to ye godly charite of the churche, as mych as lyethe in it, to procure the helth of al men, and dilygently to comfort & succour the weak & diseased mē bers therof. For we do se many thousands so vnlckelye copeled togyther, wyth as euyl agre∣ment, that bothe partes do per∣yshe therby, which (peraduentur) might be saued, if they had bi set a sonder one from the other Whi che thig if it myght be broughte to passe, wtout doing preiudice & wrong, to the holy commaūdemē tes of god, it ought to be ye desire of al godly men, but if it be so that it cā not stōd with the law of god, yet I do take it to be a good wish & desire, forsomuch as charite of∣ten tymes doth desyre those thigs which can not be. For Moyses doth wyshe, that he might be blot∣ted forth of the boke of lyfe, And the Apostel Daule doth wyshe also that Chryste wolde make hym to be an anathem or curse for his bretheren. There haue byn The proposi tion. many of thys opiniō, which haue thoughte, that after matrymo ny were lawfully dyssoluyd, it sholde be lefull for thee man to marry another womā. Let no mā now streightway condemne this opinion, as straunge and soule, & vnworthy to be disputed. For O∣rigen in his seuenth Homely vpō the Euangelyst Matthewe, dothe Origen. witnes that he knewe certayn by∣shops: whiche permitted & gaue leaue to wyues, which had dyuor sed them selues from their husbā∣des, to marry other men, and sayd that in so doyng, they dyd agenst the commaundement of the lorde, and of Paule. But yet he doothe notvtterly condemne the dede, by caul he supposeth that they so did vppon some probable and good cause, leaste some woorse thinge shulde haue ben commytted, bea∣ynge with the hardenes of theyr hartes, folowynge the counsell of Paule which dyd permytte vnto wydows, which could not lyue chaste, that they might mary aga∣in. This example of Paul, Origē dothe so conferr, examin, & dys∣cusse that he semeth to make it a mich more hard & streyght matter to gyue leaue vnto a wydow for to mary, whiche desyreth an hos∣bond for the pleasure of here bodi and not for chyldren, than that ye man puttyng awaye his wyfe for whordom sholde take to hym an honest woman mete for hym. And A man may lawfulli put awaye his wife & mar ry agayn ys shebe a hre herof he semeth to make no man∣ner of doubt / but that he may law∣fully mary againe whom the gos∣pell dothe permytte to put awaye his wyfe for whordome. Nether doth Daule command thys man so divorsed, to be reconcyled aga∣ine vnto his wyfe. But Origen doth note in the ex∣ample of those byshops / that thei dyd permitte that thing vnto the wyues / whiche the apostle Paule with expressed words, semeth to prohibit and forbyd. Nether doth Origen say, that that man isafter the Iewysh sort, whiche doth for∣sake his wife for whoredome, but that man, whiche beynge way∣warde, and harde to please, for e∣uery lyghte cause, seketh to putte away his wyfe, as the Iews dyd. For, that man, whiche is of that Iewysh sort, and casteth with him selfe how he myghte go from hys wyfe / doth reason after this fast on: Moses dyd permyt a man to put away his wyfe for anye foule thinge, and for example of a foule thinge, he putteth adulterye, it is lawfull therefore (sayeth e) for a man to put awaye his wyfe for other foule thinges. This reason Orygen dooth shake of, denyeng that Moses dyd meane of aduou trye, when he said for a foul thing forsomuch as they dyd not vse to In the case of adulterye there wasno libell of dy uorsemente & so no life. geue a libell of diuorsemente, for the cryme of aduoutrye, wher as they vsed to delyuer the wooman to them which shulde stone her to death. But by this foule thynge, wherof Moses spake, he dyd me∣ane (saith Origen) ether some fait of corrupt manners, or deformitie of the body, wherwith the husbād were offended. That this was the mynd and opinion of Origen, his wordes folowynge do declare. After this (sayth he) the lorde doth not suffer any man to put awaye his wife for any otherfault, sauig only for the cause of fornication. And afterward he moueth āother question, demandyng, whyther it be lawful for a man to put awaye his wyf, if she be a murtherer of fa question moued of O∣rigen, wher to be himself maketh aun swer. er or mother, if she be a witche, or a thefe, as well as he maye law∣fully put her away if she be a who ar. And in thys question he stan∣dethe in doubt, perceuing on the won syde, that it were against the commaundement of god, so for to do, and on the other syde he dooth thynke it to be an vniuste and an vn natural thing, that the hosbād shold be constrained to bear those vices in hys wyfe, which are more greuous, and heynose, than whor∣dom. But at the laste, sekinge how to wynde hym out of thys doubt∣ful question he sayth, I do reason then after thys fashion and saye, bycause he dyd not commaunde this thig, as by y• way of aprecept or commandemente, saing: let no man put his wyfe awaye but for fornication, but as one that wolde make ye matter more playn & open sayde: who that dooth put awaye his wyfe, except it be for the cause of fornication / he maketh her an hatlot. I do thynk that Origen was of thys mynde / that the we∣mā is dryuē to be an advouterose person, in that, that she maye not be suffered to mary againe, althou ghe she be according to ryght, & her nougty deseruing put from her hosband: but if she be so, the falte to be in her selfe, that she doth playe the whoar afterward, & not, in her hosband, whiche hath putte her awaye. And alyghtel before, he made a similytude of Chryste, whyche dyd repudyate and caste of the syngagog, being a māquel∣lar, taking vnto him a new spouse which is the churche. The words of Orygen are these followynge: we must say (sayth he) that Chryst dyd not put away his fyrst wyfe, that is to saye (after the spiritual vnderstondynge) the fyrste Synagoge, to geeue example that he woulde do accordyng as the scriptur teacheth, which saith: whom God hath ioyned together let no man separate) but when his wife is an aduouterous woman, beynge corrupted of the aduoute∣rouse ennemye, by whose counsell she soughte the death of her hus∣bande, &c. And a lyttell after he sayth, And Christe for the church sake, didde leaue and go from his father, with whome he was, what tyme he was in the forme of god and from his mother also. &c. Hitherto are the wordes of Ory∣gen. Thou heareste in this place (gentyll reader) of a diuorsement, and after the dyuorsemente of a newe spouse, whereby, it is ma∣nyfeste / and open, that Orygen was of thys mynde playnelye, that after a man hath put awaye his wyfe for whoredome, he may marrye another wyfe. But where as he sayethe, that the bysshopps dydde agaynste the doctryne of the gospel, whiche permytted and gaue lycence for maryage, after dyuorsemente, he dooth meane of those men, whiche dydde putte a waye theyr wyues for other cau∣ses, as the Iewes dydde. And in the lyke manner, thou muste vn∣derstande that whiche he wryteth, where he saythe these wordes. After the selfe same reason, as the woman is an aduoutrous person although she semeth to marry le∣fully, during the lyfe of her hus∣bande, euen so the man, although he semeth lawfullye to take that woman to wife, which is so diuor∣sed from her husbande, yet dot he not lawfully take her accordīg to the mind of Christ, but he doth commit the greater aduoutrye, as one which doth take another mās wyfe. He Origen speaketh of those, which domake diuorsemen∣tes for other causes, which Christ dyd not except, or for lyghte cau∣ses. And yet those matrimonis by mans law were not punished, yea they were taken as good and law full. But Origens reasoninge is, whether suche matrimonies be lawfull after the words of Christ or no, namely, where as great of∣fences did make the separation be twene the man and wife, as for at∣temptynge to poyson her husbād, or to do murther, and saith: Thou shalt examyn, whither he hathe a iuste excuse before god or naye. And yet the sayth, that who so put∣teth his wife away, doth geue oc∣casion of adultery, whiche perad∣uenture, with god, shall be impu∣ted, to the wyfe, and not to the hus bande, whiche dyd put her away. Tertulian doth apeare, not to be muche of a contrary mynd to O∣rigen, in his fourth boke, whiche Tertulia minde he wrote against Marcio, expoun dinge these words of Christ, after this wyse, saying: If a man dothe put away his wyfe, and maryethe an other, as though he wolde say, who so putteth away his wife, for thys porpose that he myghte ma∣ry an other, he can not iustly putt her awaye, for he doth put here from hym not vpon a iuste cause but he maketh on quarell or other (he careth not what) so that he ma sem, and apere to putt h away iustely, whome he doth hate and abhor. For the matrymony or ma riage whyche is not iustly dessol∣ued, standeth in effect styll, & that standyng styl in effect,) whiche is, contynnyng the matrymony, to mary to an other, is whordom. And so if Chryste vnder a conditi on dyd forbyd a man to put awai his wyfe, then dydde he not vtter lye forbydde hym. And that thynge whiche he hathe not who∣lye forbydden, he hath whol∣lye permytted. The selfe same doctor with in fewe wordes after, sayd: & so the law of dyuorsment hath Chryst for the menteinar, & defendar therof. Thou wylt saye Obiection. (peraduenture) that Tertulian is not to be admytted, forsomych as he went awaye from the churche. Howso euer he dyd, yet in thys matter he was not reprehended of the godly lerned men, whyche he sholde haue byn, if thys opini∣on had byn contrary to the mynde and iudgement of them that were in the treuth. Of the same mynde also, was on Polentius, a man (as The mynde of Polentius it apeareth of great grauite and of no lesse lerning, against whom saynte Augustine wrote. ii. bokes not in thys case, as thoughe he hadde byn one of the great hedds and masters of heretiques, but as one whych had bī in contentiō wt him, whose sentēce, mīd, & iugmēt he doth so refel and improue, that yet for that opinion, he doth laye no pointe of heresy to his charge. S. Ambrose also, whiche was a mā praised without al doubt, not ambrose per nuttethe the man to mari after diuors men: & not the woman onely for his sound docryne, but also for his godly lyuynge, sayth that it is lawfull for a man to ma ry another wyfe, after he hath put awaye his firste wyfe for whore∣dome. And truly ther is nodoubt but that this byshop did practyse that thing in his flock, whiche he wrote to be iuste, and according to the lawe. For in thexposition whi che he made vpon the seuenth ch, of the first epistle, to the Corinthi ans, he sayde after this wyse: (and that the man do not put away his wyfe) you must vnderstand (saith he) except it be for the cryme of for nication. And therfore (sayth he) the Apostel speakyng of the man dyd not put therto (yf he doth put her awaye, let hym continue syn∣gell) as he dyd when he spake of the woman, bycause it is lawfull for a man to mary another wyfe yf his wyfe be a whoore, which he hath put awaye: for he is not in so streight bondage of the lawe, as y• woman. For the hed of the womā is the man. And the selfe same do∣ctor sayde a lytle before. If she cā not lyue chaste (sayth he) because she wyl not stryue against ye flesh lette her be reconcyled to her hus∣bande. For there is no such leaue gyuen to the woman, that she mai mary againe, although she dooth put away her husbande, for that he hath playde the whoremonger or hath forsaken his faith, or vn∣lawfullye hath desired the vse of hys wyfe. The reasō wherof is bi cause the inferior hath not that same prerogatiue in the law, ouer the hedde, whyche the superior & hed hath ouer the inferior, that if the man doth forsake the fayth, or wold contrary to godlynes per∣uerte the lawfull vse of his wyfe, yet can she nether marrye, to anye other, nor yet returne to him aga∣yne. In this place where he saith that the inferyoure hath not that same priuylege, that the supery∣our hath, he semeth (although he sayeth not so openlye) to geue leue to the man to mary another wyfe: But / within fewe wordes after he permytteth the wyfe alsoo to take another housbande, althou∣ghe her fyrste husband be alyue. For in his exposytyon vppon these wordes of Paule, (for a bro∣ther, or a sister is not bounde in suche case) that is to saye saith he they ought not to receaue any ho not by matrymony whiche do dis∣dayn & hate the author & maker of matrimony. For it is no good or fyrme matrimony, which is with oute the loue of god, by the whi∣che reason, the woman, whiche is putte away bycause she doth fear and loue God, dooeth not synne yf shee ioyne her selfe to an other husbande. For the coutempte, and hatred of God oure maker, doth loose and vndoo the bond of matrymonye, and settethe at ly∣bertye / the partye whiche is soo put awaye so that he, or she so for taken maye with out blame and offence cople them selfe in matry∣mony againe with other. And the infydel person doth offend both agaynst god, and the holy state of matrymony bycause he wold not in the loue and honor of god con¦tynewe therin. And therfore, the faythe, and promyse of matrymo∣ny is not to be kept with hym, or her, whyche therfore forsaketh it and is gon from it, bycause he wold not here and beleue that the god of the Chrystyn people, whō theye do worship sholde be the au¦thor and maker of matrymony. For if Esdras dyd command the wyues, and hosbandes, whiche were infidells to be put awaye, that therfore god sholde be mer¦ciful, and not displesed if they tok other wyues or husbands of there owne nation (for they hade no sich commaundemnt that they sholde so put them awaye that thei shold take none other:) how mych more yf an infidell person doth depart on his owne wyll, may the fayth∣full woman or man take in mari∣age one of their owne law? For that matrimonye ought not to be taken for matrimonye, nor impu∣ted to them: which is without the law of god. Hytherto are the wor des of Ambrose. And here, I doo thinke that no man can quarell, that Ambrose dyd meane of that woman which by ignoraunce, did mary an infidell whom she bele∣ued to be a christen mā, forsomuch as Daule doth approue and al∣low the coniunction, in mariage, yea of thos also, if the infidel doth consent / and is wyllyng to conty∣nue with the faithful styll. For by that reason, if this ignoraūce was at the tyme of the contracte, then coulde she by no lawe continewe with him styll, with whom at the first she coulde not make any such cōtract of matrimony. And truly The faith full maye not wytting by contracte matrimonye with the un faithfull but yf they were marted to gy ther not kno wng one the others sayth they oughte not after∣ward to go a fonde it is a very faynt reason, where wt Detrus Lombardus, in ye fourth boke of the sentences, goith about to put away that place of S. Am brose, which we first rehearsed, for to saye / that it was noone of Am∣brose writinge, but thruste in of some other into his workes, for somuche as it differeth nothinge from his style, and māner of wry∣tynge, nor yet any thing there ad∣ded or wrytten, as an exposition of any of his wordes. After thys fashion, a man maye easely make aunswer to euery doubt, if it wold be so admitted. For there are ma∣nye thynges wrytten in Cypryās workes in Homes workes, in The maiste of the sētēce Sayncte Augusynes woorkes, and in the workes of Thomas of Aquyne, whiche the churche doth improue. And wherfore do we not excuse these authors, with the like reason, and saye. It was noone of there owne wrytynges, but thrust in of some other corrupter of their workes▪ But now, if we wold dys cusse, and serche out the mynde, & opinions of the late writars, (whi che do beare great swinge both in courte and in schole) we shall find, that there were amonge theym, whiche thoughte it lawfull, that matrimonye myght be dissolued, or at the leaste wyse, whyche deni∣ed not, but this matter was dispu table. Fyrst of all, Iohannes An∣dreas Iohannes Andreas determyneth, and decreeth, that matrimonye, before the man and the wooman doo lye togy∣ther, maye be dyssoluyd, not onlye yf either of them doo professe the rule of a monasticall lyfe, but also by the onely authoritie of the by∣shop of Rome. But yf they wyll graunt me, that this matrimonye, is a true matrimony, which is con tracted with the consente of bothe partes, hauynge and speakynge the wordes one to the other, whi∣che do partayne to that same con∣tracte of matrimony, and that the contract is made betwene lawfull and meete persons, (suche as the law doth permit:) they must alsoo graunte, that the strength & bond of matrimonye, dependeth of the lawe of god: It must follow then that ether the law of god doth not so take and vnderstonde matrimo ny as we do, or els, that the bishop of Rome hath power to vndo that whiche the law of god doth com∣maunde and decree. Againe, the same Iohannes Andreas, techeth for a doctryne, that matrimonye which is ratefied, and ful finished by the carnal copulatiō of the mā, and the woman, can not by anye meanes be dissolued, for the proffe and confirmation of the whiche defence, which he maketh, I doo perceiue as yet no good reason or cause alledged. For the reasons, whiche Hostiensis, Augustin, and pope Leo do bryng for ye purpose, besyde, that they are but the opini∣ons and myndes of men, they do also permytte against the doctrin of Christ and of Paule, that ma∣trimony may be dissolued, and al∣so / y• after the dissolution, & losinge againe of the sayde matrimony, ye man and the womā separated / ma marrye againe. And therefore, we must ether denye that same to be matrimonye, whiche is not confir med with the carnall copulation, or ells we must graūt yt matrimo ny may lawfully be dissolued. Or els / what god (I pray you) gaue this reuelation vnto these doctors that the profession of a monasti∣call lyfe, and the chaunge of reli∣gion, which is of the ordinance of man doth lawfully depart man & wyfe / yea, although yt ether of thē wold stand in the denial therof, & were not wyllyng to go a sonder. Yea (wyl they say) we do meane yt matrimony which is but ratefyed & agreed vpō betwen the partes, not that which is made perfect, & ful ended by carnal copulatiō. Yf it be so, wher, and when dyd god e∣uer teche them, y• heresy should de parte mā & wyfe, yea after it were ful fynished & made perfect by the mutual copulatiō of y• partes? and so depart thē, ye it shuld be lawful for the man or y• womā which did persist in the faith, to ioyne in ma∣trimony again wt whō thei wold. What shold I speke of Sachary Pope Za chary the byshop of Rome. wt as we do rede in the. iiii. boke of y• sentēces, & the, xxiiii. distin doth dissolue matrimony, if a mā doth ly. wt the syster of his wyfe, whose words a these. Thou hast medeled wt the si ster of thy wyfe. And therfore yf yu hast so don, yu shalt haue nether of thē, & thy wyfe (yf she be not gylti of thy wickednes, and not wyllig to lyue chast) we do permytte that she in the name of god / may mar∣ry to whome she wyil. But thou & the aduoutous woman shal mar ry no more, but shal lyue styll in sorowe and penaunce during yo ure lyues. Thus fa are the wor∣des of Sachari the byshop. Now as tochyng thys glose whych Pe∣trus lombadus doth make vpon his words, I do take it to be farre from the truthe, & nothinge after the meaning of the byshop, as fo∣loweth, wheras he doth saye (saith Lombardus) let her mary to whō she wyl, we must vnderstond, that he doth meane after the deathe of her hosband. I praye you hartely wold the byshop haue omytted, & forgot so greate a matter as thys T herby pr that both zachai & Erasmus ar in the md that then der shulde not marrye. is, if he had byn of that mynd, as thys man doth vnderstonde hym? What and if he whych was here hosband had lyued lengar, than hys wyfe, shal not then in this be halfe the payn of the innocent par ty be as greate as of hym whiche was the offender? But how soeuer this is, som man wyl say peraduentur / that that is no lawful matrymony, whiche is contracted against the consly on and ordinance of the byshop. Well, if it be so as he saythe, wher fore is not the woman in this case set at lybertye, that she maye ma∣rye agayn? Let this question now pass, for we wyl go no further ther wyth. But as teching the profes∣fion of a monastical lyfe, no man Goy into a cloyster some tyme dyd dis solue matry mony and he resy also douteth that it dothe vndo that matrymony, which is but agred vpon, and sured betwene the par∣tes, and for heresy, that contract al so is vndone yea whyche is gonn thorow, and ful ended betwene the partes. But if a man may dys solue & vndo yt matrymony, why che is notful ended / bycause the reason and cause of the sacrement is greater whē it is fynyshed, by the copulation of the partes than it was before, by the same reson it shall be lawful also to vndo the mariage after it is perfect and ful ended, bycause that frutfulnes of chyldren in matrymony is a grea tar cause than bareys, and the cause in the fyrst contract is grea ter than in the second or the third. But thys me thynketh by mans lawes may be reasonable ynough that the mariage which is not con summat & ful ended myght some wayes be vndoone, bycause that the woman which hath not byn toched of the man to whome she was maryed, shal sooner fynd an other man, whyche wyll take here to wyfe, than she which hath car∣nally knowē her hoband. But we (I can not tel for what pourpose) haue so men gelyd gods law and mans laws to gyther, about thys busynes, that we haue made it so darke that no man can tel what to Iohannes Andreas. make of it. But for al that, Iohā∣nes Andreas dothe apere not alto gyther to dyssent from thys opy∣nion, if a man sholde say, that ma∣trymony, whyche is made perfect may be dyssoluid vpon som great vrgent cause, forsomyche as he dysputeth thys same argumēt in the rule which begynneth▪ Actus li gitimi and the syxt booke De regu lis iuris, whome Panormitanus doth aledge in y• cha. which begin neth Ex publico, de conuertione cō iugatorū, For after he had put the case (whither the byshop mighte dispēce & geue licence, yt a kyngs sonne which is a mōke, might (his father the kīg hauīg no more sōs but him) myght mary a wyfe, and kepe her tyl the tyme he shuld be∣get of her a man child, and so whē he hath brought forth reasons on both sydes, both with it, & against it, he geueth no sentence or deter∣mination, whither he myghte soo dispense or naye, but leaueth the matter to the iudgement of other men. But at the last, Panormita∣nus doth thus end his whole dis∣putation, upon dy semente. and sayth: I could be of this mynde, that the pope can not vndo the matrimony which is cō summate / and made perfecte be∣twene faithfull persons, so that I woulde chose to take and defende the negatiue parte, that he can not dispence in this casse. And hee he doth not affirme the thinge, but he putteth forth this question, as a disputable argument, whereof he thinketh the contrary part to be y• more probable, and truar. The same Panormitanus, amonge o∣ther matters, wherof he wrote in y• chapter, beginning wt this worde Q uanto, and tytle, de diuortijs, doth saye these wordes (And thys text doth serue verye well, and is the beste that can be for this pur∣pose, whervpon we might groūd our reason, that the churche can not dissolue, & vndoe that cōtract of matrymony. And heare againe he doth not saye affirmatiuely yt the church can not vndo that ma∣trymony, whiche is consummated and thorowly ended: but rather cō senteth that it may, although (he sayth) an argumēt might bemade out of that chaptr, which shold be to the contrary. For it foloweth not that streyghtwaye it is ouer∣com and cast doun, bycause it may be ouercom and cast doune with argument. Hostiensis also appea reth some tyme to be on the contra ti parte. For in the chapter begin ning. Ex parte in the tytil de cōuer tione coniugatorum. he moueth ye question, whither the church may now statute & ordeine yt whē the ether part of the faythful persons which at maried togither is fallē into heresye ye other part mai go to the seconde vowe of matrimony. And he doth aunswere that it is lawful so to do, prouīg it by this argumente. Lykewyse (saythe he) as the churche hath ordeyned betwene infidels, whiche do con∣tracte among them selfe lawefull matrimonye, as Codicc de infideli bus & consanguini & affini, so may the churche decre and ordeyne a∣monge the faythful persons: For the confyrmation of the ma trimony of the faythful commeth of the sacrament of baptym, as in the sayd chapter Quanto, and that by the dysposition and order of the churche. The churche then hath power to ordeyne, alsoo to y• contrary. Doth not Hostiencys here openly pronounce, that the churche maye decre and ordeyne, that some matrymony may be dis∣soluyd be it neuer so perfect, when ether of the partes doth fall into heresye, so that the innocent party maye go to the second vow, (that is to wytte, may make a newe con tract of matrymony wyth som o∣ther? And yet he denyeth that thys thyng may be don, except the chur che doth so ordeyne it. Antonye Antony pō diuors ment allso doothe certefye vs that he hathe sene a bull of the byshope oome his gyuing forth, wherby he dyd seperate man and wyfe af ter that that matrimony was ful∣ly finished and made perfect. But how myche these authors at to be set by, and regarded, let it be thee iudgement of other men. As for me I haue here brought the forth and shewed you what they do say bycause that they whiche thynke them to be of greate authoryte, shold not think that I haue done otherwyse than well in that I do desyre, that by som way or other, it myght be brought to pass, that bi the authoryte of the churche, som remedy and helpe myght be proui ded for them whiche do lyue my∣serably and vngodly togyther wt the greate peryl, and daunger of bothe ther sowl helthes. But now no man can denye but that the la∣wes of Chryst at moste ryghtwis of al, and most ful of all equitie / exellynge and passyng al other whyther we do compare them wt the lawe of nature, or mans lawe. Christ doth not strayghtly requit of vs that we should lyue as vir gens, leste he shoulde apere to go agaynst the law of nature, althou ghe he dothe pronounce them to be blessed, whyche canne take it. owe are these wer des to be un derstanded, (to be gelded for the king dome of hea uen.) But to those wordes he doth add thus miche more, sayinge (for the kyngdome of heauen). And the kyngdom of heaue, he calleth the preching of the gospel, that thys saying: shold moste apear to serue for that tyme. For ther is a tyme to marry and a tyme to abstayne from mariage. Doost thou thinke then, that it stondeth wt equite & iustice, that a man sholde be com∣pelled to lyue with a wyfe / whiche is kiuered all togither with mys∣cheuos & shamful dedes, wherof he gaue none occasion nor yet can bryng her by any means frō here lewdnes with whome for to lyue, weras bad as to be slain, & better to be dead: Or doest thou think it good right & reason, that if thys man do departe hym selfe from her that he shold be dryuē to lead al the days of his lyfe after with∣out a wyfe al a lone, as a mā that were no ma: Let it stond wel wt right & reason, that ye parti which was occasion of the diuorsment & seperation shal haue no more ly∣berty for to marry, but wherfore shold he be ponyshed, which hath not deserued, except ye wolde say that he is worthy to be ponyshed bycause he was so vnluckey, to marry so vngracious a wyfe. But I praye you, what man did euer se that a man was ponyshed for his mysfortune, if ther was none other falt in him than that, special ly by the law of god. What other thing is this, but to heape on af∣flyction vpon an other, and to make hym, which is miserable to be more miserable, whome oure parte were to helpe? For wher as childrē vnlawfully begotten, whō we do cal bastardsar debarred frō comming to certayn promotions & other proffets, first thou shalte vnderstond that it is by mās law & not by the lawe of the ghospel: Secondly, that it was thoughte good to the magistrates so to po nyshe the vnchaste lyfe of ther pa∣rents. And fynally they ar not so excluded, but y• they maye other∣wyse helpe themselues, by theyr vrtuose and good actes, altho∣ughe theyr fortune in that case be againste them. How be it it is not al won, nor a lyke thyng to be bar¦red from receauing or comming to dignite, and to be a whole lyfe tyme in continual tormentes, and in so many dangers and perylls, wher the man deseruith no syche thing. And if yt that mā doth make his wyf to be a whoar, which doth put her awaye, without a lawful cause, dothe not he then as well make here to be a whoar, whiche doth prohibyt her being vniustly put a way to mary, when she is of that manner of nature, and dispo¦sytion of the body that we sholde do her wronge to commaund here to lyue chast: But as toching that they do ley against vs, thexample of monkes & noonse (which haue no wronge done vnto them forso∣myche as wyllyngly, without ani compulsiō, of them selfe, ther toke so streyght a vowe vpon them, as they could not vndo afterwarde) I myght peraduentur answer, ye thexample of a thing which is in contention and in controuerye & in doubt (as this is, whyther thee vowe of monkes and nons be a∣brogable or nay) cann not resolue the doubt of an other thyng which is in lyke controuersy, as thys our matter is. And yet for al that if we wyl beleue some lawyars, ye The byshop of Rome make of a monKe n monKe byshop of rome maye make of a monke no moonke. And as tochīg that whiche they doo alleadge spe king of a soleme and a pryuate vowe / I canne not se any substan cial reason wheron it is groun∣ded. But if this ther reason (theye tooke it vpon them willingly by there owne myndes) were of so great force that the thinge whiche theye ons doo, shold neuer be vn∣done, but be perpetualle, it dothe follow, that al maner of contracts and bargayns which ar made be∣twen man and man, by ther owne fre wyls, and voluntary consents shold neuer be vndon, but alway stond, and be perpetual, which (for al that) we do se by experience for newe considerations and causes, whiche do often tyme ryse & come betwene, ar by the equyte of ye law quyghte dyssoluyd, and made voyde. But, somme man here peraduenture) wyll saye vnto me, that in matrymony a lawe is openlye prescribed, and kno∣wen, that after it is wonse contrac ted, yt canne not be dyssolued, of the whiche thinge those which do marry, ar not ignorant / and yet wyllyngly they do put ther owne necks in the halter, where thei ned not. But truly, that thing, whiche is oure matter, wherof we do rea son is, whyther the rigor of this lawe, maye any thinge be mitiga∣ted, and losed any maner of ways forsomyche as often tymes, syche causes do com betwē, that it shold apere a cruel thynge not to helpe the party which is in danger. But if thys lawe doth seme to be som thinge repognane to the equyte of nature, we muste se then, why ther that whiche is wrytten as concerning thys law by the E∣uangelystes, and apostells in ther wrytynges, maye receaue any interpretation or meaning than that, which is according to the o∣pen wordes of the lawe. And I wolde, that it shoulde be lawfull for vs to do in this casse, as we are bould to do in other places of the scripturs. And lykwyse, I wolde that we shold dyscuse, and examin what tyme, to whome, & for what occasion, it was spoken, and per∣aduentur, we shal fynde oute the right vnderstondig therof. Now, let euery man be content, and not tale streyghtwaye into a rage and cry out vpon heauen and yearth, and saye: Thys man doth goo a∣bout to breake the decrese of the church. For thervnto I do ans∣were, that I do go about no syche thing (as I haue protestyd befor) but only by the waye of dysputati on to reason the matter. Then let vs se, for what purpos the church hath allowed thys. For it hath or deyned som thyngs, not to stonde in effect and to be obseiued for euer, but for a tyme only. Second ly, if the churche, (if we maye so cal it) or ells the byshop of rome hath at no tyme alteryd, and changed any of his decrese and ordinances nether wyl I require, that any thynge shal be in this casse chan∣ged and alteryd otherwyse than it was fyrst ordeyned. But if so bee we doo fynde, that the churche or the byshop of rome hath made at any tyme any change or alteratiō in thynges whiche are of greater weyght but not so mich perteinig to the helth of me n, as this is / for what cause shold we be a feared to do the lyke and that specyally, when we maye therby ease and helpe the paynefull greifes of soo many men? Our maister Chryste is content, for won pore shepe whi che is loste to seeke aboute euerye where, that he myght fynd it owt, & so found, bryng it home agayn, vpon his own shoulders: & shuld we be loth to seke and to proue, yf we myght fynde remedy and help of all , for so many as do peryshe daylye, sythe that Christ is aucthor of all helth, and mans lawes shuld non otherwyse preuayle, & be of stren∣ght, but so faire, as they doo con∣duce and ar profitable for the pre∣seruation of man? Finally, forso∣muche hyther the byshop maye stae & or dey nye thyng again the decre es of the apo sts as there ar certayne greate maisters in deuinite, which do gra unt & geue to the byshop of Rome so large auctorite and power, that it lyethe in hym to abrogate, and vndoe any thynge, whiche the A∣postles, (yea Peter him selfe) haue & hath ordeyned, and forsomoche as there be some doctours, whiche make a question and a dout of it, whyther he may ordeyn and decre any thynge agaynste the doctryne of the gospell, not altogether deni enge but that he maye after a cer∣tayne fashion, do it, although not cleane disanullynge the doctryne therof / that is to say / either by in∣terpretation, or elles by restray∣nynge, or enlargynge of his wor∣des (as Daule dyd when he sayde, I not the lord, by permission, & not of commaundemente doo. &c.) for what cause do they more bind him in this case, that he cannot do the lyke, as he may in other thinges, which are more great wherin he is permitted to do what he wyll? Forsoth as concernyng matrimo∣ny, Ihon Andrea, which is a gret author amonge the lawyers. af∣firmeth that the bysshop of Rome may decre, and ordeyn, that by the seconde contracte of matrimonye, the first maye be made voyde, soo farre as the first was not consum mate, lykewise as it is vndone, & made voyde, by entering into reli∣gion. And of this mans mynde is Panormitanus, asye rede in their commentaries, wrytten vpon the chapter, Quoduotis / in the tytell. Deuoto & uoti redemptione. In the syxt boke, and in the chapter, Expublico, in the title, Deconuersi one coniugatorum. In the actes of the apostles we do reede, that in a certayne solemne counsell, it was decreed and published, that as ma ny, as were admitted from the infi delitie of the heathen into the chri∣stian flocke, should absteyne from meates offred vp to ydols, frome strangled beastes, from blode, and from whoredom. This can not be called a conciliable or pryuate con gregation, where so great a nōber was, neither can it be called a coū∣sell without a heade, where Deter hym selfe was presente. And yet, that whiche was at yt tyme decre∣ed, is gon so farre, & so longe time owt of vse, that now who yt wolde abhorre to eate of a strangled hen, or of podynges which ar made of The decres of the apo stles chaun ged, & for what intent it was made bloude, men woulde take hym to be a ryght Iewe. And yet do not I blemysh the auctoritie of the A∣postels, but onely I do excuse the thynge done by them at that coun sell to be ordeyned for a tyme, for the pacifienge of the myndes of the Iewes. The Apostle Paul for byddeth that a nouyce in the faith whiche is newe come therto or els a feyghter. or a dronkatde, should be made a bishop. But at this dat Paules con stitution we dose, that the byshop of Rome doth make a chylde a byshop, whi che was borne but yesterday, yea, and yt it pleaseth hym, of a pirate and a thefe, which robbeth vppon the sea, he wyll make a byshop al∣so, beyng nothyng a feard of Dau les constitution. Furthermore, it was longe or the churche dyd de∣termyne, Transubstā tiation not beleuedofthe prymytyue churche. that transubstantiation was in the bread of the aulter. For it was sufficient many yeares, yt a man did but beleue that the bodye of Christ was vnder the consecra∣ted breade, wone way or other soo that they beleued that he was there. But afterwarde vpon a far ther respecte they determyned o∣therwyse thereof. The tyme harhe byn, when they wexe not taken for heretiques which beleued that the holy ghost dyd procede only from the father, and I am not certayne, whither the moost part of the chri stians dyd in the prymytyue chur∣che so beleue. But when they had wayed the matter well, the church dyd defyne that waye, whiche we nowe do followe. The lyke thing The concep tiō of the gin was aboute the conception of the blessed vyrgyn. But whyther the churche dyd at the fyrst deter∣myne and iudge that man, whych would doubt therof, that he shuld be taken for an heretyque or nay / I can not tell very well, although there are some, whiche do affyrme that it was so concluded in y• coun sell holden at Basyll. And here a gayne iseth a double doubte, whyther al the actes of that coun∣sell do stand or nay, and farther wt what wordes, and for what pour∣pose / this case was determined. If it were then defyned to be as an actycle of our fayth, what shal be∣come of the fryar Dominikes, of whome many be yet styll of the cō∣trarye opinion. There are manye suche lyke matters as this is. For there was none of them, which wer the very olde wrytars, that durste pronounce openly / that the holye ghost was of one substance wt the father, & ye son, no not thē when the question about the sonne, was so contentiously handled al ye world ouer. And that more is, in ye psalme of prayse geuynge, whiche the churche beganne to synge after y• Arryans were expulsed, where as is attributed to the sonne, that he is the lyght, of lyght, and perfect god of perfect god, the same is not ther / with open and playne wor∣des ascribed to the holy ghost. But now we are bolde to say, that The holy gh oste is of one substaunce with the fa ther and the sonne. the holy ghost is of one substance with the father and the sonne, and perfecte god of the father, whiche is very god, and of the sonne whi che is very god. Ther is no man (I do thyns), whiche wyl so t y• churche of Christe, (whiche ston∣deth of the congregation, and fe∣lowship of men) quight and cleare from all error, that it shoulde be ignoraunt in nothing. It is suffi cient that it be so farre forth, void of error, that it doeth houlde and kepe the chief pointes of our faith and christen religion. For it maye happe that the churche shall erre in the number, wherby they shuld knowe the day, when the feaste of Easter shold be kepte and holdē, wheras thys poynte perteynethe no thy nge to the matter of oure fayth / or loue toward god. I doo speke of that churche, whose auctotyte we do followe that is to wyt, the church of rome. But yf it be trewe, as some doo houlde, that the byshop of come whyther the Byshoppe of rome may be deceiued, & geue a sentence or can not etre by no error iudyyall at any tyme, what ned we to haue general counselles, for what cause sholde we cale men of lawe vnto the counsel / or lerned devynse, he e not erre, when he gy∣uethe sentence in any cause. Wher fore is place geuen after he hath pronounced his sentence, that men may appeal from hym to the Synode, or from hym, to hym selfe agayne, after he is better ad∣uysed and instructed, and infor∣med of the matter. What nede so many vnyuersites be trobeled, in dyseussynge the doubtes of oure faythe, when a man maye go to the byshop, and haue the truthe of euery doubte at his mouth? Yea how doth it com to passe that the decrese and statutes of won by∣shop are contrary to the ordinan∣ces of an other? I wyll not speke of Pope Formosus, but what say you by Pope Ihon, whiche was the two and twenty pope of rome poope & pope Ny cholas decre es . and pope Nicholas, are not their decrese statutes, and ordinaunces clean contrary the on to the other, yea, in those matters, whyche doo perteyn to the chefe poyntes of oure fayth? O the whyche twain the one dyd pronounce iudicially (to vse there manner of speakyng) that Christ and his apostels, had nothinge in possession, either in common or priuat: that other pro nounced cleane contrary, that thei had. This thing a man may learn forthe of their decrees, whiche are intituled, Extrauagants. But that which foloweth, doth ser ue better for the matter, which we pope inno cent & pope Celestine made con∣trary decres haue in hande, that pope Innocēt the thyrde, and Celestyne also, bys∣shops of Rome, dyd determyne cō trary conclusions, cōcerning how matrimony may be dissolued. For pope Celestyne dyd ordeyne, that eyther the man or the wyfe, which dyd stand styll in the fayth myght marry agayne, it that either of thē dyd fall into herely, which thinge pope Innocent doth denye, as we ede in y• fourth boke of the decre∣tals, in the title, De diuortiis and chapt. quanto. Neither doth pope Innocent in that place omyt to de clare, that a certaine predecessor of his dyd otherwyse ordeyne, mea∣nynge Celestyne (as the Gloose in that place doth open, declaring that there was sometyme in the de cretals a constitution of pope Ce∣lestyne / in the thirde booke therof and in the tytell De conuersione in fideliū, in the end. And that semeth moost lyke to be true, because that tytell contayneth very fewe chap∣ters, that thereby thou mayest vn∣derstande and perceaue / that it is cut of & made shorter than it was at the fyrste makyng. Besyde this pe w an aduers to the marya ge of preests Pelagius (as a man may se in the decrees, in the. xxxi. distinctiō, and chapter Ante triennium) did ordein that the Subdeacons of Sycyll, sholde absteyne from ther wyues whome theye had lawfully mary∣ed before the makynge of that same ordynance & constytution. Thys decre, as vniust / and contra ry to the commaudemente of the ghospell, Gregory, the fyrste of that name, dyd plucke back and Gregory the dydde succede to Pelagian by s of rome clean abrogated, which Gregory succeded vnto Pelagius, & made a constitution and deere, that no man from thense forth shold com and be admytted to that order, except he vowed the vowe of cha∣styte. But it is a very harde, and Erasmus do th sd much with the in cent parti athe or she whichis inno cēt may mar ry agayne. an vniuste thynge, that a man sholde be forced to chastite, which hath not vowed yt, nor deserued to be dryuen therto, whyther he wyll or naye. But that, which Gre gory here dothe take to be vniuste dooeth not soo appeare to Inno cent the thyrde, as appeareth, in that same place, whyche I haue here before alleadged vnto you, whyche doothe after this fashyon make aunswere to those men whi∣che doo obiecte, that it seemethe a thynge agaynste reason / that the husbande withoute anye faulte, shoulde be depriued of the benefit of matrimonye, specyally, seynge that, that man doth more greuous lye offende, and is a greatter en∣nemye to CHRISTE, why∣che after he hath receaued Bap∣tysme, doothe fall into heresye, or to the beleiffe of the Daganns, than he, whyche was boorne an Ethnycke, and doothe forsake, to be conuerted to the profession and fayth of CHRISTE. Be syde thys the churche of Mu∣tyn, was certayn hondred yers of thys opinion that if a man hadde made a lawful contract of matry mony with won woman (as for ex ampl with Barbara) wherin both hyther the seconde con∣tracte of ma monye, wher is also copulatiō of the partes vndooe the cō act whiche ath not this opulation. ther wordes ther mynds dyd a∣gre, but had no bodely conuersa∣tion with her, and afterward dyd cōtract with another whose name was Cornia, hauinge copulati∣on with her, he sholde be constray ned to forsake his fyrste wyfe, & lyue with her with whom he made the latter contract, the carnal co∣pulation goyng therwith. But that constitucion. Innocen∣tius the byshop of rome doth opē ly dyanul and vndo, makinge a cleane contrary decre, whiche is that the fyrste woman, was the ight and lawful wife, and al that was done wyth the last woman to be no matrimony but playne ad¦ultery, and whordome, as ye may There be some, suche cōtractes in London, the moore is the shame that they are suf¦fred rede in the fourth booke of the de¦cretals, in the tytul, quanto, & chap¦ter Tuas dudū, and also ī the chap¦ter Licet, of that same tytul. Alex¦ander the therd declareth by a cer¦tayne wryt that his predycessers that is to say, the byshops of rome had a fore tyme ordeyned y• same thyng, which Pope Innocent did condem in the church of Mutyn: How mych more daungeros a mat¦ter was thys, than the cause of dy¦uorce, and yet the byshop of rome dyd alter the decres and constitu∣tions of other byshops? What nede I tel you of the vniuersite of Parys, whiche dyd wonse o∣penly The uniuer¦sitie of paris disproue the sentence and o¦pinion of the byshop of rome inso muche that they draue hym to re∣cant, and deny his words, whych he had spoken before yf we maye geue any credite to histories?) Ex∣cept, pataduenture we do thinke it to be but an idell fable or tale, whyche Ihon gerson doothe re∣hearse in a certayne Easter Ser mon of Ihon Byshop of Rome, whyche was the two and twentye of that name, that he did precisely affyrme, that the sowles of wyc∣ked men, shoulde not be punyshed before the day of iudgemente, whi che error, all the whole schoole of Parys dydde openlye condemne, and broughte the Byshoppe to that, he was fayne to denye and re cant his opinion. Neyther canne Pope Ihon it be sayde that noo manne helde thys opinion besyde the Byshop, so that he only shold be in a wrō∣ge mynde, yt must neds be a pub∣lyque / and almoste a generall ex∣or, whyche was publyshed ether by letters or by some drecre, that sholde somyche moue and styer al the whol realm of France to be a∣gaynst it. But what do we spea ke of Pelagian, of Alexandre, & of poope Innocente, seynge that Peter, which was as it were thee chefe of the apostels, was not a shained to hecken to better coun∣sell, when beinge admonyshed by Paul, he dyd knoledge and con∣fesse hys error, if thee wordes of saynte Augustine are to be bele∣ued herein. Nowe truly, although we do con fesse & graunte, that matrimony it self is of the law of god, yet many cyrcumstaunces which do pertain to the causes of matrimony, depēd of the posytyue lawe, as degrees of kynred, impedimentes of mari∣age, and dyuorsements. Nether haue we these decrees, and ordy∣naunces gyuen to vs by famous and generall counsels, but onelye at the handes of pryuate byshops beynge the aunswers, which they made to this or that mans consul∣tation for the tyme, as they thou∣ght good, and accordynge to con∣science, yea other whyls swaruig from that which they them selfe, had determyned and decreed be∣fore. But this constitution, wher∣of we do now dyspute, was, as I do suppose, at the first, was y• dede but of one or two byshops, whych afterwarde, by lyttel and lyttle, cre pynge farther abroade / is growē to be so great a matter as it nowe is. No man can saye naye, but thei were men, and euery e man dooeth knowe, how myghtye and stronge euery thynge is, after it is growen into a custom. And it is not a thig to be merueyled at, that the layde oulde fathers, were so soore offen∣ded with dyuorsementes, whiche was abhorred yea of the Ethniks, Nowe they wyl marrye svx or seuen tymes. yea thoughe the haue not on tooth in ther head when that some of them could scāt abyde matrimony, much lesse, that a man or woman should be twyse maried. Al this before, we haue shewed vnto you, because no man should thynke it, to be an vnseme∣lye thynge, though we do dyspute aboute the alterynge and chaun gynge of the lawes of dyuorsmēt. But now if it please you, let vs ex amyn the places of the holy scrip tures, whereby we doo seeme to be constrayned to receaue, and admi this lawe. Our Lorde Iesu Chri∣ste, as ye do rede in the ryft chap∣ter of Matthewe, what tyme he dydde sowe abroade his heauen∣ly philosophye, and prescribyd a perfecte example, where by he de∣clared, and made open, what man∣ner The place whiche do sme to dys proue dyur semen of men he woulde haue his dis ciples, and those whiche were his folowers, to be, sayde these wor∣des: It is sayde (saythe he) Whoo so euer doothe putte awaye hys wyfe, lette hym gyue to her a testi monyall of dyuorsemente. But I say vnto you, y• whatso euer he be, whyche dooth put away hys wife except it be for the cause of forny∣cacyon, he doothe make her too be a whoae, and who that doothe mattye a wooman whyche is put put awaye from here hosbonde, doth commit adultery. But, forso myche, as in that same place he doth the many goodly lessons whiche do bewtifye hym, that is a pure, and a right christen man, for, what cause can we be content to admyt in al the rest of the wor des a gentyl exposytyon, and in∣terpretation to bee hadde, and in this matter of dyuorsmente only we make our selfs so streight, that we do streyn the wordes of Christ mich more narrowly, than euer he spake theym. For wheras he lefte to the holboud, wone cause of dy∣uorsment, we do bynde that same cause with many bondes, adding myche more therto, of oure owne selfe. And fyrste (as here for ex∣ample) wee maye putte awaye our wiues but then, we must liue as no men, lyke persons, that wer gelded and neuer to haue issew. Besyde this, if thou doest com panye with thy wyfe, after thou hast won suspected her to be nou ght, thou shalte not enioye the be nefit of dioursemēte. Furthermor if a man be an adulterose person hymselfe, he shal not forsake hys wyfe, which is as noughty a wo∣mā, as he is a man, fynally we do wrast and wrythe this terme of ex ception, whiche is (except for &c) somy ch that we do deneye that it dothe gyue any power to a man wherby he maye putte away his wyfe, but that it doth serue only, for to certefy the, if tho doest put awaye thy wyfe, that by thy put tinge her away from thee, thou shalte not make her to be a whoar forsomych as she is a whoar whē thou doest departe from her. For so is the mynd of Augustin. But I do call that to be a trew diuors∣ment, whiche at those days, was A righte d uorsmente. alowed, & none other, when a man might lawfully take another wyfe after he was seperated from hys wyfe. For, wher as we do vnder∣stond that to be dyuorsment, whē the man and the womā ar sōdcrid from dwellynge togyther in won house (the bond of matrymony ne∣uerthelesse remayneng styll) was Sych diuorse mēt is of our owne brayne ther euer any of the olde deuyns and lawyars, whyche dyd defyne sych a maner of dyuorsment? But of thys matter we wyl speke more herafter. As tochyng this poynte then, we are so streyght, & so nighe that we go to the very rigor and extremite of the lawe, but in thee rest, we care not how largely, howe fauourably euery man dooth take and vnderstand the wordes ther∣of, we can be contēt to receaue eue∣ry maner of interpretation. The lorde doth forbyd vs in that place that we shulde not swear at al, yea he dooth forbyd that muche more The makig of . streightly, than he doth forbydde dyuorsement / and with mo words he beateth the matter into our hea des, and yet, for the valour of. xii. d. we care not how often we swere, excusynge the matter with this ex position, that we are commaunded not to sweare vnaduysedlye with out a cause. And wherfore doo we not as well saye, that we muste not put awaye our wyues vnaduised∣ly for euery trifell? He doth forbid vs, to be angry, we do expounde it with this word vnaduysedly and cashlye. He forbyddyth vs to geue any euyll name to any man. Wee Thou shal sclander no man do geue hym blowes also, yea and oftentymes kyll hym, coulorynge our offence with these words, say∣enge: we dyd not the dede for anye hatred or malice, but for the desire of amendment, and ponyshinge of this or that noughty dede. He byd deth also / that we shall not offre The offerig vp of the gyste. with out charite forbydden our gyft, except, we be first in loue and charitie with our brother, wee doo clooke that sayinge with these wordes, yf he wyll aske me forge∣uenes, and make me a good recom pense, and a mendes. He commaū∣deth vs / that we shal not go to law Goynge lawe for debt, whiche is due to vs, but that we shoulde fall to some agre∣mente wyth oure aduersarye, and we, for a matter of twoo pense, wyll caste oure neyghboure int pryson, and saye, we do no more but seke oure righte, acccordinge to the lawe. Yea we do iudge him to offend, and cal hym a negligēte person, that wil not this way seke to come by hys own. He commaū deth vs that we do no wronge to hym agayne, whych dothe wrong to vs, althoughe we myght bi the lawe be iustly reuenged. For in ye olde tyme the requytyng of lyke, was permytted not without consi deratiō. Agayn, if a pore mā doth steall but a small tryfell from vs, we bring him streight way to the ow we co lorably do de end oure de sh gallous / saying, that we do folow our right and not to be reuēged. Chryste also commaundethe vs. not to resyst euyll, whyche saying we saye is of counsell, not of pre∣cept, and that we may neuertheless lawfully with forse, repel force. And to be shorte, we be commaun ded to loue our enemye, to doo good to them which do euil to vs to praye for them, which do cure vs, and for thys also we haue a cloke and say: I wyl pray to god to geue hym a better mynde, but I am not bounde to shewe tokens of famylyaite to hym. And fynal ly on excuse serueth for them al, whiche is, that these thyngs are commanded not to al men, but to them which ar perfect. And yet for all that, none of them all, whi che do boste them selfe of moste perfectnis. wyl knowledg the pro fession of a perfect man, shewing hym selfe to be syche a manner of person, when the dewty of a per∣fect man is requyred at his or ther handes, so that these wordes of Chryste are almoste spoken in vayne. Christ speaketh these wor∣des, not among the common peo∣ple, but to his dysyples, and that in the mount, shewynge, and set∣tynge forth vnto them, which was the purest, and godliest part of his bodye, whiche had no nede of anye lawes, whiche he calleth the kyng∣dome of heauen. For, what nede is it that there shoulde be any lawe, that a man shal not kyll, where is founde no man, whych though he be offended, that can fynde in hys hatte to be angrye, nor yet to geue none euyl and noughtye woorde, where he whyche hath taken wron ge dooth seke vppon the loue and frendeshyppe of his ennemy, wher euerye man hadde rather to geue awaye part of his ryghte, than to folowe the lawe. What nede is it to haue a lawe there, where no mā doth couytte, that whiche is noone of his? Wherfore should ther be any swearynge there, where no mā doth go about to deceaue won an other, yea where no man doth my∣struste anye deceyte? What shul∣de the lawe sette ponyshment, that a man shoulde be reuenged vpon his ennemye, with the lyke greife and hurte whiche he hathe sustey∣ned, where men do loue theyr enne myes, where a good turne is done for an euyll. where good woordes are gyuen agaynst badde? Lyke∣wyse there is no nede of a testimo∣nye of diuorsemente / where is non euyll man, or yf there be any other faulte (as we are all men) it is ey ther borne wyth all, or elles it is straightwaye amended, and harde no more of. Shew me such a kind of people as Chryste doth wysshe they sholde be, & ther shold be then nether dyuorsementes, nor yet othes. But and if for the weake sake, whiche the church hath in so great a nomber, no man is forbyd to seke after his tight by the law, no man is prohybyted for to swer so it be for his owne, not falsely for swearyng hym selfe, no mā al∣so is constreyned to do good for euel, for what cause is thys wone poynte as tochinge dyuorsmente requyred of all men a lyke? If the Iews, for ye hardnes of ther harts were permytted to put away ther wyues for euery tryfel, leste they sholde do a worse thynge, and we do likewyse perceaue, that among chrysten men, besyde the vnchari∣table agrement which we dayly se to be amonge maryed folke / that there ar greatar perylls and dan∣gers (yt is to say) cruel murthers, poysonynge one the other, and en∣chauntments, for what cause, yf there be al wone disease, and syck∣nes, is not the lyke remedy & help founde for thē? The apostel Paul doth not commend, that a man, or a wooman, shoulde be twyse mar∣ried, and yet for to avoyde an vn∣chaste manner of lyuynge, he doth permyt that thynge which he da∣reth not commaunde them to doo: takynge it to be better to marrye, than to burne. And shall we abate nothynge of the rygor of dyuors∣ment? The Iewes dyd interprete, and expound that, which Foyes wrot, of the lybel of refusyng their wiues, to be as thogh he did geue them leaue to put away their wy∣ues for euery tryflyng matter, as for example, yf they shoulde fynde any blemysh or foul thing in bodys. For after that maner they do demaunde of Chryst in the xix chap. Math. Whyther it be law∣full for a man to putte away hys wyfe for euery lyght cause. Christ dothe restrayn the separation of man and wyfe to won cause only, not that ther at not greatar offen ces and more greuos offences thā adultery, but bycause whordom herfore do th chryst na but won use of dy seus in wedlok is all manner of ways repognant, and dyrectly contrary vnto the state of matrymony, For matrimoni doth make of. ii: bodis but won body, whiche vnyte of bo dys, adultery, which is whordom in matrymony doth cut a sonder. Chryste then doth permytte vnto his people no more but won cause of dyuorsment not al togyther for byddynge them of that Moses dyd suffer thē to do for the hard nes of ther hartes but saying onli that it was not so from the begyn nyng. For if man had contynued in the fyrste state, wherin he was made at the fyrst, ther sholde haue byn no manner of dyuorsments▪ Chryste doth cal hys people to an innocencye of lyfe, and wolde not haue syche separation betwen mā and wyfe, bycause he wyl not haue them to be harde of hart, and yet Paule dothe beare with the weas nes of man, enlarging often tims the precept of the lorde. For what cause can not the bysshop of rome dothe same? But, as tochynge These wor des, that which gol hath ioyned. &c, howe they are to be under stōd that, they do obiecte forthe of thee self same place, That, whych God hath copeled togyther, let no man separat, it may be quykly answerd vnto. That, whiche god hathe ioyned, is well ioyned, and that, whiche god doth separate and put a sonder, is well separated. Amōg the Ethnickes, matrimonye was not lawfull, except it had ben con∣fyrmed, with the consent of the pa tents, and aucthorite of the tuters of them whiche were maried, yea, not among y• Iewes, was it other wyse lawfull, and yet with theym bothe, matrimonye myght be dys∣solued for certain causes. Among y• Christē mē, mariage is exceding lightly made, & after it is ons mad The contractes of matrimonye betwene par cornars without con st of the pa rents it can not be vndone agayne. For matrimony is contracted secretely in corners, after a stealyng fashy∣on, betwene boys and yonge wen∣ches, by the helpe and counsell of baudes and whoares: it is contra∣cted betwene tooles & dronkards, and yet this shamefull contracte, can not be vndone, yea (whiche is a more straunge matter) they doo make of this fylthy, and vngodly contracte an holy sacrament. For / our common dysputations, why∣che are of mutuall consent, of the wordes perteynynge to the presēt tyme of matrimony fullye confyr∣med, and not confyrmed, they be but the myndes and interpretati∣ons of men, and not the verye ex∣presse wordes of god. I do graūt, that there is no matrimonye, with out the mutual consent of the par tes, but I woulde haue a sober, & a godly consent, not such a consēt as is wonne by craft and giel, and by dronkennes. I woulde haue suche a consent▪ as shulde be made by the counsel, and aduyse of both theyr frendes, as is mete and con∣venient to be, in sych a thynge as can neuer be vndone agayne, after it is wons knyt, yea and syche a thynge as deserueth to be nōbryd among the sacremēts of the chur che. But whē the byshop, or other lawfull iudges knowyng and be∣ing certefied of these causes be∣twen any partes do separat them a sonder, whyche are so contracted togyther / then dothe not man se∣parate that, whiche god hath ioy∣ned, but that whiche chyldyshnes, folishnes, want of wyt. and of kno ledge, & dronkenys hath ioyned togyther, that (I saye) whiche the deuil hath ioyned togither by ba des, as well men baudes as wo∣men baudes, & by whoars, which at hys mynnsters / and trewe wey ghtyng seruaūtes, that same doth god verye well separate and vndo by hys mynysters. But here they doo make an other obiection, and saye, The churche dooethe allowe dyuorsemente and separatyon of man and wyfe to be made, so farre that after the separation, neyther party dooth marrye agayne. I praye the tell mee, doothe CHRISTE soo meane, in thys kynde of dyuorsemente? The questyon was put to hym of the Iewes, and he made the aun∣swere agayne vnto the Iewes. But the Iewes knew none other kynde of dyuorsement, but that, whiche dydde barre them from ta∣kynge that woman agayn, whom they hadde put awaye, and gaue them libertye to marrye another. For, that the women of the Iews myght marrye agayne wtanother man after they were putte from ther hosbonds, it is easly ynough to be prouid, by that the preste is forbyd in the law to take that wo man to wyfe, whiche is dyuorsed from her hosbonde / whiche lawe sholde haue stond then in none ef∣fect, if the woman which was put awaye myght not marry agayn. For the instrument of diuorsmēte The whi the libel was commā ded to be ge uen was gyuen then for that porpose & entent / that the man myght not by any lawe haue tytul to clayme to take her agayn, whome he had putt awaye, that the second con∣tract of the woman, with an other hosbond myght be fyrme and sta∣ble. And so is ye mynd of Chryso∣stom, whych lyketh me better, thā that whyche. S. Augustyn dothe wyght▪ in his. xix. boke and fyue and twenty chapter, whiche he wrote againste Faustus. But, i Christe dyd speke of the right dy∣vorsment, from whense then is comme thys newe kynde of dy∣uorse, whiche is rather a name of dyuorse, than a dyuorse in dede. But if we shold graunt that Chri ste spake of thys diuorsment, that we do obserue and vse, forsomiche as he dyd permytte but only one cause of seperatiō, wherfore doth Augustine make other causes, ye is to wyt ydolatry, and heresy be∣inge led therto by noe other rea∣son, but bycause theese crymes, are (as it were,) a certayne fornica∣tion. But after that reason euery greuous offence, which doth se∣parate the soule from god, maye be called a kynd of fornication. Wherfore do our lawes putte so many casses, that almoste thei can not be nomberyd, wherin they do permyt dyuorse? Hyerom doothe pronounce that a man maye pute Followe not thee a waye his wyfe frely / if he doothe suspect her to be a whoat, as these his wordes do testefye, which are. wher soeuer (sayth he) is found for nycatto or the suspycyon therof, a man maye frely put awaye hys wyfe. But if we maye lawfully by ani means make any maner of alteration, or change in the com∣maundemēts of god, wherfore do we not seke som remedy for those whiche are til copeled togyther, & doo lyue in peryll of bothe there helthes? If we mai not, how durst these doctors be so bould, of won cause of seperation make so many. The lawes which, they call the cā on laws do gyue lycence to that man or y• womā, which is torned from infidelite to law of Christ to mary another if y• hosbond or y• wife wyl not forsake ther infyde∣lite, & blasphemye of god. Chryste dyd permyt no cause of marienge agayne but onlye fornycation. And yet in thys casse we wyll graūt, that, which we ar afrayd to doo in y• other. If a woman be dy uorsed from her hosbond, bycause the disposition of his body is fich that he is not apt for mariage / she may mary agayn, but if her hos∣bond were a parycyd from whom she is dyuorsed, she may not mary agayn. In ther laws if a woman dyd mary a bondman or a slaue, whome she beleued to be a fre mā the contracte of the matrymonye, althoughe it be consummate, is therby dyssolued, and for∣done whyche is not so, if she were deceaued in thee qualyte of the person, (as thoughe it were a greatar matter, and more vntol∣lerable to be maryed to hym whi∣che is a bondmā, thā to hym whi∣che is a socerar, a man quellar, or a parycyd. That poynt which is of lesse weight, is not exactyd, and that which is more greuos, is stre ghtli required. Som mansperad∣uentur) wyll saye vnto me, that in thys casse, whiche is of the bond man, and fre woman, matrymoni is not dyssolued, but declared on∣ly, that it was no trew matrimoni whyche apeared so to be at y• first. I do here him wel ynoughe what he seythe▪ but I do aske him thys question agayn, by what authori te theye doo pronounce that this cause is suffyciente to vndo that matrimony, whiche was so thou∣ght to be, and other causes / which ar as great, and greatar thā that, to be vnsuffycyent. Or els wher∣fore do they not make the same ex cuse, to helpe them, whych are vn∣godly ioyned togyther and to pro nownce, that it was no righte ma trymony, whiche was contractyd by dronkennys, & crafty counsell of baudes, betwen yong laddes, & wenchys without the consente of there parents, vnder whose custo dye thei are? But nowe lette vs dyscusse, and examyne the causes, and consyderatiōs, which did put the olde fathers in mynde, that thei thought it good that neyther party sholde mary agayne after dyuorse, yea though the dyuorse, was made for the crym of fornica tion. Hyerom sheweth thys cause saying: least, if he dooeth marrye Hierome. an other, he shold seme to put a∣way his firste wyfe not offended with any enormytes of his wyfe, but bycause he wold mari a more bewtyfull woman than his wife is. These following are hys wor des. And bycause (saythe he) it myght chaūse, that som mā wolde fynde falte, and accuse his wyfe sclanderosly, whiche in dede is an honest woman, and so, to the ende that he myght mary another wife wold ley som greuos cryme to her charge, the man is so commanded to forsake hys fyrste wyfe, y• he shall not be sufferyd to mary an∣other, so longe as hys fyrste wyfe doth lyue. Which words do sygni fye asmych, as, if thou doest put a way thy wyfe not for y• dyspleasur y• dost bear to any synful act of the flesh, but for som iniury, whiche y• hast receiued bi her, for what caus sythe y• y• hast found thi fyrst ma∣ryage so vnlokkey, & contrary to thy mynde, doest thou put thi selfe in daūger to suffer the lyk if thou doest mary again. Lykwise, for so myche as it myghte so chanse that the womā accordyng to that same lawe myghte sew a dyuorse from her hosbond, the selfe same order is taken for her, that she shal not mary again, if she be wons deuor sed. And agayne, bycause the wo∣man whyche hathe pleyd the har∣lot and adultros person, dyd not fear the great opprobry & shame which sholde folow that shamful act, therfore, the man whyche doth The woman diuorsed for whoredome▪ may not, ma∣rye agayne, mary her bryng dyuorsed, is war ned that if he doth mary sych a wo man, that he shall lyue wyth here in the synne of adulterye and so to be an adulterar. Thus far ar y• words of Hyerom. But let vs a lyghtel whyl now not loke of how greate aucthoritie this writter is of / but let the redar weye and consyder the matter with me, whi ther thys be suffyclēt causes wher fore the innocēt man, her hosbond whiche hath not offendid, shold be bound to a wicked woman, so that he shold liue alone withoute frut of his body and burning in the luste of the flesh, leste (I say) he shold be takē for a mā of small wysdome, whiche wolde agayne take vpon hym that thinge, whi che at the fyrste did not go well with him: as thoughe it were a shame for that man to go agayne to the sea, whiche had ons byn in foul storms and tempests of we∣ther, or for him which beinge ons deceaued in chosinge of a frende, wolde seke him an other whome he myght find trew and faythful, or that he shold be taken for an yl lyuer, and a couetous person, whi¦che wolde be contente to chaunge, not his wyfe, but the fauor & dow¦ry of his wyfe / if it might be brou¦ght to pas. I pray y•, tl me what so euer they be whiche do suspecte any suche thinge after the byshop hath don with th matter, and the dyuors iustlye confyrmed by the aucthoritie of good and lawfull iudges, ar thei to be thought good and honest, or noughty and wyc∣ked persons which so do? Doubt¦les thei are wycked creaturs, and no good men. But do we thynk it to be according to right and con∣scyence, that for a fewe of wicked and euyll thynkynge persons, the husbande whiche hath not offen∣ded, or the wyf which is an honeste woman sholde be dryuen to syche a myserable state of lyuyng, aga∣ynste hys or here wyll. The lyke causes Saynt Augustyn doth al ledge in hys boke, which he wrot to Pollentius layinge, leste thee woman for the hatred she doothe bear to her fyrste hosbond sholde seme to set more by an othr man, and so sholde apere not to be so myche offended with the falts of her first hosbādas she was gredy and desyros to haue a newe) whr he spake somwhat iestinglye, and denied that for the complaynte & quarells of the vngodly, the gho pell, which is the euangil of god, shold in ani wise be peruertid. But treuly, the ghospel doth not prohibit the to mary agayn after thou haste put away thy wife iu∣stly & lawfully. As toching y• wor des of Paul we wil speke of them more hereafter. And forsomyche as nether Chryste, nor Paule do not requyre nor wyll, that he shal lyue continent and chaste, whyche can not, for what cause sholde they be sayde to be noughtye persons, whyche nether can do it, nor yet haue bounde them by any vowe therto? Thys is the fault of the body, not of the mynde. And wher fore is he compelled to suffer po∣nyshment, which hath committed none offence? Yea, and is in gret dysquyetnes and affliction al re∣dy. But now where as theye doo make it a sacrement, wherby they wyl haue, y• no matrymony which is wonse contracted shall be at ani tyme dissolued, let vs se what mā∣ner a won it is. Neither this same Augustyne, whiche ascribeth thre vertues vn∣to matrimonye, when he doth call it the thyrde sacrament, thinketh, that it is won of the seuen sacra∣ments, (whiche thinge Petrus Lombardus doth seme to note in the. xxxi. dystynction,) yea, I can not promysse you for a certaynte, that this whiche is nowe the se∣uenth sacrament, was so taken a∣monge The reasōs whiche doo make him be that ma trimony is none of thee seuen sacra mentes The fyrste se the oulde fathers. Fyrste, because, when Dionyse dyd teken vp all the sacraments, by their pro per names seuerally, shewyng the vertue and strenght, with the ryts and ceremonies of euerye won of them, he doth not amonge all the sacraments, speake wone word of matrymony. But where as some do saye. that it is comprehended vnder the sacramente of orders, that is no more, but to shewe that thou haste some thing to say, whē thou woldest apere to haue some answer to make, thoughe it were neuer so slender, as though the li ceremonys were obserued in ioy∣ning the mā and woman togither in wedlok, as ar, when the byshop dothe make a prest or a minyster. Truly sythe that Paul dyd speak so myche of matrymony as he dyd he shold haue wrytten two words more than he dyd, gyuinge it some name or other, wherby we myghte haue knowen what sacremente it were. Secondly, by cause y• Greks and the laten haue wrytten so ma∣ny volums, wherin they do treat of the state of matrimony, and not won place can be founde, wherin they may apere to be of y• mynd / that it sholde be counted amonge the seuen sacraments and special∣ly▪ forasmuch as saynt Augustine whiche is an earnest fauorer and Thee thyrde cause defender of matrimony, doth re∣hearse, and inulke into our head∣des all the vertues, and godly cō∣modities, which at in matrimony / not wonse namynge it to be wone of the seuen sacraments. Yea, Io∣uiniam, whiche dyd so earnestlye . fauor the state of matrimoni, that for that cause, he was iudged an heretique, when he had turned o∣uer all the byble, bothe the owlde testamente, and the newe, making euery place therof, where he could haue any howld, to serue for the of matrymonye, wold not hau omytted so substancyall a thynge, as thys, and so stronge an argumente, as thys woulde haue bene for his defence▪ bu woulde haue beaten it into theyr eares, sayinge, yea, and crieng out after this wyse. Matrimonye is wone of the seuen Sacramentes of the church, Uyrgynyte is not. Neyther doo I thynke that S. Hierome woulde haue stomac∣ked the matter so muche, agaynst those, whyche woulde marry anye oftener than wonse, yf it hadde byn knowen, that wedlocke had byn wone of the seuen sacramen∣tes. But for what pourpose, doo I speake all these wordes, sythe that Durandus dooethe con∣fesse, that theye, whyche weare the latter wryttars vppon dy∣uynytye, weare the fyrste, why∣che in theyr writings dyd begyn to name matrimonye, for to be a∣monge those, which properlye are called the sacramentes of the chur che. But, where as the oulde wry∣ters, folowynge Daule, do other∣whyle call matrimony a sacramēt, I do thynke them to be of y• mind that in the copelynge together of man and wife, because it is a most sure and fast bonde of amyte and frendshyp, is represented vnto vs a certayne fygure, and ymage of Christ, ioynynge his spouse vnto hymselfe, whiche is the church. And truelye, matrimonye beynge well kept, is a very godly, and an holy thyng. Yea and also that, the whyche of it selfe is not holy, may be a type / and a fygur of an holye thynge, as was Bethsabe the wyf of Uria taken from hym, and ioy∣ned to Dauyd, as was the aduou try of Oseas the prophet, the fa∣ble also of Sampson and Dali∣la / as Hierom doth manifestly af∣firme. And againe it is not requi∣sit and necessarye, that the fygure shulde be in all pointes / lyke vn∣to whether the fygure of a thynge muste in al poyntes be lyke the thig fygured the thinge figured. For other∣wyse should it be no sacramente, when a man fortuneth to haue a barren wyfe, or when a woman is combered with a dronken husbād an euyl liuer, and a dysar. And al∣though we shoulde graunte, that matrimonye is a very sacramente indede, yet shal it be no sacramēt, where an oulde man doth marrye an oulde woman, a dronken man, a dronken womā, which the chur∣che, for al that, wil haue to be a sa∣cramente. A thousande suche lyke examples, myght be broght forth, in the which the image of the he∣uenly, and spiritual matrimonye sholde not aunswere in al poyn∣tes to the corporall matrimonye. Neither dooth the sacramente of Baptyme susteyne any detrymēte wherin the spiritual & corporal mo trymony do or wronge, althoughe some after∣warde be of an vncleane, and vn∣washed lyfe, nor yet dooth it fol∣lowe, that wedlocke is no sacra∣ment, although that maried folke be often tymes noughty lyuars. For then, the dyuorse, whiche we do so lyghtly permyt for such cau ses; shuld preiudicate the sacra∣ment of Christ. Againe, we do se∣parate oftentymes, the man from the wyfe, where as Christ doothe alwaye cleaue vnto his spouse. And fynally, matrimony should not be dissolued, no, not with deth yf we wyll haue the fygur answer to the thing figured in al points. Yea, if we wyll so narrowly loke vpon the type, Origen sayth, that Chryste dyd dymysse the sinagog from hym, bycause she was a mur therat of her hosbonde, when she sayde: Take hym: Take hym, and crucifye hym, and puttyng awaye the same synagoge he ioyned the churche to hym for his spouse. After thys image, and symylitude a man maye put awaye his wyfe whiche hath soughte the death of her hosbond, and maye mary an other woman, more mete for hym. And as tochinge the congruency with what mynd mary ed foles oug ht to go toge ther of the mystery, it is ynough that alwaye won man doth ioyne hym selfe to won womā, with this mid and full purpose, that ther sholde be neuer any separatiō betwen thē which among som is a perpetuall matrimony. Truly, I do meruail y• wher as so many owld writars in the greke and latin tonge haue ser chyd to fynde oute the causes wherfore that matrimony shulde be indyssoluble, that no such rea∣son coulde fal into their heads, as is into ours, y• matrimony sholde neuer be losed agayne, after it is wonse made and done. There is no man whiche doth contract ma∣trimony, but is of that mynd, that he woulde that it should continue whole, durynge his lyfe, neuer to be dissolued. For no man at that tyme, when he doth marrye / wyll thinke on anye separation or dy∣uorse. But yt so be, it doth so chaū ce afterwarde, vpon any necessary cause (accordynge to the fashion of the worlde) what hurt (I praye you) is done to the sacramente, yf that remedy be founde for theym, whiche can not lyue chaste? For lykewyse as a priuiledge graun∣ted to a fewe, dooth not dysanull the lawe which is made general∣ly to all men, so thoughe some be vnlockye in mariage, and manye do offende, what is the sacrament the worse? Fynally, it shal follow that either it was no sacramente in the oulde lawe, or els it oughte not to be vndone, and that specy∣ally, forsomuch as in the peryls & daunger of murther, we maye re∣medye the party which is in fear, by the waye of our separation, and dyuorse. Chrysostom doth shewe Chrysostome two causes, wherefore the Iewes myght put away theyr wyues, ge The firste cause whye thee Iewes were permit ted to put a waye theyr wyues uynge to them a lybel of dyuorse. They are suffred to putte awaye theyr wyues (saith he) lest bearing hatred vnto them, they sholde seke theyr death, Shuld then the wic∣kednes of the wycked persons a∣mong the Iewes, be commodiose and proffytable vnto them, & not aswel the innocēcy of the hosbond amonge vs, which ar christen mē, be helpe to hym whych is innocēt, and without faulte? The man is commaunded (sayth Chrisostom) The cause ly geue to the wyfe to giue to the woman a lybell of dyuorse, that he myght not after∣warde commande her to com to hi agayne, whom he had wonse caste of, to auoyde the confusion, and often commyttyng of adulterys. But truly thys cause is not reke∣ned for any barre to vs, but that we maye make it lawfull to thee hosbond to take his wyfe agayne whome he hath wonse put awaie. And agayne Christome doth say, that the cause, whye a manne myghte caste of hys wyfe, beinge a whoar, then, and no wis al won, that they sholde not euery where commyt fornication and adultery won with the others wyues. If then, that same be a very trewe ca∣use, in dede, wherfore amonge vs chrystē men is no man compelled to put from hym hys wyfe, when she is a whoar, but is playnly for∣bydden & restrayned frō puttynge her awaye, except he dothe entende al hys lyfe after to be made lyke a man, whyche hathe loste the vse of nature. Innocentius the thirde in the chapter, Quanto, whiche we haue alledged before, dothe shewe thys reason, wherfore the wyfe of a man, whych is fallen into heresy maye not take another hosbonde. Bycause (saythe he) if they do hate there wyues, or ells the one of them at a tyme, being dyspleased wyh an other, if in syche a case as this is, they myght be dymyssed, and delyueryd or ther wyues, they wolde make asthoughe thei were in some heresy, that theye myghte quyckly be departed, and mary a∣gayne. The lycke reason is reher∣syd in the glose made vpon y• chap ter: Dixit dominus, in the thre and thir∣ty cause, and the fyrste question, whiche glose we alleged forth of Hyerom, a lyghtel before. But truly if we do admyt this cause to be good, then may not that womā he maryed agayn, which by error was maried to Peter, whom she toke for to be Ihon / or ells was maried vnto a seruaūt, whom she thought hadd byn a freman, least when she were in mynde to be de∣parted from her hosbōd she wold subornate, or feyn sych causes, whi che were not trewe: how be it the chapter whiche is recyted in thee glose doth not seme to make mich for the pourpose of Innocentius. For his meanīg is of the hosbond which doth feyn him selfe to be an heretique, that he myght fray hys wyfe from him, and as sone as she is maryed to an other man, feyne hym selfe agayne that he is amen dyd and torned from his heresye: So myght the man feyn him selfe to be a seruant, whyche wold seke to dryue hys wyfe away from hī. And the lyke may be sayd agaīste oure dyuorsments and separaty∣ons, that the hosbond wyl fordge and deuyse somme faulte, whose wyfe doth not please hym at home that he myghte by that meanes thruste her forthe▪ of hys doars, kyng it a sufficient greate reward of hys falset, & crafty dissemlynge if he maye be, but somich as wyth oute the syght of hys wyfe in hys house, whō he doth hate. Hyther∣to haue I shewed the causes, for the whyche dyuorsment / was not permytted. Now, if ye wyl, let vs examin the places of Paul, whēse oure bysshops do seme to fetche, that they do make so great a dyf∣fyculty & hardnes in dyssoluinge of matrymony, and vndoinge of maryages. Paul, in the seuenth chap, of the epistell to the Rom, sayth, Be ye ignorante bretheren, (I doo speke vnto them, which knowe, what is the lawe,) that the lawe hathe dominyon in man, so longe as the man lyueth? For the woman whyche is in subiection to the man, so longe as the man ly∣ueth she is bound vnto ye law, but when her hosbond is dede, she is losed from the lawe of the man: And therfore, so longe as the man lyueth, she shall be called an adul∣teros womā if she be with an other man. But if her hbond be dede, she is set at lyberty from the lawe of the man, that she shall not be an adulteros person, althoughe she taketh an other mā. Paul in this place doth not treat of dyuorsmēt or separation betwen man & wyfe, but he maketh a similytude vnto the Iewes, which is taken out of ther owne lawe, wherby he might teach and perswad them, that the law of Moses, being taken away by the law of thee ghospell, theye are no lengar bounde to the obser uation of the ceremonis of y• law, syth that they haue taken to them a new spous, whych is Chryst. Ne is it requisit and necessarye, that the similitude or parable shoulde in al poyntes seue for the thyng, wherto they ar cōpared. For thus the parable of the theefe / whiche breaketh into the house by nyght, the parable of the mony whiche is due and owynge to the vsurar, the parable of the wicked & nou∣ghtye stuarde, the parable of the vyne, and the braunches thereof, the parable of the chyldren, syng∣ynge in the market place, and such other innumerable, shoulde seeme very fonde, if it shulde be examy∣ned & tryed by this streighte rule, to haue all poyntes agre. It is sufficient, that they do declare, & make open the thynge, wherefore they be applyed. It is the maner and fashyon of Paul, to drawe, & wrynge what so euer he can by a∣ny meanes, to serue for the gospel after a godly crafte and subtylte, while he doth turne him selfe into all thinges, that he may wynne all men vnto Christe. But our men, nowe a days, are nothing lyke vn to Paule, whiche do turne theym selues into al things, that by that crafte and polyeye, they maye call men awaye frome Christe, and so come to great ryches and promo∣tions. How be it, yf we wyll take these wordes of Daule as they do lye, and sounde, no man shall put awaye his wyfe, althoughe shee dooth playe the whore. For he ma keth in this place, noo manner of exception. Again / Paule shal not seme aptly to alledge the lawe of Moses vnto the Iews, yf they do take his wordes after that fashiō, forsomuche, as the lawe doothe permyt the hosbonds for euerye cause to put away ther wyues / so that theye doo gyue vnto them, a wryght of dyuorse, Herby ye may perceaue ye Paul dyd not exclude and put awaye dyuorsment, for so mych as the law it self, doth opēly permyt and alow it, but went a∣boute that thing, which he hadde in hande, making asthoughe he had nothyng to do wyth this our matter, whyche dyd not toche for hys purpose. And agayne in the seuenthe chapter of his epistell to the Corynths, he dothe wryghte these wordes (He then which doth oyne his virgen in matrymonye, doth wel, and he whiche doth not, dothe better. The woman is boūd vnto the man, so longe as her hos∣bōd lyueth, but if her hosbond, sle peth, she is at lybertye from thee lawe, let her mary to whome she wil, only / that it be done in y• lord. But she is more happy if she can so abied, after my counsel. Nether yet dothe Paul in thys place rea∣son the cause of dyuors, but exhor teth accordyng to the state of thos tymes, that theye, whiche are free from maryage, and specyally wy∣dowes (for in thys place he dothe speake of them) shold abstein frō mariage, that they sholde be thee more fre, from the busynes of thee worlde / whyche was then a wyc∣ked, and an idolatrose worlde, and coulde not choose, if they dyd marie, but muste nedes ioyn them selfe in affynite with the wicked & vngodly. And yet for all that, he dothe not requyre thys at ther hāds, ye theye so do, but he commaundeth them, that yf they whiche are syngyll wolde marrye, that then they doo take to their hosbandes such asar Christen men. And also, he dooth not plucke a Christen woman frō her hosbande, which is an infidel, except he doth first departe from her, and sayeth also, that she doth not synne, if being at lybertye she dooth mary agayne. For so longe as she hath an hosond, she hathe no ned to seke another. This ther fore after myn opinion, is the che∣test, and surest key, to the vnder∣stondyng Note a good lesson for the understāding of iptur of the mystycal scriptur to marke and consyder dylygentli the thynge wherof the autor wry tethe, and what hys pourpose is that he goeth aboute, and that spe cially in Paul which is somwhat slypperi and starting in his dys putacion, and reasoninge, now leapyng hyther, now thyther, that (as Origen dooth saye▪) the re∣dar canne scant vnderstond and perceaue, whē he is oute whyther The hardest place which forbiddeth di uorsementi all the scri tur he wyll go. Nowe remayneth the great matter of the chefe dyycul∣ty of al, which went before in the same chapter, in the whiche place treatynge of maried persons, he speketh after this wise: I say (sa∣ythe he) to them which ar not ma ryed, & to wydose, that it is good for them, if they do abyd so styll, as I do. That if they canne not lyue chast / let them mary. For bet ter it is to mary that to born. But to them whiche are ioyned togy∣ther in matrimony, do I cōmaūd, & not I, but ye lord, that the wyfe do not departe from her hosbond. But, if she doth departe, that she do abyed vnmaried or ells be re∣concyled agayne to her hosbond, and that the man do not put a∣waye his wyfe. These words doo seme to be spoken wher the matri mony is betwene lyke persons, that is to saye, a chrysten man, and a christen womā. And the words, How ought Paule to bee stand this after the of Ambrose, whiche folow: (The reste I doo cōmand, but not the lord) ar spo∣ken of the vnlyke, & vnequal ma∣trimony (that is to saye) betwene a christian, and an infydel. Fyrste wheras Paule in nether of these places doth not make that excep tion openly, whiche the Euan∣gelystes do, Ambrose doth coun∣sel the, to supplye it, wyth thyne owne vnderstondyng, leste the a∣postel sholde seme to be agaynst the commandements of hys lord And belyde this, Paule doth not ere to speke of greate offencys, syche I say as are, as greuos as adultery / or more greuos, but of slyghte matters, for the whiche chefely wer many and often sepa∣rations, and dyuorses, among the grekes, accordynge to the saying of Iuunal. And thus, in fiue yeare hath some women eyghte housbandes. And this we may ge ther of the words whyche do fol∣low for ells be reconcyled agayne to her hosbond. Those men wee sayde are made frendes agayne, whyche thorowe some offence, or dyspleasure haue byn at variance And agayn that party is sayd to be reconcyled, which hath trespa∣sed, not he or she to whom the tres pase is done. But, and if she de∣parted iustly and for a good cause, wherfore dothe thee apostell commaunde that shee sholde be reconcyled, which shold rather haue byn intreatyd, and de syred to be contente, & to leaue of all displeasure. But, if the faulte was in them both, that the one of fended as well as the other, he for byddeth / that she shall not marye an other man, wherby her fyrste hosbond sholde be put clean from her, but that she sholde conynew vnmaried, and so (peraduenture) they may be brought at one, and made frendes agayne. Also, thou shalt vnderstond, that the Apostel in thys place doth speake of the woman only, and not of the man, forsomych, as the woman among the Iewes, had no power to put awaye her hosbonde from here. And as tochynge the man, he doth no more but exhorte hym, that he doth not putte awaye hys wyfe for sych lyght causes. For he doth not adde these words (if he dothe put her awaye, let him contyneue vnmaried, or be reconcyled again to his wyfe. Thus myche doth Ambrose note▪ and obserue in thys place, all be it Augustin, wolde haue, that thee woman sholde haue in all thinge as mych power as the man, why∣che The wo bath the like power ouer the that the man h ouer the wo man thynge, lyke as he dothe ear∣nestly and constantly affyrme, so sanne he not fynde to make his worde good. But I am not here sure, whyther Paule dyd in thys matter, gyue any thinge to the ob seruation of his owne law, which gaue lyberti to the men for euery lyght cause to change ther wyues and not only that, but also if they were in ielosy, ther was a cruel re∣medy prouyded for them, wher as no syche thynge was for the wo∣man. And more than thys. The Apostel in al his epistels doth not gyue to the wyues any great auc∣thorite or rule, whō he doth make subiect to the power of ther hos∣bōds, whom he wyl not haue to be with there hed vncoueryd, whom he doth not suffer not so mych as to speake in the congregation. Therfore it sholde apere, ye Paul dyd forbyde, that the wyfe for fich as at lyght and common faultes, sholde not forsake her hosbonde. But if she so dydde, that then she sholde not marye agayn, that thei myghte be made frendes, and cōe togyther as they dyd before. Ne∣ther dooth he commende, that the woman, whyche is sette a sonder from her hosbonde, sholde not ma∣ry agayne, if he wyl not haue her, but this he doothe choose rather, than that she sholde marye again, and vndo the first contract clean. But if sych a casse as this is, had byn putte to Paule, (won fole, hathe made a contracte with an other, a boy and a gyrle togyther, baudes, and whoars made the maryage, wyne and dronkennys were counselars, theye haue by crafte byn thus broughte into a snare / and also if it hadde bynne sayde vnto hym / that the worlde is full of syche mariages, & tha thousandes ar vnhappely / andyl angelyd togither. Besyde that, Theye doo also but make a becke won vppon the other, and thee mariag is made vp if they do but wonse familiarly cōpani togither after syche sygnes and tokens o loue, yea and also, although they doo not company togyther. And when they are ioyned, theye agre not togyther, so great dyuorsyte and contraryte is in ther condicy∣ons, manners, and naturs, that there is betweene them continual braulynge and chydynge, ther is suche greate hatred, as can by no meanes be swaged. The won fea∣eth to be poisend of the other, the on dreadeth to be murthered of the other and no kynde of mischet ther is, whiche the one dothe not loke for at the others hād, nether of them can lyue without a make, and if they do abyd styl togyther, they be ether of them, doble caste away: and contrarywyse / if theye be set a sonder, and be sufferyd to mary, yet ther is hope that theie shall bothe be oute of peryll and danger. If syche casses (I saye) were put to Paule, peraduenture consyderyng the cyreumstances of the cause, he wolde make some other answere than he hath made, he wolde somwhat release the ri∣gor and streyghtnes of hys fore mar counsayle, and peraduenture wolde otherwyse also and more gentely enterpret, & vnderstonde hys wrytyngs than we do. Or els if that noble womā Fabiola, whō Hyerom in his workes hath shry∣ned vp to a perpetual memorye, which was made to do penance in goinge barefote, and wearynge garments of here, bicause she for∣soke her fyrste hosbond, being yet very yonge, and maried an other but Hyerom apeareth to shew vn to vs, that her hosbonde dyd vse her otherwyse, than beeam a man to do, in that he reporteth, that she was forsed to suffer syche things of here hosbond, as no handmai∣den wolde abyde of her master. For, yea the bond men myght flie from ther masters, vnto the image of the prynce, if that they were at∣temptyd, and prouoked of them, by any shameful act) if this noble woman (I saye) hadd fledde vnto Paule, and had sayde vnto hym Thou wylte not requyre of me (O paule) that I shold abyd with syche an hosbonde, who I canne not obei and plese, except I wold be contente to be made abhomina ble, and worthy to be abhorred of men. Yea I knowe, thou wylte not suffer me to be with sych man ner a man, althoughe I wolde, and I doo nowe fele thee dys∣position of my body, to be such, y• it were not good nor profitable for me to lyue alone woman. Nor yet wylt thou requyre so greate a gyft, of them, which haue it not. i uen to them of God, which doeste commaunde, that yonge wydose, whiche are lasciuious and wan∣ton, should take them husbands. If Fabiola had sayd thus muche or suche lyke words vnto Paule, I thynke she shoulde haue found more humanite / and gentlenes in hym, than she dyd in that byshop, (what soeuer he was) which didde put an innocent & a fautles yong woman, to such an open shame & punyshment, as thoughe she had poisoned her mother, & specially, forsomiche as she did not take an other husbonde in contempte of the bysshops lawe / but thorowe symplycytye, and lacke of wyse∣dom. But if so be any man wyll say that Paule doth speke in this place as tochynge the cause of ad¦ultery Paule i'this place meneth not the cause of adulterye / for what cause dyd he not make that same exception, whiche the lorde dyd make, yea wherfore dyd he adde more words vnto the thynge than the lorde dyd, in that he byddethe the woman to conty∣newe vnmaryed / wherfore dothe he forbyd ye man to put away hys wyfe, whom Chryst permytted so to do, if she were an adulteros wo¦man. I do not speake these words to thentent, that we sholde haue a gappe made open, to often dyuors¦mēts and separations of maryed persons. But when al manner of wayes and meanes haue bin sou∣ghte and attempted for the quyet∣nes of the partes, and al in vayn, I wolde wyshe that remedy were prouyded wherby the person whi∣ch hath vnfortunably maried & cā not be with out remedy, mai be pre serued and holpen. Neyther haue we nede any thyng to feare, leaste by this occasyon, euery place of y• worlde sholde be fylled with dy∣uorsments, sythe that, yea among the Eathnyks, the state of matri∣mony, was in an honorable esti∣mation, and had also ther mutuall dyuorsments, but yet not wt out a good groūd & consideration. Wylt thou haue, that ther shal be The remedy against d sement few dyuorces; Fynd some remedy that maryages may not so yghtly be made and knyt vp. Let the par tes go to gyther with iudgmente & good dyscretion, and by the aue∣thoryte of the parents, which haue most to do with the matter, as the dyd in the olde tyme amonge the Hebrewes, the Greakes, the Ro∣mayns, and the Barbarous nati∣ons. For who was he amonge the Christians, which dyd fetche this at gods mouth that to ye contract of matrimonye / requyred no more but the consent of the partes? Yea though it wet against the mynds of them, to whom god wold haue chyldren be obedyent and in sub∣iection? But this argument, Tho mas of Aquine doth very sleight ly put awaye, saying: She is not Thomas of Aquyne in the power of her parentes as a handmaidē, but as the daughter? Wherfore then, was it not lauful among the Iews, that the dough ters myght marry againste theyr Erasmus doth reason agens Tho mas of A∣ne parentes wyll? And thus muche more doth Thomas add, making a chayne of lyke lynckes, euen as wel (saith he) as the doughter ma enter into religion without the cō sent of her parents, forsomuch as she is a free woman, & not a bonde woman. The euangell itself doth teach vs, that the chyldren, maye go to the profession of the gospel, although their parents be against them. But here they do not resyst the authorite of the parents, none otherwyse, but when they woulde haue thē to do wickedly. But that the doughter or the son, yea being but yet chyldrē, shuld forsake ther Christen father & mother, to whō they at doble boūd to obey, & giue thē self to ye ordre of Beuet or Do miik, where they may lyue more licentiously, not ponyshed, nor ye more godly than they did before, & also that contrary to al commō la∣wes / they shulde exempt thē sfe, from the power of them (to whō bothe the lawe of nature, and also the law of god and mā, wyl haue them to be in subiection, and yelde vp them selfs (I can not tell to what kynd of people) in to a certa seruytude, that of chyldren, they sholde becom forsaken of ther pa∣rents, and the bondmen of other men, I canne not tell, wyth what reason it canne stande. Thys con sitution and ordynaunce, semeth to haue proceded frō the self same persons, whyche ordeyned, that a man myghte forsake hys wyfe, whome he hadde lawfullye ma∣ryed, yfhe had not hadde copula∣tion wyth here, and make him self a monke, or a friar, & yet shold t not be lauful for ye yong woman mary any other, before the day o his profession be past, and kno∣wen, and in casse before the daye of profession he dothe go oute of that monastery vnto another, and so from that agayne to an other, so that it were nowe wholl foure yere before he were professed, hys sured wyfe shall continewe al this whyle vnmaried. And fynally if after he hath byn so longe away / he wyll be professed in none of all these foresayde monasterys, but wolde returne to his wyfe agayn she shal be cōpellyd to here great sclander and infamy to haue hym to a hosbond, whiche hath so mani years lyued in a relygious habyt. This is goodly equyte, & iustice: This is a goodly fauour that is borne to religion, ye for mans or∣dynaunce / the lawe of god shold be broken, wythe thee greatte iniury & peryl of ye innocēt, & good yonge woman. And here agayne they do vtter an other poynte of They haue to shly but it the tue ir religi ther crafty conueyance, and al not worth a straw. Monkes at dedde (seye theye) vnto the worlde. And the deth of the body doth dyssolue matrymony, mych more then the spiritual deathe. Althoughe in dede, all Chrysten men hadde not in ther baptysme professed thys deathe / and are not buryed wythe Chryste in that same baptysme. But they do make a greate mat∣ter of that, they be wholly addyc∣tyd, and yelded vp, although the other chrysten men were not whol ly addyeted, and yelded vp vnto Chryste. Those men therfore why che haue byn the authors, and do∣ars of syche ordynances, ether vn derstode not y• strenght of ye lawe of god, or ells theye gaue to mych authoryte vnto mans statuts, and lawes. But to comme to our mat ter, I wolde wyshe, that somyche at the leaste sholde be permytted to the innocente party, whose for∣tune, it was to be vnlokkely mat∣ched with an vngodly person, as amonge the Iewes, was permyt∣ted to the froward bytternes of hosbonds, whyche wolde neuer be pleased, or ells asmyche, as Paul dothe permyt to lasciuios & wan∣ton wydowes, for fear leste theye sholde do that thynge whych is more wycked. A woman, whyche is maryed vnto a mā that is cold & vnapt to the conuersation and companye of a woman, is holpen by a certayne condytyon in the lawe, not expressed: and wherfore sholde not the lyke remedy be in this case? Dyuorsemente (saye they) amonge the Iewes is not a∣lowed and praysed, but it is per∣mytted onelye. Common places for whoares are suffred amonge the Chrystyans alsoo for the voy dynge, of a greatet inconueny∣ence. But I can not se that anye lyke∣lyhode of a verytye is in it, that a Iewe shoulde haue offended, yf he hadde putte awe ye from hym a woman of moos wycked condy∣tions, and taken another home a∣gayne vnto hym, forsomuche as the lawe dydde openly gyue hym aue, so to doo, v ythoute any ad∣dytyo, that it was permytted to the hardenes of theyr arte, and that namelye, where as by no na∣turall sence and vnderstandynge, that thynge, myghte be vnder∣stonded, whyche we doo interpret and expounde. But yf it was graunted to the hardnes of harte, then is that thynge lawfull, why∣che GOD doothe graunte, spe∣cyallye, where as, it canne not be proued by anye sygnes, or too∣kens, that they are culpable, and blame woorthye them selfe, why∣che do take and vse that same per The wo beinge put a way for ani manner of cause in the oulde lawe, might mary but yf she played the whore. she dyed it. myssyon. But howe so euer theese thynges are, the permyssyon is suche, that the husbande myghte freelye marrye whome he woulde, yea, and the women alsoo, wherefore soeuer they were putte a waye. For oftentymes, we doo call that thynge lawfullye doone, whyche the lawe dooth not punisshe. But amonge vs Chrysten men, that same is not only not tollerable, but it is ponyshed, as a greate of∣fence, yea somwhat more greuos∣ly than the commyttynge of adu Nte well. sayenge August tery, although that Augustyne dothe opēly pronounce and declar that it is a greater wyckednes & synne to commyt whordome oute of maryage, than to take an other hosbonde with whome she maye lyue after she is dyuorsed. Nether dothe he saye playnly, that she is not hys wyfe, whom she hath now taken, but, he sayth, that she is a ther hys wyfe, from whome she is gone, than whom she hath taken. But now let vs end thys dyspu∣tation, whyche is more lyke vnto a wholl bok. than to a small an∣notacion. Nowe be it, I thoughts good to speke somwhate of these thinges, that those whiche ar stu diose, and lerned, may haue more matter to thinke on. Nether is it my mynde, to haue my iudgment preferred, before them whiche are oure elders, mych lese, before that whiche the holy churche hathe de termyned. But forsomuch as in my former edition of this my boke of Anno∣tacions, I dyd somthyng declare and shew my mynd, what I wold haue done in this matter, whither it was accordinge to reason, or o therwyse, I am sure of a godly af fection, and a good desyre, that no man therfore sholde enterpret and vnderstonde that otherwyse than it was wrytten for, of me, I thou∣ghte it mete to declare here againe, what reasons adduced and caused me, that I shoulde wyssh and de∣syre sych a matter to be broughte to pas, if the authorite of the chur che / could be content to alowe it. It greued me much, and I tooke Teresons, whiche mo∣ to nge of pytye of them, whom I dyd se ty∣ed with suche paynfull bondes, as were vnable to be losed, of y• which sort I knew very many, but specy ally in England, wher I beganne first to wryght this boke. I consi dered also, that many yeares ago, there were men both of godlye ler∣nyng, and of vertuous lyfe / which notwithstondyng the word of the gospel and of Paule, dyd admytt that re∣ceiued th word of god and this wic Kednes ten soulde mor dyuorsment: & separation. Beside that, I consydered also, that some thinges myghte be otherwise ex∣poūded: than they haue ben hither to. I consydered also that the by∣shop of rome had so mych liberty gyuen to him, that he myghte, in terprete, restraine, lose, dispense yea & also, after some mēs minds, in some things abrogate y• doctrie of the ghospell & of the Apostells at his own pleasure. I considerid beside this, that yea in oure days, matrimony myghte be dyssolued, although it had bin confyrmed bi y• copulatiō of the partes, if ether of thē had bin deceauid in the per son, or in the qualyte of the person taking Thou for Wyllyam, or a bondmā, whershe thought he was fre. I perceaued also ye for falling into heresy it is vndon, although matrimonye was neuer so strong ly cōfirmed, & wel knowē of al mē to be perfect matrimony. I percea ued besyd this, ye for y• professiō of an order inuēted by mā for ye chan gynge of wone garmente into an other, the lawful husbonde is de∣pryued of his lawfull wyfe. I per ceaued againe, that by the byshop of rome, those persons were made vnhable, whom nether nature, nor yet the law of god, at anye tyme e∣uer had dyhabeled, consideryng therwith, that the same aucthorite and power, may dyssolue the con∣tracte of matrimony, whiche may forbyd, that they shal not go toge ther in matrimony. consydered also with my selfe, that the scryp∣ture is perplex and doubtfull, as wel in thys, as in some other thin∣ges. I dyd se agayne, that thould expositours, whiche were exelent∣ly learned / dyd dyff sometyme frōm them, whiche are writars of latter dayes. I dyd wey with my selfe, howe greate authorytie was gyuen of Chryst vnto the church; wherto he gaue the keyes of the kyngedome of heauen. I dyd also remember wel, that the church had Note to om christ did geue the with her the spirit of her spouse, & that nothynge coulde be done a∣mys, that by that spirit should be ordeyned to the health of man. I considered also: with howe greate clemency and pitie, the byshop of Here w goodly mo for thbishop y oly wolde seen come doth succour and helpe, yea those which are tormented, with ye paynes of hell, yf they be not con∣demned for euer. And me thought that I myght also wysshe and de∣syre, that some helpe shold be foūd for them, which were many ways in this lyfe, put to payne and tor∣ment / not without great daunger and peryl of their soules, without any of their deseruynge. I per ceued also, that their obiections a gainst vs, may lyghtly be put of withoute any preiudice of our re lygion. I consideryd also that the asons whiche bothe the olde & he newe wrytars, do bryng in for thys cause for them, at not so vr∣gente and stronge, that they shold bynde al men to sy a violente, and syght necessyte. And ther∣fore a godly and a christian loue beinge stytred, & prouoked wyth these consyderations, caused me to leye this matter before them, which do se farther, and more, thā I do, that they myghte study, and weye amonge them, if by any mea nes they maye fynd that the wor∣des of the ghospell, and of the a∣postel, myght be despēsyd wt, for the commodyte and helthe of ma ny, for the whythe entent, all thin ges are wryttē vnto vs yea wher vnto Paule hym selfe doth often tyms somewhat wraste the holy scrypture hymselfe. But if thys cā not be brought to passe, whych I wyshe myghte be, yet am I sure that this order may be taken, that maryages shall not, so sleyghtlye and vnaduisedly be made, contra∣ry to the maner of the eldars, and agaynste all naturall equyte, and reason. For, if the byshop of rome maye decre, that matrimony shold not be contracted betwen persons whiche are of the thyrde degre, & that it is no matrymony / yf lyche persons go togyther, after the sāe manner, it maye be enacted, that these persons, whyche are in thee power of other mē nether yet yōg men & maydens nether dronkar∣des, nor foles, going togyther wt out the counsel of ther eldars, but onlye pycked therto, by whoars, and baudes, wtout any manner of good consideration or wytte, sholde ether be suffred to marrye: or beyng marryed, should be tho∣ught laufullye married. And y they wyl go this waye to worke: there shal not be so manye myser ble knottes, so faste knyt, as there at now of dayes. HEreof ryseth a question, whither the persōs which were diuorsed, may again make another cōtract of matrimony, or els shold continue styl vnmaried? At this pre∣sent, as touchynge the party whiche hath offended, we wil speke nothing, but let vs leue him or her to the magistrat, whose of∣fyce and duty it is according to the heinos es, & greuousnes of the cryme, to punyshe it worthelye, wt the payne ordeined for it. And yf the magistrate wyl be negligente, & not do his duety, in punishing thys crime: our mind is, that y• ministers of the chur∣che, The miny∣sters ought to excōmu∣nicate tho fēders, and not to per∣myt them to marrye, shold pursue the crime with excommu∣nication. But on ye other syde as touching the innocent person, whither he or she af∣ter diuorse maye with the lawe of god, be suffered to be oyned in matrimony to ano ther, we wyl now reason the matter. And herein I do not passe, for shoulde & rotten custom, by the which, the innocent partye, could not be suffred to marrye, before the death of thoender, forsomuch as thys cu∣stom dyd ryze vp, and come of the gnorāce and lacke of knowledge of the scriptures, beside that, by the wordes of Christ, & say∣inges of Paule, we do fynde nothing, that is more contrary vnto the scriptures, thā is this. &c. The rest of his words, with the whole boke, god willing we wyl gyue you into our mother tonge, or it be longe. Fyrst, that is called a iuste diuorse, whe lykewyse as nether party may take the other agayne, so is it in the lyberty of the fautles party, to marry another. And ther fore, that dyuorse, whiche was for euerye lyght cause, was no true diuorse. &c. And in the syxt part of the same chapter he sayth: The Papystes haue forbydden the inno∣cent, and vngylty, o marrye after the dy orse made. Uvhiche yet was nothyng els but euen violently to caste a snare aboute poore peoples necks, and to draw thē vn∣to vyce and synne. For the diuorsed coulde not refrayn, & to marry they were not per∣mytted, therfore with violence were they forsed to whoredom. But Paul sayeth o∣therwyze, Better it is to marrye than to burne, and God ordeined wedlock for the auoydinge of whoredome. touchinge y• person that committed the offence to y• dy∣uorse, he was punished with deathe, what de we then to reson for the mariage of y• vngylty▪ Therfore where as some do ob∣ Pauls wordes sayeng: (The woman is bound to the low so long as her husbād yueth, but when her husband dieth, she is to marry vnto whom she wyll, only, y• it be done in the lorde) it hindreth not our purpose. For wher as ye adulterer doth yet ue, it is against gods comaūdement, whi∣che hath condemned him to death already: therfore in such a case, ye faithful estemeth him but dead (though through ye negligēce & suffraunce of the would) he be yet alyue. It is no reason that such suffraunce shold the vngylty from his fredom & right seyng the iudges do not execute iustice. &c.
A00329.P4	[Ye dyaloge called Funus]	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1534]]	By Robert copland, [sic] for Iohan Byddell, otherwyse Salysbury. the .v. daye of Ianuary, and be for to sell lat ye sygne of our lady of pyte nexte to flete brydge,	[At London :	eng	[ "Death -- Early works to 1800." ]	theyr hope in the mercy of our lorde, & re∣prehendynge (as it were somwhat in my way) ye grete folysshe ambycyon of ryche men vtteryng theyr superfluyte and arro¦gācy after deth, which at the vttermoste, dethe sholde haue fynyshed. Also I som∣what sharpely rebuke theyr vyce, which for theyr own auauntage, dooth abuse y• folyshnesse of ryche men, whiche they ou∣ght specyally to ebuke. For who dare be so bolde to monysse lyberally men of gre∣te power & rychesse, yf suche as {pro}fesse thē deed from the worlde do flatter theyr vy∣ces / be it there be no suche as I haue dy∣scrybed, yet notwtstandynge I haue here shewed an example whiche they ught to eschewe. But & yf there be many thinges spoken comynly among the people moche more detestable than these which I haue wryten / tan men indifferēt may se ther∣in my cyulyte, & correct theyr owne vy∣ce. & suche as be not culpable may amend & cause to refrayn thē which dooth other wyse. Truly I haue spoken nothynge to the reproche of ony state, onelsse ye wyll say, that he sclaundrech all ye chrystianite, which speketh ony thyng (& that by way of monytion) agaynst the corrupt maners of chrysten men. But it were theyr parte in especyall: whome the honour of theyr ordre so moche mueh, to restrayne them whiche wt theyr noughty dedes dooth so moche dishonest theyr ordre. But in so mo¦che now as they acknowlege suche theyr faythfull felawes, and moreouer gretely estemeth, & defēdeth them. How can they than for shame complayne or say that the estymacyon of theyr ordre is ony thynge empeched of hym y• dooth monysshe them for theyr profyte? Here in I suppose good reder the intent of our utour, in this sayd dyaloge was to shew rather a loue towar¦de relygyō & all good relygious men, whi¦the thing caused me the rather to traduct this mater in to our englysshe tonge / than as some (whose iugementes I do not gre¦tely regarde) sayth yt he wryteth agaynst them / ferre dyfferyng from the opynyon & mynde of ye good relygious father saynt Hierome, in whose mouthe this saynge was often. Where vice is but generally re¦buked there no {per}sone hath iniury or wron¦ge. Whiche lesson after my mynde, were moche more mete fo euery christen man, than vnthankfully to repyne at suche as be studyous to do them good. Folowynge rather the example of ye vnkynd Grekes agaynst theyr good & valyaunt capytayn Agamemnon, than (as we sholde all) the chrysten charyte. But I wyll noo lenger hyndre you from our dyaloge. Fro whens came hyther Phedrus, suppose ye not from Trophonus dene. Wherfore doost thou aske that questyon? For bycause yu arte moche sadder than thou arte wonte, more deformed, more fylthy, more ferse, to make fewe words, nothȳg at all after thy name. If (as we se by experyē∣ce) they which cōtynew ony space in Foū∣ders shoppes, draweth to them some blak¦nesse. What grete cause hast yu to meruey∣le, yf I beyng contynually so many days with two seke men, dyeng and buryed be more pensyf than I am wont. & also moch the more whan they were bothe my speci¦all frēdes? Who doost yu tell me was buryed. Dydest yu knowe one Geor¦ge balearyke? Onely I haue herde of him for to my knowlege I neuer sawe his face. The other I am sure thou knowest nothynge at all / He was called Cornelius montius, with whome I had grete famylyaryte many yeres. It was neuer my chaunce to be psnt at ony mannes dethe. I haue ben more of ten thā I wold. I pray the tell me is dethe so horryble a thyng as it is comȳ∣ly sayd? The passage toward deth is more harde & paynfull thā dethe it self. but he whiche casteth out of his mynde ye ferefulnesse and ymagynacion of dethe: to hym is released a grte parte of ye payne. To speke brefely, all that is paynfull, ey∣ther in sekenesse, or in dethe, is made mo∣re tollerable yf a man cōmyt hymself hol∣ly to the wyll of god For as concernyng ye felyng of dethe, (whan the very tyme the soule is departynge from the body) after my iugement is nothing at all / or (if there be ony) that it is very dull / for bycause na∣ture (before that come to passe) brȳgeth in a slombre, & maketh amased all the sensy∣ble partyes. We are all borne wtout felyng of our selues. But not wtout felyng of our mother. Why dye we not in lykewyse? Wherfore hath god ap∣poynted dethe to be so cruciable & paynful a thyng? He so ordeyned yt our na∣tyuytees sholde be paynfull and full of pe¦ryls to the mother, that she myght so mo∣che more loue yt, whiche she had brought forthe. Contrary wyse it was his pleasu¦re that dethe sholde be ferefull / leste euery where men shold infere theyr own dethe. For in so moche yt whan we may se dayly many which do slee thēselues, what thȳ∣kest thou to come, yf dethe had nothynge horryble? as often as a man rebuketh his seruaunt eyther his chylde / yea, as often as the wyfe shold take dyspleasure wt her husbande, as often as ony maner of thīg dyde myscary, or ony thīg chaūced beyng sorowfull to ye mynde, by & by men wolde ren̄e to hange themselues, to kyll them wt swerde, to drawe them to some conueny∣ent place where they myght cast thēselfes down heedlynges, eyther to poyson / now the bytternesse of dethe maketh vs yt we loue better our lyfe / in especyal whan phy¦syciēs can not heale a man ones deed. Albe¦it lyke as we all haue not lyke chaunce in our natyuyte / euen so there be diuers ma¦ners & ways of deth. Some short & swyft deth deliuereth hens, some other wasteth awaye wt slowe dethe. Lethargic yt is to say suche as hath thsekenes of forgetful¦nesse. In lykewyse they whiche be stong of the venymous Aspys altogyder in a slō¦bryng, dyeth wtout ony felyng of thēselfe. I haue obserued this thyng in especyall, that there is no kynde of dethe so paynful but it is tollerable after yt a man hath wt a fully fyxed mynde decreed for to go hens. Whither of these dethes thynkest yu to be moost lyke the dethe of a chrystyan? Me semeth the dethe of George mo¦re honorable. But I pray you hath dethe also his couetousnesse of honoure? I dyde neuer se two persones dy∣eng so vnlyke a dethe yf ye haue so moche leysure to here, I wyl shewe you playnly y• departyng of bothe twayne. but it shall be thy parte to iuge whiche of the dethes is moost to be wysshed to a chrysten man. yea, mary I pray the that yu wylt not thynke it greuous to tell / for I wold here nothyng more gladly Therfo¦re here first of Gorge. After that deth had shewed certayne & sure tokens of hymself the flocke of phisicions which of longe ty¦me had take cure of this pacient, nothyng beyng a knowen of th dispayre of lyfe be¦gan to aske theyr stypendes. How many were they? Sōtymes ten, & somtyme twelue, & syx whan they we∣re fewest. There was ynow to kyl a man in good helthe. After the ty∣me they had theyr money / t rned they pryuely suche as were about the se∣ke man, that dethe was at hande. And y• they sholde prepayre, and make redy all suche thynges as sholde parteyne vnto y• helthe of the soule / seyng that there was no hope at all of ony bodyly welthe. And therupon the seke man was louyngly, by suche as were his spaecial frendes, monys¦shed that he sholde cōmyt ye cure of his bo∣dy to god and that he sholde onely mynde those thynges whiche {per}teyned to departe wel hens. As soone as George herde these thynges: he loked, & that very fersy, vpō the physicions / and as it were one sore dy¦spleased that they shold all gyue hym vp, they sayd to hym agayne, that they were physycions & no goddes / & that they had done so moche as they coude by theyr scy∣ence. albeit that there was no medycyne whiche coude remedy agaynst the ordy∣naunce of god. This doone, they go in to y• next chambre. What? dyde they ta∣ry styl after that they had receyued theyr wages? They were not yet agreed what kynde of sekenesse it was. One af∣fyrmed y• it was a dropsy / another sayd it was a tympany. some sayd it was apo¦stome in ye inner partes. some sayd it was one dysease / some another. and all the ty∣me they toke in gouernaunce the pacyent they dysputed styfly what maner of seke∣nes it shold be. O, how happy was the pacyent in y• meane tyme? But bycause at length to ende theyr cōtencyon they desyred his wyfe to aske of suche as were his frendes to suffre an Anothomye or section to be mad of the deed body. and that it shold cause moche honour to be spo¦ken / and also y• it was so accustomed to be done for honours sake in grete noble men. And moreouer that the thing it self sholde be helthfull to many / & also merytoryous to the seke man. And the rather to optayn theyr purpose they {pro}mised to bye of theyr owne charges a trentall of masses, for the profyte of the deed. This request hardly, but at the length with intreatynge of the wyfe & certayn of his kynsmen was op∣teyned. These maters doone the garde of physiciens dyde wynde thēselues away / for they say comynly, yt it is not conueny∣ent that they which be wont to helpe lyfe: sholde be y• beholders of dethe, or be prest at buryalles. Anone was called for one Bernardin{us} a reuerend father as ye kno∣we well ynough, keper of one of saynt frā¦ceys flockes, to here his cōfessyon. Before the confessyon was all togyder fynysshed a multytude of the .iiij. ordres, whome y• people call the beggyng ordres was come in to the hous. So many deuourīg Uultures to one poore pyece of caryon? Than afterwarde the parysshe pre¦ste was called for to anoyle the man, and to gyue hym the sacrament of our lordes body. Deuoutly. But there was almoost a blody fray betwyxte ye pa∣rysshe preste & the other solytary fathers. At the seke mānes bed? And also Chryst hymselfe lokyng vpon them. What caused all the besynesse so so∣deynly? The parisshe preste (after that he knewe the seke man was cōfessed to ye Francyscane) sayd that he wolde ney¦ther mynystre the sacrament of anoylyng nor of the aulter / or ony buryeng / onelesse that he herde wt his eares the seke mānes cōfession. He sayd moreouer, that he was the parysshe preste / and that he must gy∣ue accompt to god for his lytell shepe. but yt he sayd he coude not do yf onely he we∣re ignoraunt of the secretes of his conscy∣ence. Semed he not to speke reaso∣nably? Not vnto them veryly. For they all cryed agaynst hym, and in especy all Bernardinus, & Uincentius the domy¦nycan. What reasōs brought they? They set vpon the poore preste wt grete rebukes and raylynges callyng hȳ often asse, and a mete keper for hogges. I sayd Uincentius, am a bacheler of dyuy∣nyte formate / and shortly shall belycen∣cyate / and also shall be promoted with the tytle of a doctour. Thou arte scarcely co∣me to the redyng of the gospell. How is it than possyble that thou canst excuse, and iuge the secretes of ony mannes conscyen∣ce? But and yf thou lyste for to be besyed, goo see what thy harlottes, and bastarde brattes doo at home. and many other ob∣probryous thynges whiche I am gretly ashamed to shewe. What sayd he / was he domme at those wordes? Domme? yea, thou woldest haue sayd he had ben as the prouerbe sayth. A greshop taken by the wynges. I sayd he, shall ma¦ke of beane stalkes moch better bachelers than thou arte. The utours and capy∣taynes of youre ordres Domynyke and Fraūceys, where lerned they I pray you Aristoteles phylophy / or the argumentes of Thomas / eyther Scotus speculaciōs? or where I pray you were they made ba¦chelers? ye creped in to ye worlde, than ea∣sy to beleue your superstycions / but than ye were but a fewe & lowly and some also meke & wel lerned men. Than your nestes were in the feldes and poore cotages / but shortly after ye flitted thens, bothe in to ye rychest cytees and in to the fayrest partes of thē. Seyng there be so many poore vyl∣lages in y• countree abrode whiche can not fynde a shepeherde / there shold ye bestow your labours there were conuenyent pla∣ces for you to labour in / but now ye wyll be nowhere but in ye houses of ryche men. ye face & crake vnder the name of popes / but your pryuyleges be not worth a stra∣we: but where as the bysshop, parsone, or vycare dooth not his duety. In my chyr∣che shall none of you preche so longe as I am the curate and haue my helthe. I am no bacheler, neyther saynt Martyn was ony bacheler, and yet he played ye very bys¦shop. yf I lacke lernyng I wyll not aske it of you. Suppose ye yt the worlde is yet so blynd & folysshe, that (whersoeuer they se saynt Domynyke or Fraunceys coe) they wyll thynke theyr sanctymony and holynes there to be? or is it to you ony ma¦ter at all what I do at home at my hous? What pageauntes ye play in your den̄es, & what knauery ye vse with holy nonnes all the worlde knoweth. Also how lytell y• better or clener be the ryche mennes how¦ses which ye haunt is opēly knowen. yea as the prouerbe sayth, bothe to blere eyed {per}sones & barbours. To tell the what was more spoken I dare not. truly he handled those reuerend fathers with small reuerē¦ce. And none ende sholde haue ben, oneles Georgius had sygnyfied with waggyng of his hande, yt he wolde say some thyng. Moche adoo it was to apteyne that theyr chydyng myght cease so longe. than sayd the seke man. Kepe peas betwene you, I wyll confesse me agayn to the my curate / than after thou shalt be payed thy money or thou go out of this hous / bothe for bell ryngynge, dyriges, the herse, for buryall vnd stole neyther by ony meanes I wyll gyue the occasion to cōplayn on me. Dyde the preste refuse so equal a cōdyciō? Nothyng at all onely he murmu∣red moche of the confessyon, which he for∣gaue ye seke man. What nedeth it, sayd he, in repetyng the same agayn to fatygate & trouble bothe the seke man & the preste: in repetyng all one thyng? If he had confes∣sed hym to me in season, parauenture he sholde haue made his wyll better for his soule helth, now take ye the charge. This īdyfferency of the seke sore agreued those solytary fathers, nohyng contented that ony morsell of theyr pray shold be cut out for ye parysshe preste. But I went betwe∣ne them & concludd so y• theyr stryfe was ended. & the preste anoyled the seke man, & gaue hym our lordes body. And after he was payde his money & went his way. Dyde Caromenes than felowe af∣ter so grete a tēpest? Nay by saynt Mary, a sharper storme folowed by & by. I pray the what was the cause? Thou shalt here. There were floc∣ked togyther in one hous foure ordres of beggyng freres / the fyfthe ordre the whi∣ch be called the croked (the crouched fre∣res I wolde say) came in amonge them. Agaynst whiche as it had bene a chylde base goten, y• other foure arose all togyder makyng no lytell ado. and they asked the fyfth ordre whan euer they dyde se a cha∣ryot of .v. wheles / or how they durst ma∣ke mo ordres of beggers thā there be Euā∣gelystes. By the same reason they sayd) bryng in hyder all beggers whiche vse to syt at brydges & hye wayes. What sayd ye crouched freres to yt? They asked the other frres agayn / how y• cha∣ryot of the chyrche went, at suche tyme whan there was no ordre of beggers and agayn whan there was onely one, & after thre. for truly the nombre (sayd they) of ye euangelystes hath nomore affynyte with our ordres than wt a dyce, which on euery syde shewith .iiij. corners. Who brought y• Austyn freres in to the ordre of beggers? or who y• Carmelytes? or what tyme beg∣ged Augustyn or Hely? for these they ma∣ke the auctour of theyr ordres. These thō∣derboltes with many other the crossed fre¦res dyde clatter out, & doubtles very man¦fully. But bycause they had none to take parte with them / therfore thynkyng thē not able to resyst the violence of .iiii. suche hostes, gaue place / onely thretnyng them very cruelly Than I trowe there was nomore brablyng. No mary. For this parte takynge and atonement a∣gaynst the fifth ordre was torned in to an open fray. The francy scan & the domyny¦can contended, that neyther the augusty∣nyans nor the carmelytes were proprely called beggers / but rather mungrelles, & chaūgelynges. This stryfe dyde so moche encrease, that playnly I was afrayd leest it shold come to hand grypes and strokes. Dyde the seke man abyde all these brablynges? These maters were not done at his bed syde, but in a court by whiche ioyned to the chambre. But all ye wordes came to the seke man / for they dy∣de not whysper the mater, but it was spo¦ken loude ynough, & wt ful shawmes, as ye prouerbe sayth. And thou knowest moost comynly y• seke men are sharpe of heryng in especyally. But how ended ye ba¦tayle? The seke man sent vnto thē his wyfe, to exhorte them to kepe scylen∣ce a lytell whyle, & sayd that he wolde en∣de this variaūce. And so desyred, that for that tyme the Augustynyens & the Car∣melytes wolde depare / and {pro}mised that they sholde lose nothyng therby. And sayd more ouer y• so moche meate sholde be sent home to theyr houses: as the rest whiche taryed styll sholde haue. But he cōmaun∣ded y• they shold all foure ordres be at his buryeng, & also the fyfth, and y• they shold euery one haue lyke porcion of money. Ne¦uerthelesse he wolde in no wyse that they shold al syt togyder at dyner, lest ony trou¦ble sholde insue at theyr metynge. Thou tellest me of a ryght good hous ke∣per / whiche at the poynt of dethe coud set in quyetnes so many besy maters. He had bē many yeres a capytayn in war¦res. there are wont dayly to spryng vp su¦che clamoures amonge the souldyours, Was he ryche? Uery ryche. But it was euyl goten, wt spoyling & sacrylege. or robbynge holy places / ex∣torcions & brybes. Suche is the co¦myn facion of the capytaynes in warres: nor I dare not styfly swere that this man was altogyder clere & differyng fro theyr maners. But as ferre as I can perceyue he gate more good wt, polycy of wyt than with vyolene. How so? He vnderstode very wel arythmetike or craft of nombryng. What therof? What than? To the hygh capytayne he wolde somtyme accompt xxx. M. souldy∣ers, whā there were scarcely .vii.M. And more ouer he payd to many of them neuer a deale. Certaynly yu shewest me a worthy craft of accomptyng. And somtime he caused the warres by craft to contynue & was wont also to receyue eue¦ry moneth money of vyllages & townes: bothe of his enmyes & frendes. of his enmyes: to saue them harmeles, of his fren∣des to suffer theym to make peace with theyr ennemyes. I knowe of olde the maners of souldyers. but go forthe in your tale. Bernarde and Uyncent with certayne other of theyr cōpanyons taryed styll with the seke man / the other whiche were departed had vytayles sent theym. Dyde not they agre well to¦gyder whiche taryed styll in the house? not alway, they like hogges grūted I wote not wherfore, of y• prefermētes of theyr bulles, but leste theyr deuyse sholde not come to passe, they dissembled for that tyme. Here they brought forthe his testa∣ment, and certayne demaundes were as∣ked before wytnesses, of suche thynges whiche they had concluded amonge thē∣selues before. I am very desyrous to here what thynges they were. I shall tell the chyef poyntes, for ye mater is somewhat tedyous. There remayned his wyfe .xxxviii. yeres of aege / beynge a woman certaynly very commēdable & wyse. Two sones, the eldre was .xix. ye∣res of aege, and the other .xv. And as ma∣ny doughters, bothe within aege. Thus was it deuysed by his testamēt / that his wyfe (bycause they coude not enforce her to be a Nonne) sholde take the habyte of a Bighyne, yt is an orre betwene Nonnes and laykes. The elder sone, bycause they coude not entyse hym to be of ony solitary professyon. An olde foxe is taken but seldon in a snare. Hastely after his faders buring they determyned that he sholde in al haste go to Rome / and there bye ye popes dyspensacyon before his law ful aege to be made a preste, to syng dayly in Uatycanes temple, for his faders sou∣le. And yt he sholde crepe on his knees eue∣ry fryday all ye holy stayres in Laterane. Dyde he take all this wyllyngly? Euen to be playne, as asses be wōt to take vpon them theyr caryages. More∣r yt the yongest sone shold be professed to saynt Fraūceys, y• elder doughter to saynt Clare, the yongest to saynt Katheryn. For they coude bryng nomore of theyr purpo∣se o passe. for George was mīded, bycau∣se he wold haue god more bound to hym, to haue his wyfe & .iiii. chyldren to be par¦ted amonge the .v. ordres of beggers / and there was grete procurement therto / but the wife and the eldest sone were to olde to agre thereto, eyther for fayre wordes or foule. A propre facyon of dysinhery¦tyng. The inherytaunce altogyder was in suche wyse deuyded, that after y• charges of the buryeng was taken out of all the hole, one parte sholde inure to ye wy¦fe vpon this cōdycion / that she sholde lyue wt the one halfe therof / the other half shold be put in the place where she shold oblyge herself. Frōwhens, yf she at any tyme he∣reafter departed, all the same money shol∣de remayne to yt flocke: Another lyke por∣cion shold be gyuen to ye eldest sone, to who¦me by & by after sholde be inioyned a iour¦ney toward Rome / and as moche as was suffycient to bye his bulles, & to paye his costes of meate and drynke at Rome. And yf he refused to be made preste, his porciō shold than be deuyded betwene the freres of saynt Fraunceys, and of saynt Domy∣nyke / and yet I feare me that he wyll not {per}forme theyr iniūcton / the yong man ap∣pered to abhorre so moche frō holy ordres. Two porcyons sholde be put in to the mo∣nastery which was content to take ye yon¦gest sone. Other two partes also to the .ii. monasteryes where the doughters were but vnder this condycion / yt yf they at ony tyme hereafter refused to {pro}fesse ye lyfe, yet all the money sholde be in theyr custody, sauf, & in no wyse dymynysshed. Agayn on the other syde, the good father Bernar¦dyne must haue one of the porciōs, & Uyn¦cent another / & half of one of the porcyons to ye Charter monkes, for cōmunyon and parte takyng of all good workes, whiche sholde be done in all the ordre, All the rest sholde be distrybute to poore people yt we∣re pryuely kept / vpon whome Bernardy∣ne and Uyncent thought it best bestowed. yu sholdest haue sayd as ye lawyers do, Quos ve quas. After the wyll was redde / they asked hī vnder these wor¦des. George balearike, doost yu beyng on ly¦ue & hole memory approue this testamēt, which yu lately hast made of thyn own mȳ¦de? He answered / I do ap{pro}ue it. & is this thy last & īmutable wyl? it is. And yu doost īstytute & ordeyn me & fader bacheler Uȳ∣cent here: executors of thy last wyll? I do ordeyne. Than they cōmaunded hym yet ones to subscrybe it with his owne hand. How coud he, than beyng at poynt of dethe? Bernardin{us} dyd gouerne y• seke man̄es hande. What dyde he subscrybe? These wordes. ye hygh displeasure of saynt Fraūceys & saynt Do¦mynyke may come to hȳ whiche gooth a∣bout to chaūge ony thīg her in. But feared they not ye action called in the lawe Actio officiosi testamenti. No, no: this action lyeth not in those thinges yt be dedycate to god / neyther I thynke y• ony man is so folysshe to make ony trouble wt god. All these maters fynysshed, the wyfe & the chyldren gaue theyr ryght hādes to the seke man. sweryng that they shold ob∣serue that thyng whiche they had recey∣ued. ¶After these thynges they began to comyn (not without stryfe) of the funeral pompe. At last this sentēce had ye vyctory, that .ix. of of euery one of ye .v. ordres shold be present in the honour of the .v. bokes of Moyses / and of the .ix. ordres of aūgelles. And ye euery ordre sholde haue theyr crosse borne before them / and they sholde synge theyr mournyng songes. Moreouer .xxx. (besyde suche as were kyn̄e to hym) shold be hyred, (for so many pyeces of money was our lorde solde) all in blacke to bere ye torches. & for his honours sake .xii. mour∣ners. (this nombre is in ye honour of ye .xii apostles,) sholde go about the corps. Next after sholde folowe Georges own hors all in blacke, with his necke so bound doune to his knees as though he wold be sene to seke his mayster on the erthe. ¶It was forthermore procured that the couerynge which shold be cast ouer him, shold shewe on euery party his armes. Lykewise eue¦ry torche & blacke garment sholde ye same. The corps they purposed sholde be layde at the ryght hande of the hygh aulter in a tombe of marble, whiche sholde be made iiij. fote hygh fro the the ground. He sholde lye in the top of it grauen in a whyte mar¦ble stone / all armed fro top to toe. neyther myght ye helmet lacke his creste. the creste was the necke of an Anocrotale. A target in the left arme / in the which was his ar∣mes blased in this wyse, Thre wylde bo∣res heedes all of golde in a syluer felde. A swerde by his syde with a gylted pomell. The gyrdle was gylted, & deuyded with studdes of precyous stones. Golden spur∣res to his fete, bycause he was a gentyll mā of cote armour, vnder his fete shold be set a leoperd, the brynks of his sepulker sholde haue an epitaphye mete for a wor∣thy man. He was wyllyng y• his hert shol∣de be buried seuerally in a chapell of saynt franceys. He cōmitted ye other inward par¦tys of his body to the parysshe prest, to be buryed honorably in a chapel of our lady. An honourable buryenge, but very chargeable. At venyce a pore cobler sholde haue more honour for a lytel coste. for com∣pany maketh ornate & elygant the bere, & there somtyme syx hondreth monkes: so∣me in sleueles soppes, & other some wt co∣pes wyll folowe one corps. I haue sene that myself, & haue somtime laughed at suche folysshe vaynglories of poore mē. there goeth fullers & curriers before: & cob¦lers behynd, & mōkes in ye myddest. thou woldest say they were mōsters / neyther here was ony other thynge yf yu had sene it. It was also {pro}uided by George, ye Bar¦nardyne & Uyncent shold decerne by lottes whiche of them sholde haue the hyghest place in the grete pompe. And afterwarde other sholde doo soo lykewyse, lest ony ru∣mour or besynesse sholde be for the same. The parysshe preste & his clerkes were a∣poynted to the moost inferyour place, that was to go the formest / neyther ye solytary fathers wolde suffre it otherwyse. He coude not onely oryn an army to ba¦tayle / but also other solempne tryūphes and pōpes. It was also prouyded that the masse of Requiem whiche sholde be done by the parysshe preste sholde be in prycke songe, for y• more honour. ¶Why∣le these thynges and certayne other were indeuysyng, the seke man shaked very so∣re, and dyde gyue certayne parfyte tokēs that his laste tyme was nygh at hande. The last acte of the comedy was therfore prepared. Is it not yet at an ende? The popes bull was there reher∣sed / in the whiche was graunted remys∣syon of all his synnes quyte and clene / and all the feare of purgatory was taken away. Beside al these al his goodes was iustyfied. Suche as was goten by extorcyon and robbery? Certaynly euen suche as were goten by ye lawe of ba¦tayle or sowlderye. But it fortuned to be presēt one Phylyp a man of lawe ye wyfs brother, whiche marked a place in ye bull otherwise set than it ought to be / & caused suspecyon that it was but forged. Nay, that was not done in tyme. he shol∣de haue rather dyssēbled it, though there had ben errour therin / and the seke man sholde haue done neuer the worse. I thinke the same. For the seke man was so troubled with this mater, that he was not ferre of from disperacion. And there fa¦ther bacheler Uyncēt played the man. He cōmaunded George to be of a quyet myn∣de, he sayd that he had auctoryte bothe to correct ony thyng whiche was fals in the bulles, eyther to restore ony thynge y• lac∣keth. But yf the bull deceyue the, euen ve∣ry now I put my soule for thyne / y• thyne may come to heuen, and myne I gyue for euer to the derkest pyt of hell. But wyll god accept suche chaungyng of sou∣les? and yf he wolde, was this prouysion for George with suche a guage suffycyēt? What & yf the soule of Uyncent was (wt∣out ony chaūgīg at all) due to hell. I shewed you as ye mater was / but Uyn¦cent fynyshed tha maer. The pacyent se¦med to take a good stomacke to hym / by & by was red ye pardons, wherin was pro∣mysed to George to be parte taker of all ye workes whiche sholde be done by the .iiii ordres & of the Charter monkes. I wolde be afrayde leste I sholde be thurst downe to the botom of hell, yf I sholde be∣re suche an vnprofitable burden. I speke of theyr good werkes: which dooth no otherwyse aggrauae the soule redy to departe, than fethers dooth the byrde. To whome bequeth they theyr yll workes? To the landeskneyghtes of Germany. By what auctoryte? Of the gospell, sayeng to hym that hath: it shall be gyuen / and withall was rehersed the nōbre of masses and noctur∣nes, whiche shulde accompanye the dead mannes soule / truely it was an vnreaso∣nable nombre. After all these thynges, he was confessed, & had absolucyon. Dyed he thus? Not yet. A matte of russhes was spred vpon the grounde, in suche wyse that the vpper parte was lapped togyther, for to make as it were a similitude of a bolster. What mēt they by that? They sparpled it all ouer with asshes, but very thynnely, and there they layde the sycke mannes body. A gray freres cote was spred aboue him, but beyng halowed before with a certeyn prayers & holy water. A cowle was put vnder his hed, for at that tyme it coulde not be put vpon hym, and with all was layde the bull and the pardons. A new maner of dethe. But they af∣fyrme styfely y• he deuyll hath no power ouer them whiche dyeth in suche fasshy∣on. So they sayde that bothe saynt Mar∣tyne and saynte Frauncys dyed. But then theyr lyues were no lesse vertu¦ous. I praye the tell me what folowed? They reachyd the ymage of the crosse, & a waxe candell to the sycke man. At the syght of the crosse he sayd, I was wonte in batayles to be defendyd with myne owne bucklar, but now I wyll put this bucklar agaynste myne enemye, and kyssed it, and put it towarde the left shul∣der. To the holy candell he sayd: in tyme past I haue ben valyaūt in warres with speare, nowe I wyll shake this speare a∣gaynste the enemy of soules. Euyn lyke a man of warre. These wor∣des he spake laste / for by and by his tonge was taken with dethe, and with all the pangys of dethe came vppon hym. Bar∣nardyne stode harde by hym on the ryght hande, and Uincent on the left syde, bothe two lowde ynough / the one shewed y• py∣cture of saynt Frāceys, the other of saynt Domynyke / the other good holy fathers sparpled abrode about the chambre, mom¦bled vp besyly certayn psalmes. Bernar∣dyne with greate out cryes precelled his ryght eare, and Uyncent the lefte. What cried they? Bernardyne sayd in this wyse. George balearyke yf thou now approue those thynges, whiche we haue done betwyxt vs: bowe downe thy heed towarde thy ryght syde. He dyde so. Uyncent on the other syde sayd, be nothīg adredde George / thou hast saynt Frāceys and saynt Domynyke thy defenders, ca∣re nothing at all. Remembre what a grete sorte of merytes, what a strong Bull. bre∣fely, remembre that my soule is pledged for thyne, If there were ony ieopardy, yf thou vnderstand what I say, and also a lo¦west ye same, bowe doun thy heed toward the left syde. He dyde so. And agayn with a lyke outcry, they sayd bothe. yf yu thyn¦kest surely all these thynges thyrste dow∣ne my hande / and with the same he thirst doune his hande. And so in bowynge his heed here and there / and puttynge doune hādes, was almoost .iii. houres past. And shortly after whan George began to gas∣pe, there Bernardyne standyng vp {pro}noū∣ced the absolucyon / whiche he coude not parfitely fynysshe, before George was de¦parted. this was a lytel after mydnyght. in the mornyng the Anothomy was ma∣de. What noysome thyng was foū∣de within him? Thou remembrest me in good tyme / for it was gone out of my remembraunce. A pyece of lead cleued in the skyn̄e, which closeth the herte and the lyghtes about, & dooth seperate them from the mylte and the lyuer, called Dia∣phragma. How came it there? His wyfe shewed that he was ones stry∣ken with a gon̄e stone / and therof the phy¦syciens coniectured that a pyece of ye lead moltyd, taryed styll within his body. By and by, the corps all to cut and dilanyate aswell as it wolde be, was put in a gray freres cote. After dyner, the buryeng was done with suche and lyke solempnytye, as it was decreed before. I neuer herde of a more curious dethe, nor a corps more ambycyous. But I suppose thou woldest not haue this spoken abroode. Wherefore? Leste the hur∣nettes wolde be an angred. There is no ieoperdy at all. For yf these thynges be godly whiche I shewe, it is theyr pro¦fet that the people do know them / yf they be otherwyse, so many as be good among them, wyll gyue me thankes whiche ha∣ue shewed forthe suche, wherby some cor¦recte wt shame, may refrayne lyke dedes. Also such as be sȳple, may take hede lest they be drawen in to like errour / for there be amonge this sorte great wyse men, & very godly, whiche hathe often complay∣ned to me, that by the supersticion impro∣byte or lewdnes of a fewe, the hole order is brought to hatred of good men. Thou sayest very ryght, and boldely / but I am very desyrous to knowe, how Cor¦nelius dyed. Like as he lyued gre∣uous to no man, so dyed he. He was eue∣ry yere greued with the febre, cōmyng to hym at certeyne tymes. The same (bothe for bycause he was somewhat in age: for he was past thre score yeres) are for other causes more than was wont infebled the man, and it apered that he felt before that his fatall day was at hande. For the four∣the daye before he dyed, was Sondaye, our lordes daye, he wente to the temple, was confessyd to his curate, he herde the cōmune preachynge and masse / and after the masse was done, he was howseled, and so wente home. Used he no Physycyons? Onely one he coun∣selled, but he was no lesse a good mā, then a good Phisycyon, his name is Iacobus Castrutius. I knowe hym very well There is no more pure man. He answered yt his frende sholde not lacke his dylygence / but he thought there was more socoure in god than in physyciens. Cornelius dyde as gladly accepte his say∣enge, as though he had shewed moost cer∣tayne hope of lyfe. Therfore albeit that af¦ter his power, he was always very lybe¦rall towarde the pore, euen than all that myght be spared frō necessary ayde of his wyfe and chyldren, was dystributed to ye poore and nedy men / and not to the amby∣cyous beggers, whiche we comynly me∣te in euery place / but to suche as were to be cōmended, whiche fought agaynst po∣uerte, with al theyr deuyse and power. I desyred hym to lye hym doune / & rather to call the preste to hym, than to fatygate with laboure his feble body. He gaue an∣swere, that his specyall study was euer to helpe his frendes, yf he myght, rather than to put thē to paynes / neyther he wol¦de be vnlyke to hymself at the tyme of his dyenge / neyther truely he laye doune ony more, but y• last day, and parte of y• night, wherin he departed out of this lyfe. Sō∣tyme for werinesse of his body he walked with a staffe / somtyme reposed in a chay∣re. He went seldome to bed, but in his clo∣thes, & his heed reysed vpwarde. All this tyme he eyther gaue one thing or other to relyue the poore / but n especyall to them which were knowen poore, and dwelled nygh to hym, or eles e redde suche thyn¦ges in holy scrypture, whiche prouoketh a mannes conscyence towarde god, & also declareth his charyte towardes vs. And whan he by reason of his werynesse coud not rede hymself, than he herde some fren¦de redyng before hym. Often tymes he ex¦horted with a vehemēt desyre, his famy∣ly to loue one another, & to loue ye trouthe. He also louyngly conforted them whiche were pensyfe and sorowfull for his dethe. He gaue oftē monycion to suche as he put in trust, that nothyng of his dettes shold be vnpayde. Made he his wyll? Yes, longe before, in tyme of his helthe / for he denayed vtterly that they were called testamentes, whiche were made of suche as lye on dyeng: but rather folisshe dotinges. Dyd he bequethe nothynge to monasteryes, or to nedy men therin. Nothȳg at all. I (sayd he) haue for my parte distrybute those lytell goodes whiche god hathe sent me. Ther∣fore now as I gyue the possession of them to other: so I gyue also the dispensacyon and orderyng. And I trust that they wyll dyspose thē more vtuously, then I haue done my selfe. Dyd he not call to him suche holy mē as George dyd. Neuer one. Neither was there any body at all with hym, sauyng his owne fami∣lie, and two speciall frendes of his. I merueyll what he ment. He said vtterly that he wold be onerous to no mo at his dethe, than he was at his natiui∣tie. I desyre instantly to here the ende of this mater. Thou shalt here it by and by. Thursday cam, he laye styll vpon his bed, felynge extreme werynes of his body / the curate was sent for, and anoyled hym, & by and by gaue hym the body of our lorde, without any confession at all. For he sayde there was no scrupe & doubte at all in his mynde, The preste be∣gan to aske of hym, with what pompe, and in what place he wolde be buried. He sayd agayn, bury me in suche wyse as ye wold bury a christen man of the lowest de¦gree. Nor I care not in what place ye lay my wretchyd body, whiche shal be foūde in the last day aswell out of one place as o∣ther, where so euer it be hyd / nor I regar∣de any thyng at all the pompe of burieng. Shortly after, whā mēcion was made of ye ringyng of belles, trētals, & yeres myn∣des, of bulles, of bying part takȳg of meri¦tes. Thā answered he thus, my curate, I shal do neuer ye worse, if no bell at all knoll for me. If it wyll please you to synge one bare masse for me it shalbe more thā nede. Eyther yf there be ony thynge elles, whi∣che (bycause of the comyn custome of the chyrche) may without offence of suche as be infyrme persones scarcely be left out, yt I {per}mytte to be at your aduyse. Neyther I am minded to bye ony man̄es prayers, eyther to bereue ony man his merytes. Haboundaunce of merytes floweth ouer in Chryst / and also I trust that ye prayers and merytes of all thryten men, (yf I be a lyuynge membre) dooth prousfyte me / Al my hope is in .ii. bulles & pryuyleges / the one is of my offences, that ye chyef pa∣stour Iesus chryst hath clene taken them away, naylȳg it to the crosse. the other is that which he wrote and sealed with his precyous blode / wherby he put vs in cer∣taynte of euerlasting lyfe, yf so be that we put all our hole trust in hym. God forfend that I armed with merytes, and bulles, sholde prouoke my lorde god, to come in to iugement with his bondman / beyng cer∣tayne of this that all which be lyuynge, shall not be iustyfied in his syght. I do ap¦pele therfore from his iustyce, to his mer∣cy / for so moche as it is without measure, & ineffable. ¶After he had spoken these wordes, the preste departed. Corneli{us} be∣yng mery and glad (as though he had con¦ceyued a grete hope of helthe) cōmaunded that suche places of holy scrypture sholde be rehersed to hym, as were wryten to cō¦ferme the hope of esurrection, and the re∣warde of īmortalyte. As for example the texte of Esaye declaryng the dethe of Eze∣chias which was deferred, & the cātycle. Moreouer the .xv. chapytre of ye fyrst epy∣stle of Paule to the Corynthiens. Also out of saynt Iohn̄ the euangelyst of the dethe of Lazar{us} / but namely ye history of Chry∣stes passyon, after the euangelystes. With what a mynde deuoured he euery thyng sighyng at some thynges / & whan he her¦de some other he (lyftyng vp his handes) gaue thankes. At the heryng of dyuers o∣ther thynges, he wexed very mery, and shewed hym outwardly glad / & at many sayenges, he caste out many shorte pray∣ers. After dyner, whan he had taken a ly∣tell slepe, he cōmaunded that one shulder herse to hym the .xij. chapytre of saynte Iohn̄s Gospell, vnto the ende of the histo¦ry. At whiche tyme yu woldest haue sayde the man had ben clerly transfigured and afflate wt a new spirite, Now it drewe to¦wardes night, he alled to hym his wyfe & chyldren. There (his feble body beynge reryd vp asmoche as he coulde suffer) he spake to them in this wyse: Moste dere wyfe, goddes pleasure is nowe to departe them whome he hathe vnyte before / but this separacyon shal be but bodyly, and y• for a very shorte tyme. All thy dylygence, loue, and pytye, whiche thou were wont in tyme past to bere toward me and those moste dere chylderen, turne all towardes them. Neyther thynke that thou cannest any wise do higher pleasure to god or me, than yf thou nourysshe, brynge vp, and instytute theym whiche god hathe gyuen vs twayne, as fruyte of our maryage: that they may become Chrystes seruaun¦tes. As towardes them therfore double thy loue, and thynke that the porcyon of my loue is translate all into the / whiche yf thou doest (as I doubte not but thou wylte) they shall in no wyse be sayde Or¦phanes. But and yf thou doest iterate ma¦trymonye. At that worde the wyfe brast out in wepynge, and began for to swere deuoutely, that he wolde neuer thynke of maryenge agayne. ¶Here Cornelius sayde. My mooste dere beloued syster in Chryste, yf our lorde Iesus Chryst wyll vouchsafe for to graunte the this purpo∣se, and spyrytuall strengthe, slake not of thy parte from suche an heuenly calling / For that shall be bothe more conuenyent for thyn own self, and also these chyldren. But yf soo be that the infyrmytye, and weykenesse of the flesshe calle the to ma∣rye agayne / knowe thou that my dethe setteth the at lyberte from the lawe of our matrymony / but yu arte not at large ther∣by from the faythfull promyse, whiche yu hast made in bothe our names: to cure and bryng vp our comyn children. But as tou¦chyng maryage, vse that lyberte whiche god hath {per}mytted the. Onely I pray and put you in remembraūce bothe, that thou do chuse a husbande with suche maners, and thou also vse he twarde hym in su∣che wyse that he may be led by his mere goodnesse, or prouoked through thy cōmo¦dite or towardnes to loue his stepe son̄es. Take hede yu doost not bynde thy selfe to ony vowe. Kepe thyselfe at lyberte to god and our chyldren, whome yu must so brȳg vp in al mekenesse, yt thou be no lesse cyrcū¦spect / and ware lest they do addyct them∣selues to ony volūtary purposed lyuyng / vnto the tyme it may appere by theyr ae∣ge and dyscrecyon, to what maner of ly∣uyng they be moost apte. ¶Than after he torned toward his chyldren, and exhor¦ed them to the studye of vertue, & obeye theyr moder, & one to loue antoher. These thynges ended, he kyssed his wyfe, and to his chyldren he gaue his blessyng, ma∣kynge ouer them the sygne of the crosse, prayenge god to sende them good mynde, and Christes mercye. After this, he loked vpon all that stode by & sayde: God that rose agayne in the mornyng, wyll vouch∣safe to morow before the sōne ryse, to euo∣cate and call out this symple soule from the sepulchre of this bodye, from the dar∣kenes of this mortalitie, into his heuen∣ly light. I wyll not that these yong chyl∣dren shall be fatygate and weryd with vayne watchynges. Let all othr goo to bedde also / one is suffycyente to watche with me, whome I wolde haue for to e¦herse some holy scrypture. ¶Whan the nyght was past, a lytell after foure of the clocke, in the presence of all that were in the house, he cōmaunded one to rede out a owde the hole psalme whiche our lorde prayenge, sayde at the tyme he suffered his pasiyon. That done, he commaunded one to brynge hym an halowed candell, & the sygne of the crucifyxe. He toke the can¦dell in his hande, sayeng, the lorde is my lyghtenynge, and my helthe / whom shall I feare? He also kyssyng the crosse, sayd: The lorde is protectour, and defender of my lyfe, whom shall I therfore be adred of y and by, he helde his handes togy∣ther vpon his breste, as a man in feruent prayer, lyftyng vp his iyes towarde he∣uen, sayd: Lorde Iesu, take my spyryte. And shortely after, he shytte his iyes, as thoughe he wolde goo to slepe / and there∣with, with a softe blast, he yelded vp the goste. Thou woldest rather haue sayd he had ben on slepe, than deade. I ne∣uer herde of dethe more quyet. He was of lyke fasshyon in all his lyfe tyme / bothe twayne were my frendys. Per∣chaunce I iudge not indyfferently, whe∣her of them departed this lyfe more lyke a christian. Thou Mercolphus, whiche arte not parcyall, shalte more recte∣tely, dyscerne. So I wyll do, but at a conuenient season. GOd hath apparayled the glory of heuē to them that loue hym, & kepe his cōmaundementes / and to them that (of that they haue & done) prayse not them selfe, ne be not proude therof, & after theyr habilitie departen gladly to the pore & ne∣dy: and set not theyr hertes princypally, but in our lorde: And to them yt the euils the paines, and the tribulacions that com to theym, suffren paciently for the loue of god. And for to haue this great glory, ou lorde admonesteth vs that we be alway redy, and kepe vs fro synne. And that w put not our hertes principally in this catyfe worlde, whiche is nothyng but a lytell passyng, full of wepyng, of sorowes and of anguisshes, whiche we shall leue And take none hede of the houre without to bere any thyng with vs, saue the good dedes & the euyll that we haue done. And our body caityfe, shal be couered with the erthe, as a foule stynkynge carion, & wor∣mes shall eat and wrote therin. Our lord promyseth not to vs to morow, to thende that our hertes and our principall inten∣tion be in hym, and in his loue. For we ought to loue god, and o remembre ofte & deuoutly how the swete Iesus vouched∣safe to humble hym selfe for vs, and des∣cende fro his glory of heuen, into ye wōbe of the glorious virgyn Mary, and becom a man and our brother, and suffred dthe and passion for vs / and howe he made vs of nought, and semblable to him / whiche myght haue made vs (yf it had pleased hym) lyke vnto toodes & other wormes. If we knowe well all the graces that he hath doon to vs, and thanke & gyue hym aude therfore that is the thyng aboue all ther, by which we may moost soone and moost lightely haue his loue & his grace: moche pleasaunt is it vnto god, whan one knowlegeth the graces and the benefites that he hath done for vs, and whan he is remercyed and thanked therfore. ¶Example. It is red that the great Chauntre of Paris, founde on a tyme in a felde, a conuerse, that is to say, a bro∣ther, & no preest, of the order of Cisteaulx) kepynge shepe, whiche was contempla∣tife and deuout towarde god, and wepte ofte in beholdynge a crapaulde or toode. The chauntre demaūded hym wherfore he wepte. He answered to hym, sayenge: I ought well to wepe for my synnes, and gyue thankynges to god, whiche hathe made me to his semblaunce. For yf it had pleased hym, he had well made me lyke vnto this crapaulde or toode. Thus this good man thanked and remercyed god. Than let vs rendre & gyue graces & thankynges to our lorde of all his benefites, & let vs enioy in hym, and syng we in our hertes with great ioye / for we be y• sones and the doughters of god, made and for∣med to his semblaunce, bretheren & siste∣en of Iesu Christe, and bought and rede∣ed with his preciouse blood, fed with his preciouse bodye, fellowes to aungels f heuen, Coheriters (but yf it be longe of ur selfes) for euer more, without ende, f the gloryouse royalme / to the whiche rynge vs the swte and debonayre Ie∣u Chryste. Amen.
A00331.P4	A dialoge or communication of two persons deuysyd and set forthe in the late[n] tonge, by the noble and famose clarke. Desiderius Erasmus intituled [the] pylgremage of pure deuotyon. Newly tra[n]slatyd into Englishe.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	1540?]	n.p.,	[London? :	eng	[ "Dialogues, English -- Early works to 1800." ]	Signi∣fieth to forsake. What new thynge ys it, that I se? doo I nat see Ogygyus my ney¦bur, whom no mā could espie of all thes sex monthes before? yt was a sayng that he was deed, It is euen he, except that I be ferre deceyuyd. I wyll go to hym, & byd hym good morow. Good morowwas faynyd of an old kyn¦ge of Theba¦nes. Ogygyus. Good morow to you Menedemus. I pray you frome what con∣tray do you come to vs ayen so saffe. For here was a great comunicacyō that you dyd sayle streght to hell. No, thankyd be god, I haue faryd as well syns I went hens, as euer I dyd in all my lyffe. Well, a man may well perceyue that all suche rumours be but vanytye. But I pray you what araye is this that you be in, me thynke that you be clothyd with cokle schelles, and be ladē on euery yde with bruches of lead and tynne. And you be pretely garnyshyd wt wrethes of strawe & your arme is full ofSig∣nifyeth bedes. Walsyn¦gam ys callyd para thalas∣s by cause it is ny to ye see. snakes egges. I haue bene on pylgremage at saynt Iames in Compostella, & at my retourne I dyd more relygy∣ously vysyte our lady of Walsyngā in England, a very holy pylgrema∣ge, but I dyd rather vysyte her. For I was ther before within this thre yere. I trowe, it was but for your pleasure. Nay, it was for pure deuocyon. I suppose you learnyd that relygyō of the Grecy∣anes. My mother in law dyd make a vowe that if her dougther shuld be delyueryd of a man chyld alyue, than that I shuld go to saynt Iames on pylgremage, and ther to salute and thāke hym. Dyd you salute saynt Iames alonly in your name, and your mothers. No, in the name of all owre house. Uerely I thynke yt your howshold as well shold haue prosperd, in case you had not salutyd hym at all. But I pray you what answer dyd he make to your salutacyon. No∣thynge at all. But whā I dyd offre, me tought he dyd lawghe vpon me, and becke at me with his hedde, & dyd reche to me this cokleshell. Wherfore dothe he gyue rather su∣che schelles, than other thynges. For the see, whiche is nye vnto hym dothe mynystre plenty of suche. O holy saynt Iames, that bothe is a mydwyffe to women with chyld, and also dothe helpe his pylgrymes. But I pray you what new kynd of makyng vowes is that that whan a mā is ydle he shall put the burden apon an other mannes bakke? In case that you doo bynd youre selffe with a vowe, that yf ye matter chaunche happyly whiche you haue in hande, that I for you shall fast twyse in on weke, do you beleue yt I can fulfyll youre vow? No, I doo not beleue it if that you dyd vowe it in youre awne na∣me. It is but a sport with yow to mokke sayntes. But this was my mother in law, I must nedys obey her, you know womenes affecty∣ones, & I must obaye heres. If that you had not perfourmyd your vowe, what opertye had you be in? I graunt, he could not haue had an accyon ayenst me in ye law, but he myght fromhensforthe be deafe to my vowes, orels pryuyly send some calamytye or wretched∣nes amongste my housholde, yow know well enuffe the maneres of great men. Tell me now what that same honest mā saynt Iames dothe, and howe he farythe. Moche colder thā he was wontyd to do. What is the cause of it? His age? Oh you scoffer, yow know wel enoghe that sayntes wax nat olde. But this new learnynge, whiche runnythe all the world o∣uer now a dayes, dothe cause hym to be vysytyd moche lesse than he was wontyd to be, for if any doo co∣me thay salute him alonly, but they offre lytle or nothynge, and say that theyr monaye may bettre be di∣sposyd amongste pore people. O a wykyd comunicacyon. Ye & so great an Apostle whiche was wō¦tyd to stand all in precyous stones & gold, now stādythe all of wodde ha∣uynge before hym skaresly a wax candle. If it be trew that I he∣re, it is great ioperdy lest that same chance to all the rest of the sayntes. I thynk it wel, for ther is an epistle abrode whiche our lady dyd wryte apon the same matter. What lady? Our ladi of stone in Raura∣chia whiche is a cer¦tayne cuntre. She yt hathe her name of a stone. I trawe it is in Raurachia. That same is it. yow tell me of a stony lady, But to whome dyd she wryte? The epistle dothe playnely shew his name. By whome was it sent? No dowbt but by an angell, whiche dyd lay the wrytynges apō the aultre, wherof he prechythe to whome it was sent. And lest there shuld be any suspectyō of crafty cō∣uayence in you, you shall se the epi∣stle wryten wt his owne hande. Do you know so well the hand of thangell whiche is secretary to our lady? Yee why nat? By what argumēt? I haue redde ytIs a scriptu∣re wry∣ten on a gra∣ue. Epithaphe of Bede which was grauyd of the angell: and the let∣teres agre in all thynges. I haue reddē also ye obligacyō whiche was sent to saynt Gyles as dothe aper. Dothe not thes argumentes proue that mater to be good enoghe. May a man loke apon them? ye and if you wyll swere to kepe it preuy. Oh you shall speake to a stone. Ther be stones now a dayes of that name very lawnde∣rous, that wyll hyde nothynge. you shall speake to a domme man, & yow trust nat a stone. Apon yt condycyon I wyll tell it, loke that you here with bothe youre eyares. So I doo.The e∣pistle of our La¦dy. Mary the mo∣ther of Iesu toGlau¦coplut{us} desirus of ry∣ches. Glaucoplutus sē∣dythe gretynge. Insomoche as you folowe Luther, you nobly perswa∣de, that it is but in vayne to call apō sayntes, do ye well know for that to be grettly in my fauore. For vntyll thys day I haue almost be slayne wt the importunate prayers of men. Of me alone they askyd althynges, as who shuld say my sone were al∣way a babe, because he is so faynyd and payntyd apō my breste, that yet he wold be at my commaundemēt and durst nat denye my petycyon, dredynge that if he denye my pety∣cyon, that I shuld denye hym my¦te ate whan he is a thurst: and very∣oft thay requyre that of me, whiche a shamfast yongman dare scantly aske of a Bawde, yee they be suche thynges as I am ashamyd to put in wrytynge. Now comythe ye mar∣chauntman and he redy to sayle in∣to Spayne for a vantage, dothe cōmytte hys wyues honesty to me. Than commythe thet lytle preaty Nunne and she castythe away her vayle redy to runne away, she leuy∣the with me the good name of her vyrgynytye, whiche shortly she en∣tendythe to take monay for. Than cryeth the wykyd soudyer purposyd to robbe & saythe, blessyd lady send me a good praye. Now cōmythe the vnthryfty dyasser and cryethe, send me good chance Lady & thow shalt haue parte of my wynnynges: and if the dyasse runne ayenst hym, he blasphemes, and cursythe me, by∣cause I wyll nat fauor his noghty∣nes. Now cryeth she that sellythe her selffe for fylthye lukre & saythe, swete lady send me some costomers, & if I denye it, they exclame ayenst me & say, thou arte not the mother of marcy. Moreouer the vowes of some women be no lesse wykyd thā folishe. The mayd cryeth & saythe, O swet Mary send me a fayre and riche husbond. The maryed womā saythe send me goodly chylderen. Now laborythe the woman with chyld, and cryeth dere lady dylyuer me of my bondes. Than cōmythe ye olde wyffe, and saythe flowre of all women send me to lyue longe with∣owt coghe and drynes. Now cre∣pythe the dotynge oldman & saythe, lady send me for to wax yonge ayē. Thā cōmythe forth the phylosopher and cryethe send me some argumē∣tis that be īsoluble. The great prest cryethe send me a fat benefyce. Thā saythe the bysshope kepe well my churche. Thā cryethe ye hye Iustyce shew me thy sone or I passe out of this worlde. Thā saythe ye Cowr∣tyer send me trwe confession at the howre of my deathe. The husbond∣man saythe send vs temperate we∣ther. The mylke wyffe cryethe owt blessyd lady saue our catell. Now if I denye anythynge by & by I am crwell. If I cōmytte it to me sone, I here them say, he wyll what so e∣uer you wyll. Shall I than alone bothe a woman and a mayd helpe maryneres, sawd yeres, marchant∣men, dyasseres, maryedmē, women with chyld, iudges, kynges, and hus∣bondmen? ye and this that I haue sayd is the least parte of my payne. But I am nat now so moche trob∣led with soche busynes, for that I wold hartely thanke you, but that this commodytye dothe brynge a greater discōmodytye with hym. I haue now more ease, but lesse honor & profett. Before this tyme I was callyd quene of heuen, lady of the world, but now any man wyll skar∣sly say ae Maria or hayle Mary. Before I was clothyd with precy∣ous stones and gold, and had my chaunges, and dayly ther was offe∣ryd gold and precyous stones, now I am skarsly coueryd with halffe gowne and that is all beeyten with mysse. My yerly rentes be now so smalle yt I am skarsly able to fynde my pore quere kepar to light a wax cādle before me. Yet all this myght be sufferyd, but you be abowt to pluke away greater thynges, you be abowt (as they say) that what so euer any saynte hathe in any place, to take hyt frome the churches, but take hede what you doo. For ther is no saynte without a way to reuēge his wronge. If you cast saynt Petre forthe of the churche, he may serue you of the same sauce, and shite vp heuyngates ayenst you. Ye saynt Paule hathe his sworde. Barthyl∣mew is nat wtowt his great knyffe. Saynt wyllyam is harnysyd vnder his monkes cloke, nat withowt a greate speare. What canst thou doo ayenst saynt George whiche is bo∣the a knyght & all armyd with hys longe spere and his fearfull sword? Nor saynt Antony is nat withowt hys weapenes for he hathe holy fy∣re wt hym. Ye the rest of the sayntes haue theyr weapones or myschef∣ues, whiche they send apon whome they liste. But as for me thou canst not cast owt, except thou cast owt my sone, whiche I hold in myne ar∣mes. I wyll nat be seperat frome hym, other thou shalt cast hym owt with me orels thou shalt let vs bo∣the be, except that you wold ha∣ue a temple withowt a Christe. These be the thynges that I wold yow shall know ymagyne you ther∣fore what shalbe your answer. For this thinge pleasythe me very well. Frome oure stony churche the ca∣lendes of Auguste, the yere frome my sonnes passyon a M.CCCCC. xiiij. I stony lady subscrybyd thys with myne owne hande. Trew∣ly that was a soro and fearfull epi∣stle, I suppose that Glaucoplutus wyll beware frōhēsforthe. Ye & if he be wyse. Wherfore dyd nat that good saynt Iames wryte to yt man of the same mater. I can nat tell, except it be bycause he is so ferre of, and now a dayes men be moche searchyd for suche maters, & in theyr iornaye theyr lettres takē frome them. I pray you, what god dyd send you into Englōd? I saw the wynd maruelouse pro∣sperouse thyderward, and I had al∣moste promysyd this to that blessyd lady of Walsyngā that I wold seke her within .ij. yere, What wold yo axe of her. No newthyng{is} at all, but suche as be comen, as to kepe saffe and sownd my housholde, to encreasse my goodes, and in thys world to haue alōge and mery liffe, and whā I dye euerlastynge lyffe in another worlde. May nat owr lady grante the same at home with vs? She hathe at Antwarpe a mo∣che more lordly temple thā at Wal∣synganie. I denye nat but it may be so, but in dyuers places she grantes dyuers thynges, wether it be her pleasur so to do, or bycause she is so gentle, that as cōcernynge this purpose, she wyll gyue her selfe to our affectyōes. I haue harde oft of saynt Iames, but I pray you describe to me the kyngdome of Walsyngam. Uerely I shall tell you as shortly as I canne. Yt is the most holy name in all En∣gland, and you may fynde some in that ye, that suppose thayr substāce shal nat prospayre except they vysy∣te her with thayr offerynge euery yere ones as thay be able to gyue. Wher dothe she dwell? At the vttermost parte of all England betwyxt the Northe and the Weste, nat vary ferre frome the see, skarsly iij myles, the towne is almost su∣steynyd by the resort of pylgrymes. The college is of Canōes, but thay be suche as hathe thayr name of the Laten tonge and be called Se∣culares, a kynd betwyxte monkes & Chanones. What you tell me of Amphy¦byanes be thyn¦ges dout∣full.Amphybyanes, suche as ye mōstre Fyber is abe∣ste of ye see & ye land.Fyber is. No thay be rather suche as theA Coca¦trice wil kyll a man with a loke, Cocatrice. But with∣owt dissimulation, I shall put you owt of this dowte in thre wordes. To them that thay hate, thay be Chanones, and to them that thay loue thay he Monkes Yet yowe doo nat open thys redle. I shall paynte it before youre eyes, if the bysshope of Rome doo shot hys thonderbowlt amōgst all monkes, thay wyll than be chanones, & nat monkes, but and if he wold suffre all monkes to take wyues, thā wyll they be monkes, O new parta∣keres, I wold to god they wold ta∣ke away my wyffe. But to co∣me to our purpose, the college hathe skarsly any otherRēt∣tes. emolumētes but of the liberalite of our lady. For the great offeryng{is} be kepyd stylle, but if ther be any litle some of monaye offerid that goith to the comens of the company, & the mayster whome thay call pryoure. Be thay of a vertuous lyffe? Nat to be dis∣praysyd, thay be more vertuous thā ryche of thayr yerely renttes. The temple ys goodly & goregious, but oure Lady dwellythe nat in it, but yt was purchasyd for the honor of her sone. She hathe her owne temple, that she may be of the ryght hand of her sone. Apon the righthād? Whiche way dothe her sonne loke than? It is well remembryd. Whan he lokythe to te West, his mo∣ther is apō his right hand, but whā he turnythe hym to the Este she is apon the lefte hand. But yet she dwelly the nat in that churche, for it is nat yet buyldyd all vpe, and the wynde runnythe thorow euery par¦te with open wyndowes & dowres, and also nat ferre of is the Occiane seye father of all wyndes. what doo yow tell me wher dothe she dwell thā? In ye same churche whiche I told you was nat all fy∣nyshyd, ther is a lytle chapell seelyd ouer with wodde, on ether syde a ly∣tle dore wher ye pylgrymes go tho∣row, ther is lytle light, but of ye tape∣res, with a fragrant smell. All these be mete for religyon. Ye Menedemus if you loke within you wyll say that it is a seate mete for sayntes, all thynges be so bright wt gold, syluer, and precyous stones. You almost moue me to go thy∣ther also. It shl nat repente you of your iornay. Spryngi∣the ther no holy oyle? I trowe you dote, that spryngythe nat but owt of the sepulchres of sayntes, as saynt Andrew, & saynt Katerē, owr lady was nat beried. I graūt I sayd amysse, but tell on your tale. So moche more as thay per∣sayue youre deuocyō, so moche lar∣ger reliques wyl thay shew to you. Ye and peraduēture that thay may haue larger offerynges, as is sayd that, many lytle offerynges makythe a heuy boxe. Her chaplen{is} be alway at hand. Be thay of ye Chanones? No, thay be nat permyttyd to be with her, lest that peraduenture by occasyon of that religyon, thay shuld be pluk∣kyd frome thayr owne religyō, and whylst thay kepe that virgyne, thay regard very lytle thayr awne vir¦gynyte, alonly in that inner chapell whiche is our ladyes preuy chābre, ther standithe a certayne Chanō at the autre. For what purpose? To receyue and kepe, yt whiche is offeryd. dothe any man gyue ayenst hys wyll. No, but ma∣ny men hathe suche a gentle sham∣fastnes, that thay wyll gyue some thynge to hym that standythe by, other thay wyll offre more largely, whiche that wold nat doo perauē∣ture if that he were absent, yt stan∣dithe there. You tell me of man∣nes affectiones, whiche I my selffe prouyd very ofte. Ye trewly there be some so gyuē to our blessyd lady, that whan thay apere to put∣vpe thayr handes to offre, with a {pro}∣pre cōuayance, thay stayl yt whiche other men hathe gyuen. Than lett no man be there; wyll nat oure Lady shote her thonderbowlte at suche. Wherfor shuld our lady rather doo so, than God hymselffe, whom thay be nat affrayd to pluke owt hys robes, & breake ye churche walles therfore. I am in a great doubt whether I shuld, ra∣ther maruayle apon thayre wykyd boldnes, or Goddys great gētlenes and longe sufferynge. Apō the Northe parte ther is a certayne gaate, but lest that you should make a lye, it is nat of the churche, but of the pale that compassithe a bowte the churche yarde, and that hathe a lytle wykyt, suche as be in great mennes gaates, that who so euer wyll entre, must fyrst putin hys leg∣ge, nat withowt some ioperdie, and than bowe downe hys hedde. It is ioperdie to goo thorow suche a dore, to a mannes enemye. So it is, the sexten dyd tell me that ther was ones a knyght whiche fleeynge hys enemye, than apro∣chynge, dyd ride thorow ye wykyte, and than the wretche dispayrynge in hym selffe, apon a soden motion, dyd commend hymselffe to ye blessyd virgyne, whiche was than at hand. But now commythe the myrakle. By and by that knyght was all in the churche yarde, and hys aduer∣sary was ragynge at the dore wt∣owte. And dyd he tell you so maruylous a myrakle for a trew∣the? No dowte. But I suppose that he could nat so lyghte∣ly doo that to you so a great a phi∣losopher. He dyd shewe to me in that same wykytte in a plate of coper, the ymage of the knyght fa∣stenyd with nayles and wt the same garmentes yt the Englishmen were wontyd to wayre at that tyme, as you may see in that olde pictures, whiche wylnat lye, Barbour{is} had but lytle lyuynge at that tyme: and dieres & websteres gotte but litle monay. Why so? For he had a berd like a goote, and his cote had neuer a plyte, & it was so litle, that with strayte gyrdynge it mayd hys body to apere lesse than it was. Ther was another plate, that was in quantyte and fourme like to a cheste. Well now it is nat to be doubtyd apō. Under ye wykyte ther was a grate of yrne, that no man cā passe theryn but a footemā, for it is nat conuenyent that any horsse shuld tread after apon y• pla∣ce, whiche the knyght dyd cōsecrate to owr lady. Nat withowt a good cause. Frome that parte toward the Este, there is a litle cha∣pell, full of maruayles and thyther I wēte, ther was I receyuyd of an∣other of our ladyes chaplenes, ther we knelyd downe, to make our litle prayeres. By & by, he broght for the the ioynte of a mannes fynger, the greatyste of thre, whiche I kyssyd, & askyd whose relyques thay were, he dyd say that thay were saynt Pe¦tres. What thapostle sayd I. Ye sayd he. Than I dyd better beholde the ioynte, whiche for hys greatenes myght well haue be a Gyātes ioyn¦te, rather than a mannes. Than sayd I, saynt Peter must nedys be a great man of stature. But at that word, ther was one of the gentlemē that stode by, that could not forbere lawghynge, for the whiche I was very sory. For if he had holden hys pease, we had sene all the relyques, yet we metely well pleasyd mayster Sextē, with gyuynge hym .ii. or .iij. grotes. Before that chapell there was a litle howsse, whiche he sayd ones in wynter tyme whan yt there was litle rowme to couer the reli∣ques, that it was sodenly broght & sett in that place. Under that house there was a couple of pittes, bothe fulle of water to the brynkys, and thay say that ye sprynge of thos pit∣tes is dedicate to our lady, that wa∣ter is very colde, and medycynable for the hede ake and that hartbur∣nynge. If that cold water wyll hele the paynes in the hede and sto∣make, than wyll oyle putowte fyre from hensforthe. It is a myra∣kle that I tell, good syr, orels what maruayle shuld it be, yt cowld water shuld slake thurste? This may well be one parte of your tale. Thay say that the fowntayne dyd sodenly sprynge owte of the erthe at the commaundement of our lady, & I dilygently examenynge althyn∣ges, dyd aske hym how many yeres it was sythe that howsse was so so∣denly broght thyther. Many yeres agone saythe he. Yet, sayde I, the wallys doo nat apere so old. He dyd nat denay it. No mor thes woden pyleres. He cowld nat denay but yt they were sette there nat longe a∣goo, and also the mater dyd playn∣ly testyfye ye same. Afterward, sayd I, thys roffe whiche is all of rede dothe apere nat to be very olde, & he grantyd also, thes greete bemes whiche lye ouerthwerte, and these rafteres that hold vpe that howsse were nat sett longe agone. He affyr∣myd my saynge. Well sayd I se∣ynge that no parte of the housse is lefte but all is new, how can yow say that this was the house whiche was broght hyther so longe agoo. I pray you how dyd the hows∣keper, auoyde hymselffe frome your argumēt. By & by he dyd shew to vs the mater by the skyne of a bayre whiche had hangyd be the rafteres alonge season, and dyd al∣most moke the symplenes of owre wyttes that could nat perceyue so manyfeste an argumēte we beynge perswadyd by this argument, askid pardon of our ignorance, and callid into our communycacyon the he∣uēly mylke of our lady. O how like to the sone is the mother, for he hath left to vs so moche blood here in erthe, & she so moche mylke, that a man wyl skarysly beleue a woman to haue so moche mylke of one chylde, in case the chyld shuld sukke none at all. Thay saye the same of the holy crosse, whiche is shewyd in so many places bothe openly, and pryuately, that if ye fra∣gmentes were gatheryd apon one heape, they wold apere to be a iuste fraghte for a shipe, and yet Christe dyd bere all his crosse hymselffe. But do nat you maruayll at this? It may welbe a strāge thynge, but no maruayle, seynge that the lord whiche dothe encreasse this at hys pleasure, is almyghty. It is very gently expowndyd, but I am afrayd, that many of thes be fay∣nyd for lukre. I suppose yt God wold nat suffre hymselffe to be delu∣dyd of suche a fasshion. Yis, Haue nat you sene that whā bothe the mother, the sone, the father, and the holy ghoste hathe be robbyd of thes sacrile gyous theues, that thay woldnat ones moue, or styre nother with bekke or crakke wherby thay myght fray away the theues. So great is the gentles of God. So it is, but here out me tale. This mylke is kepyd apon the hye aultre, and in the myddys ther is Christe, wt his mother apon hys ryght hand, for her honor sake, the mylke dothe represente the mother. It may be sene than? It is closyd in crystalle. It is moyste thā? What tell you me of moystenes, whā it was mylkyd more than a thow∣sand and fyue hunthrithe yere ago∣ne, it is so congelyd, that a mā wold saye that it were chalke temperyd with the whyte of a egge. Ye, but do thay sette it forthe bare? No, lest so holy mylke shuld be defowlyd with the kyssynge of men. You say well. For I suppose yt ther be many that kysse it, whiche be nother clene mouthyd, nor yet be pure virgynes. Whan ye sexten sawe vs, he dyd runne to the aultre, & put apon hym his surplese, & his stole about his nekke, knelyd downe relygyously, and worshipyd it, and streghtforthe dyd offre the mylke to vs to kysse. And at the ende of the aultre we knelyd downe deuoutly, & the fyrste of all we salutyd Christe, & than after we callyd apon our lady with thys prayer, whiche we had mayd redy for the same purpose. O mother & mayde, whiche dyd gyue sukke with thy virgynes teates the lorde of heuen and yerthe, thy sone Iesus Christe, we beynge puryfyed thorowe hys precyous blode, do de∣syre that we may attayne, and co∣me to that blessyd infancye of thy colombynes meknes, whiche is im∣maculate without malice, frawde, or diseyte, and with all affectyon of harte dothe couett and stody for the heuenly mylke of the euangelicall doctryne, to go for the and encrease with it into a perfaycte man, into the mesure of the plentefulnes of Christe, of whos cōpany thou haste the fruycyon, togyther with the fa∣ther, & the holy ghost for euermore, so be it. Uerely thys is a holy prayer. But what dyd she? Thay bothe bekkyd at vs, excepte my eyes waggyd, and me thought yt the mylke daunsyd. In the meanse∣son the sexten came to vs, withowt any wordes, but he held out a table suche as the Germanes vse to ga∣ther tolle apon bridges. By my trothe I haue cursyd very ofte su∣che crauynge boxes, whan I dyd ryde thorowe Germany. We dyd gyue hym certayne monay whiche he offeryd to our lady. Thā I axyd by a certayne yonge man, yt was well learnyd, whiche dyd ex∣pownde and tell vs the saynge of ye Sextē, hys name (as fere as I re∣membre) was Robert alderisse, by what tokenes or argumētes he dyd know that it was the mylke of owr lady. And that I very fayne, & for a good purpose desyred to knowe, yt I myght stope the mowthes of cer∣tayne newfanglyd felowes, that be wtyd to haue suche holy relyques in derysyon and mokage. Fyrst of all the Sexten wt a froward cown∣tenāce wold nat tell, but I desyryd the yong man to moue hym more instantly, but somwhat more gently he so courtesly behauyd hymselffe, yt and he had prayd owr lady herselffe after yt fashion, she wold nat haue be dysplesyd therwith. And thā this mystycall chapleyn, as and if he had be inspyryd with ye holy ghoste, castynge at vs a frounynge loke, as & if he wold haue shote at vs ye hor∣ryble thonderbolte of the greate curse, what nede you (saythe he) to moue suche questyones, whan yow see byfore your eyes so autentycall & old a table. And we were afrayd lest that he wold haue cast vs out of the churche for heretykes, but that oure monay dyd tempre hys grea, te furye. What dyd you in the meaneseason? What suppose you? We were amasyd as and if a man had stryke vs with a clube, or we had be slayne with a thonderclape, and we very lowly axid pardon of oure folishe bolde∣nes, and gote vs frome thens. For so must we entreate holy thynges. Frome thens we went in to ye how∣se where owre lady dwellithe, and whan we came there, we sawe an∣other Sexten whiche was but a noues, he lokyd famylarly as and if he had knowē vs, and whā we came a litle further in, we sawe another, yt lokyd moch after suche a fashion, at the last came the thyrd. Per∣auenture thay desyryd to descrybe you. But I suspecte another mater. What was it? There was a certayne theffe yt had stole almost all owr ladyes frontlet, and I supposyd yt they had me in su∣spycyon therof. And therfore whan I was within the chapell I mayd my prayers to ourlady after thys fashiō. Oh cheffe of all women Ma∣ry the mayd, most happy mother, moste pure virgyne, we vnclene, and synners, doo vysyte the pure & holy, and after our abylytye we haue of∣feryd vnto the, we pray thy that thy sone may grante this to vs, that we may folow thy holy lyffe, and that we may deserue thorow the grace of the holy ghoste, spirytualy to cō∣ceyue the lord Iesus Christ, & after that conceptyon neuer to be sepa∣rat frome hym, Amen. This done I kyssyd the aultre, and layd downe certayne grotes for myne offerynge and went my waye. What dyde our lady now, dyd nat she make one sygne, that you myght know that she had hard youre prayeres. The lyght (as I told you before) was but litle, and she stode at the ryght ende of the aultre in the der∣ke corner, at the last the commum∣catyō of the fyrst Sexten had so di∣scoregyd me, that I durst nat ones loke vpe with myne eyes. This pylgremage came but to smale ef∣fecte. Yes, it had a very good & mery ende. You haue causyd me to take harte of grasse, for (as Ho∣mere saythe) my harte was almost in my hose. Whan dynar was done, we returnyd to ye temple. Durfte you God & be susspecte of fe∣lonye? Perauenture so, but I had nat my selffe in suspiciō, a gylt∣les mynde puttythe away feare. I was very desyrous to see that table whiche the holy Sexten dyd open to vs. At the last we fownde it, but it was hāgyd so hye that very fewe could rede it. My eyes be of that fa∣shion, that I can nother be callyd Lin¦ceus ys abeaste so quike eyed yt it wyll see tho∣row a∣ny wallLinceus, nother purre blynd. And therefore I instantly desyryd Alldryge to rede it, whose redynge I folowyd with myne owne eyes, because I wold skarsly truste hym in suche a mater. Well, now all doubtes be discussyd. I was a∣shamyd that I doubtyd so moche, ye mater was so playne setforthe be∣fore oure eyes, bothe the name, the pace. the thynge it selffe as it was done, to be breffe, there was nothyn∣ge lefte owte. There was a mane whos name was Wylyam whiche was borne in Parise, a man very deuoute in many thyng{is}, but pryn∣cypally excedynge relygyous in searchynge forthe relyques of all sayntes thorowo wt all the worlde. He after that he had vysytyd many places, contrayes, and regyones, at the laste came to Cōstantynenople. For Wylhelmes brother was there byshope, whiche dyd make hym pry∣uy to a certayne mayde, whiche had professyd chastyte, that hadde parte of oure ladyes mylke, whiche were an excedynge precyous relyque, if that other with prayer, or monaye, or by any crafte it myghte be gotte. For all the reliques that he hadde gotte before were but tryfles to so holy ylke. Wyllyam wold nat rest there tyll that he had gotte halffe of that holy mylke, but whan he had it, he thoghte that he was richer than Croeseus. Why nat, but was it nat withowt any good hope? He went thā streght home, but in hys iornay he fell seke. Iesu there is nothynge in thys worlde yt is other permanent, or alwayes in good state. But whan he sawe & perceyuyd that he was in greate ioperdye of his lyffe, he callyd to him a frenchman, whiche was a very trusty companyon to hym in hys iornay. And commaundyd all to a∣uoyd the place, and make sylence, & pryuyly dyd betake to hym thys mylke, apon this condycyō, that if it chāsyd to come home saffe & sownde he shuld offre that precyous tre∣sure to our ladyes aultre in Paryse, whiche standythe in the myddys of the ryuere Sequana, whiche dothe apere to separat hymselffe to hnor and obaye our blessyd lady. But to make short tale. Wylyam is deade, & buryed, the Frenchman mayd hym redy to departe apon hys iornay, & sodēly fell seke also. And he in great dyspayre of amendynge, dyd com∣myth ye mylke to an Englishmā, but nat withowt great instance, and moche prayer he dyd that whiche he was mouyd to doo. Than dyed he. And ye other dyd take the mylke, and put it apon an aultre of ye same place the Chanones beynge presen∣te, whiche were yt as we call Re∣gulares. Thay be yet in the abbaye of saynt Genofeffe. But ye Englishmā obtaynyd the halffe of that mylke, & caryed it to Walsyngā in England, the holy ghost put suche in hys myn∣de. By my trothe this is a godly tale. But lest there shuld be any doubte of this mater, ye Bysho∣pes whiche dyd grante pardon to it thayre names be wryten there, as thay came to vysyte it, nat withowt thayre offerynges, and thay haue gyuen to it remyssyon, as moche as thay had to gyue by thayre autho∣rite. How moche is that? Fowrty dayes. Yee is there dayes in hell. Trewly ther is tyme. Ye but whan thay haue grā∣tyd all thayre stynte, thay haue no more to grante. That is nat so for whan one parte is gone another dothe encrease, and it chansythe dy∣uersly euyn as the tonne of anai∣dus. For that althoghe it be incon∣tynently fyllyd, yet it is alway em∣ptye: and if thou be takynge owt of it, yet there is neuer the lesse in the barell. If thay grāte to an hun∣derithe thowsand mē fowrty dayes of pardone, shuld euery man haue elyke? No doubte of that. And if any haue forty byfore dynar, may he axe other forty at after sou∣er, is there any thynge lest than to gyue him? Ye, & if thou aske it tentymes in one howre. I wold to God that I had suche a pardon bagge, I wold aske but .iij. grotes, and if thay wold flowe so faste. Ye but you desyre to be to ryche, if yt you myght for wyshynge, but I wyl turne to my tale, but there was so∣me good holy man whiche dyd gyue this argumente of holynes to that mylke, and sayd that our Ladyes mylke whiche is in many other pla∣ces, is precyous & to be worshipyd, but thys is moche more precyous, & to be honoryd, bycause the other was shauen of stones, but this is the same that came out of the virgynes brest. How kno you that? The mayd of Cōstantynople, which dyd gyue it, dyd saye so. Pera∣uenture saynt Barnard dyd gyue it to her. So I suppose. For whā he was an old man, yet he was so happy yt he sukkyd of y• same mylke, that Iesus hymselffe sukkyd apon. But I maruayle why he was rather callyd a hony sukker than a mylke sukker. But how is it callyd oure ladyes mylke that came neuer owt of her breste? Yes it came owt at her breste, but perauenture it light apon the stone yt he whiche sukkyd knelyd apon, and ther was receyuyd, and so is encreasyd, & by ye wyll of god is so multyplyed. It is wel sayd. Whan we had sene all thys, whyle that we were walkynge vpe & downe, if that any thynge of valure were offeryd, so yt any body were present to see thaym ye Sextens mayd great haste for fe∣are of crafty cōuayēce, lokynge apō thaym as thay wold eate thaym. Thay poynte at hym with there fynger, thay runne, thay goo, thay come, thay bekke one to an other, as tho thay wold speake to thaym that stand by if thay durste haue be bold. Were you afrayd of no∣thynge there? Yis I dyde loke apō hym, lawghynge as who shold saye I wold me hym to speke to me, at ste he cam to me, and aid me what was my name, I told him. He axid me if yt were nat I that dyd hange vpe there a table of y vowe writen in Hebrew, with i .ij. yere before. I confessi that it was ye same. Cā you wryte hebrewe? No but all that thay cānat vnderstond, thay suppose to be He∣brewe. And than (I suppose he was send for) came the posterior pryor. What name of worshipe is yt? Haue thay nat an abbate? No Why so? For thay cannat speake Hebrew. Haue thay nat a Bishope? No. What is ye cause? For oure lady is nat as yet so ryche, that she is able to bye a crosse, & a mytre, whiche be so deare, Yet at least haue thay nat a pre∣sedente? No veryly. What let∣tythe thaym? That is a name of dignyte and nat of relygyō. And also for that cause suche abbayes of Chanones, doo nat receyue the name of an abbate, thay doo call thaym maysters? Ye, but I ne∣uer hard tell of pryor posterior be∣fore. Dyd you neuer learne youre grāmere before. Yis I know prior posterior amōgst the fy∣gures. That same is it. It is he that is nexte to the prioure, for there priour is posterior. You speake apon the supprioure. That same dyd entertayne me ve∣ry gently, he told me what greate labure had be abowt ye readynge of thos verses, & how many dyd rub∣be thayr spectakles abowt thaym. As oft as any old ancyent doctor other of deuynyte or of the lawe, re∣sortyd thyder, by and by he was broght to that table, some sayd yt thay were lettres of Arabia, some sayd thay were faynyd lettres. Well at the last came one that redde the tytle, it was wryten in laten with greate Romayne lettres, ye Greke was wryten with capytale lettres of Greke, whiche at the fyrst syght do apere to be capytale latē lettres, at thayr desyer I dyd expownde ye verses in laten, trāslatynge thaym word for word. But whā thay wold haue gyuyn me for my labour, I re¦fusyd it, seynge that ther was nothynge so hard that I wold not doo for our blessyd ladyes sake, ye thogh she wold commaūd me to bere this table to Hierusalē. What nede you to be her caryoure, seynge that she hathe so many angelles bothe at her hedde and at her fette. Than he pullid owt of hys pure a pece of wodde, that was cutt owte of the blokke that our ladye lenyd apon. I perceyuyd by and by tho∣row the smell of it, that it was a ho∣ly thynge. Than whan I sawe so greate a relyque, putt of my cappe, and feldowne flatte, & very deuout∣ly kyssyd it .iij. or .iiij tymes, poppyd it in my pursse. I pray you may a man see it? I gyue you good leue. But if you be nat fastynge, or if you accompanyed with yowre wyffe the nyght before, I conceyle you nat to loke apon it. O bles∣sed arte thou that euer thou gotte this relyque. I may tell you in cowncell, I wold nat gyue thys litle pece for all ye gold that Tagus hathe, I wyll sett it in gold, but so yt it shall apere thorow a crystall sto∣ne. And than the Supprioure whā he sawe that I dyd take the relyque so honorably, he thoght it shuld nat be lost, in case he shuld shew me greater mysteries, he dyd aske me whether I hadde euer sene our la∣dyes secretes, but at that word I was astonyed, yet I durst nat be so so bold as to demande what thos secretes were. For in so holy thyn∣ges, to speake a mysse is no small danger. I sayd that I dyd neuer se thaym, but I sayd that I wold be very glade to see thaym. But now I was broght in, and as I had be inspired with the holy ghost, than thay lyghtyd a couple of taperes, & setforthe a litle ymage, nat coury∣ously wroght, nor yet very gor∣geous, but of a meruelous tue. That litle body hathe smale powre to worke myrakles. I saw saynt Christopher at Parise, nat a carte¦lode, but as moche as a greate hy∣le yet he neuer dyd myrakles as farre as euer I herd telle. At our ladyes fette there is a precyous stone, whos name as it is nother in Greke nor Laten. The Frenchemā gaue it the name of a tode, bycause it is so like, that no man (althoghe he be conynge) can set it forthe mo∣re lyuely. But so moche greater is the myrakle, that the stone is litle, the fourme of the tode dothe nat a∣pere, but it shynythe as it were en∣closyd within that precyous stone. Perauenture they ymagyne ye symylytude of a tode to be there, euyn as we suppose whan we cutte ye fearne stalke there to be an egle, and euyn as chyldren (whiche they see nat indede) in ye clowdes, thynke they see dragones spyttynge fyre, & hylles flammynge with fyre, & ar∣myd mē encownterynge. No, I wold you shuld know it, there is no lyuynge tode that more euydēt∣ly dothe expresse hymselffe than it dyd there playnly apere. He∣therto I haue sufferyd thy lyes, but now get the another what wyll be∣leue the, thy tale of a tode. No maruayle Menedemus thogh you be so disposyd, for all the world can∣not make me to beleue yt, not & all doctoures of dyuynyte wold swere it were trewe. But that I sawe it with myne eyes, ye with thes same eyes, dyd I proue it. But in ye mean∣seson me thynke you regard natu∣rall phylosophye but litle. why so, because I wyll nat beleue ye aes flye? An do you nat se, how na∣ture the worker of all thynges, do∣the so excell in expressynge ye fourme bewty, & coloure of thaym maruy∣lously in other thynges, but pryn∣cypaly in precyous stones? moreo∣uer she hathe gyuen to ye same sto∣nes wonderouse vertu and strēkthe that is almost incredyble, but that experience dothe otherwyse testy∣fye. Tell me, do you beleue that a Adam and stone wold drawe vn∣to him stele wtowt any towchynge therof, and also to be se{per}ate frome him ayen of hys owne accorde, ex∣cepte that yow had sene it with yowre eyes. No verely, nat and if .x. Arystoteles wold perswade me to the cōtrarye. Therfore by∣cause you shuld nat say thys were a lye, in case you here any thynge, whiche you haue not sene prouyd. In a stone callyd Ceraunia we see ye fashon of lightnynge, in the stone Pyropo wyldfyre, Chelazia dothe expresse bothe the coldnes and the fourme of hayle, and thoghe thou cast in to the hote fyre, an Emrode, wyll expresse the clere water of the seye. Carcinas dothe counterfay∣te ye shape of a crabfish. Echites of the serpente vyper. But to what purpose shuld I entreat, or inuesty∣gate the nature of suche thynges whiche be innumerable, whā there is no parte of nature nor in the ele∣mentes, nother in any lyuynge cre∣ature, other in planetes, or herbes ye nature euyn as it were all of plea∣sure, hathe not expressyd in precy∣ous stones? Doo yow maruayle thā yt in thys stone at owre ladies fote, is the fourme and fashon of a tode? I maruayle that nature shuld haue so moche lesure, so to coun∣terfayt the nature of althynges. It was but to exercyse, or oc∣cupye the curyosytye of mannes wytte, and so at the lest wyse to ke∣pe vs frome ydlenes, and yet as thoghe we had nothynge to passe ye tyme with all, we be in maner made apon foles, apon dyesse, and crafty iogeleres. You saye very truthe. There be many men of no smale grauytye, that wyll say thys kynd of stones, if that you put it in vynagre, it wyll swyme, thoge you wold thruste it downe with vio¦lence. Wherfore do thay sette a tode byfore our lady? Bycause she hathe ouercome, trode vnderfo∣te, abolyshyd all maner of vnclen∣nes, poysō, pryde, couytousnes, and all wordly affectyones that raygne in man. Woo be to vs, that ha∣ue so many todes in owre hartes. We shalbe purgyd frome thaym all, if we dylygētly worshipe owre lady. How wold she be worshipyd. The most aepta∣ble honor, that thou canste to her is to folowe her lyuynge. You haue told all atones. But this is hard to brynge to pass. You saye truthe, but it is an excellene thynge. But go to, and tell on as you begane. After thys to come to owre purpose, the Suppri∣oure shewyd to me ymages of gold and syluer, and sayd, thes be pure gold, and thes be syluer and gyltyd, he told the pryce of euery one of thaym, and the patrone. Whan I wonderyd, reioysynge of so marue∣louse ryches, as was abowt our la∣dy, than saythe the Sextē bycause I percayue, that you be so vertu∣ously affecte, I suppose it greate wronge, to hyde any thynge frome you, but now you shall see the pry∣uytyes of our lady, and than he pul∣lyd owt of the aultre a whole world of maruayles, if I shuld tell you of all, a whole daye wold nat suffyse, & so thys pylgremage chansyd to me most happy. I was fyllyd euyn full withe goodly syghts, and I brynge also with me this wonderous rely∣que, whiche was a tokē gyuen to me frōe our lady. Haue you nat it prouyd, what valewre your woden relyque is on? Yis, yt I haue, in a certayne Inne within thys thre dayes, ther I fownde a certayne man yt was bestraght of hys wytte, whiche shuld haue be bownde, but thys woden relyque was put vnder hys nekke pryuyly, wherapon he gad a sadde and sownd sleape, but in the mornynge he was hole and sownde as euer he was before. It was nat the phrenysy, but the dronkē dropsye, sleape ys wontyd to be a good medicyne for yt dysease. Whā you be dysposyd to skoffe Menedemus, yt ys best yt you gette a nother maner of gestynge stokke than thys, for I tell you it is nother good nor holsome, to bowrde so wt sayntes. For thys same mā dyd say, that a woman dyd apere to hym, in hys sleape, after a maruelouse fashion, whiche shold gyue hym a cuppe to drynke apon. I sup∣pose it wasElle∣borum wyll re∣store a man to hys sen¦ses that hathe lost thē. Elleborū. That is vncertayne, but I kno well yt mā was well broght into hys mynde ayen. Dyd you other come or goo by Sante Thomas of Cantor∣bury that good archebishope. What els / there ys no pylgremage more holy. I wold fayne here of yt, and I shold nat trouble you. I pray you here, & take good hedd. Kente ys callyd that parte of England, yt buttythe apon Fraūce and Flanders, the cheffe cytye there of ys Cantorburye, in yt there be ij. Abbayes, bothe of thaym be of Sa∣ynte Benedyct{is} ordre, but yt which ys callyd Saynte Augustyn{is} dothe apere to be the oldre, that whiche ys callyd now Saynte Thomas dothe apere to haue be the Arche∣byshope of Cantorburys see, where as he was wontyd to lyue wt a sorte of monkes electe for hym selffe, as Byshopes now adayes be wontyd to haue thayr howses nye vnto the churche, but aparte frome other ca¦non{is} howses. In tymes paste bothe Byshopes & Chanones were won∣tyde to be monkes, as may be pla∣ynly prouyd by many argumentes. The churche which ys dedycate to Saynte Thomas, dothe streche vpe apon heght so gorgeously, that it wyll moue pylgrymes to deuoci∣on a ferre of, and also withe hys bryghtnes and shynynge he dothe lyght hys neybures, & the old place whiche was wontyd to be most ho∣ly, now in respecte of it, is but a dar∣ke hole and a lytle cotage. There be a couple of great hye toures, which doo seme to salute strangeres afer∣re of, and thay dow fyll all the con∣tray abowt bothe farre and nere, wt the sownde of great belles, in the fronte of the temple, whiche is apō the southe syde, there stand grauen in a stone thre armyd men, whiche with thayr cruell handes dyd sleye the most holy saynte Thomas, and there is wryten thayr surnames Tracy, Breton, and Beryston. I pray you wharfore doo thay suf∣fer thos wykyd knyghtes be so had in honoure. Euyn suche honor is gyuen to thaym as was gyuē to Iudas, Pylate, and Caiphas, & to the compay of the wykyd so wdye∣res, as you may se payntyd in the tables that be sett byfore aultres. Thayr surnames be put to lest any man hereafter shuld vsurpe any cause of thayr prayse. Thay be payntyd byfore mennes eyes, by∣cause that no cowrtyer after thys shuld laye violēt hanes other apō Byshopes, or the churche goodes. For thes thre of this garde strayght aon that wykyd acte, wente starke madde, nor thay had neuer had thayr mynde ayen, but that thay prayd to blessyd saynt Thomas. O blessyd pacyence of suche marty∣res. At our entre in, lord what a pryncely place dyd apere vnto vs, where as euery mā that wyll may goo in. Is there no maruayle to be sene. Nothynge but the greate wydnes of the place, and a sorte of bokes, yt be bownde to pyle∣res wherein is the gospell of Nico∣demus, and I cannat tell whos se∣pulkre. What than? Thay do so dylygētly watche lest any mā shulde entre in to the quere of yron, that thay wyll skarsly fuffre a man to loke apon it, whiche is betwyxte the greate churche & the hye quere (as thay calle it) a man that wyll go thyther must clyme vp many stay∣res byfore, vndre the whiche there is a certayne wykyt with a barre yt openythe the dore apon the northe syde. There standythe forthe a cer∣tayne aultre whiche is dedycate to our lady, it is but a lytleone, and I suppose set there for no other pur∣pose, but to be a olde monumēt or sygne, that in thos dayes there was no greate superfluyte. There thay saye that thys blessyd martyr sayd his last good nyght to our lady, whā he shuld departe hensse. In ye aultre is the poynte of the sword that sty∣ryd abowt the braynes of thys bles∣syd martyr. And there lye his bray∣nes shed apon the yerthe, wherby you may well knowe yt he was nere deade. But the holly ruste of thys grat I deuoutly kyssyd for loue of ye blessyd martyr. From thens we wēt vndre the crowdes, whiche is nat withowt hys chaplaynes, & there we sawe the brayne panne of that holy martyr whiche was thraste quyte thorow, all the other was co∣ueryd with syluer, the ouerparte of the brayne panne was bare to be kyssyd, and there with all is sethfor∣the a certayn leden table hauynge grauyd in hym a tytle of saynte Thomas of Acrese. There hange also the sherte of heyre, & hys gyr∣dle with hys heren breches where with that noble champyō chastnyd hys body, thay be horryble to loke apon, and greatly reproue oure de∣lycate gorgeousnes. Ye perauē∣ture so thay do the mōkes sloteful∣nes. As for that mater I cā∣nat affyrme nor yet denye, nor yet it is no poynte of my charge. Ye saye truthe. Frome thens we returnyd in to the quere, & apon ye northe syde be ye relyques shewyd, a wonderouse thynge to se, what a sort of bones be broght forthe, skul∣les, iawes, thethe, handes, fyngres, hole armes, whā we had worshipyd thaym all, we kyssyd thaym, that I thoght we shuld neuer haue mayd an ende, but that my pylgremage felow whiche was an vnmete com∣panyon for suche a busynes, prayd thaym to make an end of sethynge forthe thayre relyques. What felowe was that? He was an Englyshmā callyd Gratiane colte a man bothe vertuouse and well learnyd, but he had lesse affectyon toward pylgremages than I wold that he shuld haue. One of Wy∣clyffes scoleres I warrante you? I thynke nat, althoghe he hadde redde hys bokes, how he ca∣me by thaym I cannattell. He dysplesyd mayster. Sextē greuofly. Thā was there broght forthe an arme whiche had yet the redde fleshe apon it, he abhorryd to kysse it, a man myght se by hys counte∣nance that he was nothynge well pleasyd, & than by and by mayster Sexten put vp hys relyques. But than we lokyd apō the table whiche was apō the aultre, and all hys gor∣geousnes, aftrewarde thos thyng{is} that were hydde vnder the aultre. ther was nothynge but riches exce∣dynge, a man wold accompte both Midas and Cresus beggers in re∣specte of thos riches that ther was sett abrode. Was ther no more kyssynge thē? No, but an other affection and desyre came apō me. What was that? I syghed yt I had no suche relyques at home. Oh a wycked desyre & an euyl thought I graunt, and therefore I axyd, forgyfnes of Saynt Tho¦mas before I remouyd one fote, to departe out of the churche. After thes thus we were brought in to ye reuestry, o good lorde what a goodly syght was ther of vestmētes of vel∣uet & clothe of golde, what a some of candlestykes of gold? We sawe ther saynt Thomas crosse staffe, ther was seē also a rede ouerlayed with syluer, it was but of a smalle wyght, vnwrought, nor no longer then wold retch vnto a mans myd∣gle. Was ther no crosse? I sawe none at all, ther was shewed vs a robe of sylke treuly, but sowed with cowrse threde, garnysshyd wt nother gold nor stone. Ther was also a napkyn full of swette blody, wher with saynt Thomas wypyd bothe hys nose and hys face, these thynges as monumētes of auncy∣ent sobernes we kyssed gladely. Be not these thynges showed to e∣uery body? No for sothe good syr. How happened it that you were in so good credens, that no se∣cret thynges were hyd frome you? I was well acquyntede with the reuerende father Gwylyame warham the archbyshope. He wro∣te .ij. Or .iij. wordes in my fauour. I here of many that he is a mā of syngler humanite. But ra∣ther thou woldest call hym huma∣nite it selfe if thou dydest well know hym. For ther is in hym soche ler∣nynge, so vertuouse lyffe, soche pu∣renes of maneres, that a mā cowld wyshe no gyfte of a {per}fayte Byshope in him, that he hathe nat. Frome thens afterward we were ladde to greater thynges. For behyndethe hyghe aultre, we ascēdyd as it we∣re in to a nother new churche, ther was shewed vs in a chapell the face of the blessed man ouergylted and with many precyous stones goodly garnysshed. A soden chaunse here had almost marred the matter and put vs out of conceyte. I tary to knowe what euyl chaunse yow wyll speke of. Here my compa∣nyō Gratiā gote hym lytle fauoure, for he, after we had mad an ende of praynge, inquyred of hym that sate by the hede, herke, he seyd, good fa∣ther, is it true that I here, yt saynt Thomas whyl he it lyued was mer¦cyfull toward ye poer people? That is very true saythe he, and he begā to tell greatly of his liberalyte and compassyon that he shewede to the poer and nedy. Then sayd Gratiā: I thynke that affection and good mynd in him not to be chaungyde, but yt it is now moche better. Unto this graunted ye keper of the hede, agayn sayd he, then in as moche as thys holy man was so gratyouse vnto ye poer, whan he was yet poer, & he hym selfe had nede of monay for ye necessarys of hys body, thynke ye nat that he wold be contēt, now that he is so ryche, and also nedethe nothynge, that if a poer womā ha∣uynge at home chylderne lakynge mete and drynke, or els doughters beynge in danger to lose ther virgi∣nite, for defaute of ther substaunce to mary them with, or hauynge her husbande fore syke, and destitute of all helpe, in case she askyd yns, & pryuyly stole a way a small porcy∣on of so greate riches, to sukkre her how shold, as and if she shold haue it of one that wold other leane, or gy∣ue it to herre? And whan he wold nat answere that epyd the golden hedde, Gracyane, as he is somwhat hasty, I, saythe he, doo suppose playnly, that this holy man wold be gladde, yf yt he, now beynge deade, myght sustayne the necesiye of po∣re people. But there mayster par∣sone begone to frowne, & byte hys lyppe, with hys holowe eyes lyke to A mōster yt hathe snakes for hea∣res a∣pon her hedde.Gorgone ye monstre to luke apō vs. I doo not dowbte he wold haue cast vs out of the temple, and spytte apō vs, but that he dyd knowe that we were comendyd of the archeby∣shope. But I dyd somwhat mytty∣gate the manes ire, with my fayre wordes, saynge that Gratiane dyd nat speake as he thoghte, but that he gestyd as he was wontyd to doo, and stoppyd hys mouthe with a fewe pens. Treuly I do greatly alow your goodly fashion, but oftentymes ernestly I cōsyder, by what meaynes they may be acō∣pted without faute & blame, that bestow so moche substance in buyl∣dyng churchys, in garnysshynge, and enrychynge them without all mesure. I thynke as touchyng the holy vestmentes, & the syluer plate of the temple ther ought to be gy∣uyn, to the solempne seruys, hys dygnyte and comlynes, I wyll also that the buyldyng of the churche shall haue hys maiesty decent and conuenyent. But to what purpose seruyth so many holy water pottes, so many cādlestyckes, so many yma¦ges of gold. What nede there so ma∣ny payre of organes (as thay call them) so costely & chargeable? For one payre can not serue vs: what profyteth ye musicall criynge out in the temples yt is so derely bought and payed for, whan in the meane∣seson our brothers and systers the lyuely temples of Christe liynge by the walles / dye for hungre & colde. Ther is no vertuouse or wyse man, that wold nat desyre a meane to be hadde in thes thynges. But in as moche as thys euyl is growen and spronge vp of superstityon be∣yond mesure, yet may it better be sufferde, specially when we confy∣der on the other syde the euyll con∣science and behauyor of them that robb the churchys of whatso euer iuellys ther may be founde, thes ry∣ches were gyuen in a maner great men, & of pryncys, the whiche they wold haue bestowede vpon a worse vse, that is to say other at the dyce or in the warres. And if a man take any thynge from thense. Fyrst of all it is taken sacrylege, then they hold ther handes that were accustomed to gyfe, besyde that morouer they be allured & mouyde to robbynge & vaynynge. Therfore thes mene be rather the kepers of thys treasures thē lordes. And to speake a worde for all, me thynket it is a better syght to beholde a temple rychely adourned, as ther be some with ba∣re wolles, fylthy and euyl fauorde, more mete for stables to put horses then churches for Chrysten people. Yet we rede that Byshopes in tymes paste were praysede and cō∣mended bycause they solde the ho∣ly vesseles of theyr churches, and wt that money helped and releued the nedy and poure people. Thay be praysede also now in our tyme, but thay be praysed onely, to folow ther doynge (I suppose) thay may not, nor be any thynge dysposede. I interrupte and lett yowr cō∣munycatyon. I loke now for the cō¦clusyon of ye tale. Gyffe audy∣ence, I wyll make an ende shortly. In the meane seson comyth forthe he that is the cheffe of them all. Who is he? the abbot of the place? He werythe a mytre, he may spend so moche as an abbot, he wā¦ted nothynge but ye name, and he is called prior for this cause tharche∣byshope is takē in the abbotes sted. For in old tyme who so euer was archbyshope of ye dyocese, the same was also a monke. In good faythe I wold be content to be na∣myde a Camelle, if I myght spende yerely the rentes and reuennes of an abbot. Me semede he was a man bothe vertuous and wyse, and not vnlearnede Duns diuinite. He opened the shryne to vs in whiche ye olle body of the holy mā, thay say, dothe rest and remayne. Dydste thou see hys bones. That is not conuenient, nor we cowld not come to it, except we sett vp laders, but a shryne of wod couerede a shry¦ne of gold, when that is drawne vp with cordes, thā apperith treasure and riches inestimable. What do I here? the vilest part and worst was golde, all thynges dyd shyne, florishe, and as it were with lyght∣nynge appered with precyouse sto∣nes and those many and of great mltitude: some were greater than a gowse egge. Dyuerse of ye monk{is} stode ther aboute with greate re∣uerence, the couer takyn a way, all we kneled downe and worshyped. The pryor wt a whyte rodde showed vs euery stone, addynge therto the frenche name, the value, & the au∣tor of the gyfte, for the cheffe stonys were sent thyther by great prynces. He ought to be a man of an excedyng witt & memory. You gesse well, how beit exercyse & vse helpeth moche, for euyn the same he dothe oftentymes. He brought vs agayne in to the crowdes. Our la∣dy hathe ther an habitacyon, but somwhat darke, closed rownde a∣boute with double yren grat{is}. What feared the? Nothinge I trow, except theues. For I saw ne∣uer any thing more laden with ri∣ches synse I was borne of my mo∣ther. You show vnto me blinde ryches. Whē they brought vs candell{is} we saw a sight passynge ye ryches of any kynge. Dothe it excede our lady of walsyngā? To loke vpō this, is richer, the secret tresure she knoweth her selfe, but this is not , but to great men, or tospecy all frendes. At the last we were brought agayne in to the reueitry, there was taken out a cofer couered with blacke lether, it was sett downe apon the table, it was sett open, by and by euery body kneled downe and worshipyd. What was in it? Certayne tor∣ne ragges of lynnen clothe, many hauynge yet remaynynge in them the token of the fylthe of the holy mannes nose. With thes (as they say) saynt Thomas dyd wype a way the swett of hys face or hys neke, ye fylthe of hys nose, or other lyke fyl∣thynes with whiche mannes body dothe abownde. Then my compa∣nyon Gratian, yet ones agayn, got hym but smalle fauour. Unto hym an Englyshe man and of famyly are acquayntenance and besyde that, a man of no smalle authorite, the Prior ga gentylly one of the lynnē ragges, thynkynge to haue gyuen a gyfte very acceptable & pleasaunt, But Gratian there with lyttle plea¦sede and content, not with out an euydent synge of dyspleasure, toke one of them betwene hys fyngers, and dysdaynyngly layd it down a∣gayne, made a mocke and a mow at it, after the maner of puppettes, for thys was hys maner, if any thyng lykede hym not, yt he thought worthy to be despysede. Wher at I was bothe ashamed and wonde∣rously afrayed. Notwithstondynge the Prior as he is a man not at all dull wytted, dyd dyssemble the mat∣ter, & after he had caused vs drinke a cuppe of wyne, gentylly he let vs departe. When we came agayne to London. What shuld ye do at London: seynge ye were not farre from the see cot, to seale in to yowr cuntre? It is true. But that see cost I refused and gladely dyd fle from it, as from a place that is noted and more euyl spoken of it, for robbyng. stelynge, and vntrue dealynge, then is of dangerouse io∣perdy in the see, be that hyll Malea wher many shyppes be drowned & vtterly destroyed for euer. I wyll tell the what I dyd se the last pass∣ge, at me commynge ouer. We were many caryed in a bote frome Calys shore to go to the shyppe. Amongest vs all was a pour yōge mā of Fraū∣ce, and barely appayrelled. Of hym he demauded halfe a grote. For so moche thay dow take and exacte of euery one for so smalle a way ro∣wynge. He allegede pouerty, then for ther pastyme thay searched hym, plucked of hys shoes, and betwene the shoo and the soule, thay fownde x. or .xij. grotes, thay toke thē from hym laughyng at the mater: mock∣ynge and scornyng the poer & myse∣rable Frenchman. What dyd ye fellow than? What thyng dyd he? He wept. Whether dyd they thys by any authoryte? Suer¦ly by the same authoryte that thay steyle and pycke straungers males and bowgettes, by the whiche they take a way mennes pursys, it they se tyme and place conuenyent. I meruayll that they dare be so bold to doo soch a dede, so many lo∣kynge vpon them. They be so accustomed, that they thynk it well done. Many that were in the shyp lokede owt and sawe it also, in the bote were dyuerse Englyshe mar∣chauntes, whiche he grudged agaynst it, but all in vayne. The botemē as it had ben a tryflyng mater reiosed and were glade that they had so ta∣ken and handelyd the myserable Frenchman. I wold play and sporte with these see theues, & han∣ge them vpon the gallowes. Yet of such both the shores swarme full. Here tell me, I pray the. What wyll great mē do, whē theues take vpō them to enterpryse soch maste∣rys. Therfore, her after I had leuer go fourty myllys aboute, thē to go yt way, thoffe it be moche shorter. Morouer euyn as ye goynge downe to hell, is easy and leyght, but ye cō∣mynge frome thens of greate dyf∣fyculty, so to take shyppynge of this syde the see, is not very easy, and the landynge very hard & dangerouse. Ther was at London dyuerse ma∣ryners of Antwerpe, with them I purposed to take thesee. Hathe that cūtre so holy maryners? As an ape is euer an ape, I graūte, so is a maryner euer a maryner: yet if thou compare them vnto these, yt lyfe by robbynge, and pyllynge and pollynge, they be angelles. I will remembre thy saynge, if at any tyme I be dysposed to go and se Englāde. But come agayne in to ye waye, frome whens I broght the owt. Then as we whent to∣ward London not farre from Can∣terbury, we came in to a great hol∣low and strayt way, morouer bow∣yng so downe, with hyllys of eyther syde, that a man can not escape, nor it cannot be auoyed, but he must nedes ryde that way. Upō the lefte hand of the way, ther is an almes howse for olde people, frome them runnyth on owt, as sone as they here a horseman commynge, he casteth holy water vpon hym, and anone he offereth hym the ouer le∣ther of a shoo bownde abowte with an yerne whope, wherin is a glasse lyke a precyouse stone, they yt kysse it gy a pece of monay. In soche a way I had leuer haue an almes howse of olde folkes, then a compa∣ny of stronge theues. Gratian rode vpon my lefte hande nerer the almes howse, he caste holy water vpon hym, he toke it in worthe so so. When the shoo was proferred hym, he asked what he ment by it, saythe he, it is saynt Thomas shoo. There at he fumed and was very angry, & turned toward me: what (saythe he) meane these bestes, that wold haue vs kysse ye shoes of euery good man? Why doo they not lyke wyse gyue vs to kysse the spottel, & other fylthe & dyrt of the body? I was so∣ry for the old mā, & gaue hym a pece of money to cōforthe hym with all. In myn opynyō Gratian was noe all to gether angry with owt a good cause. If shoes and slyppers were kept for a tokē of sobre lyuyn∣ge, I wold not be moch dyscontent ther wt, but me thynk{is} it is a shame¦full fashyon for shoes, slyppers, and breches to be offered to kysse to any man. If some wold do it by there owne fre wyll, of a certene affectyō of holynes, I thynke they were whorthy of pardon. It were better not to thes thynges, if I may say as I thynke, yet owt of thes thynges that cannat forthwith he amended, it is my maner if ther be any goodnes theryn, to take it out, and apply it to the best. In ye mean∣seson that contemplacyō and sight delited my mynde, that a good mā is lykened to a shepe, an euyll man to a venemouse best. The serpent after she is dede, cā stynge no more, notwithstondyng with her euyll sa∣uour and poyson she infecteth and corruptyth other. The shepe as lōge as she is a lyue norrysheth with her mylke, clothet with her wolle, ma∣kyth riche with her lambes, when she is deade she gyueth vs good and profytable lether, and all her body is good meat. Euen so, cruell men, gyuen all to the world, so longe as they lyue be vnprofitable to all mē, when they be deade, what with ryngyng of bellys, and pompyouse funeralles they greue them that be on lyue, and often tymes vexe ther successours with new exactyones. Good men of the other syde at all assais be profytable to all men, and hurtfull to noo man. As thys holy man, whyle he was yet alyue, by hys good example, hys doctryne, his goodly exhortatyons prouokyd vs to vertuouse lyuynge, he dyd cōfort the cōforthlesse, he helped ye poure, ye and now that he is deade, he is in a maner more profytable. He ha∣the buylded thys costly & gorgeouse churche, he hath caused greate au∣thoryte thorough out all Englande vnto the ordre and presthode. At ye last, thys pece of the show dothe su∣steyne a company of poure people. Thys is of my faythe a godely cōtemplacyō, but I maruayll great¦ly, seyng you ar thus mynded, that ye neuer dyd vysyte saynt Patryc∣kes purgatory in Yerlande, of the whiche the comyn people boost ma∣ny wonderouse thynges, whiche se∣me to me not lyke to be true. Of a suerty ther is not so merue∣louse talkynge of it here, but the thynge it selffe doth fare excede. Hast thou bene ther than, & gonne thorow saynt Patryckes prgato∣ry? I haue saylede ouer a ry∣uer of hell, I went downe vnto the gates of hell, I saw what was dōe ther. Thou dost me a greate pleasure, if thou wyll wotsaue to tell me. Lett this be the prohe∣my or begynnynge of owr commu∣nycatyon, longe enough as I sup∣pose. I wyll gett me home, & cause my souper to be made redy, for I am yet vndynede. Why haue you not yet dyned? is it bycause of holynes? Noo of a truthe, but it is bycause of enuy and euyll will. Owe ye euyll wyll to yowr be∣ly? No, but to the couetyse ta∣uerners euer catchynge and snat∣chynge the whiche when they wyll not sett afore a man that is mete & conuenyent, yet they are not afear∣de to take of straūgers that, whiche is bothe vnright and agaynst good consciens. Of thys fashyō I am a∣customed to be auengede vpon thē. If I thynke to fare well at souper other with myne acquayntauns, or with some host somwhat an honest man, at dyner tyme I am sycke in my stomacke, but if I chaunce to fare after myne appetyte at dyner, before souper also I begynne to be well at ease in my stomacke. Are ye not ashamede to be taken for a couetouse fellow & a nygerde? Menedeme they that make cot of shame in soche thynges, be∣leue me, bestow theyr money euyll. I haue lerned to kepe my shame for other purposys. Now I longe for the rest of yowr communycacy∣on, wherfore loke to haue me yowr geste at souper, where ye shall tell it more conuenyently. For sothe I thanke you, that ye offere yowr selfe to be my gest vndesyred, when many hertely prayed refuse it, but I wyll gyue yow double thankes, if ye wyll soupe to day at home. For I must passe that tyme in doynge my dewty to my howsehold. But I haue counsell to eyther of vs moche more profytable. To morrow vnto me and my wyfe, prepare our dy∣ner at yowr howse, then and if it be to souper tyme, we wyll not leyue of talkynge, vntyll you say that ye are wery, and if ye wyll at souper also we wyll not forsake you. Why claw you your hede? prepare for vs in good fayth we wyll come. I had leuer haue no tales at all. Well go to, you shall haue a dyner, but vnsauery, except you spyce it with good & mery tles. But here you, are ye not mouyd and styrrede in your mynde, to take vpon yow these pylgremages? Perauen∣ture it wyll sett me a fyre, after ye haue told me the resydew, as I am now mynded, I haue enough to do with my statyons of Rome. Of Rome, that dyd neuer see Ro∣me? I wyll tell you, thus I go my statyons at home, I go in to the parler, and I se vnto the chastly∣uynge of my doughters, agayne frome thense I go in to my shope, I beholde what my seruauntes, bothe men and women be doynge. Frome thense into the kytchyn, lo∣kynge abowt, if ther nede any of my cownsell, frome thense hyther and thyther obseruynge howe my chylderne be occupyed, what my wyffe dothe, beynge carefull that euery thynge be in ordre, these be statyons of Rome. But the∣se thynges saynt Iames wold dow for yow. That I shuld e vn∣to these thynges holy scriptu∣re commaundethe, that I shuld commyt the charge to sayntes I dyd rede yt neuer com∣maun∣ded. God saue the kynge
A00332.P4	A mery dialogue, declaringe the propertyes of shrowde shrewes, and honest wyues not onelie verie pleasaunte, but also not a lytle profitable: made by ye famous clerke D. Erasmus Roterodamus. Translated into Englyshe.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Rastell, John, d. 1536." ]	Anno. M.CCCCC. lvii. [1557]	In Paules churche yearde, at the sygne of the Sunne, by [J. Cawood for] Antony Kytson],	[Imprynted at London :	eng	[ "Marriage -- Early works to 1800.", "Husband and wife -- Early works to 1800.", "Women -- Early works to 1800." ]	God spede, & a thou¦sand mine old acqueintāce. xantippa. As many a∣gayn, my dere hert. me seme is ye ar waxē much faire now of late. Saye you so? gyue you me a mocke at the first dash. Nay veryly but I take you so. Hap∣pely mi new gown maketh me to loke fayrer then I sholde doe. Sothe you saye, I haue not sene a mynioner this many dayes, I reken it Englishe cloth. It is english stuff and dyed in Uenis. It is softer then sylke what an oriente purpel colore here is who gaue you so rich a gift. How shoulde honeste women come by their gere? but by their husbandes. Hap¦py arte thou that hathe suche an hus∣band, but I wolde to god for his pas∣syon, that I had maryed an husband of clowts, when I had maried col my good mā. Why say, ye so. I pray you, are you at oddes now. I shal neuer be at one wt him ye se how beg∣gerly I go. I haue not an hole smock to put on my backe, and he is wel con¦tente with all: I praye god I neuer come in heuen & I be not ashamed of∣times to shewe my head, when I se o∣ther wiues how ner and trim they go that ar matched with farre porer mē then he is. The apparell of ho∣nest wiues is not in the aray of the bo¦dy, nor in the tirementes of their head as saynte Peter the apostle teacheth vs (and that I learned a late at a ser∣mon) but in good lyuynge and honest conuersacion and in the ornamentes of the soule, the cōmon buenes ar pain¦ted vp, to please manye mennes eies we ar trīme ynough yf we please our husbands only. But yet my good man so euyll wylling to bestow ought vpon his wyfe, maketh good chere, and lassheth out the dowrye that hee hadde with mee no small pot of wine. Were vpon? wher∣on hym lyke the beste, at the tauerne, at the stewes, and at the dyce. Peace saye not so. Wel yet thus it is, then when he cōmeth home to me at midnight, longe watched for, he ly∣eth rowyng lyke a sloyne all the leue longe nyght, yea and now and thē he all bespeweth his bed, and worse then I will say at this tyme, Peace thou dyshonesteth thy self, when thou doest dishonesteth thy husbād. The deuyl take me bodye and bones but I had leuer lye by a sow with pig∣ges, then with suche a bedfelowe. Doest thou not then take him vp, wel fauoredly for stūbling. As he deserueth I spare no tonge. what doth he thē. At the first breake he toke me vp vengealy, tru∣sting that he shoulde haue shakē me of and put me to scilence with his crabid wordes. Came neuer your hote wordes vnto hādstrokes. On a tyme we fel so farre at wordes yt we wer almost by y• eares togither. what say you womā? He toke vp a staffe wandryng at me, as the deuill had bene on hym ready to laye me on the bones. Were thou not redye to ron in at the bch hole. Nay mary I warrant the. I gat me a thre foted stole in hand, & he had but ones layd his littell finger on me, he shulde not haue founde me lame. I woulde haue holden his nose to the grindstōe A newe found shelde, ye wan¦ted but youre dystaffe to haue made you a speare. And he shoulde not greatlye a laughed at his parte. Ah my frynde. xantyppa. that way is neither good nor godli, what is neither good nor godly. yf he wyll not vse me, as hys wyfe: I wil not take him for my husbande. But Paule sayeth that wyues shoulde bee boner and buxume vnto their husbandes with all humylytye, and Peter also bryngethe vs an ex∣ample of Sara, that called her hus∣bande Abrahame, Lorde. I know that as well as you thē ye same paule say that men shoulde loue theyr wyues, as Christ loued his spouse the churche let him do his duete I wil do myne. But for all that, when the matter is so farre that the one muste forber the other it is reason that the woman giue place vnto the man, Is he meete to be called my husbāde that maketh me his vnderlynge and his dryel? But tel me dame xā¦tip. Would he neuer offre the stripes after that Not a stripe, and ther in he was the wyser man for & he had he should haue repented euery vayne in hys harte But thou offered him foule wordes plentie, And will do. What doth he ye meane seasō. What doth he sometyme he cowcheth an hogeshed, somtime he doth nothing but stande and laughe at me, other whyle takethe hys Lute wheron is scarslie three strynges lay∣enge on that as fast as he may dryue because he would not here me. Doeth that greue thee? To beyonde home, manie a tyme I haue much a do to hold my handes. Neighbour. Wylt thou gyue me leaue to be playn with the. Good leaue haue you. Be as bolde on me agayne our olde acquayn¦taunce and amite, euen frō our chyld∣hode, would it should be so. Trueth you saie, there was neuer wo¦man kinde that I fauoured more Ela¦ly Whatsoeuer thy husbād be, marke well this, chaunge thou canst not, In the olde lawe, where the deuill hadde cast aboone betwene the man and the wife, at the worste waye they myght be deuorsed, but now that remedie is past, euē till death depart you he must nedes be thy husbande, and thou hys wyfe, xan. Il mote they thryue & thei that taken away that liberty from vs Beware what thou sayest, it was christes act. I can euil beleue that It is none otherwyse, now it is beste that eyther of you one be∣yng with an other, ye laboure to liue at reste and peace. Why? can I forgeue him a new. It lieth great parte in the womē, for the orde¦ringe of theyr husbandes. Lea∣dest thou a mery life with thine. Now all is well. Ergo ther was somwhat to do at your fyrste metyng Neuer no greate busynes, but yet as it, happeneth now and than be¦twene man & womā, there was foule cloudes a loft, that might haue made a storme but that they were ouer blo∣wen with good humanitie and wyse handlynge. Euery man hath hys ma∣ner and euery mā hath his seueral ap¦tite or mynde, and thinkes hys owne way best, & yf we list not to lie there li∣ueth no mā without faulte, which yf a¦nie were elles, ywis in wedlocke they ought to know and not vtterly hated you say well. It happe∣neth many times that loue dayes bre¦keth betwene man and wife, before ye one be perfitly knowē vnto the other beware of that in any wise, for when malie is ones begon, loue is but ba∣rely redressed agayne, namelye, yf the mater grow furthe vnto bytter chec∣kes, & shamfull raylinges such things as are fastened with glew, yf a manne wyll all to shake them strayght waye whyle the glew is warme, they soone fal in peces, but after ye glewe is ones dried vp they cleue togither fo fast as anie thing, wherfore at the beginning a meanes must be made, that loue mai encrease and be made sure betwene ye man & the wife, & that is best brought aboute by gentilnesse and fayre condy¦cions, for the loue that beautie onelie causeth, is in a maner but a cherifaire But I praye you hartelye tell me, by what pollycy ye brought your good man to folow your daunce. I wyll tell you on this condicyon, that ye will folowe me. I can. It is as easy as water yf ye cā find in your hart to do it, nor yet no good time past for he is a yong mā, and you ar but a girle of age, and I trowe it is not a yere ful sins ye wer maried. All thys is true Eulalia. I wyll shew you then. But you must kepe it secret xantip. with a ryght good wyl. This was my chyefe care, to kepe me alwayes in my housbandes fauoure, that there shulde nothyng angre him I obserued his appetite and pleasure I marked the tymes bothe whan he woulde be pleased and when he wold be all by shrwed, as they tameth the Elephantes and Lyons or suche bea∣stes that can not be wonne by strēgth Suche a beaste haue I at home. Thei that goth vnto the Elephantes weare no white garmen¦tes, nor they that tame wylde bulles, weare no blasynge reedes, for experi∣ence teacheth, that suche beastes bee madde with those colours, like as the Tygers by the sounde of tumbrels be made so wode, that thei plucke theym self in peces. Also thei yt breake horses haue their termes and theyr soundes theyr hadlynges, and other knackes to breake their wyldnes, wyth all. Howe much more then is it oure due¦tyes that ye wyues to vse suche craf∣tes toward our husbandes with whō all our lyfe tyme wil we, nyl we is one house, and one bed. Furthwith your tale. whē I had ones mar¦ked there thynges. I applied my selfe vnto hym, well ware not to displease hym. How could thou do that. Fyrste in the ouerseynge my householde, which is the very charge and cure of wyues, I wayted euer, not onely gyuynge hede that nothing shoulde be forgotten or vndoone, but that althynges shoulde as he woulde haue it, wer it euer so small a trifle. wherin. As thus. Yf mi good man had a fantasye to this thynge, or to that thyng, or if he would haue his meate dressed on this fashion, or that fasshion. But howe couldest thou fasshyon thye selfe after hys wyll and mynde, that eyther woulde not be at home or elles be as fresshe as a saulte heryng. Abyde a while. I come not at that yet, yf my husband wer ve¦ry sad at anye tyme, no time to speake to him. I laughed not nor tryfled him as many a woman doth but I looked rufully and heauyly, for as a glasse (if it be a true stone) representeth euer ye physnamy of hym that oketh in it, so lykewyse it becommeth a wedded wo¦man alway to agre vnto the appetite of her husbande, that she be not mery whē he murneth nor dysposed to play whē he is sad. And if that at any time he be waiward shrewshaken, either I pacyfye hym with faire wordes, or I let hym alone, vntyll the wynde be o∣uerblowen gyuing him neuer a word at al, vntyl the time come that I may eyther excuse my faute, or tell hym of hys. In lykewyse when he commeth home wel whitled, I gyue hym gen∣tyll and fayre woordes, so with fayre entreatynge I gette hym to bed. O carefull state of wyues, whē they muste be gladde and fayne to fol∣lowe their husbandes mindes, be thei eluyshe dronken, or doyng what mys∣chiefe they liste. As whoe saieth this gentill dealynge serueth not for bothe partyes, for they spyte of theyr berdes muste suffre many thynges in our demeanor, yet a time ther is, whē in a weighty matter it is laufull that the wyfe tell the good mā his faute, if that it be matter of substaunce, for at lyght trifles, it is best to play byll vn∣der wynge. what time is that when he is ydle, neither angry, pensife, nor ouersen, then betwixt you two secretly he must be told his faute gētly, or rather intreated, that in this thynge or that he play the better hus∣bande, to loke better to his good na∣me and fame and to his helth and this tellyng must be myxt with mery con∣ceites and pleasaunt wordes many ti¦mes I make a meane to tel my tale af¦ter this fashyon, that he shall promise me, hee shal take no displeasure wyth my thynge, that I a foolyshe woman shall breake vnto hym, that pertay∣neth eyther to hys helthe worshyppe or welth. When I haue sayde that I woulde, I chop cleane from that com∣munication and falle into some other pastime, for this is all oure fautes, neyghbour Xantippa, that whē we be¦gyn ones to chat our tounges neuer lie. So men say Thus was I well ware on, that I ne¦uer tell my husbād his fautes before companie, nor I neuer caried any cō∣playnte furthe a dores: the mendes is soner made whē none knoweth it but two, and there were anie suche faute that myght not be wel borne nor amē¦ded by ye wyues tellige, it is more lau∣dable that the wife make complaynte vnto the Parentes and kynsfolke of her husband, then vnto her own, and so to moderate her complaynte that she seme not to hate hym but hys vice nor let her play all the blabbe, that in some poynt vnutered, he may know & loue his wiues curteysy. She had nede be aswel lerned womā, that should do all this. Mary through suche demeanoure, we shall sterre our husbādes vnto lyke gentylnesse. There be some that cannot be amen∣ded with all the gentyll handlynge in the worlde. In faith I thyncke nay, but case there be, marke this wel the good man must be for borne, howe soeuer the game goeth, then is it bet∣ter to haue him alwayes at one point or ells more kinde and louing throw oure gentill handlinge, then to haue him worse and worse throwe our cur∣sednesse, what wyll you say and I tell you of husbādes that hath won theyr wiues by suche curtesie, howe muche more are we boūde to vse the same to¦warde our husbandes. Than shall you tell of one farre unlyke vnto thyne husband. I am aquented with a certayne gentelman well ler∣ned and a veri honest man, he maried a yonge wyfe, a mayden of .xvii. yeare olde brede and brought vp of a chylde in the countre vnder her fathers and mother wing (as gentilmen delite to dwel in the countre) to hunt & hawke This yong gētilman would haue one that were vnbrokē, because he might the soner breake her after hys owne mind, he begā to entre her in learning syngynge, and playinge, and by lytle and lytle to vse here to repete suche thynges as she harde at sermons, and to instruct her with other things that myght haue doone her more good in time to come. This gere, because it was straūge vnto this young womā which at home was brought vp in all ydelnesse, and with the light commu∣nication of her Fathers seruauntes, and other pastimes, begā to waxe gre¦uouse & paynfull, vnto her. She with drew her good mynde and dylygence and whē her husband called vpon her she put y• finger in the eye, and wepte and many times she would fal downe on the grounde, beatynge her head a∣geynst the floure, as one that woulde be out of thys worlde. When there was no healpe for this gere, the good man as though he hadde bene wel as∣ked his wyfe yf she woulde ryde into the countre with him a sporting vnto her fathers house, so that she graun∣ted anone. When they were cōmē thy¦ther, the gentilman left his wyfe with her mother & her sisters he wēt furth an huntynge with his father in lawe, there betwene theym two, he shewed al together, how that he hadde hoped to haue had a louynge companion to lead his lyfe withall, now he hath one that is alwaies blubberynge and py∣ninge her selfe awaye withoute anye remedie, he prayeth him to lay to hys hande in amendinge his doughters fautes her father answered yt he had ones giuen hym his doughter, and yf that she woulde not be rewled by wor¦des (a goddes name take Stafforde lawe) she was his owne. Then the gē¦tylman sayd agayne, I knowe that I may do but I had leuer haue her amē¦ded eyther by youre good counsell or commaundement, then to come vnto that extreme waies, her father promi¦sed that he woulde fynde a remedye. After a dai or two, he espied time and place whē be might be alone with his doughter. Then he loked soureli vpō his doughter, as though he had bene horne woode with her, he began to re¦herse how foule a beaste she was, how he feared many tymes that she neuer haue bestowed her. And yet sayde he muche a doe, vnto my great coste and charg, I haue gottē the one that mou¦ghte lye by any Ladyes syde, and she were a quene and yet thou not persei¦uynge what I haue done for the nor knowynge that thou hast suche a man whiche but of his goodnes myghte thyncke thee to euill to be stoye in his kytchen, thou contrariest al his mind to make a short tale he spake so sharpe¦ly to her, that she feared that he wold haue beaten her. It is a man of a sub∣tyll and wylye wytte, whyche wyth∣out a vysade is readye to playe anye maner of parte. Thē this yonge wife what for feare, and for trouthe of the matter, cleane stryken oute of counte¦naunce, fell downe at her fathers fete desyryng hym that he wolde forgette and forgiue her all that was past and euer after she woulde doe her duetye Her father forgaue her, and promised that she shoulde finde him a kynd and a louynge father, yf so be that she per∣fourmed her promyse. How dyd she afterwarde? whē she was departed frō her father she came backe into a chaumber, and there by chaunce found her husband alone she fel on her knees to hym and said. Mā in tymes paste, I neyther knewe you nor my selfe, from this daye froward ye shall se me cleane chaunged, onelye pardon that is past, with that her hus¦bande toke her in his armes & kyssed her sayinge she should lacke nothyng yf she woulde holde her in that mind. Why did she cōtinue so. Euen tyll her endynge daye, nor there was none so vyle a thynge but that she woulde laye handes on it re∣dely with all her herte, if her husband wolde let her, so great loue was be gō and assured betwene them and many a daye after, shee thanked god y• euer she met with such a mā. For yf she had not she sayd she had ben cleane caste a waye. We haue as greate plentie of suche housbandes, as of white cro∣wes. Now, but for werieng you? I coulde tell you a thynge that chaunsed a late in this same citye. I haue litell to doe, and I lyke your communicacyon very well. There was a certaine gentilmā he as suche sort of men do, vsed much huntyng in the cuntre, where he hap∣pened on a younge damoysell, a very pore womās child on whō he doted a man well stryken in age, and for her sake he lay oftē out of his owne house his excuse was hūtīg. This mās wife an exceding honest womā, halfe deale suspecte the mater, tried out her hus∣bandes falshed, on a tyme whē he had taken his iourney fourth of the town vnto some other waies, she wente vn¦to that poore cotage and boulted out all the hoole matter, where he laye on nights, wheron he drāke, what thyng thei had to welcō him withall. There was neither one thyng nor other, but bare walles. This good womā retur¦ned home, and sone after came againe brynginge wt her a good soft bed, and al therto belongyng and certain plate besydes that she gaue them moneye, chargynge them that if the Gentilmā came agayne, they shold entreate him better not beyng knowē al this while that she was his wyfe, but fayued her to be her sister. Not long after her hus¦band stale thether againe, he sawe the howse otherwyse decked, and better fare then he was wounte to haue. He asked, frome whence commeth al this goodly gere? They sayde that an ho∣neste matrone, a kynsewoman of hys hadde broughte it thyther and com∣maunded them that he should be well cherished when so euer he came, by and by his hart gaue him that it was hys wiues dede, whan he came home he demaūded of her yf she hadde bene there or nay, she sayd yea. Then he as∣ked her for what purpose she sente all that housholde stuffe thyther. Man (said she) ye haue bē tenderly brought vp I perceiued that ye were but cors∣lie handled there, me thought that it was my part, seing it was your wyll and pleasure to be there ye shoulde be better loked to. She was one of goddes fooles. I woulde rather for a bed haue layd vnder him a bundel of nettels: or a burden of thi¦stels. But here the end her hus∣bande perceyuyng the honeste of her great pacience neuer after laye from her, but made good cheare at home with his owne. I am sure ye knowe Gilberte the holāder. Uery well. He (as it is not vnknowē maried an old wife in his florishīg youth. aduēture he maried the good and not the woman. There sayde ye well, setting lytell stoore by hys olde wife, hunted a callette, with whom he kept much companie abrode, he dined or supped litell at home. What woul∣dest thou haue sayd to ye gere. What woulde I a said? I wolde haue flowē to the hores toppe and I wolde haue crowned myne husbande at hys oute goinge to her with a pysbowle, that he so ēbawlmed might haue gon vnto his souerayne ladie. But how much wiselier dyd this woman? she desyred that yonge woman home vnto her, and made her good chere, so by that meanes she brought home al∣so her husband without ani witchraft or sorserie, and yf that at anye season he supped abrode with her she would sende vnto them some good dayntie morsel, and byd him make good chere I had leuer be slayne then I woulde be bawde vnto myne owne husbande. Yea, but consyder all thynges well, was not that muche better, then she shoulde be her shre∣wyshnesse, haue putte her husbandes minde cleane of from her, and so haue ledde all her life in trouble and heuy∣nesse. I graunte you well, that it was better so but I coulde not abyde it. I wyll tell you a prety story more, and so make an ende One of oure neyghboures, a well dis∣posed and a goddes man, but that he is some what testie, on a day pomeld his wife well and thriftely aboute the pate and so good a woman as euer was borne, she picked her into a inner parler, and there weepynge and sob∣bynge, eased her heuye harte, anone after, by chaunce her husbande came into the same place, and founde hys wyfe wepyng. What sitest thou heare sayth he seighing & sobbīg like a child Thē she like a wise woman sayde. Is it not more honesty for me to lamente my dolours here in a secret place, thē to make wondering and on oute crye in the strete, as other womē do. At so wysely and womanly a saing his hart melted, promysynge her faythfullye and truelie that he woulde neuer laye stroke on her afterwarde, nor neuer did. No more wil mine god thanke my selfe. But then ye are alwaies one at a nother, agreinge lyke dogges and cattes. What wouldest thou that I should do? Fyrst & formest, whatsoeuer thy hus∣bande doeth sayde thou nothinge, for his harte must be wonne by lytell and litel by fayre meanes, gentilnesse and forbearing, at the last thou shalte ey∣ther wynne him or at the leaste waie thou shalt leade a better life thē thou doest now. He his beyonde goddes forbode, he wil neuer amende Eye saye not so, there is no beest so wild but by fayre handling be tamed, neuer mistrust man thē. Assay a moneth or two, blame me and thou findest not that my counsell dooeth ease. There be some fautes wyth you thoughe thou se them, be wyse of this especyall that thou neuer gyue hym foule wordes in the chambre, or inbed but be sure that all thynges there bee full of pastyme and pleasure. For yf that place which is ordeined to make amēdes for all fautes and so to renew loue, be polluted, eyther with strife or grugynges, then fayre wel al hope of loue daies, or atonementes, yet there be some beastes so wayward and mis∣cheuous, that when theyr husbandes hath them in their armes a bed, they scholde & chyde making ye same plesur their lewd condicions (that expelseth all displeasures oute of their husban∣des mynde vnpleasaunt and lytell set bi corrupting the medecine that shuld haue cured al deadly greifes, & odible offēces. That is no newes to me. Though the woman shulde be well ware and wyse that she shulde neuer be disobedient vnto her husbād yet she ought to be most circūspect yt at that at meting she shew her selfe redy and pleasaunt vnto him. Yea vnto a man, holde well withall but I am combred with a beast. No more of those wordes, most com¦monly our husbādes ar euyll through our owne faute, but to returne againe vnto our taile they that ar sene in the olde fables of Poetes sai that Uenus whome they make chiefe lady of wed¦locke (hath a girdle made by the han∣dy worke of Uulcan her Lorde, and in that is thrust al that enforceth loue and with that she girdeth her whan so euer she lyeth wyth her housbande A tale of a ubbe. A tayle it is, but herkē what the taile meaneth. Tell me. That techeth vs that the wyfe ought to dyspose her selfe all that she maye that lieng by her husbād she shew him al the plesure that she cā. Wherby the honest loue of matrimony may reuiue and be renewed, & that there with be clene dispatched al grudges & malice But how shall we come by thys gyrdle? We nede neyther wyt∣chraft nor enchauntment, ther is non of them al, so sure as honest condiciōs accompayned with good feloshyp. I can not fauoure suche an husbande as myne is. It is moste thy pro¦fyt that he be no longer suche. If thou couldest by thy Circes craft chaunge thin husband into an hogge, or a bore wouldest thou do it? God kno¦weth. Art thou in dout? haddest thou leauer marye an hogge than a mā. Mary I had leauer haue a manne. wel, what and thou couldest by sorcery make him of a drō¦karde a soober man, of a vnthrifte a good housbande of an ydell losell a to∣warde body, woldest thou not doe it? yes, hardely, woulde I doe it. But where shoulde I learne the cun∣nyng? For soth that cōning hast thou in the if thou wouldest vtter it, thyn must he be, mauger thy head, the towarde y• makest him, the better it is for the, thou lokest on nothing but on his leude cōdicions, and thei make the half mad, thou wouldest amende hym and thou puttest hym farther oute of frame, loke rather on his good condi∣cions, and so shalt thou make him bet∣ter. It is to late cal agayne yesterdaie before thou were maryed vnto hym. It was tyme to cōsyder what his fau¦tes were for a woman shold not only take her husbande by the eyes but by the eares. Now it is more tyme to re¦dresse fautes thē to fynd fautes. What woman euer toke her gusband by the eares. She taketh her husbande by the eyes that loketh on nothyng, but on the beautye and pul∣critude of the body. She taketh him by the eares, that harkeneth diligētly what the common voice sayth by him Thy counsaile is good, but it commeth a day after the faire. Yet it commeth time ynough to brin¦ge thyne husbande to a greate furthe¦raunce to that shall bee yf God sende you anie frute togither. We are spede alredy of that. How longe ago. A good whyle ago How many monethes old is it. It lacketh lytle of .vii. What a tale is this, ye reken the mo∣nethes by nightes and dayes double. Not so. It can not be none otherwyse, yf ye reken from the mariage day. yea, but what thē, I spake with him before we were maried. Be children gotten by speakinge. It befell so that he mette me alone and begon to ticke at me, and tickled me vnder the arme holes and sydes to make me laugh. I might not awaie with ticklynge, but fell downe backewarde vpon a bedde and he a lofte, neuer leuinge kyssynge on me, what he did els I can not saye, but by sayncte Marie within a while after my bely be ganne to swell. Go now and disprayse thyne husbāde whiche yf he gette children by playe, what wyll he do whē he goeth to it in good ernest. I fere me I am payed agayin. Good locke God hath sent a fruitfull grounde, a good tylmā. In that thing he might haue lesse laboure and more thanke. Few wyues finde at theyr hus∣bandes in that behalf but were ye thē sure togither. yea that we were The offence is the lesse. Is it a man chylde. yea. He shal make you at one so that ye wil bow & forbere. What saieth other mē by thin husband, they that be his cōpanions, they delite with him abrode They say that he is meruelous gentyl, redy to do euery man pleasure, liberal and sure to his frende. And that put¦teth me in good cōfort that he wyll be ruled after our counsayll. But I fynde him not so. Order thy selfe to him as I haue tolde thee, and cal me no more true sayer but a lier, if he be not so good vnto the as to anie creature liuinge Agayne cōsidre this he is yet but a childe, I thinke he pas∣sethe not .xxiiij. the blacke oxe neuer trode on hys fote, nowe it is but loste laboure to recken vpon anye deuorse. Yet manye a tyme and ofte I haue troubled my braynes with al As for that fantasye whenso¦euer it commeth into your mynd first of all counte how naked a thynge wo¦man is, deuorsed from man. It is the hyghest dignitie that longethe to the wyfe to obsequyous vnto her spouse. So hath nature ordeined so god hath apoynted, that the woman shoulde be ruled al by the man loke onely vppon this whiche is trouth, thine husbande he is, other canste thou none haue. A∣gaine forgette not that swete babe be gotten of both your bodies what thin¦keste thou to do with that, wilte thou take it awaye with thee? Thou shate berene thyne husband his ryght wylt thou leue it with hym? thou shalt spoi¦le thy self of thy chefeste Iewell thou haste. Beside all this tell mee trueth hast thou none euyll wyllers. Besyde all thys tell me trueth, hast thou none euyll wyllers. I haue a stepdame I warrant you, and myne husbandes mother euen such another. Do they hate the so deadly. They woulde se me hanged. Thē for∣get not thē what greater plesure coul¦dest thou shew them then to se the de¦uorsed from thine husband and to led a wydowes lyfe. Yea and worse thē a wydow, for wydowes be at their choi¦se. I holde well with youre coūsell, but I can not awaye wyth the paynes, yet recken what pai∣nes ye toke or ye colde teache your pa¦ret to speake. Exceadynge much. And thinke you much to la¦bour a lytel in reforming your husbād with whō you may liue merely all the dayes of your lyfe? What busines doe mē put thē self to be wel & easly horsed & shal we think our selues to good to take paines that we mai haue our hus¦bādes gētil & curteise vnto vs. What shal I do. I haue told you al redy, se that al thing be clene & trim at home, that no sluttysh or vnclenlye syghtes dryue hym oute a dores. Be your selfe alwayes redy at a becke, be rynge continuall in minde what reue¦rēce the wife oweth vnto her husbād. Be neyther in your dūpes, nor alway¦es on your mery pinnes go nether to homely nor to nycely. Let your meat be cleane dressed, you know your hus∣bādes diet. What he loueth best that dresse. Moreouer shewe your selfe lo∣uinge and fayre spokē vnto thē where he loueth, call them now and thē vn∣to your table. At meate, se that al thin¦ges be well fauored, and make good chere, And whē that he is toppe heuy playing on his lute, sytte thou by and singe to him so shalte thou make hym keepe home, and lessen hys expences This shall he thynke at length, in fay∣the I am a fonde felowe that maketh suche chere with a strumpet abroode with greate lossee bothe of substance and name, seyng that I haue a wyfe at home bothe muche fayrer, and one that loueth me ten times better, with whome I may be both clenlyer recei∣ued and dayntelier cherisshed. Beleuest thou that it will take and I put it into a profe. Looke on me. I warrante it or ought longe I wyll in hande with thyne husbande, & I will tell hym his parte. ye marie that is well sayde. But be wyse that he espie not our caste, he would plaie his fages, all the house should be to lytle for hym. Take no thoughte. I shall so conuey my mat∣ters, that he shall dysclose all toge∣ther hym selfe, what busynesse is be∣twene you, that done I wyll handell him pretelie as I thinke beste, and I truste to make him a new man for the and when I se my time I wyl make a lie for thee, how louinge thou hast spo¦ken of him. Chryst spede vs and bringe our pupose well aboute. He will not fayle the so thou do thy good wyll THere was a man that maried a woman whiche hadde great ri∣ches and beawtye. Howe bee it she hadde suche an impedyment of na¦ture that she was domme and coulde not speake, whiche thynge made him ryghte pensyfe, and sayd, wherfore v∣pon a daye as he walked alone ryght heuye in hearte thynkynge vpon his wyfe. There came one to hym and as¦ked him what was the cause of his he¦uynesse whiche answered that it was onely bycause his wife was borne dō¦me. To whome this other said I shal shewe the soone a remedy and a medi¦cyne (therfore that is thus) go tak an aspen leafe and lay it vnder her tōge this night shee beinge a steape, and I warrant the that shee shall speake on the morowe whiche man beyng glad of thys medycyne prepared therfore and gathered aspen leaues, wherfore he layd thre of them vnder her tonge whan shee was a sleape. And on the morow when he him selfe awaked he desyrous to know how hys medicine wrought being in bed with her, he de∣maunded of her how she did, and sodē¦ly she answered and sayd, I beshrewe thy harte for waking me so early, and so by the vertue of that medycyne she was restored to her speche. But in cō¦clusion her spech encresed day by day and she was so curst of cōdycyon that euery daie she brauled and chyd with her husbande, so muche at the laste he was more vexed, and had much more trouble and disease wyth her shrewed wordes then he hadde before whē she was dumme, wherfore as he walked another time alone he happened to mete agayne with the same personne that taught hym the sayde medycine and sayde to hym thys wyse. Syr ye taught me a medicin but late to make my domme wyfe to speake, byddynge me lay an Aspen leafe vnder her toūg when she sleapte, and I layde three Aspen leaues there. Wherfore nowe she speaketh. But yet she speaketh soo much & so shrewdlye that I am more werier of her now, then I was when she was dōme: Wherfore I praie you teache me a medycine to modyfye her that she speake not so muche. This o∣ther answered and sayd thus. Sir I am a deuyl of hel but I am one of thē that haue least power there. Al be yet I haue power to make a womā to spe¦ke, but and yf a woman begin ones to speake, I nor al the deuyls in hel that haue the mooste power be not able to make a woman to be styll, nor to cause her to leue her speakyng.
A00333.P4	Seven dialogues both pithie and profitable The 1 is of the right vse of things indifferent. 2 sheweth what comfort poperie affordeth in time of daunger. 3 is betweene a good woman and a shrew. 4 is of the conversion of a harlot. 5 is of putting forth children to nurse. 6 is of a popish pilgrimage. 7 is of a popish funerall. By W.B.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Burton, William, d. 1616." ]	1606.	Printed [by Valentine Simmes] for Nicholas Ling, and are to bee sold at his shop in Saint Dunstans Church-yard in Fleet-streete,	London :	eng	[ "Dialogues, Latin (Medieval and modern) -- Translations into English -- Early works to 1800." ]	HOw now lusty Fishmonger? haue you yet bought you a rope? A rope Butcher, what to doe? What to do? to go hang thy selfe. Why man, I am not yet weary of my life. But you will be ere it be long. Why Butcher, what is the matter? If you knowe not, I wil tell you. There is com∣ming towards you, a very Saguntine famine (as they cal it) that will make you euen goe hang your selues. Good wordes Butcher, let this come to our enne∣mies: how commeth it about, that of a Butcher you are so sodainely become a diuiner of such great calamitie? It is no diuination, doe not flatter your selfe, the matter is euident, and the thing it selfe is already in the open market place. You trouble my minde much, fhew it mée if you haue any thing. I will shew it you to your great griefe: There is of late come forth an edict from Rome, that from henceforth it shal be lawful for euery man to eate what he list. And wat then remayneth to you and your order, but an insati∣able hunger with your rotten salt fish? For my part, I care not if any man do list to eate snailes or netles, let him: but is any man forbidden to eate fish? No, but there is libertie graunted to all men, to eate flesh that will. If this be all, then goe thou and hang thy selfe: for I hope to gayne more héereafter than euer I haue done. Yea, great comming in, but hunger to the full: or if you had rather heare more merry newes, henceforth you shall liue more cleanely, neither shall you vse to wipe your snotty nose, which is euer itching with scabbes vpon your arme, as you were wont to doe. Ha, ha: now we be come to the toppe: the blinde reproacheth the one-eyed, I would it were true that you tell me, but I am afraide you doe but féede me with a false ioy. That which I tel you is too true, but whereupon do you promise to your selfe greater gaine? Because that the world is come to that passe, that looke what is most forbidden, that men do most of all de∣sire. And what of that? Because more will abstaine from eating of flesh, when there is libertie giun to eate it, neither will it be counted a daintie banquet indeede, where there is no fish, as the manner hath béene amongst our forefathers: there∣fore I am glad that the eating of flesh is permitted, and I would also that the eating of fish were forbidden, for then ould men more gladly buy it then now they do. Surely a goodly wi. This I could wish, if I respected nothing but the gaine of money, as you do, for the loue whereof you haue deuoted your grosse flesh deuouring bodie to the infernall spirites. You should séeme to be all salt, by your vnsauorie spéech. What hath mooued the Romaines to release men from that lawe which resrained flesh eating, and hath bin obserued so many ages? They thinke (as the truth is indéede) that by Fishmongers the cittie is polluted, the earth, the ayre, the waters, and the fire are infected, and the bodies of men areDiscommo∣dities of fish∣eatig. corrupted, for by eating of fish the body is filled with rot∣ten humors, and from hence procéede feuers, consumpti∣ons, gowtes, the falling sickenesse, leaprousies, and what not? Tell me then (maister Hippocrates) why in good gouerned Citties it is forbidden to kill bulles and swine within the walles? And it were more for the health of the Cittizens, if there might be no cattell killed within the walles. Why haue Butchers a certayne place allotted them to dwell in, for feare that if they should dwell euery where, they would soone infect the whole Citty with the plague? Is there any kinde of stinch more pestilent than the corrupted blood and dregges of beasts and other liuing things? These things be very swéete spices, if they be com∣pared with the rotten sauor of fish. To you I thinke they be méere spices, but not to the Magistrates which haue remooued you from the Cit∣tie. And howe swéetely your slaughter houses doe smell, let them declare that passe by them, holding their noses: yea aske the common people, who had rather haue tenne bawdes dwell by them then one Butcher. But neither pondes nor whole riuers will suffice to wash your rotten salt fish: and it is truely said, that you spend water in vaine, for a fish alwayes smelleth like fish, though you should besméere it with swéet oyntments. And no maruel though they smel so when they are dead, for the most of them do smel so soone as they are taken. Flesh bée∣ing powdred in brine may be kept very swéet many yéeres together, and common salt wil preserue it from smelling: being dried in the smoake and the wind, it gathereth no ill sauour. If you should do al this vnto fish, yet it would sa∣uour stil like fish. By this alone you may coniecture, that there is no rotten sauor to be compared vnto that fish ma∣keth. And fish corrupteth and putrifieth the very salt it selfe, whose nature is to preserue things from putrefaction, whi∣lest by his natural force it both shutteth and bindeth, and also excludeth and kéepeth out whatsoeuer might hurt out∣wardly, and drieth vp inwardly whatsoeuer might putrify the humors. In fishes onely salt is not salt. Some dainty or delicate person perhaps doth hold their nose when they goe by our slaghter houses, but no man can abide in the boate where your salt fish lieth. If vpon the way any tra∣uelers chaunce to méete your cartes loaden with your salt fish, what running is there til they be past it? What hold∣ing of noses, spitting, and coughing? And, if it were possi∣ble, that pure salt fish could be brought into the citie, as we doe the flesh of beasts that we kil, yet the Lawe would not sléepe: but no what shal be done to those that ore rotten before they be spnt? And yet how often doe wée sée your damned marchandise taken by the Clarke of the Market, and cast into the riuer, and your fined for bringing such stuffe to the Market? And this should be done oftner than it is, but that they (being corrupted by your bribes) doe more respect their owne priuate gaine, than the good of the common wealth. Although no man did euer knowe of any Butcher fined for selling of meazled porke, or rtten shéep that haue died in a ditch, & shoulders of mutton eaten with worms, yet by washing of them, and bemearing them ouer with fresh blood, the matter hath béene couered. You cannot hew such a president amongest all of vs, as we can shew amongst you, as of an éele sodden with a cru of bread, there died nine citizens, a horrible thing: with such dainties doe you furnish mens tables. You tell of a case that nò man could auoyd, if God would haue it so: but with you it is an ordinary thing, to sel cattes for conies, and dogges for hares. I say nothing of pasties made of mans flesh. What doe you know by me? you vpbraide mée by mens abuses, let them answer these matters that commit them, I do but compare trade with trade, and gaine with gaine: so you may also condemne Gardiners, for that a∣gainst their willes they may sometimes sell hemlockes or woolfes bane for colewortes: so may you also condempne Apothecaries, for that sometime vnawares they giue poi∣sons insteade of medicines. There is no trade o frée from offence, but such mischances may now and then happen: but you Fishmongers, when yée haue done what you can, yet is it poyson that you sell, if you should sel a crampefish, or a water snake, or a hare of the sea, caught and mingled together with other fish in your nettes, it were a chaunce, and no crime, neither were you any more to be blamed for it than a Physition, who oftentimes killeth that sicke body which he intendeth to cure. This might be borne withall, if only in winter time you did thrust out your filthinesss, the rigor of the season might mitigate the plague: but now in the heate of summer you cast out your rotten garbage, and the Autumne, which is daungerous of it selfe, is by your meanes made more dangerous. And when the yéere doth renew it selfe▪ and hidden humours doe againe shew themselues, not without great danger to the bodie▪ then do you for two whole moneths together play the tyrants, cor∣rupting the infancie of the spring with vntimely age. And when this should be holpen by nature, that bodies, éeing purged from bad humors, might be renewed with new moisture, you fill them with méere rottennesse, and stinc∣king corruption: and if there be any corruption in the bo∣dy, by your meanes it is increased: and if there be any good humors, they are also corrupted. And this also might bée orne withall, if you did corrupt mens bodies onely: but now, because by the difference of meates, the organical in∣struments of the minde be corrupted, it commeth to passe, that the mindes of men are also infected: for the most part, you shal sée these same great fish eaters, such as the fishes themselues are, that is, they looke pale, they smell, they are blockish and mute. Oh sir, you are another Thales, one of the seauen wise men of Greece. How then I pray you doe they looke and smel which liue vpon béetes? doe they looke like béets? do they sauor of them? how do they look and sauor that eate of oxen, shéep, & goats? For sooth like oxen, shéep and goats, do they not? you Butchers sel kids flesh for daintie meate, and yet as it is subiect to the alling sickenesse it selfe, so it bréedeth the same disease in those that loue flesh, were it not better to please the hungry stomacke with salt fish? As though this were the onely lie, that the natu∣rall Philosophers haue written, but admit that they be all true which they write, yet to bodies that are subiect to dis∣eases, oftentimes those things that be of themselues excee∣ding good, prooue very bad: We sell kiddes flesh vnto those that are troubled with feuers, & consumption of the lungs, but not to giddy braines. If fish-eating be so hurtful as you would make it, why doe the magistrates allow vs to sell our wares all the yéere, and restraine you from selling of your commodities a good parte of the yéere. Whats that to me? peraduenture that is procu∣redNote that of the Phisitian. by bad Physitians, to the end their gaines might be the more. What doe you tell me of bad physitians? why man, none are more enemies to fish than they be. O deceiue not your selfe, they doe not that for any loue that they beare you, or to the fishes, when they can ab∣staine from them, none more religiously, they know what they doe well euough: they doe therein prouide for them∣selues, and their owne health. That which makes many to cough, to languish, to be sicke, is good prouision for them, and they like it well. I wil not speake for Phisitions, let them reunge themselues vpon thée, (as I doubt not but they will) if e∣uer thou fallest into their nets. It sufficeth me that I haue to defend my cause, the good life of our forefahers, the au∣thoritie of the most approoued Writers, the approbation of the reuerend Bishops, and the generall custome of christi∣an countries, whome if you will condemne all of madnes, you may: but I had rather be madde with them, than so∣er with Butchers. You wil not patronize the Physitian, neyther will I be a censurer of ou forefathers, or the common cu∣stome, I was alwayes woont to reuerence them, but not to inueigh against them. In this respect you are more wary than godlie, vnlesse I be deceiued in you. In my opinion, it is good for men to beware howThe Butcher discourseth out of the Bi∣ble. they haue to do wih such as haue auctority in their hands: but I will tell you what I thinke, according to that which I read in my Bible, that is, of the vulgar translation. That so of a Butcher you may become a Diuine. I thinke that the first men, so soone as they were created of the moist clay, had very healthful bodies, which appéereth by their long liuing. And further, that paradise stoode in a most commodious and healthful ayre. And I do thinke that such bodies in such places, yéelding on euery side a sweete ayre, by reason of the swéete hearbs, trées and flowers that there did growe, might liue long without a∣ny meate, and the rather, I thinke so, because the earth a∣bundātly powred forth euery thing of it own accord, with∣out the labor of man: for the dressing of such a garden was rather to be counted a pleasure than a labour. As yet that which you say is likely, but go on. Of that great variety of things which came of s ertile a ground, there was nothing forbidden, but onely one trée. Most true. And that for no other cause, but that by their obe∣dione they might acknowledge their Lord and Maker. And this I thinke, that the earth when it was young, did bring forth all things more happily, and of better iuyce, then if doth now, being old and almost barren, but especi∣ally in Paradise. Not vnlike: what then? Therefore to eate there was of pleasure, not of ne∣cessity. I haue heard so. And to abstaine from tearing, or butchering, li∣uing creatures, was then a point of humanitie, not o san∣ctitie. I know not that. I reade, that after the floud, to éede vpon liuing creatures, was permitted: I do not reade that it was forbidden before. But why should there bee now a permission granted to eate of them, if it were per∣mitted before? Why doe we not féede vpon frogges, as well as vpon other liuing creatures? Not because they are forbid∣den, but because we abhorre them. And it may be, that God in that place, doth but admnish men what meates are fittest for humane rugality, and not what he would permit to be eaten. I am no Soothsayer. But we reade, that so soone as man was created, it was said vnto them; beare rule ouer the fishes of the sea, and the fowles of the aire, and all liuing things that moue vpon the earth. What vse is there of this dominion, if it be net lawfull to eate of them? O cruell Maister, dost thou so debarre thy men and thy maides, thy wife and thy children? but by the same reason thou maiest goe eate thy chamber pot too, for thou bearest rule ouer it. But heare againe you prowd Fish monger, of o∣ther things there is an vse, and the name of rule is not in vaine: The horse doth beare me on his backe, the cammell carrieth packes, but of fishes what other vse can there be, but to féede vpon them? As if forsooth, there were not a number of medi∣cines made of fishes. Againe, there be many things that be made onely for the delight of man, who also in the be∣holding of them, may be drawne thereby to an admiration of the Creator. Peraduenture you will not beléeue that Dolphines doe carry men vpon their backes. But to con∣clude, there be fishes which doe fore-shew a tempet to be at hand, as the Hedge. hog of the sea: doe you not want such a seruant at home sometime? Well, grant that before the floud, it was not per∣mitted to eate of any thing but of the fruites of the earth, yet it was no great matter to abstaine from those things which bodily necessity required not, and in killing where∣of, was a shew of cruelty. This you will grant me, that the féeding vpon lining creatures, was permitted from the beginning, for the imbecility of mans nature. The flud brought cold with it: and we sée at this day, that in colde Countries men are more ginen to eate then in hote: and the ouer-flowing of waters, did either extinguish, or much corrupt the fruite of the earth. Be it so: What then? And yet aftr the floud men liued aboue two hun∣dred yeares. So I beléeue. Why then did almighty God permit those that were so strong without comparison to eate of all things, and afterward rerained those that were of a farre weaker constitution and shorter time, to certaine kinds of meates,Of the re∣traint of meates vnder the Lawe. as he gaue in charge by Moses. As if it were for me to gie a reason of Gods do∣ings. But I thinke the Lord did then as Maisters vse to doe, who abridge their seruants of their libertie, which be∣fore they allowed them, when they sée that they abuse their Maisters lenity and kindenesse. So we take from a horse that is too lusty and vnruly, his beanes and ates, and giue him but a little hay, and then ride him with a sharper bit and sharper spurres. Mankinde had shaken off all feare and reurence of God, and was growne into such a kinde of licentiousnesse, as if there had béen no God at all. Héere∣upon were ordained lawes, as barres and ceremonies, as railes, precepts, and threatnings, as bridles, that so men might repent. Why then doe not those barres and bridles re∣maine vnto this day? Because the rigor of that carnall seruitude was taken away, after that by the Gospel we were adopted toOf our liber∣t vnder the Gospel. be the sonnes of God, when the grace of God did more a∣bound, those preceps were abrogated. Gods law is perpetuall. And Christ saith; he cameObiect. not to breake the Law, but to fulfill the Law. How then durst they that came after, to abrogate a good part of the Law? That Law was not giuen to the Gentiles: andAnswer. therefore it séemed good vnto the Apostles, not to burthen them with circumcision, (which theIewes obserue vnto this day) lest they should (as the Iewes also doe) place the hope of saluation in bodily obseruations, rather then in faith and loue towards God. I omit the Gentiles. By what scripture prooue you that the Iewes (if they would imbrace the profession of the Gospel) should bee frée from the bondage of Mo∣ses Law? Because the Prophets did fore-tell, that God would make a new couenant with them, and giue them a new heart, and they bring in the Lord, abhorring the festi∣uall daies of the Iewes, refusing their sacrifices, detesting their fasts, reiecting their offerings, and desiring a people of a circumcised heart. The Lord himselfe confirmed their prophecies, who giuing his body and his blood vnto hisThe choyce of meates abrogated. Disciples, calleth it a new Testament. Now if nothing were abolished of the old, why is this called a new▪ The choice of meates is abrogated, both by Christs example, as also by his word, who saith; That man is not defiled with that which goeth into the belly, & is cast out in the draught. The same was shewed to Peter in a vision; yea, and Peter himselfe with Paul and the rest, eateth common meates forbidden by the Law. This matter is handled by Paul in all his Epistles, and without doubt, the Christian people to this day doe follow the same rule, as deliuered them from the hands of the Apostles. Therefore the Iewes are not onely fréed from the superstitious obseruation of the Law, as it were from milke, or food that they were famili∣arly vsed vnto, but now they are driuen from it as a thing out of season. Neither is the Law abrogated, but onely some part of it is commanded to cease, which now would be idle, or in vaine, which may be illustrated by some fami∣liarSimilies. similitudes in the course of Nature. Gréene leaues and blossomes doe promise fruit to spring1 after them. Now when the trée is loaden with fruit, no man desires the blossomes: neither is any man gréeued2 for the losse of his sonnes childhoode, when his sonne is growne to mans estate. No man careth for candles and3 torches when the Sunne is risen. The tutor hath no cause4 to complaine, if his scholler (being of a ripe age) doth chal∣lege his liberty, and hath his tutor vnder his owne pow∣er5 or command. A pledge is no longer a pledge, when the things promised are exhibited. The Bride, before she be6 brought to the Bride-groome, doth comfort herselfe with letters, which he sent vnto her, she kisseth the gifts that come from him, and imbraceth his picture; but when shée inioyeth the Bride-groome himselfe, then she neglecteth those things which shee loued before. But the Iewes at the first, are hardly drawne from their old customes; as a childe is hardly weaned from the breast. Therefore they are almost by force driuen from those figures, or shadowes, or temporary comforts, that they might wholly ibrace him whome that ceremoniall lawe did promise and sha∣dow. Who would euer haue expected so much diuinity to come from a Fish monger? Truely you are worthy to sell salt-fish no longer, but fresh fish. But tell me one thing, if you were a Iew, as I am not sure whether you be or no, and were in danger of death, by reason of extreame famine, woulde you die rather then you would eate any swines flesh? What I would do, I know: but what I should doOfeating swines flesh. I know not. God hath forbidden both, he hath said, Thou shalte doe no murther, and he hath saide, Eate no swine flesh. In such a case, which commandement should giue place to o∣ther? First, it is not eident, whether God forbade the eat∣ing of swines flesh with this mind, that men should rather die than preserue life by eating of it. For the Lord hmselfe excuseth Dauid, that contrary to the lawe did eate the shew bread: and when the Iewes were exiles in Babylon, they o∣mited many things which the law prescribed. Therefore I should iudge the law of nature, which is perpetuall and inuiolable, to be preferred beore that which neither was euer, and was af er to be abrogated. Why then are the brethren of the Machaees com∣mended,Why the Ma∣cabees refusd to eate swines flesh. for choosing to die, rather a most cruell death, than once to taste of Swines flesh? I thinke it was, because that eating so commann∣ded by that heathen king, did comprehend vnder it a re∣nouncing of the whole law of thei country, euen as circū∣cision, which the Iewes would enforce vpon the Gentiles, contained the profession of their whole religion, no other∣wise then an earest which serueth to bind men to the per∣formance of the whole bargaine. I then the grosser part of the law were rightly taken away, when the light of the Gospel arose, what is he reason that the same, or more grieuous then they, are now commaunded againe; and especially eing as the Lord doth call his yoke an easie yoke. And Peter in the Acts of the Apostles doth call the lawe of the Iewes a hard law, which neither they nor their fathers were able for to beare? Circumcision is taken away, but baptisme is com in steade thereof, I had almost saide, of a harder condition. Then the Infants were deferred vnto the eight day, and if the childe chaunced to die in the meane time, the parents desire of circumcision was imputed vnto them for circum∣cision. We bring little children immediately from the mo∣thers wombe, and dippe them ouer head and eares in cold water, which hath stoode perhappes long a putrifying in a stone font. An if it chaunce to die the first day, or to mis∣carry euen in th irth, through no default of the friendes, or parents, they say in Popery that the poore miserable in∣fant is damned in hell for euer. So they say indéede, but I sée no reason for it, forOf children dying with∣out baptizing. not the want of the sacrament, but the contempt and neg∣lect of the sacrament is dangerous, but especially to the pa∣rents: but other wise, if children die before they can be law∣fully baptized, we must beléeue that they are saued by gods election, and by vertue of the couenaunt which God hath made to the faithfull, and to their séede, of which couenant baptisme is but a seale and a pledge, to confirme our faith that doe beléeue, and the childes faith when it commeth to yéeres of discretion: but Gods grace is not tied to his seales or pledges. We are pestered with moe fasting dayes, and festiuall dayes than the Iewes were. They were more free from their meates than we be, for they might all the yéere long eate muttons, capons, partridges, kiddes, &c. so may not we. There was no kinde of garment forbidden them ut linsey woolsey: but nowe we must be prescribed what apparell to weare, of what fashion, and colour, and must weare ilke, and who not: and many things moe I could , which makes me thinke that the state of the Iewe sare better than ours. You erre all the way Butcher, you erre: Christs yoke is not such a thing as you imagine it to be. A christian is ti∣edMath 29. & hebr 2. 3. & hebr. 10. 28 to more things for quantitie, and more hard for quality than the Iewes: yea and to a sorer punish ment, if hée neg∣lect them or conteme them, but a greater force of faith and loue being ioyned vnto them, dooth make those things swéete and easie, which are by nature most hard and grée∣uus. But when the Spirite was giuen in the likenesse of sierie tongues, it replenished the heartes of the faithfull with a most plentifull gift of aith and loue: why was the burden of the Law then withdrawn as it were from weak ones, that were ready to sincke as it were vnder a most cruell burden? Why dooth Peter (being now indued with the holy Ghost) call it an intolerable burthen? It was abrogated in parte, and that for two cau∣ses. First, lest Iudaisme shoulde (as it did beginne) ouer∣whelme the glory of the Gospel. Secondly, lest through the rigour of the ceremoniall Lawe, the Gentiles should be kept backe from Christ, a∣mong whom were many weake ones, who were in daun∣ger of a double inconuenience, if some part of the Law had not béene taken away. First, they might else haue beléeued that no man could be saued without the obseruation of the lawe. Secondly, they might otherwise perhappes choose ra∣ther to remayne still in their Paganisme, than to vndergo the yoke of Moses lawe. Therefore it was méete to allure and catch those weake ones, with a certaine baite of libertie. Againe, part of the ceremoniall law was then abrog∣ted, or changed to some other thing, in regard of th who slatly denyed all, or any hope of saluation to be in the pro∣fession of the Gospel, without the obseruation of the , circumcision, sabbaths, choice of meates, and many such things. And further, that spéech of the holy Apostle saint Peter, where he saith, the Lawe is an intollerable burden, is not to be referred vnto that person which hée then sus∣tayned (for to him nothing was intollerable) but to those grosse and weake Iewes, which not without great yrke∣somenesse did bite vpon the shell, hauing not as yet tasted the swéete kerell of the spirite. Your reasoning is grosse enough, or (if you will)Humane ob∣seruations to be arbitrary, and why. substantiall enough: but mée thinkes there are causes e∣now why their carnall obseruations should be now taken away, or at leastwise be left arbitrary to euery mans cons∣cience and discretion. Why so? Oflate I sawe the whole worlde pictured vpon a linnen cloth, but very large, there I sawe how small that part is which doth purely and sincerely professe Christian religion, namely one corner of Europe reaching westward, and parte of it towardes the north, and a third parte tend∣ing (but afarre off) toward the south, and the fourth reach∣ing to the eastward séemed to be Polonia. All the worlde be∣sides containeth either Barbarians, not much differing from bruite beasts, or Schismatiques, or Heretiques, or all. But you sawe not all that part which lieth south∣ward, and the dispersed Ilands, noted for woorthy chri∣stains. I saw them: and I learned, that from thence many preys haue bin taken: but that christianitie was planted there, I heard not. Sith therefore the haruest is so great, I woulde thinke that this were the best way of all for to plant religion there, that as the Apostles tooke away the burthen of Moses Law, lest the Gentiles should goe backe againe; so now also to alure the weake ones, it were fit to remoue the bondage of certaine things, without which the world stood well enough at the first, and now might continue as wel, if there were that faith and charity which the Gospel requireth. Againe, I sée that there bee many which doe place the chéefest part of piety in the obseruati∣on of places, garments, meates, fasts, gestures, and sin∣ging, and by these things do iudge their neighbour, against the rule of the Gospel, from whence it commeth, that when all things should be referred to faith and charity, by the su∣perstition of these things, both are extinguished. And farre is he from the faith of the Gospel, that trusteth to such things: And farre is hee from Christian charity, that for meate and drinkes sake, will gréeue his Christian brother, whose liberty Christ hath purchased with his blood. What bitter contentions doe we sée amongst Christians? What deadly reproaches about garments of this fashion, or that fashion, and about the colour of garments, and about meates which the waters yéelde, and which the fieldes yéelde? If this mischéefe had infected but a few, it might be contemned: but now the whole world we sée is at deadly centention about them and the like. If these things wer taken away, or let to euery mans discretion, wee should liue in greater concord, and ceremonies neglected, wé should striue onely to such things as Christ hath comman∣ded, and other Nations would the sooner receiue the Chri∣stian religion, when they should sée it accompanied with such Christian liberty. And I hope, that he which is now chéefe Bishop, Clemens by name, (which signifieth Milde∣nesse, who is, animo, pietate{que} clementissimus, both for his na∣ture and godlinesse most milde) to that end he may draw al men to the fellowship of the Church, will mittigate all those matters, which haue hitherto kept backe from im∣bracing the same. And I hope that he will more respect the gaine of the Gospel, then the persecuting of his owne right in all points. I heare daily complaints of diuers actions and Churches that be gréeued, but I hope he will so mode∣rate all matters, that héereafter he shall be very impudent that shall complaine. And I would to God that all Princes in Chri∣stendome would do the like, and then I oubt not but that Christian religion, which is now driuen into a strait, florish and spread most happily, if the nations might perceiue that they were called to the liber∣ty of the Gospel, and not to humane bondage: and that they should not be exposed to repine and spoile, but admit∣ted to be pertakers with vs of happinesse and holinesse, when they shall come amongst vs, and finde in vs true Christianity, & christian dealing indéede they wil of them∣selues ffer, more then any loue can inforce or draw from them. I hope that would be effected in short space, if that pestilent goddesse, of reuenge (which hath committed two most mighty Monarches of the world, vnto most deadly warre) were gone to the diuell, from whence she sprang. And I much maruell that this is not already ef∣fected, séeing as King Francis is so full of humanity, as no man more: and Emperour Charles, I suppose is sufficiently instructed by his tutors, that by how much the Lord hath inlarged his Dominions, by so much the more should hée adde daily vnto his owne clemency and goodnesse. Surely there is nothing wanting in either of them. Why then hath not the whole world, that which they so much desire? As yet the Lawyers and Counsellers cannot a∣grée about the limites of their dominions. And you know, that the tumults that are in Comedies, are all waies shut vp and ended wih marriages: and in like manner are the tragedis of Princes. But in Comedies marriages are suddainely accomplished: but amongst great Personages the matter is with grea ficulties brought to passe: And better it is to haue the wound by leasure brought to head, then presenly to haue the soare breake out againe. And do you thinke that these marriages are firme bonds of concord? Truely I could wish it were so: but euen from hence I sée often times, the greatest part of warres to a∣rise: and if any warre be begunne, while one kinsman bordereth vpon another, the fire doth flame out further, and is more hardly quenched. I confesse it, and doe acknowledge it to bee most true that you say. But is it méete thinke you, that for the brables of Lawyers, and the delaies of marriages, the whole world should suffer so much euill? For now there is nothing safe, and bad men may doe what they list, while it is neither peace nor warre. It is not for me to talke of Princes counsells, but if any would make me an Emperour, I know then what I would doe. Well, goe to, imagine that you are an Empe∣rour, and Bishoppe of Rome too if you will, what would you doe? Nay, rather make mee Emperour and French King. Goe to then, suppose you are both. So soone as I had gotten peace in my land, I will send out Proclamation throughout my Kingdome, thatThe Fishm. playeth the Emperour. no man, vpon paine of death, should touch so much as his neighbours henne. And hauing by that means pacified all matters with my owne good, or rather (I may say) with the common good of my people; I would then come to a point about the borders or bounds of my dominions, or a∣bout some conditions of marriage. Haue you no surer bond of peace then marriage? Yes▪ I thinke I haue. I pray you shew it. If I were Emperour, s would I (without de∣lay) deale with the French King. Brother, some euill spi∣rite hath stirred vp this warre betwéene vs, and yet the contention that hath béene betwéene vs, hath not beene to death, but for rule onely: you for your part haue shewed your selfe a most couragious and valiant warriour; For∣tune hath fauoured me, and hath made you, of a King, a Captaine; that which happened to you, might haue fallen vnto me, and▪ your calamity doth admonish vs all of hu∣mane condition: we haue both of vs found by experience, that this kinde of contending is discommodious on either side. Goe to, let vs héereafter contend the contrary way: I giue you your selfe, and I giue you your liberty; I accept of you, not as an enemy, but as a friend, let al former quar∣rells be buried in obliuion, returne vnto your own subiects a frée man, and that gratis, without any ransome, take your goods with you, be a good neighbour, and hence-forward let vs striue onely about this; which of vs shall ouerome other in faithfulnesse, in good will, and in kinde offices, let vs not striue which of vs shal most inlarge our possessions, but who shall administer and gouerne that which he hath most holy and vprightly. In the former conflict I gat the praise of a fortunate man, but in this, he that ouercommeth shal winne farre greater glory. And truely, to me this fame of Clemency shal purchase more true commendation, then if I had conquered all France, and the fame of your grati∣tude, shall winne you more honor, then if you had driuen me out of all Italy. Do not you enuy me that honour which I affect, and I againe shall so fauour your desire, that you shall willingly be a debtor to such a friend? Oh what mag∣nificent and plausible renowne would this curtesie winne vnto Charles through the world? What Nation would not willingly submitte themselues to a Prince so milde and curteous? You haue played Caesars part very finely. Now let me heare what you would doe if you were chéefe Bi∣shoppe?The Fishm. heere playeth the Bisop. It were a long whiles worke to prosecute euery point. I will tel you briefly, I would deale, that all the world should sée that he is the chéefest bishop in the church, that thirsteth after nothing, but the glory of Christ, and the saluation of mens soules. And such a course would frée the name of chéefe Bishop from all enuy, and would also purchase sound and perpetuall honours. But to returne to our former matter againe. Doe the bishops lawes and consttutions bind all that are in the Church to obserue them? They do, if they be good, and confirmed by the au∣thoitie of the Prince. If the constitutions of the Church be of such force, why doth God in Deut. so straightly charge, that no manObiect. shall adde any thing to his lawes, or take any thing from the same?Answer. He doth not adde vnto the law of God, which more plainly vnfoldeth that which lay wrapped vp before, or which doth suggest that which may make for the obserua∣tion of the law: neither doth he detract from the worde of God, who according to the abitie of the hearers, doth de∣spence the word and law of God, reuealing some things, and concealing other some, as the necessitie of the time shal require. Suppose that the bishops, with the rest of the Church, should make a constitution, that no man (retur∣ning from Market,) should eate meate with vnwashen hands; he that should breake this constitution, should be in daunger of hell fire? I thinke not so, vnlesse the fault be aggrauated with contempt of publike authoritie. ath a maister of a familie the like authoritie in hisOf the master of a familie, his authority. house, that a bishop hath in his Diocesse? I thinke he hath, according to his proporiion. And do his commandements bind in like maner? Why not. I commaund that none of my houshold shall eate no Onions, or the like, what daunger is he in before God that shall breake my commaundement? Let him looke to that; for it is a breach of the first commaundement. But I see my next neighbour to be in daunger, and when I méete with him, I doe secretly admonish him, to withdraw himselfe from the companie of drunkards, and gamesters he settes my admonition at nought, and liueth afterward more riotously then he did before. Doth my ad∣mnition bind him? I thinke so. For if we be bound by the Scripture to exhort one another while we haue time, then those which are exhorted are bound to hearken vnto, and obey the exhortations of their brethren. Then whether we counsaile, or exhort, the partie counsailed, &c. is snared. Not so, for it is not an admonition, but the matter of an admonition, that doth snare the conscience. For al∣though I be admonished to weare Pantofles, yet am I not guilty of any crime, though I neglect this admonition. From whence haue humane lawes their force of binding? From the wordes of Saint Paul, Obay those that haue the ouer-sight of you. Haue euerie constitution and ordinance of Magi∣strates, ciuill and ecclesiasticall, his power of binding the conscience? Yea, so it be equall, , and lawfully ordained. But who shall iudge of this matter? They that made the law, must also interpret the law. He that relieueth his parents, being therunto com∣pelledOf constrai∣ned obedi∣ence. by law, whether doth he fulfill the law or no? I think not. For first, he doth not satisfie the mind of the Law-giuer: secondly, there is added hypocrisie vn∣to an vnwilling mind. A man fastes, that would not fast, except the church did commaund him to fast: doth he satisfie the law? Now you chaunge both the Authour and letter of the law. Compare then a Iew obseruing his prescribed fasting dayes, (which he would not obserue vnlesse the law did driue him thereunto) with a christian obseruing his fa∣sting daies, which he would not obserue vnlesse the church did compell him thereunto. I thinke he may be pardoned, which for infirmitie sake borroweth a poynt of the law: but not he that ofsette purpose (and when he needeth not) shall obstinately crosse the law. If Gods laws and mens lawes do alike bind the conscience, what difference then is there betwéene them?The betweene Gods lawes and mens lawes. He that the lawes of men, doth sinne im∣mediately against man, and mediately against God, (as the Schoolemen say:) but he that breaketh the lawes of God, sinneth immediately against God, and mediate∣ly against men. What skils it whether the Uinegar, or the Worm∣wood be put in first, séeing I must drinke vp both? But what difference is there betwéene the authoritie of God, and the authoritie of man? A wicked question. But many do beleeue that there is great difference, God gaue a law by Moses, which may not be broken. The same God giueth lawes by Magistrates, and Syods of Bishops, and other Ministers, what difference is there be∣twéene them and these? Moses lawes was giuen by a man, and our lawes are giuen by men? Of the spirit of Moses it is not lawfull to make a∣nie doubt. What difference betwéene the precpts of Paul, and the ordinances of bishops? Great difference, because that without controuer∣sie Paul wrote by the inspiration of the holy Ghost. Why is not Pauls spirit to b called in question? Because the consent of the whole Church is a∣gainst it. Of the spirit of Bishops a man may make some question. Not rashly, vnlesse the matter doth manifestly sa∣our of impietie, or filthie lucre. What say you of Councels?Of Councels and their au∣thoritie. Men must beware how they call their Decrées in∣to question, if they bee lawfully asembled and guided by the holy Ghost. Then there may be some Councell held, so whom these things agrée not. There is no doubt of that, for there haue béene many wicked Councels: and if that were not so, Diuines would not haue added that distinction. It seemeth then that a man may doubt of Conu∣cels. Not after they be receiued, and approued by the iudgement and consent of Christian Nations. What other difference can you shew me betwéene the lawes of God, and the lawes of man? I desire to heare that from you. The lawes of God be vnchangeable, vnlesse theyOther deffe∣rences be∣tweene the lawes of God and the lawes of men. be such as were made to signifie or foreshew some other thing, or to hold the people in subiection for a time, which also the Prophets foretold should end, as touching their carnall sense, and which the Apostles also taught should be omitted. 2 Againe, amongst the lawes of men, there are found oftentimes wicked, foolish, and pestilent lawes, wherepon they are abrogated, either by the authoritie of the higher power, or by an vniuersall neglect of the people. In the lawes of God there is no such matter. 3 Againe, mans law doth cease of his own accord, when the cause is ceased for which they were made. 4 Againe, mans law is no law, vnlesse it be approued by the consent of the people. The law of God ought nei∣ther to be examined, neither can it be abrogated. And al∣beit Moses in giuing the law gathered the voices, and re∣quired the consent of the people, yet this was not of necessi∣tie, but to make them the more guiltie, and to leaue them without excuse if they did breake them. For it is an impu∣dent part to contemne that law which thou hast appro∣ued, by giuing thy voyce and consent. 5 Lastly, forsomuch as the lawes of men, (which for the most part prescribe bodily things) are inducements to god∣linesse, they séeme then of right to cease when any man is growne to the strength of a spirituall man, that nowe hée néede not any longer to be bounded in with such railes or bounds, so that to the vttermost of his power he be care∣full, not wittingly to offend the weake ones, nor mali∣tiously to offend those that are superstitious. As if a fa∣ther, for the better preseruing of his daughters virginity vntil she be married, doth charge hir, while she is a virgin, that she drinke no wine: but when she is growne to be of yéeres, and married to a husband, she is no longer tied to her fathers commaundement. Many lawes are like vnto medicines, or potions, which are oftentimes ltered and changed, or taken quite away, according to the naure of their obicts about which they are employed, the Physiti∣ons themselues also allowing the same, who if they shouldA st simili∣tude. alwayes vse the same remedies which haue béene prescri∣bed by antient writers, they shoulde kill more then they should heale. You heap vp a number of things together, wherof some I like, and som I mislike, and som I vnderstand not. What if a bishops lawe shall euidently sauour of coutousues, as for example, if he should ordaine that e∣ury parishioner thrghout his Diocesse shall twice cue∣ry yéere giue a ducket of golde to be absolued from such ca∣ses as they call episcopall cases, whereby hée may extort the more of those that are vnder his iurisdiction, do you thinke he is to be obeyed? I thinke he is, but in the meane time his wicked lawe is to be cried out against, but alwayes without sedi∣tion: but whence is it that the Butcher is such a Questio∣nist and sifter of matters? let Carpenters of their building, and Eutchers of Butchers matters. We are oftentimes troubled with such questions at feasts, and smetimes the heate is so great, that it grow∣eth to fighting.Howe wee should carrie our to∣wardes the lawes establi∣shed by pu∣like authoritie Let them fight that list, I thinke that the lawes of our Emperours ought to be reuerently embraced, and religiously obserued, euen as procéeding from God, neither de I holde it safe, or sauouring of godlinesse, o conceiue, or suspitiously to speake of publique authoritie. And if there e any thing that may séeme to sauour of ty∣ranny, which yet dooth not compell men to impietie, I do holde it better to suffer it patiently, than to resist it sediti∣ously. By this meanes I confesse you prouide well for them that excell in dignitie, and I am of your minde, ney∣ther do I enuie them, but I would willingly heare what course might be taken for the liberty and good of the peo∣ple. God will not leaue his people destitute. But in the meane time, where is that libertie of the spirite which the Apostles promise out of the Gospel, and which Paul so often beateth vpon, crying out, that the kingdome of God is not meat and drinke, and that we that are the children of God, are not vnder a Schoolemaister, and that we shoulde be no longer in bondage to the rudi∣ments of this world, and a number of things moe: if Chri∣stians be burdened with so many constitutions more than the Iewes were. I wil tell you Butcher, christian libertie doth notWherin chri∣stian liberty consisteth. consist in this, that it may be lawful for men to doe what they list, being set frée from humane constitutions, but that from the abounance and feruencie of the spirite, they be∣ing prepared for all weathers, (as they vse to speake) doe those things willingly and chéerefully which are prescri∣bed them, that is to say, like sonnes, and not like vnto ser∣uants. Uery wel, but vnder Moses law there were sons, and vnder the Gospell there be seruants. And more than that, I feare lest the greatest parte o men are of the nature of seruants, which are compelled by lawe to doe their due∣tie: what difference is there then betweene the old Testa∣ment and the new? In my opinion, great diference. That which the olde Testament taught vnder vailes, the new TestamentThe diffence betweene the olde and new Testment. layeth before our eies. That which the olde foretolde by figures, and shadowes, the new sheweth more cleerely. What that promised very obscurely, and afarre off, this hath exhibited for a great part thereof. That was offered to one nation onely, this dooth exhibite saluation indiffe∣rently to all. That made a few Prophets and woorthie men partakers of that excellent and spirituall grace, this hath plentifully powred out all maner of gifts, as namely of tongues, of healing diseases, of working myracles, of prophecyings, &c. and that vpon men of all ages, sexes, and nations. What is then become of all these things now? They are not dead, but asléepe: not perished, but ceased, either because there is no need of them, the doctrine of the Gospèl being now published ouer the worlde, or be∣cause many being but christians onely in name, want that faith whereby myracles were wrought. If myracles be néedefull for those that be vnbelée∣uers,Of Miracles. and distrustfull, then now are they néedefull, for now the world swarmeth with such. There are vnbeléeuers that erre of simplicitie, such were the Jewes which mumured against Peter for receiuing Cornelius and his housholde vnto the grace of the Gospel. And such were the Gentiles, who supposed that the religion of their forefathers would saue them, and as for the doctrine of the Apostles, they accounted it strange superstition. These, at the sight of myracles were conuer∣ted. They which now distrust the Gospel, ater so great light of knowledge, so long shining in all partes of the worlde, doe not erre of simpliitie, but being blindd with euill affections, they lit not to vnderstand. No myracles would euer reclaime such persons to a better minde. And now is the time of healing, hereafter wil be a time of ven∣geance, vpon all such as will not be healed of their errour. But to let these things passe, tell mee in good earnest, is it true that you saide, that there is libertie giuen for eating of flesh, who list, and when they will? I did but ieast, to stirre you a little. And if such an Edict were made, the Company of the Fishmonger would be seditious. Againe, the worlde is full of Phari∣saicall persons, who can no way else get themselues an o∣pinion of holinesse, but by such obseruations. And they would neyther loose one iote of that glorie which they had gotten, nor endure that their inferiours should haue more libertie than themselues. Neither woulde this be for our commodities that are Butchers, to haue a frée vse of all things graunted, for then our gaines would be very vn∣certaine, whereas now our gaine is more certaine, and lesse subiect to chaunce and labour. You saide most truely, and the same discommodi∣tie would redownd vnto vs. I am glad yet, that at the last there is somewhat found, wherein the Fishmongers and the Butchers do a∣grée. Now that I may beginne to speake in good earnest, it were better (as I take it) for the christian people to bée lesse clogged with constitutions and humane ordinances, especially such as doe not tend much to godlinesse, but ra∣ther doe hurt, yet on the other side, I wil not defend them which reiect all, and care not a strawe for any constitti∣ons of any man. Yea so péeuish are they some of them, that therefore they wil doe such and such things, onely because they are forbidden. But yet I cannot maruaile enough at the preposterous iudgement of mortall men. No more can I. If we suspect any daunger of loosing any ioate ofMan must be so honoured as God be not defrauded of his honour. weight from the constitutions and authoritie of the Cler∣gie, we kéepe a stirre, as if heauen and earth should goe to∣gither: but although there be so much giuen to humane authoritie, that Gods authoritie is not so much regarded as it ought to be, yet we sléepe soundly, and thinke there is no daunger at hand. And thus while we labour to shunne one rocke, wée runne vpon another more deadly, and that without any feare at all. The ishops and cleargy are to haue that honor which is due vnto them? who denyeth it? especially if they doe according to their names: but it is a wicked thing to transferre that honour vnto men, which is due and proper vnto God, and while we are precise in re∣uerencing of men, to do little or none at all vnto God. The Lorde is to be honoured and reuerenced in our neighbour, but in the meane time we must beware, that God by this meanes be not defrauded of his honour. In like manner wée sée many o put so much con∣fidence in outward ceremonies, that they altogether neg∣lect those things which pertaine to true pietie, arrogantly ascribing that to their owne merites, which is due onelie to Gods mercie and goodnesse, setting downe their rest there, from whence they should procéede to greater perfe∣ction, and withall, reproaching and iudging their neigh∣bors by those things which in themselues are neither good nor bad. Yea, and one and in the same action, if there béeCases of pre∣postrous iudgement. two things whereof the one is better than the other, we do euer make most reckoning of the worst parte. The bodie and bodily things are euery where more estéemed than the soule, and the things that belong to the soule. To kill a man is counted a hainous crime, and so it is, but to cor∣rupt the soule of man with pestilent doctrine, and viperous suggestions, is a sporte. If a Minister weare a Lay mans garment, he is cast into prison, and seuerely punished: but if he be found drincking and bowsing in ale-houses, and whore houses, if he be a whoremaister, if he be a gam∣ster, if he defile other mens wiues, if hee neuer study the Scriptures, yet (if he be formall) hée is for all that a pil∣lar of the Church, and nothing is sayde vnto him. I ex∣cuse not his disorderly going in apparell forbidden: but I blame this preposterous iudgement. Yea, if hee say not his stint of prayers at his set houres, he is an Anathema, accursed: but if he be an vsurer, or symonist, he goeth scot frée. If one should sée a Carthusian Friar otherwise clad, then according to this order, or féeding vpon flesh in Lent, or vpon Fridaies, &c. how is he accursed, abhorred, detested, yea, men feare that the earth will open and swal∣low vp both the beholder and him that is beheld: but if the same man sée him lie drunken in the steéetes, or with lies and standers, raging against the good name of other men, and laying snares through crafty and subtile meanes, to intrap his poore neighbour, no man doth therefore abhorre him. It is as if one should sée a Franciscan Friar weare a girdle without knots, or an Augustine Friar to weare a linnen girdle in stéed of leather, or a Carmelite to go with∣out a girdle. Againe, to sée a Franciscane weare shooes, or a Crosse-bearer halfe shood, were a horrible fact, and they worthy for the same to be drowned in the bottome of the sea. Yea, of late there were with vs twoo women, counted both wise women: one of them went home and tra∣uelled before her time, and the other fell into a sweund, be∣cause they sawe a certaine canon goe before the holy Nunnes, or Uirgines (as they will be called) in the next Uillage, & walking openly without a white garment, and his black cloke vpon it: but the same woman had often seen such birdes banquetting, and reuelling, singing, and daun∣sing, kissing and ambling, the rest I will conceale, and yet they thought they neuer saw enough. Peraduenture that sexe is lawlesse: but you know Polithescus, doe you not? hee was very dangerously sicke; the Phisitians had often perswaded him to eate egges and white meates, but all in vaine. To the same effect did the Bishop exhort him, but he (though he were learned, and a Batcheller of Diuinity) did choose rather to die then to fol∣low, the counsells either of the Bshop or of the Phisi∣tians. Then it séemed good to the Phisitians and the rest of his friends, to deceiue him by a wiie: there was a supping made for him of egges and goates milke, which they called Almond milke, he did eate it very willingly, and so conti∣nuing some daies together, at last he beganne to amend, vntil a certaine damsel tolde him what it was, then he be∣gan to cast vp that which he had eaten. But the same man that was so superstitious in egges and milke, made no con∣science of forswearing a debt that he owed me: for when I in simplicity sent him his bill, he secretly with his naile cut it and rent it, and sware it was cancelled. What more peruerse then this iudgement? he sinned against the minde of the Church, in not obeying either the Bishop or the Phi∣sitians, and in manifest periury he had a firme conscience, that was so weake in a messe of milke. Now you make me remember a tale that I heard of late a Dominican Friar tell in his sermon, of a holy Uir∣gine that was oppressed by a young man; the swelling of her belly did plainely argue the fact: she was called before the Abbasse, and the rest of the Nunnery, the pleadeth that she was ouermatched: but you should haue cried out (saith the Abbasse) I should haue done so indéede, but it is a great offence to breake silence in the sléeping chamber. Now to requite your tale with the like. I wasHoly virgins. of late in a place where a couple of Nunnes came to visite their acquaintance; their man through forgetfulnesse had lest their portuse behinde. Good God what a stirre was there, to supper they wold not go before they had said their euensong, neither would they reade on any other booke but their owne: In the meane time, all the house tarried for their supper. To be short, their man was faine to run backe againe to their Cloister, lae in the euening hee brings their owne prayer booke: well, prayers are said, and scarsely had we supped before ten of the clocke. All this while I heare nothing worthy to be much blamed. Because you haue but halfe the storie. While they were at supper, those Uirgines beganne to be merry with wine: at length, hauing finished their laughter, the whole company abounded with ieasts and scoffes, not very plea∣ to chaste yeares, but no man was more lasciuious then those holy Uirgines, which would not goe to supper before they had said prayers vpon their owne booke, and after the maner of their Cloister or Couent: from ∣ing they procéeded to play, to dansing, to sing bawdy songs, the rest I dare not tel: but I am afraid there was that night somewhat committed that did scantly become Uir∣gines, vnlesse these fore warnings, their lasciuious yorts, noddings, and kissings, did much deceiue me. This impiety is not so much to be imputed to the Uirgines, as to those Priests which had charge ouer them: but goe to, I wil also requite your story with such another, and such a one as I was an eye-witnesse vnto my sele. Within these few daies there were a company clapt in pri∣son for baking of bread vpon the Lords day, which they said méere necessity droue them vnto. I condemne not this censure, but I like not the preposterous partiality of mens iudgements. A little while after vpon a Sunday, called Palmes sunday, by chance I was to goe to the next Uil∣lage: there, about foure of the clocke after dinner, it was my hap to méete with I know not whether I may call it, a ri∣diculous, or a miserable spectacle: I suppose that no drun∣ken feasts had euer more filthinesse: some réelde this way and that way with wine, euen as a ship left at sea withoutMost beastly drunknnes. a guide, is tossed of the windes and the waues. There were some that went arme in arme to hold by one another, and yet so weake they were, that they were stil downe, and could hardly rise againe. Many of them were crowned with oaken leaues. A certaine Seignior amongst them, playing the foster-father of Bacchus, was carried like a packe vpon mens shoulders, in that manner as men vse to carry a dead corps, his féet vpward, and his head down∣ward, with his face towards this porters legges, lest hée should choke himselfe with vomiting, if he had béene vp∣ward, he did pitteously bewray the hose and shooes of those porters that came behinde: neither was any of the porters sober: for the most part they did nothing but laugh, but in such sort, as any man might easily perceiue them to be be∣sides their wits. The fury of Bacchus had so possessed them all, and with this shew they went through the City euen in the open day light. If these men had but tasted an egge, they should haue béene haled to prison, as if they had killed their father, whereas for loosing the sacred sermon, for neg∣lecting the publike worship of God, & for cōmitting so hor∣rible intemperancy, & that vpon so holy a day, & in so pub∣like a manner; to the great offence of God, and griefe of the godly, no man punished thē, no man was angry with them. Neuer maruaile much at that: for in the middest of the City, in Ale-houses that be next vnto the Church, vpon Sabaoth daies and other holy daies, you shall haue them tipling, singing bawdy songs, dancing, quarrelling, and fighting, with so great noise and tumult, that neither the sermon can be heard, nor any holy businesse be perfor∣med without disturbance. If the same persons should at the same time but mend a shooe, or eate a pigge vpon a Fri∣day, they should bee seuerely punished for a most deadly sinne. And yet the Lords day was chéefely ordained to this end; that men might be at leasure to heare the doctrine of the Gospel, and therefore are men then forbidden to worke bodily worke, that they might be at leasure to informe their mindes with the wil of God. Is not this strange per∣uersenesse of mens iudgements?Of fasting. Uery strange. Now in the fast it selfe, which is prescribed in Poperie, there be two things, one is the ab∣staining from meate; the other is the choise of meates. E∣uery one knoweth the first to be according to Gods com∣maundement: but the other is, not onely humane, but also contrary to the doctrine of the Apostle, howsoeuer we would excuse the matter, yet here also by a prposterous iudgement it is lawfull for the people to suppe, and it is no fault in them; but to taste of meate forbidden by man, andOf receiuing the Sacramēt. permitted by God, & his seruants the Apostles, is a deadly sin counted. What a heinous offence would men account it, to receiue the holy sacrament of Christs bodie and blood with vnwashen hands▪ and indeed it is a ault, but h little do they feare to receiue the same with anwashen hart, and a minde defiled with peruerse and wicked lusts? Yea, how many Priests are there, which woulde rather die then minister the Sacrament in a Cuppe, not yet consecrated by the Bishop, or in such garments as they vsually weare euery day: but amongst these that are so af∣fected, how many do we sée, which are no whit afraide to come to the holy Table, béeing as yet full and foule with the former nights surfetting, gurmandizing and drunken∣nesse? It is forbidden by humane constitution, that no person that is base borne, lame, or poreblind shal be admit∣ted to the holy Ministrie: and here how strict are w? And yet in the meane time we admit euerie where, such as bée vnlearned, gamsters, drunkards, souldiers, cutters, and ruffians. They will say perhaps, they know not the dis∣eases of the minde: but I speake not of secret defects, I speake of such as are more open in the view of al men, then the defects of the bodie be. Againe, there be great ones that make no bones (as the saying is) of oppressing the liberties, and priuiledges of ec∣clesiasticallDeuourers of Church lands which were first giuen to the vse of the poore. persons, neither yet of ioyning vnto their own houses, such houses as are part of the Churches inheri∣tance, and were giuen by the deuotion and liberalitie of godly and well disposed persons, for the relieuing of such as are aged, and sicke, and poore & néedy in the Parish. And yet they séeme vnto themselues very great Christians, if they can rage, and play the mad men against such as omit a ceremonie, leaue out a Collect, or obserue not euerie holy day, or holy day euen, and the like. Well, let them go, and leaue them to the Lord, who will méete with such hypocrites well inough. Let vs now talke of fish and flesh another while. With a good will. Let vs returne then to our formerOf fasting & fish-eating. speach of fasting, and fish-eating. I haue heard that the lawes of the church do expressely except children, old folks, sicke persons and weake, great labourers, women with child, giuing sucke, and very féeble. And the same haue I also often heard. I haue also heard of an excellent Diuine, Gerson I thinke his name is, that hath added this, that if there bée any cause of the like moment, with those which the canons of the Church do except by name, that then also the force of the law doth cease. For there be peculiar habites of states of mens bodies, which do make the restraint of meat more daungerous than an euident disease. And there be secret diseases which yet do not appeare, which in truth may bée so much the more dangerous. And they which compel chil∣dren, or very old folkes, or sicke and féeble persons, either to taste, or to eate fish, doe commit a double sinne, first against brotherly charitie: Secondly, against the mind and mea∣ning of the Church, which would not haue them wrapped in a law, which cannot keepe it without their owne de∣struction, or danger. Whatsoeuer Christ did institute, he instituted it to the health both of soule and bodie, neither can any potentate chalenge vnto himselfe so great power, as that by his con∣stitutions he may driue any persons to endaunger their liues. As if one by fasting one night, should not be able to sleepe, and for want of sleepe, should be in danger of a fren∣zie: he that shal driue a man to this inconuenience, is (both against the minde of the Church, and against the will of God) a murtherer of his neighbor. Princes so often as they sée cause, do make lawes to punish men by death: whatPrinces may punish by death. they may do I do not define; this I thinke I may say, that they should deale more safely, if they did not punish any by death, but for such causes as are expressed in the holy scrip∣tures. In heynous crimes, the Lord doth call men away from the vttermost bond of circumstance that may leade thereunto, as in the case of periurie, he forbiddeth to swear at all; to kéepe men from murther, he forbids men to be an∣grie. We for a humane constitution doe driue men to the vttermost bound or verie point of manflaughter. But so of∣ten as there appeareth any probable cause, it is the part of charitie to exhort our neighbours, vnto those things which the weakenesse of his bodie doth require. And if there ap∣peare n cause, yet it is the dutie of christian charitie, fa∣uourably to interpret the matter, that it might be done with a good minde, vnlesse he that wil eate, shall shew ther∣in a manifest contempt of the lawes. And such as shall con∣temptuously, and seditiously, eate any thing that is forbid∣den by law, the ciuill Magistrate doth iustly punish. But what euery man may eate in his own house, for the health of his bodie, it is for Physitians, and not for Magistrates to determine. But if hereupon also any shall be so wicked as to raise any tumult, let him be guiltie of sedition, and not he that prouideth for his bodily health, not breaking either Gods law or mans law. And such is the lenitie and moderation of the Church of Christ, that vpon good cause, they will of their owne accord stirre vp men to vse such things as the health of their bodie shall require, and which their licences or charters wil also arme men against the accusations and backbitings of ill disposed persons. It may be called zeale, if any man shall deale seuere∣ly with his owne body, for euerie man is best knowne vnto himselfe; but where is the pietie, or where is the cha∣ritie of these men, who contrarie to the law of nature, con∣trarie to the law of God, and contrarie to the meaning of the Church, would enforce their weak brother vnto death, or to some kinde of disease more cruell than death it selfe? Your speach makes me to remember a storie of neMunsier Eros. Mounsier Eros, a learned man, and now verie old, he would neuer eate any flesh vpon Fridayes, nor in Lent, and yet by reason of diuerse infirmities that vexed him, he had a li∣cence or dispensation from the Bishoppe to eate what hée would. This Mounsier Eros for his health ake, went on a time to Feruentia, and I in kindnesse bare him companie. Being come to Feruentia, he turned into the house of an old friend of his, who had often by letters inuited him thither. This friend of his was a man of great wealth, and autho∣ritie. He came to a fish dinner, but Eros began to be verie daungerously icke, there was an armie of diseases vppon him, the ague, the headach, vomiting, the stone, &c. This host, although he saw his friend in great daunger, yet durst not giue him one bit of flesh. And why thinke you? he saw causes inough why he might lawfully doe it, and he had séene the Bishops dispensation, but he feared the tongues of men. And now the disease was growne so farre vppon him, that it was in vaine to giue him any. What did Mounsier Eros? I know the nature of the man, he had rather die, then to doe any thing that might procure his friend any enuie. He shut himselfe into his Chamber, and for three dayes togither he liued after his olde maner: his dinner was an Egge onely; his drinke was water boyled with Sugar. So soone as the Ague had left him, he took his horse, and carried his diet with him. What was that? Almond milke in a Flagon Bottle, and Raisins in the Sunne in a Bagge. When he came at home, he had a itte of the stone, and hee kept his bedde for it a whole moneth togither. Now because he did eate euery day an Egge at his friends house, there followed a horrible ru∣mour after his departure of eating of flesh, and in that furious manner it was aggrauated, as if he had poysoned tene men, and this rumor was spread as farre as Paris: What doe you thinke to be the fittest remedy against such offences? The best remedie that I know, is this, let them powre all their chamber pots vpon their heads, and if they chaunce to méete you, stoppe your nose vntill you are past them, it may be that so they may be ashamed of their fol∣lie. Certainely Preachers shal doe wel, sharpely to reprooue this Pharisaicall impietie. But what thinke you of that hoste? He séemed to be a wise man, who knew full well what Tragedies vpon friuolous occasions would be by the foolish people. But it is now time to returne from this long digression, to our former purpose. There is no losse of time in this digression, it is to the purpose, vnlesse perhappes you haue any thing else to adde to that which hath béene sayd already concerning hu∣mane constitutions. Truly, to mée it séemeth that hée is not a right ob∣seruerThe end why mens lawes are made must be considered. of mens lawes, which doth neglct the meaning & drift of the lawe-makers: for hée that vpon holy dayes ab∣staineth from handy labour, and yet in the meane time is not at leisure to heare Sermons, and to ioyne with the con∣gregation in the exerces of Gods worshipp, oth neglect the chiefest thing for which the festiuall day was institu∣ted: for therefore is one good worke then forbidden, that a better might be doone in his stéede: but they which leaue their ordinary businesse, onely to haunt tauerns, and har∣lots houses, to fight and brawle, to be great drinkers, and riotous, &c. they are double violaters of the holy festiuall day. And I knowe diuers which woulde choose, rather to die, than to minister the Sacrament, if by chaunce they had tasted any meae that morning, or if but one droppe of water (while they wash their mouth) should chaunce to slippe downe their throate. And yet the same persons haue confessed, that at the same instant they haue carried some priuy grudge against certaine persons, whom they would haue killed, if fit oportunitie would haue serued, neyther did they make any scruple or doubt to come to the holy ta∣ble of the Lord with this bloody minde. And as prepostereus are men in their iudge∣mentsVowes. concerning vowes. There is no vowe more reli∣gious than that of baptisme. Now he that hath vowed a monasticall life &c. and afterward vpon iust caue changeth his garment, or his place, is sought for as if hée had poyso∣ned his father, he is apprehended; haled, and pulled, impri∣sond, and bound, & many times put to death for the honour of his order. But they whose life is directly contrary vnto the vowe which they made in baptisme, while they giuVow of Bap∣tisme. themselues wholy to serue mammon, their belly, and the pompe of this worlde, they are had in great accompt, ney∣ther are these men charged with the crime of violating their vow, neither are they accompted apostataes, or back sliders, but good christians. He is punished, that (being mooued by some vr∣gentFalse oathes. cause) dooth sweare a false oath, but they that mingle euery third word with a false oath, are not punished. These doe not sweare of set purpose, or in good ear∣nest. By the like reason you may excuse him that killes a man, so hee did it not in earnest, or of sette purpose. To sweare a false oath is not lawfull, either in ieast or earnest. And it is a more hainous crime to kill a man in ieast, than in anger. What infamy dooth pursue a maide that hath slipt aside, but a slaunderous and backbiting tongue, with a heart fraught with hatred and malice or a greater euill, and yet no body woondreth at them: there is no lawe foradulterie and Thet. them. Where is not the lightest theft punished more se∣urely than adultery? No man will willingly conuerse with one that is stained with the infamie of theft: but to be familiar with one that is loaen and couered ouer with a∣dulteries is a great credite, and a point of good neighbour∣hoode accompted. No man will bestowe his daughter vp∣onA , a common sol∣dr. a common hangman, which for his stipend dooth exe∣cute the lawes, but we do like well to haue affinitie with a common souldier, which hath often against the will both of the parents and magistrates serued in a mercenarie warre, which hath bin defiled with so many whoredoms, rapes, sacrileges, murthers, & other most hainous crimes, which either in the wars themselues, or in going to them, or returning from them, are wont to be committed, such a one doe we make choise of to be our sonne in lawe: such a one that is worse than any hangman doth a virgine doate vpon, and that we accompt great nobilitie that i gten by mischiefe and villanie. Hée that taketh away a mans mony, is hanged, but that they by purloyning the commonThieues. stocke of Churches and towneships, by monopolies, by v∣suries▪ yea by a thousand wiles, and deceitfull trickes de spoyle many, are reckoned amongst the chiefe men of the parish. So, they that giue poison to some one person, arePoysoers. punished by the lawes as a poysoner, but they that infect and kil the people with infected wines and corrupted oiles, are lawlesse. I haue knowne some Monkes so superstitios,Superstitious Monks. that they would thinke themselues in the handes of the , if by chaunce their holy vesture were left off, but al∣though they giue themselues to lying, and slaundering, to drunkennesse and enuie, they feare no such matter. And such ideotes a man may finde amongest vsFolish armor agenst the di∣uell. many, who do not thincke their house safe from the power of the diuell, and malice of witches, and wicked spirites, vnlesse they haue consecrated holy water, or a holy candle, or a horse shooe nailed vpon their thresholde, but they feare not their houses wherein daily God is prouoked by so ma∣ny meanes, and the diull is daily worshipped. And howe many are there that trust more to the helpe of the virgine Marie, or of Saint Christopher, than of Christ himselfe. The mther of Christ they worship with candles, images, and songs, but Christ himselfe they doe most obstinately and stowtly offend with their wicked liues. And for such trifles as these and others that we haue spoken of, how great breach is there of brotherly charitie? how bitter hatred and hart-burning? what virulent back∣biting and traducing of mens names? Against which, both Christ in the Gospel, and Paul in his Epistles doe vehe∣mently inueigh: And which all Diuines and Preachers should strongly beate downe. Indéede it so: but there be may amon∣gest them, who h ather haue the people, and prin∣ces, and bishops at that passe, than otherwise. And againe, ther be which do no more sauor or vnderstand these things than the common people doeth, or if they doe vnderstand them, they dissemble their knowledge, taking more care for the belly than for the Lorde Iesus. Héereupon it com∣meth to passe that the people being on euery side corrupted with preposterous iudgements, are confident where there is cause to feare, and afraide where there is no daunger. There they stand at a stay, where they ought to goe for∣ward, and there they march forward, from whence they ought to retire. And from these so ill taught, if a manne shoulde attemt to plucke any thing away of their olde cu∣stomes, they would crie out that hee is a raiser of seition: as if it were sedition for a man, by good medicines, to re∣claime or purge a bodie corrupted, which vnskilfull Phy∣sitians haue had long in handling, and brought to a natu∣rall habite of corruption. But it is time to breake ff this complaint which hath no end. As I was lately reasoning of these matters at sup∣pe, by ill hap there was a certaine fellow in presence that was lowsie, ragged, pale, lanke, drie, and with a withered erabtree face very ghastly, he had scarce thrée haires vpon his scull, so often as hée spake he shut his ies, they said hée was a diuine: he called mée a disciple of Autichrist, and many other things he babbled out. What saide you? were you mute? I wished he might haue one mite of a sober mind in so filthy a braine, i he had any braine at all. YOu tell me horrible things Adolphus, of your sea voyage, is this to be a Mariner? God kéep me from going to sea. Yea, that I haue told you bitherto, is sport to these things you shal now heare. I haue hard of euills more then enow, I trem∣bled al the tie you were reciting them, as if my selfe had béene in danger with you. But to me my labours past were plesing enough. But that night there happened a certaine thing, which for great part of the night, tooke away all hope of life from the Maister of the ship. What I pray you? The night was somewhat light, and in the top of the maste stoode one of the mainers in the basket (for so I thinke they cal it) looking about to see if he could spie any land: fast by this man beganne to stand a certaine round thing like a bal of fire, which (when it appeareth alone) is to the ship∣me a most feareful signe of hard successe, but when two of them doe appeare together, that is a signe of a prosperous voyage. These apparitions were called in old time Castor and Pollux. What had they to doe with sea-men, being one of them a Horse-man, the other a Champion, or stowt war∣rior? So the Pets did feigne. The Pilot of the ship sit∣ting at the sterne, said to him that was aloft; fellow (for so doe the ship-men call one another) doost thou not sée what a com∣panion stands by thy side? I sée it (said the other) and I pray God it e for good: By and by the fery globe sliding downe by the ropes, tumbled it selfe ntil it came to the Maister of the ship. Did he not die with feare? No, Mariners are accustomed to monsters. It ha∣uing ayed thre a while, it roled it selfe along the brimmes of the ship, and from thence downe into the middle roomes, it vanished away. About mid-night the tempest beganne to increase more and mor: did you euer sée the Alpes? Yes, haue séene them. Those mountaines are but hillockes in comparison of the waues of the sea: so often as we were heaued vp with them, we might haue touched the Moone with our fingers; so often as wee went downe againe, it semed vnto vs as though the earth had opened, and we had béene going directly to hell. O madmn that commit themselues to the sea! The mariners striuing with the tempest, but all in vaine, at length the Maister of the ship came vnto vs very pale. That palenesse doth presage some great euil. My friends (quoth he) I can be no longer Maister of my ship, the windes haue gotten the vpper hand, it remai∣neth now, that we commit our selues vnto God, and euery man to prepare himselfe for extreamity. O right Scyhian sermon! But first (quoth hee) the ship must be disburdened, necessity hath no law, a sore weapon it is, there is no remea∣dy, better it is to saue our liues, with the losse of our goods, than to lose both goods and life together. The truth pruai∣led, many vessels were throwne ouer into the sea, ful of rich marchandise. This was indéede to suffer wracke. There was a certaine Italian in the ship, who hadOf an Italian. gone Ambassador to the King of Scots, hee had a chest ful of plate, gold rings, cloth, and silke apparel. He would not bestow them vpon the sea. No, but desired either to perish with his beloued ri∣ches, or to be saued with them. Therefore he was somewhat wilful, and stoode against the rest. What said the ship-maister? We could be wel content (quoth hee) that thou, and that thou hast, should perish together: but it is not fit that all we should be in danger for the sauing of thy chest: if you wil not be ruled, we wil throw both you and your chest hed-long together into the sea. A right mariners oration. So the Italian lost his goods, wishing all euil bothA sorry re∣uenge. to the heauens and the hells, for that hee had committed his life to so barbarous an element. I know that is the manner of Italians. A little while after, when we saw that the windes rage more and more, and we had done what we could, they cut the ropes, and cast the sailes ouer-boord. O miserable calamity! Then the Maister came to vs againe, friends (quoth he) the time doth exhorte euery man to commend himselfe to God, and to prepare himselfe for to die. He was asked of cer∣taine, who were not altogether ignorant of seafaring, for how many houres he thought the ship might defend it selfe, he said that he could promise nothing, but aboue thrée houres hée said it was not possible. This spéech was yet harder then the rest. When he had so said, he commanded al the ropes to be cut, and the maine-maste to be sawen downe close by the boxe wherein it stood, and together with the saile-yardes to be cast ouer boord into the sea. Why did he so? Bcause (the saile being gone or torne) it serued to no vs, but to burthen the ship: all their hope was in the strne or ruddr. What did the passengers & shipmen in the mean time? here you should haue seene a miserable face of things, the mariners singing Salue regina, they cried to theSaue regina. Uirgine Mary for help, they called her, the star of the Sea, the Quéen of Heauen, the Lady of the world, the hauen of Helth,Poore shifts. flttering her with many other titles which the holy Scrip∣tures neuer gaue her. What had she to doe with the sea, that I thinke ne∣uer went to sea in all her life? Venus had sometimes the charge of mariners, because she was thought to be borne of the sea: and because she gue ouer her cure, the Uirgin mother was substituted in her stéed, which was a mother, but no virgine. Now you iest.Ridiculous superstition. Many falling flat vpon the bordes, did worship the sea, crying; O most gentle Sea, O most noble Sea, O most rich Sea, O most faire Sa, be quit, saue vs: and thus they cried to the deaf sa. O ridiculous superstition! what did others? Some did noting but vomite, and some made vowes. There was a certaine Englishman, who promised golden mountaines to his Lady of Wasingham, if euer he came safe to land. Others promised many things to a woodden crosse that stood at such a place: and others to another that stoode in ano∣place. The like vowes were made to the Uirgin Mary, which raigneth in many places, and they thinke thir vow of no ef∣fect, except they name the place. A iest, as though the Saints did not dwel in heauen. There were that vowed to become Carthusans. Ther was one who vowed to go to St. Iames of Compostella, barefooted, and bare headed, with nothing vpon his bodie but a hirt of male, and begge for vittailes. Did none remember S. Christopher? Yes, I heard one (but I could not forbeare laughing) promise Saint Christopher, which standes in the great Church at Paris, a waxe Candle as bigge as himselfe. Now this Chri∣stopher is rather a mountaine than an Image, and this he cried out as loude as euer he could, for feare he should not be heard, and this he often repeated. One of his acquaintance that by chaunce stoode next vnto him, pulled him by the séeue, and warned him to take héede what he said: for (said he) if you should make sale of all that you haue, you are not able to pay your vow. Then the other with a lowde voyce (lest Christo∣pher should heare him) said, hold thy peace fool, dost thou thinkSaint Chri∣stopher like to be cousened of a . that I speake as I meane, or meane as I say? If once I get to land I will not giue him a tallow Candle. O grosse wit, I thinke he was a Hollander. No, but he was a Zelandr. I maruaile that none remembred Paul the Apostle, who himselfe was sometime at sea, and suffered shipwracke, and out a broken ship swanune to land he hauing béene in daunger himsele, would perhappes haue pittied others that were in daunger. There was no metion of Paul. But they prayed in the meane time, did they not? Yes, that they did, striuing who should do best. One sung, Salue Regina; another sung, Credo in Deum; There were some that had certaine speciall short prayers, like charmes a∣gainst daungers. How religious men are in affliction: in time of prosperi∣tie, mn thinke neither vpon God, nor any godly man, what did you all this while? Did yu vow to no Saint? No surely, because I make no couenaunt with Saints, or what is it else but a formall contract, or bargain? I will giue you this, if you will doe that for me: I will giue you a Candle, if I may swimme to land. But you craued the aide of some Saint: Did you not? Not I, for heauen is large. And if I should com∣mend next he doore. my safetie to any of the Saints, suppose it were to saint Peter, who peraduenture would be the first that should heare, because he standeth at the doore, before he could come to God, yea before he could declare my cause, I should be drowned. What did you then? I went directly to God himselfe, and said, Our father which art in heauen, &c. None of the Saints doe heare sooner than he, nor more willingly giue vs that which we aske. But did not your conscience fight against you? were you not afraide to call him Father, whom you had so manie wayes offended? Truly to deale plainly, my conscience did somwhat terrifie me, but presently I gathered courage vnto me, thin∣king thus with my selfe, there is no father so angry with his sone, but (if he sée him in the riuer and in daunger of drow∣ning) will take him by the haire of the head, or else where, as he may, and pull him to land. Amongst all the rest, there wasOf a woman with hir child none more quiet, and frée from feare, then a certaine woman, who had an Infant sucking vpon her breast: she neiter cried out, nor wept, nor made any vow, shée onely embracing her tender Infant, prayed softly to her selfe. In the meane time, the ship rushed vpon a shallow, and the Maister fearing lest it would be split all in péeces, he bound it together with Cables, from the foredocke to the sterne. O miserable shifts. In the meane time there stands vp a certaine MasseOf an old▪ Prest. Priest, an old man, about thrée score, he casting off all his cloathes to his verie shirt, togither with his bootes and shooes, wished all the rest in like mannr to prepare themselues to swimme. And so standing in the middest of the ship, he prea∣ched vnto vs out of Gerson▪ of the vtilitie of auricular Confes∣sion, exhorting vs, that euerie one of vs should prepare him∣selfe both to liue and die. And there was a certaine Domini∣can Frier: to these two they didde confesse themselues hat isted. What did you? I, (séeing all so full of tumult) secretly confessed my selfe vnto God, condemning before him my vnrighteousnesse, and crauing his mercie in Christ. Whither should you haue gone, if you had so died? That I committed vnto God my iudge, for I would not be my owne iudge: yet in the meane whle I was of good comfort. While these things were thus in doing, the Master of the ship came againe vnto vs wéeping, and said, let euerie man shift now for him selfe, for we are not like to haue anie vse of the ship a quarter o an houre, for it being torne in cer∣taine places, the water came in apace. Within a little while after, the Master tolde vs that he had spied a holy Tower, or a Church, wishing vs to call for helpe vnto that Saint that was patrone of that Church. All fell downe and prayed vnto an vnknowne Saint. If you had called him by his name, he would hae heard you. No man knew his name. In the meane time the Pi∣lot as much as lay in him, did guide the ship that way, which was now torne and rent, and leaking on euery side, and had fallen all to péeces, if it had not beene bound togither with Cables. Things were now at a hard passe. We were driuen so neare, that the inhabitants o that place might sée vs, and in what daunger we were. They came running out by heapes vnto the shoare, and holding vp their cloakes, and their hats vpon poles did inuite vs to come vnto them. And casting vp their armes towards heauen, did thereby signifie how much they did bewaile our hard fortune. I listen for an end, to heare what successe you had. By this time the ship was full of water, and we were no safer in the ship then in the sea. The Mariners emptied the ship boate of water, and put it out to the sea: into that boate all endeuoured to goe, all the Marriners crying out with great tumulte, that the boate was not able to holde such a multi∣tude: let euery man (said they) get what hée can and swimme out. There was no time t ske long counsell, one ooke an oare, another a qunt, anoher the of the , one gat a bket, another a table, and euery man with such as hée could gt, committed themselues to the waues. became in the meane time of that same woman that was so quiet? She was the first that came to the sheare: or we had put her vpon a broade table, and had made her so ast vnto it, that shée could not easily fall off, and we put alittle boord into her hand, which he might vse in steade of an oare, and so bd∣ding her farewell, wée thrust her off with a quant, that shée might be frée from the shippe, where was all the daunger. O couragious woman▪ When nothing was now left, one plucked downe a woodden image that was there of the virgine Marie, that was rotten, and eaten hollow with rattes, and hauing gotten that i his armes, he began to swimme. The boate came safe to shoare, did it not? That was the first that was drowned, with thirtie prsons in it: for before it could get frée from the great ship, with the wauing and wallowing of the shippe, it was ouer∣throwne. O hard hap, what then? While I gaue counsell to others, I had like to haue perished my slfe, for there was nothing left that was good for swimming. here corke would haue done good seruice, if one had had it. In such a straite. I had rather haue a péece of vile corke, than a golden candlesticke: while I was looking about for a thing to swimme vpon, at the last I remembred the low∣er end of the maste. And because I could not pll it vp alone,One more than was loo∣ked for. I tooke another vnto me, we▪lying both vpon that, committe our selues to the sea, so as I held by the right horne, and he by the left. While wée were thus tossed, and putting off from he shippe, that same masse Priet that preached to he Mari∣ners threw himselfe in the middest vpon our shoulders. And hée was not very light, for hée had a bigge body. We cryed out, who is that third? he will cast vs all away: but he aun∣swered vs somewhat héerefully, Be of good chéere, héere i rowme inough for vs, God will be with vs. What became of the Dominican Friar? He hauing called vpon the Saints, cast away all his pparrell, and betooke himselfe naked to swimming. What Saints did hée pray vnto? Saint Dominicke, saint Thomas, saint Vincent, and S. Peter, but his chiefest trust was in saint Katharine of Sene. Did hée not call vpon Christ? Not that I could learne. He might haue swomme out the better, if hée had not cast away his holy koole: but when that was gone, how could saint Katharine know him? but go forward to tell of your self. While wée were tossed and tumbled hither and thi∣ther by the shippe side, the Rudder of the ship chaunced to hit him that held by the left corner of the Maste, and brake his thigh, so hée let goe his holde and fell off. The priest praying God to send him eternall rest, tooke his place, exhorting mée with great courage to hold fast my corner & to stirre my féete lustily. In the meane time wee drunke in a great deale of salt water: but the priest taught mée a remedie against it. What was that I pray you? So often as any waue came toward vs, hée woulde turne his noddle against it with his mouth close. A strong olde man. When wée had by swimming in this manner gone some way, the Priest being a wonderfull tall man, saide vnto me, Be of a good chéere man, I féele the botome. But I durst not hope for so great happinesse, we are further (quoth I) from the land than to hope for any bottome. Nay (quoth he) I féele the ground with my féete. Praduenture it is (said I) some chest that the sea hath rolled hiher. Nay (saide he) I doe plainely féele the ground with my fingers. When we had swumme alittle longer, and hée againe had felt the bottome. Doe you (quoth hée) what you thinke best to be done, I giu you all the maste, and I will betake my selfe wholy to the ground: and withall, when he sawe the billow go from him, he ran after it as fast as euer he could. And when the billowe came againe, he clasping both his hands together about both his knées, he stroue with all his might against the waues, hi∣ding himselfe vnder them as Cormorants and Duckes vse to doe when they diue vnder the water. And when the billowe was past him againe, he set forward and ranne. I (séeing him to spéede so well) followed him. There stoode on the shoare some strong men, and vsed to the sea, which with long poales did strengthen themselues against the waues, so as the hin∣dermost of them could reach his pole vnto him that coulde swimme, and so by that means diuers were drawen to shore, and saued. How many? Seauen, but of them twoo died so soone as they came to the fire: there were in the shippe 58. but when wée came to land there, we had experience of the countrey mens kinde∣nesse, which indéede was incredible, who with wonderfull spéede and chéerefuluesse, prouided for vs lodging, fire, meate, apparrell, and all necessaries for our iourney. What countrey was that? It was Holland. There is no nation in the world more kinde and full of humanitie then they be, and yet they are compassed about with cruell and barbarous nations. But I beléeue you will not go to sea againe in haste. I doe not meane it, vnlesse God shall depriue me of my wittes. And I had rather heare such tales, than make triall of them: but thankes be to God that hath preserued you, and I hope you will be the better for this to him-ward while you liue. God graunt I may. GOd saue you, my most desired Xantippe. And you also, my most deare Eulalia, we thinke you look fairer than you were wont to do. What, doe you receiue me with a scoffe at the first dash? No truely, but so you séeme indéede to me. It may be that my new apparell doth make me looke better than I was wont. You coniecture very right, for I sawe none more fine a great while, I thinke your gowne be of English cloth, is it not? It is English wooll, but of Venice die. It is softer than silke, but how pleasant a colour is this purple? who I pray bestowed such an excellent gift vpon you? Where should honest women haue such things but of their husbands? O you are happy that haue mette with such a hus∣band, I would I had béene married to a mushrome when I was married to my Nicholas. Why so I pray you? are you so soone fallen out? I shall neuer agrée with such a one as he is: you sée how ragged I am, so doth he suffer his wife to goe. Let mée die if I be not ashamed to goe abroad when I sée how well o∣ther women be clad, whose husbandes are farre yrer tha mine. The grace and decking of matrons is not in apparell▪ or in other kinde of trimming vp of the body, (as Saint Pe∣ter the Apostle dooth teach vs,) but in chaste and modest be∣hauiour, and in the ornaments of the minde: harlots are set foorth to please many mens eyes, we be fine enough, if wée may please our husbands onely. But in the meane time, my good man that is so spa∣ring toward his wife, doth spend lustily of that portion which he had with me when I was maried, and that was no meae portion. Wherein? In what he thinketh good, in wine, in harlots, an in play. Good wordes Xantippe. But so it is, and more than that, when he commeth home drunke at midnight, he lieth snorting all night, and ma∣ny times he berayeth his bed with vomiting, Ile kéep the rest. Fie, fie, you discredite your selfe when you discredite your husband. I would I were hanged if I had not rather lie with a ow that hath pigges, than with such a husband. Doe not you chide at him when hée comes home? Euen as he is worthy, he finds that I am not dumb. And what doth he then? At the first he tooke on gréeuously, thinking to shift me off with hote wordes. Did he neuer grow from words to blowes? Ouely at one time, the contention was so hotte be∣twéene vs, that it was not farre from blowes: he shaked his udgel at me, thundring at me with cruel clamors, and thret∣ning spéeches. And were not you afraide of him? Afraid, faith fir no: but whatsoere I was, I set a good face on the matter, I got a thrée footed stoole into my hands: if he had but touched me with his finger, he should well hau knowne that I had not bin lame in my hands. A new kinde of buckler indéede, you wanted a buck∣led girdle for a launce. He should haue found a virago of me, I warrant him. Ah my Xantippe, this doth not becom you. What becomes me not? if he doe not count of me as his wife, neither wil I account of him as my husband. But saint Paul doth teach, that wiues ought to sub∣mit themselues to their husbands with all reuerence. And sait Peter doth propound vnto vs the example of Sarah, who called her husband Abraham, her lord. I know that wel enough: but the same Paul doth teach also, that men ought to loue their wiues, as Christ loued the Church his Spouse: let him do his duety, and Ile doe mine. But for all that, when the matter is growne to that passe, that one must yéeld, it is fittest that the wife should yéeld vnto her husband. Shall I call him husband that taketh me for his ser∣uant? ]All that fol∣lowth after this marke til you come vnto the like marke againe is not in Eras∣mus. Ah my good Xantippe, though you be his wife, yet you must not thinke scorne to serue him, for you gaue him your promise before God and his church, that you would obey him, and thereunto pledged your troth. What, must he haue me at commandement? his ser∣ant can be no more. Surely wée must be at our husbands commaunde∣ments, if we be, we must obey our husbands, for euen our band of obedience doth argue a certaine soueraignetie and po∣wer in them ouer vs, whereby they may commaund vs anie honest and lawfull thing. And that, Almightie God himselfe hath set it downe for a lawe, that our desires shall bée subiect to the desires of our husds. Whats that? I know not he maning of these words. Yes Xantippe, you know it well enough, but perhaps you list not know it, because you like it not, the meaning is plaine, that we must not desire any thing that standes not with our husbands liking: and whatsoeuer they affect & like, that must we like and obey. I promise you I d not like, that there should bée no difference betweene me and my seruaunt with my husband, by that reckoning you would haue my husband to be my mai∣ster, as he is ouer his seruant, I like not that. No, I knew that well enough: for by nature wé cannot abide subiection of all things, we desire to bearrule, vntill God shall (by his grace) regenerate our hearts, and giue vs humble spirits. I hope I am regenerate, and haue the grace of God, though I suffer not my husband to be my maister. Therein you deceiue your selfe: for if we be truly re∣generate, and borne anew by the spirit of grace, we will ne∣uer think much to submit our selues to the ordinance of God, who hath set it downe, that we must be in subiection to our husbands. That is true indéed: but by Gods ordinance I am his wife, and not his seruant. Yes Xantippe, therefore you ought to serue him, be∣cause you are his wise, or else, when you were married vnto him, why did you make him such a solemne promise of obedi∣ence: and for the performaunce thereof, pawne your troth? Now if we make no conscience of such a solemne promise, whereunto God, and Gods Angels, and Gods Church, are witnesses; then is our trth forfeyted, and we are to be helde for false creatures, neither is any word that euer we speake to be held of any credite. Well, yet for all that, he should vse me as his wife, and not as his seruant. Oh that word seruant sticketh sore in your stomack, but marke, my good Xantippe, of seruants there be two sorts, bond seruants, and frée seruants: now though you are to serue and obey your husband, yet it is not the nature of a bond or hired seruant that serueth onely for wages, but as a frée ser∣uant, and his fellow, and so long as we willingly submit ourWhat mane of seruants vviues are to their husbāds. selues vnto this ordinance of God, our seruice is no bondage, but a fréedome, for we are frée of our husbands, & all that they haue, and are to receiuè from them againe all maintenance, and protection, familiaritie, and comfort, which fréedome and priuiledge no hired or bond seruant can looke for at his mai∣sters hands. If we be frée, then are they not to command vs. Not so, good friend, now you mis-take: for though we be frée of our husbands, & all that they haue, that is, of bed, and boord, and familiarity, and maintenance from them, yet it doth not follow, that therefore we must not obey them, or that we may be our owne caruers of that which they haue at our ple∣sure, and whether they will or no. If we be frée (as you say we are) why may we not be our own caruers? or why should we be cōmanded as seruāts? Because we are vnder a law, which hath made vs subiect to their power and authoritie. For though a man bée a noble man, and a Lord, and hath tenants vnder him, yet is he also a subiect, and must obey his Prince, as one that liueth vnder a law: and yet though a Lord, or a fréeholder are to o∣bey the law, and to doe seruice for their Prince, yet are they not in the nature of the Princes hired seruants, or bond ser∣uants, which are daily about him, and take wages, but are as frée subiects, and do enioy their goods and lands, &c. vnder the Princes protection, and liue in great liberty, and are called by their Prince with swéet words of great loue, & princely kind∣nesse; as, our louing subiects, and sometimes, our trustie & wel∣beloued, if they be of their Councell, but not, our louing ser∣uants: so they write to those that are of their houshold and serue for wages. And so a wife, though she is o serue her hus∣band, as his subiect, yet he doth not therefore call her his ser∣uant, but both in writing and speaking, calleth her his belo∣ued wife, or his trustie, and deare beloued spouse, &c. And to me this is a cleare case. This is more (I confesse) than euer I heard, or cōside∣red of in all my life, & I will find a time to consider better of it. In so doing, you shall do well. ] But tell me, my Xantippe, afterward your husband left threatning to beat you, did he not? Yes that he did, and was the wiser man for that, or else he would haue beene beaten himselfe. But you did not giue ouer brawling with him. No, nor neuer will, if he giue me cause. That is not well spoken, for we must beare: but what doth he in the meane time while you chide and brawle? What? sometimes he sléepeth, sometimes he doth no∣thing but laugh, & somtimes he taketh his Lute, & sits thrum∣ming on that as loud as he can, when it hath scarce 3. strings vpon it, and al to interrupt my speaches, or drowne my voice. And doth not that anger you? Anger me (quoth you?) I cannot expresse how much he vexeth me, I am so chafed with it, that it goeth euen to the heart of me, sometime I haue much ado to hold my hands. My good Xantippe, will you giue me leaue to speake fréely vnto you? I do giue you leaue, say on. What maner of mā soeuer your husband be, yet think this with your selfe, there is no changing for another. Some∣times were cō tentiōs where vnappeasable, diuorce is vsed as the last remedie: now that in such cases is quite taken away, euen vnto the houre of death he must be your husband, and you must be his wife. Now there is nothing remaining, but that each of you, by applying your selues to each others condi∣tions, do studie to liue in concord. Can I make him a new man? It is not of little force, that wiues may do to make their husbands such as they should be. You then agree well with your husband belike. Now all is well betwéene vs. Then belike ye had somewhat to do at the beginning. Neuer any tēpest (I thank God) but yet (as it is often amongst men) some clouds did now & then arise, which might haue bred a storme, if we had not by bearing one with ano∣ther, preuented the same. Euery one hath his fashios, and e∣uery one hath his minde or opinion by himselfe: and if we wil confesse the truth, euery one hath his faults; which if it bee lawful at any time to take notice of without any hatred of them, or to sée and not sée, then surely in marriage it is lawfull. Your spéech is good. And it often times commeth to passe, that mutual good wil betwéene man and wife, may be broken off, besore one doe wel know anothers conditions, that must be wel loo∣ked vnto at the first: for when contention and hart burning is once sprung vp, harty reconciliation is hardly wrought, e∣specially if the matter be growne to bitter reproaches, as things that are glewed together, if they be presently shaken, they doe easily fal asunder: but when the glew is through dry, then nothing is surer. Therefore at the beginning all meanes must bee vsed whereby goodwil betwéene the husband and the wife may grow, and be strongly confirmed: and that is done chéefely, by obseruing each others conditions, and fitting of manners accordingly. As for that loue that is grounded one∣ly vpon beauty and riches, &c. it is méere temporary, and wil faile when beauty or riches doe faile, or when it seeth anotherA similitude. fairer or richer, and is like a fire that is kindled of straw, which wil make a blaze for a time, but is soone out. But I pray you tel vs by what meanes you drew your husband to your fashions? I wil tel you, to that end you may imitate me. I wil if I can. It is a most easie thing to doe, if you list, and it is not yet too late: for he is a young man, and you are a young wo∣man. My cheefest care was stil to be pleasant and merry with my hsband, and to sée that there were nathing that might offend his minde, I obserued his affection and meaning in e∣uery thing, and I obserued my times, as Abigail did, when he was merry, and when he was angry, as they are wont to doe that would tame Elephants, or Lions, or the like beasts, which cannot be wonne by force. Such a one I haue at home. They that goe to Elephants, weare no white rai∣ment, nor they red which goe to bulls, because it is found bySimilitudes. experience, that such creatures by such colours are made more wilde, euen as Tigres also at the sound of bells, are so inraged, that they are ready to teare their owne flesh. And they that goe about horses, haue wordes of purpose, smacking with their lippes, and handling of them gently, and all to mittigate their furie, when they are in a chase. How much more doth it become vs to vse such Artes and deuises towards our husbands, with whome we must liue, wil we, nill we, in one house and bed together, so long as wée liue. Wel, go on with that you beganne. Hauing wel obserued these things, I framed my selfe to his humour, taking great héede, that no offence did grow. How could you doe that? First, in my care of domestical affaires, which is the peculiar prouince of Matrons, I was very vigilant and careful, not onely that nothing was pretermitted, but also, that euery thing was a gréeable to his liking, euen in the sma∣lest things: as for example; If my husband loued this or that meate better then another, or i he had rather haue it dressed this way, than that, or if he would haue his bed made thus, or thus, I would be sure to fit him. But how could you frame your selfe to please him that is seldome at home, and commeth drunken home? Nay, stay a while, I went thus farre. If at any time I saw my husband sadde, or very heauy, and that there was no t time to talke with them: I did not then laugh and toy with him, as the manner of many women is to doe; but then did I looke as heauily as he: For as a looking-glasse if it be true, doth alwaies shew a perfect image of him that looketh in it, so it becommeth a good wife to frame her selfe to the affe∣ction of her husband, that she be not merry, when he is mour∣ning, nor sad when he is merry. But if at any time I saw him much mooued, and very angry indéede, either by some flattering, or intreatin speeches, I would alay his anger, or by silence I would giue place vnto it, vntil fit time was offered, (when his heate was past) either to cleare my selfe, or to admonish him. The same course I tooke, if at any time I saw him come home more in drinke then ordinary. And for that time I would speake of nothing but pleasant mat∣ters, and onely by flattering and faire spéeches, I would draw him to bed. But vnhappy is the state of wines, if they must be obedient and diligent to please their husbands, that are angry, drunke, and giuen to all naughtinesse. As though this care were not mutuall. For they also are compelled to beare with many things in our beha∣uiour: but there is a time when a woman may in good earnest admonish her husband, if it bée in a weightie matter: for at light matters it is better to winke than to sée. When is that? When his minde is frée from study, from anger, from care, and drinke, then alone when there is no bodie by,How wiues must admo∣nish their hus∣bands. hée is swéetely to be admonished, or intreated rathr, that in this, or that, hee would take a better course for his wealth, or his health, or his credite and good fame. And this same admonition also ought to be powdered with pleasant ieasts, and delightfull spéeches. Otentimes I would vse some pre∣face vnto my matter, and obtaine of him, that hee would not be angry with mee, if a foolish woman did admonish him, or putte him in minde, of that which might séeme to make for his credite, for his health, or for his saluation. And when I had saide what I would, I would cutte off my spéech, and would set my selfe to speake of more pleasant matters. For this is commonly our fault my Xantipp, that when we once beginne a matter, we cannot tel when to make an end. So they say indéede. But this one thing amongst all the rest, I did most precisely take heede of; that I would neuer chide with my hus∣band before company, nor carry any complaints against him out of my house. But if there be any thing that cannot be in∣dured, nor yet by the wiues admonition amended, it is mor ciuil for the wife to goe and complaine to her husbands pa∣rents, or kindred, then to his acquaintance and friends, that resort to his house, or before any of his familie, and so to tem∣per her complaint, that shee may not séeme to hate her hus∣bands person, but his sinne: neither let her powre out all, that so he in silence may acknowledge and loue his wiues ciuility and modesty. She must be a very wise woman that shal performe all this. Yea, and by such déedes we shal draw our husbands to the like ciuility. There bee some that cannot bée amended by any ci∣uilitie. Truely I do not thinke so. But grant there be such: First let vs thinke this, that our husband is to be borne with∣all whatsoeuer he be. It is therefore better to beare him, be∣ing like himselfe, or made better by our curteous behauiour, then by our furious and extreame dealing, to make him daily worse and worse? What if I can bring forth such husbands, as by the like ciuility haue amended their wiues? How much more doth it become vs to performe the like towards our hus∣bands? Then you wil shew an example of one that is no∣thing like my husband. Now, if I might not be too troublesome, I would tell you of a certaine thing that happened of late in this Citie. It shal be no trouble to me, but I shal heare it with a good will. There is a certaine man, none of the meaner sort, who vsed to goe much a hunting. In the Country he met with a certaine damsel, the daughter of a very poore man: he be∣ganne to be excéedingly in loue with her, and he a man of good yeares: and for her sake he did very often lie abroad all night, his pretence was still hunting. His wife, being a singular good woman, and suspecting I wot not what, shee made a search for her husbands game, and stil was at him for that he had gotten with hunting, and went so farre, that at last shée came to that rustical cosage or cabine of turfes, where he vsed to lie, and fished out all his businesse, the place where he slept, what he drunke, what prouision there was made for him: there was no houshold stuffe but méeee pouerty. This ma∣tron went home, and by and by came againe thither, and brought with her a good bed, and all furniture belonging to it, and plate to drinke out of, and mony to buy things withall, praying them that if he came thther any more, they sould vse him more ciuilly then they had done, dissembling all this while that she was his wife, and feiged her selfe to be his si∣ster. After a few daies, her husband came thither againe by stealth, and saw euery thing more plentiful, and hansomer than it was wont to be, he asked how all that came about: they said, there was a certaine honest matron of kindred to him, that had brought those things thither, and charged them to entertaine him in the best manner that they could. By and by his conscience was touched, and he beganne to suspect that this was his wiues doing. Being returned home, he asked her if she had not béene there, she did not deny it: then he de∣manded of her to what end she sent that stuffe thither? hus∣band (quoth she) you are vsed to lie and fare better at home, I saw that you were but homely vsed there, and I thought it my dutie, (when your pleasure was to lie there) to see you haue better entertainement. O matron, too good for such a hunter! If it had béene my case, I should haue sooner haue layd him a bundle of net∣tles or bushes, than a bed to lie vpon. But heare the end. The man perceiuing his wiues honesty and kindnesse to be so great, wold neuer after goe steale a lodging abroad any more, but contented him selfe at home with his owne wife, and loued her most dearely to his dying day. You knew Gilbert Batauus, did you not? Yes, I knew him wel. He (as you know) in his flourishing age, married one of good yeares. It may be he married her portion, not her person. Wel, so it is, hée being weary of his wife, loued ano∣ther woman, with whom he did often solace himselfe abroad: seldome did he dine or up at home: What would you haue done in this case? What? If I had béen his wife, I would haue flowne in his beloueds face, and torne her haire off her head, and when he had gone out to dinner or supper with her, I would haue crowned him with a pis-pot, that so he might haue gone anointed to his banquet. But his wife tooke a wiser coure then so. She in∣uited that woman (which her husband loued) home to her house, and vsed her in all kindenesse, and so without any sor∣ceries drew her husband home also: and if at any time he sup∣ped abroad with her, she sent thither sme one messe or other of some good thing, willing them to be merry withal. I should rather die, than be a bawde to my husband. But in the meane time consider the matter it selfe wel: Was not this farre better, than i by her furious rigour she had wholly straunged her husands minde from her, and so should haue led her whole life after in brawles and conten∣tions? She knew that some kinde of inconuentence was to be prferred before a mischiefe. And so long as she saw nor knw no uil by them, she in her wisedome did charitably consier all things to the best. I know she chose the lesse euil of the two: but I could not doe so. I will adde onely one more, and then I haue done with examples. Our next neighbour, a very honest kinde man, but somewhat hastie and impatient when he was mo∣ued, on a certaine time beate his wife, who was also a very good woman. She presently got her selfe into the inwardest chamer in all the house, and there wéeping and sobbing, shée digested the gréefe of her minde. A little while after, vppn some occasion her husband went into the same roome, he finds his wie wéeping: Why doe you sit héere (quoth he) wéeping and sobbing like a childe? Then she wisely answered him: what, (said she) is it not better for me to deplore an bewaile my hard estate héere in secret, than to runne forth and cry out in the open stréetes, as some women vse to doe? With this spéech (so well beséeming a wife) the mans heart was bro∣ken and ouercome, and giuing her his right hand, hee pro∣mised her, that he would neuer strike her more: and he was as good as his word. But I haue gotten that of my husband by a cleane contrary way. It may bee so: but in the meane time, there is a perpetual warre betweene you, and it is a hundred to one that he wil neuer loue you for it. What then would you haue me to doe? First, you must swallow vp all iniuries that your hus∣band offer you, and his affection must be by little and little wonne, by duties, and kindenesse, and méekenesse, and milde∣nesse, and so you shal at last, either ouercome him, or vse him more commodiously than now you can. Hée is too stowt and hard-harted, to be wonne by a∣ny dutie or kindenesse. Oh say not so. There is no wilde beast so fierce, but may bee amed by gentle handling, doe not dispaire of the man, make triall some moneths, blame mée if you finde not this course good for you. There bée many faults also that you must winke at; and aboue all, beware that you mooue no brawles in chamber or in bedde: but bee carefull that there all things bee pleasaunt and merrie. For if that place which is consecrated to the putting a∣way of all offences, and to the restoring of loue, be pro∣faned with strife and gréefe, then all remedies of reconciliati∣on are gone. And there be some women so froward, that euen in the very act of generation, they wil be brawling, or sullen, and mal∣contented, and by their tedious and irke some conditions, doe make that pleasure vnpleasant, which should purge mens mindes from all gréee and dislike, corrupting and spoiling the phisicke whereby offences might haue béene healed. Truely this hath béene my case. No maruaile then though your husband cannot loue you. At no time a woman should be loath some or gréeuus to her husband: but at such a méeting, especially shee should doe all her endeuour to be amiable and pleasing to her good man. I haue to doe with a beast, and not a man. Oh leaue these railing and vnciuil spéeches: for the most part it is through our own default, that men be no better than they are. I would I could make him better, but it passeth my skill. If you wil bee as good as your skil, you can doe it: hée must be yours, and you must be his, doe what you can; and the better you make him, the better it will bée for your selfe. But you alwaies looke vpon his faults, and those you aggrauate, and they increase your hatrd, and then you take the pot by that eare that wil not hold: rather faen your eyes vpon those things that are good in him, and that is a handle by which he may be held and vsed. Before you did marry him, you had time to consider what faults he had: now is the time of healing, and not of wounding, of cléering, and not of accusing: and you ought to haue chosen your husband as wel by your eares, as by your eyes. What woman did euer choose a husband by her ares? Shee chooseth onely by the eye, who respecteth no∣thing but the beauty, and making of the body; but she chooseth by the care, that doth diligently obseue what report and ame goeth of him. Your warning is good, but i commeth too late. But it is not too late to study how to amend your husband, and that you may doe yet, if you wil but temper your selfe accordingly. What doe others reporte of your hus∣band, his friends and acquaintance with whome he doth dai∣ly conuerse? They say he is of maruellous good behauiour, courte∣ous, liberall, kind-hearted, and friendly to his friend. And that makes me of good hope, that he will prooue such a one as we desire. But to me onely he is not so. Do you but shew your selfe to him in such manner as I haue shewed you, and neuer trust me more, if he proue notOf Diuorce. such to you also. And there is no talking of being diuorced from him now. But that hath béene often in my minde. When that cogitation comes into your minde, thinke first with your selfe, of how small reckoning a woman is that is diuorced from her husband. The chiefest ornament of a wife, is to be duetifull to her husband, and studious to please him: so hath Nature prouided, and so God will haue it, that we depend wholy vpon our husbands. Againe, thine of your children which are common to you both, what do you meane to doe with them? If you take them with you, yu deraude your husband of his possession. If you leaue thm behinde you, then you bereaue your selfe of that which is most vnto you. Last of all, tell me, haue you any that beare you euill wil? I haue a mother in lawe, and my owne mother, both which doe wish me dead. And what can be more acceptable vnto them than to sée you diuorced from your husband, to liue a widowe, nay, worse then a widow, for widowes may marry againe. Truely I like your counsell well, but I shall be wea∣rie of such a daily labour. But thinke with your selfe what a deale of labour you must take before you can teach this Parrot to speake like a man. And shall it grieue you to take paines in reforming of your husband, with whom you may liue swéetely all the daies of your life? What shall I doe? I haue already told you: first vse daily & earnest prai∣er to God, then be carefull that all things be cleane, and swéet, and decent at home, that there be no loathsomnesse or sluttish∣nesse to make him wearie of his house, shew your selfe gentle and louing vnto him, and alwayes remember a certaine re∣uerence that a wife oweth to her husband: put away sadnesse and malecontentednesse, and put away all sawcines and im∣pudent reprchfulnes, be not sluttish, nor toyish, and lasciu∣ous, let all your prouision at home be neate and trimme. You know your husbands diet, that that he liketh best, prouide for him, and let it be after his owne minde. And moreouer, shew your selfe friendly and affable to those he loueth. At the table let there be no complaining, nor finding of fault, but let all be full of mirth and ioy, so shall you inure your husband to tarry at home, and saue charges. Then shal he begin to thinke with himselfe thus: Truly I am a very foole to liue abroad with the great expense of my wealth and credit, hauing at home so ple∣sant and louing a wife, with whome I may enioy all thinges in honest, decent, and good sort. Do you think I should haue good successe if I tried? I make no doubt of it: in the meane time I wil go to your husband, and will admonish him of his duetie. I like your counsell, but take héede that none of our talke come to his eare, for if you doe, he will take on as if hea∣uen and earth should goe together. Feare not, I will so winde within him by circum∣stances, that he shal tell me all the stirre that is betwéene you himselfe. After that, I shall handle him after my maner most finely. And I hope you shall finde him more to your liking than euer beore. And as occasiou shall serue, I will belie you, and tell him how well and kindely you spake of him. I pray God prosper that we go about. No doubt but he will, if you be not wanting to your selfe. WEll done, my most pleasant friend Sophronius, that you are come vnto vs at the last, for me thinke it is a long time since I sawe you: at the first sight I did scarce knowe you. Why so, my Lucretia? Because the last time I sawe you, you had no beard, and now you haue a little one. What is the matter, my swéet heart? me think you looke more sowrely than you were wont. I desire to talke more amiliarly with you alon. What, are we not alone, my déere heart? Let vs goe into a more secret place. Goe to then, let vs goe into the inner chamber, if you list to do any thing. This place (as I take it) is not secret enough. From whence commeth this new bashfulnes? héere is a closet where I lay all my apparrell, so darke a place, that I can scarse sée thee, or thou mée. Look round about that there be no chinks in the wall. There is not one. Is there no body in the next roome that can heare vs? Not a flie truely, my swéete heart: what doost doubt? why doost thou make such delayes? Can wée héere escape the eies of God? No, he séeth all things. Nor his Angells? We cannot auoyde their presence. And what is the reason that men are not ashamed to doe those things before the eies of God, and his holy Angells, which they are ashamed to doe in the sight of men? What new matter is this? what, art thou come hi∣ther to preach? put on a hoode, and get thée into the Pulpit, and there we will heare you, with your little beard. Surely, I would not sticke to doe that, if I thought I might reclaime you from this kinde of life you leade, not one∣ly the most filthy, but also the most miserable. And why so, goodman? we must liue by one meanes or another. Euery man liueth by his trade, this is our trade, and this is our lands. I could wish (my Lucretia) that this lightnes of mind being shaken off, you woulde with me consider better of the matter. I pry thée kéepe thy Sermon till another time, let vs now liue and be merry, my Sophronius. You do all that you do for lucre, do you not? You haue hit the naile on the head. You shall loose no penny of that you looke for, I wil giue you foure times so much, if you will but onely hearken vnto me. Say what you will. First then answer me to this question, Haue you a∣ny that wish you euill? Not one. Is there none that you do hate? No otherwise than they deserue. If you could do them a good turne, would you do it? I would first temper them a cup of poison. But now consider with your selfe, whether you can doe any thing that can be more acceptable vnto them, than to let them sée you liue this shamefull and miserable life. And what could you doe that coulde more grieue them that wih you well? This was my lot. Now that which was wont to be the hardest thing of all other to banished persons, or to those that are carried ouer into the Ilands, or cast out into the furthest partes of the worlde amongst the barbarous people, that haue you chosen to your selfe of your owne accord. What is that? Haue not yo voluntarily renounced all naturall af∣fection, yea your father and mother, your brethren and si∣sters, and all others, whome by nature you are bound vnto? for they are all ashamed of thée, and thou darest not come in their sight. Yea, I haue most happily chaunged my affection, for in stead of a few friends, I now haue many, of whom I al∣waies reckon thee for one, that is to me in steade of a brother. Leaue these iestings, and consider the matter in good earnest as it is. She that hath so many friends, hath neuer a friend, beléeue me, (my Lucretia.) For they that resorte vn∣to thée, doe not account of thée as their friend, but rather as a chamber-pot. Behold how farre thou hast reiected thy selfe, thou miserable creature. Christ did so déerely loue thée, that hée redéemed thée with his bloud, to make thée a fellow-heire with him of the inheritance of heauen, and doest thou make thy selfe a common sincke, or iakes, for euery base, filthy, and scabby companion to resorte vnto, and to emptie his filthi∣nesse in thée? And if you be yet frée from the contagion of that leprousie which they call the Spanih Scab, or French poxe, you cannot long be without it: which if it should happen vnto thée, what more vnhappie or miserable than thou, although the rest were safe, I doe meane thy goodes, and good name? What else canst thou be but a liuing carkasse, or a carrion? You were loath to obey your mother, nowe doe you serue a most filthie bawde. You scorned to heare the admonition of your parents: here you must be continually beaten of drun∣ken and mad who rmaisters. It grieued you to do any worke at home, wher by you might get your liuing, and here, what tumult? what sturres? what hurly-burlies? what braw∣ligs and quarellings, what night watchings, must you en∣dure? Besides that, continually afraide of the Constable, and suspecting euery one that knocketh to be an Officer sent to apprehend you. From whence commeth this new preacher to vs? Now consider of another thing with me, and leaue thy scoffing. The flower of thy beautie which getteth thée so ma∣ny louers, shall fade in a verie short time, what wilt thou do then, thou miserable creature? what dunghill will be more vile, what Toad more loathsome then thou? Peraduenture of a Strumpet you will becom a Bawde, yet euery one com∣meth not to that dignitie: but say that you doe, what thing more wicked, or that can come more neare vnto the malice, and nature of the Diuell him selfe? They are true indéed, my Sophronius, almost all that thou sayest. But where gatest thou this sanctimonie, which wert woont to be the wantonnest of all wantons? No man did euer more often resort hither, or at more vnseasonable houres than thou hast done. I heare say you haue beene at Rome. I haue so indéede. But from thence men were woont to returne woorse than they went, how cōmeth the contrarie to passe with you? I will tell you: because I went not thither in that ma∣ner, nor to that end that others do. Others for the most part go thither, that they may returne woorse then they went, aud there they shall want no occasions, nor prouocations. I went with an honest man, by whose perswasion I solde my Flag∣gon Bottle, and bought me a little Booke, the new Testa∣ment of Erasmus translation. Erasmu? they lay he is halfe an heretike. Haue you seene the man? Neuer: but I wish I might see him of whom I hau heard so much euill. It may be of euill person. Nay of reuerent men. Who, I pray you? Nay, I may not tell. Why so? Because if you should blabbe, and it should come to their eares, I should loose no small portion of my gaine. I thought what reuerend ones they were. But feare not, you shall tell it to a stone. Hearken then in your eare. O foolish woman, what néed I lay my eare to whisper in, when we are alone? Can God heare vs? But now I sée that you are a godly whore, that can helpe beggers with your almes. But by such beggers I gaine more, then by you rich folke. I know that well enough, for they spoile honest ma∣trones to bestow it vpon wicked harlots. But go on with your booke. So I will, and it is best of all. There Saint Paul (who cannot lie) taught me, that neither whoremongers, nor forni∣catours shall inherite the kingdome of heauen. When I had read that, I began thus to thinke with my selfe: It is but a small thing that I looke to get by my fathers inheritance, and yet I had rather renounce all whoredomes, and harlots, then to be dis-inherited of my father. How much more should I take héede that I be not dis-inherited of my heauenly father? And yet against my father (if he shold dis▪ inherit me) I might be relieued by the laws of men; but if God should dis-inherite me, I haue no refuge to flie vnto. Therefore I did fully re∣solue with my selfe wholy to renounce all harlots. If you can containe your selfe, it is well. It is a good part of continencie, to be willing from the heart to be continent. Last of all, there remaineth another remedie against this mischiefe, an that is marriage: There was a good man at Rome, who with many good wordes exhor∣ted me to puritie of mind and bodie, to holy readings, to often prayers, and sobrietie o life: for my penance he inioyned me nothing but to aske God forgiuenese vpon my knées, if I had any store of money, to giue to some poore bodie one Caroline. I maruailed that for so manie faults that I had committed with harlots, he would enioyne me no harder penance: he an∣swered me pleasantly and said; My sonne, if thou doest truly rpent, and chaunge thy life, I stand not vpon penance: but if thou continuest in thy sinne, euen thy filthie lust it selfe will put thée to penance, and paine more then enough, yea though the priest enioyne thée none. For Salomon sayth, That the wic∣ked man shall be taken with his owne iniquitie, and shall beProu 5. bound with the cords of his owne sinne: so that he shall néede none else to pursue him, or to apprehend him, or to bind him, his owne sinne shall doe all. And againe in the same Chap∣ter, he sayth: That though the lippes of a harlot drop as the honie combe, and her words be softer than Oyle, yet her féete go downe to death, and her steps take hold of hell, and her end will be more bitter than wormewood, and sharper than a two edged sword, and he that is deceiued by her shal mourne in the end, and say, I haue giuen mine honour to the straungr, and my strength to the cruell, and wasted my substaunce, and my goods are found in the house of the straunger. How haue I ha∣ted instruction, and my soule despised correction? I am brought vnto all euill, in the midst of the Congregation. And looke vp∣on me (quoth that father) you sée me, how blind I am, my eies continually running with water, I shake and am crooked, and sometime I was such a one as you say your selfe hauebéene hitherto. So I repented, and haue ta ken a nw course. Then I perceiue I haue lost my Sophronius. Nay, you haue gained him rather. For before, he was lost, and was neither his owne friend, nor thine, but now hée doth truly loue thée, and thirsteth after thy saluation. What then, doe you perswade me vnto my good, So∣phronis? That with all spéede you giue ouer this kinde of life. Yet you be yong, the staines that hitherto you haue gotten, may, by heartie repentance, and faith in Christ, be wiped a∣way: or marry some honest man, and we wil help you to some thing towards your dowrie: or else leaue this place, and get into the seruice of some honest matrone. To which of these you haue most minde, you shall haue my bet furtherance. In good earnest, my Sophronius, looke me out a ser∣uice, and I will follow your counsell. But in the meane time remooue your selse from hence. What, so soone? Why not to day aswel as to morrow? delay is dan∣gerous. Whither shall I goe? Gather vp all your apparell, and I will kéep it for this night, my seruant shall bring you to an honest marone, where you shall be a while at my charge, vntill I shall othr∣wise prouide for you, which shall not be long. Goe to then, my good Sophronius, I doe wholly com∣mit my selfe vnto thy fidelitie. Thereof you shall neuer repent your selfe by the grace of God. GOd saue you my déere Fabulla. And you too Eutrapilus, but what is the matter that you come now to salute me, which none of vs haue séene this thrée yéere full? I wil tel you, by chaunce I (passing by these houses) sawe the crowe or the ring of the doore bound about with a white linnen cloth, and I maruelled what the reason of it should be. Are you such a stranger in this countrey, that you do not knowe the reason of that? doe not you knowe that it is a signe that there is a woman lying in where that is? O wōderfull! is it not a prodigious thing to sée a white crow? but in good sadnes, I knewwel inough, that that is the maner where a woman lieth in, but I could not once īuspect that, you being so yoong a damsel, scarse yet sixtéene yeares olde, had so soone learned that most difficult Arte of getting children, which othr women doe hardly learne before they be thirtie yéeres olde. You are alwayes like your selfe, you haue not your nme īor nought, you may wel be called Eutrapilus, for you loue to be giving and ieasting. So may you wel be called Fabulla, for you are neuer without a fable. But as I was thus musing at the matter, in good time I met with him that hath had so many wiues. What, he that s lately buried his tenth wife? The very same: but ile tel you, (that which perhaps you are ignorant of) he goeth a wooing againe as prowdly and lustily as if he had neuer bin married: And I asked of him the reason of this white crowe. There is (quoth he) in this house, a woman cut in two, or diuided by the middle, what hainous offence (saide I) hath she committed? And if it be true (quoth he) is bruited by the common rumour of the people, the good wife of the house hath flead her husband, and with that went laughing away. He is a pleasant companion after his rude manner. I came forthwith in, to gratulate or reioyce with you for your happy birth. So you may if you wil Eutrapilus, but then you wil reioyce for my happy birth, when you shall sée in that which I haue brought foorth, a token of a good man. Thou speakest both godly and truly, my Fabulla. No sir, I am no mans Fabulla, but Petronius onely. To Petronius only, you bring forth, but I suppose you do not liue to him alone. But for this also am I glad, and do reioyce with you, that you haue brought foorth a man childe. But whie doe you thinke mée more happie for hauing a man childe than a woman child? Nay rather Fabulla, let me learne that of you, whie you women are gladder when you beare a sonne, than when you beare a daughter. What othrs thinke is vnknowne to me, but at this time I am glad of a sonne, because it séemed good vnto God to haue it so: if his wil were to giue me a daughter, I should be as well pleased as I am. Do you thinke that God is at leisure to looke to thos that beare children? What can his maiestie rather do then to preserue that by propagation which he hath created? What can he rather oe good woman? yea, if God were not God indéede, I doe not thinke that hée could suffici∣ently prouide for so many businesses as he dooth. There is the king of Denmarke a godly fauourer of the Gospel, hée liueth in banishment. There is Francis the French king, he liueth as a ghest or stranger amongest the Spaniardes, I knowe not whether it be with his wil, or against his will, but surely hée is a man worthie of better fortune. Charles hée goeth a∣bout to make a new Monarchie of the whole worlde. Fedi∣nandus hath as much to do in Germany about his own matters as he can. All Courtiers are gnawne with an insatiable hun∣ger of money: the countrymen, they raise very daungerous commotions, neither can they be terrified from their atempts by so many slaughters and ruines as they haue suffered, al the people thinkes of nothing but an Anarchie, or confusion of all things: the house of the Church is shaken with daungerous factions: this way and that way is the seamelesse coate of Christ tore in péeces. The Lordes Uineyarde is now wa∣sted, not by one boare alone: the authoritie also of Priestes and the dignitie of Diuines, together wih their tithes and maintenance is going to wracke, the constitutions of the Bi∣shops doe aint and languish, the Eucharist or Sacrament of Chrsts boy and blood is called in qustion, antichrist is ex∣spectd, and the whole worlde doth trauell of (I knowe not what) some great ischiefe. In the meane time the Turkes ad dominéere, and wil make hauocke of all, if they go on as they beginne. And doost thou aske what God can doe btter than to haue a care of women in Childebed? yea, I thinke it high time for him to looke to his own kingdome, and that in time too. Peraduenture that which séemth great vnto men, is vnto God a mattr of no moment. But (if you will) let vs from this talke clude the person of God, and tell in good ear∣nst what mooueth you to thinke me more happie for hauing alone than a daughter. It is the parte of a godly mind to iudge that the best which our good God shall giue without al doubt. But if God should giue you a cristall cup, would you not giue him great thankes? would indéede. But what if he should giue you but a glasse potte, wold you giue him the like thankes? But while I stand dis∣putg of these matters, I feare me that I am not comforta∣bl, but troublesome vnto you. Not so: Fabulla cannot now take any harme by talk∣ing, this is the fourth wéeke since I lay downe, and nowe I am strong enough eun to wrastle. Why then do you not flie abroad from your neast? he King hath forbidden it. What King? A tyrant. Wh I pray you? I wil tel you in one sillable: Custome.Custome is a tyrant. Sée how many things this King exacteth beside all right and reason, let vs then goe on with our discourse of cri∣stall and glasse. The man (as I coniecture) you iudge to be of a more excellent and firme nature than the woman. So I thinke indéede.Whether the man or the woman be the more ex∣cellent. Forsooth, if men may be Iudges, whether then are men longer liud then women? or whether are they frée from diseases? Not so, but in their kind they are stronger than womē. But therein a camell goes beyond a man. Yea but the man was first created. S was dam crated before Christ, is he therefor more excellent? And workemen are woont in their last works to xcell themslues. But God hath made the woman subiect to the man. He is not by and by the bettr which commaundeth another. And God hath not subiected the woman, but th married woman. nd againe, he hath so subiected the mar∣ried woman vto her husand▪ that whereas each hath pow∣er ouer ohers body, he would haue the woman to yéelde obe∣dience vto her husband, not as vnto the more excellent, but as vnto the more ierce and vnruely. Speake Eutrapilus, whe∣ther is the weaker, hee that yéeldth vnto an other, or hee to whome the way is yéelded? Truly heere I wil yéeld vnto you, if you wil declare vnto me what was saint Pauls meaning when he saith, That Christ is the head of the man, and that the man is the head of1. Corin. 11. the woman. And againe, when he saieth, That the man is the image and glory of God, and the woman is the glorie of the man. That I shal soone resolue you of, if you wil but shew me, whether it be granted vto men only to be the members of Christ. God forbid, that is giuen to all, both men and women by faith. How commeth it then to passe, that when the head is but one, it may not be counted common to all the members? Againe, when God made man to his owne image, whether did he exprsse that image in the figure or forme of the bodie, or in the gifts of the minde? In the gifts of the minde. And in these, (when you haue said what you can) wher∣in do men excel vs? In either sexe are to be found vices inow, drunkennesse, brawlings, fightings, slaughters, warres, ra∣pines, and adulteries, &c. But onely we men fight for our Countrey. But you do more often leaue your place, and flie with shame inough, neither is it alwayes for your Countrey that you fight, but most commonly for a base stipend: you for∣sake both wife and children, and woorse than cut-throats, when you neede not, you expose your bodies to a seruil necessitie, either of killing or béeing killed. Now for all the great bragge you make of your martiall valour, there is none of you all, but if you had once tried what it is to beare a childe, he had rather stand and fight ten times in the armie, then once to vndergoe the paine and sorrow that we haue ex∣perience of dayly. In the warres it comes not alwayes to handie blowes: and if it doe, yet euerie part of the armie is not endaungered alike: such as you be, are placed in the middle of the campe, some are in the out-shifts, and some after th first stroke is stricken, go their way, and sit downe where they are afe inough. And to conclude, many saue themselues by yéelding, our surrendring: but as for vs, we must encoun∣ter with death euen hand to hand. This is not the first time I haue heard of these things, but are they as truly as commonly reported? They are too true. Will you haue me then to perswade your husband, that from henceforth be shall not meddle with you? For so shal you be sure to be frée from this danger, Fabula. Surely I desire nothing more willingly, if you can bring it to passe. What rewarde shall that Orator haue that can per∣swade this matter? Sure I will giue him ten Neates tongues dried in the smoke. I had rather yet haue them than ten NightingalesA bargaine. tongues. Well, I refuse not the offer: but I would not hau this bargaine to take effect, vntill there be some solemne coue∣nant or band drawne. If you please to haue it so, let it be so, and whatsoeuer caution or assurance else you can deuise. That shall be done according to your owne mind, af∣ter your month is expired. And why may it not be done now rather, according to my minde? I will tell you, because I feare that after a month, you will be of another minde, and then both you must double your reward, and my paines also will be doubled in perswading and disswading. Well then, let it bée euen as you will for me: but in the mean time go forward, and shew why the male sex should be more excellent then the female? Oh, I perceyue Fabulla, that you haue studied this matter, and come prepared for this combate, and therefore for this time I thinke it my best course, euen to giue you the Bucklers, I will deale with you after an other manner, and I will be armed too, neither will I come with∣out a Souldier to helpe me, for when the matter is tried one∣ly by the tongue, surely one woman will be too hard for se∣uen men. Certainly nature hath armed vs with this weapon, although you men be not tongue-tied. It may be so: but where is the boy? In the next Chamber. What doth he there? Doth he seeth Coleworts, or looke to the pottage pot? Away trifler: he is with his nurse. What nurse doe you speake of? hath he any other nurse then his owne mother? Yea, why not? that is the common maner now. When you speake of the common manner, Fabulla, you name the woorst author that can be, of a thing that should be well done: for commonly men sinne, the common maner is to play at Dice; the common manner is to goe to whoore∣houses; the common manner is to deceiue, to be drunken, and to riot. It seemed good to my friendes to haue it so, for they thought it meete to spare mee yet, being of so tender yeares. But if nature hath made you able to conceiue, andO putting orth children o nurse. bring foorth, no doubt but that Nature hath also made you able to giue sucke. Truly that is verie probable. Tel me what you thinke, is not the name of Mother a most swéete name? Yes, I doe beléeue it. Therefore if it were possible, you should let another woman be the Mother of your childe. In faith sir no. Why then do you willingly resigne more then halfe your title of Mother vnto another woman? Good wordes Eutrapilos, I diuide not my sonne, I am the whole and sole mother. Nay Fabulla, here euen Nature it selfe dooth gain∣say you, and checke you to your face: Why is the earth cal∣ledNature it selfe is against put∣ting forth children to nurse. the mother of all things? is it for that it bringeth them forth? yea, but much more because it nourisheth those things which it bringeth forth. Whatsoeuer the water bréedeth, is al∣so brought vp in the same waters. In the earth there is no kind of thing ingēdred, whether it be lig creature, or plant, but the same earth doth nonrish it with her moisture. Neither is there any kinde of liuing creature, but it doth nourish his owne yong ones: the Owels▪ the Lions, and Uipers do no∣rish their owne yong ones: and doe men and women cast off theirs? I pray you, what is more cruell then those, that for the tediousnesse that is in education, do expose or cast out their yong ones to the wide world? You speake of things to be abhorred. Yea, but men for all that doe not so abhorre the fact as they should: for it is not a kinde of exposing or casting ot o take a little inant, yet warme mother, yea that of the mother, yea and , or cry∣ing for helpe of the mother, with that vice that is saide moue euen the wilde beasts, and to commit it ouer vnto a wo∣man, perhaps scarce sound in her body, nor yet in her conditi∣ons, with whom a little mony is more respected than all thy childe. Yea, but we haue made choice of a nurse that is o sound constitution of her body. This can the Phisitians better iudge of than you. But héere suppose that the woman you speake of, be not onelyStrangersmilk and heate is not like the mothers, whereunto the infant hath beene accustomed in the womb. Similies of Wheate, Vines, Plants. equall to your selfe, but if you wil, alittle aboue you: yet doe you thinke it no matter, whether the tender infant doe suche of that milke that it hath béene amiliarly acquainted vnto, and to be nourished with that natural heate that it was vsed vnto in the wombe, or be compelled to accustome it selfe vn∣to other milke, and other heate? Wheate being sowne in a strange ground, doth degenerate into , or winter wheat: a vine being translated from his natiue soile to another hill, doth change his nature: a little plant being plucked from his natiue earth, doth hang downe his head, and droope, and in a manner die: and therefore, as much as lieth in men, they ne∣uer remoue them without their owne natiue earth about the rootes of them. Yea, but they say, that plants remoued, and new stObiect. in other ground, doe loose their wilde nature, and bring forth more noble fruite. True, but they are not remoued presently (good wo∣man) so soone as they are borne. And this time wil come tooAnswer. one day, (if God wil) that you must put forth your yong sonne abroad, to be indued with learning, and more kinde of gouernment, or discipline, which dutie doth rather belong vn∣to the father, than to the mother: but now his tender age is to be fauoured, and cherished. And further, where as it maketh much to the health and strength of the boy, to s what man∣ner of meate it be fed withall, then is it a thing o be regarded, what iuyce that young and tender little body o the infan bée nourished withall. For in this case it will prooue true which Horace sayeth; Looke where-with the potte is once seased, of that wil it smell a long time af∣ter. For the body I take not so much care, so that the minde may be such as we desre. Truely your spéech hath mre pietie than Phi∣losophie. Why so? Then when you cut hearbes, why doe you com∣plaine that your knifes edge is blunt, and command it to bée sharpened? And why doe you refuse to sow with a dull néedle, séeing that doth diminish nothing from your skill? There wanteth not Art, but a fit instrument. Why doe they auoide Darnel and Onions, which haue néede of a harpe sight? Because they hurt the eyes. And is it not the minde that séeth? Yes, for they that haue no minde▪ haue no sight, and they that minde nothing, sée nothing: But what an a worke∣man doe with a bad toole? Then you confesse the body to be the instrument of the minde. That is certaine.When the bo∣dy is at fault, the minde is at fault. And you also confesse, that when the body is at fault, the minde cannot worke, or it worketh but vntowardly. It is true that you say. Goe to then, me thinks now I haue gotten a pretty Philosophical wit. Imagine therefore, that the minde of a man might goe into the body of a dunghil cocke: could it then vtter such a voice as now it doth? No. What should be the let? Because there are wanting lips and téeth, and such a tong as we haue, as also the wesel-pipe, or flap of the throte: there are also wanting the thrée gristles which are moued of the thrée muscles, vnto which doe belong the sinewes that come from the braine, neither hath a corke such mouth and awes, as we haue. What if the soule of man should goe into a swi body? It should grunt like a swine. What if it were in the body of a Camell? It would cry like a Camell. What if it were in the body of an Asse? It would bray like an Asse. Surely this did Apleius a Philosopher of Ahens confesse, when he desired to call vpon Caesar, though he drew his lippes together as much as he could, yet hée could scarce sound O Caesar, by no meanes could hee pronounce. Th same Apuleius, when hée desired to remember a tale that hée had heard, hée desired to haue it written, and hée condemned such an ase-headed conceit, when he did sée whole hoofes. And worthily. Therefore, with eyes that runne, or are blood∣shotten, the soule séeth worse than when the eyes ar cléere, it heareth the worse when the eares are full of filth▪ it smelleth the worse when fleame dooth possesse the braine, it féeleth the worse when anie member is astonyed, it ta∣steth the worse when the tongue is corrupted with ill hu∣mours. It cannot be denied. Onely because the instrument is corrupted. So I iudge it. Neither doe you deny, but that for the most part it is corrupted by meate and drinke. I grant it: But what hurt doth this to a good mie? Therefore what doth Darnell to cleare eyes? It corrupteth the eye which is the mindes instrument. You answer rightly▪ but tel me one thing. What is the reason that one man hath a quicker vrstanding, and a surer memory thn , and that one is sooner angry and more moderate in his ager than another? Because the minde is so framed. You shal not so carry it away. What is the cause that he which was sometime of a quicke wit, and of a rich memo∣ry, doth afterward become forgetful and dull, and that with∣out blow, without fall, or disease, or old age? Now you séeme to play the Sophister with me. Therefore on the other side doe you also play the So∣phister, and finde out my Sophistry. I thinke this is your meaning; that as the soule doth heare and sée by the eares and the eyes, so by certaine organs or instruments, it vnderstandeth, and remembreth, and lo∣ueth, and hateth, it is angry, and pleased. You coniecture right. But after all this now, what be those instruments, and where be they? You sée where the eyes be. That is true, and the eares too, and nosthrills I sée, and where the palate is I know, and in all the whole body I sée there is a fellow-feeling, vnlesse any member be benum∣med or astonied. Though a foote be cut off, yet the minde vnderstan∣deth. It doth so, although a hand be cut off. But he that receiueth a sore blow vpon the temples of his head, or in the nape of the necke, falleth downe like a dead man, and is voide of sense. This haue I séene in my time. By this you may perceiue, that within the braine∣panne doe lie the instruments of vnderstanding, of will and memory, which be not so grosse or thicke, as the eares and eyes, but yet material. For asmuch as they be spirites which wee haue in our body, that be most subtile and corporeall, that is, of a most thinne, fine, and tender substance. And are these also corrupted by meates and drinks? Uery much. Why the braine is farre from the stomacke. And so is the toppe of the tunnel of a chimney, farre from the fire in the chiy: but if you there you hall féele a vapour. I doe not meane to try. But if you wil not credite me, inquire of the Storks. Therefore it is very materiall what spirites and vapours doe flie vp into the braine and instruments of the minde: for if these b raw and colde, they fall downe againe into the stomacke. In truth now you describe vnto me the manner of a still, by which wee receiue the iuyce of hearbe and owers, breathing or vapouring vpward. Your còniecturing is not amisse. For the ler where∣unto the gall cleaueth, is in the place of the fire, the stomacke is a panne, the braine-panne is the top of the high butte or still, and so if you will, the nose is in the stéede of the spowt. Therefore from this mutuall flowing and ebbing of humors, groweth whatsoeuer is the cause of any disease, euen as di∣uers humours doe diuersly fall, now into the eyes, now int the stomacke, one while into the shoulders, another whie in∣to the necke, or else-where. Whereby you may also perceiue why excesiue wine drinkers haue bad memories, and why those that feede vppon meates of more pure and subtile spi∣rites, are not so dull witted. And why Coriander helpeth me∣mory, and Langwort or Neesewort purgeth the minde: and why great fulnesse brings the falling sicknesse, which at once deadeth or benummeth all the senses, as if they were cast in∣to some déepe fléepe. And to conclde, as too much hunger or thirst in children, doth blunt the edge of their wit and memo∣ry, so too much meate doth make the blockish and dull wit∣ted, if wée may credite Aristole, because that little sparke of the minde is as it were ouer▪whelmed with vndigested matter. Is then the minde a bodily substance, that it may bée affected with bodily things. he very nature of the reasonable soule, is not cor∣ , but her original instruments being corrup∣ted, her force an is hinered: as it booteth not a woke∣man to excell in his Art, if he want t tooles to worke with∣all. Of what quantity or shape is the soule? What a ridiculous question is that, séeing you con∣fesse it to be without body? I meane a body that may e felt. But those hings are most pet which are not selt, as God and Angells. I heare that God and Angells are called spirites, but a spirite we feele. The holy Scriptures in vsing this word, do but stm∣mer as it were for our rude vnderstanding sake, meaning thereby, a minde pure and frée from all comerc and society of sensible things. What difference then is there betwéene Angells andThe differéce betweee an Angel and a soule. soules? Euen the same that is betwéene a dew snaile, and a shel snaile. Then the body is rather the soules house, than the soules instrument. There is no let to the contrary, but that one and the same thing may be called both an instrument, & a house. But of this matter the Philosophers doe not agrée, some call the body the soules garment, some the soules house, some the sules instrument, and some the soules harmony. NowWhat the soule is to the body. which soeuer of all these you list to call it, it will followe thereupon, that the actions of the minde are hindered by the affections of the body. First, if the body be that to the soule which the garment is to the body: how much the gar∣ment makes to the health of the body, Hercules hath shewed: to say nothing of the colours of haires and kindes of skinnes. But whether one soule may suffice to we are out many bo∣dies, as one body doth to weare out many garments, I leaue that to Pythagoras to tell. It were not amisse if (according to the opinion of Pythagoras) it were lawfull to change soules as well as garments: then in winter a man might haue a fatte bo∣dy, and wll lined, and in summer a leane. But I thinke it were not very commodious, if as when many garments are worne, the body it self at last wea∣reth: so, many bodies being worne, at last the soule should wax old, and we are too. No truely. Now as it maketh much to the health and agility of the body, to sée with what garment it be clad: so is it very ma∣teriall what body the soule carrieth about with it. Truely, if the body be the garment of the soule, I sée many men very diuersly clad. So it is: and yet the greatest part of this matter resteth in vs, to sée how itly the soule be clothed. Therefore let goe the garment, and say something of the house. I will. But lest that I say vnto thée may séeme a fable, Fabulla, the Lord Iesus himselfe calleth his body a Temple. And Peter the Apostle calleth his body a tabernacle. And some sticke not to cal the body the soules sepulchre. Some call it the mindes priso: and many call it a Tower. Now, quasi . heare the reasons: That minde that is pure in all parts, dwelleth in a temple: that soule that is not captiue to the loue of corporall things, dwelleth in a tabernacle, and would willingly remooue out of it, if her Commander would call for her: that soule that is blinded with most filthy lusts, that it can neuer aspire to the wholesome liberty of the Gospel, that lieth in a sepulchre. But they which painefully wrestle with their sinnes, and as yet cannot doe as they would, their soules dwell in a prison, still crying vnto him that is the deli∣uerer of all his seruants, saying; Bring my soule out of priso, that it may praise thy name O Lord. They which fiercely fight with Sathan, watching his sleights, who goeth a∣bout like a roaring Lion, séeking whome hée may deuoure, their soule liueth, as it were, in a Garrison or Campe, from whence it is in no wise lawfull to departe, without warrant from the Generall and Commaunder of the field. If the body be the soules lodging, I sée many whose soules are but sorily lodged. It is very true, euen in houses that e dropping, dake, and dusish, subiect to all wnde and weather, moky, filthy, flegmatique, rhumatike, torne and ruinous, rotten and infcted: and yet Cato doth iudge it the first part of happinesse, to dwel wel. It were somewhat tolerable, if it were lawfull to go out of one house into another. To remoue is not lawful, vntill the Landlord that placed the soule shal call for it. But though it be not lawfull to let the soule out of her dwelling: yet it is very lawfull and fitte too, by Art and Care, to make the soules dwelling house more commodious ad hansome than it is, as in houses wée sée the windowes are altered, the ground is raised, the walles are plaistered, the dust is swept out, and the roomes are clensed with fire and perfume. This to doe in an old body, all ruinated and ready to drop downe, is most hard. But it is to great purpose, if a childe be looked vnto as it ought to be rom his birth. You would haue a woman to bee both mother, and nurse, and Phisitian too. I would so indéede, as touching he choice and mode∣ration of meate and drinke, and of exercise, and of sléepe, andNote tha well. bathing, and anointing, and rubbing, and dressing, and cloa∣thing. How many thinke you are subiect to most gréeuous dis∣eases and vices, as the falling-sicknesse, leaenesse, weake∣nesse, afenesse, their loines broken, their members pulled ∣way, their braines weake, and their mindes dull and sottish, and all through the grosse ignorance or vnconscionable negli∣gence of nurses. It is meruaile that you were not made a Francis∣cane Friar in stéede of a Painter, you preach so wel. When I sée you become a St. Clare, then will I bée a Franciscan, and peach vnto you. Trely I am very desirous to know what the soule is, of which we heare and talke so much, séeing no man euer saw it. Nay, there is none that hath eies but hath séene it. I sée soules pictured like a little infant, but why haue they not wings like Angels? Bicause when they fell from heauen, they brake their wings, if there be any credite to be giuen to the ables of So∣crates. How then are they saide to flie vp into heauen? Because aith and charitie haue caused them to haueThe wings of the soule. new wings. These wings did he desire, that being wearie of the cottage of his body, cryed out, Who shall giue vnto me the wings of a Doue, that I may flie from hence, and take my rest? for other wings the soule hath none, being incorporeall, ney∣ther hath it any shape that can be séene with bodily eyes, but those things are more certainely discerned, which we sée with the eies of our minde. Do you beléeue that there is a God? That I doe most stedfastly. But nothing can be lesse séene than God. He is séene in things created. In like manner is the soule séene in the actions of theHow thesoule is seene. soule: if thou demaundest what it dooth in a liuing bodie, doo but looke vpon a dead bodie. When you sée a man féele, sée, heare, mooue, vnderstand, remember, and discourse, you doe more certainely sée the soule in presence, than you doe nowe sée this same potte, for one sence may be deceiued, but so ma∣ny arguments drawne from all the sences, can by no meanes faile. Wel then, if you cannot shew me the oule, then des∣cribe it vnto me by certaine markes, as you woulde describe Caesar, whome I haue not séene. Aristotles definition I haue ready for you. Whats that? for they say he is a very good descipherer of all things. The soule (saith he) is An acte of an Organicall and naturall bode, hauing life in power.Aristotles de∣finition of th soule exami∣ned. Why dooth he call it an Act, rather tha a Iourney, or a Way? Here is no warning giuen to Carters, or horseme, but the state or manner of the soule is defined. And the acte he calleth the Forme, the nature whereof is to doe, when the nature of any matter is to suffer: And euery naturall motion of the bodie procéedeth from the soule: and the motion of the bodie is diuers. I vnderstand it, but why dooth hée adde Organicall? Because the soule doth nothing but by meanes of the instruments of the bodie. Why doth he adde Naturall? Because Daedalus would counterfet such a bodie, but in vaine: and therefore he addeth, hauing life in power. Eue∣ry thing receiueth not forme, but onely such matter as is ca∣pable of forme. What if an Angell shoulde enter into the body of a man? Hée might worke indéede, but not by naturall or∣gans, or instruments of nature: neither could he giue life vn∣to the body, the soule being away. Haue I nowe the whole definition and manner of the soule? According to Aristotle you haue. Truly I haue heard great speaking of him, as of a famous Philosopher, but I feare, that if a centurie of wise men should so write vto me, I may charge them with here∣se, if I may gainesay them, or fréely speake my mind. Other∣wise, whatsoeuer he hath said of the soule of man, may be said of an asse, and an oxe. Yea of a béetle, and of a snaile. What difference then is there betwéene the soule of a beast, and the soule of a man? They that say the soule is nothing else than a harmo∣nie of the qualities of the bodie, doe not make any great diffe∣rence. For if it be so, then this forsooth will ollowe, the har∣monie being broken, the soules of both doe perish alike. It is not reason it selfe surely that distinguisheth the soule of a man from the soule of a beast, but this we may say, that the soule a beast knoweth or vnderftandeth lesse than the soule of a man, euen as we sée some men also to knowe and vnderstand lesse than a beast.Esy 1. Surely they haue but a beastly minde. But this you knowe Fabula, that according to the nature of the Lute, the harmonie is the swéeter. I graunt that. Neither doth it alittle skil, of what wood and fashion the Lute be made. And you say true, for some wood is better than some, and the fashioning of a thing is a great matter. Neither are the strings made of euery beastes in∣trales. So I haue heard. And these strings also, through the drienesse or moy∣sture of the ayre that incloseth them, are often times shrunke vppe, or rotten, and by that meanes wil not holde the strain∣ing. That I haue séene oftner than once. By this then you may be able to performe no small helpe to your little infant, that his mind may haue an instru∣ment wel tempered, and tuned, that it be not loose by slouth, nor too shril through wrath, nor hoarce through drunkennes, for oftenties these affections are graffed in vs by education and want of good diet. I doe take your admonition in good part: but I looke how you can defend Aristtle. Truely, hée did but in generall tearmes describe the soule, liuing, growing and féeling. The soule giuth life,Of the lie of tres. but it is not foorthwith a liuing creature that lth: for trées doe both liue and waxe olde, and die, but they féele nothing: though some do attribute vnto them a certain kind of stupide sence: In the clifts or ioynt there is scarce any sence perci∣ued, but in spunge there is, w it is plucked off: In trées, those that are fellers of timber doe discerne some snce, ( we may beleeue them) for they say, that if one do strike tree with the palme of his hand, wich h would fell (as timber men vse to doe) it is the more hardly cutte downe, because for feare (forsooth) it hath srunke it slfe, togither: but that thatA very ieast. hath life and sence is a liuing creature. And there is no lt to the contrary, but that may be vgetable, or growing, which wanteth sense, as doe mushromes, béetes, and colewortes, &c. If these things do féele, or liue, in any sort, if they be moud when they grow ripe, what that they may not be called liuing creatures? It did not séeme good vnto our Ancestours to haue it so, and it is not lawfull for vs to be wiser than our forefa∣thers, neither is it any thing to the matter that wee haue in hand. But I can not endure, that the life of a scarabée, or béetle flie, and the soule of a man should be all ne. They are not all one, good woman, but after a sorte, thy soule dooth giue life, and growing, and sence vnto thy body: and so dooth the soule of a scarabée in his bodie: for whereas the soule of a man doth something which the soule of the scarabée cannot doe, the cause is in the matter, that can neither sing nor say, because it wnteth fitte instruments for those ffices. This then you say, that if the soule of a scarabée shoulde passe into the body of a man, it shoulde doe the same things that the soule of a man dooth. Nay nor yet the soule of an Angell (as I haue she∣wed) but there is no difference an Aungell and the soule of a man, sauing that the soule of man was created to liue and mooue in a humane body furnished with naturall in∣struments, and to gouerne the same: and in like manner the soule of a scarabée, to mooue onely the body of a scarabée. An∣gells be not created to that end that they should giue life vnto bodies, but to vnderstand without bodily instruments. And can not the soule of man doe the same, I pray you? Yes truely, when it is parted from the bo∣die. Belike then hée is not his owne man, (as they say) while he is in the bodie. Truely no, vnlesse something hapen bede the com∣mon course of nature. But me thinke, that for one soule, you haue powredObi. me out many soules, as one that giueth life, an other that causeth to growe, another that giueth sence, another that af∣foordeth vnderstanding, another that bestoweth memory, an∣other that is the guider of the will, an other that kindleth an∣ger, and another that begetteth lust: One had beene enough for me. One and the same soule effecteth diuers ations, andAnswer. in respect of those it hath diuers surnames (as it were) as a thinking sole, a sensible soule, an vnderstanding soule, &c. I doe not well vnderstand you. But I will cause you to vnderstand me, you are inA similitude. your bed chamber a wife, in your shop a weauer of tapistry, in your ware house a seller of tapistry, in your kitchin a cooke, among your seruants a mistris, and among your children a mother, and yet notwithstanding all these, you are in one and the same house. So then belike the minde is in the body, as I am in my house. Right. But when I worke in my shop, I play not the cooke in my kitchin. That is because you are not all soule, but you haue a soule that carrieth a body about with it, and your body can∣not be in many places at once: the soule, because it is not a compound, but a simple forme, is so in the whole body, that it is whole in euery part of the body, although it cannot effect the same thing by euery parte, neither can she effect the same things which shée effecteth in the same maner alwayes, how∣soeuer hir instruments be affected: for shée vnderstandeth and remēbreth in the brain, she is angry in the heat, she lusteth in the liuer, she hearet in the eares, séeth in the eies, smelleth in the nostrils, tasteth in the palate and tongue, & féeleth in al the parts of the body, that haue any sinewy matter adioyning: for neither doth she féele in the haires of the head, nor in the nailes of the fingers, neither can the lights, or the liuer féele of them∣selues, nor peraduenture the splne. Therefore it quickeneth and refresheth onely in cer∣taine parts of the bodie. So it séemeth. If one and the same soule effecteth all these things in one man, then it followeth that the Infant in the wombe, soWhether the soule perfor∣meth all her offices in an Infant or no. soone as it increaseth, which is a signe of life, it dooth also at the same instant féele and vnderstand, &c. vnlesse perhaps at the beginning of one man there bée manie soules, and afterward, (all the rest giuing place) one onely dooth all, so that firt a man shall be a plant, and then a liuing creature, and last of all, a man. That which you say séemeth not verie absurd vnto Aristotle: but to vs it is more probable, that togither with the life is infused a reasonable soule, or a soule indued with rea∣son, but that which as a little fire, drenched out of measure with abundance of moist matter, cannot as yet shew forth his force and strength. The soule therefore is bound to that bodie which it rulth, and moueth, is it not? No otherwise then a Snaile is to her shell, which she carrieth about with hir. She mooueth her shel indéed, yet so as she is also ther∣withall moued her-selfe: as the maister of a ship turneth the ship which way he listeth, but in the meane time he is also moued with his ship. Yea, or rather as a Squirrell whéeleth about the rol∣ling Cage, and in the meane time is moueable him sele. And so the soule both affecteth and is affected againe. Truly yea, as touching her operations. Then belike, in respect of nature, the soule of a Black∣mre, is equall with the soule of king Salomon. True, there is no aburditie in that. And so are Angels alike too, sith they want matter, or materiall substaunce, which (as you say) is the cause of inequalitie. We haue Philosophie enough nw, rather let Di∣uines canuas these poynts, and let vs go to the matter that we beganne withall. If you will be a whole mother, lookThe dutie of a mother. your selfe to the little bodie of your tender Infant, that so, after that he hath vnfolded himselfe of those vapours, which are as sparkles to the minde, it may vse good and fitte instruments. So often as you heare your childe crying like a childe, thinke with your self that he doth instantly require it at your hands. When you sée vpon your breast, these two as it were swel∣ling fountaines of milke, and flowing of their owne accord with that milkie liquour, then thinke how nature doth admo∣nish you of your dutie. Otherwise, when your childe shall learne to speake, and in his pleasant and prettie stammering language, shall call you mother, with what face can you heare this of him to whom you, haue denied your pappes, and haue turned ouer to a hired papp euen as if you had put it out to a goate or a shéepe. When he shall be able to speake and know good from euill, what if he should call you, nt mother, but halfe mother? It may be you will trie what the rod will do: but she is scarce halfe a mother, which refuseth to nurse that which she hath brought forth. The better part of mother-hood is the nuring of the tender babe. For it is not nursed onelie with milke, but also with the swéete scent or smell of the mo∣thers bodie, it craueth the same liquour that it was familiar∣ly acquainted withall before, which it suked in the bodie, and whereby it grew together. And I am of this minde, that in children, wit is corrupted by the nature of the Milke which they sucke; euen as we sée in plants and fruites, their nature is chaunged, and altered, euen by the moysture of the earth which doth nourish them. Do you thinke this Prouerb cameA Prouerbe too true. of nothing: This naughtinesse he sucked in with his nurses milke? Truly, I am not of the Grecians minde, who were woont to say, that nurses do signifie one that is ill fed: for they put a little chawed meate into the Infants mouth, and swallow the greatest part themslues. And therefore she hath not brought foorth truly, that dooth presently cast away that she hath trauailed of; for this is not kindly to bring forth, but to come afore the time. And vnto such kinde of mothers may ve∣rie, à , i. à non seruand. well agrée in my opinion that deriuation which the Gre∣cians haue giuen of the Greèke worde which signifieth mo∣ther. And that is which they say commeth of , that is, mother of not sauing: for to take altogither a hired Nurse for a poore tender Infant, as yet warme from the mother, is a kinde of exposing, or casting it foorth to ha∣zarde. I should yéeld vnto that you say, if there were not chosen such a woman in whome nothing is wanting that should be in a nurse. As if (forsooth) it were no matter what milke the ten∣der Infant do sucke, or what slauer it swaloweth downe with his meate that she hath chawed and champed before. But i∣magin that such a nurse may be gotten, as I know not where such a one can be had, doe you thinke that there is any which possibly can digest all the wearinesse and irkesomnesse that is in nursing as the mother can? Is there any that can brooke all the foule handes, th sittings, the watchings, the cry∣ings, the diseases, and diligent care of preseruing the childe, (which can neur be inough) as the mother can? If there can bée founde anie whose loue is equall with the mothers loue, then may her care also bee equall with the mothers care. And why may not that also come to passe, that your sonne may loue you but to the halfes, whenas that natiue loue is as it were distracted, & diuided betwéen two mothers? neither can you be caried with the like natural affection toward your son: As he groweth in yeares, so he shall be more vnwilling to o∣bey your commaundements, and your care will be the colder towards him, in whose behauiour perhaps you shall sée his nurse. And the chiefest step to learning, is the mutuall loue that is betwéene the teacher and the schaller. Therefore, if he shall loose nothing of that swéete sauour which naturall affec∣tion yéeldeth, you shall the more easily drop into him the pre∣cepts of liuing well: For here the mothers helpe is not small, euen in this respect, that she will teach him that, which both for matter and maner, will be most pleasing, and in all points to be imitated. Now I perceiue, that it is not so easie a matter to be a mother, as it is commonly supposed to be. If you doe not blue mee, bholde Saint Paul speks plainly vnto you, (speaking of the woman he saith) she1. Tim. 2. 15. shall be saued by bearing of children. Then they shall be saued which she bearth. Not so, but he addeth, if her children continue in the faith and loue, with holinesse and modestie, so that you haue not yet done the part of a mother, vnlesse you first frame a∣right his tender bodie, and then his mind as tender as that with good education. But this is not in the mothers powr, that the chil∣dren shall continue in faith and godlinesse. It may be so, but for all that, vigilant admonition is of such force, that Paul thinkes it to be laide to the mothers charge, if their children degenerate from godly courses. And to conclude, if you shal but that do which lieth in you to perform, God will adde his helpe vnto your diligence. Truly Eutrapilus your speach hath perswaded me, if you can in like manner peswade my friendes, and my hus∣band. That will I vndertake, so that you will helpe me with your consnt. That I do assure you I will. But may I not see your child? Yes, that you shall most willingly. Doe you heare Syrisca? Call hither the nurse, and bid her bring the Infant with her. A very fine child, the saying is, that the first trial must haue a pardon, but you vpon the first triall, haue shewed euen the perfection of Art. It is no grauen Image, that it should néed any art. True, for it is a molten Image, but howsoeuer it be, it fell out mst happily, I would that those Images which you make in your tapistrie work, may haue no worse successe. But you on the other side are better at painting than begetting of children. So it seemed good vnto nature, to fit and match eue∣rie mans turne: how carefull is nature that nothing may pe∣rish; see how she hath represented two persons in this one childe; the nose and eies resemble the father; the fore-heade and chinne the mother. Can you commit such pretious pledge to another bodies trust? Me thinke they are double cruell that are able to doe it: for that is not done onely with the pe∣rill of the Infant that is put away, but also with their owne perill, because the milke which is corrupted by chaunge, doth oftentimes bréede most perillous diseases. And therefore it falleth out, that while they prouide for the fashion or beautie of one bodie, they neglect the liues of two bodies, and while they go about to preuent sudden old age, they cast themselues into an vntimely death; but I will go sée what I can do with your husband and friends. I pray God you may preuaile. WHat newes is this? Do I not sée my neighbor Ogygius that hath not bin séene this six months full? The speach was, that he was dead: sure it is he, nlesse I be much deceiued. I will go and salute him: God saue you Ogygius. And you also Menedemus. What region hath sent you hither so safe? For the rumor went here, that you were dead. I thanke God I was so well all the time of my be∣ing abroad, that I was neuer better in all my life. Thus you euer proue such spreaders of rumors to be but vaine men: but what manner of apparell haue you gotten there? Me thinke you are beset with pearles, or wilkes like Gutter-tiles, you are ful of Images, both of Tine and Lead, you are trimly decktindéed, with straw Garlands, and Ser∣pents Egges vpon your sléeues. Oh sir, I haue visited Saint Iame of Compostella andSt Iames of Compost. rom thence I went to visite, or rather, to reuisite, that holy Uirgin, by the sea coat, called our Ladie of Walsingham, that is in so great account in England: for about some thrée year since I did visite her before. For your pleasure sake, I thinke. Nay, for religion sake. This religion I thinke you learned, when you lear∣ned Gréeke. No, good sir, but my wiues mother bound her selfe by a vow, that if her daughter did bring forth a sonne aliue, I should go in mine owne person, and salute St. Iames of Com∣postella, and giue him thankes for it. Did you salute the Saint onely in your own name, and your mother in law? Yea, in the name of all my familie. Surely I thinke your familie should haue done e∣uen as well, if you had neuer gone to salute Saint Iames: but I pray what answer did he make you, when you thanked him for your snne? None at all: but when I gaue him my present, hée séemed to smile, and a little to nod with his head, and withall, reached me this hollow shell. Why doth he bestow such gifts rather thā other things? Because he hath aboundaunce of them, the se being so nea. A good saint indéede, which doth both the parte of a Midwife to women in child bed, and is so bountifnll vnt strangers. But what new kinde of vowing call you this, that one that is idle shoulde enioyne another to labour? If you shoulde make a vowe, that if you shoulde spéede wll in some thinges that you oe about, I shoulde fast twice in a wéeke. Doe you thinke that I must doe that which you haue vowed? I doe not thinke you would doe so, although you had vowed it in your owne name, for you make but a sport of it to mocke the Saints, or to besmeare their mouthes: but she is my mother, and I must obey her, you know the affections of women, and it stoode me vpon. If you had not performed hir vow, what had béene the danger? I confesse that the Saint could not haue sued mée at lawe for it, bu heereafter he might pehappes giue but deafe eare to my prayers, or sende some calamitie vppon my family and neuer make wordes of the matter: you know the fashion of princes & great persons, whē they ake against one. I pray tel me, how doth that good man, Iames, how doth he? Much celder and poorer than he was wont to be. Whats the cause, his old ag? I think he be very olde. Away triler, away, you knowe that Saints waxe not olde, but this new perswasion that is gone ouer all the worlde, is the cause that he is not so often visited as hée was wont: and if any chaunce to come vnto him, they salute him onely, but they geue him lie or nothing. thinking that that money were better bestowed on the poore fos, yea, and the will not sticke to saie so too. Oh wicked prswasion! Alas the more is the pittie. And therefore so great an postle, which was woont to glister all with gold and pre∣cous stones, now standes like a wodden thing hauing scarce tallow candle bere him. Thats great pitty: but if it be as I heare, I promise you it is very like that all other Saints will be serued with the same sawce. Tis true indéede, r there is an pistle which the virgin Mary her selfe hath written of this matter. What Mary is that? She that hath her surname of a stone. If I be not deceind, it is sh that is amongst the peo∣ple of Belgi. The very same. To whom did she write? The epistle it selfe sheweth that. By whom was it sent? No doubt, by an Angell, which when he had written it, set it vp in a pulpit where he preacheth, to whome it was sent: And because you shall suspect no fraud in the matter, you shall see the Epistle that was written with the Angells owne hand. Do yu so well knowe that Angels hand that is se∣cretary to the virgin Mary? Why not? How doe you know it? I haue read Bedes Epitaph, which was giuen by an Angell, the formes of the letters doe agrée in all poyntes. And I haue read a quittance sent to Saint Giles: they all agrée, is not this sufficient proofe of the matter? May I not sée it? Yes, if you will promise me to be secret. As secret as a stone. And there be stones nowadayes that are infamous in this respect, that they can keepe nothing close. Thn you shall speake to one that is dumbe if you trust not stones. Upon that condition I wil reade it vnto you, hearken with oth your cares. So I will. ¶The Epistle of the virgin Mary. MAry the mother of Iesus, to Glaucoplutus sendes gréeting. Whereas you following Luther doe earnestly perswade men, that it is more than neede to pray vnto Saints. Know, that in this respect you are much in my fauour: for vntill of late I was euen tyrd with the wicked complaints and lamentations of mortall men. To one wo∣man they came still for euery thing, as if my sonne should be still an infant, because he is so painted in my bosome, and as if he should still be at his mothers becke, and as if hée durst de∣ny me nothing that I should demaund of him, for feare (for∣sooth) that I should deny him my teats when he were a thirst. And many times they craue those things of me being a vir∣gin, which a shamefast yong man durst scarce demaund of a common harlot, and which I am ashamed to commit to wri∣ting. In the meane time the Merchants Factor being boun for Spaine, commits to my charge the honesty of his concubine: And the holy Nunne (forsooth) hauing cast away hir vaile, and ready to runne away, commits vnto me the fame of hr in∣tegrity, which she is determined to prostitute and make com∣mon: The wicked souldier makes a pitifull crie vnto me, and when he is conducted to the slaughter house to filch and pier, then he crieth, O blessed virgin, giue me a good bootie. hen comes the icer and gamster, and he crieth, fauor me O bles∣sed saint, and thou shalt haue part of our winnings. And if the dice doe not fauor them, then they terme me with reproches, and curse me most itterly. The couetous worldling that ex∣poseth himselfe to filthy lucre, he cryeth, send me a plentifull encrease. If I deny them any thing, straitway they exclaime against me, that I am not the mother of pittie. The prayers of some others are as foolish as impious: the vnmarried wo∣man crieth, Mary, send me a faire and rich husband: the mar∣ried woman crieth, giue me prety children: shée that is greatBe C calleth to me for a happy deliuerance: the olde woman crieth out vto me, that she may liue long without the cough and thirst: the dating olde man he crieth, let me be yong againe: the philosopher he crieth, let me be able to resolue hard questi∣ons: the priest crieth, send me a fatte benefice: the bishop cry∣eth, keepe my church for me: the marriner crieth, giue mée a prosperous voyage: the maister of the ship cryeth, shew me thy sonne before I die: the courtier cryeth, grant I may make a true confession at the houre of my death: the country man hée cries, send vs raine in due season: the country woman cries, kéepe my heird of cattell, and my poultry in safety: if they do not spéede of their sute, by and by I am cruell. If I send them to my sonne, they tel me, that what I wil, he wil. Must I that am a woman alone, and a virgin, giue attendance to saylers, to souldiers, to merchants, to dicers, to married, and vnmarri∣ed, to women in child▪bed, to captaines, to kings, and to clownes. But that which I haue said is nothing to that which I haue endured, but with these affaires I am now nothing so much troubled as I was wont to be: in which respect I should surely giue you great thanks if this commodity did not bring with it a greater discommoditie. I haue now more ease, butNo commo∣ditie witl out a discommo∣dity. lesse honour and wealth than I was wont to haue, I was wnt to be saluted in this maner, O Quéene of heauen, La∣dy of the worlde, now I scarce heare Aue Maria, and that but of a few neither. I was wont to be clad in golde and pretious stones: I had golden gifts, and set with pearles brought vn∣to me, now I haue scarce halfe a cloake to couer me withall, and that also gnawne with mice: my yéerely reuenues will hardly maintaine a poore miserable house, wherein to light a tallow candle: but these things yet might somewhat be borne, if it were not reported that you goe about greater matters: your shooting (as they say) is at this, that whatsoeuer was gi∣uen to the Saints, you would take away from all religious houses. I charge you againe and againe, take héed what you doe: there is not wanting vnto other saints wherewith to bée reuenged of the iniuries that shalbe ffred vnto them. If Peter be cast out of the temple, he can shut heauen gate against you. Paul hath a sword: Bartholomew a knife, Wiliam is all armed vnder a Monkes habite, not without a gréeuous launce: but how will you be able to eale against George, who is both a horseman, and armed from top to toe, both with a speae and a erible sword? Neither is vnarmed, for he hath the holy fire. And the rest haue either their weapos, or their e∣uilles, wherewith they can méete whome they list. And as for me, though I be vnarmed, yet for all that, you shall not cast me out, vnlesse you will also cast out my Sonne, whom I holde in my armes. I do not meane to be parte from him: either you shal thrust vs both out, or leaue vs both in, vnlesse you will haue a Temple without a Christ. These things I thought good to let you vnderstand. Now bethinke your selfe of an answer, for surely this matter dooth much trouble mée. From our stone-house the Calends of August, in the yéere af∣ter my Sonnes sufferings 1524. I the blessed virgin haue subscribed hereunt with mine owe hand. MAry the mother of Iesus, to Glaucoplutus sendes gréeting. Whereas you following Luther doe earnestly perswade men, that it is more than neede to pray vnto Saints. Know, that in this respect you are much in my fauour: for vntill of late I was euen tyrd with the wicked complaints and lamentations of mortall men. To one wo∣man they came still for euery thing, as if my sonne should be still an infant, because he is so painted in my bosome, and as if he should still be at his mothers becke, and as if hée durst de∣ny me nothing that I should demaund of him, for feare (for∣sooth) that I should deny him my teats when he were a thirst. And many times they craue those things of me being a vir∣gin, which a shamefast yong man durst scarce demaund of a common harlot, and which I am ashamed to commit to wri∣ting. In the meane time the Merchants Factor being boun for Spaine, commits to my charge the honesty of his concubine: And the holy Nunne (forsooth) hauing cast away hir vaile, and ready to runne away, commits vnto me the fame of hr in∣tegrity, which she is determined to prostitute and make com∣mon: The wicked souldier makes a pitifull crie vnto me, and when he is conducted to the slaughter house to filch and pier, then he crieth, O blessed virgin, giue me a good bootie. hen comes the icer and gamster, and he crieth, fauor me O bles∣sed saint, and thou shalt haue part of our winnings. And if the dice doe not fauor them, then they terme me with reproches, and curse me most itterly. The couetous worldling that ex∣poseth himselfe to filthy lucre, he cryeth, send me a plentifull encrease. If I deny them any thing, straitway they exclaime against me, that I am not the mother of pittie. The prayers of some others are as foolish as impious: the vnmarried wo∣man crieth, Mary, send me a faire and rich husband: the mar∣ried woman crieth, giue me prety children: shée that is greatBe C calleth to me for a happy deliuerance: the olde woman crieth out vto me, that she may liue long without the cough and thirst: the dating olde man he crieth, let me be yong againe: the philosopher he crieth, let me be able to resolue hard questi∣ons: the priest crieth, send me a fatte benefice: the bishop cry∣eth, keepe my church for me: the marriner crieth, giue mée a prosperous voyage: the maister of the ship cryeth, shew me thy sonne before I die: the courtier cryeth, grant I may make a true confession at the houre of my death: the country man hée cries, send vs raine in due season: the country woman cries, kéepe my heird of cattell, and my poultry in safety: if they do not spéede of their sute, by and by I am cruell. If I send them to my sonne, they tel me, that what I wil, he wil. Must I that am a woman alone, and a virgin, giue attendance to saylers, to souldiers, to merchants, to dicers, to married, and vnmarri∣ed, to women in child▪bed, to captaines, to kings, and to clownes. But that which I haue said is nothing to that which I haue endured, but with these affaires I am now nothing so much troubled as I was wont to be: in which respect I should surely giue you great thanks if this commodity did not bring with it a greater discommoditie. I haue now more ease, butNo commo∣ditie witl out a discommo∣dity. lesse honour and wealth than I was wont to haue, I was wnt to be saluted in this maner, O Quéene of heauen, La∣dy of the worlde, now I scarce heare Aue Maria, and that but of a few neither. I was wont to be clad in golde and pretious stones: I had golden gifts, and set with pearles brought vn∣to me, now I haue scarce halfe a cloake to couer me withall, and that also gnawne with mice: my yéerely reuenues will hardly maintaine a poore miserable house, wherein to light a tallow candle: but these things yet might somewhat be borne, if it were not reported that you goe about greater matters: your shooting (as they say) is at this, that whatsoeuer was gi∣uen to the Saints, you would take away from all religious houses. I charge you againe and againe, take héed what you doe: there is not wanting vnto other saints wherewith to bée reuenged of the iniuries that shalbe ffred vnto them. If Peter be cast out of the temple, he can shut heauen gate against you. Paul hath a sword: Bartholomew a knife, Wiliam is all armed vnder a Monkes habite, not without a gréeuous launce: but how will you be able to eale against George, who is both a horseman, and armed from top to toe, both with a speae and a erible sword? Neither is vnarmed, for he hath the holy fire. And the rest haue either their weapos, or their e∣uilles, wherewith they can méete whome they list. And as for me, though I be vnarmed, yet for all that, you shall not cast me out, vnlesse you will also cast out my Sonne, whom I holde in my armes. I do not meane to be parte from him: either you shal thrust vs both out, or leaue vs both in, vnlesse you will haue a Temple without a Christ. These things I thought good to let you vnderstand. Now bethinke your selfe of an answer, for surely this matter dooth much trouble mée. From our stone-house the Calends of August, in the yéere af∣ter my Sonnes sufferings 1524. Truely this is a menacg, &c. terrible Epistle. I thinke Glacoplutus will take héede what he doth. If he be wise. Why did not that good man Saint Iames write to him of this matter? I cannot tel, vnlesse it be bicause he dwels so farre off, and nowadaies almost all letters are intercepted. How camest thou into England? The winde being so prosperous did inuite me thither, and I had passed my promise before to that Saint by the Sea coast, that after two yéeres I would see her againe. What sute had you to her? No new matter, but all ordinary, that my familie might be in health, that my wealth might encrease, and that I might enioy a long and happy life in this worlde, and euer∣lasting happinesse in the world to come. Coulde not our virgine mother at Antwerpe haue doone all this for you as well as shée at Walsingham? her temple at Antwerpe is farre more renowned than that by the sea coast. I do not deny but she can, but in other places she giues ther things, either because it séemeth good vnto her so to doe, or else, for that (as indeede she is a kinde woman) she may ap∣ply her sele to our desires. Of S. Iames I haue heard often: but I pray thée nowThe Lady of Wam, he dominion described. describe vnto me the dominion of that Saint by the sea coast. That wil I doe euen as briefly as I can: her name is most famous all England ouer, neither can you hardly finde any one in that Iland, that doth looke for any good successe in his businesse, vnlesse hee doe once a yeare visite her with some preent. Whereaway is she? At the furthest part of England betwéene the North and the West, not aboue thrée miles from the sea. It is a town that hath little else to liue vpon, then of the great tumult of guests that daily rsort thither in pilgrimage. There is a col∣ledge of canons that are calld Rgular, a middle sort between Monks and Secular Priests. You tell mee now of such as liue as wel in the wa∣ter, as on the lad, as the Beuer. Yea, and so doth the Crocodile: but to leaue this ca∣uelling, I will tell you in three words that which you would know. In things that they like not, they are Canons, but in things that fauour them, they are Monkes. Tis is a rddle, I vnderstand it not. Then I wil vse a mathematicall demonstration. IfA Riddle. the Pope shall chance to excommunicate all the onks, then they are Canons, and no Monkes: But if the shall li∣cence all Monkes to marry, then they are Monkes, and Canons. O strange priuiledges! I would they would take my wife too. But to the matter. This Colldge hath scarce an o∣ther reuenewes to liue vpon, but wht commeth by the libe∣rality o this Uirgine: for their greater rewards and gifts are kept in store. But if there be any mony, or any thing of small valew giuen, that goeth to the maintenance of the whole Col∣ledge, and their resident, who they call the Prior. A very good life. There is no fault found with it: they grow richer by their deuout piety, than by a yearely rent. Their Church is beautifull and costly, wherein doth not dwell the Uirgine her selfe, but for honour sake that she hath yeelded vnto her Son. She hath a Chappell by her selfe, as she is placed at the right hand of her Sonne. Right hand? Which way then looketh her Sonne? Well remembred, when he looketh toward the West, then she hath the right hand; but when he turnes himselfe to the East, then she hath the left hand: yet she doth not dwell heere neither, for her house is not yet finished, and the place very windy on euery side, the doores open, and windowes open, and the Ocean sea, the father of the windes, is hard by. That is very hard: where then doth she kéepe? In that Church that is not yet finished, there is a ve∣ry narrow Chappel, floored with bordes very straight on both sides, and a very little doore to let in pilgrimes. There is al∣most no light, but candle light of tapers and wax candles, a most pleasant smell. All this is agréeable to their religion. Nay Menedemus, if you did sée it, you would say it were a seate of Saints indéee, all things doe so glister with gold and siluer, and pearles, and pretious stones. You doe almost perswade me to go thither. You would not repent you of your iourney. Is there any holy oyle there? Ah foole, that oyle is to be found dropping only from the scpulchres of Saints, as of St. Andrew and St. Caherine, and no where else. Mary is not yet buried. I was in an errour I cnfesse, but make an end of your tale. That their religion may be spread the further abroad, other things are shewed in other places of their Colledge. And peraduenture that their gaines may be the grea∣ter, according to that common saying; By my hads the prey is quickly gotten. And in euery place there are Mistagogues (as theyMistagogu. are called) that is, some speciall persons to shew reliques, and to interpret their mysteries and ceremonies to strangers. Are they of the canons? No, they are not vsed to that end, for feare that by oc∣casion of their religion, they should be drawne from their re∣ligion: and while they should attend vpon a Uirgine, them∣selues should lose their owne virginity. Onely in the inward Chappel, which I call the bed-chamber of the blessed Uirgin, there attends a certaine canon at the Altar. To what end? To receiue and to kéepe that which is giuen. Doe they giue that are not willing to giue? Not so: but many or very shame are forced to giue when they sée one stand by, which would giue nothing if there were no body, or at least they would not giue so much as they doe, when there is one by to see what they giue. This is euen the right nature of man, and that which my selfe haue experience o. Yea more: there be some that be so deuoted to the most holy Uirgin, that when they make as if they laid downe someThat is plaine . thing vpon her Altar, they can very nimbly take away that which was laid downe by another. Suppose that none were by, it is maruel that the blessed Uirgin her selfe do not presently thunder against such guests. Why should the Uirgine doe that rather then God himselfe, whom they feare not to spoile of all his ornaments; yea, and to digge through his Church walls for them? I cannot tell whether I should woner more at their ad aciousnesse, or at his lenity. Therefore towardes the North side, there is a cer∣taine gate, (not belonging to the Church) but a uce or a wall, that kéepeth all the outward yeard adioyning to the Church. And that hath a very small portall or wicket, such as you sée in Noblemens great gates, that hee which will enter, must be inforced to put in, first his leg; and so to expose that to danger, and then his head. Truely it is not safe for a théefe to enter at such a doore. You say true. The Mistagogue told me of a certaine rier, who on a time, sitting on his horse, rode through this doore, and so escaped his enemies hands, who followed him at the hard héeles. There the merable man dispairing of himselfe▪ hee suddenly commended his state to the blessed Uirgine, which was in the next roome: for he was determined to flie to her Altar for refuge, if the great gates had béene o∣pen. And behold a very strange thing, suddenly the horse∣manA , but o li. was within the Church walles, though the gates were not opened, and his enemy stood raging and fretting without, but all in vaine. But did he make this admirable tale of any credite? Yes that he did. That was not so easily done, you being a Philoso∣pher and a wise man. He shewed me nailed vpon the doore, a copper plate, with that horse-mans picture vpon it that was so preserued, and in the same manner of apparrell, that then was vsed in England, and such as we sée vpon antient pictures, which (if they lie not) doe shew plainely that Barbers and Taylors in those daies, were not much set by. How so? Because hée was bearded like a goate, and all his ap∣parrell was withut any plait, no bigger then his body, and sate close to his body. Now ther is no doubt to be made of that matter. Under the threshold was an yron grate, which none could, goe vpon but onely footemen, for it was not méete that any horse should trample vpon that place, after the former ri∣der had consecrated it to the blessed Uirgine. No reason why he should. Heere towards the East is a Chappell full of strange sights, thither go I, wher we met with another Mistagogue: there we prayed alittle. By and by was hewed vs the ioynt of a mans finger, the bigget of the thrée, I kissed it▪ then I demanded whose reliques those were; hee said, Saint P∣ters▪ What, the Apostle? he said, yea. I looked vpon the huge∣nesse of the finger, which éemed to come of some Giant: I said, that S. Peter by that finger, should séeme to be a man of wondrfull great body. At which word, one of my fellowes burst forth into a lowd laughter, which grieued me not alitle: for if he had kept his countenance, the Mistagogue had shew∣ed vs all his reliqus, but we pleasd him againe with a few groates. Before that little house was a oofe or couering, which hee said, (in winter time, when all was couered ouer wth snow) was on a suddaine brought thither from farre: vn∣der that roofe were two wells full to the toppe, the springs whereof, (they say) are consecrated to the blessed Uirgine, the water is very cold, and good against the paine in the head and stomacke. If cold water can helpe the head and stomacke, then héereafter shall oyle quench fire. O good sir, you heare of a miracle: it is no miracle for cold water to quench thirst. And this is surely one part of a able. Hee affirmeth, that that fountaine did suddainelyNo lie. spring out of the ground, at the commandement of the Uir∣gin Mary. I diligently obseruing euery thing, demanded of him, how many yeares since that little cotage was carried thither: he said, many ages since. Otherwise (said I) the walls doe not looke as if they were old: he did not gaine-say it: nor these woodden pillars (quoth I) hee denied not but that they were lately set vp, and the thing was plaine. Then said I, and this same thatch of réede seemeth to bee newer than all the rest: he did grant it. Ad these same beames and rafters which beare vppe the thatch, séeme not to bee many yeares olde: he did also grant that to be true. And when I had now examined euery part of that cabine, I said vnto him: how then doth it appeare, that this house was ma age since brought from afarre? And I pray how did the Mistagogue vnti this knotte? Forsoothe hée presently shewed vs a very olde Beares skinne, fastened to the rafters, and in a manner derided our dulnesse and slewnesse to beléeue so manifest a proofe: so we being perswaded, craued pardon for our vn∣beleefe, and so turned our selues to beholde the heauenlyhe blessd Vigins milk. milke of the blessed Uirgin. Such a sonne, such a mother: he hath left vs so much of his blood vpon earth, as is wonderfull, and she so much of her milke, as is scrce credible to come o one wo∣man, hauing but one childe, though the infant had neuer suc∣ked any of it away. And so they reason abut the Crosse whereupon Christ died, which is shewed in so many places, but priuately, that if the peeces thereof were brought together, they would load a ship: and yet Christ carried it all himselfe. And doth not this also séeme a wonder vnto you? Somewhat strange perhaps, but no wonder, be∣cause the Lord being omnipotent, is able to augment it at his pleasure. You make a good construction of the matter: but I feare that many such things are deuised but for lucre sake. I suppose that God would not indure any that should so abuse him. Yes surely, séeing as both mother and sonne, and father, and holy-ghost, (as you said) are robbed by sacrilegi∣ous persons, and yet in the meane time, they séeme to be so lit∣tle moued at the matter, that neither by a becke nor ma∣king any noise they will make those wicked persons afraide. So great is the patience of the godhead. So it is indéede, but heare the rest: That milke is kept vpon a high Altar, in the midst of which altar, stands Christ, and for honour sake, his mother stands at his right hand, for that milke doth represent his mother. Thn it is to be éene. Yea, but hut vp in a christall glasse. What, is it liquid? What talke you of liquid, for that which was mil∣ked aboue ue hundred yeares since: it is hardened, you would thinke it to be chalke bruised and tempered with the white of an egge. Why do they not shew it naked? Lest the Uirgins milke should be profaned with mens kisses. You say well, for there bee some I thinke whose lips are neyther cleane nor chaste: but goe on. So soone as the Mistagogue saw vs, hée put n a sur∣plice, and his stole about his necke, and very deuoutly knéeled downe, and prayed, that doe, he reached vs that sacred milke to kisse, and wée very deuoutly fell downe at the foote of the Altar, and hauig first saluted Christ, wée called vpon the Uirgine Mary, with a short prayer that we had prouided of purpose for her in these words. Uirgin mother, which hast mrited with thy virginean breast to sucke thy sonne Iesus, the Lord of heauen and earth: our desire is, that we being clensed with his blood, may grow to that happy & reasonable infancy, which being void of all ma∣lice, fraud, and guile, doth daily desire the milke of the Euan∣gelicall doctrine, vntll we come to a perfect man, and the ful∣nesse of Christ, whose blessed fellowship thou inioyest for e∣uer, with the Father and the Holy-ghost, Amen. A good prayer truely, if it had béene made to the right party: but what said shée? They séemed both to bow vnto vs, vnlesse my sight failed me: for the holy milke sed to leape alittle, an the ho∣ly sacrament seemed to shine somewhat brighter then before. In the mean time, the Mistagogu came vnto vs, very silent, and reached vs a little table to write on, such as the Ger∣mans offer which take tole bridges. Truely I haue oftentimes cursed those same pol∣ling tables, when I haue gone through Germany.There was a sposing que∣ston indeede. Well, we gaue him some gr, which e offred to the Uirgin. By and by I demandd of him as ly as I could, by an interpreter skilful in their laguage, and a yong man of a smooth & eloquent tong, (I think his name was Ro: Alffe) by what arguments it might be prooued, that this was th milke of the blssed Uirgine. Which I did truely with an ho∣nest minde, that so I might be able to stop the mouthes of uch as are wont to laugh at all these things as fables. At the first, the Mistagogue or Usher of the reliques, with a lowring ountenance held his peace. I bade the youth to vrge it still, but vry modstly, which indeede he performed very soothe∣ly: insomuch, that if he had intreated the Mother her selfe with the same words, and shee lying in childe bed▪ shee could not haue taken it in i part. But the Mistagogue, as if he had béen inspired with some certaine kinde of godhead, beholding as with staring eyes, (and as it were with horro exating a blasphemous spéech) said; What neede you aske sch questi∣ons, when you haue an authenticall table? And he séd al∣together a if he would cast vs out as , if the goats had not somewhat asswagd his furie. What did you in the meane time? What thinke you? Euen as we had béene strucken with a club, or some thunder bolt, we slunke away, hubly crauing pardon for our boldnsse. From thence we went to another little cabine, the blssed Uirgines ldging: as ée were going thither, a certaine relique-mastr of th inferiour sort of them, sheweth himselfe, and behld vs, as if he wre de∣siruus to know vs: whn we had gone a little furthr, ano∣ther met vs, and in like manner staed vpon vs: by and by, the third. It may be they were desirous to take your picture. But I thought arre . What did you thinke pray you? Mary I was afraid, that some sacrilegious person had secretly stoln away some thing o or Ladies , and that they suspectd me for the matter. Therefore, when I cme into the Chappel in this manner, I salutd the Uirgin mother; O the onely mother and Uirgin amongs women most happy mother, most pure Uirgine, now w that are im∣pure, doe visite thée that art pure, and with our poore preents w do you : our dsire is, that thy sonne ould grant that we imitating thy most holy maners, may be coun∣td worthy through the grace of the holy spirit, spiritually to conceiue him in the bowels of our minde, and hauing concei∣ued him, neuer to loose him. Amen. And withall hauing kisse the altar, I laid downe certaine groates and went my way. What did the virgin? did she not by a becke signifie vnto you, that your prayer was heard? The light was verie small (as I said) and she stoode in the darke at the right side of the Altar: but lastly I was so cast downe with the speach of the former Mystagogue, that I durst not looke vp. Therefore the successe you had in this pilgrimage was not very good. Yes, most ioyfull. Now you haue reuiued me: for before, my heart was euen fallen downe into my knees, as your Homr spea∣keth. After dinner we went againe to the Church. Durst you, being suspected of sacriledge? It may be so: but I did not suspect my selfe, and a good conscience feareth nothing. And the desire I had to sée that same table wherunto the Mystagogue referrd vs, drawn thither, and after long seeking we found it, but set vp so high that euery bodie could not read it. And I haue such eies, that I can neither be said to be sharpe-sighted, nor yet starke blind. In the meane time, Aldrise read, I conterfeyted him with mine eyes, as if I did reade, scarce trusting him in so wigh∣tie a matter. Was then all your doubting shaken off? I was euen ashamed of my selfe, that had made a∣ny doubt of the matter, the whole matter was so plainly laide before our eyes, the name, the place, and the whole matter in order as it was done. To be short, nothing was omitted. There was a godly man borne at Paris, they call him William, who as he is otherwise, so in this especially religious, for searching the whole world for the Reliques of Saints. He ha∣uing trauailed many Countreys, and séene verie many Mo∣nasteries, and Churches, at last went to Constantinople: for this Williams brother was a Bishop there. This Bishop, when when he sawe his brother William preparing to returne home againe, tolde him of a certaine holy virgin, which had some of the Uirgin Maries Milke: and that he were a verie happie man, if either for loue or money, or by any skill, he could ob∣taine a portion of it: for all the other Reliques which hitherto he had gotten were nothing in comparison of this holy milke. There Wil. could not be quiet till he had begd half that milke. Hauing that treasure he thought himself richer than Croesus And as wise as Wiltams ce, that wēt nine mile to sucke a Bull. And why not, and truly beyond all hope. Well he goeth directly home with his milke, but by the way he fell sicke. Sée how nothing in humane affaires is happy long, nor in any place. When he saw in what daunger h was, he secretly sent for a Frenchman, a most faithfull companion with him in his pilgrimage; and verie deuoutly requiring secrecie, com∣mits the holy milke vnto him, with this condition, that if hée come safe home, hée shall set that Treasure vppon the Altar of the blessed Uirgine which is worshipped at Paris, in the great Church, that hath the Riuer Senion running on both sides of it: which Riuer séemeth also for honour of the Uirgin Marie, of his owne accorde to turne out of his right course. To be briefe, William is buried, his friend plyethA religious iuer. homeward, and he also sickneth by the way. And despairing of himselfe, he commits this milke to an English man, and binds him with many obtestations to performe that he should haue done. The French-man dieth, the English-man taketh the milke, and placeth it vpon the Altar, the Canons of the church being present, which then were called Regulars, of them he obtained halfe the milk, that he caried into England, and by the motion of the spirite Either of God, or the diuell., he bestowed it vpon that blessed ladie of Walsing ham. Certainly this tale hangeth well togither. Yea, and to take away all doubt, the names of the Bi∣shops were subscribed, by consent of the maior part, which be∣stowed so much of that milke as they could giue out of their owne allowance, onely to reresh poore Pilgrimes that came vnto them not emptie handed. How much was that? As much as would refresh them fortie dayes. When they haue once giuen away all their allow∣ance, haue they any more to giue? No, they cannot giue al away, for it doth continually run, and is continually full: not as Danaus his fatall tubbe: or though that be stil filled, yet is it still emptie: but here if you al∣wayes draw, yet there is neuer the lesse in the tub That stands with good rea son so long as chalke pits, & whites of eggs last, or cowes, &c.. If they should giue fortie dayes milke to a hundred thousand men, shall euery one haue so much? Yea, so much. What if they that receiue fortie dayes milke before dinner, should come againe for so much more before supper, is it there for them? Yea, if they come ten times in an houre. I would I had such a cow, or else that my casket were of that humour, surely I wold not wish to haue aboue thrée groates in it, if they would alwaies run in that maner. Nay, rather wish that it might alwayes run golde, you shal assoone haue the one as th'other: but now to my table againe. This was further added, that our Ladies milke which is shewed in many other places, is venerable inough: but this is more venerable then all other, because the other is wrung out of stones, bnt this owed from the very breasts of the virgin her selfe. How did that appeare? Oh, the virgin said so that gaue the milke. And peraduenture St. Bernard told her so. So I thinke. He whose lucke it was when he was aged to sucke milke out of the same breasts that the childe Iesus sucked of, and therfore I maruaile why he is said to flow with hony ra∣ther than with milke: but how is that the virgins milke, that came not from the virgins breasts? That also came out of her breasts, but by chaunce, as she was milked, it fell vpon a stone, whereupon she sate, and afterward by the will of God, it was multiplied, as you heard before. Wel, goe on with your tale. After al this, while we were making ready to depart, and in the meane time looking héere and there, to sée if there were any other thing worth the séeing, we met againe with Mystagogues or Relique-maisters, who looked askew at vs, they poynt at vs with the finger, they come running towards vs: then they go away, then they come running againe, they nodde at vs, and they séemed as if they were about to call vs, if they had béene hardy enough. Were you not then afraide? No surely, but I turned my face towardes them, smi∣ling, and beholding them, as if I would haue some of them to call me. At last one came and asked me my name, I told him Edo then he asked me, if I were not he that about some twoo yéeres before had set vp an Hebrew table concerning vowes. I saide, yee. Doe you write Hebrew? No, but whatsoeuer they vnderstand not, they call it Hebrew. By and by came the prôtos hustros of their colledge, as I take it. What name of dignitie is this? haue they not an. Abbot? No, because they haue no skill in Hebrew. Nor bishop? No, they haue no bishop, because the blessed Uirgin is not rich enough to buy him a Crosier and a Miter. They haue a President at least, haue they not? No neither, for that is a name of dignitie, and not of sanctimony: and therefore the colledge of Canons doe reiect the name of Abbot, but the name of President they like well. But a Protos hysteros I neuer heard of before. Truely you are very ignorant in your grammer. I haue read of Hysteróproton amongst the tropes and figures of Rhetorike, which signifieth a naming of that first which should be last. You haue hit it, he which is next to the Prior, or first, is the latter prior. The Sub-prior you meane. The very same: he saluted me very courteously, and tolde me how many did sweat about the reading of those ver∣ses, how many spectacles were wiped, and all in vaine, when any olde doctor of Diuinitie, or lawe came thither, he was brought to those verses: one saide they were Araicke letters, another saide they were counterfeit. At last, there was one found that could reade the title, for that was written in latin, and in great roman letters t the rest were greeke verses writ∣ten in capitall greeke letters, which at a blush looke like great roman letters, I being requested, shewd the meaning of them in latine, worde for worde, they would haue giuen mée some small reward for my paines, but I constantly refused it, affir∣ming that there was nothing so hard, but I wold doe it for the blessed virgins sake most willingly: yea if she would com∣mand me to carry letters for her to Ierusalem. What néede you be her scribe? when she hath so ma∣ny Angells attending her, both to write for her, and to carry letters for her. Well, the Sub prior pluckt out of a purse, a fragment of wood, cut off from a blocke whereupon the virgin mother was séene to fit, the maruellous smell it had, did verily argue it to be a very sacred thing, I tooke it of him as a most excel∣lent gift, and bowing my body bare headed, after I had with great reuerence kissed it, thrée or foure times, I put it into the purse againe. May I not sée it? Yes, you may sée it, but if yo be not fasting, or if you meane to lie with your wife at night, I would not wish you to sée it. Why? shew it man, there is no daunger. Then behole it. O happy man Sir, I would you should knowe it, that I will not giue this little fragment for all the golde in Tagus riuer. I meaneSecreta virgi∣nis. to set it in gold, & then put it in cristall. When the Sub-prior sawe my behauior to be so religious in taking that little gift, aud iudging thereby that I was worthy to haue greater mat∣ters sewed me: he asked me if I had séene the virgins secrets or no? That word mooued me not alittle: yet I durst not aske him what secrets he meant, for in so holy matters, a slippe of the tongue is very daungerous, I sayd I had not as yet séene them, but I was very desirous to sée them, with that I was led in, and I went, me thought, as if I had béene rauished in the spirit. There was lighted diuers waxe tapers, there was shewed first a little image, which was not very singular, ey∣ther for quantitie, or stuffe, or workemanshippe, but of great virtue. Hath a blocke any power to worke myracles? I haue seene Saint Christophers Image at Paris, equall with a great mountaine, for bignesse, but nothing famous for any myra∣cle-working that euer I could heare. At the féete of the Uirgin lay a pretious stone, the name whereof neither Latines nor Gréekes could euer finde out. The Frenchmen call it a Toad, because it hath in it the forme of a toade so liuely, that no Arte can make the like: and that which is more to be wondred at, it is a very little stone, and the image of the toade doth not appeare in the outside of it, but is inclosed in the very heart of the stone. It may be that men doe imagine such a thing to be there, as in a broken flint we imagine an Eagle, and what doe not children imagine they sée in the cloudes? firy dragons, mountaines burning, and armed men fighting. Nay, I would you should know, that no quicke toade doth more euidently shew it selfe than there it is expressed. Hitherto I haue endured all your fables: from hence∣forth get some body else to persade about your toade. No maruell Menedemus, thogh you be so affected, for no man could euer haue perswaded me to haue beléeued it, vnlesse I had séene it with these eyes: but in the meane time you séeme too much to neglect naturall things. Wherefore? because I will not beleeue that asses can flie. Do you not sée how Nature playeth the Articer in ex∣pressing the colours and formes of all things? And truely, as in other things, so chiefly in pretious stones? And further, what admirable virtues she hath giuen to the same stones? al∣togetherThe formes of diuers pre∣tious stones. incredible, vnlesse Experience had giuen vs proofe thereof? Tell me, would you euer haue beléeued that the stéele would haue bin drawne of the loadstone vntouched, and to be driuen backe againe without touching, vnes you had séene it. Truely not I, though tenne Aristotles had sworne it vnto me. Doe not then altogether condemne it for a fable, if you heare of any thing, that as yet you haue not experience of. In the stone calld O eraunia we sée the proportion of a thunder bolt: in the Carbuncle we sée the likenesse of flaming fire: in the Chalazia there is both the shape and coldnesse of haile, yea though you cast it into the middest of the fire: in the Emerald we sée the déepe and cleare waues of the sea: the Carcinias hath the forme of a sea crabbe: the Echites hath the likenesse of a vi∣per: the Scarites resembleth the fish Scarus: the Hieracites is like a hawke: the Geranites hath a cranes necke: the Aegophthal∣mus sheweth a goats eie: the Lycophthalm hath a wolfes eie painted in foure colours, bright yellow and sanguine, blacke and white in the middle: the blacke Cyamea hath a beame in the middest: the stone Dryites hath the picture of the trunke of a trée, and burneth like wood: the stone Cissites and Narcissites hath the likenesse of iuie: the stone Phlegontites sheweth fire within, but not without: in the stone Anthracitides you may discerne certaine sparkles of fire running to and fro: the Cro∣cias looketh like saffron: the Rhodites stone resembleth a rose: the stone Chalcites is like brasse: the stone Aetides sheweth the shape of an Egle: the stone Taos hath the picture of a peacocke: the Chelidonian the figure of an aspe: the Myrmicites the image of an Ant créeping: the stone Cantharias expresseth a scarabée whole: and the stone Scorpijtes a scorpion. But what doe I reckon vp these which be innumerable, whenas there is no part of nature, either in the elements, or in liuing creatures, or in plants, but nature hath as it were lasciuiously expressed in pretious stones? And do you maruell that in this stone she hath pictured a tade? I maruel that nature can be at so much leisure as to recreate herselfe with the counterfeiting of all things. It is but to exercise the curiositie of mans wit, and to kéepe vs from idlenesse. And yet as if there were nothing wherewith to mittigate the tediousnesse of time, we doate vp∣on fooles and ieasters, and dice and iuglers mockeries. Tis most true that you say. Some are of opinion, that if this kinde of stone be put into vineger, it wil swimme, and you shal sée all the members of the toad to mooue. Thats strange, but why doe they lay a toad-stone before the blessed Uirgin? Because she hath ouercome, troaden vnder foote, and quite extinguished all filthinesse, malitiousuesse, pride, coue∣tousnesse, and whatsoeuer else springeth from eternal desires, and corrupt affections.Thats a blas∣phemous lie tell it no fur∣ther, for all this hath Christ done, and yet but in part in this life, but most absolutely in he life to come. Woe be to vs that carry such a toade in our breast: but goe to, goe on with your storie. After that he shewed me diuers Images of golde and siluer, one he saide was all golde, an other all siluer: he also tolde me the weight, the value, and the founder o euery one: I stil séemed to be very glad that the virgin was so rich. Then quoth the Relique-maister, because I sée you are a godly be∣holder, I will shew you all, euen the most secret things that belong to the virgin, and with that pulled out of the Aultar an attire full of admirable things, which if I should particu∣larly recite, this day would not suffice: I was abundantly fil∣led with ights, and this inestimable gift I brought with me, a token from the virgin herselfe. Haue you made no triall what virtue your wood hath? Yes, in a certaine Ine some thrée days since there was a man distracted of his wittes, and should haue béene bound: this wood was laid close vnder his pillow, he slept a very long and a sound sleepe, and in the morning when he arose, he was well againe. This was no frenzy, but some other humour, that comming by much hote moysture is commonly as strong drinke and wine, holpen by sléepe. When you will ieast Menedemus, I pray choose an other matter: to ieast with the Saints is nither good nor safe. Yea the man himselfe told me, that in his séepe there ap∣peared a woman vnto him in a straunge maer, and offered him a pot What pot? a drinking pot, or a cham∣ber pot.. I beléeue it was some néesing powder. That I know not. But this is for certaine, that the man was well againe. You passed ouer St. Thomas of Canterburie.St. Thomas Caterb. Faith sir no. I made no pilgrimage with greater de∣uotion. I would willingly heare that too, but for too much troubling of you. Nay, I wil pray you to heare it. Kent is a part of Eng∣land that is next to France and Flanders. The chiefe Citie is Canterbury, wherin be two Monasteries one hard by another, in both there be of the order of St. Benedict. That which is in∣titled S. Austins, is the more ancient: that which is now called S. Thomas, was sometime the Archbishops seat, where with a few choise Monks he liued, as now also the Prebends haue houses ioyning to the Church, but distinct from other Canns houses: for sometimes there were both Bishops and Canons. But that Church that was dedicated to S. Thomas, riseth with such maiestie towards heauen, that it strikes religion into thē that behold it afarre off: and with his beautie he elipseth the light of his neighbor, and obscureth that place that in ancient time was most religious. It hath 2. great towers, saluting as it were strangers afarre off, and with a wonderfull raring o brazen bels, awaking the cuntry adioyning oth far & neare. In the Church porh towares the thrée armed men grauen in stone, which with their wicked handes kille that holy man Or traitor.▪ and there are set ouer them their names, Tuscus, Fuscus, and Berus. Why is so much honor giuen to wicked men? Forsooth no other honor is giuen to these men, then is giuen to Iudas, Pilat, Caiphas, and a company of wicked souldi∣diers, whom we haue so curiously grauen in golden Altars. Their sirnames are added, that no man may euer after de∣light to be called by those names. Their eies are put out, that no Courtier hereafter may be so bold as to lay his hands vp∣on Bishops, or church-liuings For when these 3. champions had committed their wickednes, they were straightway stric∣ken mad, neither could they euer recouer their right mind a∣gaine, vntl they had craued the fauor of that most holy man. When we were entred the Church, we saw a huge space, full of maiestie, and there euery one walketh. Was there nothing to be séene? Nothing but a huge masse of building, and certaine bookes to certaine pillars, in which was the Gospel of Nichodemus and a sepulchre, I know not whose. What else. The entrance is so fenced with iron grates, that a man may sée that space which is betwéene the outward church, and that which is called the quier, or place of singing men: to that place men ascend by many steppes, vnder which there was a vault, that hath a doore to the North. There was shewed vs a woodden Altar, dedicated to the holy virgin, meane, and not worth the séeing: but for he antiquitie of it, which seemed to reprooue the excesse of these times. There the holy man (as it is said) tooke his leaue of the holy virgin, when death did p∣proach him. Upon the Altar is kept the poynt of that sword wherewith the crowne of that holie mans head was cut off, and his braine panne pierced, that he might be the sooner dis∣patchedHoly rust, ir∣reuerence. of his life. The hly rust of this sword for the loue of the Martir we kissed most deuoutly Such lips, such lettice.. From thence we went into a secret vault vnder the ground, and that was not with∣out his Mystagogues. There was exhibited vnto vs first of all a scull of Martyr cleft with a sword, al was clad in luer, sauing the top of it, & that was left bare for men to kiss. There was also shwed a plate of lead, wherein was ingrauen this title, Thomas of Acres. There hng also in the dark the shirts of haire, the girdles & bréeches whereby this valiant chāpion did bring his flesh into subiection, a shame to our daintiesse and tendernesse. And peraduenture also a shame to the monks thēselues. Of that matter I cā say nothing, neither is it any thing to my matter. But from thence we went into the quier: at the north side are their secrets kept, it is marueilous to be spoken what a number of bones be there to be séene, sculs, chins, téeth, hands, fingers, whole armes, all which we kissed, neither had there bin any end of hewing, if he that went with me (being somewhat impatient) had not interrupted the businesse. What was he? An English man, his name is Gratian, a yong man, a man learned and godly, but not so well affected to this part of religion as I could wish. Some of Wicklifes schollers, I beléeue. I thinke not so, although he hath read his bookes, I know not where he was borne. Did he offend the Mystagogue? There was brought forth an arme of a man hauing yet raw flesh and blood vpon it, which he abhorred to kisse, and with his very looke shewed himselfe much mooued at the mat∣ter, and with that the Relique master hid his secrets againe: then we went to looke vpon the table and ornaments of the altar, a very costly, you would haue said, that Mydas and Croe∣us had béene but beggers, if you had séene the abundance of gold and siluer that was there. You did not kisse them, did you? No, but here I was moued with an other kind of douotiō What was that? I fetcht a great sigh for griefe that there were no suc reliques at home at my house. After that we went into the ve∣rie. Good God, what pompe of Uestures wre there, all of lke, what aboundance of golden candlestickes? there we saw Saint Thoma his Miter. What, neuer a crosse? I sawe none, but wee sawe a cloake of silke, but of a grosse thréed, no gold nor pretious stones vpon it. There was also a napkin, all sweaty and bloudy: these monuments of an∣cient frugalitie we willingly kissed. These things are not shewed to euery body. Oh no, good sir. How came you into so great credit, that you saw all? I had alittle acquaintaunce with that reuerend father William Warham archebishoppe of Canterbury, he wrote two or thrée wordes in my behalfe. I haue heard of many, that he is a man of great hu∣manitie. You would rather say he were humanitie it selfe, if you knew him: from these things we were carried vppe aloft as i were into a new church: there in a little chappel we saw the face of that good man Saint Thomas, set all in golde, and a border of pretious stones. Héere a certaine miscunce vn∣looked for had almost intercepted all my felicitie. What ill lucke was that? Héere my fellow Gratian got but little fauour, for af∣terGatian had almost marrd all. a little short prayer was said, he came to the Mystagogue in this maner: Doe you heare good father (quoth he) is it true that men say, that Saint Thomas was so good a man vnto the poore? It is tr said the Mystagogue, and beganne to tell ma∣ny things of his bounty towards poore men. Then saide Gra∣tian, I do not think that that affection is chāged in him, except it be for the better. Thats true, said the Mystaogue. Thē said Gratian againe: therefore séeing that holy man was so liberall to the poore, when yet himselfe was but poore, and had néede of reliefe himselfe for bodily necessities. Doe you not thinke that he would now be contented, being so rich, and wanting nothing, if a poore woman that hath many hunger▪ starued children at home, or daughters, that for want of a good porti∣on cannot be so wel bestowd as they might, or whose husband lies sicke and succorles, should, after leaue asked, be so bold as to take some litle portion of this great aboundance, to relieue her poore family withal, and taking it as it were m one that were willing to let her haue it, either as giuen, or lent, till she could pay it againe? To this question when the Kéeper of the golden head made no answer, Gratian (as he is somewhat ear∣nest) said, I thinke, yea and do verily beléeue, that such a holy manas he was, would be glad now whē he is dead, to reléeue the penurie of poore men with his goodes. With that the My∣stagogue frowned vpon vs, and put out his lips at vs, and loo∣ked vpon vs with Gorgonicall eies, and I thinke verily that he would haue spit at vs, and with al reprochful spéeches haue thrust vs out of doores, but that he knew we were commen∣ded by the archbishop. Howsoeuer it fell out, with faire spée∣ches we pacified the mans wrath, and told him Gratian spake not as he thought, but after his iesting maner, and withal we layd him downe some groats. Surely I greatly commend your pietie: but I often times muse to my selfe, with what colour they can be excused, as frée from all fault, which bestow such abundance of wealth in building, adorning, and enriching of temples, as if there were neuer any end to be made. I graunt there is a certaine dignitie due to holy vestures, to church implements, and so∣lemne seruice, or holy solemnities: I alow that the buildings themselues should haue their state and maiestie, but to what end serue so many baptisteries, or fonts, so many candles, and candlestickes, so many golden Images, and such cost as is be∣stowed vpon organs: and not content with these, we must haue great reuenues to maintaine a musical kind of whining, neighing, and chanting, when in the mean time our brethren and sisters, that are the liuely temples of Christ, are ready to perish with hunger and thirst. In these things there is no good mind but would wish a meane, but because this flt springs of a certaine exciue deution, it deserues the m fauor▪ specially so often as wée call to mind the contrary of those men that spoyle the churches of all their mai▪ These things were most of them giuen by princes and great persons, that would haue bin worse spent in dice or war: and to alienate any thing that wasOf church ornamentes. giuen to the church, is acrilege: and againe, it doth not onelie make them withdraw their hands that would giue, but also stir them to rapine. Therefore they are not lords but kéepers of these things. Last of all, I had rather sée a temple too muchNote that. abounding with holy ornaments than to sée them as some be, naked, filthy, and more like stables than temples. We reade of bishops that were commēded for selling away their holy vessells, & reléeuing the poore with the money. They are commended indeed, and only commended, but to imitate them I thinke it neither good nor lawfull. Go on with the rest of your narration, for I exspect an end of your tale. That you shall haue very briefly: in the meane time came foorth the chiefe Relique-maister. Who is that, the Abbot of the place? He hath a Miter, and hath an Abbots reuenues, hée wants only the title, and they call him the Prior, because the Archbishop is in the Abbots place: for in olde time, whosoeuer was Archbishop of that Prouince, was also a Monke. Truely I cared not if they called me a Camell, if I had an Abbots reuenues. Surely to me he séemed both a godly man, and wise, and well read in Scotus diuinitie, he opened a boxe, or a case, wherein the rest of that holy martires body lay. Did you sée his bones▪ No that we might not, neither could wée without a ladder: but he shewed vs a golden coffin, that was couered with a woodden coffin, which being pulled off with ropes, we sawe inestimable treasures. What were they? The worst thing there, was gold, it shined with rare and great pretious stones they did all shine and glister, some of them were bigger than a goose egge. Round about it stoode certaine Monkes with great reuerence. The former of them with a white rod pointed to euery stone, and told vs the value and the giuer of it: the chiefest of them were giuen by princes. He that sheweth all this, had néed of a good memory. You say true, yet exercise doth helpe him much, for he dath it often: from thence he brought vs backe againe to a se∣cret valt vnder the ground: there the Uirgin mother hath a little house, but very darke, and strong, with double grates of yron. What is she afraid of? Nothing but théeues: for I neuer saw a place more loaden with riches in all my life. You speake of blinde riches. When candles were brought, wee saw more then a princely sight: and this is not shewed but to great persons, an speciall friends. Last of all, we were had into the Uestry a∣gaine. There was set vpon a table, a blacke leather casket, by and by it was opened, then we all worshipped vowing our knées. What was in it? Certaine fragments of old linen, rent and torne, rag∣ged, snotty, handkerchers, and most of them full of sneuil and dirt, and neuer washed since they were occupied: with these the good S. Thomas wiped off the sweate from his face and hisO daintie re∣likes, not for euery one to see. necke, and blew his nose, and whatsoeuer other excrements mans body yéeldeth, he dried vp with them. But there my fel∣low Gratian beganne againe to be out of fauour: for he being an Englishman, and one of the Prios acquaintance, and a man of good authority, the good rior offered him one of those linen ragges, thinking that he would haue estéemed of it as a great gift. But Gratian not without great loathing, tooke it vp very gingerly betwéene his fingers and his thumbe, and contemptuously threw it from him againe, and macked a it with his lis, after the manner of riders that smacke to their horses: for this was his mannr , if any thing offended him, which he iudged worthy to be contemned. I was both afraid and ashad. But the Prior, (as he was very wise) dissem∣bled this fact, & after he had offred vs a cup of wine, he did very curteously dismiss vs, & then were to take ship for London. M. what were you to do whē you came near the lāding place? Something, but I would by no means land there, for it was more infamous for cosonages, and robberies, then anyOf a French boy. rockes be for indangering of sailers. Ile tel you what I saw at my last passage thre. There were a company of vs carried from the shoare to a great ship at Calis. Amongst these there was a poore ragged youth, of him they must néeds haue halfe a grote, for so much they extorte of euery one, if they go neuer so little a way with a man. He pleades pouerty, they iestingly dmand it stil, at last they puld off his shoos, & betwixt the soles they found x. or xii. grotes, which they tooke away, making an open laughing game of the matter, scoffing at the vnhappy Frenchman. What did the youth? What could he doe? he wept. Did they this by authoritie? By the same authority wherby they rob the packes of their passengers, and take mens purses, when time serues thē. It is maruell that they durst do such a wicked déed in the presence of so many. They are so accustomed to it, that they thinke they may do it lawfully. In the great ship there were many lookers on, in the boate were some English actors, that murmured at the matter, but all in vaine: they, as in a meriment boasted that they had taken a wicked Frenchman. Such Mariners as play the théeues in ieast, and doeLewd marri∣ners. make but a sport of it, would be hanged in good earnest. And with such doe both shoares abound, but héere you may coniecture what the maisters wil do, when their seruants dare play such partes: therefore héereafter I will rather go far about than passe such a short cut. And moreouer, as the waie to hell is most easie to finde, but the way from thence is most hard, so at this hauen the entrance is not very easie, but the going out payeth for all. There were certaine sailers of Ant∣werp that tarried long at London, with them I determined to goe to sea. Hath that region such holy Seamen?A good note for our En∣lishmen. I confesse, that as an Ape is alwayes an Ape, so a Mariner is alwayes a Marriner, but if they be compared with those that haue learned to liue by theft, they are Angells. I will remember this, if at any time I be disposed to sée that Iland: but returne into the way, from whence I drew you. As we were going towards London, not farre beyondOf certane beggas vpon the high way. Canturbury, we came to a very hollow way, and narrow, and withall, very stéepe, or downe hill, with such a ragged banke on both sides, that you cannot auoide it, and there is no reme∣dy but you must néedes ride that way. On the left hand of that way, was a begging place for certaine old men that sate there: their manner is, so soone as they sée any horse-man ap∣proaching, one of them commeth running out, and besprin∣keleth the horse man with holy water, then he offereth him an old shooe to kisse, tied to a curtaine ring, in which ring is a glasse like a countefet pretious stone: they that kisse it must giue him some mony. I rather alow old men to beg on such a way, than a company of strong théeues. Gratian, he rode by mee on the right hand, and was next vnto the beggars, he was besprinkeled with holy waters well, he tooke it after a sort: but when the old shooe was reached him to kisse, he demanded the reason of it; the olde man said, it was Saint Thomas, his shooe: with that the man waxed an∣gry, and turning vnto me said; What doe these beasts meane, that we must kisse the shooes of euery good man? why doe they not also reach vs their spittle, and other excrements of their body to kisse? I pittied the old man, and gaue him some mony to comfort him withall. In my opinion Gratian had cause to be angry. If ho∣sen and shooes were kept as an argument of a sparing life, I should not greatly mis-like it: but it is a very impdent part to offer such stuffe to men to be kissed. To deale plainely, I am also of your minde. I meruaile that you neuer visited Saint Patrikes Den, of which so many monstrous things are reported, and to me altogether incredible. Why man? I haue sailed ouer the riuer of hel, I haue euen into the very iawes of hell: I haue séene what∣ done in hell. You shall doe mee a pleasure if you would tell mee those things. Let this suffice for this time. Now I meane to goe home to dinner, for I haue not dined yet. Why doe you fast so long? sor religion sake? No, but of very enuy. What, doe you enuy your belly? No, but the pilling Inholders and Uintners, whichVintners and Inholders. when they wil not let a man haue that is fitte for him, yet they are not afraid to take out of all reason. Of such I am wont to be reuenged in this manner, if there b any hope of a good supper, either at my frends house, or with my miserable Host, then I take no dinner, or a very small one. But if I dine well, then at supper time I am not well in my stomacke. Are you not ashamed to séeme so sparing and mise∣rale? Menedemus, they that spend their shame in such mat∣ters, eléeue me, they doe ill bestow their cost. I haue learned to éepe my shame for other vses. Now I long sor the rest of your tale, and therefore I will be a guest with you at dinner, and then you may the more make an end of it. Truely I giue ou great thanks that you offer your slfe vnbidded, when many doe earnstly refuse to come, be∣ing int. caed: bt I will giue you double thanks, if you will din to day at home, for now all the time that I shal haue, wil be enough msluting of my family. ut I haue a my head, that wil be better for both of vs: to mor∣row I and my wife wil come and dine f your house, and then til nr be rdy, I will feede you with tales, till your sele shll sy, you haue enough, and if you thinke good, wée wil not leaue you tl supper be done. What, stan you scrat∣chig your hea? o you pruide, for in good sadnesse we mean to come. I had rather your tales were vbought, ut goe to, you shall haue a short dinner, not very sauory, vnlesse you season it with good tales. But doe you heare, doe you not thinke long to goe these pilgrimages? I cannot tell what I shal doe, when you haue fini∣shed your discourses. But as I am now affected, I haue e∣nough to doe to walke the Roman stations. You walke the Roman stations that neuer saw Rome? I wil tell you how, thus I walke my stations at home: I goe into my closet, and I looke to my daughters that they lose not their virginity: then I goe into my shop, and sée what my seruants doe: and then into my kitchin, to sée what is amisse there: and then into some other place, and from one place to another, to obserue what my children doe, and how my wife is imployed, and neuer leaue till I sée that euery one doth his duty: these b my Roman stations. And all these things would S. Iames doe for you, if you were abroad. To ooke vnto them my selfe, I haue a commande∣mentA good co∣clusion. in the word of God: but to commit them ouer to Saints I haue no warrant at all. WHence come you Phaedrus, out of Trophinius his den? Why doe you aske that question? Because you looke more sad, more vnhansome, more filthy, and more sterne than you had wont to doe: you are no∣thing lesse than that you are called. If they that be long in a Smiths shop, shal be blacke and grimed with smoke, and coale dust, no meruaile though I which haue béene so many daies together with two sicke persons, yea, and at their death and buriall, looke more sadly than I was wont, and especially they being both my dear friends. Who are those that you say are buried? You knew George Gunner, did you not? By name onely, not by face. The other I am sure you knew not, his name was Cornelius Montius, he and I haue béene of familiar acquain∣tance these many yeares. It was neuer my hap yet to be present at any mans death. I haue, oftner than I would. But is death so terrible a thing as it is commonly re∣ported? The way to death is more hard than death it selfe. But if a man can frée his minde from that imagination of feare of death, he shall abate a great part of that euil. To bée short, whatsoeuer is bitter, either in sickenesse, or in death, is made more tollerable, if a man doe wholy commit himselfe ouer to the good will of God. For as touching the féeling of death, when the soule is pulled from the body, I thinke it to be either none at all, or very stupide and blockish, because na∣ture before it be come to that passe, doth dead, and astonish, or mortifie, and as it were, cast asléep all the sensible parts. We are borne without any féeling of our selues. But not without sense or féeling of the mother. And why doe we not die in the same manner as wée are borne? why would God haue death to be so bitter?Why God ould haue death to be tter. The Lord would haue our birth to be gréeous and dangerous to our mother, to that end she might loue more dearely that which she hath borne. But death he would haue fearefull and bitter to all, lest men should wilully cast away themselues: for when we sée daily so many lay violent hands vpon themselues, what thinke you would be done, if in death there were nothing to be feared? So soone as a seruant should receiue correction, or a scholler should be beaten, so often as a wife were angry with her husband, or that any thing did mis∣carry, or that any accident should happen which were gre∣uous to the minde, straitwaies would men runne to the rope, or to the sword, or to the riuer, or to poisonings, or to cast themselues downe head-long from some high place, or to one mischéefe or another. But now the bitternesse of death doth make our life the more pretious and deare vnto vs, especi∣ally séeing Phisitians cannot cure men when life is once gone. Although, as there is not the like chaunce vnto all in their birth, so it happeneth not alike to all in their death, some die quickely, and are soone out of paine, others doe languish long of a lingering diease: they that are sicke of a Lethargie, doe die without sense or féeling, as if they were cast into a sléepe, like those that are stung of a Serpent. This I haue obser∣ued, that there is no kinde of death so bitter, but it may bee endured, if a man bee resolued to depart with a bolde cou∣rage. Which of your friends deaths was the more chri∣stian like? Me thought Georges was the more magnificent. What, is there ambition in death? I neuer saw two in all my life die s vnlike in their death: if you be at leasure I wil describe both their departures vnto you, and you shall iudge whether of their ends is the more to be desired of a christian man. I shal most willingly harken vnto you. Then first you shall heare of Georges departure. WhenOf Georges death. there appeared in him certaine signes of death, all the rowt of Phisitians, which had long had him in cure, (dissembling his end) beganne to require their mony. How many Phisitians were there?Of his Phi∣sitian. Sometime ten, setime twelue, and when there were fewest, there were sixe. Enough to kill a strong man. When they had gotten their mony, they secretly tld his neighbours that were about him, that death was at hand, and wished them to prouide for his soules health, for as for his bodily health, there was no hope. Now the sicke man is gently admonished by his friends, to commit the cure of his body to God, and now to thinke vpon nothing, but of such things as might make to a happy departure out of this world. Whn George heard this newes, he looketh vpon his Phisiti∣ans with wonderful indignation, taking it very gréeuously, that they had giuen him ouer. Their answer was, that they were Phisitians, and not gods, and that they had done for him whatsoeuer by Art they could doe: but against fatall ne∣cessity there was no remedy. This done, they went aside into the next chamber. What, did they tarry after they had their mony? They could not agrée vpon the kind of his disease: one said it was a dropsie, another said it was a timpany▪ anoher said it was an apostumation in his guts, one said one thing, another said another: and all that whole time that they han∣dled the sicke man most bitterly, they contended stil about the kinde of his disease. Oh how happy was that patient in the meane time! Well, to end that strife, they prayed his wife to let them make an Anotomy of the dead body, telling her that it would be very honourable, and a thing vsuall amongst great persons: and moreouer, that it would be much for the good of others, and that it would increase the heape of his merites. And last of all, they promise to purchase thirty masses at their owne cost and charge, to be sung for his soule, which would much profite him, being dead. This the sicke man did hardly yeeld vnto: yet at the last, by the intreaty of his wife and his neighbours that were about him, it was granted. This be∣ing obtained, all the Phisitians tooke their leaue: for they hold it vnlawull for them that are vsed to succour life, to bee pre∣sent at a mans death, or at his funeralls. By and by atter was Bernardine sent for to heare his con∣fession, a man hee is (as you know) reuerendly addicted to the order of the Franciscans. But before he hadde fini∣shedFoure orders of Mendicants his confession, there were in the house a company of foure orders, commonly called Mendicants, or begging Fri∣ars. What, so many vultures to one carkasse? And then was called the Parish Priest to annoile him, and to giue him the holy Sacrament. Uery religiously indéede. But there had like to haue béene a very bloody battell betwéene the Monks and the parish Priest. What, by the bed of the sicke man? Yes verily, and Christ looking on too. What was the cause of such a suddaine tu∣mult? The parish Priest, when he knew that the sicke man had confessed himselfe to a Franciscan, denied him both ex∣treame vnction, and the Sacrament, yea and his buriall too, vnlesse hee also might heare with his owne eares, the sicke mans confession, alledging that he was the Minister of that Parish, and that he must giue an account to God for his sheep, which he could not doe, vnlesse he knew the secrets of his con∣science. Did he not séeme to speake reasonably? Surely not to them, for they did all with a lowde voice stan against it, especially Bernarine, and Vincentius the Dominican Friar. What reasons brought they? They did incessantly belabor the parish Priest with great reproaches, and withall called him Asse, and saide, that h was worthy to be a swine-heard. I (quoth Vincen∣) am a Batchelor of iuinity, ad am shortly to be licen∣ciated and intitd Doctor: thou doost scarce reade he Gospel, so far art thou fom being able to discusse cases of conscience: but if you wil néeds busie your selfe, go your way and sée what your wife doth, and your bastards at home, and many other things which I am ashamed to rhearse. What said he to all this? was he mute? Mute? nay, you would haue saide the grashopper had broken his wing. I wil make (quoth he) farre better batchel∣lors of diuinitie than thou art, of beane stalkes. The Authors and pincipall men of your orders were Dominicke and Fran∣cis: where did they learne Aristotles philosophie, or the Argu∣ments of Thomas Aquinas, or the Speculations of Scotus? Or where were they created batchellors of Diuinitie? you haue crept into the world, too ready to beléeue your lies, and when you first sprang vp, you were but a few, and meane enough God wot. You did once nestle in fieldes and villages, with∣in a short space you found the way into euery wealthy cittie. In the fields was wont to be a place for your worke, but now you are no where but in rich mens houses. You bast of the ti∣tle of Bishops, but your priuiledges are nothing worth, but when the Bishop, or Pastor, or Uicar are ydle, and do loyter, or wil giue place vnto you. But none of you all shall preach in my church, so long as I am Pastor, and in health. I am no batchellor of diuinitie, no more was Saint Martin, and yet he was a bishop, but looke what learning I want, I will not come to you for it. Doe you thinke that the world is now so simple and blockish, that wheresoeuer they sée one clad like S. Dominicke, or Saint Francis, they should presently hinke their sanctimony to be there? Is it any matter to you what I do at home? What you doe in your dennes, and how you vse holie virgins, and nunnes, the worlde knoweth well enough. As for the houses of rich men that you haunt so much, how little the btter, or the honester they are for your comming thither, is sufficiently knowne to all men, euen to the poreblinde and barbers. The rest (Marcolphus) I dare not tell, surely those reuerend fathers he handled very vnreuerently: neyther had there béene any end, if George the sicke had not made a signe with his hand, that he had somewhat to say. With much adoo he obtained silence in that brawle. Then (quoth the sicke man) I pray be at peace among your selues, I will also con∣fesse my selfe vnto you, my Pastor: and further, for the ring∣ing of the Belles, for my funerall Dirges, for a Hearse, and for my buriall, you shall haue your due before you goe out of the house. And did the parish Prist refuse that offer? No, onely he murmured somewhat of the confession which he mentioned to the sicke man, what néede the same things be repeated againe (quoth he) to wearie both the sicke man and the Priest too? If he had confessed himselfe to me in time, peraduenture he would haue made a btter will then he hath done. Now looke you to it. At this equall dealing of the sicke man, the monkes were ill apayd, taking it very grie∣uously, that so much of their prey went to the parish Prist: But I entreated and perswaded, that all contention might be buried. The parish Priest he annointed the sicke man, he gaue him the sacrament of the Lords bodie, and when he had his money, away he went. What, was there not a calm after that storme? Nay, when this torme was past, there presently fol∣lowedAnothe torme. another tempest, farre more cruell then the former. I pray you how? You shall heare. There were come to the house foure orders of Mendicants, or begging Friers: by and by commeth a fift companie, of Crosse-bearrs, against which theA good ieast. oher foure rose vp in a great tumult, as against some mis-be∣gotten bastard. They asked the other, where they did euer sée a Cart with fiue whéeles, or with what face they would haue more orders of Mendicants, than there wre Euange∣lists, then (quoth they) bring in all the beggars that lie vpon the high way. What said the Crosse bearers to this? They asked them againe, how the Churches Cart went, when there was nane of those orders of Mendicas at all: and afterwades, how went it when there was but one order, and after that, thrée? As for the number f Euang∣lists, they haue no more affinitie, or corresponencie with our orders, then with a Die, which sheweth euerie way foure cornrs: who ordained the Augustines to be an order of beg∣gars, or the Carmelites? When did Augustine, or Heli goe a begging? and yet these are made (forsooth) to be the authors of your orders. These things with many mo, they did lustily thundr out against them; but being alone, they were too weake for the other armie of foure parts, and therefore they went thir way, but threatning them very sore. Now then there was quietnes, was there not? Nay that heate against the fift order was turned in∣to an horrible fray amongst themselues: for the Francicanes, and the Dominicans did hold, that neither the Augustines, nor Carmelites were right Mendicants, but bastards, and counterfeites. This brawle did grow to such a heate, that I still feared they would go to blwes. Did the sicke man endure all this? These things were not done by his bed side, but without in the Court yeard adioyning to his Chamber, but yet their noyse was heard vp to the sicke man, for they did not whiper it, but set their throates as lowde as they could, and sickmen you know are swift of hearing, and the least noyse that can be, doth disquiet them. What then was the issue of this warre at the last? The sicke man sent word by his wife, that they should be quiet, and he would end their strife. And he prayed, that for that time the Augustines, and Carmelites would depart, which if thy would do, they should loose nothing by it, for hée promised that at the least they should haue as much vittailes sent them home, as they should haue if they tarried still. At the funral he willed all their orders, the fift and all, to be present, and that in money their portion should be all alike, but at the common feast he would not haue them present, lest they shuld all out, and disturbe the companie. You tell me of a notable houshlder indeed, who e∣uen when he lay a dying, knew how to pacifie so many Seas of brawls. Oh he had for many yeares béene a Captaine in the arres, and there are dayly such tumults raised amongst the souldiers. He was therefore verie wealhie. Uerie rich. But his riches were ill gotten, as for the mot part it happeneth by rapines, sacrileges, and extortions. Indeede that is commonly the maner of Captaines, neither dare I sweare that hée was altogither fre from such faults. Unlesse I bée much deceyued in the man, hé got his liuing more by dexteritie of wit, then by violnce. How so? He was skilfull in Arithmeticke. And what if he were? What if he were? he woul aund of the prince, pay for thirtie thousand souldiers, when there were scant se∣uen thousand. Againe, to many souldiers he would ge noWrrelike shifts. pay at ll. Trly you tell me of a goodly Arithmetitian. Moreouer, he ruled the warres by art, for his maner was to demaund a monthly pay, both of hi enemies, as also of his friends: of his enemies, that they might sustaine no da∣mage by his men: of his owne friends, that it might be laful for them to trade with the enemie. I know the common fashion of soldiers wel inough▪ but I pray you finish your narration. Then Bernardine and Vincent, with a few of their or∣der, taried with the sicke bodie. To the rest there was sent some vittaile. They agréed well inough, which taried t comfort the sicke man. Not very wel: for they grumld wote not what a∣bout the priueleges of their Charters, but lest there should b any speach made of it, it was smoothere. Here now was pr∣uision made for his Will making▪ and witnesses being called, there were certaine demaunds made of such matters as they had agree vpon amongst themselues. I long to heare of those matters. I will tel you briefly, for it is too long a ory at large. His wife was yet liuing, and about two and forty yeares of ag, a woman truely very honest, and wise, and two sonnes he had also liuing, the one was twenty yéeres olde, and the o∣ther , and as many daughters, but both very yong, vnder twelue. In his will it was so prouided, that his wife, because she could not be perswaded to become a Nunne, shee should weare a Beghiue cloake, that is, a middle kinde of ve∣sture betwéene Nunnes and the Laitie. Th'old foxe is not so easly taken with snares: say on. His eldest sonne, because he would not be perswaded to become a Moke, must (as soone as his fathers funeralles were past) go to Rome, and there, by a dispensation from the Pope, should be made priest before he were of lawful age, and for one whole yeere shuld euery day sing masse for his fathers soule, in the Uaticane church, and should take orders in the Laterane Church, and euery friday should créepe vppon his knées vnto the crosse. He did willingly vndergoe these things, did he not? I will not say crastily, as Asses were wont to vnder∣goe their sackes. The yonger sonne must be dedicated to St. Francis, his elder daughter to Saint Clare, and his younger to Saint Katharine. This was all that could be obtained: for Georges minde was (to that end God might be the more mer∣cifull vnto him) to haue had those fiue that he left behind, to be diuided amongst the fiu orders of Mendicants, and the mat∣ter was laboured very hard, but his wife and his eldest sonne would by no meanes be perswaded. In what manner did he bestowe his inheritaunce? All his liuing was so diuided, that all the funerall charges being deducted, twelue partes should go to his wife, whereof the one halfe should be for hir maintenance, the other to the place of hir abode, from whence if she should (vpon hir mind changing) depart, then al that part should go for euer to that parish: another part to hir son, who should haue some of it presently payd him, to beare his charges, going his iorny, and remayning at Rome, and he should haue sufficient besides to pay for his orders and dispensations: But if he shoulde alter his minde, and refuse holy orders, then should his parte be di∣uided betwéene the Franciscans and the Dominicans, which I feare he will loose, the youth séemed so much to abhorre be∣ing a Priest. Two parts should go to the Monasterie, where∣in his yonger son should be brought vp. And two parts like∣wise to the Monastcries where his two daughters shuld liue: but with this prouiso, that if they would not professe that kind of life, yet all their money should remaine whole and safe to their vse. One parte was bequeathed to Bernardine, and as much to Vincent, and halfe a part to the Cartufians, to be made partaker of all good works that should be done by their whole Order. That which remained, was to be giuen in secret to the poore: Quos beneficio dignos iudicassent Bernerdinus & Vincen∣tius, that is, whom Brnardine and Vincent should thinke wor∣thy of that benefit. You should haue said (as Lawyers do) Quos vel quas, that is, he or she, male or female. And what was next? Then they demaunded of the sicke man, (after they had rehearsed his Will) in this manner: George Gunner, you being aliue, and of perfect memorie do approoue this your last will and testament? And he said, I do approoue it. It is your last and immutable will, is it not? He saide: It is. And you make me (quoth Bernardine) and this man Vincent Executors of this your last will? He sayd, I doe. Then he was requi∣red to subscribe his name. How could he doe that, lying a dying? Barnardine guided his hand. What did he subscribe? Saint Francis and Saint Dominicke be enemies vnto him that shall assay to alter any part of this will: these things being thus done, his wife, and children gaue their right hands to the sicke man, and were sworne to perform that which was giuen them in charge. Then there was much adooe about the funerall solemnities. At length this was concluded, that of e∣uery one of the fiue orders there should nine be present at his buriall, for the honor of the fiue bookes of Moses, and the nine orders of Angells. Euery order should beare his Crosse and sing mourneful songs before the coarse. Moreouer, besides hisA good reson kinred, there should be thirty other mourners, because, for so many pence Christ was solde. The taper bearers should be in mourning apparel, and for honors sake, they shoulde be ac∣companied with twelue mourners, for this is the holy num∣ber of the Apostolike order, after the coffin should his horse go in mourning apparel, with his head tied so lowe to his knées, that he should séeme, as it were, to require his maister of the ground. The vpper cloth should be set here and there with his armes, and in like manner euery torch, and euery mourning garment should haue his armes. And his body should be laid on the right hand of the hie Altare in a marble toombe, which should hang ouer foure foote from the ground, and his picture to lie vpon the top of it, carued out in white marble, from the crowne of the head to the sole of the foote: hée should also haue his helmet, with his crest, his crest was a Swannes necke: vpon his left arme was his buckler, with his armes grauen vpon the same: these were three wilde Boares heades ore, in a field argent, and vpon his side his sworde, with a gilded hilt, that should be faned to a gilt blt set with gilt bosses: and vp∣on his féete gilt spurres, for he was a knight, and vnder his féete a leopard. And vppon the face of the Tom be was a title worthy of such a man. And his heart he would haue layd vp by it selfe in Saint Francis his cell, but his entrals he bequea∣thed to the Priest of the Parish, to be buried honourably in a chappel that was dedicated to our Lady. Truely a very honourable funerall, but very costly. At Uice you shall see a Cobler haue more honour with lesse charge: One company will giue a most excellent coffin, and sometime you shall sée sixe hundred Monkes in their coates or cloakes, accompany one man to his graue. We haue séene also, and haue laughed hartily at these foolish shewes that poore men will make, there folow Fullers, and Curriers before, and Coblers behinde, and Monkes in the middest, a man would take them for monsters, or chimny swéepers, and this was no otherwise, if you had séene it. It was also prouided by George, that the Franciscans and Do∣minicans should cast lots, which of them should goe foremost in the funerall shew, and that the rest also after them should doe the like, for auoyding of tumult: the parish priest and his clarkes should come last of all, for the Monkes would haue it so. He could order solemne sights, aswell as armies. Yea and this was also prouided, that the solemne fu∣nerall which was to be kept by the parish priest, should for ho∣nors sake be graced with alittle musicke. Now whilst these things were thus in handling, the sicke man grew very weak, and gaue most euident signes that his time was come, and so commeth the last acte of this storie: now the bishops pardon was read vnto him, whereby he was fréed from al his sinnes, and from all feare of Purgatorie: and besides that, all his goodes were iustified and approoued. What, thse that were gotten by rapine, violence, and deceit? Truely after the manner of the warres, but by good happe there was present one Philip a Lawyr, and his wifes brother. He in the pardon noted a place otherwise put than it should haue béene, and suspected some falshood in it. In good time, but what if that had béene dissembled, if there had béene an error? I thinke the sicke man should haue béene neuer the worse. I grant you that: but the sicke man was so troubled about that matter, that he beganne to despaire. There Vin∣cent played the man, and bade him be of good chéere, ser that he had authoritie to correct or put in whatsoeuer was amisse, or wanting in the Pardon. And (quoth he) if any thing in the Pardon deceiue you, I pawne my soule for yours, and lette yours go to heauen, and mine to hell. Dooth God allowe of such exchanges to be made of soules? And if he shoulde, did your frien George deale wise∣ly to take such a pledge? What if Vincents soule should goe to hell without any exchange at all as due to the Diuell before?Exchange of soules. Ile tell you what was doone, this did Vincent, and truly the scke man séemed to like it well. Then were read all those clauses wherein George was promised to be partaker of all the good déedes that were euer done by all the foure ordersGood deeds Mendicans, namely the Augustines, Franciscanes, Bernardines, and Dominicks▪ and also of the fift, namely the Cartusians. I should haue feared, that if I should carrie such a load, it would haue pressed me downe to hell. I speake of his good déedes, which do no more trouble a soule flying into heauen, then feathers do a bird. To whom then did he bequeath his bad déedes? To Captaines of the warres in Germanie. By what law? By the law of the Gospell: To him that hath shall be giuen. There was also recited the number of Masses and Psalters that should accompanie the soule of the dead man, and that was huge. After this was rehearsed his confession, and the Priests absolution was giuen him. And did he so yéeld vp the Ghost? Not yet. There was spred vpon the ground a Mat of Bulrushes, and at the beginning before it was vnfolded, it was like a Pillow in fashion. What was now to be done? That they strewed with ashes, but very thin: andHere was stuffe indeed nough to haue infected a sound body. vpon it they laide the bodie of the sicke man, then was spred vpon him a Franciscans Coate, but first consecrated with prayers, and holy-water. A Friers Coole was put vnder his head, for then it could not be put on, and withall was laid his pardon, and all his prouisoes. This is a new kind of death indéed. And they had that, the Diuell hath no power ouer them that die in that maner, so they say, that among others, St. Martin, and St. Francis died. But their life was answerable to their death. And I pray, what then? Then there was reached to the sicke man the Image of the Crosse, and a waxe Candle: when the Crosse was ta∣ken him, he said, I was woont in warre to be defended with my Buckler, but now I will oppose this buckler against my enemie: and when he had kissed it, laid it vpon his left shoul∣der; but to the holy Candle he said, sometimes with my speare I haue preuailed against the enemies of my bodie, but now I will shake this speare at the enemies of my soule And with that they all fled a∣way, as a dog doth from a gammon of bacon, when he is through ly a hungred.. This was warrelike inough. These were the last wordes that he vttered: for pre∣sently death was in his tongue, and he began to breathe out his soule. Bernard standing at his right hand, and Vincent at his left hand; the one shewed him the image of Saint Francis, and the other the Image of Saint Dominicke. The rest that were in the Chamber murmured certaine Psalmes with a murmuring voyce. Bernard with great and loude voyce stood roaring in his right eare: and Vincent the like in his left eare. What did they crie? To this effect cried Bernard: George Gunner, if now you like of that we haue done, turne your head to the rightO miserable comforters. Not a word al this while what Christ did for him. hand: and he did so. On the other side, Vincent cried: feare not George, thou hast Francis, and Dominicke to fight for thée. Be secure, and take no care for any thing. Thinke what aboun∣dance of merits thou hast, what a pardon thou hast: and last of all, remember that I haue pawned my soule for thine if there should be any danger, if thou doest beléeue & like these things, then turne thy head to the left hand, and so he did. Againe with the like noyse they cried; if thou beléeuest these things, crush my hand, saith the one, and mine, said the other, and so he did. And so with turning of his head this way and that way, and crushing of their haudes there were almost thrée houres spent, since George began to gaspe for breath. Here Ber∣nard standing vpright, pronounced his absolution againe; but before he could finish it, George was gone. This was about midnight; in the morning they went about their anatomie: and after dinner they finished the buriall in manner afore∣saide. I neuer heard of a more laborious death, nor yet of a more ambicious funerall: but I thinke you will not pub∣lish this tale abroad. Why? there is no danger in it; for if the things which I haue told be good, and godly, it is sit for the people to know them, if not, all good men will giue me thanks for bewraying them, to that end that some being corrcted with shame, may no more do the like, and the simple may beware that they be not ouertaken with the like error. You speake both truly and stoutly, and now I desireOf Cornelius s ende. to heare what end Cornelius made. As he liued hurtfull to none, so he died: he had euerie yeare a feuer, which came vnto him at certaine times in the yeare. Now that, (whether it were by reason of oppressing olde age, for he was aboue thrée score, or whether it were of some other cause I know not) did more vrge the man then it was woont to do. And he éemed to féele the day of his dissolu∣tion to approach neare at hand: therefore foure dayes before he died, on the Lords day he went to Church, he conferred with his Minister, he heard the holy Sermon, and Seruice, he reuerently receiued the Lords Supper, and so returned home againe. Did he vse no Phisitions helpe? Yes, onely one he was aduised by, both a good Phisi∣tion, and a good man. His name is Iacob Castrutius, he told Cor∣nelius that he would do the best good that he could for his friend but said withall, that there was more helpe in God then in Phisitions. Cornelius receiued this speach in as good part as if he had giuen him most certain hope of life. Therfore though he were euer to his abilitie good to the poore, yet now whatso∣euer he could spare, after he had taken order for his wife and children, he gaue it to the néedie, not to these proude beggers, that are in euerie place, but to the honest poore, who wrought hard for their liuing, and yet were poore, their charges being greater then their labour could supplie, I prayed him to go to his bed, and to send for the Minister, rather then by walking vp and downe to weary his thin wasted bodie. His answere was, that his care was alwayes rather to be helpfull, than troublesome to his friends, if it were possible, and that hée would not be vnlike himselfe at his death. And truly he did not kéepe his bed aboue one day, and part of a night, before he left this world. In the meane time, for the weakenesse of his bodie, he leaned on a staffe, or sate in a Chaire, seldome would he lie in his bed, but vpon his bed sometime, aud sit right vp. At this time he did euer giue something in charge of looking to those that were knowne to be honest poore folke, or reade on some holy Booke, which might stirre vp his minde to trust in God, and might also set forth the loue of God to vs-ward. If through wearinesse he were not able to reade, he would heare some friend reae vnto him. He did often with mar∣uellous zeale exhort his familie to concord and mutuall loue, and to the studie of true godlinesse: and those that tooke care for his death, he did comfort most louingly. He did also admo∣nish them all, and all his friends to pay euerie man his owne. Did he not make a Will? Yes, he did that before, when he was whole & strong. For he was of opinion, that they are not Wils, but dotings, or dreames rather, which men make when they lie a dying. Did he giue nothing to the Monasteries, and Men∣dicant Friars? Not a farthing: I haue (said he) to my abilitie disposed all my litle substance: now as I leaue to others the possession of my goodes: so I also leaue them the dispensation of them, And I hope they will sée them better employed then I haue done. Did he not send for religious men to be about him as George did? Truly there was not one more then his owne fami∣ly, and two of his speciall friends: for he said he would not trouble any more at his death, then he did at his birth. I expect an end of this storie. You shal haue it presently: he sent for his pastor, who gaue him the holy communio, but without any secret confes∣sion: for he saide that his minde was not troubled with anie thing. Néere his pastor beganne to deale with him about his buriall, and asked him, where, and in what manner he would be buried? Bury me (saide the other) euen as you would burie a christian man of the most inferior sorte, neither doe I care where you lay this body of mine, it will be found out well e∣nough in the last day wheresoeuer it be laide, and as for fune∣rall pompe I regarde it not. Then there was mention made of the ringing of belles, of yéerely dirges to be sung, of a par∣don, and the communion of merites to be purchased: to which his answer was, My pastor, I shal be neuer the worse, if there be no bell rung for me: if you bestow any solemne funerall on me, it is more than néede: or if there be any other thing that the publike custome of the church requireth, if it may be omit∣ted without offence to the weake ones, I leaue it to your dis∣cretion. Neither is it my purpose, either to buy any mannes prayers, or to spoile any man of his merits, Christ hath me∣rited sufficiently for me, and I hope the prayers of the church will not alittle prosite me while I am aliue. My whole trust is, that the prince of Pastors the Lord Iesus, hath done away all my sinnes, and fastned them vnto his Crosse, and that hée hath written and sealed my pardon with his most pretious blood, whereby he hath made vs assured of eternall life, if wée put all our trust in him. For God forbidde that I with mans merites and pardons should prouoke my God to enter into iudgement with his seruant, being most assured, that in his sight no flesh liuing shall be iustified, I appeale from his iu∣stice to his mercy, which is great and vnspeakeable. Hauing spoken these things the Minister departed. Cornelius hauing conceiued great hope of saluation, with great ioy and chéere∣fulnes, willeth some things to be read vnto him out of the Bi∣ble, which tend to prooue the resurrection of the dead, and the rewarde of immortallitie, as that out of Esay concerning the death of Hezechia, together with his song: then the fiftéenth chapter of the first epistle to the Corinthians: then of the death of Lazarus, out of Iohn, but especially the hystorie of Christes passion out of the Gospel. Oh how gréedily did he deuoure (as it were) euery thing in his minde? at some things sighing, at some lifting vp his hands with thankesgiuing, reioycing at some, and at many things that were read vnto him, he would cast forth certaine short prayers. After dinner, when he had slept a while, he willed the twelfth chapter of Iohn to be read vnto him, euen to the end: héere you would haue saide he had béene a man transfigurated, and inspired with a new spirite. Now it grew towards the euening, he called for his wife and children, and raising vp himselfe so well as he could, he spak vnto them after this manner. Most déee wise, whome God hath before ioyned together, the same God doth now putte a∣sunder, but onely in body, and that but for a short time. That care, and loue, and godlines which héeretofore thou hast she∣wed to me and these swéete pledges, bestow whally on these the fruite of our marriage, which God hath giuen vnto vs, maintaine them and briug them vp in such sorte as they may be compted worthy of Christ, which if thou shalt doe, as I trust thou wit, there shall be no cause why they shoulde bée compted orphanes. But if thou chauce to marry againe, (at which word she burst out into great wéeping, and beganne to sweare that she would neuer set her minde vpon marriage againe.) But héere Cornelius interrupted her, and saide, My most deare sister in Christ, if the Lord Iesus shall vouchsafe to bestowe this strength of spirite vpon thée, be not thou wan∣ting to his heauenly gift, but embrace it: for it will be better both for thée and thy children: but if the infirmitie of the flesh shall call thée to the married state, then knowe that my death doth set thée frée from that power which I haue had ouer thée, but not from that faithfulnesse, which both in respect of mée and thée, thou owest vnto all the children common to vs both. As touching matrimonie, vse that libertie which the Lorde hath permitted vnto thée: onely this I request, and admonish thée of, that thou choose a man of those conditions: and thou also to shew thy selfe in such sort towards him, that he may ei∣ther by his owne goodnesse be drawen, or by thy commoditie may be prouoked to loue his sonnes in lawe. And moreouer, beware that thou doost not binde thy selfe by any vow: Kéepe thy selfe frée to God and our children, whome I would haue thée so to traine vp in all piety, that they may not addict them∣selues vnto my trade, vntill by their yeares and experience of things, it shall appeare for what kind of life they are most fit. Then turning to his children, hée exhorted them to the stu∣die of godlinesse, to obey their mother, and to haue mutuall loue and concord amongst themselues. Hauing ended these sayings, he kissed his wife, and his children, and prayed God to blesse them. After all this, he looking vppon the rest that were present, he said, before to morrow morning, the Lord Ie∣sus which rose againe in the morning, will vouchsafe of his great mercie to call this soule out of the sepulchre of this body, and out of the darkenesse of this mortalitie, into his heauenly light. I will not wearie my tender age with néedlesse wat∣chings. And let the rest also go take their rest, one shall ustics to be with me, to put me in minde of some of those holy in∣structions which haue béene read. The night being past, about foure of the clocke, all his family being about him, he willed the whole Psalme to be read vnto him, which the Lord Iesus praying rchearsed vpon the crosse. That done, he said, The Lord is my light and my saluation, whom shall I feare? The Lord is the protector of my life, of whom shall I be afraide? Then he folded his hands vpon his breast in maner of a sup∣plicant, and lifting his eyes toward heauen, he said, Lord Ie∣sus receiue my spirit. And forthwith closed vp his eies, as one about to sléepe, and with a little sigh yéelded vp the ghost, you would haue said he had béene asléepe. I neuer heard of a more easie departure. And so he was in all his life. They were both my friends, praduenture I shall not iudge indifferently which of them died the more Christian-like, you which are of soun∣der iudgement, can tell better than I. That I will, but at my leysure.
A00338.P4	A very pleasaunt [and] fruitful diologe called the Epicure, made by that famous clerke Erasmus of Roterodame, newly translated. 1545	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Gerrard, Philip." ]	the. XXIX. daie of Iuly, the yere of our Lorde. M.D.XLV. [1545]]	VVithin the precinct of the late dissolued house of the gray Friers, by Richarde Grafton, printer too the princes grace,	[Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Dialogues, English -- Early works to 1800." ]	WHAT meaneth mi Spudeus, too applye hys booke so er∣nestlye, I praye you what is the matter you murmour so with your selfe? The truth is (O Hedoni) I seke too haue knowledge of a thing, but as yet I cannot fynde yt whych maketh for my purpose. What booke haue you there in your bosome? Ciceros dialoge of the endes of good∣nes. It had bene farre more better for you, too haue sought for the begynnynges of godly thynges, then the endes. Yea, but Marcus Tullius nameth ye the ende of godlines which is an exquisite, a far pas∣sing, and a very absolute good∣nes in euerye puincte, wherein there is contained all kynde of vertu: vnto the knowledge ther of whosoeuer can attaine, shuld desire none other thīg, but hold himselfe hauyng onely that, as one most fully content and sa∣tisfied. That is a worke of very great learning and elo∣quence. But doo you thynke, yt you haue preuailed in any thīg there, whereby you haue the ra∣ther come too the knowledge of the truth? I have had such fruite and cōmoditie by it, that now verelye hereafter I shall doubt more of the effect and en∣des of good thinges, then I did before. It is for husbād menne too stande in doubt how farre the limittes and merebā∣kes extend. And I cannot but muse styll, yea, and wonder very muche, why ther hath been so great controuersie in iudge∣mentes vpon so weightie a mat¦ter (as this is) emongist so well learned menne: especially suche as bee most famous and aunci∣ent writers. This was euen the cause, where the verite of a thyng is playne and mani∣fest, cōtrarily, ye errour through ignoraunce againe in the same, is soone great & by diuers mea∣nes encreaseth, for yt thei knewe not the foundation and first be∣ginnyng of the whole matter, they doo iudge at all auentu∣res and are very fondly discea∣ued, but whose sentence thynke you too bee truest? Whan I heare MARCVS Tullius re∣proue the thyng, I then fātasie none of all their iudgementes, and whan I heare hym agayne defende the cause: it maketh me more doubtfull thē euer I was and am in suche a studie, that I can say nothyng. But as I sup¦pose ye Stoickes haue erred the lest, and nexte vnto thē I com∣mend the Peripatetickes. Yet I lyke none of their opini∣ons so well as I doo the Epi∣cures. And emōgist all the sectes: the Epicures iudgement is most reproued and condem∣ned with the whole consent and arbitreinēt of all menne. Let vs laye a side all disdayne and spite of names, and admitte the Epicure too bee suche one, as euery man maketh of hym. Let vs ponder and weighe the thyng as it is in very deed. He setteth the high and principall felicitie of man in pleasure, and thiketh that lyfe most pure and godly, whiche may haue greate delectatiō and pleasure, and ly∣tle pensiuenes. It is euen so. What more vertuou∣ser thyng, I praye you, is possi∣ble too bee spokē then this sai∣yng. Yea, but all menne wonder and crye out on it, and saye: it is the voyce of a bruite beast, and not of manne. I knowe thei doo so, but the erre in ye vocables of theise thin¦ges, and are very ignoraunt of the true and natiue significati∣ons of the woordes, for if wee speake of perfecte thynges, no kinde of menne bee more righ∣ter Epicures, then Christen men liuing reuerētly towardes God and mā, and in the right seruice and worshiping of Christ. But I thinke the Epicures bee more nerer and agree rather with the Cynickes, then with the Christien sorte: forsoth ye Chri∣stiens make them selues leane with fastynge, bewayle and la∣ment their offences, and eyther they bee nowe poore, or elles theyr charitie and liberalitie on the nedye maketh theim poore, thei suffer paciently too bee op∣pressed of mēne that haue great power and take many wronges at their handes, and many men also laughe theim too skorne. Nowe, if pleasure brynge feli∣citie wyth it, or helpe in anye wyse vnto the furderaunce of vertue: we see playnly that this kynde of lyfe is fardest from al pleasures. But doo you not admitte Plautus too bee of authoritie? Yea, yf he speake vprightely. Heare nowe them, and beare a∣waye wyth you the saiynge of an vnthriftie seruaunt, whyche is more wyttier then all the pa∣radoxes of the Stoickes. I tarie to heare what ye wil say Ther is nothyng more miserable then a mynd vnquiet & agreued with it selfe. I like this saiyng well, but what doo you gather of it? If nothing bee more miserable thē an vnquiet mynde, it foloweth also, that there is nothing hap∣piar, then a mynde voyde of all feare, grudge, and vnquietnes Surely you gather the thing together with good reasō but that notwithstandyng, in what countrie shall you fynde any such mynde, that knoweth not it selfe gyltie and culpable in some kynde of euell▪ I call that euyll, whiche dissol∣ueth the pure loue and amitie betwixt God and manne. And I suppose there bee verye fewe, but that thei bee offēders in this thynge. And in good soth I take it, that al those yt bee purdged, are clere: whych wiped out their fautes with lee of teares, and saltpeter of soro∣wfull repentaunce, or els with the fire of charitie, their offēces nowe bee not only smalle grefe and vnquietnes too them, but also chaunce oftē for some more godlier purpose, as causing thē too lyue afterward more accor∣dyngly vnto Gods commaūde∣mētes. In deede I knowe saltpeter and lee, but yet I ne∣uer hearde before, that faultes haue been purdged with fire. Surely, if you go to the minte you shall see gould fyned wyth fyre, notwithstādyng that ther is also, a certaine kynde of linē that brenneth not if it bee cast in ye fyre, but loketh more whi∣ter then any water coulde haue made it, & therefore it is called Linum asbestinum, a kynde of ly∣nen, whyche canne neither bee quenched with water nor brent with fyre. Nowe in good faith you bring a paradox more wōderful then all the maruai∣lous and profound thynges of the Stoickes: lyue thei pleasa∣sauntly whom Chryst calleth blessed for that they mourne & lament? Thei seme too the worlde too mourne, but verely they lyue in greate plea∣sure, and as the commune sai∣ynge is, thei lyue all together in pleasure, in somuche that SARDANAPALVS, Philoxe∣nus, or Apitius compared vnto them: or anye other spoken of, for the greate desyre and study of pleasures, did leade but a so∣rowefull and a myserable lyfe. These thinges that youde∣clare bee so straunge and newe, that I can scarcelye yeoue any credite vnto them. Proue and assaye them ones, and you shall fynde all my saiynges so true as the Gospell, and imme∣diatly I shal bryng the thynge too suche a conclusion (as I sup¦pose) that it shall appeare too differ very lytle from the truth make hast then vnto your purpose. It shalbe doone if you wyll graunt me certayne thynges or I begynne. If in case you demaunde suche as bee resonable. I wyl take myne aduauntage, if you con∣fesse the thyng that maketh for mine intent. go too. I thynke ye wyll fyrste graunt me, that ther is great diuersitie betwxt the solle and the bodye Euen as much as there is betwene heauen and yearth, or a thyng earthly and brute, & yt whiche dieth neuer, but alway∣es cōtaineth in it the godly na∣ture. And also, that false deceiueable & coūterfeited holy thynges, are not too bee taken for those, which in very dede be godly. No more then the shaddowes are too bee estemed for the bodies, or the illusions and wonders of wytchcraftes or the fantasies of dreames, are too bee taken as true thynges. Hitherto you answer aptly too my purpose, and I thynke you wyl graunt me this thyng also, that true and godly plea∣sure can reste and take place no where but only on such a mynd that is sobree and honest. What elles? for no man reioy∣seth too beholde the Sunne, if his eyes bee bleared or elles de∣lecteth in wyne, if the agew ha∣ue infected hys tast. And the Epicure hymselfe, or elles I am disceiued, would not clippe & enbrace that pleasure, whiche would bring with it farre grea∣ter payne and suche as would bee of long continuaunce. I thynke he woulde not, if he had any wytte at all. Nor you wyll not denye this, that God is the chiefe and especiall goodnes, then whō there is no∣thyng fayrer, there is nothyng ameabler, ther is nothing more delicious and swetter. No man wyll deny thys except he bee very harde hearted and of an vngentlernature then the Ciclopes. Nowe you haue graunted vnto me, that none lyue in more pleasure, then thei whyche lyue vertuouslye, and agayne, none in more sorowe and calamytie then those that lyue vngratiously. Then I haue graūted more thē I thou∣ght I had. But what thing you haue ones cōfessed too bee true (as Plato sayth) you should not deny it afterward. Go furth with your matter. The litle whelpe yt is set store and greate price by, is fed most daintely, lieth soft, plaieth and maketh pastime continually, doo you thinke that it lyueth plesaūtly? It dooeth true∣ly. Woulde you wyshe to haue suche a lyfe? God forbyd that, excepte I woulde rather bee a dogge then a man, Then you confesse that all the chief pleasures arise and spring frō the mynd, as though it were from a welspryng. That is euident ynough. Forsoth the strength and effica∣cy of the minde is so great, that often it taketh away the felyng of al externe and outward pain & maketh that pleasaunt, which by it selfe is very peynful. We se that dayly in louers, ha∣uyng great delight to sytte vp long & too daunce attendaunce at their louers doores all the colde wynter nyghtes. Now weigh this also, if the na∣turall loue of man, haue suche great vehemency in it, which is a cōmune thyng vnto vs, both with bulles and dogges, howe much more should all heauenly loue excell in vs, which cōmeth of ye spirit of Christ, whose strē∣gthe is of suche power, that it would make death a thīg most terrible, too bee but a pleasure vnto vs. What other men thīke inwardly I knownot, but certes thei wāt many pleasures which cleaue fast vnto true and perfect vertue. What plea∣sures? Thei waxe not rich, thei optein no promotiō, thei bā ket not, thei daūce not, thei sing not, thei smell not of swete oynt mētes, thei laugh not, thei play not. We should haue made no mention in thys place of ry∣ches and prefermente, for they bryng wyth them no pleasaunt lyfe, but rather a sadde and a pēsiue. Let vs intreate of other thynges, suche as they chiefely seeke for, whose desyre is to liue deliciously, see ye not daily drō∣kerdes, fooles, and mad menne grinne and leape? I see it Do you thynke that thei liue most pleasaūtly? God send myne enemies such myrth & pleasure. Why so? For ther lacketh emongist thē sobri∣etie of mind. Then you had leuer sit fastyng at your booke, then too make pastime after a∣ny suche sorte. Of thē both: truly I had rather chose to del∣ue. For this is plaine that be twixt the mad mā & the drūkerd ther is no diuersitie, but yt slepe wil helpe the one his madnes, & with much a doo ye cure of Phy∣sicions helpeth the other, but the foole natural differeth nothing frō a brute beast except by shape and portrature of body, yet thei be lesse miserable whom nature hathe made verye brutes, then those that walowe theim selues in foule and beastly lustes. I confesse that. But now tell me, whether you thynke thē sobre and wyse, which for playn vanities and shadowes of ple∣sure, booth dispice the true and godlye pleasures of the mynde and chose for them selues suche thynges as bee but vexacion & sorowe. I take it, thei bee not. In deedethei bee not drūke with wyne, but with loue with anger, with auarice, with ambicion, and other foule and filthie desires, whiche kynde of drunkenes is farre worse, thē that is gotten with drinking of wine. Yet Sirus yt leude cōspaniō of whom mention is made in ye commedie, spake witty thynges after he had slepte hym self soo∣bre, and called too memorie his greate and moost beastlye drunkenes: but the minde that is infected with vicious & nou∣ghty desire, hath muche a doo too call it selfe whom agein? How many yeares doeth loue, anger, spite, sensualitie, excesse, and ambition, trouble and pro∣uoke the mynde? How many doo wee see, whiche euen from their youth, too their latter dais neuer awake nor repēt them of the drunkennes, of ambitiō, ni∣gardnes, wanton lust, & riatte? I haue knowen ouermany of yt sorte. You haue graū∣ted that false and fayned good thinges, are not too bee estemed for the pure and godly. And I affirme that still. Nor that there is no true and perfect pleasure, except it bee taken of honest and godly thynges. I confesse that. Then (I pray you) bee not those good that the commune sorte seeke for, they care not howe? I thinke they be not. Sure∣ly if thei were good, they would not chaunce but onely too good men: and would make all those vertuous that they happen vn∣too. What maner of pleasure make you that, doo you thinke it too bee godly, which is not of true & honest thynges, but of de ceatfull: and coometh out of ye shadowes of good thynges? Nay in noo wyse. For plea∣sure maketh vs to liue merely. Yea, nothyng so muche. Therfore no man truely liueth pleasauntly, but he that lyueth godly: that is, whiche vseth and delecteth onli in good thynges: for vertue of it selfe, maketh a man to habound in all thynges that bee good, perfete, & prayse worthy: yea, it onely prouoketh God the fountaine of all good∣nes, too loue and fauour man. I almost consent with you. But now marke howe far they bee from all pleasure, whi∣che seeme openly emongist all men too folowe nothyng, but an inordinate delectation in in thynges carnall. First their mynde is vile, and corrupted with the sauour and taste of noughtie desires, in so muche yt if any pleasaunt thing chaunce them, forthwith it wax∣eth bitter, and is nought set by, in like maner as where ye welle hed is corrupted and stynketh, there ye water must nedes be vn sauery. Agein ther is no honest pleasure, but that whiche wee receaue with a sobre and a quiet mynde. For wee see, nothyng re∣ioyseth the angry man more, thē too bec reuenged on his offen∣ders, but that pleasure is tur∣ned into pain after his rage bee past, and anger subdued. I say not the contrary. Fi∣nally, suche leude pleasures bee taken of fallible thinges, there∣fore it foloweth that they be but delusiōs and shadowes. What woulde you say furthermore, if you saw a mā so deceaued with sorcerie & also other detestable witchecraftes, eat, drynke, leap, laugh, yea, and clappe handes for ioye, when ther wer no such thyng there in very dede, as he beleueth he seeth. I wolde say he were both mad and mise∣rable. I my self haue been often in place, where the lyke thyng hath been doone. There was a priest whiche knewe per∣fectly by longe experience and practise, the arte to make thyn∣ges seme that they were not, o∣therwise called, deceptio visus, He did not lerne that arte of the holy scripture? Yea, ra¦ther of most popeholy charmes and witchecraftes: that is too saye, of thinges, cursed, damp∣nable, and wourthy too bee ab∣horred. Certayne ladies & gen∣tlewomen of the courte, spake vnto hym oftentimes: saiyng, they woulde coom̄ one day too his house and see what good chere he kept: reprouyng, great∣ly vile and homly fare, and mo¦derate expenses in all thynges. He graunted they shulde bee welcome, and very instauntly desired them. And they came fa∣styng because they would haue better appetites. Whā they wer set to dyner (as it was thought) ther wāted noo kynde of deliti∣ous meat: they filled thē selues haboūdantly: after ye feast was doone, they gaue moost hearty thanckes, for their galaunte cheare, and departed, euery one of them vnto their owne lod∣gynges: but anone their sto∣mackes beganne too waxe an hungred, they maruayled what this shuld meane, so soone to be an hungred and a thirste, after so sumptuous a feast: at the last the matter was openly knowen and laught at. Not with∣out a cause, it had been muche better for thē too haue satisfied their stomackes at their owne chābers with a messe of potage, thē too be fed so delitiousli with vain illusiōs. And as I thīk ye cōmune sort of men ar muche more too bee laught at, whiche in steede of Godlye thynges, chose vaine and transitory sha∣dowes, and reioyce excedyngly in suche folishe phansies that turne not afterwarde in too a a laughter, but into euerlasting lamentation and sorow. The more nerelier I note your saiynges, the better I like thē. Go too, let vs graunt for a tyme these thynges too bee called pleasaunt, that in very dede ar not. Would you saye that meeth were swete: whiche had more Aloes myngled with it, then honye? I woulde not so say and if there were but the third part of an ounce of A∣loes mixt with it. Orels, would you wishe to bee scabbed because you haue some pleasure too scratch? Noo, if I wer in my right mynd. Their weigh with your self how great peyne is intermyngled wyth these false and wrongly named pleasures, yt vnshamefast loue filthie desire, much eatyng and drinking bring vs vnto: I doo omitte now that, which is prin∣cipall grudge of cōscience, ene∣mitie betwixt God and mā, and expectation of euerlastyng pu∣nishēment. What kynd of plea¦sure, I pray you is ther in these thinges, that dooeth not bryng with it a greate heape of oute∣ward euilles? What bee thei? We ought to let passe and forbeare in this place auarice, ambition, wrath, pryde enuy; whiche of their selues bee heuy and sorowful euylles and let vs conferre and compare all those thynges together, yt haue the name of some chief and spe∣cial pleasure: wher as the agew the hedache, the swelling of the belly, dulnes of witte, infamy, hurt of memory, vomyting, de∣caye of stomacke, tremblyng of the body succede of ouer muche drynking: thynke you, that the Epicure would haue estemed a∣ny suche lyke pleasure as thys, cōuenient and wourthy desire? He woulde saye it wer vt∣terly too bee refused. Wheras young men also with hauntynge of whores (as it is dayly seene) catche the newe le∣prosie, nowe otherwyse named Iobs agew, and some cal it the scabbes of Naples, throughe which desease they feele often ye most extreme and cruell paines of deathe euen in this lyfe, and cary about abodye resemblyng very much some dead coarse or carryn, do you thynke that ther apply them selues vnto godlye pleasure. Noo, for after thei haue been often familiar with their pretyones, then they must goo streighte too the bar∣bours, that chaunceth continu∣allye vnto all whoremongers. Now fayne that ther wer alyke measure of pain and ple∣sure, would ye then require too haue the toothache so longe as the pleasure of quaffing & whor dome endured? Verely I had rather wāt them booth, for ther is no commoditie nor van∣tage to bye pleasure with payn but only to chaūg one thing for another, but the heit choise is nowe not too affectionate anye such leudnes, for MAR. Tullius calleth that an inward greife & sorow. But now ye prouoca∣tion & entisemēt of vnleful ple∣sure, besides that it is much lesse then the pain which it bringeth with it, it is also a thing of a ve¦ry short time: but if the leprosye bee ones caught, it tourmēteth mē al their life daies very piti∣fully & oftentimes cōstraineth them to wyshe for death before thei cā dye. Such disciples as those then, the Epicure would not knowe. For the most part pouertie, a very miserable and painfull burden, foloweth lechery, of immoderate lust cō∣meth the palsie, tremblyng of ye senewes, blcardnes of eyes, and blyndnes, the leprosie and not these only, is it not a {pro}per pece of worke (I pray you) to chaūg this short pleasure neyther ho∣nest nor yet godly, for so manye euylles far more greuouse and of muche longer continuance. Although there shoulde no pain com of it, I esteme hym to bee a very fond occupier, which would chaūge precious stones for glasse. You meane that would lose the godly pleasures of the mynde, for the coloured pleasures of ye body. That is my meanyng. But nowe let vs come to a more perfecter supputation, neither the agewe nor yet pouerty foloweth alwai¦es carnal pleasure, nor the new leprosy or els the palsy waitnot on at altimes the great & exces∣siue vse of lecherye, but grudge of cōsiēce euermore is a folower & sure companiō of al vnleaful pleasure, then the which as it is plainly agreed betwixt vs, no∣thyng is more miserable. Yea, rather it grudgeth their cō¦science sometyme before hande, & in the self pleasure it pricketh their mynde, yet ther bee some yt you woulde say, want this mo∣tion and feelyng. Thei bee nowe therfore in worse estate & cōditiō. Who would not rather feele payne, then too haue hys body lacke any perfecte sence, truly from some ether intempe∣ratnes of euel desires, euen like as it were a certayne kynde of drunkenes, or els wont and cō∣mune haunt of vice which ar so hardened in them, yt they take a way ye felyng & cōsideration of euyl in their youth, so that whā agee commeth vpō them beside other infinitie hurtes and per∣turbations agaynst whose com¦myng thei should haue layd vp the deedes of their former lyfe, as a special iuwel and treasure: then thei stande greatly in fear of death, a thyng emongist all other most ineuitable, & that no man canne shonne: yea, and the more they haue heretofore been dysmayed and lacked their sen∣ces, the greater now is their vn quietnes and grudge of cons∣cience, then truely the mynde is sodenly awaked whether it wol or noo, and verely wher as olde agee is alwayes sad and heuy of it selfe for as muche as it is in subiection and bondage vn∣to many incommodities of na∣ture, but then it is farre more wretchede and also fylthye, if the mynde vnquiet with it selfe shal trouble it also: feastes, ryo∣tous banketyng, syngyng, and daunsynge, with manye suche other wanton toyes & pastimes which he was communely yeo∣uē vnto & thought very plesaūt when he was young, bee nowe paynfull vnto hym beyng olde and crooked, ne agee hath no∣thyng too comforte and fortifi it selfe withall, but onely too remembre that it hath passed o¦uer the course of yeares in ver∣tue and godly liuyng and con∣ceaue a special trust too obtaine herafter a better kynde of life. These be the two staues where∣vpon age is stayed, & if in their steed you wyll lay on hym these two burdens: that is, memorie how synfully he hath ledde his life, and desperation of the feli∣citie that is too coome, I praye you what liuyng thyng can bee feyned too suffre sorer punishe∣ment and greater miserie?. Verely I can see nothyng al∣though some man woulde saye an olde horse. Then to cō∣clude it is too late to waxe wise And that saiyng appereth now too bee very true. Carefull mor¦nynges doo oftentymes folowe mery euentides, and all vayne and outragious mixth euer tur¦neth into sorowfull sighes: yea, & they shulde haue considered both that there is noo pleasure aboue ye ioyfulnes of the heart, and that chearefull mynde ma∣keth agee too florishe, an heauy spirit consumeth the boones, & also that all the dayes of the poore are euell: that is, sorow∣full and wretched. And agayne a quiet mynde is lyke a conty∣nuall feaste. Ther∣fore they bee wyse, that thryue in tyme, and gather too gether necessaries for that agee coom̄. The holy scrip∣ture intreateth not soo wordely as too measure the felicitie and highe consolation of manne, by the goodes of fortune, onely he is very poore, that is destitute and voyde of al grace & vertue, and standeth in boundage and debette, bothe of bodye & solle vnto that tyranne oure moost foo & mortall enemie the deuill. Surely he is one that is veri rigorous and impatient in demaundynge of his dutie. Moreouer that man is ryche, whiche fyndeth mercye and for∣yeouenes at the handes of god. What shuld he feare, that hath suche a protectour? Whether men? where as playnely theyr hole power may lesse do agaēst God, then the bytyng of a gnat, hurteth the Elephant. Whether death? truly that is a right pas∣sage for good men vnto all suf∣ficient ioy and perfection accor∣dyng too the iust reward of true religion and vertue. Whether hell? For as in that the holy pro¦phete speaketh boldely vnto God. Although I shulde walke in the middest of the shadow of death, I wil not feare any euils because yu art with me. Wher∣fore shulde he stande in feare of deuils, whiche beareth in his heart hym, that maketh the de∣uils too tremble and quake. For in diuers places the holye scripture praiseth and declareth opēly the mynde of a vertuous man, too bee the right temple of God. And this to bee so true yt that it is not too bee spoken a∣gaynst, ne in any wise shuld bee denied. Forsoth I can not see, by what reason these saiyn∣ges of yours can be confuted al¦thoughe they seme too varye muche from the vulgar and cō∣mune opinion of men. Why doo they soo? After your reasonyng euery honest poore man, shulde liue a more pleasaunt life, then any other, how much soeuer he did haboūd in riches, honour, and dignitie: and breuely though he had all kynde of pleasures. Adde this too it (if it please you) too bee a kyng, yea, or an emperour if you take away a quiet mynd with it selfe, I dare boldely say, that the poore man sklenderlye and homely appareled, made weake with fastyng, watchyng, great toile and labour, and that hath scarcely a groat in all the worlde, so that his mynde bee godly, he lyueth more delicious∣ly then that man whiche hathe fyue hūdreth times greater plea¦sures & delicates, then euer had Sardanapalus. Why is it thē, that we see communely those that bee poore looke farre more heuely then riche men. Because some of them bee twise poore, eyther some desease, ne∣dines, watchyng, labour, na∣kednesse, doo soo weaken the state of their bodyes, that by reason therof, the chearefulnes of their myndes neuer shew∣eth it selfe, neyther in these thin∣ges, nor yet in their deathe. The mynde, forsooth thoughe it bee inclosed within this mortal bo∣dye, yet for that it is of a stron∣ger nature, it sōwhat trāsfour∣meth and fascioneth the bodie after it selfe, especially if the ve hement instigation of the spirit approche the violent inclinati∣on of nature: this is the cause we see oftentymes suche men as bee vertuous die more chere¦fully, then those that make pa∣styme contynually, & bee yeouē vnto al kynd of pleasures. In very dede, I haue meruay∣led oftten at that thyng. Forsoothe it is not a thyng too bee marueyled at, though that there shulde bee vnspeakeable ioy and comforte where God is is present, whiche is the heed of all mirth and gladnes, nowe this is no straunge thyng, al∣thoughe the mynde of a godly mad doo reioyce contynually in this mortall bodye: where as if the same mynde or spirit discen∣ded into the lowest place of hell shuld lose no parte of felicitie, for whersoeuer is a pure mynd, there is god, wher God is: there is paradise, ther is heauen, ther is felicitie, wher felicitie is: ther is the true ioy and synsere glad∣nes. But yet they shuld liue more pleasauntly, if certein in∣commodities were taken from them, and had suche pastymes as eyther they dispise orels can not get nor attaine vnto. (I praye you) doo you meane, suche incommodities as by the commune course of nature fo∣low the cōdition or state of mā: as hunger, thirst, desease, wery∣nes, age, death, lyghtnyng ye∣arthquake, fluddes & battail? I meane other, and these also. Then we intreate styll of mortal thynges and not of immortal, & yet in these euils the state of vertuous men, may bee better borne withal, then of suche as seeke for the pleasures of the body they care not howe. Why so? Especy∣ally because their myndes bee accustomed and hardened with most sure and moderate gouer∣naunce of reason against al out ragious affections of the mind and they take more patiently those thynges that cannot bee shonned then the other sort doo Furthermore, for as muche as thei perceiue, all such thynges ar sent of god, either for the pu∣nishment of their faultes, or els too excitate and sturre them vp vnto vertue, then thei as meeke and obediente chyldren receiue them from the hād of their mer∣cifull father, not only desireou∣sly, but also chearefully and ge∣ue thankes also, namely for so merciful punyshment and ine∣stimable gaines. But ma∣ny doo occatiō griefes vnto thē selues. But o seeke remedye at the Phisicions, either to preserue their bodies in helth or elles if they bee sycke, too re∣couer health, but willyngly too cause their owne sorowes, that is, pouertie, sickenes, persecuti∣on, slaunder, excepte the loue of God compel vs therto, it is no∣vertue but folishnes: but as of∣often as thei bee punyshed for Christ and iustice sake, who dar bee so bold as too cal them beg∣gers & wretches? whā the Lord himself very famyliarly calleth them blessed, and commaūdeth vs to reioyse for their state and condition. Neuerthelesse, these thynges haue a certayne payne and griefe. Thei haue, but on the onesyde, what for fear of hel, and the other for hoope of euerlastynge ioye, the payne is sone past and forgottē Now tell me if you knewe that you myghte neuer bee sycke, or elles that you shoulde feele no payne of your body in your life tyme, if you woulde but ones suffer your vtter skinne too bee prycked with a pynnes puinct, would you not gladly and with all your very heart suffer then so lytle a payne as that is? Verye gladlye, yea, rather if I knewe perfectlye that my teeth would neuer ake, I would wil∣lynglye suffer too bee prycked depe with a nedle, and too haue both mine eares bored through with a bodkin. Surely what payne soeuer happeneth in this lyfe, it is lesse and shor∣ter, compared with the eternall paines, then is the soden pricke of a needle, incomparisō of the lyfe of man though it bee neuer so long, for there is no conueni∣ence or proportion of the thyng that hath ende, and that whych is infinite. You speake ve∣ry truly. Now if a man coulde fully perswade you, that you should neuer feele payne in al your life, if you did but ones deuide the flame of ye fyre, with your hande, whyche thyng vn∣doughtely Pithagoras forbade, woulde you not gladlye doo it? Yea, on that condicion I had liefer doo it an hundred ti∣mes, if I knew precisely the pro¦miser would kepe touch. It is playne God cannot deceaue. But now that feelyng of paine in the fyre is longer vnto the whole lyfe of man▪ then is the lyfe of mā, in respect of the hea∣uenlye ioye, althoughe it were thrise so long as ye yeares of Ne∣stor, for that casting of the hand in the fyre thoughe it bee neuer so shorte, yet it is some parte of hys lyfe, but the whole lyfe of man is noo portion of tyme in respect of the eternal lyfe, I haue nothyng too saye aga∣inst you. Doo you then thyncke that anye affliction or tourment can disquiet those that prepare them selues wyth a chearful hearte and a stedfast hoope vnto the kyngedome of God, wher as the course of this lyfe is nowe so shorte? I thinke not, if thei haue a sure perswasion and a constant hope too attayne. it. I coome now vnto those pleasures, whi∣che you obiected agaynst me, they do wythdrawe them selues from daunsynge, bankettynge, from pleasaunte seeghtes, they dispyce all these thynges, as thus: for to haue the vse of thin¦ges farre more ioyfulle, and haue as great pleasure as these bee, but after another sorte: the eye hath not seene, the eare hath not heard, nor the heart of man cannot thyncke what consola∣tions GOD hathe ordeined for them that loue hym. Sayncte Paule knewe what maner of thynges shoulde bee the son∣ges, queeres, daunsynges, and bankettes of vertuous myn∣des, yea, in this lyfe. but there bee some leafull plea∣sures, whyche they vtterlye re∣fuse. That maye bee, for the immoderate vse of leafull and godly games or pa∣stymes, is vnleaful: and if you wyll excepte this one thing on∣lye, in al other thei excelle whi∣che seeme too leade a paynfull lyfe, and whom we take too bee ouerwhelmed with all kynd of miseries. Now I prai you what more roialler sight can ther be, then ye cōtēplatiō of this world? and such men as ye be in fauour of god keping his holy cōmaū∣demētes & loue his most blessed testamēt, receiue far greater ple¦asure in the syght therof, then thother sorte doo, for while thei behold wyth ouercurious eyes, yt wōderful worke, their mynde is troubled because they can not compasse for what purpose he doeth such thinges, then thei improue the moost righte and wise gouernour of all and mur∣mour at his doinges as though they were goddes of reprehen∣sion: and often finde faute with that lady nature, and saye that she is vnnaturall, whiche taunt forsooth with as muche spite as can bee shewed with woordes, greueth nature: but truely it re∣doundeth on hym, that made nature, if there bee any at all. But the vertuous man with godly & simple eyes beholdeth with an excedyng reioyce of heart the workes of his Lorde and father highly praysyng thē all, and neither reprehēdeth nor findeth faut with any of thē, but for euery thyng yeoueth moste hearty thankes, when he consi∣dereth that al were made for the loue of man. And so in all thyn∣ges, he praieth vnto the infinite power, deuine wisedome, & good¦nes of the maker, wherof he per∣ceiueth moste euident tokens in thynges that bee here created. Now fain that there were suche a palace in verie deede as Apu∣leus faineth, or els one that were more royall and gorgeouse, and that you shoulde take twoo thi∣ther with you too beholde it, the one a straunger, whiche gooeth for this intent onely too see the thyng, and the other the seruaūt or soonne of hym that firste cau∣seth this buyldyng, whether will haue more delectie in it? the straunger, too whom suche ma∣ner of house dooeth nothyng ap¦partain, or the soonne whiche beholdeth with greate ioye and pleasure, the witte, riches, and magnificence of his deerely be∣loued father, especially when he dooeth consider all this worke was made for his sake. Your question is too plain: for they most cōmunely that bee of euill condicions, knowe that heauen and all thinges contained ther∣in, wer made for mannes sake. Almoste al knowe that, but some dooe not remembre it, shewyng thēselues vnthākeful for the great and exhuberāt be∣nefittes of god, & al though thei remember it, yet that mā taketh greater delight in the sight of it whiche hath more loue vnto the maker therof, in like maner as, he more chearfully wyll behold the element whiche aspireth to∣warde the eternall life. Your saiynges are muche like too bee true. Nowe the pleasures of feastes dooeth not consist in the delicates of the mouth, nor in the good sauces of cookes, but in health of body and appetite of stomacke. You may not thynke that any delici∣ous person suppeth more plea∣sauntly hauyng before hym par triches, turtelles, leuerettes, be∣kers, sturgeon, and lamprayes: then a vertuous man hauyng nothīg too eat, but onely bread potage, or wortes: and nothyng too drynke, but water, single bere, or wyne well alayde, be¦cause he taketh these thinges as prepared of God vnto all ly∣uyng creatures, and that they bee now yeouē vnto him of his gentyll and mercifull father, praier maketh euery thyng too sauour well. The petition in ye begynnyng of dyner sanctifieth all thynges and in a while after there is recited some holy lesson of the woorde of God: whiche more refresheth the minde, then meate the body, and grace after all this. Finally he riseth from the table, not ful: but recreated, not laden, but refreshed: yea, re∣freshed both in spirit and bodie, thynke you that any chief deui∣ser of these muche vsed bākets, & deintye delicaces fareth nowe more deliciously? But in Venus there is greate delecta∣cions if we beleue Arestotell. And in this behalfe the vertu∣ous manne far excelleth as well as in good fare, wiegh you now the matter as it is, the better a manne loueth his wife, the more he delecteth in the good felow ship and familiaritie that is be∣twene theim after the course of nature. Furthermore, no menne louē their wiues more vehemē∣tly then thei that loue theim euē soo, as Christ loued the churche. For thei that loue thē for the de∣sire of bodely pleasure, loue thē not. More ouer, the seldomer a∣ny man dooeth accompany with his wife, the greater pleasure, it is to hym afterwarde, and that thyng the wātō poete knew full well whiche writeth, rare and sel¦dome vse stereth vp pleasures. Albeit, the lest parte of pleasure is in the familiare company be∣twene theim. There is forsothe far greater in the continuall lea¦dyng of their liues too gether, whiche emongest none can be so plesaunt as those that loue syn∣cerely and faithfully together in godly and christian loue, and loue a like one the other. In the other sort, oftē whē the pleasure of ye body decaieth & waxeth old loue waxeth coold & is sone for∣gottō, but emōgest right christē mē, the more yt the lust of ye flesh decreaseth & vanishethaway, ye more thē al godly loue encreseth Are you not yet perswaded that none lyue more pleasauntly thē they whiche liue continually in vertue and true religiō of god? Would god all men were as well perswaded in that thyng. And if they bee Epicures yt lyue pleasauntli: none bee righ∣ter Epicures then they that liue vertuously, and if we wyll that euery thyng haue it right name none deserueth more ye cogname of an Epicure, then that Prince of all godly wisedome too whō most reuerētly we ought alwai∣es too praye: for in the greeke tonge an Epicure signifieth an helper. Nowe whan the lawe of nature was first corrupted with linne, whē the law of Moses did rather prouoke euil desires thē then remedy them. Whā the ty∣raunte Sathanas reygned in this worlde freely and wythout punishement, then thys prynce onely, dyd sodenlye helpe man∣kynde redy to perishe: wherfore thei erre shamefully which scoff and bable that CHRIST was one that was sadd and of a ma∣lancolye nature, & that he hath prouoked vs vnto an vnplea∣saunt kynde of lyfe, for onely he did shewe a kind of liuing most godly and fullest of al true plea¦sure, if we might haue the stone of Tantalus taken awaye from vs. What darke saiyng is this? It is a mery tale too laugh at, but this bourd in duceth verye graue and sadde thynges. I tary too heare this mery conceite, that you na∣me too bee so sage a matter. Thei whiche gaue their studye and diligence to colour and set∣furth the preceptes of Philoso∣phie wyth subtil fables, declare yt there was one Tantalus brou∣ghte vnto the table of the god∣des, whych was euer furnished wyth all good fare, and most nete and sumptuous that my∣ght bee, whan thys straunger shoulde take hys leaue, Iupy∣ter thought it was for his great liberalitie and highe renoume, that his guest shuld not depart wythout some rewarde, he wyl∣led him therfore too aske what he woulde, and he shoulde haue it: Tantalus{us} (forsooth) lyke a ve∣rye leude and foolyshe person, for that he sette all the felicitie and pleasure of man in the de∣lectation of the bely, and gloto∣nye, desired but only too sytte at suche a table all the dayes of hys life, Iupiter graunted him his desire, and shortly his vow was there stablished and rati∣fyed. Tantalus nowe sytteth at the table furnyshed wyth all kindes of delicates, such drinke as the goddes druncke of was set on the table, and there wan∣ted no rooses nor odours that could yeoue any swete smel be∣fore the Goddes, Ganymedes the buttler or one lyke vnto hym, standeth euer redye, the Muses stande rounde aboute syngyng pleasauntly, mery Silenus daun∣seth, nether wanted noo fooles too laugh at, and breuely, there there was euerye thynge that coulde delyght any sence of mā but emongist all these, Tantalus sytteth all sadde, syghyng, and vnquiet with hym selfe, neither laughing nor yet touching such thynges as were set before hym What was the cause? Ouer his head as he sate there hāged by an hecre a great stone euer lyke too fall. I woulde then haue conueied my selfe from suche a table. But his vowe had bound hym too the contrarye, for Iupyter is not so easye too intreate as oure GOD, which dooeth vn∣loose the pernitious vowes of menne, that bee made contrary vnto his holy woord, if thei bee penitent and sorye therfore, or elles it myght bee thus, the sa∣me stoone that woulde not suf∣fer hym too eate, would neither suffer hym to ryse, for if he had but ones moued he shuld haue been quashed al in peeses with the fall thereof. You haue shewed a very mery fable But nowe heare that thing, which you wil not laugh at: the commune people seeke too haue a pleasaunt life in out warde thynges, where as noo∣thyng can yeoue that, but one∣ly a constant and a quiet mind: for surely a far heuier stone han¦geth ouer these yt grudge with them selues, then hanged ouer Tantalus: it only hangeth not ouer them, but greueth and op∣presseth the mynde, ne the mind is not troubled wyth any vayn hoope, but looketh euery houre to bee caste in too the paynes of hell, I praye you what can bee so pleasaunt emongist all thin∣ges that bee yeouen vnto man, that coulde reioyse the mynde, whyche were oppressed wyth suche a stoone? Truely there is nothyng but madnes, or elles incredulitie. Yf younge menne woulde weygh these thynges, that bee quyckly prouoked and entised with plea¦sure as it were wyth the cuppe of Circes, whiche in steade of theyr greatest pleasures recei∣ue poysone myxte wyth honye. Howe circumspecte would they bee too doo anye thynge vnad∣uisedly yt shoulde grudge their mindes afterward? What thin¦ge is it that thei would not doo too haue suche a godly treasure in store against their latter dai∣es? that is a minde knowyng it selfe cleane & honest and a name that hath not been defiled at a∣ny time. But what thyng now is more miserable then is agee? Whan it beholdeth, and loketh backward on thinges yt be past seeth plainly with great grudg of conscience howe fayre thyn∣ges he hathe despiced and sette lyght by, (that is, howe farre he hath discented and gone astray from the promyses made vnto God in baptime) & agayn, how foule & noughty thīges he hath clipped and enbraced, and whā hee looketh forwarde, hee seeth then the daye of iudgemente drawe neere, and shortely after the eternall punyshemente of of hell. I esteme theim most happie whych haue neuer defyled theyr youthe, but euer haue increased in vertu, til thei haue coomne vnto the last pu∣incte of age. Next them thei ar too bee commended that haue wythdrawne theim selues from the folie of youth in tyme. But what councel wil you yeoue agee that is in suche great myserie. No man shoulde dispayre so long as life endureth, I wyl exhorte him to flee for helpe vnto the infinitie mercye & gentilnes of God. But the longer yt he hath liued the heape of his synnes hath e∣uer waxen greate and greater, so that nowe it passeth the nom∣ber of the sandes in the sea, But the mercies of our lord far excede those sādes, for although the sande can not bee numbred of manne, yet hit hath an ende, but the mercie of God neither knoweth ende, ne measure. Yea but he hath no space that shall dye by and by, The lesse tyme he hath the more feruētly he should cal vnto god for grace, that thyng is long inough before God, whiche is of suche power as too ascende from the yearth vnto heauē, for a short prayer forsoth streght en¦treth heauē, if it bee made with a vehemēt spirit. It is written, ye ye womā synner spoken of in the gospell did penaunce al her life dayes: but with how fewe wor∣des again did the thief obtain Paradise in the houre of death? If he will crye with hearte and mynde, God haue mercie on me after thy great mercie: God wil take awaye from hym Tantalus stone and yeoue in his hea∣ryng ioye and cōfort and his bones hu∣miled throughe cōtrition, wil reioyse that he hath his synnes for yeouen hym.
A00341.P4	The comparation of a vyrgin and a martyr	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Paynell, Thomas." ]	An. M.D.XXXVII. [1537]	In aedibus Thomae Bertheleti regii impressoris],	[Londini :	eng	[ "Virginity -- Early works to 1800." ]	YOVR DEVOVT myndes good vir¦gyns doo ofte ty∣mes prouoke me, with youre dely∣cate and swete p̄∣sentes, that I shoulde by somme maner of writynge, not onely ce∣lebrate and laude your most pre∣cyouse treasure, but also extolle and cōmende vnto you, your in∣tent and purpose. In the tone ye be ledde by a certayne relygious desyre, sekynge nothynge els but the glorye of god, the whyche in his sayntis is very glorious: In In the tother I perceyue ye seke for spiritualle gayne, with your pleasaunt and swete gyftes, dely∣tynge the mouthe, diligently la∣bourynge to opteyne of me those thynges, that fede the sowle: this is a very deuout captation, a ho∣ly desyre, a ryght wyse and gayn∣full chaunge, and mooste comely and seemely for wyse virgins: yf I were the man that coude bring forthe any thynge oute of the se∣crete coffers of holy Scripture, that might in like maner refreshe your myndes, as your giftes and presentes do refresshe my bodye. You erre not in youre affeccyon, but you faylle in youre election: you loue that that is beste, but you chose not him, that can satis∣fie your holy desyres. And yet bi∣cause you shal not thynke me vt∣terly vnkynde, I do not a lyttell reioyce, to see in you (chosen vir∣gyns of god) this good mynde, that is, thyrstynge nothynge els but the glory of your spouse. For it is an euident and a sure token of a chast wyfe, to recken her hus∣bandes glory her owne. For tru∣ly he, vnto whom you are specy∣ally spoused, is aboue al the chil∣dren of men the moste goodlyest, and in all his actes and dedes he is the moste glorious: Though oone wolde contemplate and be∣holde on euery syde the wonder∣full frame of this world, yet shall he fynde hym more gloryouse in the redemynge of the worlde, thā in makynge therof.Gen. 1. He made the worlde, and the hole company of aungelles with tournynge of an hande: but with his precyouse bloudde he redemed that that he made. The same wisedome, whi∣che is Christe Iesus, and whiche also is the wonderfull werkman of this worke, to thentēt to make a thynge more meruayllous, by dyuine crafte he edified a howse eternall, and a temple worthy for god, that is the Churche, whiche he as a kynge moste ryche, dydde freshly garnishe and ornate with all maner of spiritual ornamen∣tis. For what is golde, syluer, y∣uory, what is the smaragde, the Topase, the beryll, or the varia∣ble shynynge of precious stones, cōparring them to the rich giftis of the holye ghooste, whiche are prophecy, the gyfte of tongues, the vertue of working myracles, and the curynge of infyrmities, peace, puritie, charitie, and suffe∣rance? This holle Edifice, made of lyuely stones, with a wonder∣full agrement couched together, ryseth vp to heuen,Act. 4. Christ beinge the very corner stone, knyttethe fast to gyther al the hole frame, yt it can neither fall in ruyn nor de∣cay. These stones are the dyuers orders of saynctis.Pro. 3. In this Tem¦ple he reioyceth to dwell, lyke as he saythe in an other place: My delectacyons are to be with the sonnes of men. He this magny∣fycent Salomon glorifieth hym selfe in these rychesses: he is noo where more meruayllous, noo where more glorious, than in his saynctis: to whom he hath vou∣chesafed this honoure, to make them his own membres: and ac∣ceptynge them as his bretherne, to make theym heires with hym of the heuenly kyngedome. He dyed for al: but yet his most glo∣rye and pleasure is in the bendis of Martyrs, and in the compa∣nyes of vyrgyns. These are the most precious Iewels, of which the churche of Christe dothe soo stately auaunce her selfe of, the whiche woteth nat wherof to glo¦rye, but in the onely gyftes of her spowse. For what so euer thynge is glorious in saynctis, the same is the gyfte of Christe. O good virgins, the delectations and or∣namentis of your spouse, are dy∣uerse and variable. whā he goth forth, he is beset about with son∣drye precious vertues, and with innumerable kyndes of flowers: but the rosis of martyrs, and ly∣lyes of virgins, do mooste speci∣ally please aud delyte hym. And no meruayl, though he loue that that he is hym selfe, ye wherof he is the very fountayne to al other. I am (sayth he) Flos campi,Cant. 2. the flo∣wer of the felde, and the lylie of the valeyes. He is the prynce of martyrs, for throughe hym mar∣tyrs are myghty and stronge. He is the chiefe capitain of virgins, for by him virgins do subdue the flesshe, and the desyres thereof. After that he descended downe to the erthe, and hadde spredde a∣brode the fyre of charitie, wynter passed away, and these freshe flo∣wers sprouted vp euery where in our countreye. Howe scarse was virginitie before? But after that Christe had ones consecrate vir∣ginitie, howe many thousandes of yong men and women sprang vp sodaynly through out all the worlde, whiche wyllyngly gaue them selfes to pure chastitie for the kyngdom of god? After that he, suffringe dethe on the crosse, hadde taughte, that they were very happye, that wolde dye for goddis sake, howe many swar∣mes of men & women came forth, that wyllyngely yea and gladly suffered deathe for the glorye of Christe? Doutlesse for this cause it is, that your spouse glorieth in the Cantycles, where he saythe thus, Ryse vp, haaste you my svvete loue and my fayre dooue, and come. For novve vvynter is paste, the shoure is goone, oure grounde is couered vvith fresshe floures. ¶Howe barrayne shoulde our erth haue ben, if he the same he∣uenly sonne had not kendled our hartis with ye hete his Charytie? if he had not watred our mindes with the showre of his grace? But what flourisheth fayrer then the Euangelicall veer? What is more plentyfulle? what is more louely? The rosis ruddy hewe a∣bydeth not longe, the beautie of the lilye fadeth soone, wheron a certayne Pagane writeth thus: Neyther smallage is lyuely, Nor yet the shorte Lylie. But those fresshe flowers, with which the Churche is plentiful∣ly furnyshed, do neuer wyther a∣way. For Christe is the immortal lylie, & gyueth immortall grace to his lylyes. He is the Rose im∣mortall, whose fresshe and fayre colour dothe neuer fade, and the same perpetuitie he gyueth vnto his. He is called Flos campi, that is the flower of the felde, bycause of the Iewes. Fieldes be apte and mete for tillage. Amonge the Ie∣wes he was dyed with his owne precious bloude, the whiche Ie∣wes Moyses and other prophet∣tes dydde eare and tylle, yet they coude neuer cause them to bryng forth suche fruites as they loked fore. He was the lylie of the Ual∣leis amonge the thorny and vn∣tylled gentiles, to whom it is per¦swaded, that he became man, and was borne of the Uirgin Marie without spotte of synne. Surely he was the euangelicall lilie, that god the father so clothed, as ne∣uer Salomon was arrayed in al his great glory. For why, neither Salomon, nor yet none other, was euer borne of a pure virgin, defyled with no spotte of the fyrst parent. Who so euer couple them selfe by feyth to this lilie, bycause they are made one fleshe and one spirite with hym, they are pour∣ged from fylthy synnes, they re∣ceyue the fayre white garment of innocency, and be also made Ly∣lies. For so in the same place fo∣lowynge saythe the spowse,Cant. 2. that nameth hym self a lilie: Lyke as the lylie is amonge thornes, so is my loue amonge the doughters. what thyng els is the lily amōge thornes? but a virgyne amonge wyues. ¶Matrymonye is an honeste thynge, but it is besette aboute with briers and thornes. For su∣che as be maried, saythe Paule,1. Cor. 7. shall haue trybulacyons of the fleshe. If any man doubte, whe∣ther matrimonye haue thornes, lette hym enquere of maried wo∣men, what greate grefes she en∣dureth, that hath to her husbāde a frowarde felowe, a drunkarde, a dycer, an aduoutrer, a waster, what dysplesures growe of kins∣folke, and what of wycked chyl∣drē, and than (if he thinke it best) lette hym denye a virgyn to be a lylie amonge thornes? A virgyn being free from the cares of this worlde, myndeth those thynges that perteyne to our lorde, howe she maye please hym: She that is maried, as it were hyther and thyther haled and plucked with dyuers and sondry cares, setteth her mynde on many thynges. Surely all they that haue taken on theym to folowe Christe, are lylies, but specially virgyns. A∣monge them he the marueylous spouse fedeth and taketh his de∣lyte, whyche is not enterteyned with euery body.Cant. 2. He is my deere derlyng and I his, which fedeth amonge the lilies, vntyll the day breake, and tyll the shadowes be gone. Suche flowers he gathe∣reth, that he may make of them a garlande that neuer wythereth away in heuen: lyke as it is said in an nother place:Cant. 2. My loue is goone downe into his gardeyne, vnto the swete smellinge beddes, that he may refresshe him selfe in the gardayns, and gather lilies. Trewely of those lylies speaketh the wyse man sayenge,Eccl. 39. Florisshe you flowers as doth the lilie, and gyue sweete sauour, and spredde out your bowes in grace, singe a songe of prayse, and blesse you oure lorde in his workes. The spouse beynge a vyrgyn, dely∣teth in virgins songes. This is the newe songe, that the Syna∣goge knewe not, in the which she was cursed, that brought forthe no children. But there are in the gospell innumerable, that synge a newe songe, whiche were rede∣med from the erthe, and called in to the felowshyp of aungels, by∣cause that they neyther mary nor defyle theym selfe with women,Apoc. 14. but folowe the lambe, whither so euer he gothe, and are withoute spotte before the throne of god. There be many withoute spot in the syghte of men, but happy are they that appere suche before the throne of god: happye are they, which to the laude of theyr newe spouse, doo synge a newe songe, inwardly reioysyng, and to them selfe demeanyng great gladnes, that they being pure and chaste, do singe pure and cleane balades in honour of their pure and clene spowse. And ofte tymes your quier to their spouse singeth this melodious songe: ¶O IESV the Crowne of vyr∣gins, whom she thy mother con∣ceyued, whiche alone a virgyne dyd beare, accept o moste mekest these our vowes. ¶O what greatte purytie is in this virgin, he the prince of vir∣gins, and spowse and crowne of virgins, was cōceyued of the he∣uenly spirite, and borne of a vyr∣gin, the glorious beautie of vyr∣gynite not broken. Of wyues the husbonde is the glory, but of vir¦gins Chryste is the glorye: The whiche dothe fede among lilyes, compassed aboute with crownes of virgyns, hyghtynge and ad∣ournynge his spowses with glo∣rie, and yeldynge to them rewar∣des. Your spowse is a sheparde, which gaue his life for his shepe, and is yet stylle carefulle for his flocke. For daily he saueth them, dayly he calleth theym hoome a∣geyne that straye abrode, dayely he cureth, and dayely he feedeth theym. He hathe also his delec∣tations, in whiche he taketh ple∣sure, he hathe his neere felowes, whome he calleth husbandes, he hath his playfeeres yonge may∣dens, whome he calleth wyues. In spiritual thynges there is no difference of sexes, but they are named and called after theyr age and merites. Christ hath but one spouse, whiche is the churche, she hath many to accompanye her, & euery one of them maye be called a spouse. The spouse selfe is but one, and yet hath he somme, that he derely loueth, to whom he cō∣mytteth his wyues, soo that they also in maner may be called hus∣bandes. For if byshoppes mowe rightously be called shepherdes, sythe there is but one shepeherde our lorde Iesus, what shall than lette them to be called husbādes. The wyues of this worlde, are stately and proude of the gyftes and dignitie of their husbandes, they shewe and booste their gaye garmentes and fresshe araye, for such as haue no husbandes seme as persones forsaken and desty∣tute. But the spowse Iesus, for the despised ornamentes of this worlde, doth gaily hight and ad∣ourne his spowses with dowe∣ries of the sowle: for the glorie of the fleshe, whiche so soone vany∣sheth away, he gyueth them im∣mortall glorie. Trewely to those spouses, whiche folowynge the example of the high shepeherde, and lyke valyant champyons in defence of his flocke, doo not re∣fuse to dye, he gyueth rewardes. what rewardes? not a garlande of oken leaues, or of laurell, not an image, or a title, or some other lyke rewarde, that the worlde for dedes worthily done is wont to gyue in recompence: but a gar¦lande euermore freshe and flou∣rysshynge in heuen, and a name wryten in the booke of lyfe, that neuer shall be blotted out by noo age. This delitious and plesant spouse, delyteth most specially in this company, which for all that, lotheth no wel disposed person, be he neuer so poore. ¶There foloweth in the forsaid hymne. Whyther soo euer thou goest, virgins do folowe the, and with laudes syngynge runne styl after the, and with theyr sweete songes make pleasant noyse. Cō∣cernyng the fashion of the world it is an vncomely thinge, to see a virgyn wyllyngely rounne after her spowse. But it were a fowler syght, to see many virgins folow one spouse. In thingis touching the soule, it is otherwise, for there is nothyng more goodly, then to se many many virgins, that nere accompany one spouse Iesu. Nor it is noo meruayle, if they runne after hym, as they were woode, for loue of their spouse. For he al∣lurethe theym to hym by secrete intycementes, whose louelynesse passeth all humayne loue.Psal. 44. He is the feyrest among the children of men, flowynge full of grace are his lyppes, the whose vysage to beholde angels esteme most high felycytie. He breatheth with his swete smellyng sauors on whom he wolle, and they on whome he breatheth say:Cant. 1. Drawe me after the, and we shall renne in the o∣dour of thy swete smelling oynt∣mentes. They can not renne, ex∣cepte they be drawen: they canne not loue, excepte they be fyrste lo∣ued: And they that be alredy dra∣wen, desyre to be more plentiful∣ly drawen: they that rūne, couer to rūne so fast, that they may ap∣proche yet more nere to hym that they loue. Trewely they felte and perceyued his lyppes to flowe full of grace, the whiche saye:Ioan. 6. O lorde whither shall we goo? thou haste the wordes of euerlastynge lyfe. Al they that {pro}fesse the name of Christe, folowe theyr sheparde Iesus: but they al onely his vn∣seperable feres, do folowe why∣ther so euer he woll goo: they fo∣low hym euen to the very beatin∣ges, they folowe him euen to the very persecution. ¶Our lorde Iesus, what tyme he was in this world, ofte tymes ledde after hym greate and huge multitudes of al sortis of people: but whan he shulde go to Hieru∣salem to be slayn, fewe dyd accō∣panye hym, but yet fewer, whan he bearynge his Crosse, went to∣warde the Mount of Caluerey. But they which be the very felo∣wes of the spouse, whiche be true virgins, coude not at this poynt be plucked frome theyr spowse. When he hynge vpon the crosse, Peter, whiche was thoughte to haue a wyfe, coulde no where be founde, but the vyrgyns, Mary the mother of Iesu and Iohn̄, a∣bode faste by the crosse, the other women stoode afarre of, and be∣helde what was doone. They fo∣low then, ye and that gladly and wyllyngly: nor they folowe hym not as dumme persons, but syn∣gynge balades, and makynge swete melody. ¶They that be mennes wyues haue no leysure to be in the dan∣ces, they haue no leysure, no ma∣ny tymes they haue noo luste to synge: they muste please theyr husbandes, they must chyde and braule with theyr maides and ser¦uantes, & chastise theyr children. Our virgins, being free from all care and thought of this worlde, do nothynge els, but in spiritual quiers, synge swete hymmes to theyr spouse. For they ascribe no∣thynge to them selfe, but gyue al the glory of theyr felicitie to him, to whom onely they owe al thyn∣ges. He this louer deliteth in su∣che maner songes, he wol, he wol his gyftes to be songe: he hateth the phariseis songis, I fast twise in the Saboth, I gyue the .x. of my goodes to the pore, I am not as other men be. The more chast that a virgin is, the more shame∣faste she is. Here the voyce of a very virgin:Luc. 1. Beholde the hand∣mayde of our lorde. And he hath sene the humilitie of his hande∣mayde. In the cantycles he cal∣leth his spouse a douue. He desi∣rethe to beholde her shappe, and coueteth to here her voyce:Cant. 2. Come sayth he, my douue out of the ca∣ues of the rockes, out of the ho∣les of the walle: O lette me see thy vysage, and here thy voyce, for swete is thy voyce, and fayre is thy face. The soule hath his face. The face is moste specially estemed and iudged by the eies: with the eies we shewe & declare our intēt: also with the eies with out voyce we signifie the inward affections of our myndes. The eie of a vyrgin is symple, she en∣uyeth not, she lyeth not in awayt to disceyue, she suspectethe none yuell, she myndeth not yll. The face of suche oone delytethe the spouse,Can. 2. which a lyttell after sayth thus: Howe fayre arte thou my loue, howe fayre art thou? Thou haste douues eies. ¶Here some wyll saye, What swetenes is in the complaynyng and mourning voyce of a douue, to delyte and please a man with? The nyghtyngales voyce shulde rather be called to this parable and similitude. The rare and ve∣hemente loue maketh contynu∣alle complayntes, but yet plea∣sant and moste acceptable to the spouse. Here a lamentyng douue: I desyre to be lowsed,Phil. 1. and to be with Christ.Rom. 7. And ageyne: O wret¦ched man that I am, who shall delyuer me from the body of this deathe? Harken what an other douue saythe, Wo is me,Psal 119. that I dwel so long in this world.Psal. 136. And, By the waters of Babylon we sate downe and wepte, whan we remembred the Syon. ¶These lamentable voices and ful of sighynges, are most accep∣table in the eares of the spouse, in such maner of songes he moch delyteth. ¶And bycause they sayd, O mer¦cyfull lorde accepte our vowes, it is tyme, that they nowe expresse and declare, what they wold op∣teyn of theyr spouse: Is it riches∣ses, is it honours, is it pleasures, is it a kyngdome, is it long lyfe? For those thinges care haue they none, for ye vehemēt loue of their spouse hath vtterly broughte thē to despise those thinges. What is it than? we praye the, encreace our myndes yet more largely, & graunt, that we mowe vtterly be ignorant of all corruption. They aknowlege howe great a tresure vyrgynitie is, that is, A cleane mynde in a bodye vncorrupte. They also aknowlege, that what so euer he hath gyuen theym, he wol vouchsafe to encreace it, and to heape benefyte vpon benefyte. Noo vyrgyn is soo pure, whi∣che hath not, wherby she may yet profite. For you shall scasely find any virgin, whiche to thende the body maye be vndefyled, offen∣deth not otherwhile in thought. Nor trewe virginitie resteth not only in the gyft of chastitie, but all vyce of the mynde is the cor∣ruption of this virginitie. Who soo euer swarueth from the true feyth catholyke, his virginitie is defiled.2. Cor. 11. Of this purenesse spea∣keth Paule, writynge to the Co∣rinthees: I haue maried you vn¦to one man, to bring a chaste vir∣gine vnto Christe: But I feare, leste as the serpente begiled Eue with his wylynesse, euen so your wyttes shulde be corrupted from the simplenes, which is in Christ Iesu. ¶A vyrgin defyled with enuye, backbityng, arrogancie, is woū∣ded with corruption: Therfore they pray, that theyr most muni∣ficent spouse woll vouchesafe to augment the gyftes that he hath gyuen theym, and that he wolle graunte them to be vtterly ig∣noraunt of all woundes of cor∣ruption. why saye they vtterly? That is nother in mynde nor in body. what is to say of all? what soo euer the humayne affection doth moue and styre vs to. This vowe or request might seme vn∣reasonable, ne were it that the spowse is almyghty, and mooste faythfull of his promyse. He wol not that his shal be only lyke vn∣to hym, but also he woll them to be the selfe same. But let vs ad∣mytte, that no manne in this lyfe can atteine to that, that the quier of vyrgins dothe desyre, yet the request of this moste thankefull quire shall not be made in vayn. For that that they here throughe fauour of their spowse are mind∣fulle of, shall in the resurrection chance them fully through theyr spouses augmentynge. There are degrees in the Chur∣che milytant, and soo there be in the churche triumphant. I wote not whether I haue taryed you longer than I shulde haue done in declarynge this hymne: Truly I repent me not, syth it is saynte Ambroses. For besyde all other argumentis, the word of thre syl∣lables in the ende of euery dime∣ter, sheweth who is the authour. wherin I suppose that man had not so moche pleasure in the con∣cent of the meter, as he delyted in the symbole of of the holye Tri∣nitie. The churche the spouse of Christe hath many hymnes, but I wote nat whether there be any that sing with more ioy and glad¦nes of al persons, than they, whi∣che celebrate the spouse in the vi∣ctories of Martirs, or triumphes of virgins. ¶But nowe to retourne againe to those two flowers, farre pas∣synge all other most fragant, the Rose and the Lilie. Lyke as the deathe of Christe with his swete odour drew many to the contēpt and despysynge of this lyfe: soo the virginitie of Christe allured many a one to the loue of chasti∣tie. They that ar drawen of him, beinge nowe theym selues made flowers, haue drawen other. Christe sayde to Peter: Folowe me.Ioan. 21. Howe manye haue folowed Peter? Who denyeth, but that we be moche bounde to the holy doc∣tours, the whiche (euery thynge beynge in peace and reste) haue taught vs the way of our lorde? But how many mo hath the fra∣graunt swetenes of the martyrs, drawen to the professyon of the gospell? Yea howe many mo the example of virgins? It is a gret thynge, boldely and connyngely to dispute of the gospelle: But the greattest poynte is, gladly to dye for the gospell. It is a great thynge, to despise and set nought by the glorye and ryches of this worlde, but it is farre greatter to mortifie and slee the fleshe with the concupiscencis thereof. And the churche knoweth to whome she is bounde. The churche (next Christ) hath had none in more ho¦nour, than they, which wyllyng∣ly and gladly offred theyr bodies to be cruelly turmented, for the glorie of their spouse, and for sa∣uation of the flocke, for the whi∣che he hym selfe vouchesafed to dye. They secondarily were had in honour, whiche wyllyngly for the kyngdome of god gaue them selfe holly to lyue chaste. what a great ioye and gladnes was it to all the Churche, whan a martyr constantly suffred dethe for Chri∣stis sake? And howe great sorow and lamentation, if any shranke backe. Agayne, Howe greattely dyd the churche reioyce, if a vir∣gin, that myght haue bē maried to a man, wold rather put on the holy vaile of chastite, and couple her selfe to her spowse Chryste? And how great sorowe was there made, if any suche dydde caste of her vayle, and wolde be maryed to a man? Undoubted the losse of a thynge, that is most dere, is ve∣ry greuous. with what feruente loue dydde christen men in tyme paste runne to the ashes of Mar∣tyrs? Howe holy was the memo∣rie of them amonge all chrysten men, whan dayly olde men, yong men, honest matrones, and vir∣gins, runne thycke and threfolde to the prysones, as it were vnto places consecrate to god: whan they wold kys the cheynes, with whiche they were bounde: whan the swerde, with which they were martered, was reserued and kept amonge the holy relykes? What memorie is more ioyfull, & more hye and holy to the churche, than of Martyrs? Whan do menne synge with greatter gladnesse, than in their yerely feastis? The whose afflictions and peynes the churche calleth vyctoryes, theyr turmentes triumphes, theyr dea∣thes byrthes: nor in theyr cele∣bratiōs is no maner mournyng, but all thynges full of ioye, fulle of gratulation, full of preysing, full of myrth and sporte. Nor the eloquence of excellent lerned mē hath ben more shewed or set forth in any argument, than in celebra¦ting the laude and prayse of mar¦tyrs and virgins. Herein Prudē∣tius, in the kynd of verses called Liricum carmen, exceded the greate eloquēce of Pindarus, he passed the elegancy of Horace, not possi∣syble to be folowed. Herein the trumpe bothe of the grekes and latyns, soundeth out I wote not what farre greatter and more di∣uine than verse heroical. In this argumente, Chrysostomus, Cy∣prianus, Ambrosius, Hierony∣mus, and many mo then can be nombred, excell Ciceros aboun∣daunt and flowynge style. What thynge maye we coniecte to be the cause? Truly the magnitude of the martyrs dyd minister abū∣dāce of eloquence, the feruētnes of theyr myndes added strengthe to theyr wordes, and deuotion a∣lacritie. Of what matter so euer they write, theyr style is plentiful and flowyng, But as oft as they take in hande to endyte of mar∣tyrs and virgins, now as it were by diuine inspiration, they sowne out, I wote not what thing farre passynge mans capacitie. Those thynges are not doone by mans studye, but they are broughte to passe by inspiration of the holye goste, the whiche woll his sayn∣ctes to be so glorified, in the whi∣che he desyrously gothe about to be seen most glorious. We wold graunt those thynges to be done by man, ne were it that god (whi∣che inspireth the mindes of good men) doth ornate the monumen∣tes of martyrs and virgins with so manifold myracles. For where are wycked spirytes more tour∣mented? where are moo cured of greuous sycknesses and diseases that no phisitions coude heale? What emperour, what kynge is he, with settynge vp of any ima∣ges, titles, steples, churches, col∣legis, commandyng diuine wor∣shyppes, dyd opteyne so greatte honour ye in this world? Doubt∣lesse thus god dothe honour his martyrs, the whiche semed here poore abiectes and wretched cay¦tyues. Thus he honourethe his vyrgyns, the whiche beynge as deed to the worlde, sette surely al theyr holle hope in theyr spowse Iesu. And they also aknowlege, that what so euer they haue, co∣meth all of the lyberall gyfte of theyr spouse. But the glorye of martyrs doth not lyghtly glytter and shyne but after the deathe: where as virginitie euen in this lyfe is ful gay and glorious. For who is so barbarous, that wyll not fauour a virgin? In the very myddes of the ruffelynge war∣res the fierce and cruell ennemy forbeareth virginitie. And if we beleue histories, the dumme bea∣stis, ye the hugest, the wyldest, & most cruell of them all, beare re∣uerence vnto vyrgynitie. Howe greatly dydde the Romaynes in olde tyme honour the relygious virgyns, called virgines vestales? what a naturall worshyppe and glorie of virginitie is that, whi∣che ydolaters do aknowlege, whi¦che the barbarous ennemy dothe reuerence, which the dumme bea∣stis doo perceyue, and to whiche the wylde beastis obeye? If soo great honour be done to the vyr∣gins of this worlde, howe moche more honorable is the virgin of Christe? O good vyrgyne, take on the this holy pride, and repute what so euer pleasures or honors this world braggeth of, to be far vnder thy dignitie. It is a holye thyng to pride in your spowse, & a deuout thyng to glorie in him, to whome you owe all thynges. It is also a sure thynge, trusting faythfully in hym, to rise and re∣belle agaynst the worlde, whiche braggyngly shewethe forthe his delectable pleasures. My mynd is not at this tyme to write, what so euer may be sayde in the laude and praise of martirs or virgins. You haue the bokes of Cyprian, you haue the bokes of Ambrose, of Tertullian and Hierome, of which the two last, were wel nere ouermoch in admiration of vir∣ginitie. For the excellency of vir∣ginitie wolde not soo be extolled, that the preyse therof shoulde be an iniurie to chaste matrimonie. I recyte those thinges moste no∣ble vyrgins for this intente, that you maye perceyue howe happy and fortunate your College is, the whose chaunce is to possesse bothe those thynges, whiche she the rich spouse of Christ the chur∣che holdeth moste speciall in this worlde. For you haue in kepyng those mooste fragrant and swete coses, of the .vii. brethern of the Machabees, and of theyr mo∣ther, ye whose fecunditie brought forth no children to her husband but to god, she fortunately redou¦bed ye losse of her virginitie, with the martyrdome of so many son∣nes vyrgyns. She being a virgin brought forth no frute, for yt of al women was giuē but to one, but yet she brought forthe bothe vir∣gins and martirs. Of her self she coude gyue none example of vir∣ginitie, but she perfourmed and dyd as moch as laye in her to do. She taughte her chyldren to be virgins, she exhorted thē to mar∣tyrdome, and wolde haue suffred martyrdome before theym, saue that she feared their constancye, by reason of their tender youthe. And soo the glorie of vyrginitie chanced not to the mother alyke with the chyldern, but touchyng the martyrdome, the laude of the mother is soo moche the more, in that she beholdynge the cruelle turmentes, suffred in eche of her lyttel chyldren, what soo euer the cruell tourmentours coude do to the bodies of them. This is more stronger, then by turmentyng at ones to be rydde from all peyne. For the parētes are more cruelly tourmented in the persecutynge of their chylderne than in theym selfe. And that knowethe ryghte well the wytty crueltie of tyran∣tes, which wreste out by turmen∣tyng of the chyldren in theyr pa∣rentes sighte, that they coude by no maner of turmentes gette of the parentes. Howe oft sawe she beynge a woman and a mother, her owne fleshe and bowels torrē and rente to pieces? where was nowe the feble freiltie of yt kynd? where was the tender loue and pitie that is wont to be more ve∣hement in mothers then in men? Surely her deuout affection to godwarde, ouercame al humain pitie, and her feruent feythe ouer¦came the feblenes of womanhed. All hayle mooste happy virago, whiche haste gyuen exaumple of fortitude to all menne. All hayle moste fayre lyttell floures of the churche, whiche as rype delyca∣cyes before your tyme, you haue preuented the springe tyde of the gospell, and haue made a shewe of euangelycal vertue, before the gospell was shewed or knowen to the worlde. For as yet this voyce of hym, which being a vir¦gin, is borne of a virgin, was not harde,Mat. 19. Blessed be they, that haue gyuen them selfe to lyue in cha∣stitie for the kyngedome of god, And yet the same prayse you by preuention haue opteyned afore hande.Mar. 16. Nor this was not as yet harde,Mar. 8. who so wil be my disciple, lette hym take vp his crosse and folowe me, but you as fore run∣ners, dydde adumbrate Christis passion. And nowe your sowles in heuen doo folowe the lambe, whither so euer he goeth: But as for your vndefiled bodies (whi∣che were partners of your tour∣mentes and peynes, so in tyme to come you shall receyue theym to the felowshyp of euerlastyng fe∣licitie) there was noo place more comely nor more conueniente to kepe them in, than in a holy col∣lege of virgins. ¶Nowe to you good vyrgyns, that be the kepers of this so gret a treasure, my wordes do theym adresse. You haue in these yonge children both an example of cha∣stite, which you ought to folow, & a crowne of martyrdome, that you shoulde extolle, gloryfienge your spouse, which stroue in thē, whiche in them gote the victorie, whiche in them dothe triumphe. He hath in one self basket Lylies myngled with roses. The bryght beautie of the tone stryueth with the tother, nor yet the tone is not dusked or defaced of the tother: but ye tone by reason the tother is with him, doth ye more gaily glit∣ter and shyne, lyke as whan yuo∣ry (as one sayd) is myngled with purpull, or whan a shynyng pre∣cyous stone is set in yolow gold. The stryfe is so doubtefull, whe∣ther is more glorious a martir or a virgin, that if the matter shuld be called in contention, I dare not boldly say, whiche of theym shoulde be preferred the tone be∣fore the tother. Bothe the tone and the tother are consecrate in Christ: but yet we ar more boūde to his crosse and passion, than to his virginite. He giueth to them the honorable title of blessednes, whiche for the kyngdome of god gyue them selfe to lyue in chasti∣tie: but yet he requirethe the fo∣lowynge of the crosse. It semeth a greatter thyng, that whā he re∣quireth it not, yet it maketh him blessed, that wyllyngly wyll per∣fourme it. And in the tyme of per¦secution it is a right gret thinge, for the glorye of god to haue the mynde alwey prompte and redy to suffre all kyndes of deathes. But tymes haue like as the See hath, his tranquillities and qui∣ete caumes. And other while one maye lefully escape the persecu∣ters handes. But if one be dry∣uen to the last extremitie, the dea¦the of the body is the ende of gre∣uous tourmentes, and the begin¦nynge of felicitie. A virgin hath a longe and a parpetuall stryfe with her housholde ennemie, the whiche she can neyther laufullye slee, nor escape by flyghte. This housholde fooe is the fleshe, the whiche whether we woll or woll not, we muste carie about, nowe and then rebellynge agaynst the spirite. And that it shal not seme easye to any man to subdue this ennemie, we haue redde of those that were ouercome with wan∣ton entycementes of the flesshe, the whiche coude not be vanquy∣shed with the verye terrour and drede of dethe. ¶Hytherto our collation hathe pondered, whether of those two shulde be more stronger: but me semeth that virginitie in this, is ye happier, that (as I by occasyon sayde afore) the floure of martir∣dome, doth not freshely sprede & florishe, but after deathe: where as virginitie hathe her bryghte beautie, her fayre fragrancy, her grace and dignitie in this world. Uirgynytie is the flower of the sowle and mynde, but in the vy∣sage, in the eyes, and in all the holle state of the body, there shy∣neth a certayne angelicall pure∣nesse, and a flourysshynge clere∣nesse, not acqueynted with olde age, here as it were myndynge & thynkynge to be, that all we loke fore after this lyfe, whyche lyue deuoutely and godly in Chryste Iesu. The mynde holle and vn∣corrupte sparpleth abrode in the bodye her vigour and strengthe, lyke as the mynde infecte with vices sheweth in maner a glime∣rynge lighte, or rather maketh a grisely shewe in the selfe shappe of the body. For carnall pleasure is a fowle blemyshe to a mannes owne body. Why doo not the bo∣dyes of good blessed menne waxe olde in the resurrection? bycause nowe the soule shall rule theym, which woteth not what olde age meaneth. As deathe commeth of synne, so doth syckenes and age. Take synne away, and age shall seme the lesse: and if age chaunce to come, it shal chaunce more flo∣rishinge. And therfore a virgyn receyuethe nowe in this worlde some parte of her felicitie, exhy∣bytynge in this mortall bodye a certayne spece or fachion of the immortalitie to come. The prin∣cis of this worlde are noo moore careful for theyr souldiours, than they be for the thynge that they come of, of the which whan nede requireth, they gather yong soul dyours, the whyche thynge if it shulde fayle, howe shoulde they furnysshe an armye? And nowe for a certayne yeres there hathe ben noo suche persecution vnder christen princis, as was vsed in tyme paste vnder Nero, Domi∣tian, Iulian, and Maxentius. But whether the Christen feythe be in better caase vnder these or noo, it lyeth not in me to define, surely by them it was drawen in∣to a narrowe poynt. But how so euer it be, if there shulde ageyne chaunce persecution, the whyche wolde require a martyr, where is it more lykely that such a cōpany shulde be gathered, than of them the whiche despisynge al the fals flatering vanities of this world, haue cōsecrate theym selfes holly to Iesu the celestiall spouse, the which wyllyngly haue crucified their fleshe to gether with the vi∣cis and concupiscencis thereof, and for the loue of theyr spouse, haue contempned and sette atte noughte that same pleasure, for the fauour of whiche only many mortall menne desiren euermore here to lyue. A true virgyn doth differre very lyttell from a mar∣tyr. A martir suffreth the executi∣oner to mangle his fleshe: a vir∣gin dayly dothe with good wyll mortifie her fleshe, she beinge in maner a turmentour of her selfe. It is somewhat more maystry to tame an ennemye taken, than to kyl him. A martyr deliuereth his body to be persecuted: A virgin kepethe her body in lowe subiec∣tion, and maketh it obedient vn∣to the spirite. wherfore shall the virgin of Christ trēble and feare the handlyng of the executioner? Shall she require rychesses, de∣lycacies, worldly pompe, world∣ly welthe, or worldly pleasures, whiche causen other to be verye lothe to leaue this lyfe? All these thinges she hath now cleane for∣saken. Shall nat she, whiche lo∣ueth nothing in this world, whi∣che is deed to the worlde, whose lyfe is onely Christe, which day∣ly maketh her turtyls mournyn∣ges, couetynge to be nerer ioy∣ned to her dere beloued spouse, & to be imbraced & clypped of hym, wil she not (I say) gladly de{per}t out of this wretched body, in the whi¦che she woteth wel she trauayleth as a pilgrim farre from her lord? what men haue suffred the tour∣mentes of martyrdom more mer¦uailously and strongly than vir∣gine Martyrs, Agnes, Cecilia, Agatha, and other theyr felowes innumerable? And therfore whā a virgin is delyuered to the exe∣cutioner, she dothe not begynne her martyrdome, but makethe an ende of that that she beganne longe before. If those thynges seeme to any manne ouer harde hyghe and difficile, lette hym re∣membre, that the professyon of a virgin is aboue the powers of man, and egall with the dignite of angels. But al they that weare blacke vayles, are not virgins. For lyke as they (accordynge to saynte Paules doctryne) whiche are true wydowes in dede,1. Timo. 5. be di∣scerned frome those, whiche by a wronge name are called wydo∣wes: and as that widowe, whych lyueth in delytes of this worlde, is sayde to be deade: ryght soo a virgin, whiche loueth any other thynge in this worlde thanne her spouse, is not a virgin. There ar in the gospel wyse vyrgins,Mat. 25. whi∣che by manifolde workes of mer∣cy and pitie, haue so prouided for them selfe, that oyle in theyr lā∣pes shall not fayle: there are in like maner folysshe virgins. And Hieremie bewayleth such vnwise virgins:Tren. 1. for the dignitie of this name is nothing mete and agre∣able for her, the which although her body hath not ben touched of man, yet her mynde hath ben de∣filed and spotted with filthy and vncleane thoughtes. She that lyueth syngle agaynste her wyll, is maried: and she that wolde be corrupted, if she might lefully, is alredy corrupted. It is a thinge of greattest difficultie, to represse and kepe downe all cogitations and inwarde thynkynges of a wauering mynd: and yet ageinst them assaylynge, there muste be defence made with prayers, re∣dynge of holy bokes, fastynges, deuoute and godly occupations: for why to assent to them is very poyson. Eua the fyrste virgin, dyd commune and talke with the serpente, and therof sprange all yuels: her eies were not chast, the which the wanton intycement of the flatterynge apple dyd adulte∣rate and defyle. The gaye costly apparaylle, the peynted face, the pleasant and mery enditynges of yonge men, the propre knackes and gyftes sente to and fro, are playne tokens and sygnes that virginitie dieth. For whose plea∣sure doth a virgin ones dedicate to Christ, ornate and trimme her selfe? Why dothe she coueyte the companye of yonge men, the whi¦che toke on her the veyle of rely∣gion bycause the worlde shoulde not se and beholde that that was consecrate to the spouse Christe. A woman that is maried, dothe decke & trymme her selfe to plese her husbādes eies: but why shuld a virgin that is maried to Christ make her selfe gorgious and gay for any erthely mans pleasure? Harke what she shuld say by the mouthe of a lerned poete, but a pagane, For whom shuld I make me fayre & gay, Or whom to please, do my diligēnce Whan of hym, that of my freshe array The onely cause is, I haue the absence. If she so did neglect to make her fresh, bicause her husbād was ab¦sent: how dare a virgin make her self friske & galtard ī this world, the whose spouse is in heuen? To what intent doth she that is ones betrouthed to Christe, stande lo∣kynge in a glasse? Yea she shuld contemplate and behold her selfe in the clere fountayn of holy scri∣pture. Why dothe she arraye hir self in those garmētes, with whi∣che he is offended? This clenly∣nesse in the eies of your spowse ar very dirty spottis, this bright beautie but sluttysshe beggerye, these swete sauours but stinking smelles. He loueth a pure spirite, a clene soule, and a well peynted mynde. What so euer the worlde hath, it is theirs, that make them selfe gorgeous and gaye for the worlde: the virgin of Christe is more richely arrayed with despi∣synge of those thynges, thanne with the aboundance of theym. She is more comely apparayled with her heares clypped of, & her holy veyle, than any bride trym∣med in sylkes, gold, precious sto∣nes, and purpull. For the dissem∣bled beautie, set out with feyned colours, hath euer ben disalowed of the Gentyles. The spowse of Christe hath as many freshe gar∣mentes, that make her gay in the syght of god, as she for her spou∣ses sake despysed ornamentes of this worlde, for precious stones she is ornated and decked with vertues, in stede of pourpull she hath charitie, for gold, wysdome, for feyned colours symplenes of mynde, for sylkes chastitie and shamefastenes: for broches and iewels, sobrenes and temperance in al her wordes and dedes. The fayre beautie of chastitie can not be defyled with sluttysshe gar∣mentes. ¶It dothe appere by olde mo∣numentes and wrytynges, howe high and howe laudable a preise it was for virgins, to wasshe the feete of myserable creatures, to washe poore folkes clothes, to at¦tende vpon sycke folke and serue theym lowely, and for the loue of Christ to handel and touch theyr bodyes ful of sores and botches. A virgin slubbred & soylled with those thynges, is most fayre and beautyfull in the syght of Christ. But for so moche as the institu∣tion of holy and deuout virgins, is now otherwise, let them stryue amonge theym selfes in the offy∣ces and workes of charitie, and prepare with theyr handes, wher¦with they may helpe and succour the pore and nedy. And if it hap∣pē a virgin at some tyme to haue cōmunication with secular per∣sons, let this be her studye, that they maye go awaye from her a∣mended by her talkynge, and she her selfe nothynge appayred. Let the example of the fyrste virgine make you more wary and sly, the which beinge corrupted by spea∣kynge with the serpente, threwe her selfe into lamentable mysery. A yonge manne with his slypper countenaunce, with his wanton eies, and with his rebaud tonge, is wors thā any serpent. Se that you folowe the newe virgin, lea∣der and princesse of your institu∣tion, she talketh not with the ser∣pent, but being close shutte with∣in her secrete chaumbres, talketh with the angelle, and therof be∣gan all our helthe. A virgin that talketh with an vnchaste yonge man, speaketh with a serpente. A virgin whiche with deuoute vo∣wes and prayers callethe vppon god, which hath her meditation in holy bokes, speaketh with the angell, or rather with her spouse. Whether of these two is mooste sure? whether is moore honeste? whether is more magnificent? Wherfore if at any tyme the de∣sire of those thynges, the whiche as right swete & noble the world braggyngely bosteth, shall tikyl your myndes: cal to remembrāce as the trouthe is, that you haue not forgone those thīges, but to your great lucre to haue made a chaunge. And therfore there is nothyng more vnfortunate than those, which letted by carnall lu∣stis, can neyther vse the commo∣dities of this worlde, which they mooste desyre, nor yet theyr owne pleasures. The worldly virgins haue theyr playe felowes, they haue theyr ornamētes, theyr spor¦tes and pastymes, theyr songes and theyr daunces, but these thin¦ges such as they be, they haue no longer than theyr freshe flourys∣shynge and tender youthe endu∣reth. But as al these thinges are to the virgins of Chryste trewe and inwarde pleasures, soo they be euerlastynge. These worldely virgyns settynge a syde the gar∣lande of virginitie, do take and put vppon theym the mantell of mariage, without dout (as saynt Paule saythe) a playne token of bondage and thraldome. But vir¦gins dedicate to god, be alwaye kepte close for theyr spouse, leste the worlde an aduoutrer shuld se theym. For Iesus is a ielous lo∣uer, he can not suffre to haue his dere derlynges sette and shewed forthe to the syght of the worlde. But whether is it more plesante and more welthy to be the hande mayde of a maried manne,Luc. 1. or the hande mayde of Christe? Ecce in∣quit, ancilla domini, Beholde (sayth she) the hand mayde of our lord. Who so euer is truely the hande mayde of our lorde, is lady of the world. O good virgin, interpre∣tate what thyng thy veyle betoke¦neth, it is the sygne of a kynge∣dome, and not of bondage. They that are veyled and couered for theyr husbandes pleasures, doo professe a worldly bondage. Nor the commaundement of maryed men, good virgins, is not alway lyghte and easye. Often tymes where you wende to haue hadde husbandes, you chaunce vppon maisters harde to please, vppon suche as are froward and neuer contented, vpon such as be curst and knauishe, vpon dycers, drū∣kerdes, riotttous spenders, vpō suche as be greatly indetted, vpō suche as be scabbed and scuruy, vppon frantycke felowes, and vppon fyghters, besydes many other more greuous and wycked condicions or diseases, whiche I speake not of. More ouer there foloweth care of the householde, care of children, busynes of kyns∣folke and frendes, stryfe in the worlde, lacke of children, bury∣enge of husbandes. For why the affliction of the flesshe is of noo symple sorte, the whiche sayncte Paule signifieth vnto them, that woll rather chose wedlocke than virginitie. My pourpose is not nowe by reason of this declama∣tiō to discriue, what so euer grefe or incommoditie foloweth mari∣age. And yet to lerne them by ex∣perience is but a wretched wyse∣dome: better it were to come by the knowlege of them by redyng the bokes of lerned men. But in case you woll not gyue credence to lerned mens writynges, than call vnto you good virgyne one of them, the whose chaunce was to be verye welle and welthylye maryed, and desyre her, that she woll vouchesafe to telle and de∣clare to you the true story of her mariage: you shal here suche re∣kenynges, that you shal nothing repent you of your pourpose. Nowe lay before your eies, the ex¦aumples of vyrgins, the whose chaunce was mooste vnluckely and vnwelthily to be bestowed & maried, of which there is a huge great company: and thynk thus, that what, soo euer chaunced to them, might chance to you. What so euer yuelles, what so euer ca∣lamities and myseries chance to them, that be maried to a mortal man, can in no wise hurt or greue those, the whiche truely, the whi∣che with harte and mynde mary them selfe to the immortal spouse Iesu. Beleue me, your spouse Ie¦sus is in nothynge sorowfulle or heuy, but in al thynges pleasant and louely. He semed some tyme to haue neyther fayre shape nor goodly beaute, but he was neuer more louely, than whan for the loue of his spouse he dyd vppon hym that same shape and forme. What mayde is she, that wolde not make farre moch more of her wower, if he being a noble mans sonne, wolde forsake his fathers ryches & tresure, & clothed with a homely husbandes wiede, wolde runne to her cotage, being a pore mayde to the intent to opteyn her to his wyfe? But what yf he re∣fuse not to be greuously woūded in hastynge hym to come to his entierly beloued spouse? Shuld not he, so poorely clothed and all bloudy with his woundes, seme more louely? whithout doubt he shulde so seme to her that loueth hym. Nowe thanne thynke with your selfes, whether your spouse shulde with a stately countenāce be of you disdayned, whiche for your sake lefte his fathers moste royall palaice, descended downe into this world, and cloking and hydynge the maiestie of his dy∣uyne nature, toke vppon hym the shappe and fourme of a ser∣uant,Phil. 1. humblyng hym selfe to the verye igmony and shame of the crosse. A monasterie to a virgin that louethe her spowse, is not a prison (as some sklaunderously do saye) but it is a paradyse. It is not lefull for you to wāder and walke aboute whither your luste leadeth you: perdye this thynge for virgyns is neyther surenor honeste, and therfore you shulde not desyre it. Excepte peraduen∣ture the example of Dina plea∣sethe you. Uirgynitie is neyther sorowfulle nor heuy, but a plea∣saunt thynge. Uyrgynitie hathe her fayre orchardes to walke in holye Scrypture, in the whiche she may sporte and play amonge that mooste goodlye companye of her spowse. O good lord with what maner companye? With Tecla, with Cecilia, with Aga∣tha, with Theodora, with Eu∣stochio, and other innumerable. Also virginitie hath her spiritu∣al garlādes, made and wrought with fresshe flowers of dyuers vertues: she hath her swete pom∣maunders and sauours, soo that virgins maye say with Sayncte Paule, Bonus odor sumus deo in om∣ni loco, That is to saye, We be a good sauoure vnto god in euery place. Also the spowse hathe his delicate and swete spirituall po∣manders, of whiche the fragrant swetenesse excellethe all aroma∣tike sauours. Whatte is more a∣miable than the name of Iesus? His name is a sweete smellynge sauour, that is sparpled abrode. The virgins being drawen with that sauoure, to folowe hym as faste as they can runne, what te∣diousnesse canne they haue or fele in this lyfe? ¶A virgin also hath her swete pommaunder, wherwith in lyke maner she pleaseth her spowse. Dum esset,Cant. 1. inquit, rex in accubitu suo, nat dus mea dedit odorem suum, That is to saye, when the kynge satte at his table, he smelled my sweete nardus.Mar. 14. And in the gospel when that Christe shulde be maryed to his spowse the Churche, the wo∣man synner powred sweete smel∣lynge oyntmentes vpon hym. Uyrgyns haue theyr harpes of Dauid, they haue the Psalter, they haue theyr songes and spi∣rytuall hymnes, with whyche in theyr hartis they synge contynu∣allye to god, gyuynge thankes, lawdynge and besechynge, and sommetyme with dulce and softe syghinges desyringe the presence of theyr spouse, if he at any tyme absent hym selfe for a season: for otherwhyle he declineth and pas∣seth forth by, not to the intent he woll leaue them, but to redinte∣grate and renewe his loue with theym. What thynge haue these worldely virgins, be they neuer so fortunate, that may be compa∣red to these solaces and plesures? The place canne not seme strayt and narowe to theym, to whom within a shorte space after the vn¦measurablenes of heuen is ope∣ned: nor they canne not thynke theym selfe to be sklenderlye ac∣compained, to whom within a ly∣tel whyle shal chance, to be in the felowshyppe and company of all saynctes. Why shulde I not say within a lyttell whyle? For howe longe I pray you, is all the holle tyme of this present lyfe? in case it happen a man to lyue tyl he be very olde: whiche thynge to how many dothe it chaunce? Wher∣fore good virgynes, aknowlege your felicitie and welth, and loke that you haue no spite nor enuye, that the world hath his iugglyn∣ges of vayne delytes and plesu∣res, aknowlege your dignite, and looke not you for the sluttysshe and fylthye marchandyse of the worlde. He sayth,Cant. 1. Nis ite cognoueris pulcherrima inter foeminas, O mooste feyrest amonge womenne, but if thou knowe thy selfe. The spouse thretteneth his virgins, onelesse they wyll aknowlege theyr bles∣sednes. But they aknowledge it not, which repent, that they haue bounde them selfes to liue a holy chaste lyfe, nor they whiche gape and loke after worldly vanities and pleasures. Calle vnto youre remembrance, to whome you be spowsed, and loue and stycke to hym with al your very hartes, in whom ones you haue al thynges the whiche are ioyfull and mag∣nifycent. Let the example of the mooste holy yonge men animate and courage you to be constant, the which shall a great deale the more reioyce & be glad, that their bodies as pledges be reserued & kepte in your Colledge, yf they mowe perceyue, that you be folo∣wers of those theyr vertues, with the which they pleased god. They ornate and garnyshe your religi∣ous company: soo in lyke maner se that you with integritie of lyfe and moste pure and honeste con∣uersations hight them agayne. They chase rather to suffer ma∣ny and dyuers kyndes of tour∣mentes and peynes, thenne they wolde ones taaste hoggis fleshe. Loke that you repute & thynke it to be hoggis fleshe, what so euer is displesāt to your spouse. If you wyll be emulaters and folowers of this most goodly conflict, you shall be part takers of theyr glo∣ry, by the helpe of your spouse Christ Iesu, whiche with the father and the holy gooste lyueth and reygneth eter∣nally.
A00342.P4	The complaint of peace. Wryten in Latyn, by the famous clerke, Erasimus [sic] Roterodamus. And nuely translated into Englyshe by Thomas Paynell.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Paynell, Thomas." ]	Anno domini 1559.	In Paules Churchyard, by Ihon Cawoode, one of the prynters to the Quenes Maiestye],	[Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Peace -- Early works to 1800." ]	YF mortall men (so it were for theyr commoditie) wold soo disdaine me, eiect me, and vtterly vndo me, that hath not deser∣ued it. I would euen nowe lament my iniury, and their ini∣quitie: but whan they euen at thys pre∣sent doo driue me, the spring and foun∣ten of all felicitie, from them vtterly lost and caste awaye, and cal vnto them the sea of all calamitie, theyr infelicitie, is more to be bewayled than is my iniury, whose chunces I am enforsed to lamēt and to haue pitie on them, with whom I had rather be angery and misconten∣tyd. For why to driue his louer from hym, howsoeuer he driueth or reiecteth hym is vnkindnes to disdaine him that hath deseruid thankes vnthankefulnes and to afflict and vndo the parente and keper of all men, is a wycked thynge. But semeth not this an extreme demē∣y and madnes, to thynke them selues vnworthy of so excellent commodityes, the which I doo bryng with me, and for these willynglye to call fo soo cruell a heape of all euylles? It is semelye and mete to be angerye with the euyll: but what other thynge canne we doo than be wayle those, that are soo dryuen and toste with furys? she whyche certenlye are for noo nother cause more to be la∣mentid, thā that they lament not them selues, nor for no other cause more vn∣happy, than that they perceue not their infelicitie. For it is a certaine grece and steppe to helth, to knowledge the great∣nes of hys infirmitie, and sickenes. For yf I peace praysd by the voyce of the Godes and men be the founten,eace. parent nurysher, augmenter and defender of all good thynges, that other the ayer hath or the earth. Yf withoute me there is nothynge flouryshynge no wheres, nothyng sure nothynge pure nor holy, nothynge pleasaunte vnto menne, nor thankfull vnto the Goddes.arre. Yf warre contrarye to al thynges, be the sede of all euylles. A certen Occean Sea of all naturall thynges, wheresoeuer they be. Yf all flouryshyng thinges through the vice of this, doo putrify, thynges incre∣syd doo dye, thynges vnderset doo fall, thynges well and subsancyall builded do peryshe, and that are swete, waxe so we. Fynallye yf it be a thyng so far from holynes, that it be a most presente pestylence of al golynes and religion. Yf there be nothyng more vnfortunate than thys one thyng vnto men, nor no∣thynge more hatefull vnto the Gods. I praye the by the immortall Gods. Who shall beleue these to be men. Whoo shal beleue that there is any crm of wyse∣dome in them, that with so greate char∣ges, so greate stody, so greate trauell, so many craesses, soo manye cares, soo many perylles do stody to cast me of, & woulde bye suche a heape of euylls soo dearelye Yf wylde beastes after thys maner woulde despyse me, I woulde beare it more easlye, and impute thee iniury done vnto me, to nature, where with the cruell inclination of nature, had done cruellye. Yf I were hatyd of dumme beastes. I would forgeue theyr ignoraunce because that strength of the mynde is denyed them, the which onely canne perceaue my gyftes. O vnwor∣thy thinge, and more than prodigious: nature hath creatyd man indued with reason, and that receuyth the wyll and mind of God, beneuolence and concorde and yet I doo soner obtayne a place among wyld beastes, howe wylde and howe brutyshe soeuer they be, than a∣monge men. And the confederations of soo manye celestiall circles, albeit theyr motion and power is not all one, yet they contynue and lyue thus manye yeares. The powers of the Elementes stryuynge amonge them selfes, doo de∣fend with equall wayte, eternal peace, and they in soo greate a discorde, with a mutuall consente and exchaunge doo noryshe concorde. And howe faythfull a consent and agrement of theyr mem∣bres is there in the body of Beastes, and howe readye is theyr mutuall defence? What thing is there more vnlyke than is the body and the soule; and yet with howe streyte an amitie hath nature bounde these two together, certes the seperation of them declareth it, therfore as life is nothing else,Lyfe. but the societie of the body & the soule, so the helth of al the qualities of the body is concord.Concor The vnreasonable bestes do lyue euerye one in his kynde ciuillye and in good agre∣ment. Elephantes doo liue in sondrye flockes Swyne and shepe paster toge∣ther. Craynes and Iayes do flye toge∣ther in companyes. Storkes the may∣sters of pitye haue theyr assembles. Dol¦phines doo defende them selfes wyth mutuall offices and dueties. The poli∣tike concorde that is among Antes and Bees is knowen. But wherto go I for¦wardes to speake of these thynges, the whiche, notwithstandynge they lacke reason, yet they lacke not perceauyng. Thou mayst knowe, that in trees and herbes there is a certaine amitie. Some be baron, except thou ioyne a male vn∣to them, a vyne embraseth an elme, a peach a vine, insomuch that insensable thinges, seme yet to perceaue the bene∣fytes of peace. And as these thynges haue not the powre of perceuynge, soo that they haue lyfe, yet they are borde∣rers vnto those thynges that perceiue. What is so brutyshe as the kynde of stones: and yet thou shalt say that they haue the sense of peace and concord. So an Adamant draweth yerne vnto hym, and drawne, doth holde it. There is al∣so agrement among ye most sauage and wild beastes. The wyldnes of Lyons doth not apere amōg thē selues. A Bore doth not moue nor shake his fyry uske agaynst a bore. And among Linces ther is peace. A Dragō sheweth no cruelnes agaynst a Dragon. And the prouerbes haue adournyd the concord of wulues. I wyll adde that semeth to be more mar¦ueilous, the wycked spirites, throughe whom the concord and peace of those ye be in heauen, and of men was first bro∣ken, and nowe is broken, are in leage among them selues, and defende that theyr tyranny such as it is, with consent and agrement men onely, whom of all other vnamitie becommeth, the which principallye haue mooste nede thereof nother nature so myghtye and effectu∣ous in other thynges canne accord, nor instruction ioygne together, nor so ma∣ny commodities procedyng of concord, vnite them, nor the felynge and expery∣ence of so many euyls reduce and bring them to mutual loue and concorde. The figure and forme of all men is ommen, and the selfe same voyce, and wher as al other kynde of beastes do dyffer mooste cheyfely amoug them selues in forme and fashion of bodyes, the vygure and force of reason is geuen and appoynted to man onely, the whych is vnto them and amonge them so commen, that it is commen to no nother beastes, & speache the principall conciler of amitie & frend∣shyp, is geuen vnto mā, the sedes of all discipline & vertuous are commonlye grafte in him, a gentle & a meke wytte bending to mutual beneuolēce yt which of it selfe deliteth to be beloued, and is plesant to do good vnto other, excepte a mā thrugh euil cupidities & lustes be as it were with Circes medicines cor∣ruptid,Circes. & of a man through degenerati∣on & going out of kynd be made a beast? Of this certēly ye vulgar & cōmō peple whatsoeuer dothe pertayne to mutuall beneuolence, doo call it humanitie and gentlenes, Nature vnto thys hath ad∣dyd teares,eares. a document and experience of an exorable nature, where by yf anye offence perchaunce hath happenyd, or any smale cloude duskyd the clearenes of amitie, they maye easelye be made frendes againe. Lo by howe many rea∣sonnes and wayes nature hath taught concorde: And yet not beynge contente with these inticementes of peace, shee would not that amitie should be onely pleasaunt vnto man, but also necessary. And therefore she hath soo parted and diuided the gyftes aswell of the body, as of the soule, that there is no man so wel furnished, but that nowe and than he maye be releuyd and holpen by the of∣fyce of the inferiours. Nor she attributh nor geueth not the selfe same, nor yet the lyke vnto all men, that this inequa∣litie myghte be made equall throughe mutuall loue and amitie. Diuers thin∣ges come forth of diuers countrise, that the very vse of them should teache mu∣tuall merytes and deseruynges. Unto other beastes, she hath attributed ar∣mur and helpe, where with they shulde defende them selues, onelye manne she hath brought forth without knowledge and feable, nor noo otherwyse in saue∣garde, than by confederations and mu∣tuall necessitie.Necessi∣tie. Necessitie inuented cy∣tyes, and necessitie hath taught the soci∣etie and felowshyp that is among them, that they ioynyng theyr strength and power together, should repell the vyo∣lence of wylde beastes, aud robbers. For in worldly thynges there is so litle helpe that mankynde euen at the begynnyug of lyfe, hadde peryshed, yf matrymo∣nyall concorde had not nouryshed and broughte hym vppe. Nor man shoulde not haue bene borne, and borne euen at the begynnyng of lyfe, should by and by haue peryshed, and lost lyfe: yf the frend¦ly hand of the mydwyfe, and frendely piety of the nurse, had not holpen the in∣fante. And nature hath planted vnto thys vse, those vehemente lytle fyers of pyetie, that thee parentes loue euen that, that as yet they haue not sene. And vnto thys she hath added the mutuall pietie of the chyldren to theyr parents, that theyr imbicilitie and weakenesse myghte mutallye be ubleuatyd and suckeryd by theyr ayde and helpe, and that it yght be vnto all lyke plausible and fauorable, and of the Grekes called mooste aptelye Atipelargosis, that is a mutuall retaliation or compensaty∣on of benefyte vnto thys are added the bandes of kyndred, and of affinitie. In some there commeth the symilitude of wyttes, of stodies, and of shape the su∣rest recnciler of beneuolene. In ma∣ny a certen secrete sense and felynge of ye mynd, a maruelous great spurge and prouocation to mutual loue and amitie, where at oure elders muche maruelde and ascrybe it to the wyl and powre of God. With thus many arguments na∣ture hath taughte peace and concorde. With thus many inticements she hath inuytyd vs vnto her, with soo manye cordes she draweth vs with soo manye thynges, she compelleth vs. And after al these thinges, what effectuous infernal fury to hurt man, these thynges beyng broken, cast a syde, and shaken of, hath plantyd in the heartes of man this insa∣tiable fury of fytynge? And but that the vse and custome doth fyrste take a waye the admiration, and than the sense of the euy, who would beleue that these men were indued with reason, that with con¦tinuall discord, controuersies, & warres contend and striue among them selues. Finally they trouble and confounde al places, both haloued and prophane with rapine bloude, and ruine. Nor there are no confederations, be they neuer so ho∣ly, that can seperate and diuide them fu∣riously ragyng agaynst them selues, to the mutuall destruction of them selues. Yea yt nothing had bene put or added vnto it, the commen vocable or name of a man, had bene sufficient for agrement amonge men. But be it so that nature, the which is of great force among brute beastes, profited nothing among men: shall Chryst therfore be of no force, nr powre among chrystians? Let the doc∣tryne of nature be of lytle effecte, yet among beastes that haue no vnderstan∣dyng, it hath great force and strengthe. But forasmuch as the doctrine of Christ is much more excellent thā the doctrine of nature, why dothe it not perswade ye thynge vnto those that professe her, the which one of al other thinges she moste principally doth coūsel: that is Peace & mutual beneuolence: or at leaste waye, teach him to forget this so wicked & soo cruel madnes of making of war. Whā I here the vocable & nature of man, by & by I rune vnto him as vnto a creature borne properly for my welth, trusting yt it shalbe leful for me to rest ther, & whan I here the title of christē men, I make ye more hast vnto thē, hauing truely good hope to reigne amnge them. But here amōg these (I am a shamed and loth to speake it) the places of iudicature, ye coū¦sel hamber, ye courtes, the tēples do so rumble & sound euerye wher wt debates & strifes, that the like is no wheres amōg the Ethnikes. Insomuch yt wher as the company of aduocates is ye gretest part of the misery & calamitie of mā,Aduo∣te. yet this is but a smale matter & a solitariousnes to the troubles of those yt goo to lawe. I behold the Citie, by and by I haue good esperaunce & hope, that there at leaste waies is good agremēt & concord amōg those yt the self same waules do enclose,Cities. ye self same lawes do rule and gouerne, & as caryd in one shippe, a commen perill and daunger dothe contayne. But O wretch as I am, y• here also doth find all thinges defiled wt dissention, & soo, that scarsely it is lefull to find any house, in the which I may haue a place for a fewe dayes. I leue of the vulgar and commen people,Uulga people. the which after the course of the Sea, are drawne wt their owne formur and troubelous motions. Now I come vnto the court of Princes, as into a cer∣certen port & hauen.Courte No dout (quod I) a∣mōg thē there shalbe a place for Peace. For they are more prudent & wise then the cōmen people, they are the eye of ye people. Furthermore they are placid in hys stede & rome, that is the docter and Prince of concorde, of whome truely I am commtndyd to all men, but specially vnto these. And al thinges doo promys me well. I see gentle salutatyons, amo∣rus, embrasynges, merye banketes, and all other duetyes and offyces of humanytye. But o vnworthy thing, it was not law∣full amonge these to beholde the onelye shadowe of true peace and concorde. Al thinges were couleyd and fayned, and with open factions and secret dissenti∣ons and hatredes corruptid. And finally I insomuch do fynde that amonge these there is no seate for Peace,Note. that from hence commeth the sprynges and be∣gynninges of al dissention and warres. But whether after thys shall I vnfor∣tunate turne me, seing that hope hath soo oftentimes deceuyd me? But Prin∣ces are rather mightier then lernid, and are ledde more by cupiditie and lust, thā by the right iudgement of the mynde. I wyll conuey my selfe to the companye of eruditie and learnyd men. Good let∣ters make men.earned en. But Philosophy more than men. Diuinitie maketh thē godes. It shalbe lawefull for me thus dryuen aboute with so many circutes to reste a∣mong these men. But alas for sorowe, beholde here in like maner a newe kind of warre not so bluddye, but nolesse fo∣lyshe and madde. One scole varieth frō a nother, & asthough the truth of thinges were chaunged, by the place, so certaine decres trauayle not ouer the Sea, certen passe not ouer the Alpes, nor certayne swime not ouer the Rhene: yea in ye selfe same vnyuerstie the Logicians maketh warre with the Rhetoricien, & the Di∣uine dothe dyscorde with the Lawer. And in the selfe same kynde of professi∣on and learnynge, thee Scotysse dothe fyghte with the Thoiste, the Nomy∣nale with the Reale, the Platonyst with the Peripatike, in somuch yt in most smal matters, they agre not, and often tymes they stryue moste cruelly for a matter of nothynge, vntyll the heat of the dysputa¦cion doth waxe more and more from ar∣gumentes to slaunders, and from slaun∣ders to buffettes. And albeit the thynge be not doone nother with daggers nor speres, yet with ther poisoned and veni∣mouse styles they wounde eche other & with bytynge tethe and tauntes, they teare one another, and one against the o∣thers, fame do violētly moue & shake the deadly dartes of theyr tonges. Whether shal I turne me, that so oftē haue prouid that I am deceiued? What remayneth but onely religion,Religiō. a secrete as it were & a holy anker whose profession, notwt∣standing it be the cōmen profession of al christians, yet they do moste peculiarlye professe it with title, apparel, & ceremo∣nies, yt commenly are commēded by the name of pristes. These therfore do put me beholding al things in good hope, y• there is a hauen prepared for me. The whyte garmentes nobilitatid with my own color, do please me. I se crosses, the tokens & notes of peace. I here the swete name of a brother, the argumēt of a sin∣guler charitie. I here the salutations of peace very happy through ye ioyful pro∣nunciation of thinges, yt be to come. I behold & se the communion of al things a colledge ioyned together, al one tem∣ple, the selfe same lawes, the quotidian & dayly conuentes. Who doth not trust yt here shalbe a place for peace? But O vnworthy thyng, the colledge doth not almost neuer agre with the Byshoppe. Thys is a smale matter, but that they thrugh dissentiō must also be deuided a∣mōg thē selues. How many preistes be ther, that are not at debate & strife ith some other preist? Paule doth iudge it a thing not to be borne, that one christen man shuld go to the lawe with another & should a preist striue with a preist?1. Cor. 6 & a byshop with a byshop? But perhappes some one will forgeue these mē, because that through long continuaunce & vse, they are come in a maner to the compa∣ny of prophane and laye mē, inasmuch as they haue begune to possesse the selfe same thynges with them. Goo to. Let them hardly vse theyr ryght, the which as it were they doo desende by prescrip∣tion. Yet thre remayneth one kinde of men, the which are so bounde to religi∣on, that yf they woulde desyre it, they can by no meanes shake it of, noo more than a tortuse her house or shell. I shuld hope to haue a place amonge these, but that my hope soo oftentymes frustratid, had taught me vtterlye to despere. And yet because I wyll leue nothyng vnpro∣ued, I wyll experiment it and proue it. Thou sekest for an ende of this matter. I departyd from noo men more gladly. For what thynge shoulde I hope for, whan teligion doth not agre wt religiō. There are as many factions, as there are feloweshyppes. The Dominicales are at debate with the Minorities. The Benedictines with the Bernardynes: as many names, so many Religions, so many euen o purpose, diuers ceremo∣nies, because that nothing should agre: euery man is pleasyd with hys owne, and hateth & condemneth other mens. The sele same felowshippe is through factions dyuyded. The obseruauntes speake euyll of the Coletes, and bothe they of the third kynde, he which haue their name of the Conuntes called Cō∣uentuales, and yet there is no agremēt among them. I nowe as it is mete and mistrusting al thinges, desyred to hyde my selfe in some litle monasterye, yt true¦ly and vnfainedly were in quiet. Thys thing I shal saye againste my wyll, the which would to god warre not mooste true. Hetherto I haue found none, that with ciuill, hatred and braulinges was not infected. A shame it is to rehearse what vnprofitable strifes & debates the elder men which are to be fered and re∣uerencid for their bearde and cloke sake, doo excite and styrre of tryfylles & vaine maters. And finally howe greatly lear∣nyd they seme vnto them selues, & howe holy. Yet some lytle hope smyled vpon me, that somewheres among so manye Mariages,Mary∣age. some maner of place, should be geuen me. For what doth not a com∣men house, a commen bed, and commen chyldren proms? Furthermore y• mu∣tual lawe of their bodies, so that yu shalt rather beleue thē to be one body made of two, than to be two. But that mooste myscheues Eris and contention is also cropen hether,Eris. and through the dissenci∣on of theyr myndes diuideth those, that with so many bondes are bounde. And yet I shall soner chaunce to haue a place amonge these, than among those which with so many titles, so many diers gar¦mentes, so many ceremonies professe or absolute charitie. But finally I desiryd thys that at the least way, a place might be appointed me in the brest of some one man. But yet that chaunsyd not, for the selfe same man dothe stryue and fyghte with hym selfe, reason maketh warre with the affections, and furthermore affection, whilst pitie draweth one wai and cupiditie a nother, striueth with af∣fection. Againe lust swadeth one thing, and anger another, ambitiō one thing, coituousnes another. And being such men, yet they are not a shamid to be cal∣ed christians, albeit that they do vtter∣ly discorde from the thinge that is vnto Chryst most cheyfe and peculier. Con∣template and behold his vniuersal life.The lyfe of Christ What other thinge is it, than the doc∣trine of concord, & mutual loue? What other thyng doo hy commaundements inculcate and repete, what hys parabls but Peace, but mutuall charitie? Dyd that noble Prophette Esaias inspyred with the celestiall spirite, and shewing that Chryst the reconciler of al thynges should come: promys that he shoulde be a ruler, or an ouer thrower of Cities? A warrier? A triumpher? Noo no. What then? A Prince of peace,Esa. 9 and because he woulde that he shoulde be notyd and vnderstandyd to be the best of all other: he notyd hym of that thynge, that he iudgyd, the beste of all thynges. Nor it is no maruell that it semed so to Esai∣as whan that Syllius the etnich poet wrote of me in thys sorte and maner.Sillius. Peace of all thinges that nature gaue vnto man is best.Peace. And that mistical poet doth agre vnto thys man sayinge.Psa, 75 His seate is made in peace. He said in peace, not in Hostes. He is a Prince of peace, he loueth peace, he is offended with dis∣corde. And againe Esaias calleth peace a worke of Iustice,Esa, 32, mening (if I be not disceyuyd) the selfe same that Paule mente, and he of troubulous Saule, was made peasable, and the doctour of peace, with what brest, with what elo∣quen dyd he preferrynge charytye aboue all other gyftes of the spryte,1, Co, 13 thū∣der oute my prayse vnto the Coryn∣thyans? whye shoulde I not glorye to be praysyd of so lawdable a man?He, 13. This manne sometymes callethe hym the God of peace.Collo, 3 In another place he cal∣leth hym the peace of God: manifestlye declaryng these two to cleaue and agre among them selues, that there canne be noo peace, where GOD is not pre∣sente, nor that God can be there, where peace is not present. Lykewye we rede in holye Write, the Angells of Peace to be called meke and the ministers of God:Psame 103. so that by it selfe it is manifest, whom we ought to take for the Angells of warre. Harken vnto me ye excellent warryers. Beholde vn∣der whose ensygnes ye warre. Certes vnder hys, that fyrst sowde dissention & discorde betwene God and man. What calamitie so euer mā doth fele, he ought to ascribe it to his dyssention and dys∣corde. A lyght matter it is that certen men do argue that God in holy Wryte, is called the God of Hostes, and ye God of vengaunce: For why there is a grete difference betwene the God of Iewes, and the God of Christen men, although that of their owne nature they are one, and the selfe same God. Or yf the olde titles do please vs, go to, let hym be the God of Hostes, so that thou take and vn¦derstand the sharpenes and front therof to be y• consent of vertue, by whose aide and helpe good men destroy vyce. Lette him be the God of vengaunce,Esaie. 1 Reg. 12. soo thou take vengaunce for the correctiō of vice, and dost referre the bloudye occision of men, wherewith the bokes of the Hea∣brues, are replenished, not to ye cutting and terynge of men in peces but to thee driuinge awaye of wycked affections oute of the brest and mind of man. But to folowe on that we purposyd. As ofte as the secret and diuine letters do signi∣fye absolute felicytye they doo it by thee name of Peace. As Esayas,Esai. 32. my people (sayeth he) shall sit in the beutifulnes of Peace. And another,Psalme 124. Peace (sayeth he) vpon Israell. Againe Esaias doth mar∣uell at the feete of those that denunce Peace, that denunce good thynges. Whosoeuer bringeth tidings of Christ,Esai. 52 bringethe tidinges of Peace. He yt dy∣uulgath warre, diuulgath hym that is mooste vnlyke Chryste. Goo to nowe, What thynge dyd drawe the sonne of God into the Earth, but that he myght reconcile the world vnto the father, and ioygne men amonge them selues, with an indissoluble charitie, and laste of all that he myghte make man hys frende. He was than an Ambasadoure for me, he dyd my busynesses.1. Psal. Re. 22. And therefore Salomon woulde beare his type and fi∣gure, the which vnto vs is called pea∣sable.1, Psa, Reg, 22 Howe great soeuer Dauid was. yet because he was a warrier, because he was defyled with bloude,1, Psa, Reg, 22, 8. he is not suffered to buylde the house of god. Nor he deseruid not in thys parte, to beare the type and figure of peasable Chryst. Nowe O thou warrier, ponder thys in the meane while, yf warres receauyd & done by the commaundemente of God do prophane men, what shall they doo, whom ambition, anger, & fury doth per∣swade? Yf the bloud of Ethnikes, being shed dothe polute the meke kyng, what shall the great ffusion of christen bloud doo? I pray ehe O thou christen Prince, yf thou be truely a christian, beholde the Image of thy Prince, obserue & marke how he entred into his kingdom, howe he proceded, howe he departed hence, & thou shalt easely vnderstande, howe he would haue the to rule, mary that peace and concord might be the some & conclu∣sion of al thy care & rule. Dyd the Aun∣gells whā Christ was borne, blowe vp their warlyke trumpetes? The Iewes vnto whom war was {per}mitted, hard the sounde of the trumpetes. These begyn∣nynges were mete and conueniente for those,Leui, 19, to whome it was laweful to hate their enemies. But ye Angells of Peace sing another maner of song to the peo∣ple of Peace. Do they call men to war? or doo they promys vyctoryes? or try∣umphe? Noo. What than at last? They denounce Peace, & the congruences wt the oracles of the Prophetes. And they denounce it not to those that breth oute murders and warre, that shewe them selues fearce to battel, but to those whi∣che with good wyll are inclinyd to con∣cord. Let men culler and say what they wyl to their own destruction & hurt: Yf they loued not war, they would not thus stryue with continuall warres amonge thē selues. Go to. What other thing dyd Chryst him selfe beinge of a good age teache. What other thing did he exprese than Peace? And nowe & than he salutid his Disciples wt the good lucke of peace. Peace be vnto you.Lc. 24, And he prescribed vnto his ye forme of gretinge, as onelye mete & worthi for christē ē.Roma, 1, And ye Apo¦stles not obliuious & forgetfull of thys precepte and commaundement, begyn theyr Epystles with Peace: and wyshe Peace vnto those whom they syngu∣larly well doo loue. He wyssheth an ex∣cellent thynge that wyssheth helth: but he that dothe desyre peace, desyreth the sume and conclusion of all felicitie. And marke with what solicitude aud care he nowe departyng thys worlde, commē∣deth Peace, the which he so often times in all hys lyfe tyme commendyd. Loue ye (sayth he) one a nother as I haue lo∣ued you.Io, 15, And agayne.Io. 14. I geue you my peace, I leue you my peace. Do ye heare what he leueth vnto hys? Doth he leue thē horsses? or a gard? or an Enpeire? or riches? none of al these thyngs. What thā? he geueth peace, he leueth peace, Peace wt his frends, Peace wt his ene∣mies. Now I wold thou shoulst cōsider, what he after the mysticall supper, the tyme of hys death beyng nowe at hand, with those hys laste prayers, desyrred of hys father. I suppose that he whyche knewe that whatsoeuer he demaunded he should obtaine it,Io. 11. would aske no vul∣gar nor no commen thynge. O holye father (saieth he) kepe them in my name that they maye be one as we be.Ioan. 1 See I beseche you, howe noble a concorde Crist doth aske for hys. He sayde not that they maye be of one mind, but that they may be one, nor that after euerye maner, but as we (sayeth he) be one: the which after a most perfect and a vnspea∣cable way are the self same. And by the way declaryng that men by this way & meanes onely, must be sauid, yf they a∣mong them selues doo nourysh mutual peace and concord. The Princes of this worlde do note and marke theyr men, & speciallye in the tyme of warre, wyth some notable note and signe, that they maye be knowen from other. But see and beholde with what note or badge Chryst hath markyd his: certes with no other thā with the note of mutuall cha, ritie, sayinge.Ioan. 1 By thys badge and note men shall knowe that ye are my dyscy∣ples, not yf ye be so or so apareled, not if ye fede vpon thys or that meate, nor yf ye fast onely, nor yf ye swallowe vp soo many psalmes, but yf ye loue one ano∣there, nor that after the commen sorte, but as I haue louid you. The preceptes of the Philosophers are innumerable, and the commaundementes of Moyses and of the kinges are diuers and many, but my precepte (sayethe he) is but one, tha is, that ye loue together. And pres∣cribing vnto them one forme of praying dothe he not euen at the begynnynge warne them of a marueilous concorde? Oure father sayeth he, it is the prayer of one, it is the common peticion of all men they are al one house, al one fami∣lye, all depend of one father, and howe agreeth it then that they shoulde make continuall warre among them selues? With what mouth or boldnes dost thou call vpon the commen faher, yf thou thrust thy swerd into thy brothers bow∣ells? And nowe because he woulde that this one thing should settell most depe∣ly in the myndes of hys, with how ma∣ny sygnes, with howe many parables, with howe many preceptes hath he re∣petyd the stody of concorde?Iohn. 10 He namethe him selfe a shepherd, and his seruaunes shepe. And I praye you, who euer sawe shepe fight with shepe: Or what shall woules doo, yf the folde teare one ano∣ther? whan the vine doth call hym selfe the rote, and the braunches hys, what other thing doth he expresse than vna∣nimitie. It shoulde seme a prodigious thing worthy to be pourgid by sacrifice, if in the selfe same vine one braunche shoulde warre with a nother: and is it not a monstrus thynge, yf a christyan shal fight with a christian? Finallye yf any thing be secret and holy vnto chry∣sten men, that should be very holy & depe¦ly setteled in their mindes, that Christe in those extreme and last commaunde∣ments making as it were his last will & testament deliuerd, commendinge those things vnto his children, y• which he de∣syred shoulde neuer be forgotten. And what other thing doth he teach, cōmyt, cōmaund, pray or desire in al these thin∣ges, but mutual loue amōg his?Ioan. 1 What doth ye communion of that holy bread & amiable cup decre, but a certē new & an indissoluble cōcord. But whā he percei∣ued ye peace coulde not stand where men striued for offices, glorye, riches, & to be reuengid: he doth then vtterly exstirpe oute of the mindes of his suche affecty∣ons and vtterly forbiddeth them not to resist euyll,Math. 5. & if they may he commaun∣deth them to do good to those that haue not deseruyd it,Math. 5. and to praye and wyshe them wel, that wishe other that is euil. And seme they vnto them selues to be christians, that for euery light iniury do drawe the greattest part of al the world to war? He commaundeth that a prince should play the minister among his peo∣ple, nor that he in no other thing shulde excell other, but that he be better than other, and that he ayde and helpe many. And yet some be not ashamed for a smal accesse and pece of grounde to be addid and annexed vnto theyr territorye, to styrre vp so greate tumultes. He teach it vs to liue with out anye store, after the vse and custome of byrdes & lyllyes. He forbyddeth vs to extend our careful∣nes vnto the next day.Math. 9. It is his wil and minde, that all we should depende from heauen.Mat, 19, He excludeth all riche men frō the kingdome of heauen, and yet certen men feare not for a lytle mony vnpaid, the whiche parauenture is not oyinge nor dewe, to shede somuche humayne bloude. And in these dayes, these seme most iust causes of making of war. And truely Christ doth no nother thing, com¦maundynge them to learne one certen thing of hym,Mat. 11. to be meke of minde and not fearce:Math. 5, and what he commaundeth the gyft to be left before the aulter, and not to be offerd before thou be in frend∣ship with thy brother, dothe he not ma∣nifestly, teach vs, that concorde is to be preferd aboue al other thinges, nor noo sacrifice to be thankefull vnto God, ex∣cept he commēd it? God refusid ye Iewes giftes, a kyd perchaunce or a shepe, the which yt they which were at debate dyd offer: & dare christen mē thus makinge war among them selues offer vp that holy sacrifice? Nowe whan he lyketh him selfe vnto a henne, gathering her chyckens vnder her winges,Mat, 13. with howe apte a signe dothe he paynte concorde? He is a getherer, and howe doth it agre, that we christen men shoulde be kytes? To the selfe it pertaynethe, that he is called the corner stone, contayning and ioigning both the walles together: and doth it not agre that his vicars shoulde moue al the worlde to battell and war, and ogne kingdomes to kingdomes? And they, as they bost them selues, haue that hygh reconciler to their prince, and yet by noo meanes they can be reconcy∣led to them selues. He reconcilyd Pilate and Herode,Lu. 23. and yet he cannot brynge hys to concorde. He that was defendyd doth rebuke Peter as yet halfe a Iwe, the whiche in iopriye of hys lyfe was redy to defend hys Lorde and mayster, & commaundyd hym to put vp his swerd:Ihon. 18 and amonge chrysten men, the swerde euen for euerye lyght matter is drawne oute agaynst christians. Woulde he be defendyd with the swerde, that dyinge prayde for he authors of his death? All christen mens letters and bokes,u, 23. whe∣ther thou rede the old or the newe testa∣ment, do sounde nothyng else but peace and vnanimitie: and all the lyfe of chri∣sten men dothe intreate of nothyng else but of warre. What cruelnes is ys more thn bestlye, the whyche with soo manye thynges can not be ouercomde, nor mitygaty. But let them eyther leue of the glorye of the tytle of christy∣anitie, or else expresse the doctryne of Chryst by concorde. Howe longe shall the lyfe striue with the name? Beutify youre houses and your garments with the Image of the Crosse, asmuche as it shall please you: Chryste shall not knowledge noo nother note nor signe, but that that he him self prescribed, that is, the signe of concorde.Actes .1. The Apostles being assembled together sawe him go∣inge into Heauen, and getheryd toge∣ther they were commaundyd to tary for the celestiall and heauenlye sprite. And he promysyd that he would continually be conuersaunte among those that were assembled, because no man should hope or truste Chryste to be anye where pre∣sente in warres. Nowe, what other thing is that fyery and flamyng sprite, than charytye? There is nothyng more commen thā fyer, and fyer without any dammage or losse is kyndled with fyer. Wylt thou knowe that the spyryte is the parente of concorde? Beholde the ende.Actes .4. He sayth that they were al of one harte and mynde. Remoue the spit from the bodye, by & by the whole composition of the mem∣bers shall fall and decaye. Take Peace awaye, the whole societie of a christyan lyfe doth peryshe. Many diuines doo at this presente affirme, that the celestiall sprite is in fudyd by the Sacramentes: if they preach and say the truth, where is the peculier ffect of the sprite, one hart & one mynde? but yf they be fables, why doo they so great honor vnto these thin∣ges? Truelye I haue sayde and spoken these thynges, that christen men should be the more a shamyd of theyr maners, & not that I would remoue or take anye thinge from the Sacramentes. And y• it hath pleasyd christen men to be called the church, of what other thing dothe it monyshe vs, but of vnanimitie? What gremente is there betwene hostes & the churche? thys doth sounde a congrega∣tion, and that a dissention: yf thon glo∣rifye that thou art apart of the Church, what hast thou to do wih war?Note. Yf thou be remouid from the churche, what hast thou to do with Chryst? Yf the self same house receyue you al, yf ye haue a com∣men prince, if ye war al for one, yf ye be consecratid & instructed with lyke Sa∣cramentes, yf ye enioye lyke gyftes, yf ye be nouryshed with lyke sipendes, yf the like rewarde be askyd and demaun∣dyd, whye doo ye make suche tumultes among you? We see that there is amōg these wycked souldiers, the which being hyred for wages, euen to the minister of slawter, gret concord, and for no nother cause, but that they go to war vnder the selfe same ensignes, and cannot soo ma∣ny thynges ioygne those, that professe pietie? Is there nothing done by so ma∣ny Sacraments? Baptisme is the com∣mon Sacramente of all other,Baptism by thys we are borne againe to Christe and cut of from the wold, are grafte in the mē∣bers of Chryste. What thing can be soo much it selfe, as the members of ye selfe same body? Of this therfore there is no∣ther bond nor fre, Barbariā nor Grke, man nor woman: but all are the selfe same in Christe, the which reduceth all thynges vnto concord. A lytle bloud ta∣styd on both partes ot of he cup,Note. dothe so ioyne the Scythes, that they tarye nor delay not to die for theyr frend.mitie. And amitie is a secrete and a bolye thynge among the Ethnickes, the whiche a cō∣men table hath conciled: and shall not that heauenly breade,Note his place for the sa¦ramente f the ulter. and that mistical cuppe contayne and kepe christen men in loue & amitie, the which Christ him selfe hath ordaynyd, the whiche daylye they doo renewe in the sacrifices? Yf Chryst hath done nothyng there and in these thynges. What nede now so ma∣ny Ceremonies? yf he went about a se∣rius matter, why doo we asthoughe he had done some light mater, neglecte i Dare any mā be so bold to come to that table the note of amytye, or to the ban∣kette of Peace, that preparethe warre agaynste chrystyans, that prepareth to lease them, for whome Chryst dyed, to drawe theyr bloude, for whom Chryste shed his bloude & O brestes more than adamātynes, in so many things ther is societie and felowship, & in life soo inex∣plicable debate. The selfe same lawe of birth is vnto al men, & the self same ne∣cessitie of age & death. All we haue the selfe same prince of kinde, and the selfe same author of religiō: we are al rede∣med wt the selfe same bloud & cōsecratid with the selfe same sacrifices, & noury∣shyd with the selfe same sacramēts, and whatsoeuer gift cōmeth of these it com∣meth frō the self same founten, & equal∣ly it is commē vnto all. We haue al but one church, & the self same reward shall all mē haue. And the celestial Iherusalē wher vnto christē mē do suspire & breth, is namid of ye vision of peace, wher of ye church in the mene while doth sustayne & bere the figur. And how chaunsith t thā that this doth so gretlye differ frō yt ensāple? Hath diligent nature profitid so litle, hath Christe him selfe wt all hys cōmaundemens, with so many miste∣ries & signes made nothing perfect? yea euilthinges (as the prouerbe saieth) re∣concile those yt be euill.The lyf of man. What is more frayle that the lyfe of mā, what is shor∣ter? vnto how many infirmities & chaū∣ches is it subiect? And yet seinge it hath more euylls of it selfe than it can well beare or suffer, yet they as mad menne call vnto them selfes the greatest part of all euylles. So greate blyndnes dothe occupye the myndes of men, that they see nothing of all these thynges: they are soo dryuen & that hedlyng, that they breke and cutte of al the bandes of nature and of Christ, and of confederations, They fyghte in all places and often, nor ther is no mea∣sure nor no ende. Nation with natyon, Citie with Citie, Faction with Facti∣on, Prince with Prince is hurt and de∣stroyed, and for the folyshenes or am∣bition of two men, the which shal short∣ly as it were with a feuer peryshe, hu∣mayne maters are troubled and torned vpsyde downe. But I wyll leue of the tragydies of the olde warre. Let vs re∣pete the Actes of a tenne yeares sense. Among what nation dyd they not fight both by sea and by land moost cruellye? What region whas not moysted & wet with christen bloud? What ryuer, what sea was not infectid and dyed with hu∣mayne bloude. O shame, they fyghte more cruellye than Iewes, than Eth∣nyckes, than wyld beastes. What war soeuer the Iewes hadde, it was made agaynst straungers, the which christen men should make against vice, with the which there is now agrement, & warre is made againste men. And yet Gods commaundement led the Iewes to bat∣tell. But ambition,Ambitī (yf thou Iudge thee thinge truely all cullers set apart) dothe violently hale christen men clene ouer∣warth: and anger a very euyll counsey∣ler,Anger, doth dryue them, and vnsaciate cu∣piditie of hauing doth drawe thē. They were busy with foriners, christen men are in leage with Turkes, and amonge them selues they haue warre. The de∣syre of glorye most commonly did stirre the Ethnicke tyranes to warre, and yet they dyd soo subdue the Barbarus and wylde nations, that it was expedy∣ent for them to be subdude, and that the victor should stody to be fauerd of those that were subdude: And they labord as∣much as was possible that the victorye might be with out bloud, that an honest fame and renome mighte be vnto hym that wanne, and the victors benignitye a solace to those that were subdued. But I am shamyd to remember for howe lyght and vayne causes christen princes prouoke the wold to war.The caue whi pryre is make warre. This prince doth finde out, or fayneth some olde or currupte title, asthoughe it wre some great mater, who should gouerne & rule the kingdme, so that the commoditie & profit of the comē wele were sene vnto. He findethe a faute that some what (I cannot well tell you what) is omyttyd in the confederation and leage of a hun∣dred tiles and articles. Thys man is priuatelye offendyd with hym for hys spouse deceytfullye cnueyed away, or for some lyght worde or mery scoffe fre∣ly spoken. And ther be (the which thing of all other is most scelerate and wickid) that through a tyrannicall deceyte (be∣cause the fele and perceiue their powre, by the concord of the people to decaye, & by their dissention to be stablyshyd) doo subourne and apoynt them, that of pur∣pose shall moue war, that they may dy∣ide those that be ioyned, and the more licentiously and frely robbe and spoyle the vnfortunate people. Other there be most nocent, the whiche are nouryshed with the damages and losse of the peo∣ple, and in the tyme of peace haue lytle to do in the commen wele. What infer∣nall furis could send in such poysen into a christen hart?Dione∣us. Who hath taught chri∣sten men this tyranny? The which nei∣ther any Dionisius, nor any Mezentius hath knowne.Mezen∣tious They are rather bestes than men, and onely noble by tyranny, nor no wheres noble nor wyse, but to doo hurte and mischefe, nor neuer in ac∣corde and agrement, but to oppresse the commen welth. And they that do these thynges, are taken and acceptid for chri∣stians, and euery where thus pollutyd approche and come to the holye chur∣ches and Aulters. O mooste pestylente personnes, worthye to be into thee ex∣treme Ilands exiled. Yf chrysten men be the members of one body, why dothe not euerye man reioyce of other mens felicitie and fortune? Now yf that king¦dome whiche bordereth vpon a nother doo floryshe in welth, it is thoughte in a maner to be a iuste and a laweful cause to make warre. For what other thinge (yf we wyll speake the truthe) hathe mouyd, or shall moue soo manye to teare the kingdome of Fraunce with armes,Fraunce and th high prais theref. but because it is the most flory∣shynge of all other? There is no kyng∣dome more ample and wyde: nor noo wheres a more noble Senate, no whers a more famous vnyuersitie, no wheres more greater concorde, and for ye cause most hyghest in power. The lawes flo∣ryshe no wheres so greatlye, Religyon no wheres more vntouchyd nor with ye inter medlyng of Iewes as among the Italions coruptid, nor infectid with ye neygbered of Turkes or Mores as a∣mong the Spanierdes, and the Hugari∣ens. Germanye (so that I speake no∣thynge of the Bohemes) is into soo ma∣ny kynges diuided, that there is no ma∣ner a face of anye kyngdome. Fraunce onely is as it were an vndesiled flowre of the christian dominion, and as a most sure castell, yf perchaunce anye tempest should aryse, is many wayes inuadyd, and with so many craftes and deceites molestyd, nor for noo not her cause, but that they should be, yf there were in thē any vayne of a christian mynde, mooste fayne and glad of. And vnto these wy∣kyd dedes they pretende a good and a iust title, thus they past & make awaye, to amplyfy and to enlarge the empeir of Chryst. O monstruous thinge, they thinke that the commen wele of chry∣stendome is not wel counseylid nor pro∣uided for, excepte they ouerthrowe thee most beutifull and most fortunate parte of christendome. What, that intreating and doing of those thynges, they passe the wyld beastes in cruelnes. All kinde of beastes fyght not, nor the conflictes of beastes ar not as we haue said before, and it is more often to be repetyd & spo∣ken of, that they maye the better remē∣ber it, but agaynst a contrarye kynde of beastes. An Adder doth not byte an Ad∣der, nor a Lynxe doth not teare a Lynxe in pecys. And agayne, whan they fight they fighte with their owne weapons. Nature hath armid them, mē are borne vnarmyd. O GOD immortall, with what weapens doth anger arme a mā? Christians doo inuade christen men wt the ingines of hell. Who canne beleue that gounes were the inuention of mā? Nor they runne not with so thicke, nor with a multitude soo harde closyd toge∣ther to their mutuall destruction. Who euer sawe tenne lyons fyghte with ten bulles? But howe often doo twentye thousand chrystyans fyghte with wea∣pons with soo manye chrysten menne? So muche pleasre it is to hurte, and so much pleasure to offende and to drawe oute the bloude of their Brethren. Nor beastes for the most parte fyght not, but whā hunger, or the care of their yong∣linges do cause them to rage. But what iniury is there so light vnto christen mē, that semeth not a sufficient and a mete cause and occasyon of warre? Yf thee comminaitye shoulde doo these thinges, they myghte pretende ignoraunce, yf they were youngemen, lacke of know∣ledge might excuse them, if they be pro∣phayne personnes, the qualitie of thee personne woulde alienate the cruelnes of the dede. But nowe we see that the seede of warre dothe mooste cheyfelye sprynge of those,Note. by whose counsell and moderatyon it was meete and con∣uenient, the motions of the people shuld be swagyd. The ignoble and contem∣nyd bulgar people doo buylde excellent Cytyes, and edifyed, ciuylye they doo rule them, and gouernynge them, they inryche them. Gouernours and rulers krepe into those Cytyes, and as was∣pes and dorres they secretelye doo con∣ueye and stele that, that by other mens industrye and laboure is prouyded and gotten: and that, that of manye is wel hepyd together, of a fewe is ill spente: and that, that is well buylded, is most cruellye broughte to ruyne. Yf they re∣member not the olde, lette who so wyll remember with him selfe, the battels & warres that haue bene foughtenne and made thys tenne yeare, and wayinge the causes, he shall fynde that they for the prynces causes haue bene begoune, and endyd with the greate dammage and losse of the people, vnto whome they nothynge pertaynyd. And that, that in tymes paste amonge the Eth∣nickes and gentylles was estemyd fyl∣thy an hore hedde (as he sayth) to were an helmette,Note. that is nowe laudable and praise worthy among christen men.Naso, An olde souldyer vnto Naso is a fylthye thing, and vnto these, a warrier of three core and tenne, is an excellent thynge. Yea, nor preistes truelye are not asha∣med, whome in time paste,. 16. God in that bluddye and vnmeke lawe of Moyses, would not they should be defiled wyth anye bloude. Diuines the masters of the christian lyfe, are not ashamyd, the pro∣fessours of the absolute religion are not a shamyd. Byshoppes are not ashamyd, Cardinals, and the vicars of Chryst are not a shamyd to be the authors and fyre brandes of that thing, the which Christ so greatly hath derestyd. How doo my∣ters and helmetes agree? what hathe a crosyer or a shepe hooke to doo wyth a swerde? what hath the gospell boke to do with a shylde? Howe doth it agre to salute the people with peace, and to stir and prouoke the worlde to mooste tro∣belous battells? to geue peace with the tounge, and in dede to sende in warre? Doste thou with the selfe same mouthe, where wyth thou preacheste peasable Chryste laude and prayse warre? Syn∣gest thou wyth the selfe same trumpet GOD and Satan? Doste thou couerid with a coule incite at the holy Sermon, the symple vnto murder the whyche of thy mouth lokydde for the Euangely∣call doctryne? Doste thou occupyinge the place of the Apostles, teache that, that is contrarye to the preceptes of the Apostles? Arte thou not aferde, leaste that, that was sayde and spoken of Chrystes messengers (howe goodlye be the fete of those that shewe forthe Peace,Ro. 10. good tydynges. and helthe) be turnyd cleane contrarye? Howe fyl∣thy is the tounge of preystes exhorting vnto warre, incytynge to euyll, prouo∣kynge to death and murder? Amonge the Romaynes as yet wyckedly religi∣ous, he that toke vpon hym to be thee hygh Byshop dyd assure with an othe, as the custome was to kepe hys han∣des clene and pure from bloude, and so, that beinge hurte he shoulde not be re∣uengyd.Uaspa∣an. And Tytus Uaspacyan an Ethnycke Emperour kept and perfor∣myd the faythe of thys othe constant∣lye, and it is praysyd of the Ethnycke wryters. But O shamefastnes vtterlye taken from manne, preystes dedycated amonge Chrysten men vnto GOD, and Mounckes the whiche pretende a further holynes than these, inflame mē to murders and slaughters. And they make of the trumpette of the Gospell Mars trumpet, and forgettynge theyr dignytie, they curse and runne vpp and downe, and suffer all thynges, so they maye styrre vppe warre, and throughe these men, Princes (the whiche perad∣uentre woulde be quyte) ar inflamed to warre, by whose auctorytie, it was meete and conuenyente, that they be∣ynge in tumultes and stryfe, shoulde haue bene quyet. Yea they them selfes, (the whiche thynge is more prodygy∣ous and wonderfull) doo fyghte, and euen for thee selfe same thynges, that the Phylosophers amonge the wycked contemned, the contempt whereof is, peculyer and proper vnto menne apo∣stolycall. A fewe yeares synce, whan the worlde was violentlye drawen by a certayne fatall sore and dysease vnto warre: the euangelycall preachers, that is the gray and the blacke Fryers, song and blewe vp theyr trumpets and kind∣led them more and more, that of theyr owne accorde were inclyned to furious∣nes. Among Englyshe men, they enco∣raged them agaynst the Frenchemen, and amoge the Frenchmen, they harto∣ned them agaynste thee Englyshemen, they instygated and prouoked al men to warre. No man prouoked to peace, ex∣cept one or two, & for me to haue named them, was vnto them in a maner death. The holy Byshoppes forgettyng theyr dignitie and professyon, ran hether and thether sharpening and troubling most diligently the publyke sores & plages of the world. And on ye one part they pricte forwardes Pope Iuly, & on the otherside Kings, as though they were not madde ynoughe of them selfes, to haste & to set forwards the warre, & yet we cloke this manifest madnes wt magnificent tytles. To this point a lytel we wrest ye lawes, the witings of good men, & the wres of Scripture most shamefully, I wil not say wickedli. Yea ye thing is almost come to this point, yt it is folishnes & wickednes too, once to opē thy mouth against war, and to prayse that, that is onely praysed by the mouth of Chryste. He semeth to counsell the people very slenderly, and to fauer the prince very litle, that coun∣seleth the thing of all other most helth∣some, and disswadeth from the thynge of al thinges most pestilent. Now prei∣stes doo folowe the Hostes. Byshoppes bere a rule in the Hostes, and leuynge their churches, they do Bellonas busy∣nesses.Bellona. Yea warre doth nowe ingender and make preistes, it maketh Byshops, it maketh Cardinales, of the which ho∣norable tytles the legate of the campe is had and estemid worthye of the suc∣cessours of the Apostles. And it is the lesse to be marueld at, yf they, whome Mars engendred, doo desyre warre. And to thentent the sore should be the worse to be helyd, they culler such wickednes with the figure and face of pietie. The ensignes and standardes haue cosses. The wicked souldier and hyryd for mo∣nie to teare & murdre men, doth bere be∣fore hym the sygne of the crosse,Of Chri¦ crosse & that, that onely is able to disswade warre, is the sygne of war. O thou wicked souldi∣our, what hast thou to do with ye crosse? with these and such mindes and dedes. Dragons, Tigers, and Woules drawe together. Thys signe is his that hathe wonne, not by war, but by death, which sauid and lost not, the whych thing the enemies with whome thou hast to doo, yf soo be thou be a chrysten man, maye most chefely warne the, & how ye maiste obtayne the vpper hand. Thou making hast to destroye thy brother, dost bere ye ensygne of helthe, and with the crosse dost lese and destroye him, that is sauyd by the crosse. What a thing is this, that men euen from those secrete and reue∣rent Sacramentes runne to warre (for these also are brought into the hoste, in the which most specially is representyd the chefest concord of christen men) and drawe theyr nakyd swerdes agaynste their brethren, and make Chryst a loker one (yf he vouchesafe there to be pre∣sente) of suche a wycked dede, as of all other is mooste acceptable and gratious vto the wycked spyrites. Fynallye the Crosse of Chryste, whych thyng is most absurde and not to be harde, dothe shyne and is secrete and holy in both the hostes and battells. What a monstrus thynge is thys? Dothe the Crosse fight againste the Crosse? Doth Chryst make war against Christ? Thys sygne of a chrysten name is wont to feare the ene∣mies? Why doo they fight against that, that they adore and worshyppe? I be∣sche you,Our lor∣des praier what dothe the souldyer pray in these Sacryfyces. Oure Father. O vnshamefaste face, darste thou call hym father, that goest aboute to sleye thy Brother? Halowid be thy name. Howe canne the name of GOD be more dishonestyd than wyth these tu∣multes that are amonge you. Thy kyngedome come. Prayste thou soo, that wyth suche aboundaunce of bloud goest aboute tyrannye? Thy wyll be fulfyllyd in Earthe, as it is in Heauen. Hys wyll is to haue Peace, and pre∣parest thou warre? Thou of oure commen father desyrest dayly bred, and yet thou dost burne thy Brothers corne, and haddest rather it shoulde peryshe as concernynge thy selfe than profyt hym. Now wt what mouth shalte yu say thys, And forgeue vs oure respasses, as we forgeue those that trespasse agaynst vs, that dost make hast to sley thy Brother? Thou that with thy owne peryll doste drawe thy brother into peryl and daun∣ger, dost praye, that thou mayst auoyde the daunger of tentation. Thou desy∣rest to be deliueryd from euyl, by whose instincte and motion, thou cratly gste about to do thy brother al euil & mishif. Plato denide it to be calde war,Plato. that ye Gretians shuld moue agaynst ye grekes, it is seditiō saith he. And vnto these, war is sacrete and holy, the which a christy∣an for euery light cause, & wt such sl∣diours & armur, maketh agaynste ano∣ther. The lawes of ye Ethnickes do cast him sowde in a bagge of leather into a ryuer that doth moyst or wet his swerd with the bloud of his brother. Are they lesse brethren whom Christ hath coplid, than they whome consanguinitie hath ioygned? And yet here is a rewarde for the paracyde. O the myserable chaunce of those that war. He yt ouercūmeth is a paracyde, & he that is ouerthrowne, doth peryshe, and yet that notwithstan∣dyng, he because he went about to mur∣der his parents, is culpable of paracide. And after all this, they detest and curse the Turkes as wycked personnes and alienate from Chryste, euen asthoughe that they, whan they do these thynges, were chrystyans, or asthoughe a more pleasaunte spectable coulde be exhyby∣tyd vnto the Turkes, than yf they sawe them wyth mutuall and lyke weapens kyll them selues. The Turkes doo sacryfyce vnto deuylles, but whan there is noo sacryfyce more acceptable vnto them, than yf one chrystyan sley ano∣ther, what other thynge dost thou then but that, that they doo? Further∣more the wycked sprytes (whan that he in lyke maner that kylleth, and he that is kyllyd are made a sacrifice) haue a doble sacrifyce, who so fauerth the Tur∣kes, or is a frend vnto deuylls, doth oftē¦tymes offer suche lyke sacrifices. But I longe sense do here what excusys wit∣ty and wyse mē shal make to their owne destructiō. They cōplaine that they are compellyd, and drawne vnto warre agaynst theyr wylles. Laye of thys vy∣ser, and excuse, awaye wyth thes coulers, counsell with thy owne breste and conscience, thou shalte fynde that anger, ambition, & folyshenes do drawe the hether, and no necessitie: except par∣aduenture thou vnto this ende dost me∣sure necessitie, yf in all poyntes it satis∣fyth not thy mynde. Carrye these fayre wordes vnto the people,Gal. 9. god is not deri∣ded, nor with cullers deceyuyd. And in the mene whyle, solem supplications & processions are made, peace is desirid, & prayd for with gret and loude clamurs, we crye oute with marueilous gret low¦inges, graunt vs peace we praye thee: here vs. Shall not god iustly annswere these. Why do ye laugh me to scorne? ye praye me to put of, that wyllynglye ye do call vnto you, ye refuse by prayer that ye are authors of. Yf euery offence causeth warre, who hath not a cause to complayne hym? Mannye thynges chaunce betwene the husbande and the wyfe, the whyche must be wync∣kydde at, excepte thou hadst rather that beneuolence and loue shuld be bro∣ken. And yf there be anye such sprunge amonge prynces, what nede is there by and by to be drawne to warre? There be lawes, there be lerned men, there be worshyppefull Abbotes, there be reue∣rent Bshoppes, by whose helthesume counsell the tumultes of thynges may be composyd and swagyd. Why doo they not rather make these men arby∣trers, the whyche they cannet obtayne to be soo vniust vnto them, but that they shall departe with lesse hurt, than they shoulde by the experience and profe of war.Note. There is scacely any peace so eui, but that it is better, than the most equal war. First ponder euery singuler thing, that requyreth, or that bringeth in war, and thou shalt perceiue how gret gaine thou shalte haue.The Popes ucritie The auctoritie of the Pope is mooste excellent, but whan na∣ions and princes do striue tumultuous∣ly with wicked warre, and that manye yeares, where is then the Popes aucto∣ritie, where is the powre than next n∣to Chryste? In thys thynge ertaynelye it shoulde be shewed, yf they were not bwnde with like cupidities. The pope calleth to war, men doo obeye, the selfe same calleth to peace, why doo they no obey in like maner? Yf they rather desir peace, why did they ioyfully obey Iulye the author of war:Iuliu. no man scacely obei∣ed Leo prouoking to peace & concord. Yf the Popes authoritie be most holy, Cer∣tes it ought than to be most in force, as ofte as he prouoketh to that, that christ dyd teache mooste speciallye. But they whome Iulius coulde styrre vnto mor∣tall war,Leo. whan Leo that mooste holye Pope prouoking thē by so many menes to christian religion could not do ye same do declare that vnder the pretence of the Churche. they haue seruyd their owne lustes and cupidities, so that I saye no∣thinge more sharpely. Yf euen from the hearte ye doo hate war, I shall counsell you, howe ye may defend concord. Per∣fect peace doth not consiste in affinites, nor in ye confederations of men, of thee which we do oftētimes perceiue and se, ye wares do rise & spring. The fountens wher out this euil dothe breke, muste be purgid, euil cupidities & desires doo en∣gēder these debates and tumultes. And whilst euery mā doth serue & please hys affectiōs, ye cōmē wele in ye mene seson is afflictyd and troubled, and yet noo man attaineth the things ye he by euil menes and wayes doth desyre.An exhor¦tation vn¦to princes Let princes be wyse for the profit of the people, and not for their owne profite: and let thē true∣ly be wyse, that they maye mesure their maiestie, their felicitie, their riches, their glory wyth those thynges, that truelye and in dede make men greate and excel∣lent. Let them be of sche a mynde to∣wardes the commen weale, as a father is towardes his familye. A kynge shall esteme and iudge hym selfe greate and noble, yf he commaunde and rule those that be good, and happy, yf he make his fortunate and welthy, and noble, yf he commaunde and gouerne those that are free, and rych, yf he haue rych subiects. And floryshyng, yf he haue Cities that floryshe with perpetuall Peace. And ye noble men and magistrates shall ensue and folowe the mynd of the prince, and shall measure all thinges with the cō∣moditie and profite of the commē wele, and by this wayes & meanes they shall far more iustly prouide for their owne commodities. Shall a kynge that is of this minde, besone mouid to extort mo∣nye of his subiectes, to geue it vnto a barbarus and a straung souldier? Shal he driue his to famyne and hunger, to enriche certē wickid Capitaines? Shall he obiecte and cast his subiectes liues to so many daungers? I thincke no. Lette him thus far exercyse his empeire, that he beyng a man, remember that he ru∣leth men, a freman, fre men, and at lest, a christen man, christen mē. And in like maner the people shal so far forth honor hym, as it shall seme profitable for thee commen welth, nor a good prince shuld aske, nor exacte no nother thinge. The consent and agremente of the citizens, shal diminishe the cupidities of an euyl Prince. Let the cause of priuate commo¦ditie, be farre of from them bothe. Lette great honor be shewed vnto those that exclude warre, and that by wyt or coun∣sell shall restore concord, and that goth aboute by all meanes, not to gather to gether a greate strengthe and force of men and munition, but that there be no nede of them. The which most goodlye act and dede we rede that DioclitianusDiocli¦anus, one among so many empereurs, in hys minde and thought conceyued. But yf warre cannot be auoydyd, yet let it be so vsyd, that the myschyfe thereof maye fall vpon their heddes, that gaue the oc∣casion and causes thereof. Nowe the princes make war in sauegard, the cap∣tens encrece thereby, the greteste parte of the euills and losses is powryd vpon the husband men and commen people, vnto whom the warre pertayneth not, nor that gaue no cause nor occasion ther of. Where is the wisedome of the prince yf he waye not these thynges? There must a mene be founde, wherby it maye be appoynted that Empeirs chaung not nor as it were walke not vp & downe so often,Note. for the renouation and renuynge of thinges dothe engender tumultes, & tumultes warre. And this may easelye be done, yf kinges children were mary∣ed within the borders of their dominy∣on, or if it so like him to marye thē to the borderers, for so the hope of succession is cut of frō thē al. Nor let it not be lawful for the prince to alienate or to sell anye part of his dominion, asthough free cy∣ties were priuate lande. For the cities which are rulid by kinges are fre cities, and they which tyrannes ouerpresse doo serue. Nowe by the alteration of suche mariages it chaunsith that he that is borne among Iryshe men, shal sodenlye rule those of Inde: or else he that rulid ye Syrians, shal sodenly be kyng of Eng∣land, so it chaunseth that neither of thee realmes hath a prince, for whilst he lea∣uith the fyrst, of the last he is not know∣en, and vnto them he is as a man borne in a nother worlde. And in the mene se∣son that he purchaseth ye, whylst he ouer cōmeth it, whles he stablisheth it, he cō∣sumeth & destroith the other, & sometime whylst he stodeth to embrace bothe, he scacelye mete to rule one, leseth both. These princes wil once agre what eche of thē ought to rule and gouerne, & y• no affinitie shal ether extend, or diminishe the borders of their dominion once geuē & delyuerd vnto thē, nor no confedera∣tions exstirpe nor destroy thē. And euery one of them shal labour and trauell as∣muche as he may possible, to adurne his part & portiō, & geuing al his stody & dili∣gence vnto that parte onelye, shall tra∣uayle to leaue it enryched with al good∣nes and ryches vnto his chyldren. And by this menes it shal come to passe, that in all places all thynges shall floryshe. But amonge them selfes they muste be coupled and confederated not with affy¦nytes,owe rinces ughte to confede¦yd. nor with factious socyetes, but with pure and syncere amytie, & cheyfly with cōmen and lyke stody of forderyng and encresyng the common welthe. Let him succede the kyng that is eyther next of kyn, or iudged most meete by the suf∣frages and voyces of the people, and let it suffyce other to be reputed and coun∣ted noble amonge those that be honest. It is a kyngly thynge not to know pry∣uate affections,Note. but to esteme al things for the publyke and common vtylytie. Forthermore a Prynce shall exchewe longe peregrenacions, yea he shulde ne∣uer wyll ne desyre to passe beynge thee boundes and borders of his kyngdome: and he shal remembre the saying appro∣ued by the longe cōsent of worlds. The forhed is more excellent, than is ye hinder part. A Prince shal esteme him self to be enryched not by the takyng awaye of o∣ther mens, but yf he encrease his owne. Whan warre must be entreted & spoken of, let hym not call yonge men to coun∣sayle vnto whome warre is pleasaunte and swete, because they are vnexperte,Cal none of these to counsell. how muche euyll and myscheyfe it hath and conteyneth: nor those, vnto whome it is profytable that publyke tranquily∣tie be troubled: nor those the whiche are nouryshed and made fat with the cala∣myties of thee people. He shall call wyttye auncient and olde men, whose mercy and beneuolence is knowen vn∣to the countrye. Nor let not war be mo∣ued for the pleasure or lust of one or two, the whiche once begonne is not easelye ended. It is a moste peryllous & a daun∣gerous thing, except it be taken in hand by the consent of all the people. The occasyons and causes of warre muste euen oute of hande beforetolde and de∣clared. But yet certayne must be wyn∣ked at, for gentylnes shall inuyte and prouoke gentylnes. Some tymes peace muste be boughte. And yf thou caste what warre shall consume and waste, and that thou shalte kepe thy Cytizyns from destruction, it shall seme, although thou dyddest bye it full dearelye, to be boughte for lytell. And whan a greate dale moore, besydes the bloude of thye Cytizyns, shoulde haue bene spente in warre: thou shalte reken howe greate and manyfolde euylles thou exchuidst, and howe muche goodnes thou defen∣didst, so shalt thou not repente the of thy expenses and charges. In the meane tyme lette Byshoppes doo theyr offyce and dueties. Lette Preystes be truelye Preystes. Lette Monkes remembre theyr professyon. Let Dyuynes teache that is worthye and meete for Chryste. Let all menne conspyre agaynst warre. Let all menne barke agaynst it. Lette all menne preache, extole and inculcate peace pryuatelye and apertlye. Then yf they cannot brynge it to passe that it be not ended by the swerde, yet certes they shall not approue it, nor be pre∣sent thereat, nor that any honoure by theyr aucthorytie be hadde or gyuen too suche a wycked, or to suche a suspecte thynge. Let it be suffycyente for those that be slayne in battell, to be buryed in Pro∣phayne and vnhallowed grounde. And yf there be any good in this kynd, the whiche surelye are very fewe, they shall not for these thynges be defrauded or lease theyr rewarde. But the euyll and wycked, the whyche are manye, shall not be pleased that thys honours be taken from theym. I speake of these warres that commonlye Chrysten men make agaynst Chrysten men. Nor I meane nor thynke not soo of those, that with a symple and a relygyous stodye, and dylygence doo repell thee vyolente incrcyons of thee Barbaryens, and with theyr owne peryll defende the pub¦lyke and common tranquylytie. Nowe the Trophees and sygnes of theyr vic∣toryes, dyed and stayned with the bloud of those, for whose saluacyon Chryste shedde his bloude, are auaunced and set vp in temples among the Images of the Apostles and Martyres: as thoughe that hereafter it be a Relygious worke not to be made Martyres but too make Martyres. It were suffycyente ynou∣ghe that these thynges were kepte in a place of iudgement, or in an arma∣ry, for it is not conuenient yt any thing defylyd with bloude, shoulde be receuid into the holy churche, the which oughte to be most clene and pure. Preistes con∣secratid vnto God shuld not be presente, but to destroye and disanull warre, for if they consent and agre vnto these thyn∣ges, and euery where inculke and re∣pete the same, it wylbe of greate force & strength. But if this be a fatall disese of mans wyr, that be no meanes it cannot endure with out war, yet let this euyll then rether be shed against the Turkes,How tur¦kes shuld be aluryd to christ. althoughe it were better to alure them by doctrine, good dedes and by the in∣nocency of lyfe to Christes religion, thē to inuade them with war. But if war (as I haue sayde) cannot in no wyse be auoided, yet that were a liter & an esier harme, than that christen men should so wickedly make war and be hurt and de∣stryde among them selfes. And if mu∣tuall charitie do not vnite them, some commen enemye by some meanes or other shall ioygne them, soo that there shalbe as it were a certayne concorde, althoughe that true concord be absente and lackynge. Finally it is a great part of peace, from the hart to wyll Peace. All such vnto whom peace is plesaunt, do receaue al occasiōs of peace, y• things which do withstande it, either they neg∣lecte them, or ells they remoue them, & suffer manye thinges, so tha soo greate goodnes may be safe and sounde. They searche the begynnynge and causes of war, the thinges that pertaine to peace, they prayse them, or else they dissemble them, but that that doth tende towards warre, they encrese and make it worse. I am a shamyd to open for howe vayne & tryflynge maters they excie and stirre greate tragedies, ad howe great tem∣pestes doo ryse of so smale sparcles. Thē that greate multitude of iniuryes is re∣membred, and euerye man dothe heape on hys owne euills and iniuryes done vnto him, but in the mene space of good dedes there is noo remembraunce, but depe forgetfulnes, soo that thou shalte truelye swere, that they desyre, and co∣uette warre. And oftentimes their are pryuet mat∣ters of princes, the which cōpel ye world to war. But the cause why that warre shuld be takē in hand, should be publike and more thā euident. But whā ther is no cause they faine causes of dissentiō a∣busing ye vocables of coūtris & regions to ye nourishmēt of hatreds, & noble men do nourishe & encrese this error of ye folyshe people, & abuse it to their owne profyte and commoditie, & certē preistes also doo nourishe these things. The englishe mā is enemi vnto ye french mā, for no nother cause, but yt he is a french mā. The eng∣lyshe mā for no nother cause doth hate a Scot, but bicause he is a Scot. The Ger¦maine is at debate with the frenchman, the Spaniarde wt them bothe. O ouer∣wartnes. The vaine vocable of ye place disioyneth men. Why shuld not so ma∣ny thinges rather reconcile thē? Thou Englishe man dost hate a french man, why dost not thou a man, rether be wel∣willyng vnto mā? a christian man vnto a christian. Why can so voyde and soo lyght a matter do more with these men, than so manye bandes of nature, or of Chryst? The place doth seperate and di∣uide mens bodies, but not theyr minds In times past the Rhene separatyd the french man from the Germaine, but the Rhene doth not separate a christian frō a christian. The mountens pyrines dy∣uide the Spaniardes from the Italiens, but the same diuide not the communion of the Churche. The Sea diuideth eng∣lyshe men from frenche men, but it dy∣uideth not the societie and felowshyppe of relygyon. Paule the Apostle disday∣neth to here these voyces among christē men.1. Cor. I am Apollos, I am Cephas, I am Paules disciple. Nor he suffereth not wycked names to diuide Chryste recon∣cylynge all thynges: and we iudge the commen vocable and name of a country to be a graue and a wayghty cause why one nation should bende towardes the destruction of a nother. Nor thys surely vnto somme mennes myndes is not suffycyente, for thou doste here that shrewdelye and of purpose they doo seke occasyons of debate and dyuysyon, they dyuyde Fraunce and those thynges wyth vocables, the whyche nother sea, mountens, nor true names of regi∣ons diuide. Of French men they make Germaines, that throughe the felow∣shyppe of the name, amitie shoulde not growe and encrece. Yf a Iudge in odi∣ous actions, as of diuorse, doth not light¦lye receyue theyr controuersies, nor ad∣mit euery probation, why do these men in a thinge of all other most odious, ad∣mit euery vayne and lighte cause? But let them rather thinke and take the ma∣ter as it is, that thys worlde is the com∣men countrye of all men. Yf the tytle of the countrye do reconcile all men, borne of the selfe same elders, yf affynytye of bloude makethe frendes, yf the churche be one famyly and equallye commen to al men, yf the selfe same house do couple and ioygne frendshyppe, it is mete that wyse and witty men should hange and cleue to thys parte. Thou sufferest and berist sume thynges with thy father in lawe, and for noo nother cause but be∣cause he is thy wyues father, and beryst thou nothynge wyth hym that in fe∣loweshyppe of relygyon is thy brother? Thou forgeueste many thinges for the propinquintie and nighnes of kindred, and forgeuest thou nothing for the af∣finite of religion? Truely ther is no bād that bindeth more streyghtlye,A very sure hād. than the sodalitie and felowship of Christ. Why is that thing onely before our eies, that doth exulcerate and hurte the harte? Yf thou fauer peace thinke thus rether, in thys he hath hurtyd me, but at other tymes he hath often profited me: or by some other mans impulsiō he hath hin∣dred and hurted me. And as they that call men to concorde laye the causes of dissention that were betwene Agamē∣non & Achilles (as Homere doth write) to the Godes Aten,Aten. so let those thinges that at no time can be excusyd, be impu∣tyd to desteny, or yf ye will, to some euyl God, and let hatred be translatyd from men into these thinges. Why are they wyser to their owne destruction, than to defende felicitie? why are they more quicker of sighte to euill, than to good? They that are sumwhat more wyse doo or euer they go aboute any priuate ma∣ter, delyuer, consyder, and loke aboute them: but they, theyr eies beynge clo∣sid and shut vp, cast them selues hedling into warre, namely whan it is once be∣gunne, it cannot be auoydyd, yea of a litle, it is made great, and of one, many, and of an vnbluddy, a bluddy, and chefe¦ly whan that thys tempest doth not af∣flicte and punyshe one or two, but in lyke maner incloseth al men. Yf the cō∣men people do lyghtly waye these thin∣ges, yet it is the princes and the nobily∣ties parte to ponder and way them. It is the preistes parte by al meanes to sta∣blyshe these thinges, and to laye them vnto the wyllynge and vnwyllynge, they wyll cleue and take place, yf they be harde in all places. But doste thou make warre? Fyrste beholde what ma∣ner a thing peace is, and what war is. What profytte Peace bryngeth, and what uyll and disprofite warre bryn∣geth, and so shalte thou perceaue whe∣ther it be expediente to permytte and chaunge peace for war. Yf it be a thing to be marueylde at, a kyngedome flory∣shynge euerye where with all thynges, with cities wel builded, with feldes wel anerid & tild, with verye good lawes, with moste honest disciplines, wt moste holy maners: thinke with thy selfe, yf I make war, this felicitie shalbe troubled by me. On the other syde, if thou at any time hast sene the ruine of Cityes, the∣stretes decayed & broken, the churches consumyd with fire, the feldes desolate,The frutes of warre. and this miserable spectacle and syghte, as it is, is sene, thinke this to be y• frute of warre and battell. Yf thou thinke it greuous to bring into thy country such a scelerate and fylthy company of hiryd souldiours, to nouryshe & fede thē with the dammage & losse of thy Citizins, to serue them, to slatter them, yea and to commit thy selfe & thy helth to theyr ar∣bytriment, loke that thou thinke this to be the condition of war. Yf thou abho thefte, warre dothe teache it, yf thou de∣test paracide, that is learnt in war. For howe shal he feare beyng moued to sley one, that hyrid for so light a stipend doth sleye and murder soo manye? Yf the neglectynge of the lawes be mooste presente pestilence of a cōmen wele,The neg¦lecting of Lawes. the lawes in yt time of war, shal kepe silēce, yf thou esteme adultery, incest & filthier thinges than those to be fylthye, war is the mayster of all these thinges. Yf im∣pietie and the neglecting of religion be the spring of al euills,The spring of l euils. these thyngs by the tempestes of war are ouerthrown. Yf thou iudge the state of that comen¦wele to be euill, wher they that ar worst may doo most, in war they that are most scelerate and most euyll, do reygne.Note. And theyr workes whome in time of Peace thou woulst crucify and hange vppe, in war are chefest and most regardid. For who canne better lede an armye be by∣wayes, than an exercised thefe? whoo shall more strongelye robbe other mens houses, or spoyle Churches, than a brea∣ker downe of walles, or a sacrilegious person? Whoo shall more coragiouslye smyte hys enemye, or with his swerde drawe oute hys bowells, than a swerd player, or a paracide? Who is so meete to set Cities a fyer or ingentes of war, than he that is a burner of houses? who shall so wel contemne the perils of flu∣des and seas, as a pirate exercised with long robbery? Wilte thou manifestlye knowe & see, howe wicked a thng that warre is, marke and consider those wel that doth make it.Note. Yf vnto a religious prince nothing should be more acceptid than the helth and welfayre of his sub∣iectes, this man most speciallye shoulde hate war. Yf it be a princes felicitie to rule & gouerne his daughters, he muste most chefely embrace peace. Yf we shuld principally wyshe vnto a good prince, that he might rule those that were best, he must nedes detest warre, where oute¦flo with the pumpe of all impietie. Yf he thinke al yt his citizins do possese to be hys, he be all menes must nedes auoide war, ye which, so that it chaūce happely, doth consume all mens substaunce, and the thing that hath bene purchasid and gotten by honest artes and menes, must be spent vpon a cruel sorte of hang mē. Now they most diligētly must way this thinge, that euery mans one cause doth flatter hym, and that euery mans hope doth please hym, and whan it is moste often very euil, yet vnto him that is mo∣uyd it semeth most right and equal, and this doth often times deceiue thē. But faine the cause to be most iust, faine the ende of the war to be moste profitable & prosperous: cast with thy selfe the incō∣modities wher with the war was made and the cōmodities the which thou hast obtaynyd and gotten by the victory, and marke whether to wynne be of so gret a valure.The in∣commodi¦ties of warre. An vnbludlye victorye dothe scacely chaunce at any time. And nowe thy men be polutid wt humaine bloude. Besides this, count the losse of maners and publike discipline, the which with no vtilitie and profite can be restoryd. Thou consumest thy tresure, yu spoildst thy people yu dost burdē those yt be good, thou dost stir & prouoke the vnhonest to myschife, nor after that ye war is fyny∣shed y• reliques thero ar not by & by pa∣cifide. Handy craftes, & occupations do decaye, the exchaunges & resortinge to∣gether of marchaūtes are shut vp. And to inclose thy enemy, yu art compelde to exclude thy sle frō many regions and countries.Peace makethe al things commen. Before the war, al regions & countryes that borderd vpon the were thine, for peace by ye exchaūge of things make al thinges cōmen. See & beholde how gret a thing yu hast done, the domi∣nion whiche is chefelye thine, is nowe scacely thine. And to besege a litle town how many ingents of war & tentes are nedeful? And to ouerthrow a very town nedes must yu make & build a coūterfete, but yet thou mightest with lesse charge haue builded a very towne. And to lette thy enemy to comforth yu as a banyshed man frō thy countrye, dost slepe vnder ye cope of heauē. It would haue cost ye lesse to baue buylded newe walles, than to batter & throwe thē downe with bom∣bardes and ingentes of warre, that are buylded. Here I dare not rekē ne counte what sommes of monye haue rune tho∣rowe the exactors, receuers, and Cap∣tens fingers, y• which is no smale part. And if thou shulst reuoke & call euerye singuler thing to the iuste accountes: I willingly wold suffer thou shulst euerye where eiect me, if yu find not that peace mighte haue bene boughte for the halfe parte of the expensis. But if thou shulst remit any part of iniurye, thou woulste repute thy selfe to be of a smale corage. Yea there is noo probatyon more certenne of an abiecte,Note. and of an vnkyngly mynde, than to be reuenged. Thou thynkest that sumwhat it should diminyshe thy maiestie, yf hauyng to do with some Prince bordering vpon the, & perchaūce thy kinsman, or affyne, & that in times past had done for the, thou shulst remytte parte of thy ryghte. But howe muche more abiectly doste thou dyspyse thi maiesty, whan that now & than thou shalt be compelled to please the Barba∣rus cōpanyes & vylest dregges of all sce∣lerate & myscheuous persons, the which shall with golde neuer be fylled nor sa∣tisfyed? whyles that thou as meeke and with prayers doste sende Ambasadours vnto the Cares a most vile & hurtful peo¦ple?ares. whylst thou cōmittest thy life, & thy peoples goods & substaūce to their faith that haue neyther consideracion nor ho∣lynes. But yf peace shal beseme to haue any iniqitie, beware yu thinke not thus, this I lease, but I bi peace so much. For a subtiler disputer shal say, I wold yf the thing perticulerly pertained vnto me, sone graūt it. I am a prince & whether I wil, or ni, I rule ye cōmon welth. He shal not litely cōmense nor begyn war, that loketh vpon nothing els, but that is pub¦lyke, but truly we se the contrary, & that al causes of war be nouryshed and fed of those things, that pertaine nothing vnto the people. Wilte thou defende this or that part of thy dominion, what is this vnto the people? Thou wlt be reuēged vpon him that hath forsaken thy daugh∣ter, what is this to the common welth? to expende and way these thinges, & to forese them, is the point of a very wyse man, & of a noble Prince. Who at any tyme hath ruled more at large, or more nobly or gloriously than Octauius Au∣gustus?Augu∣stus. Atis also desyred to giue vp and resygne his Empere,Atis. yf he had sene any other Prince more profitable for he cō∣mon welth. This sayinge of a certayne Emperour is of noble Authors mery∣toryously & worthely praised. My chyl∣dren, saith he, shal spare me, if any other can better gouerne and coūsell the com∣mon welth. These good wyls & myndes the hethen shewe vnto the cōmon wele. But as cōcerning Christes religiō, chri∣stē princes esteme christē people so litel,Note. that eyther they wil with the most gre∣uous destruction of the worlde reuenge their cupidites & lustes, or els fulfil thē. Nowe I doo here certaine other in this wise say the contrary, deniyng thē selfs to be in sauegard, except thi may sharp∣ly repell the violence of ye wicked.Antoni∣i. Why were not the onely Antonini the meke & the Philosopher among the innumera∣ble Emperous of Rome, inuaded? but bicause no man ruleth more surely than he,Note. that is prest & redy to giue that ouer, that he gouerneh for a cōmon welth, & not for him selfe. And yf nother ye snse of nature, nor ye respect of pietie shal no∣thinge moue you, nor yet so great cala∣mitie, certes ye shame of a christen name shal reduce your mindes to cōcord. How great a porcion of the world do christen men possesse? And yet this is that Cytie sytuated vpon the highe mountaine, & made a spectacle both vnto god & man. But what shall we thynke, that ye ene∣mies of a chrysten name do meane and speake, what infamie they vomyte oute agaynst Crist, whan they se hat chri∣sten men do stryue amonge them selfes for lighter matters than the Etnikes, more cruelly thā the wicked, with more cruell ingents of war thā they? Whose inuencion was the bumbarde & gunne,Gones. was it not the inuēcion of christen men? And that the thinge might be more dis∣dained, they name them by the names of the Apostles, & their Images are gra∣ued vpon them. O cruell derision. Shal Paule the continuall exhorter of peace, cast ani deuelishe ingent of war against a christn man? Yf we desyre to bringe the Turkes to Christes religion, let vs fyrst be christianes. Nor they shal neuer beleue it, yf they se the thyng that christ aboue al thinges doth moste detest, to be no wherse more cruellye vsed, than a∣mong christen men. And that Homere ye Ethnike doth much maruyle at among Ethnikes, whan that there is a societie of pleasaunte and sweete thinges, as of slepe, meate, drynke, of daunces, and musyke, and that of vnlucky war there is no socyetie, and this is moste true a∣mong theim, vnto whom thee name of war ought to be abhominable. Rome that furious warrier in times past, hah sene at certen tymes her temple of Ia∣nus spard and shut vp.Ianus temple. And howe dothe it agre that amonge you, there are noo dayes vacant from war? With what boldenes shall ye preache Christ the au∣thor of peace vnto thē, whan that ye wt continuall dissention do stryue amonge youre selues? And nowe what mynde & corage thinke you, that youre discorde doth adde and geue vnto the Turkes? There is nothinge more esye, than to ouercome those, that are at debate. Wil ye be fearefull vnto them? Be at vnytie and concorde, why doo ye willyngelye thinke your selues vnworthye of the io∣cundite and pleasure of thys presente lyfe: and wyll ye fall from the felicitye that is to come?he life of man. The lyfe of man of it selfe is subiecte to many mysfortunes, concorde shall remoue a great parte of the molesiousnes & grefe, whilst that wt mutual officis the one either doth com∣forte, or else doth helpe & aide the other. Yf any good thing chaūce, it shal cause the concord to be the sweter, & the more common, whilst one fend geueth parte vnto his frend, & awe willer reioyseth for his welwyllers sake. Howe vayne thynges are they & howe sone shal they peryshe, for the whiche their is suche a tumulte among you, deah vnto al men is at hand,Deathe. aswell vnto kings as vnto ye commen people. What tumultes shal a vile wretch styr vp, ye shortly after shall vanishe a way as it were smoke? Eterni¦tie is at hād. Wherto serueth it to striue and laboure for these thinges like vnto shadose, asthoug thys life were immor∣tal. O miserable wretches, yt beleue not that fortunate & happy lyfe of the good, nor hope not for it, shameles personnes that promyse thē selues ye same to be the waye and iorneye from the wars, whā yt the life of the good,The lyfe of the good. is no nother thing than a certen vnspecable communiō of fortunate and happy soules, seyng that nowe that thing shal fullye & perfectlye chaunce, that Christ so diligently prayd hys heuēly father for, that they mighte be so ioined together, as he was ioyned vnto hys father.Ioan. And howe canne it be mete for this high cōcord, except that in the mene while ye asmuche as ye maye do, thinke vpon it. And as an Angel is not sodenly made of a stinking glutten, euen soo a companion of Martyres and Saintes is not sodenly made of a sang∣uinolēt and bluddy warrier. Go to, ther is shed inough, yea more thā ynough of christē bloud, & yf y• be litle, of humaine bloud, we haue furiously ynough strouē mutually to destroy eche other. We he∣therto haue done sacrifice ynough to the furis & to hell, we haue long ynough fed the Turkes eies, ye fable is endid. At the leste wyse at length let vs ater the my∣seryes of the warres to longe borne and sufferde, waxe wyse, whatsoeuer he∣therto hath bene done vndiscretelye and folyshely, let it be imputyd to the deste∣nye and necessitie of thynges. Let thee obliuiousnes and forgetfulnes of thee euylls that be past, the whiche in tyme past haue pleasid prophane men, please chrysten men, and here afr geue your diligence with commen counsells to the stody of peace.Uerye good coū∣ll. Aud soo geue your stody and diligence, that it maye soo be made and bounde, not with bandes made of flaxe, but with adamantyne and sure bandes, that it neuer be broken. I call vnto you O ye princes, at whose becke and commaundement the matters and busynesses of men most cheyfelye do de∣pende, and that among men do bere the Image of Chryst: Knowledge the voice of your prince calling vnto peace, esteme that all the worlde weryid with longe warre, doth desyre thys of you: yf it dis∣please any manne, it is ryght and mete to geue and to attribute it to the pub∣lyke and common felycitye of all men. It is a greater and a watyer matter, thā that maye be neglectyd for lyghte cau∣ses. I cal vnto you O ye preists cōsecra∣tid vnto god, expresse & declare that wt al your stody, that ye knowe to be mooste thankeful vnto god, & reoue that, that is nto him most hatyd. I call vnto you O ye diuines, preache yu the Gospell of peace, sing continuallye peace vnto ye people. I call vnto you O ye Byshopes, that in ecclesiasticall dygnytye doo ex∣cell other, see that your aucthoritie be of powre and force to bynde Peae wyth eternall bands. I call vnto you that are pryuate Magestrates, that youre wyll be an ayde and an helpe to the wysedome of kynges, & to ye mercy and iustice of Byshoppes. I con∣fusely call vnto you that are named by the name of a christen name, that ye wt cōsentyng mindes do conspire and con∣sent vnto this thing. Shewe you here of what powre that ye concorde of the mul∣titude is, against the tyrannye of the no∣bles. Unto this let al men bringe toge∣ther al that euer they haue. Let eternall thinges ioygne them, whom nature wt so many thinges hath ioygned, & Christ with manye mo. Let euerye man with cōmen stodies do, that equallye pertay∣neth to the felicitie of al men. Al things do inuite vs to this. Fyrst ye sense of na∣ture,The thin¦ges that inyteih vs to peace. & (as I may sai) humanitie it selfe. Furthermore Chryste the Prince & au∣thor of al humaine felicitie. And besides al these thinges, so many cōmodities of peace, and so many calamities of war. Unto this the mindes of princes, incli∣ninge to concorde, God as it were euen nowe inspiringe them, doo call vs. Be∣hold that peasable and meke Leo,Leo, play∣ing the part of the vicar of Christ, hath desployde and set forth his ensigne vn∣to all men inuityng vs to peace. Yf ye be true shepe, folowe youre pastore. Frances the most christen french king,Frncis. not by title onely, doth call vs, yt which is not greuyd to by peace, nor in noo place hath any regarde of his maiestye, so he may prouide and helpe the cōmen and publike peace, teachynge thys to be truely a noble and a kynglye worke, to do well for man kinde. Here vnto doth that most noble prince Charles a yonge man of an vncorrupt indole and signy∣fication of vertue,Charles. doth call vs. Nor the Emperoure Maximilian dothe not ab∣hore thys.Maximi∣lyan, Kynge Henrye the .viii. Nor that noble kinge Henry of Englande dothe not refuse it. It is mete that all other shoulde wyllynglye ensue and folowe the ensample of soo greate and myghtye princes. The most part of ye people detest war, & praye for peace. A fewe whose wycked felycytie doth depend of ye publike infelicitie, doth wishe for war, and whether it be righte or no that theyr dishonestie should be of more valure and force, than the wyll of all good men, iudge you. Ye se that he∣therto there is nothinge done by confe∣derations, nothing auaunsid by affini∣ties, nothing by violence, nothing by re∣uengyng. Nowe on the other side proue what placabilitie & benificence may do, war soeth warre, & vengaunce draweth vengaunce. Nowe grace shall engēder grace, and benefite shalbe inuityd by be∣nefite, and he shal seme moste kinglye y• graunteth & forgoeth most of his right. It succedeth not y• is done by humaine stody. But Chryst him selfe shal prosper godlye counsell, the which he being au∣thor and gide shal see to be receiuid. He shalbe present & fauorable, he shal helpe vs, and fauer the fauerers of ye thinge, that he so greatly fauerth, & publike vti∣litie, shal ouercome priuate affections. And whilst peace is prouydyd for, and euerye mannes fortune made better, Princes kyngdomes, yf they rule those that be good and religious, and raygne more by lawes, than by armes, shalbe amplifide: the dignitie of noble menne greater and trueer, the quienes of prei∣stes more tranquill, the quietnes of the people more plentiful, & their fertilytye more quiet, and the name of Chryst to the enemies of Christes crosse more fere¦full. And finallye euerye one shalbe to che other, and al vnto all louynge and pleasaunt, and aboue al thinges thanke¦full vnto Chryst, whom to haue plesid, is the hiest felicitie.
A00344.P4	De ciuilitate morun [sic] puerilium per Des. Erasmum Roterodamum, libellus nunc primum & conditus & æditus. Roberto VVhitintoni interprete. = A lytell booke of good maners for chyldren, nowe lately compyled and put forth by Erasmus Roterodam in latyne tonge, with interpretacion of the same in to the vulgare englysshe tonge, by Robert whytyngton laureate poete. Cum priuilegio	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Whittington, Robert, d. ca. 1560." ]	The yere of our lorde god. M.CCCCC.xxxii. [1532] the. x. daye of Septe[m]bre]	In the Flete strete, at the sygne of the Sonne, by wynkyn de worde,	[Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Etiquette, Medieval -- Early works to 1800.", "Etiquette for children and teenagers -- Early works to 1800." ]	IF that Paule very excellente was nat abas∣shed to be made after all fasshy∣ons / to euery {per}∣son / to the ende he myght profyt all fasshyons of men: howe moche lesse ought I to be greued to play the childe agayne in lyke case / for lou to helpe youthe. Therfore lyke as late I applyed my sefe to the youthe of Maxi∣miyan thy brother (whyles I fasshyoned the tongue of yonge chyldren) so nowe I applye my selfe to thy child∣hode / and shall teache the maners of chyldrē: Nat by¦cause thou nedest these pre∣scriptes and rules / brought vp at the begynnynge of an enfant amonge courtye / after that obtaynyng so no∣table a mayster to fasshyon youthe rude and ignorante / or write perteyneth to the / an that are come of princes / and borne to principalyte / but for that ende that all chyldren shall more coura∣gyousy lerne this thynges / bicause it is dedycate o the a childe of great possessyon / and of synguler hope. Nor it shall nat gyue to al youth a dull spurre / if they e no∣ble mens sonnes to be fly gyuen to lernyng fro chyld∣hode / and renne in the same rase with them. The office of fasshyonyng of chyldhode resteth in ma∣ny pare / of the which that whiche lyke as it is firste / so it is chefe: That is / the tendre wytee shall drinke the seedes of loue to god and his parentes. Seconde∣ly that he shall loue and lerne the lyberall scyence. Thyrde / that he shalbe in∣structe to the order of his lyuyng. Fourth that fro the first udymen of youth he shall be accustomed to cyui∣lite and norture. This laste nowe I haue take vpon me as a thing proper / for o th other thre both many oth wrien mny thynges. And al be it this outwarde honesty of the bo∣dy cometh of the soule well cōposed or ordred / natwith∣standyng we se it chaunseth ofte tymes by neglygenc of maysters that we desyre (as a thynge that lacketh) this grace of honest behauour in men of nobylite & lernynge: Nor I denye nat this to be a very notable parte of phi∣losophy / but yet that parte (after the iudgemēt of men in this dayes) auayleth gret¦ly to alre beneuolens / also to represent to the eyes of men these laudable gyftes of the soule. It is semely and sytynge that a man be well fasshyo∣ned in soule / in body / in ge∣sture / & in apparell: and in especyall it besemeth chyl∣dren all maner of tempe∣raunce / and in especyall in this behalfe noble mennes sonnes. All are to be taken for noble / whiche exercyse their mynde in the lyberall science. Lette other men paynte in their shyldes Ly∣ons / Egles / Bulles / and Leopardes: yet they haue more of verye nobylyte / whiche for their badge may paynte so many ymages / as they haue lerned sure the ly∣berall scyēce. Than that the mynde of a chylde well bur∣nysshed may vpon all sydes euydent apere / for it ape∣reth moste clere in the vy∣sage or countenaunce. Let the eyes be stable / ho∣nest / well set / nat frownyng / which is syne of crueltie / nat wāton / which is tokē of ma∣lapertnesse / nat wandring & rollynge / whiche is syne of madnesse / nat twyringe and spyeng / whiche is token of suspection and compasynge disceyte / nor hāgyng downe whiche is syne of folly: nor afterwarde twynklyng with the browes / whiche in sygne of vnstablenesse / nor masing as a mā astonyed (And that was noted in Socrates) nor to sharpe / a syne of malyce / nat makyng synes and pro∣fers nor besy wanton / a to∣ken of yuell chastye: but re∣presentyng a mynde well en¦stabled / & amyble with ho∣nesty. Nor it is nat said with out cause of antique sage mē / that the eye is the seate and place of the soule. The antique pyctures sheweth to vs that in olde tyme men were of synguler de∣mure countenaunce / and lo∣ked with eyes halfe closed / lyke as in Spayne certayne loke as they were pore blyn¦de / as it semeth to be ake as a fayre & amyable coun∣tenaūce. Lykewyse we lerne of pictures / ī olde tyme they were narowe and strayte mouthed / a signe of vertue: But that thyng that of his awne nature is semely / it is taken with all men comly. All be it becometh vs som∣tyme to be lyke the lopster / and to applye our selfe to the maner of the regyon we be in. Nowe there be certayne countenaunces of the eyes / whom naure gyueth of this fasshyon to one and that to an other / whiche chaunseth nat be vnder my preceptes: saue that gestures out of or∣der do blemysshe nat onely the behauoure and sauoure of the eyes / but also of all the body. And von the contrarye parte gestu∣res manerly maketh that whiche of nature is seme∣ly to be more comlye: and that whiche is of re∣proche / if so be it take it nat awaye / yet it hydeth it and dothe dymynisshe it. It is vnsyttynge to loke vpon a mā and wynke with the one eye: For what els is it but to make blynde hym selfe? Lette leaue that gesture to the fysshes called Thynnes and craftismen. Let the browes be set vp / and nat bente / whiche is to∣ken of crueltie / nat set vp t hye / whiche is syne of arro∣gance and proude hert / nat hāgyng in to his eyen / which is yne of yuel ymagynaciō. A forheed mery & playne / signifyeth a mynde of clene conscience and a gentyll na∣ture: let it nat be knytte in wrincles as in an olde per∣sone / nat mouynge vp and downe like an hedge hogge / nor croked or wrihen lyke a bull. Let nat the nose thrilles be full of syuell lyke a slut∣tysshe persone: That vyce was noted in Socrates as a reproche. To drie or snytte thy nose with thy cappe or thy cote is all of the carte / vpon thy sleue or thyne elbowe / is propertie of fysshmōger. Nor it is nat moh mor maner to drie with thy bare hande / if so be afterwarde thou daube it on thy clo∣thes. It is good maner to drie the fylthe of the nose with thy handkercher / and that with thy heed somwhat tour¦ned a syde / if more honest persones be presen. If any snyt fall on ye groūde after thou haste snye thy nose with two fyngers / by and by treade it out vnder thy fete. It is also agaynste maner to snuffe with thy no∣se / it is a syne of malyce: It is more leude to snue with thy nose / and a syne of fury if it be vsuall. As for suche as be shorte breathed / that be sycke of tysyke muste e holde excused. It is a re∣proche to speake in the nose / for it is the propertie of cro∣wes and elephantes. To wrie the nose is the pro∣pertie of scoffers and natu∣rall fooles. If snesynge chaunce other beynge presene / it is good maner to turne a syde: after whā the passion doth cease / to blesse thy mouth with the syne of the crosse / after to take of thy cappe & thanke thē (or desyre pardone) that sayd or were aboute to saye christ helpe: for snesynge as gawnyng is wont to take a waye the sence of herynge. It is goodly to say christe helpe to an other man that sneseth: And it is a chyldes pare to do of his cappe / if dyuers that be elder be pre∣sent that saye christ helpe to man or woman. And ynally to make a shyrle noyse or a shrike purposely in snesyng / or to iterae snesyng of pur∣pose / to the stētacio of his strength is leudenesse. To stop the snesyng that na¦ture moueth is folly of such that preferreth maner be∣fore helth. Let naturall coloure (and nat counterfet) ornate the chekes: al be it let naturall coloure be so mesured or or∣dred / that it be nat altered to shamfastnesse / nor make a childe so astonyed / to brīg hī to the dege (as it is said) as it were of a mā that wer mad. To some children this passion feble is so impressed that it maketh a childe lyke to a dastarde. This leude maner is sone correcte / if a childe be acustomed to lyue amōge his elders / & be exer∣cysed to playe comedies or interludes. To puffe vp o swell in the chekes / is toen of a proude hert & sollē. To smyle is token of a mā that sheweth tre mynde: the one is Thrafos {per}te / the other is Iudas the traytours parte. Lette nat thy mouthe be stopped / that is syne o hym that feareth to take the bre∣the of a nother: nor let it nat gape / that is token of ydio fooles / but closed the lyppes softe touchynge togyther. It is no good maner to set out the lyppes and make a bowe or ba / although great mēnes sonnes (goynge there a multytude) vse it: they shal be pardoned / as men in whō what so euer they do is ta∣ken as manerly / but I en∣forme childrē. If the chaūce gapīg / & thou can nat turne away or go away / close thy mouth with thy hādkerchife or the palme of thy hande / after crosse thy mouthe. To alowe euery mānes wor¦des or dedes is the {pro}perti of fooles: to apply to no mā is propertie of a dastarde. To shewe mery coūtenaūc to fylthy wordes or dedes / is syne of leudnesse. Grin∣nyng & laughyng out of me∣sure / wherwith all the body dothe shake / whiche passyon the grekes call risus syncru∣sius / that is a shake / is nat semynge to any age / nor yet in a childe. It is vnsyttynge that some laughynge neye lyke an horse. He is vnma∣nerde and rude that laugh∣eth with wyde mouthe and writhen chekes / shewynge his tethe lyke a dogge that gnarreth: and it is called the laughynge of Sardinia (an herbe / whiche eaten ma∣keth a mā to dye laughyng) Let the coūtenaūce so shewe myrthe that it do nat disfy∣gure the mouthe / nor bring eproche of a lyght mynde. These be the sayenges of fooles / I brast for laughter / I leape for laughter / I dye for laughynge / or any suche other folisshe utche chaūce / so that he be nat wyllynge o shewe suche laughynge / he muste couer his face ey∣ther with a napkyn or his hande. To laugh onely with out euydent cause / is sygne of folly or madnesse. And if so be suche thyng chaunce / it is maner to open the cause to other / or if ye thynke it nat mete to be shewed / to bring some coūterfet excuse leste that any man suspecte hym selfe to be mocked. To byte with the tethe the nether lyppe is nat ma∣ner / but syne of malyce: lyke wyse to the vpper lyppe. Also to lycke the nether {per}e of thy lyppes with thy ōge. is folly. To set ot the lyppes and ioyned / as to kysse / in olde tyme with the almayns was iudged gentylnesse / as their pictures sheweth. To bleare out the tonge and mocke any manne / is poynt of a knaues scoffyng. Tourne thy face whan thou spyttest / so that thou spyt vpon no man / or spat∣tell any man. In lyke maner to scrubbe or rubbe with the nayles o∣ther partes of the body is fylthe / in especyall if it be done of custome and nat of necessyte. Let nat thy heere kyuer thy browes / nor flye vpon thy sholders. Also to ruffle the heere of thy heed with shakyng of thy heed / is the propertie of wanton coltes. To caste backe thy bussh fro the forheed towarde the crowne / is bare maner: it is more manerly to decke or deuyde it with thy hande. To bende in thy necke and crouche in with the sholders is the maner of suggartes: to set out the brest is syne of pride / it becometh to set the body streyght vp. Lette nat thy necke wrie vpō the lyft syde nor on the ryght / it is syne of ypocrisye / except co∣munycacion or some other thynge require. It becometh o holde thy sholders of a lyke heythe / nat of ye fasshyon of a sayle-cloth / to sēde vp the one & to threst downe the other / for this negligēt behauer ī chil∣drē groweth vnto a nature / and disfourmeth the beha∣uour of the body agaynste nature. And so they that for slouthe draweth to a custome to cro∣ke their body / causeth them to be crouche backed / which nature neuer brought. And they that vse to holde their heed vpon the one syde gro∣weth in to suche a custome / that in olde age they labour in vayne to altre it: For yonge bdyes be lyke vnto tendre plantes / whiche in to what fasshyon you bende them / lyke a orke / or wri∣then lyke a corde / so they growe and waxe styffe. To caste bothe thyne ar∣mes behynde on thy backe / bothe hah the fasshyon of slouthe / alo of a thefe: nor it is nat more comly to stāde or syt and et thy one hande on thy syde / whiche maner to some semeth comly & lyke a warryoure / but it is nat forthwith honest that lyketh fooles / but whiche is agre∣yng o reson & nature. Other thynges shall be sayd after / whan we come to comuny∣cacion and the table. To disclose or shewe the membres that nature hath gyue to be couered / without necessyte / ought to be vtter∣ly auoyded from gyntyll na¦ture. Also whan nede com∣pelleth to do it / yet it muste be doone with conuenyent honestye / ye though no per∣son be present / for aungel be euer present / to whom in children basshfulnesse is a tuter and a folower of cha∣styte: The syght of the whi∣che to withdrawe from the eyes of mē is honest. Moch more we ought nat suffer o∣ther to touche them. To kepe thy water is a∣gaynst helthe / and hurteful to nature: to make water se∣cretly is honest. There be that teacheth that a chylde shal kepe in his nether wyn∣de / his buttockes fast closed or clynged / but it is no ma∣ner whan thou entendest to be take honest / to alure t the disease and syckenesse: If thou may go aparte do that a lone by thy selfe / i no (after the olde prouere) Let him close the fert vnde colour of a coughe: or els why do nat they yd a mā by the same maner tha a man hal nat go to the draught / wher as is more daunger to holde the wynde than to refrayne the draught. To y ye knees layd a shoyle / or to sāde the legges set bowed or croked / is the property of braggrs. Let the knees ioyne whan a mā sytteth / whan he stādeth let the fee ioyne / or els a ly∣tel seperat thē a sōder. Sō syt on this fasshyō / that they crosse one lege ouer the o∣ther ne / sōe stāde their leg∣ges ioyned / trāplyng & daū∣syng: ha one is the proper∣tie of pensyue persons / that other of fooles. The rygh leg cast ouer the lyf thyge / was the maner of olde & an∣tique kinges to syt / but now nat laudable. Some of the ytaliēs set tha one fote vp∣on that other bycause of nur¦ture / & stāde vpon one legge afer the maner of storkes / which whether it become chil¦drē I doue. Lykwise ī ma∣kīg of cursy / one maner be cometh ī some place / & in sōe place it is nat comly. Some make curtesye with bothe knees owed (as yrisshmen) and on cōtrary wise some do it wih vpright body / ome wh body soupyng. Some there be that iudge that the curtesye of women. Some likewyse with vpright body make curtesy / first bowe the right kne / after the lyf / whi¦che amonge englysshmen is laudable ī youth. The frēch¦men do bowe the ryght kne with a lytel plesant returne of the body. In al suche ma∣ners in the which varyee or chaūge hath no repugnance with honesty / it shall be lau∣full to vse the maners of our naturall coūtrey / or els to fo¦low the maner of straūgers / whan the maners e such as straūge coūtreys doth alow The maner of goyge ney∣ther in & out / nor hasty stag∣gryng / of the which that ou is propertie of wanōnesse / the other of men furyous & mad: for this olysshe goyng as a halyng man / we wo cō∣myt to these cleane warry∣ours / & to such as thinke it a gorgyous fasshyon to wear plume ī their cap / albe it w¦e that byshops take a plea∣sure in suche gesture. A man that sytteth to play with his toes / is propertie of foole and to play with his fingers is syne o lyght mynde. ¶It is fully or suffcient∣ly sayd of the body / nowe of apparayle somwhat / bicause apparayle is the forme and fasshyon of the body: And of this apparayle we maye coniecture the habye and apparayle of the inwarde mynde. Al be it this certayn maner maye nat be gyuen / in so moche that the fortune of all men nor dignyte be nat lyke: no nor the same honest or inhonest maner is in all maner of men: fynally nor in all maner of tymes / the same maners may please or displease. wherfore lyk as in many other thynges / so in this maner no thynge is to be alowed or praysed / after the comen prouerbe: To the lawe / to the coun∣trey / and to the tyme / wyse men byddeth a man to en∣fourme hym selfe. yet there is in this chaunges / what thyng in hymselfe is hones or nat / as the thynges whi∣che haue no profyte to the persone that the apparayle is made for. To drawe af∣ter them longe traynes / in women is discorned / in men it is leude. I praye you is it cōmendable in cardynalles and bysshoppes? I remytte that to the iudgement of o∣ther. Lyght & wanton gar∣dyng of the breche & lasyng of the bely / was neuer pray∣sed in man nor woman: for this is a straūge fasshyon of apparayle that couereth the secret {per}tes / that be shamfull to be sene. In olde tyme it was taken nat honesty to go vngyrt or syt / in this dayes it is rebuke to many / bicause they be couerd with short pe¦tyco & close hose late foūde: albe it that coe or kyrtel ly open / or els shorter aparell than dothe couer the secrete partes (which shulde be kept honest) whan a person stou∣pes / is euer dishonesty. To agge or to māgle apparayle is property of madde men. To vse paynted and diuers colours / is the maner of ydi¦ots & apes. Therfore ater the degre of ye dignyte and substāce / & after the coūtrey and the maner / let the clen∣nes of aparayle be vsed: nor let it be shamefully daubed with fylthe / nor shwyng le∣chery / wātonnes / nor pride. Homely aparayle becometh youthe / but without vnclen∣nesse. Some distayne the hē¦mes of their lynen and wol∣len yuell fauordly with spot¦tes of vrine & pysse. Some barke their bosome & their sleues with a cruste of fylth / na with perget / but with the fylthe of their nose and their mouth. Some there be whiche let their gowne hāge on that one syde / some let i slyppe downe to the reynes / and some thīke it becometh them. Lyke as it becometh euery parte of thapparayle of the body to be clenly / so it becometh it to gre vnto the body. If thy frēdes haue gy¦uen to the apparayle bette and more gorgious / cast nat thyn eyes backwarde vpon thy body / nor iette nat for ioye and shewe thy selfe to other / for that one is pro∣pertie of apes / that other of proude pecockes. Let other prayse / be nat thou aknowē of thy fresshe apparayle. The greater that fortune is the more amyable and gen∣tyll be. we muste pardone meane persons to take a de∣lyte in a meane / to consola∣cyon of their pouertie / bu ryche men settyng forth the glorye of their apparayle / sheweth with reproche to o∣ther their awne misery / and getteth thē selfe but grudg and enuye. As ofte as thou comest by a churche do of thy cap and make curtesye / and thy face turned towarde the sacra∣ment / salute with reuerence Christe & holy sayntes. And do the same whether it be in the towne or in the feldes / as oft as thou seest the yma∣ge of the crosse. Go nat tho∣rowe a church / but with lyke reuerēce salute Christ with a breue prayer / & that with thy cappe of / and knelynge vpon bothe knees. Whan diuyne seruyce is in doynge it becometh to apply al par∣tes of thy body to honoure god. Thynke that Christ i there present with innume∣rable thousādes of angels. And if so be a man shuld speke to a mortall kynge / with a multytude that stād rounde aboute hym / & ney∣ther do of his cap / nor make curtesye / he shulde be tak of euery man / nat for a car∣ter / but for a madde body: What a thynge is it there to kepe thy heed couered state¦ly standyng / where as he is kynge of kynges / immor∣tall / and graunter of immor¦talyte / where as honorable angels of heuen stāde roūde aboute hym. Nor it maketh no force if thou se them nat / they se the / and it is as sure that they be ther / as though thou awest them with thy bodyly eyes / for the eyes of faythe se more surely than eyes of the flesshe. It is nat syttyng that som vse to walke vp and downe in the churche / and playe lyke Arystotles scholes / as for walkynge yles / market-place and courtes / be conue∣nyent / nat churches that be dedycate to preache / to my∣nystre sacramentes and ho∣ly prayers: but lette thyne eyes beholde the preacher / thyder bende thyne eares / lette thy mynde be set thy∣der with all reuerence / as thoughe thou herdest nat a man / but god speakynge to the by the mouthe of a man. Whan the gospell is redde ryse vp / and if thou can here it red / deuoutly whan these wordes be redde in the cre∣do / Et homo factus est / fall downe vpon thy knees / or in that wyse enclyne down in his honoure that came downe him selfe from heuen for thy hethe / to this myse∣rable worlde. And where as he was god he was contente to become man / to thentent to make the a god. Whyles the masse and diuyne ser∣uyce is in doynge / apply thy selfe with all thy body to de¦uocyon: let thy face be tur∣ned towarde the aulter / and thy hert to god. To touche grounde with the one kne & the other standing vp / vpon the whiche the lyfte elbowe doth leane / is the gesture of the wycked iewes and gēty∣les / which to our lorde Iesu scornyngly dyd saye / Hayle kyng of ewes. Thou shalte knele on bothe knees / & the rest of thy body sōwhat bēte downe to shewe reuerence. The remenant of the tyme eyther rede somwhat of thy boke / or saye thy beades / or els set thy medytacion vpon celestyall thīges. That tym to chatte in an other mānes eare / is the propertie of such as thynke that Christ is nat there. To gape this wayes and that wayes / is the ma∣ner o mad men. Iudge that thou arte come to churche in vayne / except thou departe thence more pure and more deuoute thanne thou cam thyder. At table or at meate lett myrthe be with the / lette ry∣baudrie be exyled sytte nat downe vnto thou haue was∣shed / but lette thy nayles be pared before that no fylthe stycke in them / lete thou be called a slouen and a great nygarde: remembre the co∣men sayeng / & before make water / and if nede requyre ease thy bely / and if thou be gyrde to strayte to vnlose thy gyrdell is wysdome / whiche to do at the table is shame. whan thou wypest thy handes put forth of thy mynde all grefe / for at table i becometh nat to be sadde nor to make other sadde. Cōmaunded to saye grace / apply thy coūtenaunce and thy handes to deuoute ma∣ner / beholdynge eyther the mayster of the feest / or the ymage of Christ or of our lady: at this name Iesu or his mother Mary virgyne / make curtesye with bothe linees. If this offyce of say∣eng grace be put to an other bothe take dylygent hede / and make answere with lyke deoute maner. Gyue place with good wyll to an other of the hyest place / & if thou be bydde to syt in a hygher place / genylly refuse it / but if a man in auctorite bydde the ofe and ernestly / obeye hym manerly / lest thou shul¦dest seme shamfat for lacke of maner. At the table laye bothe handes vpon the ta∣ble / neyther ioyned nor vpō thy trenchour / for some vn∣manerly holde the one hāde or bothe vpon his bely. To leane vpon the table with bothe elbowes or the one of them / is pardoned to them that be weake and fe∣ble / by reaon of age or sick∣nesse: the same in some cour∣tyers delycious / that thinke all thyng well that they do / it is to be forborne and nat folowed. In the mene tyme thou muste take hede leste that thou trouble hym that sytteth next the with thyne elbowe / or hym that sytteth agayne the with thy fete. Syttyng in the there to mo∣e thy buttockes this waye and that way / is lyke a man that letteth a blaste / or is a∣boute it: Lette therfore thy body sytte vpright egally. If the napkyn be gyuen the laye it on the ryght sholder or the lyfte. whan thou syt∣test wih greater men se thy heed be kembed / & laye thy cappe asyde / except the ma∣ner of some deuocyon cause the otherwyse / or els some man of auctorite cōmaunde the contrary / whome to dis∣obey is agayne maner. In some countreys it is the ma∣ner that chyldren standyng at their betters table shall take mete at the tables ende al bare heed. There a childe ought nat come vncalled / nor lette hym nat tary there vnto dyer be at an ende / but after he hath repasted hym selfe suffyciently / take vp his trenchour / make cur∣tesy and salute them at the table / specyally the greates person at the table. Let the cuppe stande on the ryght hande / and the meate knye cleane wyped / on the lyfte hande breed. To holde the breed in that one hāde / and breake it with thy fynges endes / it pleaseth some cour¦yers: lette them haue their pleasure / but cutte thou thy breed manerly with a knife / nat pluckyng away the crust aboue and vnder / as swet mouthed men. In olde ty∣mes men were wonte at all maner of repastes reuerētly as a relyke to handle their breed / by reason wherof nowe in this yme a maner remayneth whan breed fal∣leth to the grounde / to take it vp & kysse it. To begyn your repaste with drinke / is propertie of blowbowles that drinke nat for thyrste / but of vse. And this vse is nat alonely vnmanerly / but also hurteth the body. Nor ye shall nat drinke im∣medyately after browes or potage / nor specially after eatyng of mylke. A chylde to drinke oftenner than twyse or thrise at the fardest at his repaste at ta∣ble / is neyther manerly nor holsome. Let him drīke ones after he hath fedde a hyle vpon he seconde dysshe / pe¦cially if it be drie meate / and agayne at thende of the dy∣ner or supper / and that mo∣derately / drinke nat lyke a swylbolle / nat suppynge or smackynge with the lyppes lyke an hore. To bolle and drinke bothe wyne and al superfluously / it bothe hur∣eth the helthe of chyldren / lykewyse it dystayneth the maners of children. water is mete for youth and the hote age / or if he may nat awaye herwith / or the nature of that coūtrey is nat suche / or any other cause woll na suf∣fre it / let him vse small ale or small wrie / and alay it wih water: Or els this rewarde foloweth to suche as delyte in pure wyne / rotten ethe / bleared eyen & droppynge / dull syght / and dull mynde / and in shorte space to loke lyke an olde man / before his olde age. Beore hou drīke ha we downe thy meate / nor put nat thy lippes to the cup but drie thy lyppes before with thy napkyn or hāder∣cher / specially if another mā ofer to the the cup / or whan thou drinkest of the comen cuppe. To loke a syde whan thou drīkest is a rude maner & lyke as sorkes / to wrie his necke back ward. To drīke al that nothyng remayne in the cup / is the propertie of a hore. Let a chylde curtessy salute agayne the persone hat saluteth hym whan he drīketh / & touche the cuppe with his lyppes and cate a∣lytell / shewyng a face as tho he dyd drinke: it is ynough to lyght person that taketh suhe maner vpon hym. If a arterly person woll compell the o drke / et a childe pro∣messe to answer hym whā he is elder. Some whan they be scātly set / orthwith they put their hādes in the dssh that is the propertie of wol∣ues ramyyng / or of suche (as they say) that deuour esh out of the boylynge leade / nat yet redy to ate. Se that thou put nat thy hande first in the dysshe / nat onely bycause it shewth the to be gredy / but bycause it is sōtyme ioyned with parel as whā he taketh any thing scaulding in to his mouth at vnwa / eyther he must spyt it out agayn / or if he swalow it downe it woll scaulde his throte: on both sydes he shal be laughed at / and take as a foole. A chylde must sōwhat tary / to accustome hym selfe to forbeare his appetyte: by the whiche coūsayle Socra¦tes beyng an olde mā coude neuer forbere / but to drinke as sone as the cup cāe to the table first. If a childe syt at table with his betters / let hī syt lowest / nor let hī nat put his hāde to the dyssh but he be byd. To threst his fīgers in to his dysshe of potage / is the maner of carters: but le hym take vp the meate with his knyfe or els his forke / nor let hī nat chose out this or that swete morsell out of the hole dysshe / which is the propertie of a lykerous {per}son but that which chaūseth lye towarde hym / which we may lerne of Homerus / in whom often is repeted this verse They russhed ther hande in to the dysshe that stod before them. And if tha or this morsell be very deynis leaue it to an other / & ake of that whiche is nex. And lyke as it is the maner of a gloton o threst his hande in to euery parte of the disshe / so it is vnmanerly to turne the dysshe vp so done / to th ende more deynie dys∣shes may insue. If an othe man gyue to the a deynti morsell / rste praye hym to holde the ecused / than tak it / but deude parte to thy selfe / than offer to hym he remenaunt that gaue it to the / or gyue parte to hym that sytteth next the. That gobbe that can na conuenyently be take with thy hande / take it on thy trēcher. If any man reache to the of a custarde or a pye any thyng in a spone / eyther take it on thy trenchour / or take the spone offred / & th meate layde on thy trēcher / gyue hym his spone agayne. If it be lyquide & thy ha is gyue to the in the spon to aste / take the spone & r∣ceyue the meate / & wype th spone & delyuer it agaye To lycke thy yngers grea∣cy / or to drie them vpon thy clothes / be bothe vnmane∣ly / that must raher be done vpon the boorde clothe or thy napkyn. To swalowe thy meae hole downe / is the maner of sorkes and deuou¦rynge glutous. If any thynge be cut by an other / it is agayne mner to pu forthe thy hande or thy trenhour before the keur offer it to the / lest thou shul∣dest seme to cache tha whi∣che was poīted for an other. That that is raught to the muste be ake with thre fyn∣gers / or with thy trenchour. If any thyng be offred the that agreth nat with thy sto¦make / beware thou say nat that Clytipho sayde / I ca nat away with it father: but gentylly say I thanke you. This is a very manerly ma¦ner of refusynge. If he that offreth it the perseuer / saye it greeh nat with thy sto∣make / or els thou wolte eate no more. The maner of cuttynge of thy meate is to be ler∣ned from the tener yeres / nat peuysshe as some vse / but manerly & conenyent. The sholder must be cut o∣therwyse / and otherwyse the legge / otherwyse the necke pece / otherwyse the syde / o∣therwyse the capon / other∣wyse the fesante / oherwyse the partriche / otherwyse the malard wherfore {per}tyculerly to speke of al were both per∣use & also nat profyte. This sūmarily may be taught. It is the propertie of such as be preparers or maysters of bā¦kettes / to engrosse frō euery syde all that may please the mouth. It is smal honesty to gyue to an other that thou hast bytten of. It is al of the care to dyp or put thy breed agayne in to the disshe of po¦age that is gnawen vpon. Lykewise to take the meat out of thy mouche that tho hast hawed / & laye it on thy trenchour / is a leude tutche. For if thou haue take any morsell that can nat go dow∣ne / it is maner to tourne thy heed & caste it priuely away. It is reproche to eate agay∣ne the meate that is gnawen or bones layde on thy tren∣choure. Caste nat vnder the boorde bones or any other fragmēt defyling the flore / nor ast it on ye table clothe / nor put it in the dysshe / but laye it on the couer of thy trenchour / or in the voyde that is set for fragmentes. It is noted a folly to gyue meate to straūge dogges at the table: it is more folly to handle dogges at the table. To pyll thyn eggeshell with thy fyngers or thy hombe is a leude tutche: the same is more leude to put thy tonge in to thegge. with thy knyfe to take it out is more comly. To gnawe bones is the pro∣pertie of dogges / to pycke i with thy knyfe is good ma∣ner. To take sale out of the salte celler with thre fyn¦gers / in a vulgare ieste is called the norter of carters or ploughmen. Salte muste be take as is necessary with thy knyfe. If the salte be farre of it muste be asked. To lycke the dysshe wherin is suger or any swete meate / is the propertie of cattes / and nat of men. Cutte thy flesshe small or mynce it von hy trēcher / and after take breed and haw it a reason before thou let it go downe: and this nat onely is manerly but helth∣full. Some rather deuoure than eate their meate / non other wyse than suche as be ledde in to prison. This rauenyng and deuourynge is appro∣pred to theues. Some cramme so moche in to their mouth at ones / that bothe their chekes stāde out and swell lyke a payre of be∣lowes. Some in eatynge slubber vp their meae lyke swyne. Some snuffe & snurte in the nose for gredynesse as though they were choked. To drinke or speake with bridelde or full mouthe / is neyther honesty nor surety. Entrechaunge of comuny∣cation by pausynge / dothe interrupte contynuall ea∣tynge. Some without pause styll eate & drinke / nat bycause they be an houngred and thurstye / but bycause they can none otherwyse order or behaue them selfe / but if they scratche their heed / or pycke their ethe / or shew leude gesture with their hā∣des or their knyfe / or eis coughe / hemme / or spyte. This maner comeh all of the carte / and hath in a ma∣ner a resemblaunce of mad∣nesse. This tedyous maner muste be auoyded / in mar∣kynge the comunycaion of other / if a man can se no op∣portunyte to speake. It is an yuell maner to sytte in a study at the table. Thou may se some in suche an extasy or stony that they here nat what is sayde of other / nor {per}ceyue that they eate: and if thou call them by name / they seme as men that came from slepe / their mynde is so rauysshed. It is no good maner with rollyng eyen to marke what euery man eateth / nor it is nat syttynge to gase longe vpon any that sytteth at the able: also it is worse maner to scoule or loke awrie vpon any that sy vpon the same syde. It is worste fasshyo to wre his heed and looke behynde hym what they do at an other table. To blabbe out what is sayd or done at large / whan men drinke and make mery / be∣cometh no man nor chylde. A chylde syttynge with his betters shulde neuer speke / but necessyte compell / or el he be bydden. At mery wor∣des let hym somwhat smyle: at rybaudrie let hym shewe no lyght countenaunce / no roughe / if he tha speaketh be a man of hye auctorite / but lette his countenaunce so empre his behauour / so that it shall seme eyther tha he herde nat / or vnderstode nat. Sylence becometh women / but rather chyldren. Some dothe answre be∣fore he that speaketh hat made an ende / and it chaun∣seth that he maketh contra∣rye answere / and is hadde in derysyon / and this olde prouerbe maye be sayde of hym: I asked for hookes / an other answered sayeng he had no bootes / answe∣rynge nothynge to purpose. Kynge Salomon sayth thus / he is a foole that an∣swereth before he hereth the ende: he hereth nat that per∣ceyueth nat. If he vnder∣stande nat him that asketh / let hym cease vntyll he that hath spoke repete his tale. If he do nat so / but cōstray∣neth hym to answere / lette the chylde gentylly praye hym of pardon / and desyre hym to shewe the thynge a∣gayne. And the questyon vn¦derstande / lette hym pause a lytell / after lette hym an∣swere in fewe wordes and meryly. At table nothynge ought to be blabbed forth that shulde dimynisshe myrthe. To hurte the fame of them that be absente is a great faute: nor no olde sores of any man shulde be renewed. To fynde faute with any meate is agaynst good ma∣ner / and is displeasure to hym that maketh the feest. If the feest be made of thy coste / lyke as it is maner to excuse the syngle fare / so to prayse the feest or to reherce what it coste / is soure sauce to the gestes. To conclude / if any thynge be done of any man nat ma∣nerly by ignorance / it shulde be dissimuled rather than had in derisyon. Lybertie is mee at meate and drinke. It is reproche as Flac∣cus saythe / to blowe abrode if any thynge ouerslyppe a man at table vnaduyse. what so euer e done or sayde there / shulde be lap∣ped vp in the clothe / leste thou here this: I hate hym that wol reherce that is sayd at table. If the feest be lenger than is mete for chyldhode / and seme superfluous / & thou fe∣lest that thou hast ynoughe / eyther conuey thy selfe pri∣uely thence / or aske lycence. They that kepe chylde∣hode to hongerly / in my mynde they be madde / and lykewyse they that e∣gorge them wih ouermoche meate. For as tha one doth enfeble the strength of the endre bodyes / the other ly∣kewyse oppresseth he w: But measure ought to be knowen. The body of a childe ouh to be fed without full belly / and rather ofte a lytell at ones. Some knoweth nat whan they be full / but whan the belly is swollen so that it is in daunger to beke / or els by vomye he muste pycke ouer the perche. They hate their chyldren / that sytting at supper longe vnto late in the night / suffre them to sytte styll by them. Therfore if tho muste rye fro lōge supper / take vp thy trenchour with fragmētes / and salue hym that semeth the greatst man at the ta∣ble / and other lykewise / and so depte: but by and by returne / leste thou be noted to departe bycause of playe or of other lyght cause. Retournynge / wayte if any thyng lacke / or honestly at∣tende at the table / and loke if any man commaunde any thynge. If thou set downe any thynge or take vp / take hede thou sheade nothynge vpon other mennes clothes. If thou suffe the candle / fyrst take it of the boorde / and eyther couer with duste the snuffe / or trede it vnder thy foote / leste some yuell sa¦uour be tedyous to smell. If thou reache forthe any thing or poure be ware thou do i na wih the lyft hāde. C̄maunded to saye grace / order well thy behauoure / shewynge th selfe redy vn∣to the company kepe sylēce / and tyme come to saye. In the meane tyme let thy countenaūce be stable / with ruernce regardynge the geaest man at the table. If any man mete the by the waye worshypull / ey∣ther by reason of age / eyther by relygon or dignyte / or otherwyse worthy reuerēce / lette a chylde remembre to go forthe of the waye and reuerently put of his cappe / and somwhat make curtesy with his knees. Let hym nat thynke thus / what haue I to do with an vnknowen man / what with hym that neuer dyd for me? So re∣uerence is nat gyue to man for his merytes / but to god. So god cōmaūdeth by Sa∣lomon / whiche cōmaundeth to ryse vp to an aged man: lykewise by Paule / to shewe double reuerence to pree∣ses. To conclude / to shewe reuerence to euery persone / to whome reuerence is due / folowynge also the gentyles reuerence. If so be that the Turke (whiche god forbyd) shuld haue domynion vpon vs / we shulde offende if we dyd nat shewe reuerence to that auctorie. Of the fa∣ther and mother I speake nat amonge other / to whom chefe reuerence after god is due. Lyke reuerence to our teachers / whiche lykewise as they fresshen the myndes of men / so they engendre good maner. And so amonge lyke of degree this sayeng of Paule muste take place / Preuent you one an othe with due reuerence. He that preuenteth his egall or in∣ferior with reuerence / he is nat therfore the worse / but more honest therfore & more to be had in reuerence. with our betters we muste speake with reuerence / and in fewe wordes: with our pe∣res louyngly and gentylly. And whan a childe speaketh he muste holde his cappe in the ryght hande / and holde his lyfte hande towarde his myddle / or els that is more comly / holde his cappe with both handes ioyned / so that his thombes apere couering his codpece. To holde his boke or hat vnder his arme is take as rudenesse. Let basshfulnes be shewed / but as becometh / nat as ma¦keth a chylde amated. Let the eyen loke vpō hym that thou speakest to sadly and onely / shewynge nothynge wanton nor leude. To caste thyne eyen downe as a beest called Catoble∣pas / is a suspectyon of an yuell conscience. To loke a∣yde is token of disdayne. To turne this wayes & that / is a syne of lyght wytte. It is rudenesse ofte to chaunge countenace / as now o wrie the nose / nowe to knytte the browes / nowe to set vp the browes / nowe to sette a wrie the mouthe / nowe to gape wyde / nowe to make a na∣rowe mouthe: these be synes of inconstance. It is also all of the carte to shake the heed and caste the busshe / to coughe without cause / to hemme or reyhe / lykwise to scratche thy heed to picke thyne eares / to sny thy nose / to stryke thy face / as a man that wypeth for hamfastnesse / to scrubbe or rubbe thy neke / to shrugge or wrigge thy sholders as we se in many ytalyens. To deny with touenynge a∣way thy heed / or beckenyng with thy heed to call hym / and to conclude / to speke by gesture and beckenynges as somtyme becometh a man / but nat a chylde. It is no maner to wagge the armes / to play with the fyngers / to stager with the fete / to speke hastely nat with the tonge / but mouynge all the body / whiche is the propertie of turtyll doue or wagtayles / nor moche differēt fro pyes hatterynge. Let thy voyce be soft and styll / nat hye and clamorous lyke carters / nor so bause that he to whome thou speakest may nat here the Lette thy speche nat be hasty and ouer ron thy wyt / but softe and open. This also auoydeth natu∣rall stutynge / buffyng / and stammerynge / thoughe nat fully / yet for moste partie it demynisheth / where as ha∣stye speche causeth vyce in many / that came nat by na∣ture. Also in cōmunycaci∣on it is a gentyll maner to repete some honest tytle or name of roume or dignyte of hym that thou spekest to. There is nothynge more honest or plesaunt than the tytle or name of father or mother / nothynge more a∣myable thanne the name of brother and suster. If that priuat names come nat to mynde / name all ler∣ned men worshypfull may∣sters / all preestes and mon∣kes reuerende fathers / all companyons / bretherns and frendes: breuely al that be vnknowen / call thē may∣ster and maystresse. Of a childes mouth it is nat honest to sweare / whether it be gamyng or ernest. what is more reproche than this maner in ome countreys / to sweare at euery thyrde worde / ye the lytell gyrles / by breed / by salte / by cādle: by what thynge sweare they nat? To foule wordes let no manerly childe make an∣swere / nor laye his eare. Fynally if any thynge be shewed to the eyen / or herds by the eares in honestly. If the cause requyre that he muste name any membre priuy / let hym couer it with honest circumstaunce. Further / if it chaunce to speke of vyle thinges / as vo¦myte / a draught / or a orde / he muste say before saue re∣uerence. If he must deny any thyng / let hym beware that he say nat ye say nat truthe / specy∣ally if he speke to his elder but first by your fauour say it was otherwyse tolde me of suche a man. A well manered chylde shall contende with no man / no nat with his felowes / but let other haue their wyll: if the thynge come to discencyon / let hym referre the mater to arbytrement. Let hym nat presume before an other / let hym nat auaunte his awne dedes / nor reproue the ma∣ner of other / nor reuyle the nature and maners of any nacyon / nor publysshe an secret shewed hym / nor scat∣ter no newe tales / nor de∣fame no man / nor rebuke no honest man of that whiche is naturall / for that is nat onely spyefull and vngen∣tyll / but folysshe. As if a man call hym that hath but one eye / one eyed: hym that halteth a cryppe: hym that can nat se bu nye vnto hym sandblynde / or he that is borne out of wedlocke ba∣starde. By this meanes it shal folowe that a man with out enuy shall gette prayse / and allure sendes. To interrupt any man in his tale before it be ended is agayne maner. Lette hym beare malyce to no man: shewe gentylnesse to euery persone / lette hym take fewe to his secret coun∣sayle / and those with good discrecion. Lette hym nat shewe that he wolde haue secrete. It is folly to loke that an other man shal kepe close / that can nat kepe close to thy selfe. No man is so close of tonge but he hath some in truste / to whome he woll open his secret mynde. It is moste sure nothynge to do or saye / wherof thou shulde be shamed if it be spo¦ken abrode. Be nat ouer besy in other mennes causes. And if thou se or here any thynge / loke thou knowe nat that thou knowest. To prie or loke vpon let∣ters that be nat brought to the / is leude maner. If a man open his casket before the / go a parte. Also if thou perceyue any secrete counsayle to ryse a∣monge any persons / auoyde thence thy selfe as thoughe thou knewe no thynge / and do nat entremedle to come to counsayle excepte thou be called. In gamynge and gentyll sporte let mery fasshyon be shewed / lette crafte / cause of stryfe and disceye be set a parte / also lyes. For thrugh these prīciples a childe gro∣weth to further inconueny∣ence. He ouercometh better that sryueth nat / than he that hath the victorye. Ne∣uer repugne iugement. If thou playe with them that e ignorant / thou mayste alwaye wynne / but be con∣tent sometyme to lese tha the gamynge maye be more mery. If thou playe with meanr persones / take nat vpon the to be better than they. A man shulde gamen for recreacion & nat bycause of lucte. They say that the inclynacion of a chylde can nat be better knowen than in gamynge. If any be dis∣posed of nature to deceytes / to lyes / to stryues / to vyo∣lence or presūpcion / here the vyce of nature woll apere. Therfore a manerly chyld shulde be lyke hym selfe / no lesse in gamynge than at th table. In the chambre sylenc is laudable / with honesty. Loude speche and clattryng is nat honest / moche more in bedde. whether thou do thy clothes of or vpon / regarde honesty / beware thou shewe nothynge bare to syght that maner & nature wolde haue couered. If thou lye with a bedfelowe / lye styll / and make nat bare thy selfe with tumblyng / nor vexe nat thy bedfelowe with pullynge of the clothes. Before thou lay thy body downe / crosse thy forheed and thy brest with the syne of the holy crosse / & cōmende the to Iesu Christ with some lytell prayer. Do the same in the mor∣nyng whā thou rysest / begyn the daye with some prayer: Thou canste nat begyn with better lucke. And after thou haste be at the akes do no thyng vnto thou hau wasshed thy handes & face / and thy mouthe. To suche as chaunce to be well borne it is to thē shame nat to be of lyke maners as their progenytours were. whome fortune wylleth to be of cōmen sorte / of lowe bloode / & vplandysshe / they muste laboure the more to sette them selfe forthe with auauncement of good ma∣ners / in that that fortune hath debarred them. No man can chose to hym slfe father and mother or his countrey / but condycion wy / and maners any man maye countrefet. I wyll annexe to this a shorte pre∣cete as a sure testimonye / whiche semeth to me worthy premynēce. It is the chefe parte of gentyll maner / al∣thoughe thou neuer offende hy selfe / yet gentilly to par∣don other mennes fautes / nor to loue lesse thy compa∣nyon therfore / thoughe he haue some cōdycions out of frame. Nor these thynges be nat here spoken for that entent / as thoughe no man may be honest without thē. If so be thy companyon do offende by ouersyght / for as moche as he semeth of some reputacyon / to adueryse hym bytwene the and hym and with gentyll fasshyon / is good maner. This small gyft my sonne wel beloued / I wyll it shall be gyuen for thy sake to all the company of chyldren / that forth with thorowe this rewarde bothe thou shalte allure the good myndes of thy felowes / and thou shalt gyue to them the desyres of lyberall scyence and good maners. The goodnesse of Iesu vouche safe thy noble and vertuous enclynacion / and to encrease to better at all tymes. SI ter maximū illum Paulum nō piguit oīa fieri omnibus, quo {pro}desse posset omnibus, quāto minus go grauari de∣beo iuāde iuētutis amore subinde repuerascere. Ita{que} quē admodū pridē ad Maxi miliani fratris tui primam adolescentiam memet accom¦modaui, dum adulescentulo, um formo linguam: ita nūc me ad tuam attempero pue∣ritiam, de puerorum moribus praecepturus: nō qd tu isce praescriptis magnopere ege, , primum ab incunabilis inter aicos educatus, mox tus tam insignem for∣dae rudis aetatis artficem: ut qd omni ¦mus, ad te pertineant, &c principibus, & prīcipatui na¦cum sed ut libētius haec edis∣ant omnes pueri, {quod} am∣plissimae fortunae, summae{que} spei puero dicata sint. Nec enim mediocre calcar addet uniuersae pubi, si cōspexerīt herō liberos à primis statim annis dicari studijs, & in eo∣dem cū ipsis stadio currere. Munus aūt formdi pueri∣tiā multis constat partibus, quarū sicuti prima ita preci∣pua est, ut tenellus animus mbibat pietatis seminaria: proxima, ut liberales disci∣plinas & amet, & perdis∣cat: tertia est, ut ad uitae of∣ficia instruatur: quarta est, ut à primis statim ui rudi∣mētis ciuilitati morū assues∣at. Hanc postremā nūc mi∣bi proprie sumpsi. Nā de su∣erioribus quū alij cōplures us. Quanq aūt externū il∣lud corporis decorū ab ani∣mo bene cōpoito {pro}siciscitur tamē incuria praeceptorū nō nunq fieri uidemus, ut hāc in∣terim gratiā in probis & e∣ruditis hominibus desydere∣mus. Nec inficior hanc esse clarissimā Philosophiae par∣tē, sed ea, ut sunt hodie mor taliū iudicia, plurimū cōdu∣cit & ad cōcilandā beneuo∣lētiā, & ad praeclaras illas a nimi dotes oculis hominū cō∣mēdādas. Decet aūt ut homo sit cōpositus aīo, corpore, ge∣stibus ac uestitu: sed ī primis pucros decet oīs modestia, & in his praecipu nobiles. Pro nobilibus aūt hab̄di sūt ēs, qui studijs liberalibus excoūt animum. Pingāt alij in lypeis suis leones aqui∣las, tauros, & leopardos, plu abent uerae nobilitatis, q {pro}ingnibus suis tot pos∣sunt imagines depīgere, quot {per}didicerunt artes liberales. Vt ergo bene cōpositus pueri aīus undi{que} reluceat, relucet aūt potissimū in uultu sint o∣culi placidi, uerecūdi, cōpo∣siti nō torui, qd est truculen∣tiae nō improbi, qd est impu∣dētiae: nō uagi ac uolubiles, qd est insaniae: nō limi, qd est suspiciorū et in sidias moliē∣tium, nec immodice diducti. quod est stolidorū, nec ub∣inde cōuiētibus genis ac pal∣pebris, quod est incōstantiū, nec stupētes qd est attonito∣rū. id in Socrate notatū. nec nimiū acres, quod est iracun diae signū. nō innuētes, ac lo∣quaces, quod est impudicitiae signum, sed aīm sedatū ac re¦uerenter amicum prae se fe∣rentes. Nec enim temere di∣ctū est à priscis sapientibus, nimi sedem esse in oculis. Picturae quidē ueteres nobis loquūtur, olim singularis cu∣usdā modestiae fuisse, semi∣lusis oculis obtueri, quēad∣modū apud Hispanos quos∣ā, semiptos intueri blan∣dū haberi uidetur & amicū. Itidem ex picturis discimus, oim contractis strictis{que} la∣ijs esse, probitatis fuisse ar∣gumentū. Sed quod suapte natura decorū est apud om∣ns decorū habebitur. Quā∣qu in his quo{que} decet inter∣dum nos fieri polypos, & ad regionis morē nosmet attē∣rare. Iam sūt quidā oculo um habitus, quos alijs alios addit natura, q non cadunt sub nostras praeceptiones, ni∣si quod incompositi gestus nō aro uiciant, non solū oculo∣ū uerū etiam totius corpo∣ris habitū ac formā. Contra ōpositi, quod natura deco∣rum est, reddunt decentius, uod uiciosum est, si nō tol∣ut, certe tegunt minūt{que}. In∣decorū est clauso oculorū al ero quenquā obtueri. Quid enī hoc aliud est, quam seip∣sū eluscare? Eū gestū thyn∣is ac fabris relinquaemus. Sint exporrecta superci∣lia, non adducta, quod est toruitatis: non sublata in al∣tū, quod est arrogantiae: non in oculos depressa quod est male cogitantium. Fron itē hilaris & expla∣nata, mētem sibi bene cōsci∣am, & ingeniū liberale prae se ferens, non in rugas con∣tracta, quod est senij, nō mo∣bilis, quod est erinaciorū: nō torua, quod est taurorū. A naribus abit mucoris purulentia, quod est sordi∣dorū. Id uitiū Socrati phi∣losopho datum est probro. Pileo aut ueste mungi rusti∣num, brachio cubitôu, salsamentariorum, nec mul∣to cus d manu fieri, si mox p tuitam uestis illinias. Strophiolis excipere na∣rium recremēta decorū, id{que} ulisper auerso corpore, si qui adsint honoratiores. Si quid in solum deiectum est emūcto dobus digitis na so, mox pede proterēdū est. Indecorum est subinde cum sonitu spirare naribus, bilis id indicium est. Turpius etiam ducere run∣os, quod est furiosorum, si odo fiat usu. Nam spiritosis qui laberant orthopnea, dāda est uenia. Ridiculum naribus uocem e∣mittere, nam id corniciū est & elephantorum Crispare nasum, irrisorū est & san∣nionum. Si alijs presenti∣bu incidat sternutatio, ci∣uile est corpus auertere. Mox ubi se remiserit ī petus, sgnaros crucis imagine, de in sublato pileo resalutatis q uel salutarūt uel salutare d burāt: nā sternutatio quē ad modū oscitatio sēsum auriū prorsus aufert, precari ueni∣am, aut agere gratias. Alte∣rū in sternutamēto salutare religiosū, & si plures adsint natu maiores, qui salutēt ui∣rū aut foeminā honorabilem, pueri est aperire caput. Por∣ro uocis tinnitū studio intē∣dere, aut data opa sternuta∣mentū iterare, nimirū ad ui∣riū ostentationē, nugonū est. Reprimere sonitū quē natu∣ra fert, ī eptorū est, qui plus tribuūt ciuilitati q saluti. Malas tingat natiuus & ingenuus pudor, non fucatus aut ascitius color. Quanq is quo{que} sit emprandus est, ut nec uertatur in improbitatē, nec adducat stuporem, & quartū, ut habet prouerbiū, nsa ne gradū. Quihusdam enim hic affectus tā impotēs nisitus est, ut reddat delirāti similimū. Tēperatur hoc ma∣lū, si puer inter maiores assu∣escat uiuere, & comoedijs a∣gendis excerceatur. Inflare buccas fastus indiciū est, eas∣dē demittere, est animū de∣spondētis: alterū et Thra∣sonis, alterū Iude {pro}ditoris. Os nec prematur, quod est metuētis alterius halitū hau rire, nec hiet, quod est morio∣num, sed leniter osculātibus se mutuo labris cōiunctū sit. Minus etiam dcorū est sub∣inde porrectis labijs ueluti poppysmū facere, quanq id magnatibus ad ultis per m∣diam turbā incedentibus co donandū est, illos enim decēt omnia, nos puerū formamus Si ors urgeat oscitatio, nec datur auerti, aut cedere, trophio, uolue tegatur os, ox imagine crucis obigne∣ur. Omnibus dictis aut fa∣ctis arridere, stultorum est: nullis arridere, stupidorum. Obscoene dictis aut factis ar¦ridere, nequitia est. Cachin∣nus, & immodicus ille totum orpus quatiens risus, quem ob id Graeci , id et, concussorem appellant, nulli decorus est aetati, nedū {per}ueritiae. Dedecet autē quod quidā ridētes hinnicū aedūt. Indecorus & ille qui oris ri∣ctū late diducit corrugatis buccis ac nudatis dētibus qui caninus est, & Sardonius di¦citur. Sic autē uultus hilari∣tatē exprimat, ut nec oris ha¦bitū dehonestet, nec animum dissolutum arguat. Stulto∣rum illae uoces sunt, risu dif∣fluo, risu dissilio, risu emo∣rior, & si qua res adeo ri∣dicula inciderit, ut uolenti∣us eiusmodi risū exprimat, mappa maniue tegenda fa∣cies. Solum aut nullam eui∣dentē ob causam ridere, uel stultitiae tribuitur, uel insa∣niae. Si quid tamen eiusmodi fuerit obortū, ciuilitatis rit alijs aperire risus causā: aut si nō putes {pro}ferendā, cōmn∣tiiū aliquid adferre, ne quis derideri suspicetur. Superio¦ribus dentibus labrū inferius premere, inurbanum st, hic nim est minantis gestus: quē aedmodū & īferioribus mor∣dere superius. Quin & la∣brorū oras līgua circūuolu∣ subinde lambere, inepū. Porrectioribus esse labris, & uel ut ad osculū composi∣is, olim apud Germanos fu∣isse blandum indicant illo∣rum picturae. Porrecta lingua deridere quenquam, scurrile est. Auersus ex∣puito, ne quem conspuas, spergus u. quemadmodū unguibs re∣liquū fricare corpus, sordi∣dū est, praesertim si iat usu, non necessitate. Coma nec frontem tegat, nec humeris inuolitet. Subinde concusso capite discutere capillitium, lasciuientiū est equorū. Ce∣sariē à fronte in uerticē le∣ua retorquere, parū elegans est, manu discriminare, mo∣destius. Inflectere ceruicem & adducere scapulas, pigri∣tiam arguit. Resupinare cor¦pus, fastus indiciū est: mol∣liter erectum, decet. Ceruix nec in leuū, nec in dextrum uergat, by pocriticum enim, nisi colloquium, aut aliud i∣mile postulet. Humeros o∣portet aequo libramine tem∣perare, non in morem anten∣narum, alterum attollere, alterū deprimere. Nam hu∣iusmodi gestus in pueris ne∣glecti, uertutur in naturam, & corporis habitum praeter naturā deformant. Ita{que} qui prae desidia collegerunt co∣sui tudinē inflectēdi corpus, sibi gibbū conciliant, quē na∣tura non dederat: & qui de flxū in latus caput habere consueuerunt, in eū habitum indrescūt, ut adulti rstra mutare nitātur. Siquidem te∣nera a corpusula plantuis similia sunt, quae in quācun{que} seciem sura uniculoue de flexeris, ita crscunt & in∣durescūt. Vtrum{que} rachiū intergm retorquere, simul & pigritiae speciem habet, & furis. N{que} multo decen∣tius est, altera manu in ilia iniecta astare edereue, qd tamen quibusdā elegans ac miliare uidetur. At nō sta∣tim honestum est quod stul∣tis placuit, sed quod natu∣rae & rationi consentanum est. Reliqua dicentur, quum ad colloquiū, & con∣uiuium uentum erit. Membra quibus natura pu¦dorē addidit, retegere citra necessitatē, procul abesse de∣bet ab indole liberali. Quin ubi necessitas huc cogit, ta∣men id quo{que} decēte uerecū∣dia facindū est, etiā si nemo testis adsit. Nunq enim non adsūt angeli, qbus in pueris gratissimus est pudicitiae co∣mes custos{que} pudor. Quorū aūt conspectū oculis subdu∣cere pudicū est, ea multo mi∣nus oportet alieno praebere cōtactui. Lotiū remorari uae letudini perniciosū, secreto reddere uerecundū. Sūt qui praecipiāt ut puer cōpressis natibus uētris flatū retinat. Atq ciuile non est, dū urba∣nus uideri studes, morbū ac∣cercere. Si licet sedere, solus id faciat: Sin minus, iuxta etustissimum prouerbium: Tusci crepitum dissimulet. Alioqui quur nō eadē opera praecipiūt ne aluū deijciant, quū remorar flatū periculo sius sit, q aluū stringere. De∣ductis genubus sedere, aut di uaricatis tibijs distortisue sta¦re Tasonū est. Sedenti coant genua, stanti pedes, aut certe modice diducātur. Qui¦dā oc gestu sedēt, ut alterā tibiā altero genū suspendāt, nōnulli stant dcussatim cō, positis tibijs, quorū altrum est anxiorū, alterū inptorū Dextero edeī leuū femur ī∣ecto sedere priscorū regum mos est, sed im{pro}batus. Apud Italos quidā honoris graia ped̄ alterum altero premūt, uni{que} propemodū insistūt ti∣biae coniarū ritu, qd an pue os deceat nescio. Itidem in flectèdis genibus aliud apud alios decet dedecetue. Qui∣dā utrū{que} pariter iuflectunt, id{que} rursus alij recto corpo∣re, alij nonniil incuruato. Sūt qui hoc ceu mulibre ra∣ti, sinuiter erecto corpore primū dextrū incuruāt genu, mox sinistrū, qd apd Britā∣nos in adoescētibus laudi da¦tur. Galli modulato corporis circūactu dextrū dūtaxat in flectūt, In his in qus uarie∣tas nihil habet cum honesto pugnās, liberū erit uel uerna culis uti moribus, uel alienis obsecūdare, quādo sunt quos magis capiāt peregrina. In∣cessus nec fractus sit, nec prae¦ceps, quorū alterū est molli∣um, alterū furio sorū, nec ua∣cillans. Nam ineptā in inces∣su sub claudicationē Suiceris militibus relinquamus & ijs qui magnū ornamētum du∣cūt, in pileo gestare plumas, Tamets uidemus Episcopos oc gestu sibi placere. Sedētē {per}edibus ludere stultorū est, quēadmodū & manibus ge∣sticulari parum integrae mē∣i indicium est. In summa dictū est de cor∣pore, nūc de cultu paucis, e quod uestis quodāmodo cor∣poris corpus est, & ex hac quo{que} liceat habitū animi cō∣ijcere. Quanq hic certus prae¦scribi modus non potest, e quod non omniū per est, uel fortuna, uel dignitas, nec a∣pud omnes eadē decora sūt, aut indecora, postremo nec omnibus seculis eadē placēt displicentue. Vnde quemad∣modū in alijs multis, ita hic quo{que} nōnihil tribuendū est, uxta prouerbium, , at{que} etiā , id est, legi, & regioni, & tempori, cui seruire iubent sapiētes. Est tamen in hisce uarietati∣bu, qd per se s onestum, aut secus, uelut illa quae nul∣lū habēt usū, cui paratur ue∣stis. Prolixas trahere caudas in foeminis ridetur, in uiris improbatur. An Cardinales & episcopos deceat, alijs aestimandū relinquo. Mul∣ctitia nūquam nō probro da ta sunt tū uiris tū foeminis, quādoquidē hic est alter ue∣stis usus, ut ea tegat q impu∣dice ostendūtur oculis homi∣nū. Olim habebatur parum uirile discinctū esse, nūc idē nemini uicio uertitur, quod indusijs, subuculis, et caligis repertis tegātur pudēda, etiā i diffluat tunica. Alioqui uestis breuior q ut inclinanti egat partes quibus, debetur bonos, nus q nō inhonesta est Dissecare uestē amentiū est, picturatis ac uersicoloribus uti, morionū est ac simiorum. Ergo pro modo facultatum ac dignitatis, pro{que} regione et more adsit cultui mundi∣cies, nec sordibus notabilis, necluxū, nec lasoiuiā aut fa∣stū prae se ferens. Neglectior cultus decet adolescētes, sed citra immūdiciam. Indecore qda interularū ac tunicarū ora aspergine lotij pingūt. Sinū brachialia{que} indecoro tectorio incrustant, nō gyp∣so, sed nariū & oris pituita. Sunt qbus uestis in alterū la tus defluit, alijs ī tergū ad re nes us{que}, nec desunt qbus hoc uidatur elegans. Vt otum corporis habitū & mundū, & compositū esse decet, ita decet illū corpori cōgruere. Si quid legātioris cultus de dere parētes, nec teipsū re∣lexis oculis cōtemplere, h gaudio gestias, alijs{que} oten∣tes, nam alterū simiarum eft, alterū pauonū, mirētur alij: u e bene cultum esse nesci∣as Quo maior est fortuna, oc est amabilior modestia. Tenuioribus in cōditionis so latiū concedendū est, ut mo∣derate sibi placeā. At diues ostēans splendorē amictus, alijs suam exprobrat mise∣riam, sibi{que} conflat inuidiam. Quoties fores templi prae∣teris, nudato caput, ac modi∣ce flexis genibus, & ad sa∣cra uerso uultu, Christū di∣uos{que} salutato. Idē & alias faciendū, slue in urbe, siue in agris, quoties occurrit ima∣go crucis. Per aedē sacrā ne trāsieris, nisi simili religione saltem breui precatiuncula Chris̄ appelles, id{que} retecto capite, & utro{que} genu slexo Cū sacra peraguntur, totum corporis habitū ad religionē decet componere. Cogita il∣lic praesentem Christum cum innumeris angelorū milibus. t si qui regem hominē allo∣quuturus circūstāte procerū corona, nec caput aperiat, nec gen lectat, non ̄ pro rustico, sed pro insono abe∣ret ab oībus: quale est illic pertū habere caput, erecta genua, ubi ad est rex ille re∣gū immortalis, & immorta∣litatis largitor, ubi uenera∣bundi circūstant aetherei spi∣ritus? Nec refert, sleos non ides, uident illi te, nc minus certū est illos adesse, q si uide res eos oculis corporeis. Cer¦tius enim cernunt oculi fidei q oculi carnis. Indecentius tiam est quod quidā in tem∣plis obambulant, & Peripa∣cicos agunt. Atqui deam∣bulationibus porticus & fo∣ra conueniunt, non templa, quae sacris concionibus, my∣sterijs, ac deprecatiōi dicata sū. At cōcionantē spectent oculi, huc attentae sint aures, uc inhiet animus omni cum reuerētia, quasi non hominē udias, sed deū per os homi∣nis tibi loquentē. Quū reci∣tatur Euangeliū, assurge, & si potes ausculta religiose. Quum in symbolo caniur, & homo factus est, in genua {pro}cūbe, uel hoc pacto te sub∣mittēs in illius honorē, qui se∣met pro tua salute, quū esset supra omnes coelos demisit in terras, quū esset deus, digna∣tus est homo fieri, ut te face∣ret deū. Dum peragūtur my∣steria, toto corpore ad reli∣gionē composito, ad altare uersa sit facies, ad Christum animus. Altero genu trram contingere, erecto altero, cui laeuus īnitatur cubitus, gestus est impiorū militū, q domino Iesu illudētes dicebant, Au rex Iudeorū. u dimitte u∣rū{que}, reliquo etiā corpore nō ihil inflexo ad uenerationē. Reliquo tēpore aut legatur aliquid è libello, fiue precu∣larū, se doctrinae salutaris, aut mens celeste qdpiam me∣ditetur. Eo tpe nugas abg∣nire ad aurē uicini, eorū est, q nō credūt illic adesse Chri∣stū, huc illuc circumferre ua∣gos oculos, amentiū est. Exi∣stimate frustra templum ad∣isse, nisi inde melior discesse∣is purior{que}. In cōuiuijs adsit ilaritas, absit petulantia non nisi lo∣tus accumbe, sed ante prae∣fectis unguibus ne qd in his haereat sordium, dicaris{que} , idē sordidus & im∣pendio parcus, uide {pro}uerb. ac prius clam reddito lotio, aut si res ita postulet, exone∣rata etiam aluo: & si fortē strictius cinctum esse con∣tingat, aliquantulum relax∣are uincula consultum est, qd in accubitu parū decore fit. Abstergēs manus, simul abijce qcqd aī o aegre est. Nā ī cōuiuio nec tristē esse decet nec cōtristare qūq, iussus cō¦secrare mēsā, uultū ac manus ad religionē cōponio, spe∣ctās aut cōuiuij primariū, aut s fors adest, imaginē chriti, ad nomen Iesu matris{que} uir∣ginis, utrum{que} lecten; genu. Hoc muneris si cui alteri de∣legatū fuerit, pari religione tū auscultato, tū respōdeto. Sedis honorem alteri liben∣er cede, & ad honoratioē locū inuitatus, comiter excu∣sa: si tamen id crebro srio{que} iubeat aliqs authoritate prae¦ditus, uerecūde obtēpera, ne uideare {pro} ciuili praefractus. Accūbens utrā{que} manum su∣per mensam habe, non con∣iūctim, nec in quadra. Qu∣dam enim indecore, uel unā, el ambas abent in gremio. Cubito uel utro{que} uel altero initi mense, senio morbue lassis cōdonatur: idem in de∣licatis quibusdā aulicis, qui se decere putant quicquid a∣gūt, dissimulandum est, non imitandū, interca cauendum, ne proxime accumbēti pedi∣bus sis molestus. In ella ua∣cillare, & nunc huic nunc al¦teri nati insidere, speciē ha∣bet subinde uētris tatū emit∣tentis, aut emittere conatis. Corpus igitur aequo librami∣ne sit erectum. Mantile si datur aut umero sinistro, aut brachio laeuo imponito. Cū honoratioribus accubitu∣us, capite pexo, pil eū relin∣quito, nisi uel regionis mos diuersū suadeat, uel alicuius authoritas praecipiat, cui nō parère sit indecorum. Apud quasdā nationes mos est, ut peri stantes, ad maiorā mē∣ā capiāt cibū extremo loco, reecto capite. Ib ne puer accedat, nisi iussus, ne haereat us{que} ad cōuiuij inē, sed sum∣pto quod satis est, sublata quadra sua, flexo poplite, sa¦lutet conuiuas, praecipue qui inter cōuiuas est caeteris ho∣noratior. A dextris sit pocu∣lum et cultellus escarius, rite purgatus: ad laeuam pas. Panem una uola pressū, sum¦mis digitis refringere, quo∣rundā auricorū delitias esse sinito, tu cultello seca decen∣ter, non undi{que} reuellens cru∣tum, aut utrin{que} resecās: de∣licatorū hoc est. Panem uete res in omnibus conuiuijs c¦rem sacrā religiose tracta∣bant, unde nūc quo{que} mos re∣lictus est, cū forte delapsū in humū, exosculari. Cōuiuium statī à poculis auspicari, po∣torū est, qui bibūt non quod siēt, sed qd soleāt. Nec ea res solū moribus est ī honesta uerū etiā officit corporis ua∣etudini. Nec statim post sū{per} tam ex iure ofsam bibendū, multo minus post lactus esū. Puero saepius q bis, aut ad sū mum tr, in conuiuio bibere, nec decorū est, nec salubre. Semel bibat aliquandiu pa∣stus de secūdo missu, praeser∣tim sicco: dein sub conuiuij fi∣nem, id{que} modice sorbendo, non ingurgitādo, nec equo∣rū sonitu. Tum nū, tum cer¦uisa nihil ominus quam uinū inebrians, ut purorū uale∣tudinē laeit, ita mores dede∣corat. Aqua feruidae cōue∣nit aetati, aut si non patitur, siu regionis qualitas, siu a∣lia quae iā causa, tenui cer∣sia utitor, aut uio nec ar∣denti, & aqua diluto. Alio∣qui mro gaudents haec se∣quuntur praemia: dntes ru∣biginosi, gnae defluentes, oculi luscios, mentis stupor, breuiter seniū ante senectā. Antequam bibas, praemande cibū: nec labra admouas po¦culo, nisi prius mantili aut inteolo abstersa: praesertim s quis suū poculum tibi por∣rigit, aut ubi de cōmum bibi∣tur poculo. Inter bibendū in∣tueri, illiberal st, quemad∣modū & ciconiarum exēplo ceruicē in tergum rflectere, ne quid hereaī imo cyato, parum est liberale. Salutātē poculo resalutet comiter, & admotis labris cyatho pau∣lulum libans bibere si mulet: hoc ciui nugoni sais erit. Qui si rusticus urgeat, polli∣ceatur se tum responsurum, quum adoluert. Quidam ubi uix bene cōsederit, mox manus in epulas conijciunt. Id luporum est, aut eorum, qui de chytropode carnes nondum immolatas deuo∣rant, iuxta prouerbium. Primus ibum appositū ne at tingito, non tantū ob id quod arguit auidū, sed quod inter dum cū periculo cōiunctum est, dū qui feruidū inexplo∣ratū recipit in os, aut expue∣re cogitur, aut si deglutiat adurre guld, utroque ridicu¦lus aeque ac miser. Aliquan∣tisper morandū, ut puer as∣suescat affectui temperare. Quo cōsilio Socrates ne se∣nex quidem unquam de pri∣mo cratere bibere sustinuit. Si cum maioribus accumbit puer, postremus, nc id nisi uiatus manū admoueat pa∣tine. Digitos in iusculēta im¦mergere agrestiū est, sed cutello fuscinaue tollat quod uult: nec id ex toto eligat disco, qd solēt liguritores, sed quod forte ante ipsū ia∣cet sumat, quod uel ex Ho∣mero discere licet, apud quē crebr est hic uersiculus: , Id quo{que} si fuerit insigniter elegans, alteri cedat, & quod proxi∣mū est accipiat. Vt igitur in temperātis est in oēs patinae plagas manū mittere, ita pae∣rū decorū, patinā inuertere, quo ueniant ad te lautiora. Si quis alius cibum orrexe∣rit elegantiorē, praefatus ex∣cusatiunculam recipiat, sed resecta ibi portiuncula, re∣liquū offeat ei qui porrexe∣rat, aut proxime assidēti cō∣municet. Quod digitis excipi non potest, quadra excipien∣dū est. Si quis e placenta, uel artocrea porrexerit aliquid cocleari, aut quadra excipe, aut cocleare porrectū acci∣pe, & inuerso in quadram cibo, cocleare reddito. Si li∣quidius est quod datur gustā¦dū, sumito, & cocleare red∣dito, sed ad mantile extersū. Digitos unctos uel ore prae∣lingere, uel ad tunicam aex∣ergere, pariter in ciuile est: id mappa potius aut mantili faciendū. Integros bolos su∣bito deglutire, ciconiarū est, ac balatronū. Si qd ab alio fuerit resectum, inciuile est manū quadrue porigere, prius q ille structor offerat, ne uideae precipere qd al∣teri paratū eat Qod por∣igitur, aut trius digitis, aut porrecta quadra excipiē̄ Si qd offertur nō cōgruit tuo stomacho, caue ne dixeris il∣lud Comici Clitiponis. Nō possū pater, sed blande agito gratias. Est enim hoc urba∣nissimū recusandi genus. Si prestat inuitator, uerecunde dicito, aut non cōuenire tibi, aut te nihil amplius requi∣rere. Discenda est primis statim annis secādi ratio, nō suptitiosa, qd quidā faciūt, ed ciuilis & cōmoda. Ali∣ter enim insciditur armus, a∣liter coxa, aliter cruix, ali∣ter cratis, aliter capus, aliter phasianus, aliter prdix, ali∣ter anas, quadere singulatim praecipere, ut prolixū sit, ita nec operae preciū. Illud ī uni∣uersū tradi pōt. Apitiorum esse omni ex parte, qdqd pa∣lato blāitur, abradere. Abs te semesca alteri porrigere, parū honsti moris est. Panē praerosū iterū in ius immerge re rusticanū est. Sicut & ci∣bū mansū faucibus eximere, & in quadrā reponere ī ele∣gās est. Nā si qd forte suptū est qd deglutiri nō expedit, lā auersus aliquo proijciat. Cibū ambesū aut ossa semel ī quadrā seposita repetere, ui∣cio datur. Ossa aut si qd simi¦le reliquū est, ne sub mēsā ab eceris pauimētū cōspurcās, ec in mēsae strgulā proijce, nec in patinā repone, sed in quadrae angulū sepone, aut in discū q apud nō nullos re∣liquijs excipiēdis apponitur. Canibus alienis de mēsa pro rigere cibū, ineptiae tribuitur, ineptius est illo in conuiuio cōtrectare. Qui putamen di gitorū unguibus aut pollice repurgare ridiculū est: idem inserta lingua facere magis etiam ridiculū, cultello id sit decentius. Ossa dētibus ar∣rodre caninum est, cultello purgare ciuile. Tres digiti sa lino impressi, uulgari oco dicitur agrestiū insignia. Cul tello sumendū est salis quan∣tū satis est. Si longius abest saliuū, porrecta quadra pe∣tendum est. Quadram aūt patinam cui saccarum aut a∣liud suaue quiddam adhesit, lingua lambere, feliū est non hominum. Carnem prius minutim in quadra dissecet, mox addito pane imul ali∣quādiu mandat, priusquam raijciat in stomacū. Id non solū ad bonos moes, uerum etiā ad bonam ualetudinem pertinet. Quidā deuorāt ue∣rius quam edunt, non aliter quā mox, ut aiūt, abducendi in carcerem. Latronū est ea tuburcinatio. Quidā tātum simul in os ingerūt, ut utrin{que} ceu folles tumeāt buccae, alij mandēdo diductu labiorum sonitū edunt procorū in mo∣rem. Nōnulli uorādi studio, spirant etiam naribus, quasi praefocandi. Ore pleno uel bibere, uel loqui, nec honestū est, nec tutū. Vicissitudo fa∣bularum interuallis dirimat perpetuū esum. Quidam ci∣tra intermissionem edunt bi∣buntue, non quod esuriant sitiantue, sed quod alioqui gestus moderari non pos∣sunt, nis aut scabant caput, ut scapant dentes, aut ge∣ticulēter manibus, aut ludät cultello, aut tussiēt, aut scre∣ent, aut expuāt. Ea res à ru∣tico pudore profecta, non∣nullam insaniae speciē habet. Auscultandis aliorū sermo∣nibus fallendū est hoc tedij, si nō datur opportunitas lo∣quendi. Inciuile est, cogita∣bundū in mensa accumbere. Quosdam autē uideas adeo stupentes, ut nec audiant qd ab alijs dicatur, nec se cōme∣ere sentiant: & si nomina∣tim appelles, uelu è somno excitati uideātur, Adeo to∣tus animus est in patinis. In∣rbanū et oculs circūactis seruare quid quisque co∣medat, nec decet in quēquam conuiuarum diuitus intentos abere oculos: inurbanius e∣am transuersim hirquis in∣tueri, qui in codem accum∣bunt latere: inurbanissimum, retorto intergum capite cō∣templari, quid rerum gera∣tur in altera mensa. Effutire si quid liberius inter pocula dictum factumue sit, nulli de∣corū est, nedum puero. Puer cum natu maioribus accum∣bens nunquam loquatur, nisi aut coga necessitas, aut abs quopiam inuitetur. Lepide dictis modice arrideat: ob∣coene dictis ne quando arri∣deat, sed nec frontem con∣trahat si praecellit dignitate qui dixit, sed ita uultus ha∣bitū temperet, ut aut non au∣disse, aut certe non intellex∣issi uideatur. Mulieres or∣nat silentium, sed magis pue∣ritiam. Quidam respondēt, prusquam orationem finie∣rit qui compellat, ita saepe it, ut aliena respondens sit risui, det{que} ueteri locum prouerbio , id st, falces petebam, alius non intelligens negabat se habere scaphas, respon∣dens quod nihil ad rem atti∣eret. Vide prouerbi. Docet oc Rex ille sapientissimus, stultitiae tribuens, respōdere priusq audias: non audit au∣tem, qui non intellexit. Sin inus intellexit percōtantē, paulispr obticescat, donec lle quod dixit sponte repe∣at. Id si nō facit, sed respō∣sum urget, blāde ueniā prae∣fatus puer, oret ut quod dixe rat, dicat denuo. Intellecta percōtatione, paululū inter∣ponat morae, deinde tum pau is respondeat, tum iucunde. In cōuiuio nihil effutiendū, quod offuscet hilaritatem. Absentiū famam ibi laedere, placlū est. Nec cuiquā illic suus refricandus est dolor. Vituperare quod appositum et, inciuilitati datur, & in∣atum est conuiuatori. i de tuo praebetur conuiuiū, ut excusare tenuitatē appa∣ratus urbanum, ita laudare aut cōmemorare quāti con∣stiterint, insuaue profecto condimentū est accumbenti∣bus. Deni{que} si quid à quoq in cōuiuio fit rusticius per im∣peritiā, ciuiliter dissimulan∣dū potius q irridendū. Decet compotationē libertas. Tur∣pe est, sub dium, ut ait Flac∣cus, rapere, si quid cui super coenam excidit incogitātius Quod ibi fit diciturue, uino inscribendū, ne audias (id est, odi memorē cōpotorē. Vide pro¦uerbi.) Si cōuiuiū erit q pro puerili aetate {pro}lixius, & ad luxū tendere uidebitur, simul¦at{que} senseris naturae factum satis, aut lā, aut ueniā preca¦tus, te subducito. Qui pueri¦em aetatē adigūt ad inediā, ea quidē sentētia insaniūt, ne{que} multo minus ij q pueros mmodico cibo diffarciunt. Nam ut illud debilitat teneri corpus cult uiriculos, ita hoc nim um obruit. Moderatio tamē statim discēda est. Ci∣tra plenā saturitaē rsici∣endū est puerile corpus, ma∣gis{que} crebro q copiose. Qui∣dam se saturos nesciūt, nisi dum ita distentus est uentri∣culus, ut in periculū ueniant, ne dirūpatur, aut ne per uo∣mitū reijciat onus. Odrunt liberos q illos etamnū tene∣ros coenis in multam noctem productis perpetuo sinūt as∣sere. Ergo si surgendū rit à prolixiore cōuiuio, quadrā uā cū reliquij tollito, ac sa∣lutato qui uidetur inter cōui uas honoratissimus mox & lijs smul, discedito, sed mox redditurus, ne uideare lusus aut alterius parum honestae rei gratia, te subduxisse. Reuersus, ministrato s qd opus erit, aut reuerēter men∣sae assistito, si quis quid iube∣at expectans. Si quid appo∣nis, aut submoues, uide ne cui uestem iure perfundas. Can∣delam emuncturus, prius illā mēsa tollito, quod{que} emun∣ctū est, protinus aut harene immergito, aut solea prote∣rito, ne quid ingrati nidoris offendat nares. Si quid por∣rigis, infundisue, leua id a∣as caueto. Iussus agere gra¦tias, compone gestus, parat̄ te significans donec sētibus conuiuis, dicendi tempus ad fuerit. Interim uultus ad cō¦uiuio praesidentē reuerentr uersus sit & constanter. Si quis occurrerit ī a, uel senio uenerādus, uel religiōe reuerēdus, uel dignitate gra¦uis, uel aioq dignus honore, meminert puer de ua dece∣dere, reuerenter aperire ca∣put, nonnihil etiā flexis po∣plitibus. Ne uero si cogitet, quid mihi cū ignoto, quid cū nihil unq bene de me merito? Non hic honos tribuitur ho∣mini, nō meritis, sed deo. Sic deus iussit per Solomonē, qui iussis assurgere cano, si per Paulū q presbyteris duplica¦tū honorē precipit exhibere, in summa, omnibus praestare honorē qbus debetur honos, cōplectens etiā ethnicū ma∣gistratū: & si urca, quod absit, nobis imperet, peccatu∣ri imus, si honorē magistra∣tui debitum illi negemus. De parētibus interim nihil dico, qbus secundū deū primus de∣betur honos. Nec minor prae∣ceptoribus, q mentes hoīm quodāmodo dū formant, ge∣nerāt. I & inter aequales il ud Pauli locū habere debet, honore inuicē praeuenientes. Qui parē aut inferiorē prae∣uenit, nō ideo it ipse minor, sed ciuilior, & ob id hono∣ratior. Cū maioribus reue∣renter loquendū & paucis, cū aequalibus amāter & co∣miter. Inter loquendū pileū laeua tencat, dextra leuiter admota umbelico, aut quod decētius habetur, pileū utra{que} manu iuncta suspensum, pol∣icibus eminētibus, tegat pu∣bis locū. Librū aut galerum sub axilla tenere rusticius ha¦betur. Pudor ad sit, sed qui decoret, non q reddat atto∣itū. Oculi spectent eum cui loqueris, sed placidi simpli∣ces{que}, nihil procax improbū∣ue pre se ferentes. Oculos in terrā deijcere, quod faciunt catoblepae, male conscientiae suspitionē habet. Transuer∣sm tueri, uidetur auersan∣tis. Vultū huc illuc oluere, leuitatis argumentū est. In∣decorū est interim uultum in uarios mutare habitus, ut nūc corrugetur nasus, nūc cōtra∣batur frons, nunc attollatur superciliū nūc distorquean∣tur labra, nūc diducatur os, nūc prematur, haec aīum ar∣guūt Proteisimilē. Indecorū & illud, concusso capite ia∣ctare comā, sine causa tussire screare, quē admodū & ma∣nu scabere caput, scalpere aureis, emūgere nasū, demul cere faciem, qd est uluti pu∣dorē abstergenti, suffricare occipilū, humeros adducere, qd in nōnullis uidemus a∣lis. Rotato capite negare, aut reducto accersere, & ne per sequar oīa, gestibus ae nti∣bus loqui, ut uirū interdum deccat, puerū minus dicet. Illiberale est iactare brachia gesticulari digitis, uacillare pedibus, breuiter non lingua, ed toto corpore loq, qd tur∣turū esse fertur, aut motacil∣larū, nec multū abhorrēs à pi¦carū moribu. Vox sit mollis ac sedata, nō clamosa, qd est agricolarū, nec tā pressa, ut ad aures eius cuiloqueris nō {per}ueniat. Sermo sit non prae∣ceps, & mētē praecurrēs, sed lentus & explanatus. Hoc etiā naturalè batarismū, aut haesitantiā, si nō in totū tollit, certe magna exparte mitigat, quū praecipitatus sermo mul∣is uitiū cōciliet, qd nō dede∣rat natura. Inter colloquēdū subīde titulū onorificū eius quē appellas repetere ciuili∣tatis est. Patris ac matris uo∣cabulo nihil honorificētius, nihil dullus. Fratris sororis∣ue noe, nihil amabilius. Si te fugiunt tituli peculiares, oēs cruditi sūt tibi, praeceptores obseruādi, oēs sacerdotes, ac monachi, reuerendi patres, omnes aequales, fratres & a mici, breuiter ōs ignoti dn̄i, ignote dn̄ae. Ex ore pueri turpiter auditur iusiurandū, siue iocus sit, siue res seria. Quid enim turpus eo more, quo apd nationes quasdā ad tertiū quod{que} uerbū deierant etiā puellae, {per} panē, per uinū, per candelā, {per} quid nō? Ob∣scoenis dictis, nec linguā prae∣beat ingenus puer, nec aures accōmodet. Deni{que} quicqd in honeste nudatur oculis hoīm indecēter ingeritur auribus. Sires exigat, ut aliquod mē, brū pudendū nominetur, cir∣cūtione urecūda rē notet. Rursus si quid inciderit, qd auditori nauseā ciere possit, ulut si quis narret uomitū, aut latrinā, aut oletū, praefe∣tur honorē auribus. Si quid refellendum erit, caue dicat: haud uera praedicas, praeser∣tī i loquatur grādiori natu, sed praefatus pacē, dicat: m∣bi secus narratū est a tali. Puer ingenuus cum nemine cōtentionē suscipiat, ne cum aequalibus quidem, sed cedat potius uictoriā, si res adiur∣giū ueniat, aut arbitrū pro∣uocet. Ne cui se praeferat, ne sua iactet, ne cuiusq isti∣tutū reprehendat, aut ullius nationis ingenium mores ue uggillet, ne qd arcani credi∣tū euulget, ne nouos spar∣gat rumores, ne cuius obtre∣ctet famae, ne cui probro det uitiū natura insitū. Id enim non solū cōtumeliosū est & inhumanū, sed etiam stultū. Veluti si quis luscū appellet luscū, aut loripedē loripedē, aut strabū strabū, aut nothū nothū. His rationibus fet, ut sine inuidia laudē inueniat, & amicos paret. Interpel∣lare loquentē anteq fabulam absoluerit, inurbanum est. Cū nemine smultatē suscipi∣at: comitatē exhibeat oībus {per} paucos tamē interiorē fami∣liaritatē recipiat, eos{que} cū de lectu. Ne cui tamē credat qd tacitū uelit. Ridiculum enim est, ab alio silentij fidē expe∣ctare, quā ipse tibi non prae∣stes. Nullus aūt est adeo lin∣guae continētis, ut nō abeat aliquē, in quē transūdat ar∣canū. Tutissimū aūt est nihil admittere, cuius te pudeat si proferatur. Alienarū rrum ne fueris curiosus, & si qd forte cōspxeris, audieris u fac quod scis nescias. Lite∣ras tibi non oblatas limis in∣tueri, parū ciuile est. Si ors te praesente scriniū suū ape∣rit aliqs, subducito te. Nā in∣urbanum est inspicere: con∣trectare aliqd inrbanius. Item si senseris inter aliquos secretius oriri colloquium, submoue te dissimulanter, & in huiusmodi colloquium ne emet ingeras nō accitus. In lusibus liberalibus adsi alacritas, absit puicacia rix∣arum parens, absit dolus, ac mendaciū. Nā ab his rudimē¦tis prosicitur ad maiores in∣urias. Pulchrius uincit q c∣dit cōtentioni, q qui palmam obtinet. Arbitris ne reclami∣ta. Si cū impitoribus certa∣mē est, possis{que} sem{per} uincere, nōnunq te uinci patere, quo ludus sit alacrior. Si cum in∣ferioribus luditur, ibi te su∣periorē esse nescias. Animi causa ludendū est non lucri gratia. Aiūt puerorū indolē nusq magis apparere, q inlu su. Si cui ad dolos, ad mēda∣ciū, ad rixā, ad uioletiā, ad arrogantiam {pro}pensius inge∣nium, hic emicat naturae uici∣um. Proinde puer ingenuus non minus in ludo, q in con∣uiuio sui smilis sit. In cubiculo laudatur silē∣iū & uerecūdia. Certe cla∣mor & garrulitas indecora est, multo magis in lecto. Si∣ue cū exuis te, siue cū surgis, memor uerecundiae: caue ne quid nudes aliorū oculis, qd mos & natura tectū esse uo∣luit. Si cū sodali lectum ha∣beas cōmunē, quietus iaceto, ne{que} corporis iactatione, uel tipsū nudes, uel sodali de∣tractis palijs si molestus. Priusq reclines corpus in cer¦uical, frontē & pectus signa crucis imaginae, breui preca∣tiūcula temet Christo cōmen¦dans. Idē facito quum mane primū temet rigis, à preca∣tiuncula diē auspicans: Non nī potes ab omine feliciore. Simul ac exoneraueris aluū, ne quid agas, nisi prius lota facie manibus{que}, & ore pro∣luto. Quibus contingit bene nasci, his turpe est generi suo non respōdere moribus. Quos fortuna uoluit esse plebeios, humiles, aut etiam rurestres, his impēsius etiam adnitendū est, ut qd sors in∣uidit, morū elegātia pensēt. Nemo sibi parētes, aut patri∣am eligere potest: at ingeni∣um, mores{que} sibi quis{que} potest fingere. Colophonis uice ad∣dā praecepciūculā, quae mii uidetur propemodū primo digna loco. Maxima ciuili∣tatis pars est quū nusq delin quas, aliorum delictis facile ignoscere: nec ideo sodalem minus habere charū, si quos habet mores inconditiors. Sūt enim qui morū ruditatē, alijs cōpensēt dotibus. N{que} haec ita praecipiūtur, quasi si∣ne his nemo bonus esse possit. Qoud s sodalis per inscitiā peccet, in eo sanè qd alicu∣ius uidetur momenti, solū ac lāde monere ciuilitatis est. Hoc quicquid est muneris ili chariss. uniuerso puerorū sodalitio per te donatū esse uolui, quo statim hoc cōgia∣rio, simul & cōmilitonū tuo∣rum animos tibi cōcilies, & illis liberaliū artiū, ac morū studia cōmendes. Praeclaram indolētuam Iesu benignitas seruare dignetur, seper{que} in melius proueere. Datū a∣pud riburg. Brisgoiae, Mē∣se Mar. An. M.D.XXX.
A00350.P4	De co[n]temptu mundi The dispisyng of the worlde / co[m]piled in Latyn by Erasmus Rot. ; and translated in to Englyshe by Thomas Paynell ...	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Paynell, Thomas." ]	[1532?]	Imprinted at London in Fletestrete, in the house of Thomas Berthelet ... and be to sell in Poules churchyarde,	[London] :	eng	[ "Asceticism.", "Monasticism and religious orders." ]	CErtainly my most dere and welbeloued Ioyce / I ha¦ue had of long tyme / a right great desyre to write vnto ye: but hyderto I haue kept sy∣lēce / more for shamefastnesse than neglygence: for I drad leest whan I prepared my selfe / I that am nat moche elder than thou / but in other thinges far vnder the / to exhorte the that arte a man of sin∣guler prudence and erudition / shuld be seen and reputed to take in hande / a laboure that neded nat / as one wolde caste water in to the see: nat for that I haue any doubte / that thou (whiche arte so excedynge good and gentyll) woldest nat after the beste maner accepte myn exhortation / but leest I shuld seme to take vpon me the office of an immodest or an vnshamefaste persone / to presume to gyue the admonicion / where it were more conuenyent that I shulde be exhorted and monyshed of the. Therfore what shall I do? Shall I wryte or no? Shamefastenes forbyd∣deth me to wryte: but than on the other syde / the loue that I beare to ye Ioyce wyll nat suffre it. Shall my mynde than be euermore in doute and wauerynge? Loue on the tone parte coun∣sayleth me to wryte / and shamefastnesse on the other syde moueth me to ye contrary. And there is welnere nothynge more greuous or peynfull than a doutfull mynde. But at the laste / it that of ryghte oughte to ouercome shall haue place? Shamefastnes shal obey vnto loue. For I shuld rather esteme thy profytte / yea thy soule helth / than what men wyll saye by me. If that this myn enterprise shall be more applyed to pryde than wysedome / trewely myn offence shulde so moche the sooner be forgyuen / in as moche as it procedeth of loue. For vndouted / I had leauer wrytynge louyngly / do boldely / than wysely ke∣pynge sylence / to do more wysely. Nor I doubte nat, but by this patron and aduocate (I meane our loue) I shalbe absolued and quited. For our loue is nat symple or of the common sorte / but very entier / trusty and sure. The causes of our twos frendshyp be ryght great and manyfolde: our bryngynge vp together of chyldren / ye mar∣uaylous agrement of our two myndes / one ma∣ner of study in mooste noble scyences / the innu∣merable pleasures that thou haste done for me / the singular beneuolēce and speciall good minde of the and of thyne borne alwaye towarde me. And also to these causes / is ioyned alyaunce of blode. What thynge canne be more gluynge or claspyng than this our frendeshyp / the whiche as it were with a double theyne / is bounde and knyt fast together / on the one syde with kynred / and on the other syde with fyxed charite or enty∣erly louynge myndes. Therfore Ioyce I wolde thou shuldest thynke and surely trust that neuer mā loued hym selfe more hartily than I loue ye. And seyng that I loue the as moche as my selfe or more / I muste nedes care as moche for thy soule helth as for myn owne. Yea and true loue constraynethe vs (I wote nat by what meane) to sorowe more greuously our frendes incōmo∣dyte and hurte than our owne / and more to de∣syre our frendes welfare than our owne. And brefely to speake / trewe loue causeth one man to loue an other more tenderlye than hym selfe. Whiche thynge in the I nede nat to mystruste / but on my parte I maye surely affyrme hit. This thynge hath so moche enbolded and enco∣raged me / that I laied shamefastnes aparte for the tyme / and wrote vnto the this letter of exor∣tation / by ye whiche my mynde is to withdrawe the from the hurly burly / and busynesse of the worlde / and brynge the to a lyfe monastycke / that is to saye / solytary and quyete. This is no small thynge / nor a thynge that may soone be perswaded to the common people: but bycause thy lyfe is of suche perfytenes all redy / that ex∣cepte the habite or clothyng of a lay man (wher∣of I am very glad) the worlde welnere can chal∣lenge no properte in the. I fullye truste that this myne exhortation shall take effecte / seinge that both the corage of thy passyng good minde and my oration leade the to the same thynge. Who wolde doubte that shyp to saile pleasantly / that hathe bothe wynde and wether at wyll: And all be hit that thy good and commendable lyfe stereth me to hope well / yet shall I neuer be out of feare and drede / vntyll suche tyme that thou clene forsake this vnhappy & britel worlde: and entre in to some Monastery / as in to an ha∣uen moost sure. For truste me / as often as I re∣uolue and consydre in my mynde the perils and dangers, amonge the whiche thou arte conuer∣sante (Whervpon I thynke welnere alwaye) so ofte the tender loue that I beare to the warde / maketh me very heuy and sorowfull. For I am none other wyse affectioned or mynded towarde the / than a good kynde mother is to her onely and mooste dere chylde / the whiche is on the see saylynge by some daungerous place / where as shyppes often tymes go to wracke and peryshe / Whiche whan she seeth or heareth the vyolente hurle wynde ryse ruggedly alofte / she wayleth / she waxeth pale / and trēbleth for drede: In her slepe her mynde rounneth / and she dreameth of her sonne: and euer she dredeth the worste / and more than is true or nede to be feared. But wold to god yt I neded nat to drede lesse perils thā be. But I knowe / I knowe good Ioice / what trou∣bles be in the see of this worlde / in what danger the lyfe standeth / and what dyuers kyndes of deth there be: out of the whiche but late swym∣myng naked on a lytel borde / vnneth I escaped. But perauenture thou being in a folyshe surete of thy selfe / and callynge me tymerous or fear∣full / wylte byd me to be careles: but yet if thou so do, thou canst nat driue feare out of my mȳde: for thou arte so farre wyde to drawe me frome drede / that thou almost bryngest all my hope to naught. Trewely thou arte so moche the more in the danger of perils / in howe moche lesse that thou perceiuest them: or if thou dost vnderstāde and perceyue them / and wylte nat beware and eschewe them / what thynge can be more mys∣chiefull or more madde than suche a confydence. I praye the tell me / who is more foolysshe than that shipman / the whiche amōge the spuminge or fomynge rockes / the furious syrtes / the rage∣yng goulfes of the see / in a great and hydous tē∣peste / and therto his shyppe feeble and weake / doth feare no maner perill / but lyenge vp ryght by the helme he syngeth / yea / and forbyddeth those that sayle with hym vnder his tuition / to be afrayde or carefull? What man wyll nat ab∣horre the foly and madnes of suche a felowe / and drede to scape safely? Nor I good Ioyce / shall neuer be rydde of care so longe as thou foolehar∣dely doste sayle forth in this moste vnquyete see of the worlde. Thou wylte perauenture saye / this is a foolysshe comparison: Howe dothe the worlde and the see agree / seynge that nothynge is more blādyshyng or faunyng thā the worlde / and nothynge is more horryble than the see? Yea but I knowe no feter comparison / if thou consydre hit well. Thynkest thou that the yll melodye and swete honygalle tunes of the Sy∣rens / the whiche brynge the passagers forby fyrst in a slombre / and after drowne them: dothe nat well expresse the shrewde blandishynge / and lewde delites of this worlde? wolde to god thou coudest se what snares / what desceytes / & what nettes / they laye pryuyly to attrappe thy youth with. Loke therfore that thou flye from the bākes or see coostes where these Syrens be. For flyghte in this behalfe is the surest waye. Nor thou shuldest nat folehardely truste to sayle sure and safely that waye / where as thou seest kyng Dauyd / Solomon / and many other / and no∣bler thā are to be spoken of here / wēt to wracke. And brefely to speke: no man scaped but he that fledde. Homer reherseth that Ulyxes / the whi∣che representeth the persone of a perfecte wyse man / with greatte studye and dylygence coude scarsly scape the swete honygalle songe of these Syrens / & yet he stopped his eares with waxe / and boūde hym selfe to the shyppe maste. Than what hope haste thou to escape them? Seynge yt so many haue cōspired together to distroy the / as wāton youth / ēticyng beautifulnesse / riches lycence / libertee / the dayly and nightly ditees of these (Helas) to swete monsters. Nor I thinke nat / but that these hie apperyng sharpe rockis / I meane the hyghnesse of secular dygnytees / are as moche to be dredde of the: amonge the whiche if thou be driuen by any coole of wynde / thou shalte thynke it goth with the ryght well / if swymmynge on a small bourde / the storme cast the on lande in some vnknowen place. What thynkeste thou by the vnsacyable deuowrynge Carybdes? the whiche / as good authours re∣herse / whan a shyppe swyftely saylynge cometh within the daūger therof / is wont to resyst / and oftentymes to whyrle it about / and swalowe in the same shyppe. Is this an vnlykely fygure and comparyson vnto couetousnes? the whiche tourneth a mans mynde to vnsaciable desyre / and wyll nat suffre hym in quyete / vntyl it hath drowned hym in helle. And by the furious Syr∣tes thou mayste vnderstande the insuperable mocion of angre / and the more the same offence is / the more copyous or abundaunt the matter therof is. Do nat the wyndes playnely expresse as well the pestilēt wordes of flaterers as of de∣tractours and bacbyters? and though it forceth nat from whens these wyndes blowe / yet they are euer to be feared. For if thou be dryuen a∣monge the craggy rough rockes / whether it be by wyndes of prosperite or aduersite / yet neuer the lesse thou shalte be dryuen vpon Syrtes. And what supposest thou by the terrible altera∣tions and surgynges of the wawes / some tyme rysynge vp as hyghe as the sterres / and an one fallynge downe in to them selfe agayne. Howe cōueniently do they sygnify the mutabilite and varyablenesse of fortune? Wherwith a broken mynde is for ye more {per}t brought out of paciēce / for he that was nowe ryche and in hygh prospe∣rite / can nat beare pacyently sodeyne calamyte. I ouer passe here the tempestes and stormes / I speake nat of the nyghtes errours / nor of the desceyuable planettes: Nor I reherse nat the manifolde / and diuers kyndes of monsters / the whiche are bredde and noryshed in the see / these thou shalte by thyne owne wysedome call vnto thy mynde / and more better interpretate what they meane. Nor thou shuldest nat truste the see whan hit semeth smothe and caulme / nor whan the clere glassy stormes be swaged and layde / nor whan the ayre is fayre and clere: for all this is done to thende that the sodain tempest might fynde the vnprouyded and a slepe. And therfore I doubte greatly / whether there be any thynge more contrary / more hurtfull / or more foe vnto vertue than prosperite. For as scrypture dothe witnes. Calamite & misfortune breaketh many a one: but good fortune and prosperite dissolueth or mollyfyeth many mo. Therfore be thou wyse and wel ware / and trust nat the smiling worlde: lest whan thy shyp is ron to wracke and broken (whiche god forbyd) I shuld be fayne to lamēt the with these verses of the poet. SEest thou nat most gentyl Ioyce what great perils enuiron & compas the about on euery syde? To whom the very tran∣quillyte or quyete hit selfe is dangerous? What trowest thou so to ouer come & withstande these peryls / that thou shalte on no parte take hurte or haue mishap / namely in thy youthe / whiche of his owne brayde without any other entyce∣ment dothe enclyne to synne and yll disposition? But thou wylte saye thus. I hope to do well. Thou mayste hope & trust well / and I also hope well: but I feare me leest we bothe shall hope in vayne. Therfore I wolde thou shuldeste make this our hope to be some what more surer. But I lyghly coniecte / what thou wylte thinke and mutter / whan thou redest these my wordes. Be these thynges in so great sauetye. Shall rely∣gious men onely be saued and all other perishe? No forsoth. For I deny nat / but there haue ben manye lyuynge in this worlde that be saued. Nor they that entre in to a monasterye of rely∣gion / do nat forth with settyll them selfe so / that they maye safely lyue cleane without care. But yet natwithstandynge / there is as great dyffe∣rence betwene these two maner of lyuynges / as is betwene hym that lieth at rode in the hauen / though he hath nat yet bowed his ankers: and hym that yet saylethe alofte in the mayne see. Or elles betwene hym that swymmethe in the water / and hym that iourneth by lande. He pe∣risheth nat that remaineth in the worlde / but he is more nere vnto perill. Therfore good Ioyce / seynge that I wolde the so moche good / ye and perauenture desyre more thy welfare than thou dost thy selfe / loke that thou eschewe all peryls / and put thy selfe in sauegarde. For the wyse mā sayth: He that loueth perill shall peryshe therin. I pray ye / what nede hast thou to be tossed with the ragynge wawes of water / whan thy way li∣eth more sure and commodiously by lande? who (but he that is starke blynde / seeth nat / that it is farre more surer / more plesaunte / and more commodious to iourney through the plesaunte grene medowes without drede / than amōge so many images of deth to be turned & went with {per}petuall vexatiō & trouble? Is nat this a great blyndenes / that we delyte in our aduersyte / and as Uyrgyll saythe / to take pleasure to gyue our selfe to foolyshe and madde labour? IT hath plesed me with this Uirgils ditee to allure the away from worldly troubles to our delectable lyfe. But I wotte nat with what iougglynges the lewde smilyng shewe of this worlde hathe bewytched the eyes of thy minde / & stayeth and stycketh fast to thy mynde as thoughe it were glewed. And forth with the same fayre paīted face of worlde thinges cometh to thy remembrāce / and with smylynge calleth the backe againe / whan thou art about to leaue them sayenge? what wylte thou do madde mā? Goest thou about to distroy both thy self & thyn? O cruell person / wylt thou forsake vs after this maner? Wylte thou dispise thy louynge felowes and frendis? Hast thou no pite on thy father and mother? In what case thynkest thou that she shalbe / the whiche hartely loueth the / and that for thy loue distroyeth her self / and that desireth the to her spouse and husbande? Aduise the well what thou wylte do? For this thy cendre youth and beautie are more conuenient for other thyn∣ges. And thou arte to softe and delycate of Na∣ture to take on the and perfourme an harde reli∣gion. Ah wylt thou suffre ye flower of thy youth so vnworthely to fade away? Wilte thou solitary alone styll waylynge spende awaye thy lustye youth? Thou shuldest leaue that to them that be aged / vnto whom nowe the lyfe is no longer swete. Thou arte a yonge man / what thynge els shuldest thou do but sporte and play? At leest wyse considre / what abundance of rychesse thou haste all redye / and moche more is comynge / if thou wylte tary and abyde it. Thou arte nowe right honorable / and yet thou shalt be higher in honour if thou slynke nat away from vs. These be the thynges that all men seke fore: and thou alone forsakest them: whā they be al redy sought out and gotte to thy hande. But wylte thou go thy way and neuer returne agayne to take frui∣tion of these ioyes / rychesse / commodites / and profites? Yet at the lest I pray the tary a while / take a breth in the matter: for hastynes is cause of moche hurte and inconuenience. Haste thou harde these exhortations? Hast thou harde thē? These be the very voyces of the Syrens: but as thou louest thy helthe / loke that thou lysten nor gyue none heryng to them. Shewe thy selfe to be Ulyxes: They wyll bewytche thy mynde if thou harken to them: They be suche faire fla¦terers / that they wyl moue and perswade stony hartes: But thou oughtest to remembre / that they be deed voices and leade one to euerlasting damnation. But hyder to religion thou shuldest harken / hyther thou shuldest loke / hither thou shuldest enclyne thy mynde: endeuoyre thy selfe with all thy myght / imploy heron sharpely thy wytte / desceyue nat thy selfe / loke to the bottum of the matter / and thou shalte se / if thou be nat blynde / howe stynkyng / howe frustrate or voyde / ye and howe vnworthy for the these thynges be / that wyll nat suffre the to leaue them? WHat thynge of so greatte a valure dothe this worlde promyse to the / that for the loue therof thou wylte put thy soule helth in aduēture / and absent thy selfe from our delecta∣tions? What I say dothe hit promise the? Is it abundance of riches? For that is it that mortall folkes mooste specially desyre: But for a truthe there is nothynge more miserable / more vayne or disceyuable / more noyous or hurtefull than worldly goodes. The wordly goodes are ye very maysters and ministers of all misgouernaunce and mischiefe. Nor holy scripture doth nat with out a cause call couetousnes the rote of all yuell. For therof spryngethe an vngratious affection vnto goodes / therof iniuries or wronges haue theyr begynnynge: therof groweth cedition or parte takynge: therof comethe stealynge / pyl∣lynge / sacrylege / extorcyon / and robbynge. Rychesse engendre and brynge forthe inceste and aduoutry / Rychesse nourysheth and fostreth vp rauyshementes / madde loues / and superfluite. And finally what is it / that the cursed hunger & desire of golde doth nat constraine mortal folkes to do? Therfore thou mayste {per}ceiue that Horace was wyse / whiche callynge rychesse the matter and rote of all yuelles / commanded to cast them in to the see: and sayde: If it be a wycked dede / it repenteth me well. For there is so great fami∣lyar societe and frendshyppe of thynges / that in the very names of vyce and rychesse / Vitia et di∣uitie / semeth to be a certayne alyaunce and kyn∣rede. What riche man canst thou rekē vnto me / that is nat infected with one of these two vyces / either with couetousnes (than whiche nothyng is more to be abhorred) if nature to the same be ouer moche enclyned: or elles with prodygalyte and wast / than whiche nothynge is more abho∣minable / if he that is inclined thervnto be of be∣nigne and gentyll nature? The couetous man is seruaunt and nat mayster vnto ryches: and the waster wyll nat longe be mayster therof. The one is possessed / and dothe nat possesse: and the other within a shorte whyle leaueth the pos∣session of riches. Me semeth that the man called Eutrapelus / vnderstode those thynges verye goodly / ye whiche as I haue lerned / was wonte to reuenge hym on his ennemye after this ma∣ner and forme: nat with iniurious wordes / nor with poyson / nor with the sworde: but he wolde enryche his foe with precyous garmentes: for he supposed hit / the whiche is of trouthe / that shulde prouoke hym to desire it / and the hungry desyre of ryches shulde cause hym to forget ver∣tue / and dryue hym to all fylthynes and diswor∣shyp. But admit that none of all these thynges shall chaūce vnto the / and yt thou shuldest haue suche happe as no man coude haue: Yet I pray the what goodlines haue these precious weygh∣tes: the whiche be gethered and gotte by great grefe / and kepte with ouer great thoughte and care: In heapynge them to gether is labour in∣tollerable / and in kepynge them is ouer moche care and drede: and the forgoyng or losse of them is a miserable vexation and turment. Therfore a riche man hath no sportynge tyme: for either without reste or slepe he watchethe his goodes that he hathe gotte / or elles he gapethe to gette more / or elles he soroweth for his losses: And as ofte as he dothe nothynge gayne / so ofte he we∣neth that he dothe lose and hathe damage. And what if he haue & possesse mountayns of golde? Or what and his riches be greatter than moun¦taynes of golde? Than so moche the more he augmēteth his fardel and burden / and heapeth vp his cares: and throweth or tomblethe feare vpon feare / and grefe vpon grefe / and prouideth for hym selfe a charge or a busynes of a keper ful of all myserye and labour. Care doth folowe the encreasynge of money. And the desyre of the money growethe as the money dothe encrease. And the poorer that a mā is / ye lesse he coueteth money. And fynally the very custody of greatte goodes or substāce / is a miserable or a wretched thynge. The man called Uulteius (of whome Horace speakethe) sayde / that his aduocate or attourney had done yll for hym / whan by his wyt and diligence / he caused hym from pouerte to come to great ryches: and he thoughte hym selfe to be made a wretche and nat a ryche man: and he prayed his attourney that he myghte be restored to his former lyfe or state / the whiche was pouerte. Trewely he is to be preysed / that waxeth wyse er hit be to late. But the couetous man saythe: Thoughe the care of these ryches be greuous and peynfull / money is swete: My labour and peyne dothe nat wery nor greue me / so that my ryches do encreace. But tell me whe∣ther shall I call the, the moost foole or the moost wretche of al men? To whom nothyng can suf∣fise / whiche bothe nyghte and daye syttest wat∣chynge on thy ryches / eyther hydde and locked vp in thy yron chestes / or elles (to the ende thou woldest seme to be more wyse) doluen in ye erthe: lyke as the serpent Hesperius watcheth the gol∣den appulles. For what purpose thynkest thou these rychesse and money shulde be profytable? Or what preciousnes is in them? For of trouth they be nothynge elles but very pure brasse stri∣ken in images and scryptures: the whiche can neyther expell or put away the cares and grefes that gnawe the about the stomake / nor they can nat auoyde or rydde the of syckenes or any incō∣modyte of thy bodye / and moche lesse of dethe. But thou wylte saye / that rychesse be good to withstande nede and pouerte. I promesse the thou arte disceiued / they wyl rather cause the to be euer nedy. For like as drinke doth nat quēche his thyrste that hath the dropsye / but maketh hym more thyrstye: so lyke wyse with the abun∣daunce of goddes or rychesse / thy desyre to haue more dothe encreace: And who so euer seketh af∣ter more / sheweth hym selfe to be nedye. Nowe adde vnto ye trust that thou hast in thy goodes / the instabilite or vnassurednes of them, the whi∣che thou by so longe space of tyme / with so great molestiousnes and labour / by right and wrōge / hast gethered to gether al about: if that fortune (as men say) tourne her whele / by and by they forsake and leaue the and go to some other. And than thou that wast euen nowe richer than Cre∣sus that moost riche kynge / shalt sodaynly come more powrer than ye begger Irus. This thyng is so clere and manifest / that we nede nat to spēd many wordes therin. Howe many mayste thou se before thyn eien that fal from a kinges riches to extreme pouerte and nedynes? But admytte that goodes or rychesse be sure and stable / and that they wyll neuer leaue the so longe as thou liuest, canst thou cary them hence away with ye? Yea whan thou goest to thy graue / of all thy a∣bundance and ryches / thou shalte scarsly haue a cours wyndynge shete: other men shall possesse all the residue. And if thou with thy abundante riches hast done any good vertuous dedes / they shall greatly auayle and be moche worthe vnto the / nor they wyll neuer leaue the. Therfore my swete Ioyce thou shuldest nat esteme so hyghly thy possessions / and al ye golde that Tagus and Pactolus those riuers reuerse and turn in their redde sandes / that thou shuldest hurte or hindre thyne owne helthe: But thou shuldest rather / if hit delytethe the so greately to be ryche / harken what counsayle our lorde gyuethe the: Make thou thy treasure in heuen / where neyther can∣ker nor mought can dystroy hit: and where the∣ues can nat finde nor steale hit. Nor thynke nat that there is any plenty morenedy / thā to haue abundance of money and wante vertues. Nor nothynge is more vnwelthy than that luker or wynnynge that hurteth thy soule: Therfore vn¦to the / that arte both erudite and a christen mā / it is a foule and a shamefull thynge with great perill of thy soule helthe / to enclyne to that / the whiche the pagane phylosophers eyther for the loue of good lernynge / or for theyr good name & fame / dyd set at naught and lyghtly despice. DO the swete lustes or entice∣mentes of the fleshe witholde or re∣teyne the? Surely they be ladyes that most swetely smyle on the / and that with theyr fucate or feined fair∣nes disceiue al moost the holle worlde. But take or rubbe away the paintynge and colours: and beware that the craftyly paynted fayre skynne ouercome the nat. Beholde and loke well what these lewde lustes be in dede, and nat what they seme to be. Than shalt thou perceiue that there is nothynge more yll fauoured / nothynge more fouller, nor more beastlike. For there is nothyng that maketh a mā more lyke vnto a brute beest / than the moost fylthy luste of the fles she dothe: whiche thynge the more it smylethe or fawneth on one, the more it noyeth and hurteth. Lyke as the noble phylospher Plato moost aptly calleth it the bayte of al yuels. For as the bayte that is put vpon the hoke prouokethe or drawethe the small fysshe thervnto / and taketh them that re∣ceyue it: euen so lyke wyse the poyson of carnall luste, couered with a lytel quantite of hony / doth prouoke or allure soules yt be desyrous of a pray: & whan they be entyced she enfecteth them: and whan they be corrupted / she dystroyethe them without mercy. And brefely to speake take hede what the philosopher saythe / surely it is a pay∣nyms sayenge / but it is worthy and may wel be sayde of a christen man: the whiche sentence the elder Cato sayth in Ciceros boke de Senectute / that he lerned at Tarēt of Pythagoras scholer called Acchita / he saythe: There is no greatter nor more deedly pestilence gyuen of Nature vn∣to mankynde thā voluptuousnes / of the whiche volupte the feruente lustes are pronely and vn∣brydeldlye kendled to fullfyll the desyre therof. Of this roote spryngeth treason & betrayeng of countreys: of this riseth turnyng vp set downe of the common welth: the same thynge causeth pryuey communications with our ennemyes. And fynallye there is no myschiefe / nor none so vengeable a dede / but that the lewde lust of vo∣lupte dothe constrayne one to enterpryse or go in hande therwith. Adde also these commodites fo¦lowyng to them afore saide: Of voluptuousnes cometh indigēce or nedines / infamy or yl name / greuous & filthy diseases of the body / blyndenes of the mynde / despisynge of diuine power / and it is the very fountayne and begynnynge of all myserye: ye and fynally hit is the very cheyne / wherwith mankynde is drawen to euerlastyng peynes. O sower swetenes, the whiche is enuy∣ronned or set about with so manifolde miseryes: many go before it / and very many go with hit / and many many, yea moost sharpe greuous mi∣series come or folowe after it. I sayde a lytel be∣fore that mankynde in volupte was lyke vnto brute beastis: but I say nowe that in this thing we behaue our selfe worse than beestis. For bea∣stes take fruicyon of theyr pleasures (suche as they be) franke and frely without any expence / but o good lorde howe costly to mākynde is that shorte and foule smacke of ye delycate throte and bealy. Thou seest what thynge it is, the whiche amonge bodyly pleasures is moost excellente / if any kynde of volupte maye be called excellente. Wherto shuld I now reherse vnto the / the other triflyng iapes or rather madnesses of ye worlde? Some call thē yll ioyes: but me thynke I shuld nat misname them / if I cal them mad gaudes. Wherto shulde I reherse the deynty dyshes / the ingurgynges / the drinkynge and quaftyng one to an other / the nyghtly dronkennes / the ban∣kettes / the daunces / the gambaudes / the disso∣lute plaies / the knauishe and rebaude iestingis / and of the same sorte a thousande thynges mo? Do nat these thynges seme to ye lyke the laugh∣ynges of a frantycke man? For who wolde nat iuge that man to be cleane besyde hym selfe and madde / the whiche whan he is ledde to be han∣ged or heeded / trembleth nothynge for drede of the instant execution / but amonge all the other that sorowe and bewayle his mysfortune / he is ioyfulle and gladde / ye and gothe towarde the place where he shall ende his lyfe dansynge and meryly scoffyng and iestynge? But those Ioyce of whom I spake now before / I iuge to be more madder than this felowe / in as moche as the dethe of the soule is more greuous / and more cruell than of the body. They passe forthe theyr lyfe dayes in gaudes and sportes / and sodaynly they go to helle. Go thou nowe / forsake and fall from thy maker to the ende that thy beestly and mortall flesshe may an houre or two folowe the luste therof and lyue damnably / and to the ende that thy fleshe may haue and enioy vnstedfaste ioyes / slee and mourther thy soule and prepare for thy selfe euerlastynge paynes and waylyn∣ges. But parauenture thou louest the veneriall acte that is lawefull / and dost surely purpose to be maried. For a trouth I do nat cōdemne wed∣locke / for I mynde hym that sayth / It is better to marye than to commytte fornication / but I wolde this shulde be as it were a place of refuge for vnconstante folkes that can nat lyue chaste. I haue no spyte at them that fledde the greatte towne of Segor and also the lyttell / to eschewe the fyer of Sodomites. I knowe and perceyue wel the strēgth of thy mynde. I alowe wedloke, but that is in thē that can nat lyue well / except they be maryed. But loke thou & consydre well what saint Hieronyme hath written of these ma¦ters: truely he hath written very moche therof. But this one thyng I wyll say vnto the / for the great familiarite that hath alway ben betwene vs. I admonysshe / ye and hartely praye the to take hede & beware how thou puttest thy necke in this haulter: in to the whiche if thou be ones entred / thou canst nat lightly gete out agayne. I do nat saye that wedloke is naught / but for a trouthe it is full of moche misery. And as sengle lyfe is moche better / so many and dyuers wayes it is more vnwelthy or vnlucky. BUt parauēture the honorable pre¦scriptiōs or titils of noblenes / & the splen∣dent glory of renowne delyten thy mynde. Why shulde hit nat? For as he saythe / hit is a goodly thynge to be honorablye renowmed farre and wyde / and to reioyce and be gladde that a thou∣sande eies beholde the whan thou speakeste. It is a pleasaunte thynge to the to be honorably soughte vpon and to haue many clyentes or su∣tours to folowe after and go about the, and to be spoken of / of euery man / and to be saluted and greted as a great lorde or a maister. But I pray the tell me, what thynge dost thou suppose that these honours be / the whiche vnto the beynge a mortall creature mortall folkes gyue / some for flatterye / some for feare / and some in hope to wynne therby? The whiche worldly honors be as clene false as they be caduke and vanishyng. Be they nat false or vntrusty thynkest thou / the whiche indifferently chaunce as well vnto hym that is moost worst as vnto hym yt is most best? Iuge and deme thou those onely to be good and very honours, the whiche flowe or growe out of honesty and vertue. Loke that thou enbrace and sticke vnto vertue / and thou shalte be honorable whether thou wylte or no. For as the shadowe foloweth styll after the body / and wyll nat leaue hit thoughe he flye / nor can nat be taken of one that recheth for it: so these actes and dedes that be done rightfully / shall without any sekynge of the / bringe ye to honors / the whiche thou beinge worthy to haue canst nat auoide: & thou beinge vnworthy canst nat opteine them. Is there any thynge more slyppry or caduke thā worldly ho∣nors? Truely me thinke yt all worldly thynges vanishe away lyghtly and tary but a while. For what thyng canst thou name here that is conti∣nually durable. And agayne nothynge is more vncertaine & flitting thā great & high dignites: and seyng that nothyng is got & opteyned with more grefe thā dignites / for one must a long sea∣son tomble the stone with Sisipho agaynste the craggy moūtayne / & boldly do some thynge yt is worthy of banyshynge / prysonement / orels han∣gyng / yt at the last he may be some what worhy / & some what exalted: Therfore I say as nothȳg is got more greuously / so nothynge is soner lost. Thou askest me why so. Mary bycause that of necessite greatte hatred or spyre foloweth hyghe dignitee / pryuey enuy clymbeth vp to ye hyghest in degree: and the wyndes ouerblowe the hygh toppes of trees and towres. For enuy is wonte alway to accompany the noble and hygh enter∣prises. Thou wylte say what than? Mary he that hath gotten the hatred of many men / must nedes of uery consequēce haue many ennemies / and be ofte in danger of his lyfe. Why so? Mary for whan many go aboute to haue that thynge / the whiche thou alone doste possesse and holde / and all the whyle thou doste prospere / there is no hope to opteyne it / hit must nedes be / that by some meane they wyll rydde the out of the way. Hit were a thynge of great difficulte / if that he / for whom so many snares be layde / shuld nat at the laste fall in to one or other of them. Therfore eyther thou must dye of poyson / orels on a dag∣ger / or elles (whiche for the shulde be best of all) thou must saue thy selfe by exile. Or elles to the ende that thou mightest be most fortunate, thou wylte lyue in perpetuall anxiete and feare / that thou be nat suppressed & caste downe. No doute thou shalte leade an noble lyfe / but hit shall be very bytter and sower. Therfore thynke nat the contrary / but that Iuuenal spake nat this ditee that foloweth without great skele. But to what entente do I with so many wor∣des reherse those thynges? Trewely to the ende that thou my Ioyce shuldest vnderstande plain∣lye / howe full of feare and drede / how full of ve∣xation and trouble / and howe caduke and britle those thynges be / the whiche this worlde / all ye whyle thou arte in prosperyte / sheweth to be of great and hyghe exellence. What aueyleth all this / whan most bytter dethe feirsly assayleth & enuadeth vs? Whan sodainly all the same yma∣ges of nobylite / the whiche after the maner of dreames vanysshe awaye: whiche dreames to∣geder with the slepe are gone and tary no lōger. Where ben nowe the olde tyrauntes become? Where is the great Alexandre / whose couetous mynde / all the brode worlde coude nat somtyme suffyce? Where is the Persyan kynge Xerxes / with and of whose houge Nauy of shyppes / all the see was couered and redounded? Where is become Hanyball that was so ofte vyctorious: the whiche whan he lyued / brake the rough roc¦kes and mountayns with vynegre? Where is nowe Paulus Aemilius? Where is Iulius Ce¦sar? Where is Pompeius? Where are become all the other most noble princes: of the Grekes / of the Romayns / and of other natyons / whose names to reherse / shulde be bothe tedyous and tyme loste? What thyng els remayneth of all their maiesty and glorious actes / but onely the vayne and frustrate talkyng of folkes? ye / and for the whiche talkyng / they may thanke the fa¦uoure of lerned men: for if lerned men had nat writtē their dedes / they shulde haue ben so clene forgotten / that vnneth any remēbrance of them wolde haue remayned. And yet what so euer it be that remayneth / perteyneth neither to them nor to vs. For vndouted / if that Alexandre the most noblest of all ye kynges that we haue nowe rehersed / shulde retourne from Hell and beholde the worlde / and se how it burneth in ambitious desyre of worldly honours / I thynke verily he wolde laugh and deryde the vayne and folysshe study or feruent industry of the cōmon people / & he hauynge good experyence in those matters / wolde saye these wordes or suche lyke / as folo∣weth: Whither doth the blynde errour of mor∣tall creatures so violently drawe and leade thē? No man regardeth the perfyte good thynges / the whiche maye be to them very profytable in tyme to come / but thynges yt be hurtfull / vaine and vncertayne / euery man with right great la¦bour seketh & desyreth. Why do folke so leudly / so vnwisely / and so obstinatly enbusy them selfe to be exalted? Euery man may lerne / at the lest wyse by example of me / that all worldly digny∣tees soone decay / and be most like vnto cloudes, the whiche ofte tymes in an hour space / are wōt to be very large and brode / and nothyng at all. I my selfe was somtyme the most puissant and mightest of all kynges and emperours / & was neuer ouercome / but was the hygest in honour of all men. I subdued and conquered kynges and natyons innumerable: and the worlde by me was conquered: I serched the sees: and at the last I attemted the elemēt: Truely I had ben fortunate & happy / if I myght haue made dethe also afrayde: But dethe that ouercometh all thynges / dyd ouercome me / yea / with a ly∣tell feuer: There was neuer bubble blowē vpon the water more sooner flasshed nor smoke in the ayre more sodainly consumed and gone / than all that great brute of my famous dedes / vanys∣shed and layde. Helas howe greatly / ye & howe sodaynly am I changed and tourned from that great Alexandre / to whose cōmaundemētes all the worlde somtyme fearfully obeyed? Nowe I am he that may be bothe despysed and hurt of a poore page / and can nat reuēge me. Somtyme the great worlde was lesse than my couetous mynde: but nowe I am thrust ī to a lytle vessell, and, vij. foote space suffyseth me. Dethe onely maketh a shewe and a profe of what valure mē∣nes bodyes be. Somtyme I was of great and hyghe estate and right goodly to beholde / ador∣ned with fresshe purple apparayle and a bright shynyng deademe: and nowe I am most lothly to loke on. Here I lye / dry bare bones & asshes. What aueyleth me my noble blode and lynage? What aueyleth me my glistring golden tombe? What good do all these curyous buyldynges of steples vnto me / that neyther can se nor feele? But wolde to god my soule myght haue dyed wt my body: and that after this bodylye dethe / a more sharper and a greuousser dethe shulde nat haue folowed. But Helas / the immortall soule is nowe constrayned to suffre payne for al ys yuel lyuynge of the bodye. O / howe happy be they that in theyr lyfe tyme maye vnderstande these thynges / the whiche we haue proued / but we perceyue those thynges nowe to late? They be wyse / they I say be wyse / the whiche be conten∣ted with theyr fortune and state / and stryue to subdue and ouercome them selfe / and rather to rule themselfe well than to gouerne other: and rather to enbusy them selfe to gette and opteyne the celestiall & perpetuall kyngdome / than this erthly and vnstedfaste empyre. He is a myghty kyng / what soeuer he be yt ruleth hym self well. What thynge can be spoken more truely than this oration? and what is he that this so trewe and so piteful an oration / wolde nat feare & with drawe from the couetous desire of honours? IUse but to many wordes / name∣lye in a thynge more clerer than the daye lyght. For why / this is the course of thynges nowe a dayes / that whan the olde histories mē∣tion or reherse any thynges to be marueyled at / there is no man welnere, that wyll gyue credēte therto / whan he may se before his face more gre¦uouser examples than he can rede of. But tou∣chynge dethe (bycause I spake therof) I am wont specially to marueyle howe this shuld be / that seinge yt nothynge is so moche in our sight / as dethe is / that nothynge is more farther out of our thought and remembrance. Ye and mor∣tall folkes are deducted and drawen out of this vocabull or Worde Mors, that is to saye dethe: Wherfore we can no sooner be named Mortales, that is to say mortall folkes / but forthe with our owne eares gyue vs warnynge of dethe. What an oblyuyon or a forgetfulnes is this? Howe re∣cheles are folkes myndes / yea maye I nat saye howe fonde and frantycke? Haue we no more re∣membraunce? Haue we dronke so moche forget∣fulnes of the ryuer Letheus / that we can nat beare those thynges in mynde / yt whiche shewe them selfe and appere styll to vs on euery syde? Be we as hit were stones astonyed / that these thynges, the whiche we both se and here so often tymes / can nat moue nor stere vs? Can we se so moche as one of the olde worlde alyue? And also we se that cruell dethe sparethe or forbeareth no kynde of folkes in our tyme. Our fore fathers of olde tyme be deed & gone: And as Cicero sayth / They haue lyued / and without any difference we muste go the same way / and other that be to come shal folow after vs. And so all we in maner of a swyfte ryuer rolle in to the Occyan / that is to say we be all whyrled in to the pytte of dethe. And as Horace sayth / One night abideth for vs all: And ones we muste nedes trede the trace of dethe. The funerals of yonge and olde are very thycke myngled to geder. And cruel Proserpine forbereth no mā, Innumerable people of yong / olde, and myddel age, dye here and there / of our felowes / of our acquayntance / of our kynsfolke, frendes / father / mother / and chyldren: and we our selfe that muste nedes dye / be conuersante a mydmonges the hepes of them that dye: And al be it that we be borne vnder ye same condicions that we must nedes dye / yet we feare nat dethe. Thou sayest / wherfore dost thou commande me to thynke on dethe / I am yet yonge and lustye / I am farre from whore heares / and farre from an olde wrynkeled forheed? They shulde lyue in thought and care for drede of dethe / that be olde and croked / and stoupyng to ye erthe warde / that haue a lyght shakinge heed / hangynge chekes / small holowe eies / a continuall droppynge nose / a fewe tethe and rotten: the whiche whan they haue liued as longe as a crowe / than they reken theyr age vpon theyr fyngers. I am farre from all these thynges. Dothe nat my yonge blode / that courageth myne harte and spyrytes / my stronge armes and bygge sides / and al my body lusty and in good lykynge / bydde me to hope af∣ter longe lyfe? But I pray the tell me / hath god promised to ye either whore heares or wrinkyls? If thou se no man dye but olde folkes / than liue careles / and haue no mynde of dethe vntyll the tyme that thou haue whore heres & wrinkyls. But if that dethe do steale vpon folkes of euery age / if deth strangle them that be nat yet borne, nat sleyng them / but remouyng them from life: If dethe plucke the children away that sucke on their mothers breastis: If dethe snatche away laddes and gyrles: If dethe pulle away yonge men and maydēs: If dethe slee myghty strōge men: If dethe attrappe olde men: and fynally if deth spareth no person of no maner condition / age / strengthe / nor beautye / supposeste thou hit wyll forbeare the onely aboue all other? It is for certayne / that an olde man can nat lyue longe. And thou that arte a yonge man maist sone dye. And loke howe certayne and sure an olde man is to dye / euen so vncertayne and vnsure a yonge man is to lyue. There is no mā so olde but that he may liue one day lōger: Nor there is no man so yonge that can assure hym selfe to lyue frome morowe tyll nyght. And for a trouthe / if thou marke it well / thou shalte fynde that the moost parte that dye be yonge folkes. And al be it that whore age hath alwaye been scarse / yet was hit neuer more scarser / nor more dispised than hit is now a dayes. Howe many canst thou shewe me / that haue lyued (I say nat so longe as Cython / Nestor / Sibyl / or Mathusale) but an hundred yeres? yea howe many be there that lyue .lx. ye∣res? Forsothe scarsly one amonge a thousande. And howe shorte a tyme is it? And yet thou seest howe fewe come therto: so fragyll or bryttyll / so vncertayne / and subiecte to so manyfolde chan∣ces is the lyfe of man. Wylte thou good Ioyce haue of this thynge a clere and a commodious similitude or figure? Beholde how in the begyn∣nynge of the yere thou seest a tree storysshe / and is so replenysshed or loden with flowers or blos∣soms / that the trunke or body therof can nat be seen / and scarsly the leaues: the whiche tree se∣meth to brynge forth more plentie of frute than the tree is able to beare. But yet of al this great nombre of blossoms very fewe proue: for some of them be corrupted & distroyed with wormes / some with spyders / and some with wynde and wether are beaten downe. And the frute that re¦mayneth / whan the blossoms be gone / by lytell and lyttell waxe greatter. And than (I pray ye) do they al hāge styl tyl they be rype? No truely. Many of them be worme eaten / some the wynd and wether beateth downe / some by great stor∣mes are corrupted and rotted / and some other by other mischaunce are distroyed. In so moche that at ye laste / where thou hopest to haue great abundance of frute / vnneth thou getherest thre or foure appulles: Nor mans lyfe dothe perishe with no lesse inconueniences. There be a thou∣sande maner of syckenesses / a thousande chāces or occasions of deth, a thousande maner of mur∣thers / and a thousande sortes of snares / that dethe layeth for vs: through the whiche mo dye than by auncientnes and tyme. And seynge thā that our life is subiecte to so many and great pe∣rylles: beholde I pray the / howe wytlesse and braynesicke we be / that liue as though we shuld neuer dye? We be right careful for those thyngis that pertayne nothynge to vs: but that thynge that shulde instructe vs agaynste dethe / we care nat fore. What if one kynge that hathe mortall warre with an nother / knewe nat for certayne how nere his ennemie were / but hauyng know∣lege and vnderstandyng by spyes / that he shuld lye in embushemēt nat farre of / & whan he sawe conuenient tyme / how he wolde rushe out vpon hym. Trowest thou that he in this case wolde mynde the buyldynge of bathes / or to prepare a bankette / or to wedde a wyfe? But that he wolde rather imagyn howe to augment his ar∣mye / to cast a bulwarke / to make good watche / and to mynde his armour & wepens / and other thynges belongynge to warre / wherby he may defende hym from inuasyon / and also discomfite his ennemie? And for this wyl he care fore more diligētly / for as moche as he knoweth nat what tyme / nor on whiche syde the busshement wyll breake out vpon hym. But deth / our chiefe en∣nemye / in euery place / and at all tymes of our age / hath layde a thousande maner of imbushe∣mentes to attrappe and disceyue vs. And yet in the meane tyme a goddes name, we stande gau∣rynge and daryng at ryches / we fede & to derely cherysshe our bodies / and seke for rule and may∣ster shyppe. But and we wolde at all tymes con∣sydre the vnstedfastnesse and waueryng of this disceitfull lyfe / and howe that dethe styll conti∣nually hangethe ouer vs / we shulde dryue in to our owne eares / that that ye prophet sayd vnto the sycke kynge / Dyspose thy house / for thou shalte dye: than incontinent all these thynges / whiche to our great hurte seme sauory & swete / wolde waxe bytter and sower / and those that we thynke ryght precious / wolde seme vyle and ly∣tell worth: and those that we repute nobull and gay thynges / wold appere foule and vngoodly. So lyghtely one thoughte or inwarde remem∣brance of dethe / persuadeth vs to set naught by all worldly thynges. O thou couetous man / to what ende or entent dost thou gether suche abun¦daunce of golde? Dethe is at thy backe redy to snatche all away. Why doste yu prepare so many great fardelles for so shorte a iourney? Hast thou forgotte what happend to the foole that the gos∣pell speaketh of? To whom / reioisynge that his barnes were full of corne / and promisynge hym selfe many greatte pleasures / hit was sayde: Thou fole, this same night thou shalt be slayn, and than who shall be mayster of thy goodes? O thou moost foolysshe or vnwyse felowe / why dost thou inclyne or sekest for so madde or vnsted∣faste ioyes / ye with so greatte rebuke or blame? Lo / beholde deth is euen at hāde / redy to turne these so foule short and leude lustes of the body / in to euerlastyng paine and turment. And thou that sekest to beare a rule / to be in hygh auctori∣te / and to raigne royally alofte / what an vngra∣tious desyre stereth the therto? Loke, seest thou nat that deth is at thy dore / the whiche frō this hyghe astate wyll throwe the heedlynge to the groūde: as it were a hurle wynde / it wyll beare or carie away bothe the and all thyne? Wherfore Radulphus Agricola dydde nat onelye ryghte counnyngely / but also as verytably or trewlye endyte as foloweth. FOr what thyng elles remayneth / at the extreme and most greuous poynte of our lyfe but onely vertue? Than the membres lan∣guysshe / and the colour of the blode and the lyfe to gether vanyshe away / the visage dyeth with a deedly wanne colour / the eies that a lyttell be∣fore were so quicke and lyuely of syght / are than abscured with perpetual darkenes: and fynally all the holle body cometh colde without any sen∣syblenes: than the miserable soule / on whome as one destitute / lyeth all the weyght of the bu∣synes, shalbe drawen to that inexorable place of iugemēt to make a counte and gyue a rekenyng howe and in what maner it hath mynystred all thynges. What I say shall than remayne of all thy worldly ryches / honours / and possessions / the whiche to gette to gether thou dyddest con∣sume all thy lyfe dayes? On whom than wylte thou seke for succour and helpe? O myserable wretche / to whom wylt thou go? Whether wylt thou flee? To thy rychesse? Helas they can no∣thynge helpe the / and thoughe they coude / yet are they than in other mens possession. Wylte thou go to thy voluptuous pleasures? These lyke as they be ioyned to the bodye / so they dye to gether with the body. Wylte thou flee to thy lusty and valyant yonge age? Ah euery mans olde age is deeth to his youthe. Wylte thou flee to thy comely shappe and beautye / the whiche very late made the proude / and entyced euerye bodye to loue the? This thynge also lyke as a rose nypte or plucte from the stalke fadeth / so to gether by dethe it wythereth all away. Wythe∣rethe away quod I / nay I may saye hit fadeth away in to a grysely vglynes. For neuer none loued so well the forme and shappe of a lyuynge creature, as he abhorreth ye cors or carkis of one that is deed. Wylt thou ronne to thy olde glory? This thȳge also lyke as I haue sayd vanysheh away vtterly whā thou dyest. Finally to whom wylte thou cal and crye for helpe. Wylte thou go to the felowshyp of thy frendes? Helas some of them / as soone as fortune leaueth the / they go theyr way / lyke as swalowes do whan sommer is goone: and the other / if any remayne styl thy frendes / can nat come to helpe the. And what can it auayle or helpe the / if thy myserable fren∣des wayle and knocke on theyr breastes / if they scratche theyr visages / if they wepynge at thy funerall wolde shedde all theyr blode turned into tearis, or if for thy sake they wolde rounne mad, or slee them selfe to beare the companye? They may so hurte them selfe / but they can nat dely∣uer the. Be wyse also and consyder thy state and condition betymes / prepare and haue in a redi∣nes those thynges / with whiche thou beinge for¦tified / thou mayste carelesse or without drede a∣byde the laste day. Thoughe ryches / pleasure / and noblenes were both certayne and {pro}fitable / whiche thynge is farre contrarie / yet vndouted to one that dyeth they are a heuy burden. But than vertue begynneth to be profytable. And surely if these worldly thynges wolde neuer leue vs / yet muste we nedes forgo them: but vertue neuer forsaketh our cōpany, nor to helpe vs. THou clerely {per}ceiuest good Ioyce / howe false or disceiuable / howe flittyng / and howe pestilente the goodes of this worlde be (if they of right may be called goodes) nowe contrarye wyse / I wyll declare to the in fewe wordes / the ylles that come of them. Parauē∣ture in tyme past it was no wonder / though we were plucked and drawen with peine out of this worlde / whan it flouryshed as it were in youth: but nowe excepte we disceyue our selfe / in what thynge may the worlde disceyue vs? What euer and as many slaughters / murthers, ruins / and distructions / that chaūced or fell on mankynde in tyme past / some at one tyme and some at a no¦ther / they assayle and enuade vs in our dayes all on a heape at ones / as warres / derthe / scar∣syte / penury, barrennesse / and many a strange sickenes? Yea what yuell or mischiefe is it / that we haue nat seen ī our daies? I am nowe .xxiiii. yeres olde / and in al this season the warre neuer stynted. Hit wolde seme that Sylla were come agayne with his partiall parte takyng / or cedi∣tion. And whiche so euer of the parties dothe ouercome wel I wotte the countrey is subdued / and gyltlesse dothe suffre great affliction. What miserable examples of penurie & famyne haue we seen? in so moche that many haue liued with beastes foode / and many haue died for very hun¦ger. And as the worlde gothe nowe / a man had nede to haue the riches of kyng Cresus / whiche yet for all that / he shal with great sparynge and nigardeshyp scantly finde his house holde. And farther: I put the case that thou thy selfe doste lyue welchyly: yet euery thynge is so ful of cala¦mite / that to here the lamentations / and to se the miseries wherin other creatures are wret∣chedlye wrappedde / shall make the myserable. More ouer / the sedes of all myschyefes are so sprouted out / that nowe in our dayes we passe and farre excede ye iron age / wherof men sange a thousande yeres ago. What wylte thou do in ye worlde / if thou canst nat nor hast nat the cast to fors were thy self / nor to ymagin fraude and gyle / nor to disceyue thy neighboure / nor to steale and bribe? But thou say it / what haue I to do with these worldly ma¦ners and yuell customes? All my care is onely to lyue trewly and rightously. If all thy care be to lyue rightously / loke than that thou gete the lightlye out of this worlde / for the worlde & vertue wyll in no wyse agree to gether. Thou myghtest say that I lyed / if he that is the very frende of vertue dyd nat say / that all the worlde is sette on wyckednesse. Nor thou shuldest nat saye smyling to thy selfe: What so euer other do parteyneth nothyng to me: I care but for myn owne selfe. Truely swete Ioyce / thou art clene wyde and out of the waye: for it skylleth great∣lye with whom thou doest leade thy lyfe / for the diseses of the soule spraule abrode or infect none otherwyse / than the cōtagious maladies of the body do. There is nothyng more perylous thā yuell company. Admytte it be so / that thou lo∣uest vertue aboue all thynges: and wylte accō∣pany the with an vngratious caytife: How lōge shall it be or thou mayest reduce hym to thy ma∣ners? Yea / he shall rather (as we be gyuen and enclyned naturally to yll) corrupte the with his venome / and enfect the with his scabbed cursed∣nesse / and make the lyke hym in condycion / and at the laste / the cōmon prouerbe shalbe verifyed on you twayne / that is / Byrdes of one coloure flye togeder. But thou sayest / who shall driue or compell me to leade my lyfe with an vngrati∣ous and a myscheuous felowe? Dost thou aske that question? I tell the thyne age and nedefull busynesse: & farthermore that vngentyll shame fastnesse: but yet of trouthe / it is most parte in men of gentyll mynde and corage: And lastly / the vnworthy condycions of thy felowes. If yu be requyred to go make good chere / or to do or play some other leude pranke / it boteth or auey leth the nat to excuse the by some busynesse / or els that thou arte acrased / for though yu swere it on a boke / thou shalte nat be beleued: & eyther they wyll note the for a nygarde or els for a slo∣uen. What wylt thou do? Parauenture bycause thou woldest nat be so noted / thou wylte folowe theyr mynde and entente. Whan ye come to the tauerne or brothell house / there euery man hath his wenche. I tell it that is moost honest / I am ashamed to reherce theyr other fylthye dedes: and yet they be nat ashamed to comytte and do them many tymes and ofte. Than they begyn to stryue and crake who may drynke best: And he that can drynke mooste / is the meryest / the gayest / and the tolyest felowe. Than what is it that dronkennes wyll nat prouoke or cause to be done? Than Pythyas semethe moche fayrer. Than Chremes is farre more meryer. And it is bothe trewely and commonly sayde: that with∣out good meates & drynkes / bodyly lust waxeth colde. And whan they be wery of drynkyng and bankettynge / than they fall to reuelynge and daunsynge. Than whose minde is so wel ordred so sadde / stable / and constant / that these wanton daunsynges / the swyngynge of the armes / the swete sowne of the instrumentes / and feminie syngynges / wolde nat corrupte / ouercome / and vtterly mollifie? Ye and farther ye balades that they synge be suche / that they wolde kendell vp the corage of the olde and colde Laomedon / and Nestor. And whan the mynstrell dothe make a sygne to stynte / than if thou do nat kysse her / that thou leadyng by the hande dyddest daunce with, thou shalte be taken for a rustical or an vp∣landyshe vyllayne without any good maners or nurture. Of the other sportes and playes / the whiche are more shamefull than these / and in∣uented onely for bodylye luste and wantonnes / I wyll nat speake. Wolde to god they wolde no more vse them. If thou shuldest refuse to do any of these thynges / and woldest assaye to do some thynge of more sadues and prudence / they wyll esteme and counte the vnmanerly / cloubbysshe / frowarde / and cleane contrarye to all mennes myndes. And to the entent that thou woldest es∣chewe that blemyshe or blame / O what fylthy actes dost thou committe. So thus while thou woldest flie and eschewe hatred, while thou arte ashamed to be reputed waywarde or frowarde / while thou arte ashamed in dede to seme or be a lyttell shamefast (as saynte Agustyne saythe) thou dost forgette al shame: And whā thou arte enfected with like scourfe and scabbe / than thou endeuourest thy selfe and goste about to enfecte other. But admytte thou doste nat accompany with no wicked or synfull caytyfe (whiche were a thynge of great meruayle) yet the poyson of the maladie or sickenes is wont nat onely with touchynge / that is so saye contactu, wherof the maladies or dyseases be called contagia, but also with beholding to crepe and enfecte one. For the holle and sounde eies with beholdyng or lokyng on sore eyes take hurte. And veryly I suppose / that the eies be the chiefe occasion of al lewde en¦tycementes that prouoke and stere vs to fylthy synne. Therfore most gentyll Ioyce as thou de∣syrest thyn owne welthe / loke that thou flee and eschewe this scabbed and scuruy company: and drawe vnto them / by whose conuersation thou mayst amende thy lyfe. ALl be hit that I suppose that I haue spoken of the foresayd thinges suf∣ficiently, yet to the entent that thou shuldest nat onely with a good wyll but also ioyfully skyppe from the worlde and ronne to religion / that is to say / nat so moche hatynge or agreued with the yls of ye worlde / as desyrous of our delicious ple∣sures, me thynke it were nat inconuenient to re∣herse nowe in fewe wordes / the commodites of our lyfe, whiche thynge to do, it behoueth me to be brefe, both bycause I haue spent moche tyme labour / and paper, in straytly dyscussyng of the yuels and calamites of this worlde, and yet the greatnes therof requireth moche more thā hath ben spoken (for in maner no wordes or tyme of communication to discusse it / coude suffise) and eke bycause me thoughte thou beganst to waxe wery of my babblynge, and also bycause those thyngis are more easily perceiued thā declared. Therfore I wolde rather yt thou shuldeste lerne them by experience than by my declarynge, and rather to serche them out thy self thā to be {per}swa¦ded. Nowe swete Ioyce withdrawe the lyght∣ly frō the troublous busynes of this worlde and come to vs. And than at last thou shalt perceiue and se howe farre the false and disceyuable pros∣perite of the worlde doth differ frō very felicyte, and howe farre our labours and trauayles do passe and excel thy delites. I say thou shalte vn∣derstande and perceyue it / lyke as one were wa∣ked out of his slepe, the whiche all the while he slepeth / supposynge that the imaginations and phantasies / that appere to hym in his slepe / be true / he reioyceth / he dredeth / he exhalteth hym selfe / and is moucd with a thousand affections. But as soone as the slepe is goone / he than per∣ceyueth / that he was deluded and mocked with imaginations / yea and he hym selfe laugheth at his dremes: So lyke wise / whan thou shalte clerely {per}ceyue and vnderstāde the felicite of our institution or lyfe. O howe ofte than / whan the dreames of thy former lyfe come to thy remem∣brance / and beinge awaked out of that worldly slombre / wylte thou saye? A good lorde / was I euer so farre besyde my selfe / that any of these trifyls delyted me? Haue suche phantasyes in tymes passed of false and vayne goodes so rauy∣shed my mynde & wytte / that no desyre of thyn∣ges that be good in dede / coude entre in to me? Therfore nowe good Ioice / if thou be a slepe / a∣wake / excepte thou haddest leauer be happy in dreamynge than happy in dede. If thou nappe a littell / open thyn eies and shake hit of / lest the depe slepe steale vpon the. But in case that thou be awaked / as I suppose thou art / than lest the example of slepers / orels the violence of slepe {per}∣swade the therto: hye the as faste as thou canst out of this lande of Babylon / full of dreames & shadowes: and get ye apase to our Hierusalem. Why lokest thou behynde the? Why staggerest? Why dost thou staye or stande any whyle? Hit is alwaye hurtfull / as Lucan sayth, to differre or prolonge these thynges forthe / that be redy pre∣pared. Go to / breake of all delayes: for it is nat a lyght or a triflynge busynesse / that thou art in hande with / the matter concerneth or toucheth thy soule: the whiche is so worthy and so noble a thynge / yt for the welthe therof thou oughtest nat only to leaue and forsake those thingis / that thou louest mooste derely / but also wyllyngly to take on the and suffre moost harde and greuous peyne and trauayle. If an excellente and a per∣fecte counnynge phisytion wolde say to one that were sicke and vnlyke to escape dethe: Suffre a lytell while / and I wyll restore the to thy helthe agayne: Tell me what rough handlyng / peyn∣full touchynge / greuous throwes / wold he with ryghte good wyll endure? He wolde suffre his lymmes to be torren and haled with boystous iron instrumentes / to be launced / cutte / burned / and a thousande other wayes paynefullye han∣dled / yea he wolde suffre some peynes / that be more greuous than the very dethe / to thende to escape dethe / and a lyttell whyle prolonge his wretched lyfe. O good lorde / shulde any thynge seme greuo{us} to ye to suffre / that yu myghtest ther∣by eschewe the dethe of thy soule / yea deth euer∣lastynge? If the chaunce stoode so / that thou must nedes those one of these two conditions / ei∣ther to suffre thy body to be cleane extincted, and vtterly distroyed / yt thy soule myghte lyue euer∣lastyngly: orels by dethe of thy soule to opteine lyfe of thy body: I beleue thou woldest nat take longe aduisement / except thou were more mad∣der thā any franticke mā / but that thou woldest quickely chose rather the perpetuall lyfe of the soule / than the very shorte lyfe of the body. And therfore tell me good Ioyce / wylt thou nat lyue both blessedly and perpetually? Hit were great maruayle but thou woldest / for what is he that wolde nat? But thou wylt say: By what meane may I opteyne to lyue alwaye blessedly? Go to / I pray the, beholde what a great thyng with a lyttell labour thou mayst come by. To opteyne this thynge / thou nedest nat to flye in the ayre with Dedalus wynges / nor to trauayle & passe the daungerous sees / nor to take on hande the peynefull labours of Hercules / nor to leape in to the fyre / nor no man wyll cōstrayne the / that for this thynge thou shuldest hale & teare thy lym∣mes / nor slee thy selfe. Fynally / who wolde saye that the martyrs in olde tyme were peuishe / the whiche on hope and truste of this felicite / wolde nat denye or refuse any maner peynes or cruell turmētes / no, nat the very dethe to be harde or greuous to them? Take hede I pray the / howe abundantly our benigne and lyberall lorde hath bestowed his gyftes vpon vs / and againe, how easye and lyght his commaundementes be. He promised euerlastinge felicite to them that haue deserued deth. What thing can be more benigne or bountifull than this promise? ye and what is more sure and certeyne? But nowe / what dothe he commaunde the to do? Forsothe nothynge / but yt in the meane tyme thou shuldest dyligētly prepare and make thy selfe redye to receyue so great and so excellent a gyfte? Thou wylt aske me / by what way this shulde be done? No man can receiue the very felicite / so long as he is pos∣sessed and holden in captyuyte and thraldome of false felycite. Wylte thou lyue euerlastyngely? Than loke that thou lyue well. Wylt thou entre in to paradise? Than loke that thou forsake this worlde: for as it is most mischiefull / so it is most troublous and peynefull. Dost thou desyre and couet to be ioyned to god? Than se that thou en∣deuoir the to be out of the dyuels snares. Doste thou loue trewe rychesse? Than throwe awaye from the / the false. If thou haue delyte in very honours: leaue thy sekynge for the false. What more? Doest thou loue very trewe beatytude? Loke than yt thou forsake these swete trauailes / yea ye laborous swetenes of this worlde. What thynge is more softer or esyer than these precep∣tes? Who so euer kepethe them / shall haue very felicite for his rewarde: and the kepyng of god∣des commaundementes is the begynnynge of felycytye. As thoughe he commaunded thus: Leaue to be wretched / that ye may be welthye: Leaue to be seruātis, that ye may enioy liberte. O, what a great dyfference is betwene goddes cōmandementes and the dyuels? O / howe con∣traryly they stryue and contende to gether? For after the diuel hath caught vs on his hoke with a lyttell bayte of false delectation? O good lorde, into what horrour or vglynes / into what filthy∣nes / and into what myseries dothe he caste vs? And at length / whan he hath deluded and moc∣ked vs his fyl / he strāgleth vs. God by very litel and short solicitudes and grefes (the whiche we suffre nat through any faute of ye thynges / but throughe our owne faute) leadethe vs to ioy in∣credible / and at length he gyueth vs the blisse of heuen. The dyuels promotion is disceytefull / his warfare is sower / and his wages (whiche as the scripture dothe witnes is deth) is mooste sower of all. Goddis obligation is faithfull and sure: the longer that his warre endurethe / the sweter and more plesant hit is: and his wagis / whiche is blessed immortalite / is moost swetest of all. The lyfe of them that folowe the diuell is wretched / the deth more wretched & after dethe a lyfe mooste wretched of all. But to goddis ser∣uantes the life is welthy / the deth more welthy / and after deth foloweth a lyfe moste welthy and blessed of all. Who wolde nat mooste gladly / yea and frely make warre vnder so easye & so liberall a capitayne / whiche puttethe vs to so swete la∣bours? If thou gyue but lyttell credence to my wordes / harkē to hym exhortynge vs / yt can nat disceyue (for what leasynge can trouthe make?) Take my yocke vpon you / and ye shal fynde rest for your soules: for my yocke is swete / and my burthen lyghte. What ioye troweste thou / after theyr victorie / shall they haue / triumphynge in heuen euerlastyngly / with mooste highe renow∣med pompe / to whom the labour of the warfare here is so delectable? Howe pleasante shall that happye libertie be / if his yocke be swete to vs? I wote well there be some that wyll take for a wōder / these wordes that I haue saide: but vn∣doubted they be of that same sorte / whiche most lyke vnto brute beastis / deme all felicite to reste and be in the taste of the mouthe and pleasure of the bealy. Hit is harde to make suche to beleue / that the labours / wher vpō the lyfe of religious persons is employed / be neyther greuous / nor heuy or peynfull / but rather pleasant & iocunde. But seinge suche felowes wyll nat beleue ye very trouthe / I wolde they shulde serche and make a profe therof them selfe. And on peyne of my lyfe they shall nat be disceyued / so that they do theyr beste / and assaye hit as they ought to do. What if hit irke or greue them to make a profe? Than truelye I wolde that they shulde gyue credence to those that haue proued religion. For sothe I dare affyrme it with an othe / that euery thynge in religion is full of pleasure. Nothinge is more plentiful or abundant thā our pouerte / nothȳge is more restfull than our labour or trauayle / our abstinence and fastynge is ryght suffisant / our narowe or strayte rowme / is to vs large / wyde / and brode / our watchyng is to vs more gladder than any slepe. But & I shulde swere this vpon a boke: yet some wolde nat beleue me: Yea they wolde deme me / ioyning those so contrary thyn∣ges to gether / no wyser than he that wolde go about to proue that the darkenesse is lyght / and the light darkenes / that the fire is colde and the water hotte. But what shulde one saye to these beastlye creatures / the whiche haue no reason / nor they vnderstande no higher than the corpo∣rall sensis? Well / yet I wyll nat leaue them so: They muste be allured and drawen with some argumēt / very familiar and playne to their vn∣derstandynge / that by those thynges / the whi∣che vnto them be moost notable / they maye con∣iecte what these thynges be / of the whiche they haue but small knowlege. Let vs trayne them in to the countrey / or els if that be greuous vnto them / let vs go nere home to the hauen / and call to vs one of the mariners / whiche we wyll / and say: Come hither good felowe / is nat the labour and toylynge that thou haste a shypbourde very greuous & peynefull to the? No sayth he / it is a pleasure. Howe shulde that be? For in this ma∣ner gettyng of thy lyuȳge / semeth to be mo and greatter incōmodites than in any other. Hit is treuthe saythe he. But than on the tother syde / there be many thynges that greately encorage and comforte me. Fyrst / what thyng is it / that swete luker or wynnynge dothe nat make plea∣saunte? Nothynge is more plentifull or rycher than the see. There be many alyue at this day / whiche were very poore / & nowe by trauaylyng and turmoylynge on the see onely / they be exce∣dynglye riche. Who can tell whether hit shall be my chaunce lyke wyse or no? Farther, the custo∣mance and continuall vse therof / easeth a great parte of my grefe: the whiche cōtinuall custome in thynges is without doute of so great effecte / that nothynge is so greuous or paynfull to be done / but that the ofte doynge therof maketh it eyther pleasante / or at the leste lyght and easye, And lastly / there be certayne thynges / the whi∣che do mitigate and make vs to forget the peyne of our labour and toylynge / as syngynge / tal∣kynge / propre sportis / and a thousande other suche lyke thinges. Ye haue harde this I thȳke playnelye inoughe. Nowe if we shulde go from warkehouse to warkhouse / I trowe euery man wolde answere and saye to vs the same / or very lyke wordes. What foloweth thā? Truely if vn∣certaine hope for so small and vile luker / maketh so greuous labour and toylyng pleasant to these labourers & workemen: Why shulde nat ye most certayne and sure abydynge for euerlasting feli∣cite, cause and worke the same in vs? If conty∣nuall vse and customance be of so greate effecte / and may do so moche amonge them / for what cause shulde hit nat do lyke wyse in religion? If they haue wayes / with the whiche they alleui∣ate and ease theyr incommodites and grefes: no doubte we haue many mo and better to miti∣gate our tribulations and peynes. BRefely to speke / these .iii. thynges be in religion / Libertie / Tranquillite & pleasure. Of Libertie (wherof I wyll fyrste en∣treate) all we be moost desyrous / euery man ab∣orreth seruage and thraldome: in so moche that many haue kilde them selfe for very hate therof, whiche estemed lybertye better than lyfe / and deth better thā seruage. wherfore if folkes delite so moche in libertie / that to bye false libertie cost them so derelye / howe gladly oughte they to en∣brace and desyre the institution of our lyfe / as it wherin is perfecte and trewe libertie? But here some ignorant felowe wyll say to me: If libertie (after Ciceros diffinition) be to lyue as yu wylte thy selfe / I can nat se howe you religious men shulde haue any libertie at al: for ye lyke byrdes shutte in a cage dare aduenture to do nothinge / neither to eate nor speke / to slepe nor wake / to go nor come / nor so moche as ones to yane / without the abotte or superiour cōmaunde you. I praye you do suche folkes lyue at theyr lybertie? No certaynely / no more than horses or asses be at theyr lybertie / the whiche are brydled and pryc∣ked with the spurtes / to go here & there / where so euer the ryder wyll haue them. But all this argumēt is sone dasshed. For we wyl nothynge but that that is leful: and therfore it is lefull for vs to do what so euer we wyll. But touchynge our lybertye / I wyll speake more afterwarde. Nowe gyue me leaue to question agayne with the a lyttell. Tell me / arte thou nat ashamed, to say thou arte at thy lybertie in the worlde / whā thou hast mo maysters than thou canst nombre in a daye? Fyrste / thou must attende and apply thy mynde about the worldly busynesses / to the whiche who so euer ones gyueth hym selfe / they are wonte to wrappe and with suche cheynes to lynke hym in / that whither or whiche way so e∣uer they drawe / he muste nedes folowe after. What & thou haue a wyfe / yea thou must nedes be hadde / for wedlocke is a thynge reciprocate? Take hede / there be an other peyre of fetters. For truly by that / there groweth to the an other greuous seruage / and out of hit thou canste nat lyghtly gette. Farther, what & thou be a wicked and a synfull lyuer? O good lorde / in to what a bondage and thraldome arte thou than ironne? Nowe loke howe many vices thou haste / and to so many maysters thou muste obey / yea suche maisters as are most terrible / abominable / and cruell. For who wolde deme that mā to be at his libertie / the whiche can nothyng disobey his bo∣dily luste / but what so euer it cōmaundeth / yea thoughe it be moost fylthy / as hit is alway / and most harde or peinefull / as it is ofte / yet he must nedes obey? Thyne eyes desyre slepe / and fayne thou woldest slepe: but to the entente that thou shuldest nat / thy ryghte stately maistres fleshly luste lettethe the / she byddeth the to raue in the nyght / and to ronne aboute / to visette thy para∣mour / and in a foule stynkynge brothell howse amonge hoores and drabbes to passe forthe the nyghte without slepe. And there thou muste be gladde to please a stynkynge harlotte: if she cō∣maunde the to do any thynge / thou muste do it: if she forbydde the to do any thynge / thou muste lyke wyse obey: if she bydde the go thy waye / thou must departe: if she bydde the come / thou must returne. Dost nat thinke this a thraldome or bondage moste shameful? What libertie hath a couetous man? he wolde fayne lyue at home / & so sluggardie byddeth hym. But may he do so cōtinually? wyl his maistres couetousnes suffre that? what saythe she? Lyueste thou thus in sleuthe? why sittyst thou styll? Seest nat what great wynnynge thou myghtest haue / if thou woldest passe ye see with marchādise in to Frāce / Flanders / and other places? Come of / make the redy / thou must nedes take shyppyng. Lo / thou hast wynde at will. And thus to fullfyl thy mai∣stres byddynge / thou trauaylest by see & lande: yea all the wynter longe / and hast no care for the tempestes / nor for thy wyfe / nor for thy children / no nor for thyn owne lyfe. Doste thou reken thy selfe this wyse to lyue at lybertie? And in reaso∣nynge a lyke profe may be made of euery other vice: but bicause me thinke this talkynge wax∣eth tedious to the / I wyll passe ouer and speake of other thynges: but fyrste I wyll shewe the in generall / that no man beynge wicked and sinfull can be at his libertie. Were thou neuer ashamed and sory for thy fylthy lyfe? Yes I beleue many a tyme. For who is so farre paste all grace / that neuer remēbreth howe he hath lyued? and whā he seeth howe he is defiled / either for feare of pu∣nishement / or for the loue of vertue / he hath an entente or purpose to amende his lyfe. Thou sayst / it is so in very dede / and I stryue with my selfe other while to forgo my mooste wycked ma∣ners: but whan I am about it, ye wolde nat be∣leue with what force & violence custome in synne stoppeth me / yea and whether I wyll or no / hit driueth me to myn olde affections. Thou sayste well and truely. What than? Dost thou nat per∣ceyue wretche in to what greatte captiuite thou arte brought? Dost nat nowe vnderstande, that thou arte seruaunt vnto vyces? For whan they perceyue that thou art about to leaue them, and to ronne away / they lay hādes vpon the / and as a servaunt fast fettred / they throwe the in to the backe house.Backe howse was a place in olde tyme where rennagate seruan∣tes were sore punysshed. Go to now madde felowe, and bost to vs thy liberte that art servante to the worlde, to thy wyfe, to Fortune, to carnall lust, to coue∣tousnes, to ambition, ye and to the dyuell, in so moche that thou mayst wel say with the maried mā in Terēce called Syrus (saue only yt in hym hit is feyned / and thou mayste say it matter in dede) I desyre and wolde fayne know, how ma∣ny maisters I haue. And truely, as our coun∣trey man Hegius wryteth, To be seruaunte vnto many Is a state of greatte mysery. Wherto shulde I nowe remembre to the our lybertie or fredome? Doth it nat seme a great li∣bertie to lyue out of fortunes dominion? if there be any fortune / and neither to drede her cruelty, nor to desyre her fauour / nor nothynge greued with her aduerse frowardnes / nor nothynge the more insolēt or stately for her luckynes. We dare as boldly despyse her as Democritus dydde / ye and in derisyon make a potte at her. She hathe no power ouer vs. We haue to gether wt worldly ryches, throwen away from vs the desyre of the same ryches: yea we haue with god playde the vsurers. What & fortune slee vs? Yet we surely know / yt no greuous thynge can chance vnto vs saue onely filthy synne. They be afrayd of deth, the whiche lyue yll and synfully. But certaynly good and vertuous people do nat onely lyue out of the drede of dethe / but also they desyre dethe / as the thynge that shulde frome hence deducte and leade them to a more welthy and blessed life. Farthermore we haue all to broken the iron yea the cheyne as harde as the adamante stone / of worldly busynes: And thus we beinge lyghted and delyuered of that moost greuous fardell or burthen / and lyftyng vp our myndes to heuen / what so euer is done beneth a lowe, we deme our selfe to haue nothynge to do therwith. Wherfore I pray the / what thynge cā be more free or more at lybertie? Farthermore we haue by the helpe of god / shoken of our neckes the moste harde or heuy yocke of terrible Pharao. We haue gyuen ouer and lefte to serue most shameful & reproued lordes / I meane vyces / but nat in suche wyse / that we shulde neuer at no tyme cōmitte sinne or offende / I wotte nat whether any mortall crea∣ture maye do so in this lyfe or no. But as a vali∣aunt warriour / that opteyneth great laude and preyse / and the name of a conquerour / entrethe boldly in to batayle / and manly feyghteth hāde to hande with his ennemy / and there receyueth many a greuous wounde / but yet he eyther ta∣keth or sleeth his ennemie: And on ye other side / he that is takē / though he haue neuer a woūde / no nat so moche as his skynne broken / yet he is iugged to be vanquished and ouer come / & must suffre hym selfe to be ledde awaye as a prysoner in to captiuite: So lyke wyse if it happen vs to slyde / for as I haue sayde / almoost no man can kepe hym selfe alway from synne: yet we be sure to ouercome / we be sure of our libertie, and we be in certaynte of our lyfe. What dothe hit sygnifie that they, the whiche beare them selfe manly in batayle are wonte to vncouer theyr breast is / to shewe the scarres of theyr woūdes? Or why re∣turne they in to the cytie or lodgynges with the speares / dartes / and arowes styckynge styll in theyr bodies / like as they were by chance strykē and wounded in batayle? Certeynly to the ende yt al folke shulde se and vnderstāde / that they re∣ken it most hygh worship / in the defence of them selfe / and the welth of their countrey / to resceiue moost large and greuous woundes. Yea truely they wolde rather (wounded vnto dethe) be ca∣ried in to theyr tentes or lodgynges with victo∣rye / than holle and sounde (if they so coude) to come vnder the subiection of theyr ēnemie. Who so euer submitteth hym to vice and synne / he is in great thraldome and a very bonde man to an ennemye. But to what ennemye? To an enne∣mye most fylthy / most cruell / and most mortall / the whiche wyl be more gladde and fayne of our dethe / than of his owne lyfe. What a shamefull thynge is hit for man / and what an vnworthye thynge to mans worthines / to endure or suffre / that the foule stynkȳge diuell shulde be his lorde and mayster / & lette naughte by hym / to whom he is bounde both for hym selfe and all that euer he hath? Specially sith to serue hym (I say al∣myghty god) is most high libertie / yea there is no libertye but that. Wherfore if there be any / that beginneth to waxe wery of that seruile and bondly libertye, and wolde gladly come to this free and most liberall seruice: he must I say seke it in religion. For as I haue sayde / libertie is to serue god only / ye whiche can be serued no where better thā in solitarie and places of religion: for there is no where els so moche libertie. BUt what is he that coude worthi∣ly descryue tranquyllyte or quyete? The vnrestfull rorynge of the worlde doth nat russhe in here amonge vs in religion. What thynge is there abrode in the worlde / that is nat full of bel∣lynge / cryenge / hurlynge and burlynge / and busynesse? One wepeth / an other laugheth / he lamentethe / he stryueth / he greteth / he telleth newes / one calleth forwarde / an other cōmaun∣deth to come backe / he is gone / he comethe / one cryeth and calleth out a loude / an other ronneth to and fro / yea whiche waye so euer thou loke / where so euer thou become / thou shalte finde no∣thynge in quiete / but thou shalte fynde euerye thynge full of noyse and dynne / in suche wyse / that it shall seme to the that thou art all to tossed amonge the ragynge wawes of the see / whan it is most troublous. Whan shalt thou haue tyme amonge these thinges to sette thy mynde at rest and quiete? What is he / that in so varyable a state of thinges can stande constantly & lyue out of trouble? What thynge in this whyrle wynde may the deuine mynde of man eyther thynke or do / that is worthy & besemeth hym to do? Howe is it possyble that ye soule / nowe made deffe with continuall and vnsatiable rorynge and yellyng / maye here her spouse knockynge at the gates of her breast / and his voyce speakynge to her? For a treuthe / Helyas perceyued nat that our lorde god was with hym / in the cite or towne / but in the moūtayne / nat in the court / but in the caue / nat in the whyrle wynde that all to brekethe the stones / nat in disturbance / no nor in the fyre / but in the whissinge of the thynne and lyghte ayre. If thou haddest tyme to ouer rede the holye hi∣storyes / thou shuldest se and perceyue / that the greattest myracles of diuyne thynges were she∣wed and done in solitarie places / and nat where great resorte and company were gethered. For where was that secrete and wonderous mistery of the burnynge boushe that flamed vp / and pe∣ryshed nothynge / shewed to Moyses? Was it in the cities of Aegypt? No trewelye. (for than he was fledde thēce for drede of the tyran Pharao) but it was done in the hylle of god / after he had entred in to the great, large, and hygh wodde. Nor the celestiall foode Manna, was nat sente to them that dyd inhabite great & noble palaices / but vnto them that dwelled in the flouryshynge wyldernesse. Where was the diuine pompe and triumphe celebrate in gyuyng of the lawe / whā the celestial trumpettes gaue a terrible sownde, nowe and than thondryng and lightnynge with swyfte flame / flusshynge out of the darke and thycke cloudes? For a trouthe this was done v∣pon the hylle toppe of Synai / all the common people beynge cōmanded to stande a syde. And it is lefte in writynge / that in olde tyme the pro∣phettis chylderen / the whiche in tyme to come shulde be prophettis them selfe, wolde for hatred of the ryche edefices & sumptuous buyldynges / go dwell vpon the ryuer syde of Iordan. Iohn̄ beynge more than man / as he that was called the aungell of our lorde / I pray the where ledde he his heuenly and most pure lyfe? Where was he taughte the diuine secretes / that he doubted nat to poynt god with his fynger / that was in likenes of a man? Certaynly he dyd nat lerne it at home with his father / but in the wyldernes. And what meaneth it, that many tymes we se our lorde Iesus hym selfe / as thoughe he were wery of company / departe asyde into solitarye places? How often is it redde that he taughte in the mountaynes? And what myracles shewed he in desarte places / and vpon the see coost / both in healynge of syckenesses / and in correctynge of the vices bothe of body & soule / in expulsynge and castynge out of wycked spirites, and in fea∣dynge of so great multitudes of people with so lyttell quantite of meate. What tyme he wolde faste, he cleane absented hym selfe / and was in desarte places out of the syght of all folkes. In a mountayne that mooste gratious visyon was shewed to his thre apostels. In the twylyght of that nyght, in the whiche Chryste suffred hym selfe to be taken / to the entent he wolde praye / he departed and went in to the orchardes. It is he the whiche also byddeth vs whan we woll pray, to hyde vs in the secrete partes of our chambre. And fynally / it was nat causelesse / but for great skele / that he was slayne with out the cytye: so that thou mayst lyghtly perceyue that he fledde busklyng busynes, that he hated the clamorous assystens of people / that he loued nat the cracke¦lynge and dynne of the courtes, and that he de∣lyted nat in the getheryng and frequence of peo∣ple / but he ioyed to be alone / & loued very moche tranquillite. Wherto shulde I nowe reherce the examples of mā, the whiche be of lesse auctorite? Men say that Pythagoras was taughte many secrete thynges in the caue called Ideus. Plato demed his schole of phylosophye moche more cōmodious to be kept at Achadamie than with∣in the cytye of Athens. The poetes them selfe feyned howe they had I wotte nat what clyues and darke woddis / where they wōned or abode, as ofte as the diuine furour toke them: wherby they sygnifie / that he that desyreth to endite or make any noble and goodly ditee / he must sepe∣rate hym selfe from company. Farthermore to speake of the vulgar people / we se yt golde smy∣thes / peynters / and other artificers / in whose workemanshyppe is any thynge of singular in∣dustrie and great connynge / whan they couet to make any thynge more exactly & with greatter diligēce / they get them to some place / where the noyse and cōmynge and goynge of folkes shall nat trouble them in their workes. By al whiche thynges / hie is playne and euident to perceyue / that moche company annoyeth & greueth hym ryght moche: the whiche entendeth or gothe a∣boute to do any thynge of great weygth and dif∣ficultie. And quiete is ryght oportune and very necessarye for hym that wyll enterprise or go in hande with hyghe and weightye matters. And what is a more higher and a more serious busy∣nes than it that concerneth thy soule helthe, and blessed liuynge? Therfore while thou abydest in the worlde / thou canst nat cōmodiously atcheue this busynesse. For in what place of the worlde shalt thou fynde quiete? But cōtrary wyse good Ioyce / here in religion / all thynges be whishte or in silēce / within / without / and euery where is perfecte peace. The pleasant recesse or solytary∣nes of the place / is the cause of sylence: & peace procedeth or comethe of a verye good and a close mynde: And so moche the tone nedeth ye tothers helpe, that if thou take away the tone, thou wol∣dest thynke that neither of both remayned: For the outwarde quiete doth cheryshe / noryshe / and defende the inwarde peace: And againe the out∣warde quiete without the inwarde / wold be gre∣uous / ydell / ye and very hurtfull. And only hym that hath his mynde greuously vexed and trou∣bled / the poet forbyddeth to be alone / sayenge / ¶ vvhat euer thou dost hurtfull are placis alone Bevvare of sole placis vvhan thou dost mone vvhither vvoldest thou than flee or starte asyde: Amonge company thou mayst more surely byde. NOr I maye nat here well ouerpasse (all thoughe I entende to be brefe / for hit cō∣meth so well to pourpose) that same noble exhor∣tation of the philosopher Crates / the whiche on a tyme / as he behelde and marked a yonge mā / that wandred all alone hyther and thyther / mu∣synge and imaginynge verye profoundly vpon some thynge: asked hym what he dydde there? The yong mā answered: I talke with my selfe. Take hede quod Crates / yt thou talke nat with a lewde or a naughtye felowe. Eche of them an∣swered meryly and quickely. Therfore solitary∣nes in a {per}sone of laudable and good lyuynge is cōmendable: and contrary wyse to wycked and mischeuous lyuers / nothȳge is more perillous. For than these mischeuous caytyues thynke on mischiefe / than they conceyue in theyr myndes most cruel dedes / and than they treate & reuolue vnhappy counsayles both for them selfe & other. Yea and what shulde stere miserable wretches / to haste to slee them selfe: if oportunitie of solita∣rinesse dyd nat prouoke them therto? Who is he that euer drāke poyson / that hanged hym selfe / that styckte hym selfe / that brake his necke / ex∣cepte he were alone? Thou sayste to me: wher∣fore than dost thou cōmende to me so moche soli∣tarines / a thyng so perrillous? Here haue I no∣thynge to answere more conuenientlye than the sayenge of Crates before remēbred: Whan thou lyueste by thy selfe alone / beware that thou lyue nat with a lewde or a wicked felowe / & thā thou nedeste nat to drede any thynge in solitarines. So departe awaye from company / that thou mayst be moche farther of from vices: and loke that the places aboute the be so in sylence / that thy corage and mynde gronte nor groudge nat. And all be it that I am longe in this matter, yet my mynde is nat to cōmende vnto the / the soly∣tarines of Timon / I wolde nat that thou shul∣dest seperate thy selfe from all mankynde / as he dyd / but I wolde thou shuldest leaue vnruly cō∣pany. And as touchinge the outwarde quiete I haue spoken sufficiently. Nowe I wyll brefelye entreate of the inwarde peace / the whiche lyke as it resteth or consysteth in the mynde / so it pro∣cedeth or cometh from a good and a pure mynde from vice. For vertue is of suche strengthe or ef∣fecte / that it quieteth or setteth at rest the mynde or corage / wherin hit remayneth / with an incre∣dible peasablenesse / ye & it expelleth or auoydeth all pensyuenes / horrour / drede / and {per}turbation. What a thynge vertue is / thou shalte better vn∣derstande / if thou lyst to be holde / what grefes / what troubles / and what vexations a wycked mynde endureth. For he that is a thefe / a discei∣uer of the people / a hoore monger / a traytour / a rauisher of women / an aduoutrer / or other wyse a mischeuous caytife / his conscience for the wic∣ked dedes doth oppresse hym so / that he is all to tossed and tombled with perpetual care & drede. The verye shappe or fourme of his wicked and mischeuous dedes / lyke as hit were the horrible furies of Helle / ronne vpon hym / they fiersly as∣saile and enuade hym both slepyng & wakynge. At euery thyng he waxeth pale / he is afrayde of euery busshe / but namely he dredeth suspection / whisterynge / infamy / iugement / & punishemēt. But admitte, that he setteth naught by all these thynges / and can disceyue the cōscience of men / and that he dredeth nat al mighty god: yet whā shall he brynge it so to passe / that he may escape ye smarte prickynges or grudgȳges of his owne conscience? That shall he neuer do. For what so euer thynge he wolde do / or whyther so euer he wolde flee / the same cruel turmētis / shutte with in his breaste / wyll nat leaue hym / they appere styll before hym / they tosse and turmoyle hym / they make hym afrayde / nor they will nat suffre his meate / the lyght of the day / no nor his lyfe to be ioyous to hym / ye and lastly they make his very naturall rest or slepe vnquiete to hym. Her∣of very often tymes cometh leanes of the body: this causeth vggly and fierse coūtinance / of this cometh the fylthynes of the eies: and herof ry∣seth feare of euery thyng: wherby they be wōte to discouer and bewraye them selfe: the whiche thynge is ryght well and iustly ordeyned of god that mooste ryghtous iuge / to thentent that no man shulde cōmitte an iuell dede / and be vtterly vnpunyshed: For suspeciousnes is wonte forth∣with to folowe foule and yll dedes / the whiche fyrst of al doth greatly punishe the misdoer / and there vpon talkynges and infamy doth folowe / the whiche vndoubted many iuge for so great a mischiefe / that they had leauer dye thā lyue and endure them. But some be drowned so depe in synne / that they set naughte by suche thynges. Admitte hit be as the cōmon sayenge is / that as moche as theyr wyckednes is / so moche is theyr fortune / and that no man accuseth them / nor no iuge medleth with them: yet I say there shalbe one in tyme to come / the whiche wyll sore and ri∣gorously punyshe them. Yea but those thynges be farre of saye they / as thoughe they were sure and certeyne / to lyue yt space of one houre. But admitte it be as they do say / yet for all that euen nowe whyle they be alyue / they be inwardelye turmented and punyshed with theyr conscience / the whiche prycketh so sharpely and so bytterly / that there is no wycked dede can cause so great pleasure / that hit shulde be boughte with suche turmentis. Who coude euer sufficientlye deme / howe cruell the disturbance of the breast is / whā the selfe mynde with a sharpe sedition stryuethe with it selfe / and some partis therof inclinynge some way / is striken / haled / plucked / torren / and rent / the memorie accuseth / reason iuggeth / and conscience punysheth. Reason calleth one waye / and nature an other waye / and the pleasure of synne an other way: wherof are engendred per∣petuall pryckynges / {per}petuall braulynges / and perpetuall warre. Wherfore it is thoughte that certaine doctours of the churche haue sayde ve∣ry well / the whiche iugged / that the Remorce of conscience / that accōpanieth and gothe with the synners vnto hell / was nat the leest parte of the punishemētis / that they suffre there. The whi∣che thynges Iuuenall right ornatly (as he doth euery thynge) descryueth as foloweth: ¶Than vvhat is the cause tell me novve vvhy That thou supposest, hovve thou hast scaped vvele The troublous motions of thy mynde invvardly By grouge of thy conscyence that the dothe appele And fore the accuseth, and cruelly dothe dele. In thy secrete thoughtes of pryuey pensyuenesse Scourgynge the vvith scourges of boteles bytternes ¶Remorse of conscience is of suche vehemens That it is the peyne moost peynefull of all paynes So sauage, so ragynge, so sovvre of experience So doggedly gnavvynge, so troublynge mans braynes That vvhere so Remors of conscience remaynes Ceditius that iuge, nor Radamant iuge of Hell Dyd neuer suche punishement vvith peynes halfe so fell ¶ For vvho so is vexed of conscience vvith remors Slepynge or vvakynge by day and by nyghte Out of his harte no chaunce can it deuorse This penytent penaunce perpetually dothe fyght Eatynge or drynsrynge it is euer in thy syghte Thy throte so vvith thought it doth both stoppe & freate That scātly yu canst eate, nor swalowe downe thy meate. And so forth most eloquently and truely he pro∣cedeth. And lyke wyse as the same thynges be proued by reason and auctorite / euen so therof may be shewed a thousande examples: but by∣cause we wyll nat tary lōge in rehersyng of ma∣ny / thre shall suffice vs nowe: of the whiche the fyrste shalbe taken out of fables / the seconde out of the Romayn histories / and the thyrde out of holy scripture. What other thyng dothe it signi∣fie / after Orestes had slaine his mother / he was taken with spirites (whiche cōmonly are called furies) and was so sore vexed with them / that whither so euer he fledde / he alway mette them shouynge fyre brondes agaynst hym: than that he / the whiche cōmytteth any mischeuous dede is turmented and vexed with the remors of con∣science / as though he were taken with a fransie? Certaynly many thynges haue ben ryght coun∣nyngly inuented of the poetis / but after myne opinion / none more apte or feter than this. And therfore it repenteth me nat to reherse this fable here. And what thynge is more euidēt than the exāple of Lucius Sylla? This man as I rede. was cruell out of all measure: so that hit is a thynge ryghte myserable to tell howe many he banished / or commaunded to be slayne: and also he was nat a lyttell garnyshed or decked with o∣ther vices. But of this tyran / the very selfe ma∣lyce that was in hym / toke vengeance / the whi∣che no man els coude do. For he was so turmen∣ted and vexed with the conscyence of his yll and wicked dedes / that by no wytte nor helpe of phi∣sytyons he coude nat recouer agayne his slepe / that he had lost: and so at the last he dyed of the moost fylthy disease called the lowsy yuell. The olde and manifest example of Cain dothe yet re∣mayne. We rede that he beynge moued with en∣uie / slewe his brother / but he dyd it nat vnpuni∣shed. For he was punyshed forth with / and that diuersly / but no way more cruelly / nor more mor¦taliye / than of conscyence. The remorce of con∣scyence for his wycked dede was to hym more greuous / than any other punishement that god his creatour toke. Our lorde god rebuked hym yea he rather reclaymed hym / to cause hym to take repentance and to confesse his offence: but he ye wretched caytyue estemed his synne great∣ter than coude be forgyuen. God graunted hym his life, but he iuged him selfe vnworthy to liue. What a vengeable turmentour thynke ye thus cruelly vexed his stomake? What swete or plea∣sant thynge suppose ye coude chance hym in his lyfe / the whiche beynge sore greued with hym selfe / and dispeirynge of hym selfe / as one all he∣uy and pensyue demynge his lyfe to hym bytter and sower / he dredde and was ashamed to come abrode in the syght of folkes? For he wente that all other had ben suche to hym as he was hym selfe. Thus ye se good Ioyce / what turmentes / what defilinges / what grudgingis / what trou∣bles / and what braydes a wycked and a synfull mynde endurethe. Nowe take hede and marke / howe restfull / howe peasible / and howe pleasant a thynge it is to haue a clere and an vncombred conscience / and for no gylte to waxe pale? What thynge is it yt can disturbe or trouble his mynde that is well setled and ordred? What thynge of ryght ought he to drede? Shulde he be a gast of any man? Certaynely he nedethe nat to drede though man be his ennemy / that is holly bente on god his frende. Shall calamitees and mise∣ries make hym afrayde? No truelye. For he re∣keneth them to be his wynnynges. But shal he lyue in drede of dethe / the whiche also he gladly desireth and wissheth fore? Finally / shall he nat feare god hym selfe? No truely. For he hopeth and surely trusteth / that he is in goddes fauour and kepyng. What can be thought more restfull quiete / more vncarefull or more happy / thā this thynge? Ioyce / one may fele or perceyue it / but playnely it wyll nat be declared. Parauenture / thou arte so blessed or happy / that thou haste al∣redy lyuynge in the worlde / the selfe same thyng that I call the vnto. And I verylye truste that thou hast. But my mynde is / that so moche the rather thou shuldest flye and leaue the worlde. For here in religion / thou shalte fynde and haue hit more heapingly / and farre more surer. What thynge maketh the so carelesse / that thou wylte beare so dere a treasure amōge theues? If thou haue ought / it shal encreace here in religion / but in the worlde is cōtinual feare / lest thou forgo it: Here mooste specially is the ilke inwarde peace: and excepte the outwarde quiete be here / it is no where. In the worlde is no inwarde peace / and as for outwarde peace / if there be any / it is very scante / and nat very sure. And this is certayne / that ye religious houses reduce ye yl men to good¦nesse / and they that be good hit maketh better: But contrary wyse / the worlde is wont to make good men yll / and yll men worse. IN discriuynge of tranquillite or quiete, I haue ben more brefe than ye thīg required / and yet therin I was more {pro}lixe than I thought to haue ben: Nowe I wil as shortly as maye be / declare or entreate of pleasure / the whiche thynge onely remayneth vndeclared. Undoubted all folkes are so obstinately inclined to pleasure / that for no maner yuels they can be feared frō it / nor no reason can withdrawe them from hit? And parauenture hit is nat without great skele ye Epicure saythe / mortall creatures in ye iugemēt of pleasures do erre moche: but yet all creatures by one assente / some by one meane & some by an other / seke for pleasures. So that for this cause moost speciallye secular or worldly folkes are wont / bothe to flye and hate the insti∣tution of our lyfe: the whiche they repute to be harde / strayte / greuous / peynefull / and cleane without pleasure. But to the ende that this er∣rour shulde nat abashe or make them agaste / I shall playnly declare / that it is farre other wyse. Yea our lyfe is so moche without pleasure / that I durste entyce to vs all the delicate Sardana∣pals / as to a paradise of all delites & pleasures. Thou wylt obiecte and say: yea fayth / pleasure is in monastaries / lyke as the delphin is taken in the woddes / and the wylde bore hunted in the see. I assure the good Ioyce / that all the maner of our lyfe is pleasaunt. Thou askeste me howe that shulde be: & I shall shewe ye howe. Epicure denyeth those thynges to be pleasures / the whi∣che be cause of gretter greffes. We kepe no drab∣bes / nor lyue nat in aduoutry: nor we feede nat / nor ingurge nat our selfe / lyke as the wanton {pro}∣digall felowes are wont to do: we be sobre at the sonne goynge downe / and sobre whan the sonne ryseth / the whiche thynge they can nat say. For those thynges are neuer in so good plyte / but they be cause of more grefe than delyte. Nor we neyther can nor couet to be enryched: nor to be ennobled by any hyghe magystrate or rowme. Nor in these thynges we omytte nat ye mayster∣ship of Epicure. For seynge that they cause littel pleasure & moche grefe, me semeth we do wisely, in that that we wyll nat bye a small commodite with a greatter inconuenience. More ouer Epi∣cure teacheth / that other while sorowes must be ventred on / or taken well in worthe / to the ende that greatter and more greuouser dolours may be fledde & eschewed. And lyke wyse ofte tymes we must forbeare smal pleasures, to thende that we maye optayne greatter. What speake ye of vs? We religious men suffre and gladly endure watchynge / fastynge / solitarinesse / sylence / and suche like thynges / to thende that we wolde nat susteine greatter sorowes. We be nat dasshed ful of swete sauours / we sytte nat bollynge & dryn∣kynge all the daye / we daunce nor reuell nat / we loyter nat about / whither so euer fonde luste cal∣leth vs / nor we set nat our fantasy on suche lyke folishe toyes: but wolde to god thou coudeste se & beholde with wath great auantage we wante those thynges. Haddest thou thought yt we had for gone pleasure? Nay we haue nat so done / but we haue made a chāge / yea in suche a wise / that for a fewe and smal pleasures / we haue receiued many great pleasures. Me thought nowe wel∣yore / that these / picked / delicate felowes gaue an eare / on trust that I wolde shewe some newe inuētion of pleasure: and for certayne so I wyll. But in ye meane tyme I wolde they shuld with∣drawe their myndes from foule stynkynge & vn∣lefull pleasures / ye whiche they vse with beastis in commune. I wolde they shulde for sake theyr beastilynes / and vnderstande / that in man is some what more higher and more diuine, where vnto theyr delectation shulde be rather applyed than vnto the bodye. For seynge that in beastis there is nothynge more noble than the body / hit is nat vnskelfull / that theyr felicite resteth in fil∣lynge of theyr bealies and in bodily luste. But the condition or state of man is more worthye / than that he shulde esteme hym selfe to be borne for none other cause than beastis be. For man is nat onely made and cōpacte of the body but also of the soule. In body / saue onely in shappe / we differre nothynge from beastis: but in the soule we resemble very moche the deuine and eternal nature. The body is a thynge erthye / beastly / slowe / mortall / syckely / caduke / vncrafty / and vnnoble: Contrarie wyse / the soule is a thynge heuenly / diuine / immortall / perpetuall / pure / and noble. Therfore as moche as the bodye is lower and vnder the soule in dignite / so moche more the pleasure of the soule shulde excelle the wanton and lewde lustes of the body. For that pleasure / lyke the soule it selfe / is perpetuall / ne∣uer lothesome / pure / honeste / diuine / & helthfull. Contrarie wyse / the bodily pleasures / are discei∣uable / soone vanyshynge / lothsome more sower than swete / foule / and deedly. But it is impossi∣ble to enioy the pleasure of the body & of the soule bothe at ones. The one muste nedes be forgone. What wolde Epicure saye to this / if one asked hym counsayle? Forsothe that we shulde expelle and put awaye from vs those fylthye and foule lustes of the body / that they lette vs nat to op∣teyne / the swete and most excellent pleasures of the soule. The whiche thȳge (as I haue sayde) is nat away to lose / but greatly to wynne plea∣sures. But me thynke thou lokest that I shulde tell / with what pleasures of ye soule we be fedde here. Fyrste as Epicure sayth / whose authorite I wyll nat yet forgo, to wante the horrible vexa∣tion and grudge of an vnclene cōscience / is the greattest pleasure that can be. For he hath nat a lyttell to reioyce of / that hath nothinge to be sory fore. Farther / is nat the cōtemplation of heuēly and immortal delectations / vnto the whiche we hope ones by goddis grace to come / a thynge of great pleasure. Who is so blonte of vnderstan∣dynge / that whan he beyng wery of this lyfe / dothe remembre the felicitie celestyall / wyll nat wepe for very ioye? Whose mynde is so agreued and oppressed with heuynes & sorowe / the whi∣che whan he remembreth the lyfe to come / doth nat rise vp / and waxeth very gladsome / yea and wolde fayne be out of this worlde? What & one myght taste and sauoure these thynges? For all be it that they / to whom the worlde is as yet sa∣uory / can fynde no sauour or swetenes in them / yet vnto holy and well dysposed mindes there is nothynge more surely approued. And thoughe that the great ioye and pleasure of the lyfe that is reserued in tyme to come / can nat be {per}ceiued / be fore the soule de{per}tynge out of this yll fylthy / and vnswete prison of the body / resorte thither agayne / from whēce it came: yet neuer the lesse / me semethe that good deuoute myndes haue a smacke and some perceyuynge therof / and are weate as hit were with a dewe of heuenlye sho∣wers: and of that same lyght that neuer shall fayle / they se as it were a glymeryng or a glāce. The whiche thynge howe great a pleasure it is, it can nat be perswaded vnto hym that is igno∣rant & vnexperte therof: but vnto them that be experte therin / it can nat be estemed nor spoken howe pleasante it is. And all thoughe (as saynt Bernarde sayth) these delytes are but outher whyle / and are wonte to tary but a shorte space: yet are they so great / that if all the pleasures of this worlde were layde to gether on a heape / in regarde of these they wolde seme lyttell worthe / yea and nat to be set by. And if there were no o∣ther rewardes / for good dedes to be hoped fore (whiche thyng is farre other wyse) yet forsothe hit wolde neuer greue me / for this onely hyre or mede to suffre and endure all maner labours / and wolde deme them so worthy / that to thētent to opteyne them / I wolde nat onely despice and set naught by all other lustis and delites of this worlde / but also bydde them batayle. Go to thā / what mowe we suppose & thynke that the great plentie or abundance of these ioyes wolde do / if a littell smacke or a very thynne sauour of them so moche deliteth / so recreateth / and maketh one so ioyfull? O / howe great a pleasure shall it be / whan that diuine lyghte shall shyne ouer & ouer vs, the whiche can nat be seen but with most pu∣rified eies: so that we also shall all shyne bryght: seinge that a lyttel glymeryng or a glāce therof / the whiche quickely cometh and vanisheth / cau∣seth so great pleasure? Farthermore / yt swete∣nes / that the holy goste many tymes secretly en∣trynge in to the cleane & pure myndes causeth / howe ofre in the moste chaste chambre he enbra∣ceth and clyppeth his spouse / languishynge in his loue / and lamentynge as louers are wonte that loue feruently / with most gentyll & frendly familiarite / dothe comforte and chere her: this great swetenes I say / wherto shulde I remem∣bre? Let them reherse hit that haue knowlege therof. But they knowe hit and that happilye / the whiche pleased god shulde haue experience. I am vnworthye as yet to be admitted to come to these delites: or though I haue a lyttell sklē∣derly tasted therof / yet I had rather tell it by o∣ther than by my selfe. And thoughe hit be more certaine to tell it by my selfe / yet it is more come∣ly that I shewe it by other. I haue harde some say many tymes with wepynge teares / yt these worldly pleasures / ye whiche vnto folyshe brag∣gynge felowes sauour so well / haue semed vnto them so bytter and so sower / that theyr mynde hath nat onely aborred those thynges / but also their eares to here speake of them / as whan the vse of bread was founde / acornes began to be lo∣thed and naughte set by: so the false delites be∣ganne to waxe lothsome to them / after they had taken a taste of the very trewe pleasures. But helas very many worldly people of that rustical and blounte sorte / haue taken suche a smacke in this swynishe fedynge / that nothinge saue their acornes can sauour vnto them. Nor they vnder¦stande nat what iocundyte of lyte there may be / or whye they shulde desyre to lyue here in this worlde / if the acornes / that is to say ye voluptie and pleasure of the belly and mouthe / shulde be takē awaye from them. And therfore so often as they se vs religious mē take suche labours and peyne as they suppose they coude nat endure / & yet to be more lustye / more merye / and in better plite and lykynge than they be that do nothyng els but banket and make good chere / they mar∣uayle out of all measure: Nor they can nat per∣ceyue howe we shulde haue any pleasure / after we haue forsaken and throwen awaye from vs the delectatiōs and pleasures of the fleshe. And yet these men se tender yonge men and also dely∣cate virgins / they se theyr yeres and shap / and they remembre / howe softe and wantonly they were a lyttell before cherished and broughte vp: and on ye other syde they leaue nat vnremēbred / if in our religious lyfe be any thynge sharpe / greuous or peynefull / as solitarinesse / labour / watche / fastynge / and suche like thinges. They se that it is nat only lefull vnto these yonge chil∣dren to leaue and forsake this maner of lyfe / but also with what great instance of theyr parentes and frendes / they be intyced / monished / prayed / and vehemently stered to forsake their religion: But contrary wyse / the more they be {per}swaded / the more obstinate they be. Theyr mother that wepeth and waylethe they comforte and bydde to be of good chere / with theyr eien drye: Theyr syster collynge them about the necke / they shake of and despice: And from their mooste dere play feres / from whom but a littell before to be absēte a day / was a very harde thynge / they be nowe right easily all their lyfe duryng plucked away. Fynally they take theyr leaue and byd fare well with so mery a countinance / & kysse at theyr last partynge with so glad chere / that no man that is by / though he be a stranger can forbeare we∣pynge. It pleaseth me here (and I pray the be nat agreued therwith) to remembre the heuye and lamentable soupper / whiche was the laste soupper / that Margerete the good virgin / the whiche I loued as she had ben myn owne sister / had with her parentes and frēdes. I was there present the same tyme / and so were many mo as well as I / the whiche the mayden had desired to come thither / to thentent / that by our procu∣ration and helpe she myghte opteyne of her fa∣ther / that that she had frustratly or in vayne de∣sired of hym .vi. yeres daye before / that was to gyue her leaue to be an nunne. For she had than gotten her mothers good wyll. And yet to saye the treuthe / this difficultie of eyther of them / dyd nat chaunce of any vice. For lyke as they were in theyr countrey both reputed & of linage with the beste, euen so they were in vertue: that there was no man but that he did both loue and preyse them / whiche thynge is rathe or seldome seen in them that be in welthe and felicite: But they be so tender ouer and loue theyr children so / as though they greatly loued them. So we be∣ganne to entreate & perswade her father. What shulde I make many wordes? He beinge ouer∣come partly with shamefastnes / partlye with pyte and compassion of his daughter / and part∣lye with our eggyng, granted her request. But than thou shuldest sodaynely haue seen there a ryght miserable syghte. The father in collynge and kyssynge of his daughter / beganne so to la∣ment and wepe / as though she shuld forth with haue ben layde in her graue. Her mother for ve∣ry sorowe fell downe deed in al wounde. Her one∣ly brother and her syster that was a lyttell elder than she / wepynge & crienge out / enbraced their dere syster / and sayde: By these our wepynge teares / & for what so euer brotherly and systerly pite and tender loue may do / we pray you swete syster / that ye forsake vs nat thus your misera∣ble brother and syster / leest that you beynge but one distroy vs twayn. The other frendes wept, some priuely, some openly / some entreated / some perswaded / and some blamed or rebuked: but there was none amonge them all / but that the teares ranne from his eyen. And we also that came to entreate for the mayde / were so moued / what with ye wepynge of other that were there, and with ye lamētation of her father from whose eies the teares ranne as he had ben a childe / be∣gan lyke wyse to wepe / ye whiche thyng though I say it / besemed vs nat. Yea and it almoost re∣pented vs / that we had gone so farre in the mat∣ter. What trowe ye dyd the yonge virgin this whyle / the whiche cōsideryng her sexe or kynde / her tender age / her softe nature and bryngynge vp / was so delycate? Saynte Paule hym selfe whā he toke leaue to depart from his bretherne / shewed that he was moued with their wepyng / though it were nat greatly / sayeng / what do ye wepynge and troublynge myne harte? But the virgine (all though she was of a greatte pitie or mekenes to her father & mother) with her eies drye / a mery chere / and smylynge on her father / she sayde / that he had no cause to be so vexed and greued / but he oughte rather to reioyce and be gladde / as he that had nat loste his daughter / but as he that was sure to fynde her, the whiche shulde praye to god for hym. She also endeuou∣red her selfe diligētly / with kyssynge / prayenge / and pratye exhortation to ease and appease her mothers heuy harte / and other that were there. But all was in vayne: for they droue forthe and prolonged the soupper with syghynge and sob∣bynge / wepynge / and complaynyng / tyll it was very late in the nyghte / and except Margarete / there was nat one merye amonge them all. So often as they se these thinges (for they must nedes se suche thynges other whyle) I meane these felowes / the whiche as I haue sayde / ben all gyuen to bodily pleasure / they wepe with the other / they maruayle at the stoutnesse & strēgth of theyr yonge myndes / yea and are ashamed of theyr owne softe delycacy. What suppose they? Deme they these yeres, these mery countināces, these bodies / and these stomakes / to be so soone inclined, yea so vtterly to set naught by the plea∣sures of the worlde / excepte they founde other / that be to them more leauer? Wolde they so ob∣stinately / and with so good a corage take these labours vpon them / if they dyd nat knowe very well / that they be swete and pleasant? So it is good Ioyce / so hit is playnely: a thynge that is swete and pleasant to them that be expert ther∣in / semeth sower and harde to them that be vn∣expert therof. But howe longe shall it be er thou perswade these felowes to beleue the? For as saynt Bernarde saythe / they se our crosses / but they se nat our vnctions: Truely I wolde they had a better mynde / ne were hit that they haue a pleasure frantyckely to erre / lyke as Argiuus dyd / of whom Flaccus speketh. But seyng that we be nat farre from ye errour of Argiue / I wyll playnly perswade the. Wolde to god yt I myght lefully haue my wysshe / that lyke as this my wrytynge shall come before thy syghte / that so myn affection myght entre in to thy mȳde / that is to saye / that thou shuldest be so affectioned / whan thou redest it / as I was whā I wrote it. Than here I wold make an ende of myn epistil: & wolde thynke that I neded nat to spend many mo wordes to perswade the. But parauenture bicause that, that I desire is frustrate or ī vaine and that myn auctoryte is nat sufficient to per∣swade yt / I wyll brynge forth saynt Hieronime, the whiche by reason of his good and holy lyfe / was a man of great grauyte / and by reason of his counnyng / a very noble man. I pray the tell me moost holy man / what dost thou in this sharpe and comforteles desarte alone / all moost deed for hunger / so leane wt cōtinuall watchyng, and wasted awaye with so great labours / haste thou no iocūdite or plesure of thy lyfe? O / sayth he / whyle I was in wyldernes / in that greatte desarte / the whiche beinge burned and parched with the heate of the sonne / is but a very course and a harde harboroughe for monkes / howe of∣ten tymes thought I my selfe to be amonge the delitis and pleasures in Rome? And I take god to wytnesse / that after many a wepynge teare / and after that I had longe loked vpwarde to he¦uen in cōtemplation / me thought many tymes that I was amonge a great sorte of aungelles / and beynge gladde and ioyfull. I sange thus / Post te in odorem vnguentorum tuorum curtemus, In ye smel of thy swete sauours we wyl ron after the. Haste thou harde good Ioyce / what this holy man confessethe here? I coude recyte other to wytnesse the same / but either we must gyue cre∣dēce to hym or els to no man: And this same ple∣sure euery good, deuoute / and wel disposed soule hath & enioyeth. Yet besydes these thynges / ex∣cellēt lerned mē haue an other speciall pleasure / yt is as ofte as they rede the enditynges of most noble wryters / or elles whan they them selfe wryte thynges for other to rede: or elles whan they reuolue in theyr mynde suche thynges as they haue redde. This kynde of pleasure is so variable and so abundante / that hit shall neuer seme tedious or make the wery. For if they lyste to drynke of the fyrste fountaynes / than they re∣sorte to the volumes of the olde and newe testa∣ment. If that verite / of it selfe honestly arayd / and hyghted wt the freshe garment of eloquēce / doth delite them / they rēne to saynt Hieronyme / saynt Augustine / saynt Ambrose / Cypriane and suche other. If those be nat eloquent inough to thy mynde / and hast a luste to here some christen Cicero: take and put Lactantius Firmianus in thy bosome. And in case that thou canste be con∣tent with lesse costlye apparayle / and sobre fare / than take in thy hande Thomas / Alberte / and suche lyke bokes. But & thou canst nat belonge absēt from the other thyn olde frendes, yet har∣dyly visette those to / nowe and than amonge / so that it be guest wyle & nat as one of householde. For among those is she the barborous woman / but yet she hath a very honest countinance: the whiche whan thou hast rauyshed & cutte awaye her heares and nayles / thou shalte of a drabbe make her thy laufull wyfe. Lo / thus thou hast the secrete and many volumes of holy scripture, thou hast the monumentis of the holy prophet∣tes / of the apostils / of theyr interpretours / and of the doctours / thou hast the wrytynges of the philosophers and poetis / the whiche shulde nat be eschewed of him, that knoweth howe to chose the holsome herbes amonge those that are ve∣nomous. Tell me / what tyme thou art conuer∣sant amōge these thynges / quietly at rest in thy studye / and at thyne owne libertie / voyde of all care and trouble / dothe hit nat seme that thou dwellest in a paradise of all delites & pleasures? what place can be tedious / where so grete vari∣ete is? What thynge is here / that is nat full of pleasure? Howe gladsomely growe ye faire feldis and medowes? Howe pleasantly lustreth or she∣weth the freshe grene grasse, depeynted with dy∣uers colours of flowers? In yt place growethe the beautyfull redde rose / there sprynge ye lylyes as white as any snowe / there be the bankes of the lusty purpull violettes / there groweth the browne tyme / that smellethe so swetelye. Nor there wantethe no fayre woodes / with brode hangynge bowes and branches / that maketh a ryghte delectable shadowe / wherin we may de∣fende vs from the feruente heate of the daye. Farther / what nombre of trees be there / that beare frute nat only delicious in taste / but (whi∣che is more) verye holsome to eate? And verye nere there vnto runneth the clere christalline ry∣uer / that maketh a doulce mourmour or noyse in runnynge / the whiche watreth and moysteth all to gether. This moost depe ryuer / I say / the whiche the prophet maruaylynge at can nat be ouer come. Within these pleasaunt orchardes thou mayste roome and wander to and fro / yea I may say thou maist wantonly sporte and play the as ofte as thou wylte. What lyke pleasure is in your daunsinges / in your tauernes and ale houses / and in your bathes or hotte houses? To these thynges good Ioyce / I call the / as he that is excellently lerned and studious. Yea I desire the / as my speciall and dere frēde, to come vnto these pleasures. Is there any thynge be∣hynde / that may tarye the in the worlde / or els make the afraide to come to vs? Thou hast well vnderstande / howe mortall / howe bytter / and howe sower the lewde lustes or false enticemētis of the worlde be: the whiche (as Seneca saith) enbrace and clyppe vs / to thende that they may strangle or shoke vs. Thou haste also harde / howe lyttell goodnesse is in the worldly ryches, and howe vnstedfaste and disceyuable they be. And as I suppose, hit is sufficiently shewed, in to what calamyties and myseries the worldely honours do heedlynge ouerthrowe a man. Farthermore, hit hath ben declared, howe vn∣treatable the necessitie of Dethe is. Finally, I haue remembred vnto the, howe full of perill and daunger this lyfe is: and vnto what gre∣uous and peynefull labours hit is subiecte. Go nowe and questenne with thy selfe, whether thou haddest leauer stycke styll in these yuels, or elles throwe them away / and flee hyther. And contrary to these thynges, haste thou nat harde what libertie, what quiete, what pleasure, and what sure truste is in religion? And yet for al yt, thou fleest nat thyther? Doste thou yet staye / doste thou yet take deliberation / doste thou yet prolonge forthe the tyme? Leaue to the Egyp∣cions theyr pottis of fleshe, that thou mayste be fedde with manna in the wyldernesse. But thou sayste, hit is a harde thyng to be drawen awaye from theyr companye, that a man mooste derely loueth / and to ouercome the affections of fren∣des. Aye good Ioyce, thou callest hit a harde thynge / take hede that thou be nat rather ten∣der and softe. Beware lest yonge children boyes and maydes, to whome this matter dothe seme nothynge harde, cocke vp agaynst the and saye these wordes: Sayest that thou arte vnable to do that that we can away with? Why hast thou a berde? Why arte thou called a man? What a∣uayle thy yeres of age? And wherfore serueth thy erudition and lernynge? Thynke nat, that any thynge is more fooe or ennemy to the, than suche frendes / the whiche labour to lette or hyn¦dre thy helthe? The whiche frendes / if errour be cause of theyr offence, or els dote in loue / dost thou desyre to doote with them? Or if by sadde aduyse / and prudently pondrynge the matter / they let and hyndre the / for what maner of fren∣des wylt thou deme them / whan they couet nat it that is best for the? But thou sayst to leade an aungels lyfe, and liue in the fleshe passeth mans power. Fynally / whan a man can nat lyue af∣ter his owne fashion, but muste do euery thynge as an other shall commaunde hym / orels to be ledde after the luste and pleasure of an other, is sooner sayd than done. Truely I wyll nat deny this thynge, for I am nat ignorant that mans lyfe on erthe is a warfare. But if there be any grefe or difficultie in a matter, that one goth in hande with, hit is wonte moste commonly to be in the entraunce or begynnynge, the whiche yf thou mayste ones stoutely breake or ouercome, thou haste scaped: Hit is longe ago commonly sayde: He hath atcheued halfe his warke or bu∣synes, that hath begūne aright. But truely he that dothe well begynne here, dothe well nere make an ende. But the fyrste entrance abasheth the. I knowe howe to delyuer the of this feare∣fulnesse. If hit greue thy mynde to be plucked away from the pleasures of the worlde / remem∣bre inwardely the eternall delectations and ple∣sures. If religion seme greuous and peynful to the, haue a respecte to the paynes euerlastyng. No punyshment shuld be greuous vnto ye / wher¦by thou mayst auoyde euerlastyng paynes: nor for no pleasure here to forgo the celestial plesure. Fynally / nothynge shall be harde / that one wyl∣lyngly wyll do: Nor doubte nat but thou shalte bring wel to passe / what soeuer thou gost about, so that Chryste be helpynge thervnto. I Sawe the well ere trusse vp thy bagge and baggage and so pre¦pare thy self redy, as though thou woldest in all the hast flee vnto vs. But to the ende that thou shuldest nat be to hasty / I wyll brefely gyue the monitiō or warnynge before hande / lest it shulde happen vnto the as hit doth to many nowe a dayes / the whiche repente them that they wente in to reli∣gion for this cause / that they as hit were in to a depe pytte / that one can nat get out of / went nat softely and aduisedly downe / but lepte euen at al aduentures. No man is cōstrayned to Christis profession / but no man may returne or go frō it: for without hit there is no hope of saluation. But in other institutions and orders of the lyfe / the whiche for a tyme men haue inuented / by∣cause of ye great varietie that is in mens bodies and myndes / and so greatte alteration of all hu∣mayne thynges / perauenture it were nat expe∣dient / so to bynde any man / that it shulde nat be lefull for hym to go backe / so that the chaunge make and be more for his soule helthe / that chā∣geth. But seinge that they wyll haue hit other wyse / by whose arbitrement the worlde is go∣uerned / this busynes shulde be taken on hande more circumspectly / the whiche thinge ones en∣tred and professed, can nat be chāged or reuoked, at his libertie / that entreth therin. The mo∣nasteries in olde tyme were none other thynge / but certayne solitarie places of good and vertu∣ous men: the whiche eyther for grefe and wery∣nesse of the volupties and vyces / with the whi∣che in those dayes the lyfe of mortall creatures was contaminate and defiled: for at that season the Chrysten people and the paynyms lyuedde myngled to gether: orels beynge agreued with the cruelte of persecution / they forsoke the citees and townes, & withdrewe them selfe in to moun∣taynes withont wayes / where they ledde a lyfe angelicall. Theyr apparayle or clothynge was poore and lyttell worthe / theyr fare was sklen∣der / suche as lyghtly they myssed nat to fynde in euery place / wherwith they spente awaye all theyr tyme eyther in syngynge of holy ymmes, or in holy redynge / or in heuenly talkynges / or ī deuoute prayes / or in dedes of charyte, wher∣with they refresshed the sycke and wayfarynge folkes / or elles in inocent workes / with the whi∣che they holpe and succoured the indygente and nedy. Nor a monke was none other thynge than a pure Chrysten man. Nor a monastery was none other thynge / than a flocke or a com∣panye / the whiche had conspyred or consented to gether / to folowe the mooste pure doctryne of Chryste. There was no souerayne commaun∣dement: euery man gladly and with good wyll, yea and that quyckely dydde theyr duetie / and they had than more nede to be refrayned than prycked forwarde. Theyr extreme punyshe∣ment was a frendly and a brotherly correction. Howe many monasteryes be in the myddes of the worlde / nor they be noone other wyse out of the worlde / than the reynes be out of a mans body. In the whiche the discipline of religion dothe flourysshe in suche a wyse / that they be none other thynge than Scholes of impyetie. To whome the tytle and habyte of religion ser∣ueth for none other purpose / than that it shulde be lefull for them without punysshemente to do what euer they lyst. And vnto them / to whose prudence the worlde wolde nat commytte theyr ketchyns / the busynesse of the churche is dely∣uered. And trewely amonge these thynges / wherin the discipline of religion doth flouryshe / there is some difference. Some institution or order of the lyfe is more meter for some one man than for some other. And therfore it behoueth the fyrst to serche and make a profe of thy selfe / and whan thou knowest what thou maist away with / than with good aduysement / chose an or∣der of lyuynge that is nat vnknowen vnto the / accordynge to Saynte Paules sayenge / Proue all thynges / and holde the vnto that / that is good. Many one entreth in to religion for none other entente / but to lyue more commodyously at theyr pleasure / myndynge more the bealye than the soule. And so those that very indigence and nede to lyue honestly in the worlde / shulde haue induced to vse frugalitie / to haue ben dyly∣gent, and industrious, in monasteries they gyue them selfe to sleuthe and luxure. And those that were in the worlde very poore and of lowe de∣gree / vnder the profession of pouertie they imi∣tate and folowe the pompe, the sumptuousnes, and stately araye of prynces and great lordes. And those that shulde haue bene contented with one wyfe / and haue suffered the incommodities and grefes of Matrimony / nowe frely and with good leaue / they walowe in euery kynde of stu∣pre or carnall luste. And those that afore tyme the feare of the lawes and gouernours / dyd re∣strayne from doynge of yuell and synfull dedes / as exēpted from the iurisdiction of the bishoppe, and of the rulers of the common welthe / they haue a more libertie to synne and offende. So that by feyned profession of pouertie / they flee pouertie: by feyned profession of chastite / they prouide for theyr carnall lust: and by feyned pro∣fession of obedience / they fynde the meane / that they wyll be constrayned to obey no man. Farther more / there be other / the whiche by some chaunce were driuen to this maner of life: One bicause he coude nat opteyne the fauour of some mayde / that he vehemently loued: an o∣ther bicause he was stryken with great feare in the tyme of a tempeste / of a sickenesse / or of an other peryll / he made suche a vowe. Some be drawen to religion by one that hath bene afore tyme theyr derely beloued companyon. Some with shamefull eggynges / as hit were buguls be drawen in to the ditche by the nostrils. Some also be truste in to religion by theyr vn∣kynde and vngentyll parentis: or elles by theyr tutours / to the entent to be eased of theyr coste and charge: they moost specially lay awayte to attrappe and disceyue the symple youthe / the whiche is verye easye to begyle. But I wolde counsayle the clene contrarye / that rude and ig∣norant youth shulde nat be wrapped in an insti∣tution, out of the whiche they can nat be drawen backe agayne. One ought to be a christen man betymes / and a monke at leiser / howe be hit he is a monke at the ful / who so euer be a pure chri∣sten man. Nor there be nat a fewe / the whiche be ledde to religion by superstition / or elles by folishenes / the whiche beynge ignorant in what thynge the very religion restethe / seme as they thynke them selfe / gaye monkes / if they weare a gyrdyll or a hoode. And therfore thou shuldest maruayle neuer a deale / thoughe thou se them more lewde and wycked after they haue profes∣sed religion / than they were before. Thus myn owne good Ioyce / whan thou haste gotte the knowlege and vnderstandyng / what thyng the true religion is / after thou haste assayed / thy wytte / thy bodye / and thy mynde / and whan thou hast spyed out a kynde of lyuynge mete for thy purpose: and whan thou haste founde out a feloweshyppe / the whiche all to gether with one assente / haue fullye determyned theyr myndes to lyue after Christe: than gette the thither. But loke that thou leaue all couetousnes of this worlde at home: for other wyse it were frustrate or a thynge in vayne to forsake the worlde / if thou shuldest carye the worlde with the in to the same monasterie. Carye no maner of delecta∣tions of Aegypte with the / if thou wylte spede the to the lande that floweth or aboundeth with mylke and hony. Many thynke them selfe the verye folowers of saynt Antony / and of saynt Paule / if they haunte no drabbes / nor vse no daunsynge / nor wyll nat be dronken / thoughe they with in forthe be all to moysted or sprincled with hatred / enuie / detraction / poysonfull wor∣des / and are proude and stately of conditions / frowarde / and vntreatable / and are louers of them selfe: and for theyr wynnynge and aduan∣tage they openly flatter great princes: and wit∣tyngly and of a fore caste they suffre the glory of Christe to be obscured and blotted out / to thende that they maye procure theyr owne glorye. Inceste / that is to say carnal copulacion vtterly prohibited or foule polucion is a sklaunderous crime / and yet I trowe they be nat clere of those vices: but this flatterye passethe an hundred incestis / and the mischiefe therof spredeth moste largely ouer all mankynde. Nowe {per}auenture thou wylte saye to me / that all monasteries dis∣please the: nor there can be founde no where a flocke / that hath with pure myndes consented to lyue after Christe. But yet loke that thou so leaue and forsake the worlde / that thou mayste accompany thy selfe with who so euer be mooste innocente: and repute thy selfe to be in a monas∣tery / where so euer thou be conuersant amonge them / that loue trouth / pure chastite / sobrenes / and temperance / and do both in worde and dede expresse the same. Nor thou shuldest nat thȳke, that there wanteth any thynge for the to vowe / if thou accomplyshe and fulfyll the vowe that thou madest to Christe at thy christenyng. Nor thou shuldest nat desyre the habite of the white frere or elles of the blacke / if thou obserue and kepe clene vndefiled / the fayre whyte vesture or garmēt that was delyuered to the in baptisme. Nor be nat dyspleased with thy selfe / thoughe thou be nat of ye flocke of blacke friers or white, so yt thou be of the flocke of true Christē people. Thus farewell myn owne good Ioyce.
A00354.P4	Declamatio in laudem nobilissimæ artis medicinæ. = A declamacion in the prayse and co[m]me[n]dation of the most hygh and excellent science of phisyke, made by the ryght famous clerke doctour Erasmus of Rotherdam, and newly translated out of Latyn into Englyshe. Cum priuilegio regali	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1537?]]	In Fletestrete, by me Robert Redman, dwellynge at the sygne of the George, nexte to Saynt Dunstones churche,	[Imprynted at London :	eng	[ "Medicine -- Early works to 1800." ]	THe ofter the science of phisyke with curious and laboured oratiōs hath bene here in this place before ye more {per}t of you comēded,Attēcion & that of men of singu∣ler eloquence (moste noble audience) so moche surely the lesse truste and con∣fidence haue I, that I shal eyther satis∣fie so great a thynge, or answere to the expectacion of your delicious eares. For neyther a thynge in maner diuine, our rude infancy shall easely attayne, nor a vulgare and commen oration of a thynge so oftentymes herde may in any wyse escape paynful tediousnes to the hearers. But yet, leste I shulde seme to be defectyfe, & disobediēt to the ryght holsome ordinaunce of our fathers, whi¦che haue iudged it mete and expedient with solempne orations the hertes and courages of youth to be awakened, kyndeled, and enflamed to the studie, admiration and loue of this noble sci∣ence / my selfe also purpose to assay, to my power (if so be your attētifnes and gentlenes wyll vouchesaue to helpe me in my speakynge, tenderly fauorynge whom your authoritie hathe dryuen to take this office vpon me) of the right ex¦cellent science of phisike the dignitie, the authoritie,The pro¦position, profite and necessitie, I wyl nat say to open and expounde, whi¦che were vtterly an infinite busines, but in a brefe summe onely to knyt vp, and as it were to shewe to the sytes of the stu¦dious youthe a glymmeryng (as a man myght say) through a lattese wyndowe of the moste copious and plēteful trea∣sours of a ryche quene.Per tran¦sennam. Of whome true¦ly this (if there were nothyng els) is a so¦ueraigne and excellēt prayse, first that she neadeth nat at al that any mā shuld her commende or set forthe, beyng set forthe sufficiently of her owne selfe with the vtilitie,The exce¦dynge prayse of this science. and profite, which mā¦kynde taketh by her, and also by the ne¦cessitie and nede that we haue of her. Secondarely that where as she hath ben alredy so oftymes of excellent wytte commēded, yet she fyndeth of her selfe alwayes to wyttes also that be nat very pregnauut newe mater to prayse her, so that it neadeth nothyng to prayse here (after the commen vsage) with enuious and hatefull comparisons nat without the preiudice and slaunder of other lernynges and craftes. Nay rather this thynge is more to be feared, leste her owne propre and domesticall gyftes and qualities, leste her naturall and germane amplitude, lefte her maie∣stie greater than is mannes estate and ca¦pacitie, no mortall mannes speache of tonge can compasse or attayne. So that she neadeth nothynge at all to be auan¦sed and lyfted vp, other with any des∣pitefull rebukes of other craftes, other with some borowed and paynted co∣lours of the rhetoricians, or with the iugglynge castes of amplificacions. It apperteyneth to meane beauties,A sentēc by comparyson of the fowler, or by gor∣geous deckynge and payntynge, to be sette forthe and commended. But thynges truely and of them selfes exce∣dyngly and passynge beawtifull, it is ynough to haue shewed them ye naked to the eye. ☞For nowe first of al (to haste vs toThe dig∣nitie and the aucto¦ritie of phisike. our mater) the other sciēces I can nat de¦nie because there is none of them but hath brought some great commoditie and profyte to the lyfe of mā, haue ben in hyghe pryse and reputacion. But of phisike in tymes passed so wōderful to mankynde hath ben the inuencion,The inuē¦cion of phisike. so swete the experience that the authours and fyrst inuentours therof, haue other ben taken playnly for goddes (as A∣pollo,Apollo. and his sonne Aesculapius) ye ra¦ther,Aescula∣pius. as Plinie witnesseth, euery thing in¦uented in this facultie and science was a cause sufficiēt to deifie and make god¦des those that ware the inuētours, or at leste, they were estemed worthy of heuē¦ly and diuine honours, as Asclepiades,Asclepia¦des. whom the Iiricans receyuyng in ma∣ner as a god, gaue hym egall honour with Hercules. Surely I do nat allowe that the antiquitie dyd in this thinge,The zele of y• old fater to¦warde phisiciās but yet I can nat but prayse and com∣mende theyr affection, zele and iudge∣ment, whiche ryghtly both thought and declared that to a konnyng and fayth∣full phisicion no sufficient nor worthy rewarde can be yelded. For, if a man recunteth with hym selfe, howe many-fold diuersite there is in the bodies of mā, how great varietie of ages,The dif∣ficulte of phisike. of male and female, of regions, of ayers, of edu¦cacion, of studies, of customes, howe in∣finite difference in so many thousandes of herbes (though I speake nothyng at this tyme of the other remedies) whiche growe in sondry countrees, some in one place and some in an other, Than how many kyndes of diseases, whiche Plinie writteth were rekened vp in olde tyme iii.hondreth by their names, beside the membres and partes of euery kinde, of whiche al, howe innumerable a multi∣tude there is, he shal easely gesse whiche onely knoweth howe many formes and fashons the feuers or ague hath (so that of one the residue may be estemed) be∣side those whiche dayly encrease newe and new, nor none otherwyse encrease, than if of purpose they semed to haue taken vpon them open warres with our crafte. Besyde, more than a thousande peryls of poysoninges of which howe many sortes ther be euen so many kyn∣des of dethes therbe, requiring as many differētes of remedies, Besyde the day¦ly casualties of falles,Casual∣ties. of ruynes, of bra∣tynges, of brennynges, of wrestynges out of ioynt, of woundes and such lyke whiche in maner do compare in num∣bre with the very rought of diseases, fi∣nally he yt pondereth with hī self,The kno¦wlege of Astrono∣my is re∣quisite to a phisician how great difficultie is in the obseruyng the heuenly Planetes which, oneles the phi¦sician knoweth, aftentymes that shalbe a poynson whiche is gyuē for remedie. I wyll nat here reherse the ofte descey∣uable tokens of diseases, other whe∣ther ye beholde the hauour of the co∣lour, or enserche the signes of the vrine or obserue the harmonie of the pulse, eue as who shulde saye the euyls of mankynde were all to gether bent and sette to deceyue and mocke theyr enne¦mie the phisician. So greate a quan∣titie of difficulties and hardenesses on euery side come about and ouersprede them selues that it is harde for me them all with my wordes to compasse. But, as I began to saye, al these varieties of thynges with studie to attayne, these ob¦scurties with wytte to comprehende these difficulties with labour to ouer∣come, and persyng through the bowels of the erthe, bultynge out euery where the preuities of al the hole nature, out of all herbes, shrubbes, trees, beastes precious stones ye finally out of euē the very venyms & poysons, to al the euyls of mās lyfe, liuely & effectual remedies to ske, & of these the ryght & due vs out of so many authors, so many sciēties ye euen out of the very sterres & planet¦tes to fetche, These I say so hydde, with care to rote out, so harde, with the po∣wers of the mynde to wynne, so many, wt memorie to cōpasse, so necessarie to the preseruaciō of al mākynde to bryng forth abrode, do it nat seme vtterly be∣yond mans cōpasse, & playnly a certein diuine thyng?Phisike is a cer∣tayne di∣uyn thīg. Let no man haue enuye at my saynges. Suffre me boldly to speke that which is true as the euangel, I do nat boste my selfe, but I extolle & mag∣nifie the very sciēce.The effe∣cte of physike. For if to gyue lyfe is the propre & peculiare benefite of god, surely to kepe & preserue it whā it is ones gyuē, and to retayne it styl whan it is euen now fleyng away, we muste of necessitie confesse to be a gyfte and be∣nifite next vnto goddes, howe be it nat so moch as yt former benefite which we wyl haue appropriate only to god, the plucked nat awaye from the phisiciens crate, whiche antiquitie although they were lyght of credence geuyng, yet vn∣dowtedly they were full of gratitude and kyndnes. For by the helpe of that worthy phisicion Esculapius,It was thought in old ty¦me that the crat of phisi∣cians ray¦sed the deed a∣gayne to lyfe. it was thought in olde tyme that Tyndarides and after hym many mo returned forth out of hell into lyfe and lyght agayne. Xanthus an historiographer leuyth to vs in wittyng that a yonge Lyon which was slayne, and also a man whom a dra¦gon had kylled were restored agayne to lyfe by the vertue of a certayn herbe whiche they called Hain. More ouer one Iuba witnesseth that in Arike a cer∣tayne {per}sone was called agayne to lyfe by an herbe.Iuba. Nor I do nat greatly passe althoughe some persones perauenture wyll gyue litle credence to these. Sure∣ly (the thynge that we go aboute) these wonderull effectes of phisike do so moche the rather augment and encrease the admiration of the science, the more that they appere to be beyonde the cre∣dens of the trouthe and they constraine men to graunt that thynge to be of an incomparable excellencie, which in ma¦ner seme to surmont the truthe. Howe be it concernyng hym which is restored to lyfe, what recketh it, whether the sou¦le be put agayne by goddes hādworke into the forsaken lymmes, or by the crafte ad cure of the phisicion, the lyfe or soule of mā vtterly buried as it were in the bodie and oppressed with the po¦wers of the disease which lyke a cōque∣rour hathe gotten the vpper hande, be raysed and subtylly fetched out & hold styl, which els shuld without fayle forth with haue departed away? be nat these two thīges in maner of lyke vertue and egal power, to restore the deed, and to saue hym whiche by and by shuld haue dyed But Plinie reherseth very many and that by name in the seuēth boke of the historie of the worlde,Plinie. whiche after hey were deed and borne out on the beare reuiued agayne partly in the very pytte where as they shuld be buryed or (accordyng to the vsage of the countre in the pyle of wode wherin they shulde haue bene burned, whiche pyle was cal∣led of them Rogus) & partely they reui¦ued many dayes after they were deed and before any burial. This we take for a miracle and a wonderful thynge / which a chaunce and a casualtie hath gy¦uen to a fewe. And is nat it than moche more to be wondered of / whiche dayly our science gyueth to many? howe be it I can nat denye but the goodnes of god is to be thanked for this our science, to god we owe it / to whome, there is no∣thyng but that we owe leste perchaunce a man wolde thynke these to be spoken more presumptuously and arrogantly than truely. Of many diseases suche is the violence and strenght, that death is certayne oneles the present helpe of the phisician be at hande, as that kynde of traunce whiche is wont to chaunc moste to womē, and as a depe and pro∣founde syncopis, the palsay, with such lyke. Nor there is commonly none but that ones in his tyme other seeth or he∣reth of suche examples of what nation so euer he be. He than which in this case dryueth awaye death whiche euen nowe hangeth ouer the pacientes heed and re¦dy to stryke with his dart, he (I saye) that thus calleth agayne lyfe sodeynly oppressed / is nat he alwayes to be had and reputed in a maner as a certayne mercyfull god? yes vndoutedly. Howe many men, thynke ye, were buried be∣fore their daye in olde tyme before or the witty inuencion of phisicians hadde founde out the strengthes of diseases & the natures of remedies? howe many thousandes of men at this daye do lyue and farewell whiche shulde neuer haue ben borne oneles the same our crafte had inuented aswel remedies for so ma¦ny daūgers of chyldbaryng, as the feat & polecie of mydwyuyng? So euē forth with in the very entrie into lyfe aswell the womā that lyeth in and laboureth as the chylde that is in bearyng with la¦mentable voyce crye for the holsome ayde of phisiciās. To the phisiciās craft he oweth his lyfe, ye whiche as yet hath nat receiued life, whyle thrugh it aborti¦ons be prohibeted, whyl power is geuē to the woman of receiuyng & reteinyng mans sede, finally while the power also of deleuering and brynging forthe the chyld into this world is geuē. That if it be truely spoken of them in olde tyme. Deus est iuuare mortalē, that is to saye.A Latyn prouer∣be. To helpe mortal men, is to be a god or ye pro{per}te & worke of a god, truly ī my minde yt noble prouerbe of the Grekes whiche is,A Greak prouer∣be. that man is a god to man, o∣ther hath no where his place, or vpon a faythfull and good phisician it shalbe principally verified and haue place, which nat only helpeth, but also saueth And is nat he than an excedyng vnkynd person and in maner vnworthy to lyue whiche phisike the seconde (next god) parent of lyfe, the defendresse, the saue∣resse, the protectresse can nat fynde ī his hart to loue, to honour, to magnifie, to worshipe? Of whose ayde and socours there is no person but nedeth continu∣ally, for o the reste of craftes neyther we all, nor yet alwayes haue nede but in the profyte and vtilite of this, al the hole lyfe of man standeth, for ymagyne diseases were gone, ymagine prospe∣rous helth to be with euery one, yet how shal we kepe it, oneles the physicyon taught vs the diuersite of holsome and vnholsome meates, oneles he taught a waye and a forme to diete our selues? Age is a greuous and paynful burdē to mortal creatures, which to escape is no more lawful for vs than deth it selfe.Phisiciā craft ke∣peth backe age. But yet this age through the helpe and payne of the phisicion chaunseth to ma¦ny men, both later thā it shulde els haue done and also moch more easelier and lyghter. For it is no fable, that by the quinte essentie (as they call it) agednes dryuen awaye, man doth floryshe and waxe a yonge man agayne by castyng a way (as it were) his olde skynne, sythe ther be bothe in writtynges and other wyses, many recordes of the same. Nor agayne nat onely of the body whiche is the vyler parte of man this our craft ta¦keth cure, nay rather it taketh the cure of the hole man althoughe that the di∣uine and professour of Theologie shall take his begynnyng of the mynde, and the phisiciō of the body. For truely,The phi∣sician cu∣reth the hole mā. be¦cause of the most streyght allyance and knotte of familiaritie of them twayne to gether, lyke as the vyces of the mynd do redownde into the bodie, so agayne on the other halfe the diseases of the bo¦die other do let, or els do vtterly quen∣che the strēght and power of the soule. who is so styffe and stronge an entyser and mouer of abstinence of sobrenes of mesuryng yre, of fleyng heuynes, of eschuyng surfete, of castyng away loue, of refrainyng the luste of body, as is the phisician? who more lyueshely aud effe¦ctually counselleth the syckman that if he wyl lyue and fele the holsome helpe and aide of the phisician that first he re∣purgeth his minde from the filthynes of vices? The same phisician so ofte as he by geuing and prescribing a forme and maner o diete, or by ministryng of me∣dicines do minishe the colar or blacke Iaundies, refreshe the feble powers of the herte, vnderset the spirites of the brayne pourge the instrumentes of the mynde, mende the wyt, repayre the ha∣bitacion of the memorie, and chaunge the hole haour of the mynde into bet¦ter, do he nat by the outwarde man (as they cal it) saue also the inwarde? He yt restoreth the frantyke, the madde man the lethargike, ye siderate, the lymphat do he nat restore the hole man? The di∣uins effecte and worke is, that men con∣uert them selues from vices, but the phi¦sician bringeth to effecte that there may be one that may conuert hym selfe and forsake his euyl lyuyng. In vayne were he a phisician for the soule, if the soule alredy be fledde, for whome the salue was prepared whan the palsay, the a∣poplexia, or any other sodayne scorge do take a wycked man whiche disease wyl soner take lyfe away thā suffre hym to thynke of the amendemēt of his lyfe he that restoreth this persone which els shulde haue ben miserably buried ī his synfulnes, doth he nat ī maner cal back agayne from hel both body and soule? Surely he setteth agayne the man ī that plyght & state, yt now it may be in his e¦lection wheter he wyl flee or nat eternal damnation, what shall the diuine per∣swade the persō that raueth, or is ī such takyng that his wittis & sences be clene taken from hym, if he can nat heare hym that goeth about to perswade and coū¦sel hym? what shall the preacher or the curate moue the frantyke, if the phisiciā do nat first of al repurge the colour? Charitie and the other vertues wherin the felicitie of a christiā mans lyfe doth stande & henge chefely and principally of the mynde I denye nat, but hycause this mynde beyng so knytte and cope∣led with the body must of necessite (wyl he or wyl he nat) vse the instrumētes cor¦poral, it cometh to passe that a good {per}t of a good mynde doth depende vpon the nauour & tēperature of the body. An vnhappy temperature of the bodye which we cal commonly a complexion (the Greakes cal it crasis or sistema) dra¦weth many men to synfulnes yea in ma∣ner agaynst their wylles & stroggelyng & wratyng agaynst it,The phis¦ciā doth a nende an euyl complex¦ion. whyle the mynd whiche ytteth on the horse backe gy∣deth the brydel ī vayne, digge the spur¦res in vayne but maugre his wyl is con∣streyned to folowe heedlong the wyld and furious horse. I graunt it is the po∣wer of the mynde whiche seeth, it is the power of the mynde which heareth, but yet if any infirmitie take the eyes, if th poores and isues of the eares be stop∣ped & beseged wt any grosse humour, ī vayne & al for nought hathe the mynde his power. The mynde hateth, ye minde is angry I agre wel / but yet the vitious & corrupte humour beseging the orgās or instrumentes of the mynde is the very cause why thou hatest hī whom thou iu∣gest worthy to be beloued and arte an∣grye with hym wt whome thou woldest nat. Plato confesseth the sūme & chiefe of philosophie to cōsist and lye here in,Plato. if the affections obey the reason, but to bryng this mater about the phisician is the chiefe helper whose worke and la∣bour it is that that parte of man shulde haue his strengthe and sauour by whose arbitrement and guidyng al thynges be done, whice be done wel and laudable If they be iudged vnworthy to bere the name of man whiche after the fashon of brute beastes be drawen and caried wt lustes and sensualities, surely than we owe to the phisiciās a great parte of the worthynes of this name whiche beynge an hyghe and great thynge in priuate and common persons, howe moche more greater and nobler benefite is it beynge wrought in a prince.A phisici¦an moste necessary to prīce None es∣tate is more encombered with suche e∣uyls than the estate of moste fortunate and blessed kynges. what araye what busynes and mischife shal the corrupt brayne of one persone styer? In vayne maye they that be of his counsell crye oute agaynste hym, thou arte madde syr ynge, come to thy selfe agayne, yf so be that the physician with his cafte restore nat his mynde and wittes agayn vnto him, nether it wyllyng nor felyng. I the Emperour Caligula had had a trusty and faythul phisician,Caligula he shulde nat so with poysonynges & pryue mor¦ders haue raged to the great destructiō of mankynde. And for this very cause it is comēly vsed through out al the uaci¦ons of y• world yt the prince kepe nor abyde in no place without his phesiciās wherfore the wyse princes in tymes past haue gyuen to no sciēce more honour or reuereuce than vnto phisike.The ho∣nour had in tymes pat vnto physike. For Era∣sistratus (to passe ouer with silence the residue) neuewe by the doughters syde to Aristotle for the helyng o kyng An∣tochus was rewarded with an hūdreth talentes of Ptolomeo his sonne. More ouer also the holy escripture of god cō¦maundeth due honour to be had to the phisician nat onely for the profite and vtilite which therby aryseth but also for the necessitie so that the ingratitude and vnkyndnes which is towarde other wel doers and welde seruers,Honora medicum is agaynst the phisiciā an impietie or vngodlynes, sith that the phisiciā as it were the helper of diuine benefite saue vp and defēde that with his arte and sciēce which god hath gyuen to mā moste deare and beste, that is to saye lyfe. we haue nothynge but we may thanke our father and mother for it bycause by them we seme ī maner to haue receyued the benefite of lyfe. But we owe more in my mynde to the phisician to whom we owe oftymes the thynge whiche we owe onely but ones to our parētes, if yet we owe any thyng at al vnto them. we owe charitie aud a certeyne natural zele to them which dry¦ue awaye the ennemie from our necke, and do we nat owe moche more to the phisician whiche for our helth and pre¦seruation fyghteth dayly with so many mortal & capital ennemies of our lyfe? we adore & worship kynges euen lyke goddes, bycause it is thought that they haue power of lyfe and deth, which yet although they may kyll yet surely they can none otherwyse gyue lyfe but in as moche as they bereue and take it nat a∣way, uen as we say that theues do saue those mens lyues whome they murder nat, nor these princes can geue none o∣ther lyfe, but the lyfe of the body. But howe moche nerer doth the benefite of the phisician approche to the benignite and goodnes of god, whiche draweth euen out of the mouthes of death with his crafte, wytte, cure, and faythfulnes the man which was euen now destinat & appoynted to the fyar of hell. In other thynges to profite man, we call it an hu¦manite or a gentylnes but to saue a mā euen in the very daungeer of body and soule is more thā a pietie or godlynes. Put here vnto, that what so euer is great and excellent in man, as lernyng, vertue the giftes of nature or what other thing so euer it be, of altogether we thanke ye arte of phisike, in so moche as it saueth and mayntayne that thyng without whi¦che we coulde nat kepe vp the residue. If althynges be for man,Argumē∣ations. and the phisici¦an preserueth mā vndoubtedly we may thanke the phisician for all. If he lyueth nat, which lyueth accombred with disea¦ses, and the phisician is he whiche resto∣reth & preserueth the prosperous helth is it nat cōueniēt to recognise hī as the parēt of lyfe? If immortate be a thing greatly to be desyred & wyshed for, ye industrie of the phisicians doth (asmoch as may be) counterfayt it, whiche with theyr diligence attempt to prolonge i so farre as is possible, for what shall I here recount vnto yo te comeny kno¦wen exāples, Pythagoras / Chpps / Plato / Cato sensorius / Antonius / a∣stor & besyde these innuerabe other of whome the moste parte by the obser∣uation and marking of phisike dyd pro¦longe theyr lyfe beyonde an hundred yeres without sycknes, neyther the fresh¦nes of wyt endulled nor abated, nor the surenes and styfnes of memorie nat sha¦ken, nor yet the senses brosed or enfea∣bled. I praye you is nat this to shewe as it were euen nowe here in this presēt lyfe a certeyne spyse, represētacion, or ymage of immortalitie? Also Christe selue hym the onely author redeamer and conquerour of immortalitie toke a body vpon hym whiche thoughe it was mortal,Christe was ne∣uer sycke yet it was combered with no di∣sease he abhorred nat the crosse but he abhorred diseases. And were it nat a fayre & a godly thynge for vs, also in this parte to folowe to our power our prince & lorde? The apostles lyued in maner al a long lyfe,The apo¦stles. we reade thē be∣ten, we reade them slayne, but we reade nat they were sycke. By what meanes so euer this thyng chaunsed vnto them, surely the phisicians craft parforme the same to vs, whiche their felicitie perfor¦med vnto them For I count nat thē wor¦thy to be herde which no lesse vnlerned¦ly than vnshamefastly ar wont to caste this in our tethes,A confu∣tacion. Virtus in infirmitate perficitur. That is to say, vertue is per∣fited in infirmitie, dreaming that Paule was combered with greuous heedage, where as he calleth the infirmitie, eyther the temptation of the mynde, or whiche is nygher to the truthe the bacbytyng & persecution of wycked persons. But the same selfe Paule, amonge the apo∣stolical gyftes reherseth also the gyft of curyng or healyng.Donū cu¦rationis. More ouer this also augmenteth the glorye of phisike nat a lytle, that aswell the maiestie of the em∣perours lawes, as the aucthoritie of po¦Pes lawes do frely submit them selues to the iudgement of phisicians as in ca∣ses of nonage whiche they cal pubertie, in cases of chyldbyrthes, and poisonyn¦ges, also in certayne questions touching matrimonie. O a newe and straunge dig¦nitie of phisike. They go vpon lyfe and deth of a man, and the sentence of the iudge hengeth vpon the foreiudgemēt of the phisiciā. The charitie of the pope whan he pardoneth any thyng he par∣doneth or lycense the none otherwyse oneles the phesician alloweth and coun¦selleth the same. Also the pope in his decrees, that bysshop whiche is cōplay∣ned vpon to haue any foule or horrible disease by the iudgement of phisike iu∣geth hym other to be put out of his by∣shopryche or els to be restored agayne to his place. Also saynt Augustin cōmē∣deth al thinges to be done by ye aduise of the phisicians althoughe the pacient wolde nat.Augustin Also the honour whiche is due to the phisician that is the rewarde of his craft and labour the same saynt Augustin writteth very wel yt it is wrōg¦fully taken away of hym that with olde it, as of an iniuste possessour and occupe¦yng with an euyl conscience that which is an others and nat his, ye more ouer these persones which with certeyne ori∣sōs and prayers made to the same pur∣pose dryue out of mens bodies wycked spirites and deuyls, oftētymes take phi¦sicians with them to haue aduise, as in those diseases whiche by pryuy and se∣crete meanes do marre and corrupt cer¦teyne organs & instrumentes of the en¦ses and spirite and do so counterfait a demoniacal spice, that they can nat be discerned but of very connyng phisici∣ans, other whether they be certayn gros¦ser deuyls (as it is sayd heyr natures to be diuines and sundry) whiche can fel the cure of the phisician, or whether th sycknes remaineth so deaply ī the most inwarde parties of the mynde that it se¦meth to be clene straunge and of an o∣ther nature than the body is.An exam¦ple. In proue and witnes of which thynge, whyle that I repor vnto you of innumerable exā∣ples one which I sawe & herde my selfe I pray you to heare me paciently. Pana¦cens a phisician of an excellent and re∣nowned fame floryshed whan I was a yonge man and was of my singular ac∣quayntance. He (I present & beyng wit¦nes) retored to helth a certayne person called Phlyaris a spoletan borne whi¦che by reason of vermyn was fallē into a newe kynde of madnes in so moch yt in his sycknes he dyd speake very well Duthe which thyng before whā he was hole (it was manifestly knowen) that he coulde neuer do. who nat connyng nor sene in phisike wolde nat styflye haue sworne that this man was possessed with some spirite? But this phisician with an easy and redy remedie dyd restore him, to his ryght mynde agayne. And whā he was ones restored agayne to hym selfe, he neyther coulde speke nor yet vnder∣stande the Dutche tongue. That if per∣chaunce some men wolde contend with me and saye that this man was in dede possessed with a deuyl, surely this thyng do moste of al auance and set forth the noble science of the phisicians to which (it is manifestly proued) that the wyc∣ked spirites do also obey, which our no¦ble science is not onely the ministre but also the counterfettour and folower of the diuine vertue and myght aswell in the restorynge of lyfe, as in castynge forthe spirites. Nor there lacked none whiche slaūderously reported that this thyng was wrought by arte magyke or wytchecraft, whose slaunder I do turne to the great glorie & prayse of our arte wherby those thynges are brought to passe which the vulgare and lay people beleueth to passe mans powers. where¦fore nat without great & iuste auses in the olde worlde whan vyle gaynes and foule pleasures had nat as yet vitiate nor corrupted al to gethers,The re∣garde of phisike ī old tyme among all other sciences the onely art of phisike was chiefly regarded of the diuyne and moste noble men, of moste happy and ryche prynces, of moste renowmed sena¦tours, nor there was no crafte more ac∣ceptable to mankynde, for that great man MosesMoses. (as it is thought) dyd in his lawes make distinctiō of his meates by none other wysdome or pollecie thā by the reason of phisike.Orpheus Orpheus the most oldest of ye Grekes dyd bryng to lyght many thynges (as it is read o hym) of the natures and powers of herbes.Homere. Ho∣mere hym selfe which was without que∣stion the onely fountayne of wittes is moche busied both ī the rehersal of her¦bes and in the prayse of phisicians. He also paynted & describeth vnto vs Mo¦ly,The her∣be called Moly. of all herbes (as Plinie witnesseth) moste comendable whiche is good and effectual agaynst poysonynges, the in∣uention of whiche herbe he assigne and attribute vnto Mercurie, with this herbe he armeth his wyse man vlysses agaynst the drynkes of the voytche Circe.Nepen∣thes. The selue same Homer sheweth yt Nepēthes an herbe ought to be had in feastes, by cause it dryueth away care and heuynes Moreouer he reherseth and rekeneth vp oftymes with great honoure Machaon,Machaō, Peon,Peon. Chiron,Chiron. Podalirius as excellent men in this faculty,Podali∣rius. by whose cure and handewerke he fayneth that nat onely the noble the dukes and princes were holpen, but also ye goddes them selues meanyng without doubt and signifieng vnto vs that the moste hyghe princes ha¦ue nede of the helpe and socours of the phisicians, and that the lyfe of them is in the phisiciās hande, which in al other seme to haue iurisdiction & power both of lyfe & deth ye what wyl ye say yf the selue same poet in the .xi. boke of his Ilias hathe renowmed and nobilitat the profession of this science withe the most hyghe and singuler commendation that can be gyuen, sayng. The onely phisiciā is to be had in greater pryse and repu∣tacion than a great nombre of the reste of men, Agayne in an other place he no¦teth and marketh the phisician that h called him lerned in al thynges, openly testifienge that whiche is mater in dede that this science do nat stande in one or two lernynges but in the knowlege and circuit of al artes, and more ouer (be∣syde the exacte witte) in the moche vre and experience of thynges.pythogo¦ras wrot of phisik The great clerke pythagoras of the yle of Samos to whome the people of auncient tyme dyd attribute a certayn diuinitie left be¦hynd him (as we reade) a noble volume of the natures of herbes.what great phi¦loso∣phers dyd stu∣dy phisik Mithrida¦tes kyng of Pōtus And to passe ouer with silence Plato, Aristotle, Theo¦phrast, Chrisippe, Cato Censorius, and Varro, whose studie it was to intermed∣del this science other with theyr grt studies or els with theyr great payne & businesses, surly Mithridates king of Pō¦thus was nat so greatly renowmed ney∣ther by his realme thoughe it were ne∣uer so ryche, nor by the wōderful know¦lege of the .xxi. straūge languages whi∣che he both vnderstode & coulde speke as he was by the knowlege and experi∣ence of phisike, which thynge declared hym a great man in dede, whiche noble kynge (Plinie beynge myn authour) lef in writtynge commentaries, exampl and experiences or effectes of this sci∣ence. By whose name yea euen nowe at this daye there is a soueraygne kynde of triacle named. Now comenly it i coūted a princely pastime and mete for a noble kynge to playe at dyse,The of olde princes & lordes to hunt, to do trifels. But in tymes passed to the princes and rulers of the people of ome nothynge was regarded & more theyr care than to further the arte and science of phisike with bryngyng home newe and straunge herbes out of farre countrees, nor to that people whiche at that tyme hadde the dominion of al th worlde there was no maner of gyft, no maner reward is more welcome and more acceptable,Christe called hī selfe a phisicia yea what that Christe hym selue the authour and prince of al disciplines and teachynges professeth hym selfe to be nat a great doctour or a great counsellour of the lawe, nat a great Rhetorician nat a great Philoso∣pher, but a great phisician, whyles whā he speaketh of him selfe sayth that they haue no neade of a phisicin whiche be in helthe, and whyles he resemblynge hym selfe vnto a Samaritan poureth oyle and wyne into the woundes, and whyles he temperyng the erth with his spytel, sprede it on ye eyes of the blind man,Christe gate the loue o the peo∣ple by he¦lg theyr infirmi∣ties. what that the selfe same Christe chiefly by this commendation what ty∣me he was as yet vnknowē to the world dyd by lytle and lytle wynde him selfe into the myndes and affections of men, nat with gold, nat with empyrs, but wt the remedies of sycknesses. The thynge that he dyd with a beck, or with a word of his mouth, the same the phisiciā doth to his power counterfait and foloweth Nor there lacketh neyther to those re∣medies and medicines a diuyne power and vertue, for the operatiōs & strengh¦tes of healyng is euen from god to this very purpos and intent geuen to thyn∣ges. Nor he hath instructed the apostles with none other viauger more than with the gyft of healyng, comaundyng them that forthwith with this deserte and be¦nefite they shulde wynne the fauoure of theyr ost that logeth them, healyng ({que} he) theyr infirmities and diseases and a¦noyntyng the sycke with oyle.S. paule plaith ye phisician That great man Paule whā he counselleth his disciple Timothie to take a lytle quan∣tite of wyne to stablyshe his stomake & the feblenes of his braynes, doth he nat openly take vpon hym the partes of phisician? But what wonderful thyng is this in the apostle,The an∣gel Ra∣phael. syth the aungell Ra∣phael healynge the blyndnes of Tobie gote hereby also his name amonge the writters and studentes of diuine thyn∣ges? O howe heuenly and ryght holy is this science,Raphael is inter∣preted medicina de .i. the phisik of god. of whiche the heuenly myn∣des haue their dominatiō? Among mor∣tall people some studie & professe one science, some an other, but only this sci∣ence ought to be studied of al, syth it is necessarie to al. But alas alas ye croked and peruerse iugementes of mē. No mā can abyde to be ignorant of coyne, whi¦che is currant and lawful and whiche is vnlawful or coūterfait, lest they myght perchaūce be deceyued in a thyng most vyle and of lytle importaūce, but they wyl nat study to knowe by what skylles and meanes they may preserue that whi¦che is the best thyng that they haue. In money they beleue nat other mens eyes. in the mater of lyfe and helthe do they blynfelde (as they cal it) folowe other mens iudgemētes? That if the absolute and parfite knowlege of the hole sciēc can nat chaunce but vnto a fewe whiche haue appoynted and as I myght say de¦dicate theyr hole lyfe to this onely stu∣die,It is very expediet for euery man to lerne so moche phisike that he may pre∣serue his owne hethe. at lest it were mete and conuenient that of that parte of phisike whiche ap∣perteyneth to the gouernaunce and pre¦seruation of hlth no persone shuld be ignoraunt. Although to say the trouthe a great part o the difficultie & hardnes cometh nat of the very science but other of the bungerlynes and blynde igno∣rance, r els of the vayne glorie & am∣bition of leude phisiās. Alwayes ye a∣monge the wylde and barbarous nati∣ons the name of amitie hath ben coūted holy and honorable, and he is takē for a singuler and ure frende which is a cō∣paignon and a felowe both in prospe∣rite and in aduersitie because yt the cō∣mune sort of frenes, lyke as swalowes in somer,Swalo∣wes. so they in welth & prosperite be present and at hande, but in aduersi¦tie, lyke as the sayd swalowes agaynste the cōmyng of wynter flye away.Byrdes called Seeuci∣des. But howe moche more sure & substanciall a frende is the phisician whiche (after the example o certeyne byrdes whiche be called Seleucides which as they say ca o where be espid of the inhabitantes of the mountayne of Casius but whan they nede theyr socure & helpe agaynst the violence and power of great butter¦flyes destroyng theyr corues / whan all thynges be wel and saufe he neuer put∣teth hym selfe in peryl, but in suche ca∣sualties in whiche both the wye & the hildren oftentymes forsaketh the man as in the fransie, the lowsy euyl (whiche is called Phthiriasis) and the pestilence the phisician onely is constantly presē nd he is present nat with an vnprofita¦ble seruice, as the moste part of the rest but he is presēt to helpe, he is presēt to fyght wt the sycknes for lyfe & deth of his patiēt, & yt many times putting his owne lyfe ī ieopardy. And O more thā vnkynde {per}sons which preserued by the seruice of such a frend can fynd ī their hertes whā the ieopardy is now driuē a way to hate the phisiciā & do nat rather ruerēce & worship hī in stede of a pa∣renteA cōmen frend yt bideth thē good morow, or good euē so oft as they mete hī, i for his kynd salutatiō called to su¦per, he yt taketh thē curtesly by ye arm hym they recompēce wt lyke kyndnes, and wyl they shake of suche frende whā they leue neadyng of hym? and for this very cause shake hym of, bycause they {per}ceyue that they be nat able (were they neuer so ryche) to yelde due thankes vn¦to his kynde deseruynges? That if he is the beste man which moste profite the cō¦men weale, than surely he that coueteth to be best ought prīcipaly to study this facultie.A cōmen¦datiō of the gay∣nes and lucre. But nowe if ther be any of thi appetite which had rather measure the prisel of thynges wt profite & gaynage (albe it this arte is more hyghe & more diuine, than that it shuld be estemed by suche reasons) yet I say if ther be any of that apetite whiche regarde lucre & gai¦nes, this art wyl gyue place to none o∣ther science neyther in this behalfe, for ther was neuer none more fruteful, and auaylable, and so redy a craft to get ry¦ches sodēly as this.Erasistra¦tus. Erasistratus of whō I made mencion before was as we rede in Cronicles rewarded of kynge Pto∣lome and also Critobulus an other phi¦sician was rewarded of Alexander the great with ryche and in maner incredi∣ble gyftes,Critobu¦lus. howe be it what rewarde can nat but seme to lytle whiceh is gyuen to the sauiour of the lyfe of him for whose onely lyfe so many thousandes of men dyd put theyr bodies and lyfes in eo∣pardie? what shulde I nowe make reher¦al of other noble phisicians, as of the Cassians, the Caipitans, the Arunkes, ye Albutis, of whome Plinie writteth that they had vnmeasurable gaynes in Rho∣me aswel with ye prince and emperour as wt the people. How be it what serch we these histories out of olde tymes, as thoughe at this day euery man can nat remembre ynoughe whom this science hath brought vp to ryches ahoue the ry¦ches of Cresus? Rhetorike, or poetrie, fynde none oneles he be excellent. The musician excepte he be passyng cōnyng he hath but a cold supper. The man of lawe hath thyne gaynes if he be nat de∣pely and profundly studied. Onely phi¦sike fyndeth and supporteth hym whi∣che is but so so lerned.A meane syght in phisike getteth a lyuyng. Phisike consist in innumerable disciplins, and in infinite knowlege of thynges, and yet it is oftē sene that one or two medicines or reme¦dies shal fynde a fole that haue no ler∣nyng at al. So that in no wyse this art cā be condempned of barennes. Put this o, yt of other crafts ther is no redy gay¦nes in euery place.The phi∣sician where so euer he goth get¦teth his lyuyng. The Khetoritiā may blowe his nayles among the Sermates. The Ciuil law is nat so hyghly estemed in England. But the phisician whether so euer he goeth, in what partes of the worlde so euer he kepeth hath his ho∣nour & worship, his viauger foloweth hym. So that also the comune prouerbe of the Grekes can be applied better vp on no science than it is vpon this,A pro∣uerb. he craftesmā getteth his lyuyng where euer he goeth.A confu∣tation. But plinie or surly other yt Plinie speketh of, take great indig∣natiō and be hyghly discōtented yt the profession of phisike shuld be a gayne & a lucre. I graunt, this facultie is grea¦ter thā yt it shuld be subiecte & seruia∣ble to lucre & gaynes. I graunt it is for vyle occupations to serue for gaynes. ut agayne on ye other syde how geat an ingratitude, what an vnkyndnes wer it to do fraude and depriue this science onely of his mede to whiche no due no sufficiēt mede can be requited? A noble phisician euen lyke a certeyn god wyll saue frely without rewarde, he wyl saue yea them that be vnwillyng to be saued but agayne it is an impieti and an vn∣godlynes nat to considre and acknow∣lege the benifite of the godly person. He lytle passe on thy rewarde, but yet thou art worthy to be punyshed by the lawes for thy notable ingratitude. But yet this natwithstādyng I knowe ryght wel that this noble sciece hath ben euyl spoken of both in tymes passed among the olde fathers, and also nowe at this day is euyl defamed among certeyn vn∣lerned {per}sons. This art plesed nat Cato nat because he damned the very thyng,Cato di∣praysed this sci∣ence. but that he coulde nat abyde he vayne glorious profession of the Greakes, be¦yng hym selfe a mere Rhomane. And he gaue so moche to experiēce, yt he wold nat haue it a science. But the selfe same Cato iudged it expedient that all the philosophie of the Crekes were vtterly expelled and banyshed the citie, for ye grosse and hard man thought that bras∣sica and ofte vomites dyd suffice to pur¦ge mans body, and yet he hym selfe so styffe an ennemy of phisicians by the ob¦seruation & kepyng of phisike dyd (as it is written of him) preserue his myght and strengthe hole and sounde euen vn¦to his very extreme age. Also ye rude & vnlerned people cast in our tethe, that the phisicians ar licensed with out puni∣shemētes to kyl mē. Mary for this cause the rather good phisicians ar to be mag¦nified and hyghly cōmēded which wher as it is in their hande nat onely without punishmēt but also wt mede to kyl,An obie∣ction. yet they had rather saue. That they may, i is a power, that they wyl nat, it is theyr goodnes. It is recited now in euery pla¦ce at ale houses & tauernes among drō¦kardes this prouerbe.A pro∣uerbe of oles. Qui medice viuit misere viuit. He that lyueth after the rules of phisike lyueth wretchedly. As thoughe it were an happynes and feli∣citie, the body to be swolen and stret∣ched out with surfettyng, to be brasted wit the pleasue of the body, to waxe foggyshe with drinkyng of good ale, & to be sepulte and drowned in slepe. But these Sycophātes and bakbyters what nedeth it to refel with my oration, syth they them selues paye sufficient penal∣ties to our art for their skoldyng, beyng one after wrested with ye gut, amased with the palsay, dotynge and lackynge theyr wittes before the due tyme, wax∣yng blynde and blereyed before age, and thā at last beyng ī this wretchednes they rechaunt and synge a newe songe praysing (as Stesichorus dyd) but al to late phisyke whiche before they dys∣praysed. And yet to these persones though they be most vnworthy, ye good¦nes of the art dysdayneth not to lay to, her helpyng hande, and to socour them as moch as in her is.Out of A∣ristopha∣nes. There be som ma∣ligners also whiche borowyng a tawnt out of yt old comedie called phisiciās, scatophagos, that is to say, deuowrers of turdes. As though for this very cause they deserued not chyefly to be praysed which to the entente they wolde secoure and helpe the miseries and calamitie of men, are contented from theyr hygh∣nes and sublimitie to humble themsel∣fes vnto these so vyle seruices, but if the phisicians were as scornfull and dys∣daynfull as these be ful of skoldyng & raylyng, they myght on euery syde dye a pace without controllyng. But our art hathe this one thyng cōmune with good kynges, that it doth good and hathe an euyl name. And though there were most of al (as there be) in this sort and kynd of men,The leud¦nes of certeyne euyl phi∣siciās ma¦keth nat phisike to be e∣yl. whiche beare them selues for phisicians whiche be nothynge lesse thā phisicians, if there be whiche for reme∣dies ministre poysons, if therbe whiche for gaynes or vayne glorie do counsell theyr syck patiētes amisse, what is more agaynt al reason & quitie thā to wret and detort the vices of men to the slaū∣der of the science? Ther be also among prestes auowterers and euyl lyuers, ther be among fryers, monkes, and other re∣ligious persons murderers, māquellers and pyrates but what is this to the reli¦gion whiche is of it selfe the best thynge that can be deuised of mā? There is no profession so holy but that nourysheth a sort of naughty packes and vngraci∣ous felowes. It is a thynge with all vo∣wes to be wyshed that al rulers & prin∣ces were suche as becometh, them to be whiche be thought worthy of this name but yet nat because of this is the office of a prince to be damned, that some vn¦der that tytle playe the pyllers, tyran∣tes, an ennemies of the cōmune welthe. I wolde wyshe also my selfe that al the phisicians were, truely phisicians and that the greake prouerbe had no place in them.A pro∣uerbe. . Many dryuers of the oxe, but fewe plo∣wers of the erthe. I wold wyshe y• that holynes and purenes were perfourmed of al phisicians which the moste worthy phisician Hippocrates requireth o his scolers whome he sware with a solēpne othe.S tū Hip∣pocrati But yet we ought to endeuour our selues vnto it, althoughe we se it nat per¦fourmed of the moste part of them that professe this science.The epi∣loge or perclos of this o∣ration. But because (O ryght worthy audience) the cause which I nowe plede hath so great plentie and copie of mater in it, that it is very hard to fynde an ende of speakynge, leste I shulde nat perfourme that I promised in the begynnyng I thynke it nowe due tyme to gather to gether ī a grosse sūme all the prayses of it. For if so be ma∣ny thynges are commendable onely by reason of antiquitie, than surely this arte or science was founde, fyrste of al other, euen for very necessitie. If the sci∣ence be made the noblear by reason of the first authours and inuentours and in¦uentours of it, this science was euer tho∣ught to be inuented of goddes. If ho∣nour addeth any authoritie, no other sci¦ence hath deserued diuine honours so vniuersally and so longe tyme. If those thynges be of great reputacion whiche be regarded and allowed of most hygh men / this studie hath nat onely delyted but also renowmed and auanced moste hygh kynges & potestates.Disicilia quae pul∣chra. If those thin¦ges that be herde, be also fayre and god¦ly / there is nothing more buysy more la¦borious than this, whiche rested ī so ma¦ny disciplines and in the serchyng out and the experience of so many thynges If we estyme the thynge by the worthy∣nes and dignitie therof / what thynge is more excellent than that, whiche goeth more nyghe to the bounty of god? If by the faculty and power, what thyng is of more myght and strength / than to haue the power restore agayne the hole man to hym selfe whiche els shulde certenly haue dyed? If we mesure the thynge by necessitie / what is so necessarie as that, with out whiche we can nother lyue nor be borne? f by the vertue, what is more honeste, than to saue mankynde? If by the vtilite & profite, the ve of nothyng is neyther greater nor whyther. If by the gaynes and auauntage, other this sciēce muste nedes brynge in great lucre and ryches, or els men be very vnkynde wherfore for your causes I greately re∣ioyse (o moste excellent and famous in this science?A gra∣lation. whome it hath chaunced to excel ī this moste goodly kynde of pro¦fession.An exhor¦tation. And you (yonge men) I exhorte this science to loue & embrace with al your brestes, pon this set your studies with all the veynes of your bodies, whi¦che shal bryng vnto you renowme, glorie, authoritie, ryches / by whiche ye a∣gayne on your parte shal bryng to your frendes, to your natiue contre, ye and ta al mankynde no smal profite and vtilite, I haue spoken.
A00356.P4	De immensa dei misericordia. A sermon of the excedynge great mercy of god, / made by ye moste famous doctour maister Eras. Rot. Translated out of Latine into Englisshe, at the request of the moste honorable and vertuous lady, the lady Margaret Countese of Salisbury.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Hervet, Gentian, 1499-1584." ]	[1531?]	In fletestrete, by Thomas Berthelet, printer vnto the kynges most noble grace, dwellyng at the sygne of Lucrece. Cum priuilegio,	Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "God -- Mercy -- Early works to 1800." ]	FOr as moche as I pour∣pose this daye to speake of the greatnes of the mercies of our lorde / Bretherne and systerne most welbeloued in Christ / wi∣thout whose helpe mās frailte and weakenes can naught do: let vs all to gether with a common prayer beseche the mercy of the cōmon lorde of vs all / so to moue the instrument of my tonge / and so to stere and kendell your hartes / that as we shall departe hēce through the mercy of our lorde more plentiouslye endewed with heuenly grace: so euery mā to his neighbourwarde maye more abundantly vse the warkes of mercy. Some vse here to grete the vir∣gin moher / I denye nat euery where moche ho∣nour ought to be gyuen her / but verily to our pur∣pose nowe me semeth more expedint / if ye folowe me thus goynge before you: Iesus Christe the almyghtye worde of the euer∣lastynge father / that {pro}mysest to be presnt / where so euer two or thre were assembled in thy name / thou seest howe many in thy name be here gethe∣red. Uouchesafe therfore accordyng to the {pro}mise / to be amonge this companye: that theyr hartes lyghted through grace of the holy goste / may vn∣derstande more fully the greatnesse of thy mercy: wherby we al to gether may with a lustier mynde both yelde to the thākes for thy mercy / that so ofte hath ben to vs shewed / & that more desyrouslye in all our necessites / we maye calle theron for helpe: and lastely that we humble seruauntes maye the mercy of our lorde / that vn vs we haue largely {pro}∣ued / to our power louyngly prosecute on our felo∣wes lyke wyse seruantes. If that euery mā (as the rhetoriciens teache) is right diligēt and attentiue to here those thynges / that he vnderstādeth shuld sharpely touche hym: than there oughte none of you to nodde or slepe in this sermō tyme / seyng that the saluaciō of vs all¦egally dependeth on the mercy of our lorde: Nor there is none so yonge nor so olde / of so lowe or so high byrth / so poore nor so riche / so bōde nor so fre, so counnyng nor so rude, so wicked nor so iuste / but that he hath often tymes bothe proued the mercy of our lorde / and nedeth the mercy of our lorde to all thynges that he rightously goth about. What matter more fauorable may be treated / than that by the mercy of god / euerlastynge helth is prepa∣red for al folkes? Of very right therfore ī this ser∣mon tyme / as many as be here present / ye shulde nat onely take hede, but also be lusty and gladde to here hit: for who so euer doth loue and fauer hym selfe / woll loue and fauer this sermon. ¶Amonge the manyfolde yuels / whiche drawe mankynde to euerlastyng dānacion / there be two chiefe and pryncipall myscheues: of whiche they oughte specially to be ware / that loue vertue and goodnes / and desyre to come to the feloweshyp of euerlastȳg felicite. They be these, To moche trust on ones owne selfe and Dispeire. The one cometh of a presumptuous mynde agaynst god / that the loue of ones selfe hath blynded: the other is engē∣dred one way by pondrynge the great offences / an other way by consydrynge the ryghtous iugemēt of god without rmembrance of his mercy. Both these are so pestilent and cursed / that many doubt whiche of them is more to be aborred. For what is greatter madnes or more lamentable than mā that is erth & ashes / whiche what so he is or may do / is for hit all bounde to the goodnes of god: to rebelle agaynst hym / of whom he was created / of whom he was redemed / and of whom by so ma∣ny meanes he is called to the company of euerla∣stynge lyfe? Is it nat a point of great vnkyndnes to set nought by hym / of whom thou haste rcey∣ued so many benefites? Is it nat a poynt of great madnes to wyll to rebelle agaynst hym that may distroye y• with a becke? Is it nat a great poynt of wickednes nat to knowlege thy maker / nat to ho∣nour thy father / nat to loue thy sauiour? Unhap∣py Lucifer was bold to do this fyrst / whiche ascri∣uyng to hym selfe / yt he frely resceiued of lamighty god / sayd in his harte: I wyl get vp aboue in he∣uē / I wyll exalte my seate aboue ye sterres of god / I wyll syt vpon the hyll of testimony in the sydes of the Northe wynde / I wyll clyme vp aboue the height of the cloudes / I wyll be lyke to almighty god. But wolde to god yt his vnhappy fall myght at the leest fray mortal creatures from folowynge of his vngracious example / if the wycked dede it selfe can nat feare them. Truely if god spared nat proude presumptuous āgels / but cast them heed∣lyng downe in to hell / and ordeyned them straytly boūde in cheynes to be kept tyll the daye of dome / what deserueth mā a sely worme / whiche as now were crept out of the erth / must shortly returne to erthe agayne / is proude presumptuous & testy a∣gaynst god? The more lowe and vyle the cōdicion of mā is / ye more abominable is his presumpcion / desiryng to be egal with god. The ancient poetes feyned / There rose a stryfe on a tyme amonge the goddis / that constrained Iupiter hym selfe to for∣sake heuen and fee in to Egypt / and there in an o∣ther shap to hyde hym: but a farre more mysche∣uous dede / was yt the gyantes went about / which confederated to gether agaynst Iupiter / dyd caste hyls vpon hyls / yt they myght so cōquere heuen & expelle Iupiter thence. Ye may wel laughe / these tales that ye here be nat gospel: but yet ye erudite olde tyme wolde signifie some what vnder the co∣ueryng of these fables / yt lōgeth to the expresyng of mortall folks maners. Salmoneus was heed∣lyng throwen downe in to helle / bicause he coūtre∣fetted thoūder and lyghtnyng of Iupiter. Admit it be but a fable: but howe many sely mortal men haue ther ben / yt in dede & seriously wold haue he∣uenly honours done to them? Dyd nat god turne Nabugodonosor / that wold haue made hym selfe a god / in to a brute beast / that frō a beast he shulde retourne to a humayne shappe. Great Alexander wolde be take for Iupiters sōne / and suffred hym selfe to be worshypped at his table. Domitius Ce¦sar in all his letters patentes & pistils / and in his cōmunication wolde be called both god and lorde. Adrian ordeined yt Antinous shuld be worshipped as a god. Why reherse I all this / whan it was a solemne thyng amonge the Romayns / after their Emperours were de{per}ted this lyfe / to make them goddis. Some of them a lyue had godly honors / whiche offred to accept is wicked madnes / & to v∣surpe is desperate blyndnes. If auctorite of stori∣es be of no great weyght, let vs here what ye apo∣stel Paule to ye Thessalonicēs wrote of Nero / truly some interpretate thus: And ye creature of synne / sayth he / were vncouered / ye childe of {per}diciō / whi∣che is agaȳst & is enhāsed aboue al yt is called god & that is worshipped / so that he sitteth in the tēple of god / shewȳge him selfe as though he were god. But {per}auenture it shal seme no maruayle if some yt worshypped for goddes / oxen / apes / dogges / and thynges more vile / dōme stones / & wodde / wolde haue them selfe taken for goddes / as farre more excellent than these thinges to whiche the people dydde godly honors. In the actis of the apostles / Herode knowyng ther was but one god / of whose honour no mā coude be partener / suffred ye people to crye to hym in his sermō: This is the voyce of god & nat of a man: Shortly after he was strykē by the angel of god that reuenged that iniury / he the myserable god dyed of the lowsye yuell: than whiche no disease is more foule stynkyng & peyn∣full. I wolde to god there were none amōge chri∣sties / that folowed the wickednes of Lucifer / I may nat say passe it. What? Loke ye that I shuld open somwhat of secrete cōfessions? What nede it, whan in some countres in the market place in the churches / at dyner / souper / in playenge and spor∣tyng we here al about they forswere them selfe by the most honorable name of god / this yt I say is a lyght thynge: we here the name of god denyed / ye holy name of Christe with many vile wordes bla∣med: the fore fynger byttē god thretned / ye thōme put betwene the formest and myddell fynger, that is done agaynst god foūtayne of all glory / that is wont to be done agaynst an infamous {per}son for ri∣proche and shame. Be there none amonge Christi¦ens / if they may be called Christiēs / whiche for re∣ches yt they must shortly forgo / or foule bodily ple∣sure / or for transitory honours / forsake their owneprince / and make a wicked cōposicion with ther foo Satanas? the fourme of the othe takē, atones they forswere what so euer cōfederaciō was made with Christe / and offre to helle part of theyr body as the fyrste frute / to ye prince wherof they vowed holly theyr soule? These thynges spyed out we se punyshed dayly by open execution. What thynge lyke dyd Lucifer? for hym the son of god dyed nat, and yet he was nat so hardy to blaspheme god: he alonly desyred egal honour. That vnhappy cun∣tre / wherin somtyme were .v. mighty cites / nowe is a pestylent and abominable lake / for the swete waters of Iordane bearyng yll fauored claye / the horrible example wherof shall remaine euer in re∣mēbrance to them that come after / had the inha∣bitāces vtterly gyuen to ryot and lechery / but yet we rede nat that any of them was so wicked / that he wolde blaspheme god / curse and threten hym: and yet they were all distroyed by rayne myngled with brimstone. O thyng horrible / there bē foūde amōge Christē people / that dare do / that Lucifer durst nat / that Gomorra durst nat: whiche also to so many abominable dedes ioyne blasphemynge. I se you most dere bretherne trēble at rehersynge of these thynges / and no meruayle: I my selfe al∣so rehersyng them quyuer & shake bothe body and soule. Neuerthelesse we purpose nat onely in this sermō to declare howe great a synne dispeire of for¦gyuenes is / but also to shewe howe excedȳg great ye mercy of god is / whiche to preyse we haue this day entreprised: the whiche also spareth suche fol∣kes / and gyueth them space to repent & amende. And {per}auenture we stande in our owne conceyt / by cause amonge vs the examples of crimes / yt I re∣hersed nowe / be seldome seen: but what matter maketh it / if the tonge soūdeth no blasphemynge whan of many ye holle lyfe speketh no other thyng but blasphemyng agaynst god? The glouttōs for god worshyp theyr bealy, who cōtinually by right & wrōge gape to hepe riches to gether / whiche by murther, treasō, poisonyng, & enchāting stalke vp to honors / whiche by tyrāny opresse poore people / whiche to haue al thing to their mȳde kēdel al the worlde to warre: nor perseueryng in these great i∣uels haue no shame nor repētance / but wt a shame∣les coūtinance lyke a cōmon womā / reioyse yea in thynges most mischieffull / skornynge & mockyng the good lyuers: do nat y• caytiues by those dedes saye: There is no god / goddis behestis ben false / ye thretnynges of god be vayne / the worde of god is a lye / yeldynge the ioyes of heuen to them that mourne here / that thyrst and hūger Iustice / that be meke / that suffre {per}secution / that for iustice ben with vyle wordes rebuked? What can be more a∣bominable than this blasphemyng? And yet if a∣ny thynge can be worse than that / whiche is most worse / dispeyre is worse than the holle stynkynge multitude of other synnes. The wicked mā seyng me might do what thyng he wold vnpunished / he was proude of his prosperite & sayd in his harte: There is no god, and there is no knowlege aboue, god careth nat for mortal folkes busynes. And as he is lesse iniurious agaynst a mā / yt beleueth nat he is / thā he that beleueth hym to be cruel or false: So lyke wyse they bene lesse wycked that vtterly say there is no god / than they that beleue he is vn¦mercifull / takyng away that vertue frō hym / wi∣thout whiche kynges be nat kynges but tyrātes. But who so euer casteth hope of forgyuenes aside & rolleth hym selfe downe in to the hurlepyt of dis∣peyre / he doth nat onely beleue yt god is nat almy∣ghty / supposyng some syn so horrible yt he can nat forgyue: but also maketh hym a lyer. He promy∣seth by the prophet / that he wyll incontinent clene forgette all maner synnes / assone as the synner be¦waylethe thm. Contrary wyse / they that folowe Cain say: My synne is greatter than that I may deserue forgyuenesse. What sayste / thou wycked wretche? If god ouer come with the greatnesse of thy synne maye nat forgyue the / thou pluckest frō hym his power almyghtye: if he wyll nat do that he may / he is a lyer and false / yt wyll nat {per}fourme that he so many tymes promysed by ye prophetes mouthes. Hit is infinite / what so euer is in god. But .iij. speciall thynges be in hym / most high po∣wer / most high wysedome / & most high goodnes. And al be it yt power is wont to be ascribed to ye fa∣ther as his {pro}pre / wysedome to the sonne, goodnes to ye holy gost: yet there is none of these thynges / but it is egally cōmon to all thre {per}sons. His highe power he shewed / whan he created these maruey∣lous warkes of the worlde only with a becke / of y• whiche there is no part / but it is ful of miracle / ye the very pysmers and spyders crye out / shewynge the great power of theyr maker. Agayne whā he deuyded the wawes of ye red see: Whan he restray¦ned the streame of Iordane / & made the ryuer pas¦sable for a fote man: Whan whyle Iosue foughte / he made the sonne and moone stynte theyr course: Whā with touchyng he healed lepers: & wt a word reysed deed men to lyfe / he shewed hym selfe lorde of nature. And whan he with egall wysedome cō∣serueth and gouerneth those thynges / whiche he by his power yt can nat be declared hath made / he sheweth hym selfe to be no lesse wise thā almighty. Al be it that his goodnes euery where shineth / as that same creatiō of angels and this worlde was a poynt of high goodnes / whā he to highe felicite / that he hath of him selfe / lacketh nothȳg yt might be added / yet he made mākynde proprely to then∣tent / that there in specially he myghte expresse the greatnes of his goodnes and mercy / for in that be halfe god wolde nat alonly be more louynge to vs / but also more marueylous. They marueyle some tyme at a kynges power and myght / that hate or haue enuy at hym. But gentylnes and lyberalite is loued / yea of them that haue no nede / that is to say / throughe consyderation of humayne chance: wher by it may hap any what euer he be / to haue nede. But there is no mā / nor hath ben / nor shalbe but yt he nedeth the mercy of god. Whan / as wyt∣nesseth the olde testament / neyther the sterres be clere in ye syght of god / and in his angels he foūde wickednes. And Paule cryethe to the Romayns: There is no distinction / all haue synned / and nede the glorie of god / that euery mouthe may be stop∣ped / and all the worlde be made subiecte to god. Nowe let is here howe well with hym agreeth ye mystical synger / whiche with a lusty spirite exhor∣teth all good folkes / yt they with a spirituall harpe with a sautry of .x. strynges / with a newe songe / & with great shouttynge / shulde celebrate the glorye of god / sayenge: Our lorde loueth mercy and iuge¦ment / all the erthe is full of our lordes mercy. Ones only is made mencion of iugemēt / but mer∣cy is twyse rehersed with this cōmendacion / that therof ye erthe is full. I myght boldly adde this / stayeng me by the auctorite of Iob and ye apostle: That nat only y• erthe is full of our lordes mercy / but also heuen and helle. What syngeth the xxxv. psalme: O lorde thy mercy is in heuen / and thy trouth recheth to the cloudes. They in helle {per}cei∣ued the mercy of our lorde / whan he brake the ga∣tes of darknes & broughte out the prisoners in to the heuenly kyngdome. If one wold consydre the warkes of god / whiche after the misticall discus∣syng of Moyses / he made {per}fet in ye fyrst .vi. days / he shulde greatly maruayle at his power and in∣effable wysedome / yea and crye out in the voyce of all the churche: Pleni sunt celi et terra. &c. The he∣uens and erth be ful of thy glory. Nor he ne coude absteine hym selfe / but brast out in the hȳne of the thre children: Benedicite omnia opera dn̄i. &c. Blesse ye al the warkes of our lorde / preyse and leape vp for ioy in hym euermore. What so euer is created in ye heuens / what so euer aboue the heuēs / what so e∣uer in erthe / what so euer vnder the erth / what so euer in the water / what so euer ī the ayre / sheweth opēly with voyce continuall the glory of our lorde. But what sayth the psalme. Cxliiii? Our lorde is piteous and mercifull / pacient & moche mercifull. Our lorde is swete to all / and his mercifull pitees passen all his warkes. Ergo some thinge there is more marueylous / than to haue made the heuēs / with so many bryghte sterres / to haue created the erthe with so many kyndes of beastis / of trees / & variablenes of all thynges / to haue created so ma¦ny cōpanyes of angelycall myndes. Who durst be so bolde to affyrme hit / excepte the prophet shewed playnely / that the mercyes of our lorde passe the glory of all his other warkes? And yet he shal nat dout it to be true / who so euer with a religious cu∣riosite will cōsider howe moche more maruelously he redemed than created man. Is it nat more wō∣derfull god to be made man / than the angels to be created of god? Is it nat more marueile / that god wrapped in a babis clothes / shuld wayle / and cry / in the cratche or racke / thā to reigne in ye heuēs / yt he made? Here ye āgels / as thyng of greattest wō∣der synge glory to god in the mooste high heuenly māsions. They se the lowlyest humilite / & knowe the most excellent highnes. All the coūsayle of re∣demynge mankynde / Christis lyfe / Christis tea∣chynge / Christis miracles / afflictiō, crucifieng, re∣surrection / aperyng / ascention / the sendyng of the holy goste / by a fewe sely poore idiote mē ennewed the worlde: this coūsayle I say / is it nat on euery syde full of miracles / yea that the very āgels cun nat serche out? Wycked spirites se and vnderstāde the reason of the worldis creacion / but the coun∣sayle of the worldes restoryng was hyd frō them: and in this poynt crafte disceyued crafte / the craft of mercy begyled the crafte of malice. The creatiō of ye worlde was the warke of puissance / ye worlde so restored was ye warke of mercy. Thendis of the crosse saythe Abacuc / in his handes / there is his strength hyd. What is more vyle than the crosse? What is weaker thā the crucified? Yet vnder that weakenes / excedyng power of diuyne mercy laye hyd / that brake / ouer came / and clene distroyed all the tyrāny of the dyuell. The same prophet whan he had eares erudite / whan he had eies very clere by faythe / he herde the holle frame of ye worlde on euery parte shewe the great myght of god / and he was afrayde: he considered his warkes / and was amased. And yet as though in all these thyngis ye great might of god was nat playn inough / he ad∣ded / that shulde ouercome all these warkes: In ye myddes of two beastis thou shalt be knowen. In the meare of the olde & newe testamēt / he become man / opened playnely that most bashefull miracle of his mercy. Undouted hit is yt the prophet soone after addeth: Whan thou woldest be angry / thou shalte remēbre thy mercy. Of them that do thyn∣ges wonderfull / we be wont to say: In those he o∣uercame al / ī this he ouercame hym selfe. Of god some thyng lyke may well be sayd: God is incom∣parable in all his dedes / & can nat be folowed / In mercy he excedeth hym selfe. Holy scripture extol∣leth no vertue in god so moche as mercy / whiche some tyme calleth it great / some tyme ouermoche, and somtyme augmenteth the plentifull abūdāce therof by nombre of multitude. Kyng Dauid the prophet in the same place / cōplecteth ye largenesse and multitude of diuyne mercy: Miserere mei de secūdū. &c. O god haue mercy on me after thy great mercy / and after ye multitude of thy mercyes do a∣way my wickednes. Where is great misery / there is nede of great mercy. If ye cōsidre how horrible the synne of Dauid was / ye knowe the largenesse of mercy: If ye caste howe many maner wyse he offended in one trespas / ye maye se the multitude of his mercies. An excedyng great offēce is neuer commytted alone / a faute draweth a faute / as one lynke doth an other in a cheyne. Fyrst he ioyned to¦gether two most deedly synnes / māslaughter and aduoutry: eche of them was more greuous in the kynge: whose office is to punyshe other that so of∣fende. For the more princis do amys vnpunysshed amonge men / the more they offende god. He bare a worde to punysshe manslaughter / and he hym selfe cōmytted manslaughter. By hym women ta¦kē in aduoutri were deliuered to be stoned to deth / and he hym selfe compelled to do aduoutry. He al∣so peculierly augmented the same aduoutry / that whan he had flockes of wyues and concubyns at home / yet nat for nede but for wātōnes he coueted an other mās wyfe / yt he wolde seme delite rather ī rauysshyng thā in simple fornication. For he offē∣dethe nat so moche / that nede cōstrayneth to steale somewhat from the riche mā / as he that hath his house plentifully stouffed / & taketh his gowne frō hym / that hath no mo to his backe. This cruel of∣fēce Nathan ye {pro}phet dyd obiect agaynst hym vn∣der ye parabol of the ryche thefe and poore mā rob∣bed. Nowe no kynde of māslaughter is more cru∣ell / than that yt is nat by chance or sodayne mouȳg of ye mynde / but by a dryft before driuen / wayting cōuenient tyme / is cōmitted. Urias had nothyng deserued / the kynge knewe hym ryght trusty / and he abused the same trustynes of the man to his di∣structiō. He wolde in no wise ētre within his owne house to lye with his wyfe / bycause ye arke of god was lyenge in the tentes / and Ioab capytayne of the warre with the people / slept vpon the groūde / and al that great worthines of the man coude nat turne the kynges mynde from the iuell dede. The morowe after he had hym to supper / & made hym drōke / sekȳg occasion to distroy him / if he through dronkēnes shuld hap to speke ought vndiscretely. & yet Urias beȳg drōke wold nat come ī his house to take his pleasure with his wyfe. An other gyle was added / wherby the strōge & trusty warriour muste perisshe. A lettre of murther to hym suspe∣ctyng no suche thyng was delyuered: for ye kynge knewe his faythfulnes so perfecte / that he had no dout he wolde open and rede it. In the offence of manslaughter he made Ioab the capitayne part∣ner / lyke as he had Bersabee of aduoutrye. And Urias perished nat alone / but to couer ye gyle / ma∣ny were broughte in to the same daunger: a great nombre of people was set in the open shot of theyr ennemyes / to thende one innocēt myght be kylde / to gyue place to the kynges foule bodily pleasure. Therfore in one sinne how many are the offences? If hit were one only synne / and excedynge great / hit nedeth great mercy. Nowe Dauid seynge his yn so many folde & dyuers / he calleth on the mul∣titude of mercies. But howe largely the mercy of god is opened / ye .xxxv. psalme declareth / sayenge: O good lorde thou shalt saue men and beastis / like As thou haste multiplyed thy mercy. God saueth nat only man / but also he vouchesafeth for mānes behoe to saue bestis. Againe ī an other place how reioyseth the prophettes spirite / whan he saythe: I wyll syng the mercies of god perpetually. And therfore in the heuens ye mercy of god is worshipt & honoured / like as sayth an other psalme: Know∣lege your selfe to god bycause he is good / bycause his mercy is in al worldes. The preising of ye mer∣cy of god semed to haue ende / after the ende of all wretchednes came / except the same felicite yt good folkes haue in heuen / were the gyft of mercy / and the punishement of the wicked tempered with the great mercy of god. But what shall we say / whan all the lyfe with a thousande syns / and all the styn∣kyng see of vices is corrupted? Truly we must cry with Asaph: O lorde remēbre nat our olde iniqui∣tees / but let thy mercy preuent vs quickely / for we be made ouer poore. Againe in an other place: Ma¦ny be thy mercyes lorde / after thy pleasant speche quicken me. Agayne in an other place Dauid / as he cōplayned wt god / crieth out: Where be thy olde mercyes good lorde? Agayne in the psalme .Cvj. Let the mercies of our lorde be cōfessed / & his mar∣uayles of the sons of men: Whiche verse as enter∣lyned is oft repeted ī ye same psalme. In ye psalme also that goeth nexte before: And he gaue vs vnto his mercies in the syght of all that toke them. He sayd mercies / bicause he had rehersed many wyc∣ked dedes / with whiche he prouoked the anger of god. And Dauid on all partis oppressed with yls / sayth: It is better that I fall in the hādes of our lorde: for manifold are his merices / than in to the handes of men. As in one offence often times are many sinnes, so lyke wise in one mrcy many mer¦cies are conteyned. Ones he redemed mankynd / but here in howe manifolde are the mercies? Whi¦che Esaias beholdynge with the eie of fayth / spe∣keth thus in the persone of god / promysynge our sauiour Iesus: And I wyll make with you a co∣uenant euerlastyng / the faythfull mercies of Da∣uid. In a lyke figure god being appeased speketh in the prophet Hieromie: And I wyll gyue you mercies / and shall haue pite vpon you. For many greuous synnes, many mercyes are promysed. Lyke wyse after many afflictions / god hauynge pyte of his people speketh thus in the prophet za∣carie: I wyll retourne to Hierusalem in mercies / and my house shall be buylded. But why reherse we those thynges / out of bokes of the olde testa∣mēt / in whiche so ofte tymes the name of mercies is encoūtred? And yet some heretykes beleue that ye same lawe procedeth of a uste and nat of a good god / whan it souneth welnere nothyng elles than the mercies of our lorde. Howe moche lesse is it to be maruailed / if Paule thapostle in the .ii. pistle to the Thessal. accordyng to the prophettis wordes writeth in this wyse: Blessed be god and father of our lorde Iesu Christe / father of mercyes / & lorde of al cōsolaciō / whiche cōforteth vs in al our tribu¦lacion. The apostle somwhat addeth to mercy, for it is a poynt of mercy to {per}done offence done: here whiche is moche more / god of a reuēger is made a cōforter. These thynges we haue repeted of the holy scripture / to thentent that we by that fygure of spekyng myght vnderstande the signified exce∣dyng and vnspekeable mercy of god towarde eue∣ry body / and in all yls. The same is shewed by an other figure / whiche is eyther Anadiplosis, that in latin one may calle Cōduplicatio, orels nerest to Ana∣diplosis. For as the Hebrewes call that good good / that they reken to be excedyng good / and yll yll yt is excedyng yll: so likewise in holy scripture god is ofte called pitefull and mercifull / for the excedyng greatnes of his mercy. So ye rede in the psalme Cxliiij. Our lorde is pitefull and merciful / and as though that also were a small thynge / he addeth: Pacient and moche merciful. Agayne in an other psalme: Our pitefull & mercifull lorde hath made remēbrāce of his marueiles. Lykewyse in Iohel, Rente your hartes and nat your clothes / for our lorde god is pitefull and mercifull, and sorowynge for malices. And in the prophet Ieremie: Ther∣fore my bowelles haue ben troubled vpon hym / I piteynge shall haue mercy on them / saythe our lord. What is piteyng to haue mercy / but to haue mercy out of meaure? To this poynt {per}teyneth / that sythe it is infinite / what so euer is in god: yet it that amōge men sowneth vnto vice / holy writte semeth to ascribe vnto hym / certeyne ouer moche and vnmoderate mercy. I wolde your goodnesse shulde so take this sayeng / as {per}swaded nothynge to be in god that sowueth to any vice / shuld vnder∣stande / that vnder y• figure the holy scripture sub∣mytyng it selfe to mānes {per}ceyuyng / signyfyeth a marueilous & an īcredible excesse of diuine mercy. Whiche thynge yt I may more plainly speake & ye more {per}fectly {per}ceyue / cōsydre this in your mynde. ¶If a kyng shulde stablyshe rigorous lawes on a mankyller / & after he had cōmyttd māslaughter ones wolde {per}done hym / may hap it shuld be ascri∣ued to his clmency. But & he {per}doned hym yt had done yt mischeuous dede .x. tymes or more / wolde nat euery body crie out: The kinges clemēcy is ouer moche, y• ouerthroweth ye strength of ye lawes, & {pro}uoketh ye lewde {per}sones to do wickedly for lacke of punishemēt? Also a father that ones or twise for gyueth his son for spendyng his money lewdly a∣way, may hap shalbe called eay and mylde. If ye same father often tymes gyue his sōne money / so lewdly wastyng hit / wyll nat euery body saye: He is to easy / and by his hyndnes marreth his sōne? And moche more southly hit myght be sayd / if he dyd so to his seruant. More ouer / if an husbande shuld take in worth / if his wyfe were takē ones in auoutry, vndouted euery body wolde marueyle to fynde so meke an husbande. But & ye womā soone after breke her wedlocke, & is takē ī auoutry nowe with one nowe with an other / if he thā toke her to hym agayne / wolde nat all the people say he were a starke fole, orels his wiues baude? But god yt is our kynge / our father / our lorde, our spouse, excp∣teth no kynde of syn, he prescribet no nōbre of syn¦nyng, as ofte as we amēde he releaseth our peine: whiche his euerlastynge lawe thretneth / he recey∣ueth vs in to his household / he leadeth vs ī to the chābre of his charite / & he nat onely receyueth vs but also forgyueth all our offēces. The shepe that was lost he carieth home on his shulders to ye cote agayne: he stereth the congregation of holy folke to reioyce to gether / he mereth the riottous childe returnyng home frō far cuntrey / he offereth hym a fayre gowne and a rynge / he cōmandeth to kylle a goodly calfe. What thyng els signifieth all this / but vnmoderate / & if I may so saye) ouermoche mercy of god. But nowe it semeth lesse marueile / if a mn forgyue a man offēdyng / that also other while doth offēce hym selfe likewise / or may offēd, if a kynge {per}done hym / yt somtyme dyd hym good profitable seruice: or if the father forgyue his son / whose cōuersaciō he feleth doth ease his olde age: if a mayster forgyue is seruant / by whose labour he partly lyueth: if the husbāde forgyue his wyfe taken in auoutrie / with whom other while he lea∣deth his life pleasantly. Amōge men he that some time {per}doneth dredeth hym that he forgiueth / and other while can nat auēge hym selfe / if he wolde. But god that hath nede of no mā / that may with a becke distroy vs if he wold / so often tymes of vs despised / forsakē / & denied: suffreth / calleth / recey∣ueth / and enbraseth vs. As no loue is more feruēt nor strayter conioynynge / than betwene man and wyfe: so lyke wyse no anger is harder to appease than it yt ryseth by breakyng of wedlocke. And yet here what our mylde lorde saythe by the prophet Esaias to his spouse an auourice / defyled with so many auoutries: It is cōmonly sayd / if a mā for∣sake his wyfe / and she departed frō hym weddeth an other man / shall he retourne to her any more? Shall nat ye womā be poluted and defiled? Truly thou cōmittest fornication with many louers / and yt returne to me (saith our lorde) & I wyl receiue the. A maried mā wyl nat take his wyfe agayne / whom parauenture he forsoke for a small faute or cause / if she after ye deuorce be wedded to an other mā. For wedlockis loue can nat suffe ye cōpany of an other man. But yet god doth nat disdayne his spouse / for whom he suffred dethe / whiche for him selfe he purified with his bloud / y• so ofte wylfully runneth away / and abandoneth her selfe to so ma∣ny vncleane wyghtis / if she wyll returne agayne. And it is no marueile / if he haue ouermoche mer∣cy / yt hath ouermoche charite towarde vs. Paule bassheth nat to wryte thus to the Ephesiens: We were by nature the children of anger / lyke as the other were / but god that is riche in mercy / for his ouermoche charite / that he loued vs with / & whā we were deed ī syns, he quickened vs all to gether in Christe. Iohan in his gospell expresseth more playnly ye ouermoche charite of ye father towarde vs. God / sayth he / loued so the worlde / yt he wolde gyue his onely begotten son, that who so euer bele¦ueth in hym shal nat perishe / but haue euerlastȳg lyfe / with whom Paule agreeth tunably / writȳg to y• Romayns: whiche also spared nat his owne son / but delyuered hym for vs all: howe / gaue he nat vs all thynges with hym? If this grea ha∣rite / this so great mercy / shulde be conferred to all humayn charite & mercy / & to our merites / wolde hit nat well seme vnmoderate? But rewly it shall appere moche more veritable / if we cōsyder what he is / that so loueth vs / & so sheweth his mercy on vs / & what we be / that god vouchesafeth so great honour. Let eche loke on him selfe / after the name in baptisme gyuen / after Satanas forsaken with his pompis / howe oft he forsaketh the sacrament and yeldeth hym to thennemy of his spouse, howe oft after absoluciō of his synnis receiued of ye prest he slydeth into more greuous offences / ye how oft ye same day he falleth in to them / that he aborred? Lette no body most dere bretherne dissemble with hym selfe / who so euer stealeth or cōmitteth auou∣try / who so euer ēuieth or sklandreth his brother / who so euer coueteth wordly honors / leaueth his spouse Christe / turneth away from his father, for∣saketh his king, and fleeth away far frō his lorde. But {per}auenture we shall haue a littell after a more conuenient place to speke of these thynges. ¶ Nowe to thende ye may more fully vnderstand / howe largely the exceding mercy of god spredeth, ye must vnderstāde / yt in holy writte the cleapyng of mercy signifieth somtyme liberalyte / somtyme grace preuētyng / somtyme auāsynge / other while cōfortyng / agayne other where healyng, but very oftē forgyuyng / orels also punyshynge. For surely after my mynde / that ye our lorde spekth in Luke. Be mercifull like as your father is mercifull / per∣teyneth specially to liberalite. For {per}fecte liberalite is / if one do good to his ēnemes. Mattheus saith hit more playnly in a lyke sayeng of our lorde: Be ye (sayth he) {per}fect / lyke as your father celestiall is perfect / that maketh his son to shyne on good and yll / and sendeth rayne to iuste and vniuste. But bi¦cause we haue nothyng / that we ne receyued frely of god / what euer we maye or be / what so euer we possesse / it is the mercy of god. Yea that he created angels / and this worlde / is the mercy of god. If he had created hit for hym selfe / the power or wise∣dome myghte be preysed. Nowe / seynge he hath wroughte all these thynges for vs / knowe nat we the excedyng great mercy of god? For whom mo∣uen ye celestiall bodies aboue? For whom shyneth the sonne by daye / The moone and the sterres by nyght / but for mā? For whose profit were all these thynges wrought / whā they were nothyng? For whom make the hangyng cloudes shadowe / and moyst the feldes? For whom bloweth the wynde? For whom runne the ryuers / the welles sprynge / the see ebbe and flowe / the pondis stāde stylle? For whom engendreth the plētifull erthe so many bea∣stis / and bryngeth forthe so moche ryches / but for man? For he subdued euery thynge vnto man / he wold man shulde onely be subiect to hym: lyke as wytnesseth Paule writyng to the Corinthies. All thynges be yours / but ye be of Christe / & Christe is of god. And it that Moises sheweth in Genesis the .viij. psalme repeteth / marueylyng at ye good∣nes of god / that of his mercy hath gyuen to man so many benfites. What is man saythe he / that thou remembrest hym / or the sonne of man / that thou visetest hym? Thou haste made hym lyttell lsse thā angels / thou hast crowned hym with glo¦ry and honour / and hast set hym aboue ye warkes of thy handes. Thou haste subdued all vnder his feet / shepe and oxen euerichone / yea and more bea¦stes of the felde / byrdes of the ayre / and fyshes of the see. I wyll say yet that is higher: We be boūd to the mercy of god for the heuēly angels. Beleue nat my worde / without Paule teache it playnly / writyng to the Hebrewes / and speking of angels. Be nat saythe he / all spirites seruantes in seruice sent for theyr sake / that receyue the inheritance of saluacion? And bothe in ye olde and newe testamēt we oftē rede yt by ministracion of angels ye hūgry were refreshed / prisoners dliuered / coūtres ouer∣rōne / ye good folke cōforted with ioyfull tydynges. More ouer our lorde hym selfe in the gospel sayth: Theyr angels beholde alway the face of ye father, that is in heuen. What is more marueilous than this worthynes / angels gyuen to sely men as go∣uernours to children? Therfore what so euer thou hast man / truely thou hast all thinges while thou remaynest in Christe / thou shuldest reken to haue it al of his mercy. Otherwise Paule wyll stampe & crie out vpon the: What hast mā that thou hast nat receyued? And if thou haste receyued it / why magnifiest thy selfe / as yu dyddest nat receyue hit? Farther / what yuell so euer thou seest in other / a∣knowlege the mercy of god preuētyng y•: Wherof Dauid nat in one place sayth: And his mercy shal preuēt me. Thou art no bastarde borne / nor lame / nor blynde / thou art nat poore / nor dulwitted / like as many be borne / gyue thākes to ye mercy of god preuētynge the. What so euer hurtes happē to an other mā myght haue chanced to the / nere that ye mercy of god had defended the. Agayne / thou art none aduoutrer / no false forswere / no mankyller / no churche robber / lyke as (alas) ouer many be, a∣knowlege the mercy of god, for thou shuldest haue ben / and the mercy of god had nat kepte the. A man on a tyme yt coude good skele in phisnomy iuged Socrates to his disciples / to be a man desi∣rous of ryot / & ouermoche gyuen to lechery / they knowyng theyr maisters incredible tēperāce / {per}tly laughed him to scorne, and partly disdained hym. Socrates blamed them & praysed hym / sayenge. He hath diuined truly / all this had I ben / if phy∣losophie had nat taught me tēperāce. But moche more southly y• right holy man Francis asriueth vnto diuine mercy / that Socrates yeldeth to phi∣losophie. For on a tyme whā his felowe / of him cō¦manded so to do / had reuiled hym with what so e∣uer wordes a mischeuous caytiue is wont to be re¦buked / callynge hym churche robber / mankyller / backebiter / poller / & poysoner, he toke it most paci∣ently / and bewayled him selfe yt he was suche one. An other tyme whan his felowe asked him why he ōpelled hym to make so many lies vpon an in∣noēt for none of al these thȳges were ī him he an¦swered: Thou dost nat lye, for al these had I ben / yea & moche more / nere yt ye mercy of god kept his seruant frō those synnes. And ye mercy of god doth nat only preuent & prouoke vs to goodnes / but al∣so helpeth vs entprisynge / accōpanieth vs goyng forth, and in conclusion gyueth vs puissance, yt we may {per}fourme that mannes strengthes coude nat do. Me semeth the apostle Paule signifieth suche a maner of mercy in many places / but specially in gretynges / besechyng grace and peace. In pi∣stils to Timotheus also he addeth mercy. And cer¦tes without preiudice of a better sentence / if any haue it to shewe / I thynke grace {per}teyneth to cal∣lynge of vs / for we be called by fayth / yt is beleue. This fayth is the free gyfte of god / and therfore they to whom it happeth, are for it bonde to the di¦uine mercy. Mercy {per}teyneth to dyuers gyftes di∣stributed to eche after the measure of his faythe. Peace longeth to the innocēcy of all the lyfe / with out whiche / frēdship with god can nat he had / nor true cōcorde with our bretherne. Ueryly as oft as we be deliuered frō iuels that we be greued with / we shulde nat repute it to the sterres / to Fortune / nor to our prudēce / but we ought to ascriue it al to ye mercy of god. No man tangled in the bodes o syn can be deliuered / excepte he be holpe by diuine mercy. This teacheth the psalme. Cxxix. For our lorde hath great mercy / and in hym is plentyfull redempcion and he wyll redeme Israel frō all ini∣quities thero. Farther / that the mercy of god de∣lyuereth vs also frō bodily harmes / Paule decla∣reth writyng to the Philippēses: Epaphroditus was sicke yea nere deed: but god saythe he / pitied hȳ / & nat only hym / but also me / lest I shuld haue had sorowe vpon sorowe. Nor there is no differēce bitwene mercy helpyneg and cōfortyng / saue that we be holpe / whā ye yuels be takē away yt greued vs / but mercy cōforting is at hande / as oft as in ye myddes of afflictions i tempereth the grefe of ad¦uersite with mynglyng of ioyull thȳges / causing frute with tēptation / as Paule sayth / wherby we may susteyne hit. And the same yuels ofte tymes are sente of god pitynge / wherby we may ither purge our yl dedes cōmytted / orels withdrawe vs that we commytte no mo / or to mynistre vs mat∣ter to exercise vertue. In suche wyse Abrahā was tēpted / so Iob was exercised in dyuers troubles / so who so euer lyued well in Iesu Christe / werein this worlde proued by dyuers aflictiōs / as golde is by the fyer. Where be they that murmure a∣gaynst god, as oft as to them happeth bodily sicke¦nes / or deth of theyr children or wyfe / or as ofte as they haue losse of househole stouffe / or as ofte as theyr felde frutes fayle / nat vnderstandynge these to be the most certeyne tokens of god piteyng vs? Let vs rather here what Solomō monisheth vs: My sonne / caste nat awaye the teachynge of our lorde / nor leaue hym nat / whan he correcteth the: For hym yt our lorde loueth he correcteth: and deli∣teth in him as a father in his childe. Paule to the Hebrewes repeteth this sentence / changyng som∣what the wordes. For whom our lorde loueth he chastiseth: he scourgeth forsothe euery childe that he admytteth. Therfore mooste welbeloued bre∣thern̄ as oft as ye storme of aduersite assaileth you cōtinue in discipline / as Paule coūsaileth / knowe∣yng yt god offreth hym vnto you as vnto childrē / here the voyce of the father mercifully correctyng his children in ye psalme. lxxxviij. If they violate my iusticis / and kepe nat my cōmandementes / I wyll visete theyr iniquites by the rodde / and their synnes by beatynges. But I wyl nat throwe my mercy frō hym / nor I wyl nat hurt in my trouth. And lyke wyse Paule thretneth the chyldren that he loueth / sayeng: What wolde ye / shal I come to you by the rodde / or in the spirite of hyndnes and mekenes? But the same Paule saythe: What ne∣deth me to iuge of them yt be without? No voyce is more bytter and sharpe vnto chyldren / than to here theyr father saye: Do what ye wyll / I care nat. For thus sayth he that myndeth to disherite. Surely this fatherly hyndnes is sharper than a∣ny chydynge. Therfore as sufferance is cruell / so correction is mercifull. The iuste man saythe: He shal correct me in his mercy / and shal rebuke me / but the oyle of the synner shall nat grece my heed. Paulus Emilius the Romayn capitayn whiche being prosperous in all his dedes, diuined yt some great iuel was cōmynge. And Polycrates ye tyrā of Samiens went alway about to redeme ye enuy of fortune, flateryng with losse of a ring most pre∣cious. Howe moche more ought we drede lyuyng wickedly / lest the iuste vengeance of god hange o∣uer vs / whan the prosperite of temporall goodes flater vs longe. For whan god in the prophecies wyll expresse his vnpeasable anger / he thretneth to take away his rodde from them / and that by af¦flictiōs he wyl nat redresse their sinnes. God kepe vs most dere bretherne from suche felicite. But ra¦ther, if ye mercy of our father vouchesafe vs ought of welth / we must thāke hym, & be carefull lest we any where shulde abuse his liberalite. And if ad∣uersite greue vs / we shuld no lesse thankyng hym submit vs holly to his arbitremēt. To haue helth of body, thou submittest the to the phisician a mā, thou sufferest ye surgian to bynde / cut / and burne / wylte nat submyt the to thy maker / lorde / father / and sauiour / that thou maist haue thy soule helth euerlastynge? Thou darst nat lymyt to the leche / thus and by this reason heale me: and shal we cō∣dicion with god / howe he shulde {pro}uide for our sou¦les helthe? Paule thapostle suffed thangel of the deuyl to assayle hym and gyue hym blowes / for so it was expediēt to reteyne the gyftes that he had receyued. Whan I am weake sayth he / than am I stronge. And he glorifieth gladly in his infirmi¦tes / that he myghte possesse the vertue of Christe dwellynge in hym. What be we / that refuse this mercy of god / by dyuerse afflictions / as hit were with bytter playsters / procurynge our helthe? The cōmon people whā they se one yt is descēded of high linage / hauing abūdāce of riches, helth of body / & heaped in honors / are wont to say: Howe moche is he boūde to god? Thus iuge they / that esteme felicite in those thing is, yt e seen outward. But he that examyneth the thynge after the iuge¦mēt of god / shall fynde ofē tymes the lowe byrth / poore / sickely / & ye out cast amōge men more boūde to ye mercy of god than these ioly felowes / that the grosse multitude maketh egall to goddis. Heape to gether as moche of vnwelthynes as thou wylt / touchynge ye worlde / yet if yu by these tēporel yuels redeme felicite euerlasting / yu art abūdātly happy. ¶Nowe forgyuyng mercy / whiche also we cleape Clemency / euery mā knoweth / saue he that thyn∣keth hym selfe gyltles frō all syn. But what sayth thapostle Iohn̄? If we say we be without synne / we be lyers / and there is no treuth in vs. And if ye sterres be nat clere in ye syghte of god / and if in his angels he foūde wickednes / if no creature be pure in the syght of god / yea nat a childe of a day olde / whiche of vs may glorifie to haue a chaste harte? Many seme rightous amōge men / before god no man is iuste: but al our iusticis are as it were the clothe of a womā defiled with ye menstruous flixe. Paule {per}ceyueth howe the carnall lawe in his mē∣bres stryueth agaynst the lawe of the mynde / and crieth out: I vnhappy creature / who shall deliuer me from the body of this dethe: Iob with a iuste mans title honoured / is nat foūde clene fautles by the talkynge of god. Also he the prophet Dauid dredeth the iugement of god / nere that it were a∣layed with moche mercy. Thou shuldest nat ētre good lorde sayth he / in iugement with thy seruāt for truely no lyuyng creature shalbe foūde iuste in thy syght. ¶Nowe let eche of vs entre in to the chambre of his conscience / and consider howe ma∣ny wayes / howe ofte / howe greuously he hath of∣fended god / yea with what sondry vices al our be∣nefittes are defiled: and so than he shal vnderstād howe moche he is bounde to the excedynge great mercy of god: that so paciently suffereth our fe∣blees / that by so many occasions stereth vs to re¦pentance / that so swetely forgyueth all our offen∣ces / whan we leaue our wickednes. To al these I wyl adde, that shal seme to some nat very {pro}uable. Whan god distroyeth ye wycked lyuers / yt rōne to the hiest point of malice / and casteth them downe in to helle / yet than he forgetteth nat his mercy. He delyuereth ye Hebrewes / diuidynge ye wawes of the see / and drowneth Pharao with his garde. Mercy was on bothe sydes / helpyng towarde his people / punyshyng toward the kyng ful of despe∣rate malice / lest he shulde / heapyng synnes vpon sinnes / purchase hym selfe more greuous peynes in helle. The healyng mercy was / that god by so many plages stered hym to do penāce. And nowe he, assailed with so many yuels / began to repent: but after he repented hym selfe agayne of his hel∣thfull repentance / & sayd: I knowe nat our lorde / nor I wyll nat let ye people go. Nor yet he moued with so great myracle ceassed nat to pursue them: but blynded with anger / boldly entred in to ye see / God of his mercy oppressed his desperate malice / that whan he wolde nat be healed / he shulde more easily perishe. The ame ought to be demed of the other examples of cruelte / that be rehersed in bo∣kes of the olde testament / as of them that the fire burned, the groūde swalowed, ye sword distroyed / the serpentes deuoured. For in the gospels the ex∣amples of vengeance are fewer / but all of mercy. Hit was an easy correction / that Elymas stryken with sodayne blȳdnes / was taught nat to stryue agaynst ye worde of the gospell. Paule deliuered a fewe to Satanas in affliction of the fleshe / that ye soule myght be saued at ye day of dome: and they corrected with shame, shulde turne to better frute. There is no example more rigorous than of Ana∣nias and Saphiras / that by Peters correctiō fell downe deed sodeynly / and yet it is vncerteyn whe∣ther theyr soules by dethe of the body are saued. Finally the punishement that the damned soules of yll lyuers suffre in helle / is lesse thā theyr meri∣tis. And there be some / yt esteme the mercy of god so great / yt they beleue that ye wicked spirites also and dāned soulis / ones after many seasons gone a¦bout, shall be receiued to grace. Though this opi∣nion stayeth on a great autor / yet it hath bē repro∣ued by ye {per}fect fathers of our fayth: whiche onely we reherse for this entent / that we maye declare / what an excedȳg great opiniō mē most highly ler∣ned conceyued of the mercy of god: whiche nyght & day were occupied in holy bokes / whiche synge / extolle / and magnifie welnere nothynge elles but the mercy of god. ¶ Nowe if it be shewed suffici∣ently / what euer we be or haue touchȳg goodnes that we be defēded frō iuels depēdyng / that we be delyuered frō hurtes oppressyng, that in the myd∣des of tribulacions / refreshed with heuenly com∣fort, we abyde stronge & lusty, that by temporal af∣flictions we be eyther instructed to repentance / or exercised to {per}fect vertue / that our syns done be nat to vs imputed / whereinto so oft we slide / cometh al of the mercy of god: that ye may more clerely per∣ceyue the excedyng heyght / breade / and depenes therof / I pray you that with me ye wyl a lytell be∣holde your selfe inwardly / fyrst in yt party through whiche ye be most lothsome / & after in that wher∣by ye excelle / lastely ye muste regarde the yls that outwarde hange ouer and cōpasse you about / and agayne to ȳe bounties, of whom the hope is to you shewed. The contemplacion of all these thynges wyll teche vs the largenes of diuine mercy / wher of verily is neyther measure nor nombre. ¶If we beholde this small body the pype or litel house of our soule / vneth one may fynde any beast more weaker / lothsom, ye or more wretched. If ye enquere ye begynnyng / the fyrst of our kynde was of claye. Nowe let euery mā cōsider this / howe li∣tell or nothyng is the great pōposenes / what euer is of the humor / of whose cōielaciō the principles of mankynde take begynnyng / whan as yet it is hyd in the womans wombe. Than howe far that humor distāteth from hipocras and deyntie mea∣tes / wherwith the childe nat borne is norished. I wyl nat reherse here ye filthines of mākȳdis byrth only that ye haue ofte seen, call to mynde. What is more wretched thā mākyndis byrth? Howe longe & howe perillous be ye panges of women trauay∣lyng? What miserable wailynges? At last ye child hit selfe crepyng forth soone from wepyng & way∣lyng begynneth the life. And where as Nature to all other beastis as soone as they come forthe / gy∣ueth diuers as coueringis or defenses / shels / bar∣kes / thicke skyns / prickes / heares / bristils / quils / fethers, scales, flissis, & also other while defendeth the stūpes & trees from colde & hete with a double barke: only mankinde naked, & on ye bare groūde the day of his byrth she casteth out / forth with to wepe and wayle, who wold nat iuge in this point ye a chekyn crept out of the broken shell more hap¦py thā mākinde? Farther / se howe he is swadled / his mouth totheles, his touge specheles, his eies can nat suffre ye newe lyght / and fareth as it wold entre the darknes of the mothers wōbe agayne / that he lefte, ye moulde quauereth longe / a tokē a∣mōge al beastis of greattest weakenes, brefely all the litel body is weake / in whiche is no membre yt doth his dewty. Most part of all other beastis as soone as they be brought forth, emplie ye gyftes of their nature. Some are swyft, as horses. As soone as ye buterflie cometh out of the skyn it fleeth: It is no sure wrastling with a leons whelpe. As soone as fyshes be spaumed they swymme: Tadpolles rollen them selfe with great swyftnes before they may be called or haue any shap of frogges: onely what other thynge can mankynde do by course of nature but wepe? Howe longe lerneth he to go? Whan he hath lerned to go on .11. feet / howe longe must he lerne to speke? ye he can nat fede / outcept he be taught. Adde nowe y• many kyndes of sicke∣nessis / that vneth can be rehersed / and specially ye newe / that it is harde to heale them / howe be it a∣mōge the olde many be vncurable. Som take mā¦kinde soone after the byrth / som also in the byrth / as lepre / fallȳg yuel / wherby many dye or they be¦gyn to lyue. And this whyle I speke nothynge of them that be borne with many defautis of nature & mysshapen. Nowe let eche cōsyder this by hym selfe / what dōmages he hath suffred ī youth / how fugitiue youth is / howe carefull mans state / how wretched / olde age: and so forth howe short ye holle lyfe / though one hap to be olde / whiche yet chan∣ceth to very fewe. Who so euer of you is at mānes state / let hym rekē the course of the life past / & coūt fro what sickenessis / frō what great perils he is e∣scaped / & let him thanke ye mercy of god. Uerily I wolde reken amōge bodily yuels as principal / the sedes of all maner vicis faste routed in vs / howe greatly to āger / to bodily pleasure / to riot / to ēuy / to ābicion / to couetousnes / to robbery / frō our mo∣thers wombe we be enclined: where all other bea∣stis lyuen lowably wih in the desyres of nature What a labour is it to vs all to wrastll with these leauynges of olde Adā? to howe fewe lucky? The soule is ouer loded with the weyght of yt erthy bo∣dy: and whether it wyll or wyl nat / is drowned in these thynges that it aloweth nat. Farther more cōsydre / what rout of yuels nuion vs without / and ye shal fynde yt many mo perishe by chāce thā sickenes. Howe many be distroyed by lyghtnyng / erth quakes / groūde openynges / lakes / floddes of ye see and ryuers / infectous aer / venom / wyld bea∣stis / fallyng of huge thinges, yll phisiciōs: but no way greatter distruction than through warres? But all these myscheues thretten to distroye but the body. Howe many dāgers hange ouer ye soule? fro ye fleshe a houshold ēnemy / fro the worlde nowe flattryng that it may strangle / nowe ragyng that it may oppresse / fro wicked spirites yt oher whyle transfigure them selfe lyke angels of lyght. Who dredeth nat of these ye multitude / powers / disceit / malyce / and vnsaciable desyre to distroye? Nowe who amōge these yuels wold it nat nere slee / deth certayne to eche / the day vncertayne / the rigorous∣nes of thextreme dome / the peynes of hell euerla∣stynge? I se you tremble at thonly remēbrynge of these so great myscheues / and no wronge: but the more ye here of yuels and dāgers / the more ye be boūde to the mercy of god / whiche amōge al these yls nat onely defēdeth those that trust theron / but also turneth all these thynges to vs in occasion of more felicite. What so euer calamite we haue here we may wyte it the syn of olde Adam: but for the felicite in stede of calamite to vs yelden more plēti∣fully / we ought to thāke the newe Adam / that is Christ Iesu of all creatures preysed ye world with∣out ende. Satanas expelled vs out of Paradyse / Christe for therthly paradise opened vs the heuē∣ly kyngdome. The serpent droue vs to dyuers so∣rowes of this life / Christ restored vs to ioyes euer¦lasting of lyfe īmortall. Satanas by his gyle got vs bodily deth / Christ by his mercy rewarded vs lyfe etnal / to whom who so euer with a pure harte yeldeth hym / nedeth to drede no kinde of ēnemies. He ouercame the worlde / he vanquished all Sata∣nas tyrāny / he turned ye fleshe in to spirite. That he ouercame is of his power: yt he ouer came for vs / is of his mercy. Let vs honour his mercifull myght / and take fruicion of his myghtyfull mer∣cy. All thynges we may do by hym / that maketh vs mighty / if we abide with hym: al thinges we possesse by hȳ / ī whom is al goodnes euery where vs defendyng / aydyng / cōfortyng / & encresyng by his mercy / lyke as the prophet sayth in ye psalme: Mercy wyll enuiron them that truste in our lorde. To what great ils are they subiect / that put their trust in bodily gyftes / in riches / in chares / in hor∣ses / in worldly prudēce / in theyr merites & dedes? But by what succours is ye iuste man out of care? Truly sayth he / I trust in ye multitude of thy mer¦cy. And a lytell after: Lorde as with the bucler of thy good wyll hast crowned vs. Whan ye here / Of thy good wyll / ye vnderstāde ye hope of your owne merites to be excluded. Where the strēthes of na∣ture fayle vs / where our merites forsake vs: there mercy succoureth vs. The warriours shyldes co∣ur but one part of the body / the buccler of diuine mercy dothe fensiuely couer vs all aboute / aboue agaynst the fyrie dartes of wycked spirites / that hange ouer vs frō the celestiens: beneth agaynst the slight of the serpent yt wayteth to attrap vs: afore / lest thinges present greue vs: behynde / lest thinges past ēuade vs agayne: on the right hāde lest prosperite make vs insolent: on the lyft hande lest aduersite ouer throwe vs. Trustȳg in this bu∣cler Dauid crieth out: Our lorde is my helper / I wyll not drede what a man can do to me. And in a¦nother place: I wyll nat feare a thousande people cōpassyng me about. But Paule thapostle cryeth out yet more boldly writyng to the Romayns: If god be with vs sayth he / wo shal be agaynst vs? That noble warriour armed hym with al ye har∣neis of the faith / whiche fortifieth vs nat by hope of our warkes / but of diuine mercy. He beȳg bold on this armour, dyd nat only dispise grefe / hūger, pouerte / peril / {per}secutiō: but also the tyrās sword / thretning to sle hym by and by. The humayn cru¦elnes may do nothing / where the mercy of god is redy at hande to defende: yea this is stronger / he dispised beside deth and lyfe / āgels / principalites / vertues / thinges present & to come, fortitude, alti∣tude / depthe / & so forth / if any other creature were in the heuēs / or in erth / or in hell. And this is he, whiche knowing his weakenes calleth hȳ selfe an erthē pot. We haue sayth he / this treasure ī erthē pottes. Fro whens thā hath this britell erthē pot so moche strength? By the grace of god sayth he, I am it that I am. What is the grace of god but ye mercy of god? Let vs gladly glorify with Paule in our infirmites / that the vertue of Christe may dwelle in vs: for so it is more expediēt for vs / that by contēplacion of our miseries / we maye glorifie the mercies of god. And yet the meane while / if it lyke the / beholde thy selfe thou man / in that parte that thou excellest the other beastis. For if thou e∣steme thy selfe after the goodnes of the body, thou seest thou art lower than many brute beastis / the camels in greatnes excede the, in swyftnes the ty∣gers / in strength the buls / in colour the swannes, in apparayle pecockes / in helthines the fyshes / ye if we beleue the prouerbe / welnere all beastes / in quicke syght ye beast lynx & egles / in smellyng gri∣pis, in lōge lyfe hartis and crowes. And yet if one cōsydre ye gyftes of the humayn body / he shal here fȳde wherin he may preyse ye mercy of god. What sagasite of the .v. wittis / what great cōformite of mēbres / howe feet instrumentes to dyuers vses? But of those thinges also Lactantius a mā of sin∣guler eloquēce / cōpiled a boke / whiche he nameth De opificio dei. To rede that boke wyl profit vs mo∣che, if we minde what goodnes is in the body, and as hit all cometh from the mercy of god / to be ser∣uant lyke bonde to diuine obeysance. Other wyse he that wyll glorifie in bodily gyftes / shall by & by here: All flesshe is hey / and all glorie therof is as the flower of hey. Why arte proude thou dost and asshes? Neyther in gyftes of the soule / in whiche parte man is more marueylous / he hath oughte / that he may chalenge as his owne. He that made the body / formed ye soule / ye body he made of slyme and put in the soule with inspiryng of his mouth. And therfore of the other beastes the soule & body perishe to gether / ours is alyue after the body / yl she receyue it agayne in the resurrection {pro}mysed. Nowe howe effectual a thyng the soule is / ye very deth declareth, which assone as she de{per}teth, there lyeth the carkes vnprofitable: where is the hete / where is the colour / where is the mouyng / where is the myght of all the wyttes? And yet while the soule is holden fast tied to this so vnhappy sely bo∣dy / doyng nothyng but through the bodily instru∣mētes / whiche very oft let / yt she can nat put forthe her natiue power / howe maruelous is ye swiftnes and profounde vnderstandynge of mans mynde. What an exceding treasure of remēbrance. What is so hyd in ye secretes of nature / or ī ye heuēs / or in erthe / that mans wyt can nat marke / {per}ceiue / and discusse? It is a great thyng / that many by situa∣cion and mouynge of the sterres shewe what shall fall many yeres to cōme: but it is more that by ye thinges wrought / the euerlastȳg power and god∣heed of the same worker is founde out / wytnes is Paule: Howe moche is the swiftnes of mās wyt / ī howe short space / howe many thinges doth mās wyt beholde at ones? But howe xcedeth y• might of memory, that truly obserueth ye shaps of so ma∣ny thinges / & so many names of thynges cōmyt∣ted to her by ye ministracion of the wyttes? I wyll speke nothyng here of them / yt haue lerned so ma∣ny sciences so harde to knowe / & so many lāgages & that that they lerned / they reteyne styl. Let him that wyll of you thynke / howe many folkes faces & names he remēbreth / howe many shaps of bea∣stis / trees / herbes / places / and of other īnumera∣ble thȳges he knoweth / and memorially cleapeth them by name. The comon people calle these gyf∣tes of nature / whā ī dede they be gyftes of diuine mercye / whiche are departed to eche nat after our merites / but after his benignite. Al these thinges bicause ye prodigal child abused to ye pleasure of hu¦mayn wyl / nat only it is nat withdrawē that was gyuen / but by grace more abundantly beralite of gyftes is added. By lawe he instructed vs / by his son̄e whom holle he gaue to vs / he taught vs the secretes of god / by his spirite he enriched our sou∣les with dyuers gyftes / passyng mannes power. He gyueth vnderstanding of misticall scriptures / that gyue lyght and comfort to vs in all yls, he gy¦ueth forknowlege of thynges to come / he gyueth tonges to speke sondry langages / to cōtempne ve∣nom / to heale sycknesses / to reyse the deed / to con∣fode noyful spirites / he gyueth power to ouercōe hel gates / he graūteth vs to be mēbres of Christ / childrē of god, {per}teners of the kyngdome celestial / that neuer shall haue ende. Here cot to me wher∣of thou were made / without dout on the one part claye, thā howe moche vnder ye cōdiction of beastis syn threwe the. Agayne / to what dignite / to what felicite thou art called / & thā thou shalt clerely se / ye mercies of our lorde haue neyther nūbre nor mea∣sure. What is more despised thā scarbetes? Yet is a scarbet pure ī cōparison to ye filthines of a sȳner. What is hygher than angels? Were hit nat out of al measure to make an angell of a scarbet? Nowe mā more abiect than a scarbet / he made greatter thā angel / I may boldly say / he made hym a god. For why shulde nat I dare boldly say it yt the scrip¦ture doth: I sayd ye be goddis / and excellent chil¦dren? What so euer cometh of god is made in a ma¦ner god. What so euer is ioyned to the body & spi∣rite of Christe / cometh in to the felowshyp and {per}t∣takyng of his name. Here if nothing be that thou to thy merites mayst ascribe / glorifie the mercy of god / worship the mercy of god / enbrace & kysse the mercy of god. If that any go about to claime any part of this to hym selfe / Paule thapostle wyll by & by crie out agaynst hym / yelding all these thyn∣ges to the grace of god. All his pistils soūde out ye worde of grace: whiche as oft as thou hereste vn∣derstāde ye mercy of god to ye cōmended. Of grace it is / that we be purged frō synne / through grace we beleue / of grace it is that by his spirite charite is spredde in our hartes / wherby we do good war∣kes. For we be nat sufficient by our selfe / as of our selfe: but al our ablenes cometh frō god. If Paule sayd trouthe / where be those shameles felowes / yt selle to euery body theyr good warkes / as though they had so moche at home / that they myghte en∣ryche other? They be miserable / that so selle their good dedes / cursed they be that trust in mēs war∣kes. Who that is greued with the fyrst disease / let hym here what the churche Laodicēs hereth in ye Apocalyps. Thou sayst: I am riche and plētifull and nede nothyng / and knowest nat that thou art a wretche / miserable / poure / blinde / & naked. But they also syn more greuously / that of thabundāce of theyr good warkes promyse other ryches. But what coūsaileth the holy gost suche folke? I coun∣sayle the sayth he / to bye firy golde of me proued / that thou mayste be ryche in dede. And thou that knowest thyn owne pouerte / why beggest of beg∣gers? S. Iames sayth: If any want wysdome / lette him aske it of god, that gyueth to eche abun∣dantly / and abraydeth none therof. Euery good gyft / & euery {per}fect gyft descendeth frō aboue frō ye father of lyghtes. And askest thou of a mā ye gar∣ment of good warkes / whiche is ye more piteously naked / the more gayely he rekeneth hym selfe clo∣thed? Aknowlege thy misery / and ye mercy of god is redy. Amōge mē / whiche abrayd one a other of a good turne / whiche for one pleasure loke to haue many / is nohtynge derer bought / than it that is bought with prayers: with god nothyng is so fr as that yt is bought with .ij. litel peces of money / prayer & hope, for he that wyll sell his mercy, hath gyuē vs ye same price to pay for it. ¶we haue spo∣kē many thinges welbeloued bretherne of ye mer∣cy of god / but there is moche more to saye / if we shuld repete all thynges of holy scripture / whiche preyse & cōmēde to vs ye greatnes of diuine merci. The remenāt is / yt I wyl exhort you in fewe wor∣des / yt none through presumpcion make hym selfe vnworthy of the mercy of god / that is so redy: or through yll corage of mȳde despeyre of ye mercy of god. And after we wyl shortly declare / what thyn¦ges {pro}uoke the mercy of god. And so make an ende of our sermō / if the mercy of our lord vouchesafe to be present and fauorable vnto me spekyng to you. God aborreth nothynge so mohe as pryde & ob∣staclenes: for he resisteth the proude / and gyueth grace to the hūble. To this blynd madnes & mad blyndnes many are brought throughe {pro}sperite of tēporal goodes / whiche as forgetfull of theyr ma∣ker they lyuen after theyr pleasure / so moche vn∣thoughtfull to amende theyr lyfe / that they boost vngratiousnes / stronge & myghty in wickednes. And as we rede ī an other place: They oste their yll doynge / and reioyce in most vngratious thyn∣ges: Wherof Solomon writeth: The wicked mā whan he cometh to the bottū of yls / he is careles. And of suche folke Paule wrytethe: God gyueth them a peruersed iugement / to do those thynges / that be nat comely. Some of them promise them selfe / that they shall skape vnpunyshed for euer / & despise holsome monyshyon / and wyll nat here of suche thynges as shulde prouoke them to repen∣tance / sayeng: Let god haue heuen hym selfe / let hym leaue vs the erth. Of these speketh Moyses in his canticle / whan ater many great benefites of god to the people of Israell remembred / he ad∣deth: My welbeloued is waxed grosse & kycketh: he is waxed fat and broode: he hath forsaken god his maker, and is departed from god his sauiour. The psal. 72. peynteth this maner of mē: They be nat in the labour of mē / & they shall nat be scor∣ged with mē. Bycause pride reteineth them / they be couered with iniquite & theyr wickednes / they be gone in to affectiō of hert. They haue thought and spoken leudnes, and they haue talked wicked∣ly agaynst almyghty god. They haue sette theyr mouth agaynst the heuen / and theyr tōge is gone ouer in erthe. But herke what ende foloweth this vnhappy felicite. But yet for all theyr wyles thou hast begyled them / thou dyddest cast them downe whā they wold arien vp. Howe were they discō∣ted? they fayled sodaynly / & perished for their wic∣kednes. Good lorde ī thy cite shalt reduce ye image of them to naught / as ye dreame of them that ryse frō slepe. On them that folowing Lucifers exam∣ple ryse vp agaynst god / shall fall yt our lorde thret¦neth in ye gospell: I sawe Satanas as lightnyng fal from heuen. And Corozaim through abūdance of transitory thynges wickedly swellyng, hereth: Wo to the Corozaim / for thou that ate nowe lyfte vp to heuen by thy pryde / shalt be plucte downe to helle by the vēgeance of god. Paule also somtyme on trust of his coūtrey lawes was fierce & proude / & thretned to slee the disciples of our lorde / and for t by the ryght hande of god ouerthrowen to the erth he hereth: It is harde for ye to kycke agaȳst ye pricke. But bycause in his dede was errour and nat wayward malice / he optayned mercy. Assone as he aknowleged his syn / god forgaue hym / and nat only forgaue hym / but also of a wolfe he made hym a shepe / & of a tyran a postle. But the curse of god hangeth ouer them that continue in synne / at laste beynge indurated and obstinate therin / wyll nat vnderstāde to do well: whiche say to god: Go thy way frō vs / we wyl nat haue knowlege of thy wayes. Agayne they yt Esaie speaketh of / whiche our lorde calling to wepyng / waylyng, cuttyng of theyr heare / and to weare shertes of heare / they make myrth and reuell / kylling calues / and sacri∣fieng shepe / yt they may eate the fleshe / and drinke wyne / sayeng: Let vs eate and drynke / for to mo∣rowe we shal dye. And they as the same prophet sayth / that scorne the thretninges of god / steryng them to repēt: Byd byd agayne / byd byd agayne, abyde abyde agayne / abyde abyde agayne / a litel there a lytell there. And the whiche say agayne in an other place: We wyll nat here our lorde / but we wyll dye in our synnes: to these as ye olde {pro}uerbe sayth / Pacience oft greued turneth in to madnes: and the mercy of our lorde despised / is turned in to greuouser dampnacion. For our lorde mocked in Esaie answereth after: The sayeng of our lorde to them shal be: Byd byd agayne / byd byd agayne / abyde abyde agayne / abyde abyde agayne / a litel there a lytell there / that they may go & fall backe∣warde / and be all to rent / and attrapped / & taken. These vnhappy folke go / left in theyr yll desires / alway waxyng worse / they fall in to the pyt of wic∣kednes / they be tangled in the cordes of syn / they be takē in the net of euerlasting dānacion / leading theyr dayes amōge theyr goodes / & in a moment they go to hell. O very wretched creatures / & hol∣ly gyuē to distructiō / whiche like as beastis be fat∣ted to be kylde / whom neither the enormite of syn maketh to forgette pryde / nor so great hyndnes of god tēdreth them to repēt. The mercy of god suf∣freth the so ofte to synne / yt thou shuldest amende / he gyueth the space to repent, & in the mean while he taketh nat frō the his benignite / he gyueth the good helth / he gyueth the riches, he gyueth the o∣ther cōmodites of ye lyfe, as in maner settyng vp & castyng coles of fire ouer thy heed / yt if thou canst nat hate thy syn, for that it is most shamfull of hi selfe / yet at lest shuldest begyn to hate it / sith it dis∣pleaseth so louyng a father. Eschinus a yong mā {per}ceiuing ī a play ye maruelous hyndnes of his fa∣ther toward hym offēdȳg / was moued / yt frō thēs forth he wolde haue him ī greatter reuerēce / these be his wordes: What thyng is this? is this to be a fader / or this to be a son? If he were my brother or felowe / how myght he folowe more my mynde? Is he nat to be loued? ought he nat to be borne in mynde? Ah he maketh me right careful with his eynes / leest I shulde vnware do ought contrary to his mynde / for wittingly I wyl beware therof. If fatherly hyndnes teche wytty childrē to hate syn / thou vnhappy synner dost thou waxe more & more obstinate for so great goodnes of thy father, & herest nat Paule calling y• agayne frō madnes? Dost thou despise saith he, the riches of thy good∣nes / pacience / and mekenes? Knowest nat that ye gētylnes of god leadeth the to repētance? But af∣ter thy hardnes & vnrepētant harte / thou gethe∣rest vnto the a treasure of anger in the day of an∣ger / and the reuelaciō of the iuste iugemēt of god. No beast is so wylde, yt by mēs diligēce & labour is nat tamed, & yu {pro}uoked by so excedȳg benefit of god / art also more fierce agaynst hym? Nothynge is so harde / that is nat made softe by crafte of mē. Brasse melteth in the furnes / yrō by fyre is made softe / horne with waxe poured in soupleth / the in∣uīcible hardnes of ye diamond is ouercōe wt gottis blud: And o hart harder than horne / harder than yron / harder thā the diamond / that neither ye fyre of hell / nor the hyndnes of thy moste gētyl father / nor ye blud of the vndefiled lambe shed for the / can mollifie: yea is made more harder than all these. Nowe be ioyfull / make triumphe of wickednes / yu hast ouercome wretche / thou haste ouercōe diuine craft / whiche is most vnhappy victori. Unhappy is the groūde as Paule sayth / & nerest the curse of god / whiche whan it ofte receiueth heuenly moyst¦nes / it brīgeth forth none other thing but thornes & wydes: howe moche more vnhappy is he / that is so ofte moisted with rayne of diuine mercy / and waxeth harde as any rough sturdy stone / that he wyl receyue no print of the holy gost? The fynger of god wrote the lawe to Moyses in stony tables / so that thy hart is sturdier thā these stones, wher in ye holy goost can write nothing of Christis lawe. Who shall cut vs these stony hartes but he / whose dethe cloue ye stones / yt they myght go out of theyr tūbes yt were deed? Who shal giue vs a fleshy hart but ye worde of god / that for vs was made fleshe? But yet they be more desperate thā these / whiche reioysyng in theyr syns / spred abrode blasphemo{us} & wicked opiniōs denyeng god to be aboue, or if he be / that mortal folkes busynes {per}teyne nothyng to hym: to be no life after deth of the body: no īmor∣talite to be prepared for them / that here lyued de∣deuoutly in Christ Iesu: nor helle ppared for them that here serued the deuyll: the thretnynges of ho∣ly scripture to be vayne: the {pro}myses of the gospel to be lyes: or they that by wronge expoundyng of scripture / defēde their mischeuous dedes for good actis: and the worde of god / wherby the yll desy∣res of the mynde ought to be corrected / they com∣pell to supporte theyr fylthynes / to other crymes they laye the wickednes of heresy / as most worste rebuke. The palenes / whiche for great skele appe¦reth in your faces / & the trēblyng of ye holle body / shewe howe moche ye abhorre that ye haue herde. But wold to god we myght nat here those thȳges amōge christen folke. I haue shewed you Scylla, on whiche rocke many rūne and perishe. Nowe I wyll shewe you Charybdis / a daunger greuouser thā ye most greuous & more ferefull. They be they whiche folowyng Cain & Iudas the traitour / de∣speyre of forgyuenes swaloweth in to euerlastyng distructiō. There is but one distruction / though ye reason of perishyng be diuers. Pharao indurated sayth: I knowe no lorde / nor I wyll nat let the pe∣ple go. What sayth Cain? My syn is greatter thā I may diserue {per}don. And what sayth Iudas? I haue synned betraieng ye innocēt blud. Both they aknowlege the greatnes of theyr synne / both they cōfesse it / both repēt theyr mysdede / but both they go away frō the face of our lorde / in whom onely is mercy & plētifull redētion frō synnes. For thus ye rede of Cain: And Cain goynge away frō the face of our lorde / dwelled a rūne a gate in a coūtrey to∣warde the Est. &c. And Iudas departyng frō the banket of saynctes / returneth nat agayne: He is vnhappy, that so goeth frō the face of the mercy of god / that he returneth nat agayne. This is he I thynke / that Ieremias meaneth / whan he saith: Wepe nat for ye deed ne mourne nat for hym: with wepyng bewayle hym / that goeth out / bicause he returneth no more agayne. He wil nat ye deed to be wept for / bicause somtyme he must aryse agayne. He with al maner wepyng shuld be wayled / yt tur∣neth hym selfe away from the well of euerlastyng lyfe / and neuer by penance returneth agayne / frō thens he went. That prodigall & riottous chylde went away in to fer coūtrey / he left ye house of his moost louyng father / but he is returned agayne. Peter swarued far frō our lorde / whan he forsoke hym thrise: but shortly aft he came agayne / whā he remēbred the worde that Iesus spake / he begā to wepe bytterly. He had forgotten hym selfe / but whan he came to him selfe agayne / he returned to Iesus. Lyke wise Esaie crieth: Remēbre ye this / & be ye cōfūded and you sȳners come to your harte agayne. Peter remēbred hym selfe / and returned to his hart: the stony hart was takē frō hym / the pomisehart, out of whiche no drop of teares coude be got: a flesshe hart was gyuē hȳ / out of whiche anon sprāge a welle of teares / bytter for ye sorowe of penāce / but holsome for the innocēcy to hym re∣stored. But Iudas is nat returned to Iesus / but he went away to ye prestes & pharisees / he yelded agayne that woful money / from thens he rōne to ye snare / & brake a onder. These thinges our lorde suffred amonge his disciples for our instruction. Ye se howe diuers ye ende of two apostles synnyng is. Iudas yt was so oft {pro}uoked by our lordes m∣kenes to be sory & amēde, stacke styll in his wicked purpose. But Peter at the lokyng of Iesus vpo hym / remēbred our lordes sayeng / & by & by knew hym selfe / and as vnworthy of our lordes psence / he drewe abacke / nat to hange hym selfe / but to wepe / that is / nat to despeyre / but to remedy. Iu∣das folowyng Cain the auctour of this mischiefe / aknowleged truly the greatnes of his syn / but he remēbred nat the wordes of our lorde / that euery where in holy scripture {pro}uoke vs to returne / that stere vs to do penance / and promise vs mercy. For what padge is in holy scripture / that soūdeth na the mercy of god? I speke nat only of the newe te∣stament / that is the lawe of grace / but also of the olde testament / that is thought more rigorous. Let vs here howe gētilly our lorde in ye {pro}phet Ie∣remy / that vnder the {per}sone of the spouse leauyng her husbāde, abādoneth her euery where to euery body / he reclaymeth his people to penāce: Turne to me sayth he / ye childrē returnȳg agayne / sayth our lorde, for I am your husbāde. And in Iob our lorde openeth the eare of the sinners, that he may correct them: and speketh / that they shuld returne frō wickdes. But they be wreches / yt agaynst this our lordes voyce stoppe theyr eares / lyke the dee edder / that stoppeth her eares for the none lest a shulde here the voyce of the enchanter wyse∣ly: To day sayth the psalme / if ye here his voyce / be nat harde harted. To day is ours / as longe as we be in this lyfe / whiche all the while hit lasteth / our lorde cesseth nat to speke to vs / sterȳg vs to do penance / offryng forgyuenes, ppared. What / sayd I forgyuenes? The mercy of god is more whiche promiseth to them that returne a precious gyfte. For thus we rede in Iob: If thou wylt returne to almyghty god / thou shalte be edifyed / and shalte voyde wickednes far frō thy tent: for erth he shall gyue the a flynt stone, & for a flint stone golden ry∣uers. Let vs here the mercy of our lorde in Esaie steryng vs to repentāce: If ye seke saith he / seke / returne and come: if ye seke thende of yuels / seke hit nat in children of men / in whom is no saluaci∣on / nor of ēchantours / nor by hangyng your selfe / but aske it of me / that alone both may and am re∣dy to forgyue. Only returne from those thynges / that ye fylthily haue loued / & turned / come to me. Agayne in the same {pro}phet / ētysyng al mankynde to hym / he sayth: Am nat I a lorde? and there is no more god but I: God iuste and holy is none be¦syde me: returne to me / and ye shal be aued al the costis of the erth / for I am god / and there is none other. These wordes our lorde speketh to gentils, idolworshippers / to mākyllers, churche robbers / echers, blasphemers: & thou wretche by dispeyre woldest turne away from our lorde? In olde tyme whan synne vnpunished rayned amōge folke / the merry of god semed to be drawen within ye narow boūdes of Iudee. But by the gospell mercy spred ouer all costes of the worlde: In Ieremye also he thretneth the obstinate / but he offereth them for∣gyuenes prepared that repent & amēde: If that folke sayth he, wyll do penāce for theyr synne / that I haue spokē agaynst them / I wil also do penāce vpon ye harme / that I thought haue done them. And he yt a lyttel before thretned distruction / pluc∣kyng vp by the rotes / & sparklyng about / promy∣seth thynges cōtrary, and sodaynly sayth: I wyl speke of the people & realme / that I may edifie it / and that I may plant it. Like wyse in Ezechiel he nat only {pro}miseth hym {per}dō yt turneth agayne / but also that he wold forget all the synnes that he had done before: For whan he had afore remēbred eue∣ry kynde of myschefes and dānable dedes / he ad∣deth: If the wicked man wyl do penāce for al the synnes that he hath wrought / and wil kepe al my cōmandementes / and wyl do iugemēt and iustice he shal lyue and shall nat dye: I wyll nat remēbre al the iniquitees that he hath wrought. Is it my wyll sayth our lorde / that a synner shulde dye / and nat rather yt he shulde be cōuerted frō his sinnes & lyue? And a lytell lower: Be ye cōuerted and do pe¦nāce for all your synnes / and your wickednes shal nat distroye you: throwe away all your offences / wherby ye haue trāsgressed: and make you a new hart and a newe spirite. And why die ye the house of Israel? Bicause I will nat the deth of ye dyeng treature sayth our lorde / turne agayne and come. Why despeyrest thou wretche / sith god for this sēt downe his son in to this worlde / y• y• shuldest haue good hope? He hym selfe vndouted is the mercy of god, of whom Dauid syngeth: O god we haue re¦ceyued thy mercy in ye myddis of thy churche. Be thou ī the churche / and enbrace mercy. He rysyng crieth: I wyl nat the deth of a synner, but rather that he shulde be cōuerted & lyue. Here this voyce thou vnhappy synner / shake of deedly slepe / rise a¦gayne with Christ / that thou mayst lyue in hym. For he reuiued / to thende ye deth of syn shulde nat alway possesse the. And if any body suspect yt this mercy of god is nat ppared / nor redy / but for these that cōmyt fewe & lyght syns / let hym here what our lorde with a clere voyce promiseth: Whan so e∣uer a synner bewayleth his synnes / I wyll forget al his iniquitees. He excepteth no kynde of synne, he pōdreth nat the greatnes or multitude of offen¦ces. Be sory only / and forgetfulnes of all thy syns past is redy. For small offences / without whiche mās frailte lyueth nat, we call dayly vpō the mer∣cy of god / sayeng: Dimitte nobis debita nostra. &c. For gyue vs as we forgyue them that offēde vs: And we be herde / if we here our neyghbour prayenge / that we shuld forgyue him. And also amōge deed∣ly synnes is a certeyne order / as amonge mē some slepe nat very soūdly / so that with a litel whistrȳg they awake: there be that slepe more depely / that one must speke loude to wake them: there be that slepe most depely / that vneth with great tuggȳge they wyl awake: so with god som be lighter deed / some more greuously / and some moste greuously. But no kynde of dethe is so desperate and deedly, yt he with his voyce dryueth nat awaye / at whose voyce also they rise agayne / that were deed ī theyr graues: and no man is takē with so depe sloūbre of deth / that is nat by hym reysed. This threfold difference of synners ye deuout interpreters of ho∣ly scriptures suppose signified to vs by thre corses that we rede were reysed from dethe to lyfe by our lorde Iesu. The maister of the sinagogis daugh∣ter / a mayde .xij. yere of age / he reysed in ye house / a fewe admytted to se it / & he forbade to tell abrode that was done. These be they / yt fyrste nat of pur∣posed malice / but eyther by sleprenes of age / or by mans frailnes / be so slyden in to som synne / yt they be nat yet obstinate in yll / nor yet no foule rumour rūneth of that mysdede. Our lorde Iesus lightly reyseth those with his hande put for the / hydynge theyr fylthynes / and prouidynge for theyr shame∣fastnes. But he reysed vppe the wyddowes sonne with more busynes. Nowe the carkeys was cari∣ed to the graueand in goyng our lorde met them, he moued with ye sely womās weping / bade them stande styl that bare the biere, he reysed the yonge mā. Fyrst he sittech vp / soone aft he speketh / shor∣tly after he skyppeth out of the coffyn / & is deliue¦red to his mother agayne. These be they vndou∣ted / that be so fer irōne in synne that they be infa∣my can nat be reclaymed frō synnyng: they by o∣pen penance lytell & lytell be reised agayne to life. He sitteth vp / whiche forsakyng syn, lyfteth vp hȳ selfe to ye purpose of a better lyfe. He speketh, that cōfessyng his foule synnes / aknowlegeth ye mercy of god. He is yelded to his mother a lyue / that aft al remedies accomplished / is restored to the cōmu∣nion of the churche agayne. Lazarus truly nowe stanke in his graue. He is bewayled onely of his deperate systers and frēdes / here Iesus byddeth to shewe hym the graue / he wepeth / he make the griely soune with his mouthe / and is troubled in spirite / he cōmandeth to take away the stone / and with a loude voyce he byddeth hym to come forth: he cometh forth / but he is boūde / he is losed / and so at last he is yelded to his systers agayne. It was no great thyng for our lorde to reyse a carkeys .iiij. dayes deed / it is a greatter maystrie to reyse a syn∣ner / that .xl. yeres lyued nat / but lay stynkyng de∣filed with al maner fylthy synne. A childe saith E∣saie of an hūdred yeres shal dye / and a sinner of an hūdred yeres shalbe cursed. And ye same our lorde Iesus wyll vouchesafe to reyse / so yt he at last wyll here hym callyng. He cryeth dayly / aryse maydē / aryse yonge man / come forthe Lazare. But hel as many / more than deed / here nat his voyce callyng vs agayne to lyfe. But what thyng is to here but to beleue? Incredulite or hard belefe stoppeth the eares of wicked folkes / that ye voyce of holy scrip∣ture can nat entre ī to theyr myndes. Let vs pray the mercy of god / that he wyll vouchesafe to soūde out aloude his almyghty voyce / and to synge it to those wretched & desperate folke: Thou deffe and dūme spirite / I cōmand the / get ye out of this mā / and entre no more in to hym. Nowe to the ende ye may se more playnly howe redy the mercy of god is to hym that repēteth & amēdeth / here Dauyd I haue sayd / I wyll aknowlege agaynst me myn vnrightousnes to our lorde: and thou hast forgy∣uen me the wickednes of my syn. Nat yet cōfesed but to one only myndyng cōfession ye mercy of god rūneth. Be sory / cōfesse the / but let it be afore god. Many wayle afore mē / they wepe in ye sight of pe∣ple / they confesse them to men / they rent theyr clo∣thes / but it is afore ye people, they weare ye heare / they spryncle ashes on theyr heed / but it is afore y• people. Whiche thynges if they were done before god / yt is to say / with all the hart / with pure affec∣tion / ye mercy of god cesseth nat. Cut & rent sayth he / your hartes and nat your garmētes. For god wyll nat despise a contrite and an hūble hart. Let vs wepe sayth the psalme writer / before god / that made vs. Many faste / but nat the faste that our lorde wylleth: many change theyr rayment / but they change nat theyr affection. And yet it is so / that these thinges also must be done amōge men / that they / whom our malyce prouoked to synne / may be called agayne by penance to amēde. But these thynges are vnprofitably done amonge the peple / except they be fyrst done in the yght of god Iudas confessed his syn / but it was to the phari∣ses: if he had cōfessed him to our lorde, by & by the most mild mercy of our lord had ēbraced him. And to thende our cōfession may be more acceptable to god / Osee ye {pro}phet sheweth to vs also ye fourme of confession: Take saythe he with you wordes, & re∣turne to our lorde / and say to hym / Take away al iniquite frō vs / and receyue good / & we shall gyue the againe the calues of our lyppes. Let vs also / that haue wandred many wayes, returne to hym agayne / that alone taketh away the sinnes of the worlde / ye whiche for our sinnes shed his precious blud / let vs say to hym: Take away frō vs al the yll / that we wickedly wrought. What frely? And receyue good / what good? The calues of our lyp∣pes. We shall gyue thankes to thy mercy / wherto we be boūde for euery good dede we dyd after our fal, thou shalt take frō vs yt is ours, & shalt receiue of vs yt is thyne. Ye but se howe wel with him ac∣cordeth the prophet Iohel / expressyng the same sentence with other wordes, for whan god by him had sharply thretned those that regarded nat his mercy to them offered / this he bryngeth in after: Returne to your god / for he is myld & merciful, pa¦cient and of moche mercy / and repētyng vpō ma∣lice. The greatnes of sinnes ouerthroweth y• / but ye greatnes of goddis mercy can lyft y• vp agayne. se by howe many wayes the {pro}phet ampfieth it. He is gentyll, orels as hit is in Greke mercifull. Though this was inough that we shuld nat des∣peyre / yet he addeth: And hauing pite, yt we may vnderstād, yt he nat only helpeth vs, but also is so∣ry for our iuels. And herwith nat cōtēt / he addeth pacient / that is to say easy / and nothyng hasty to take vengeance / lyke as humayn mercy is light∣ly turned to dysdayne. And yet o synner thou des∣peyrest. Herkē therfore yt foloweth. And of moche mercy. If thy sinnes by many, mistrust nat, mer∣cy is moche. What remayneth nowe / but that yu must be cōuerted / and go to him entisyng ye? But if ye punyshemētes of mercy feare yt, herke & take corage: And taking repentance of his malice. He calleth the peynes and afflictions that are due for our synnes malice. He taketh away synne / He for∣gyueth euerlasting peyne deserued. What resteth thā? nothyng, but that thou shuldest aknowlege the mercy of god. Undouted this is it yt foloweth in Iohel. And he shall leaue after hym blessyng & sacrifice to our lorde god. Truly this is it yt Osee sayd: The calues of the lyppes / that is to say / sa∣crifice of preyse and thanke gyuyng. If any gre∣uously and ofte shuld offende a mortal man / howe harde is the making at one, howe mindeth he the wrōges / howe slowly asswageth the anger / howe lightly for a trifyl falleth he in ye old grudge, howe frowardly asketh he amendis for the offence: and yet if they so receiue them in fauour agayne / they be called gentyl. God so oft offēded / willingly pro∣uoketh vs to repentāce / he entiseth vs to forgyue∣nes, he perdoneth thretninges, he forgyueth helle peyne / he offreth for punyshement benignite / yea and he nat only tuneth his face towarde the syn∣ner / mendyng and repentyng / but voluntarily he meteth hym turnyng agayne / & with his armes spred abrode he wol enbrace hym conuerted. Un∣douted the same is it that he {pro}miseth in zacarie: Turne ye to me sayth the lorde of ostis, and I wyl turne to you saith the lorde of ostis. What is that to say Turne ye to me? aknowlege your wretched¦nes / and desyre my mercy. What is: and I wyll turne to you? By and by I of a reuenger and pu∣nysher made an helper / wyll helpe forwarde your purposes / that ye can nat brynge to passe by your owne strēgthes / ye may opteyne it by my fauour. No man coude holsomely hate his syn / but if god granted hit / except he take away the stony harte / and put in a sleshie harte: but if for a defiled hart he worke in vs a clene hart / except for an yll spirite he renewe in our bowels a good iuste spirite. But why take I this labour to reherce some olde pla∣ces of scripture / whiche declaren the marueylous mercy of god? All the scripture of y• olde testamēt alabout preacheth / syngeth / and layeth before vs the mercy of god. And where be those frāticke fo∣les rather than heretickes / that of one make two goddis / one of the olde testament / that was onely iuste & nat good: the other of the newe / that shuld be onely good and nat iuste / coude they nat at leest wise here this songe / that is so often tymes reher∣sed in the psalme .Cxvij. Aknowlege to god / that he is good / and that his mercy is in all worldes. Where is mad Manicheus / that taught in his bo¦kes / that he that speketh to vs so louyngly by his prophettes / and that dyd ordeyne Moyses lawe / was no veray god / but one of the wycked dyuels. The selfe same is god of both the lawes / the same trouth / the same mercy by Iesu Christ our lorde / saue that in Moyses lawe be shadowes / in the gos¦pell trouth: in the other was promyse / in this is {per}fourmance: in that was moche and great mercy towarde the Iewes / here is the holle well of mer∣cy / or rather the see / that hath flowen ouer all na∣cions of the holle worlde / by whiche flode the syns of al mortal creatures are washed and skoured a∣way. Surely this was the happy flode of mercy: the olde flode (a fewe saued) distroyed ye synners: this holsome flode washeth away ye syns / & saueth al yt beleue in the sonne of god. He that in bokes of the olde testament promyseth the Hebrewes repē∣tyng & amēdyng / forgyuenes / the same present in the gospel crieth to euery mā: Come to me al that labour & be loden / and I wyll refreshe you. Take my yocke vpon you / and ye shal fynde rest for your soules. For my yocke is swete / & my burthē light. Rede the lyfe of Christe ouer & ouer / what thynge els se ye therin / but cōtinuall mercy toward euery body? He healed sicke folke frely / he fed the hūgry / he succoured them that were in perill / he made le∣pers holle & clene / he gaue the blynde their sight, & restored ye lame theyr lymmes / he droue away dy∣uels / he reysed deed mē to lyfe / he assoyled them yt were repētāt. Agayne / serche out al his techyng / what other thing doth it sauer / thā excedȳg great mercy of god? By howe many parables printeth he ye same in our mȳdes, yt we shulde slyde no way For what other thyng sheweth the parable of the shepe brought agayne on ye sheperdis shulders / of ye pece of money lost & foūde / of the holle folke that nede a phisiciō / of ye seruant to whom all his duyte is gyuen / agayne of the vserer / that forgaue both the dettours, of the publican & pharisee / of ye pyl∣grym hurt, whom the samaritan healeth, of ye cur¦ese stewarde to his dettours / of ye disceiuer of his maister / of the ryottous childe receyued agayne? And the very cleapynge of the gospell / doth it nat by & by promyse mercy? What promiseth hit? To blinde sight, to prisoners {per}don, to ye brokē holnes / shortly to speke a yere acceptable to our lorde / that desireth none other thynge but mans saluacion. Nowe the same name of Iesu / that is of a saui∣our / what other thynge {pro}myseth it but saluacion & mercy? If he had proclaymed hym selfe a iuge / it had bē somwhat why one shuld haue bē afrayd, nowe thou herest sauiour / and despeyrest of salua¦cion? And so forthe / to thende ye truste of saluacion shuld seme more certaine, bicause it wold seme vn∣lykely / that so great a lake of synnes / that all mā∣kynde was defiled with / shulde be purged & clēsed with the blud of gottis & calues / he the son of god got vp on the auter of ye crosse / and for our synnes he offred hym selfe most effectuall sacrifice to clēse all our synnes. And hangynge on the same crosse / he prayed for them that crucified hym / for them y• reuile & rayle vpon hym: & thynkest thou aknow∣legyng thy syn / & sorowfully besechyng his mercy he wyll deny ye forgyuenes? Trust to hym merci∣ful / & yu shalt fynde mercy, what thyng is it ye faith opteyneth nat of Christe? He that mistrusteth the phisiciō / is his owne let / that he can nat haue his helth agayne. Truely so moche god inclyneth to the prayers of wretches cryenge to hym / yt he gy∣ueth mercy at one other mans prayer, if he haue a good hope with hym. The Canane crieth to him, and her daughter is made holle: ye Centurion tru¦steth / and his seruant is restored to his helth: the maister of the Synagoge prayeth / & his daught is reliued: the father desireth, & his son is deliue∣red of a wicked dyuel. The apostles crie: O lorde saue vs / we perishe / and they be al saued. In ma∣ny folkes he aried nat the prayers of the mouth he seeth ye fayth of the cariers / & sayth to the man sicke of ye palsey. Trust son thy synnes be forgyuē the. The mother only / & they that went with her wept / & ye yonge mā yt was deed ariseth / Martha and Mary do nothyng but wepe and Lazer rely∣ueth. Mary the synner wepeth / she annoynteth & kysseth hym / & she hereth: Thy synnes be forgy∣uen the. He prayeth inough that knowlegeth his sickenes; he prayeth vehemētly that wepeth and hopeth. The womā diseased with the blody flixe / priuely toucheth the garment of Iesu / and forth with she felt ye power of mercy cōming forth. Like wise we rede yt many other were cured by touchȳg ye garmētes of Iesu. So redy his mercy is euery where / & at euery occasiō he succoureth wretches. If yu darste nat call vpon Iesus / if thou canst nat touche Iesus / at lest touche priuely ye skyrt of his garmēt / go to som holy mā / in whom this vertue shyneth / that with his prayers he may cōmende the to our merciful lorde. For by them oftē tymes he putteth forth his power / beyng redy on euery syde to gyue saluacion to euery mā. For yt entēt he came / this was the food, wherwith he was fedde, yt he might drawe synners to repētāce. And in the boke of Genesis also / whan wicked folke by theyr mischeuous dedes {pro}uoked the wrath of our lorde yet at the prayer of Abrahā our lorde had forgyuē many cities appoynted to be distroied / if he coude haue founde .x. good men amonge the people. The peple of Israel had deserued to be distroied / & our lorde at the prayers of Moyses restrayneth the sworde of vengeāce. O blinde & vnkynd folke / that regarde nat the mercy of our lorde / that is so metyng / & so redy euery where: but more vnhap∣py be they that wyllingly despeyre of that / ye frely is offered them. He is lightly pleased / whiche nat willing is reuēged. For what other thȳg souneth this voyce: And why dye ye the house of Israel? Agayne in an other place he bewayleth / that he al the day had spred abrode his handes to the people without beleue / & striuyng agaynst him. Agayne in Micheas: My people / what haue I done to ye / or wherin haue I greued the answere me? Lyke wyse in Esaie: What is hit that I ought to haue done more to my vyne / and haue nat done it? Our lorde doth euery thynge / that he myght saue vs / and shal we wylfully cast away hope of saluacion? In the gospell also he wepeth for Hierusalem / the whiche through obstinacy of syn caused distructiō of it selfe. Howe oft / sayth he / wold I haue gethe∣red the to gether / as the henne gethereth her che∣kyns vnder her wynges / and ye wolde nat? Our most merciful lorde wepeth / that he can nat leful∣ly saue wretches / & mystruste we hym / as though he wolde nat saue vs? In the gospell all the house rūbleth for ioye / that the childe that was deed / re∣lyued agayn, yt ye perished, was recouered agayn. He the good father exhorteth the holle company of āgels and sainctes to reioyce al to gether, that one synner is brought agayne to penaunce, and thou wretche despeirest / and enuiest thyn owne salua∣ciō / and to our lorde fo passyng great ioye? Beleue we that he / whom the dethe of synners greueth / whom the conuertyng of wicked folke gladdeth / wyll deny forgyuenes to them, yt be sory & amēde? He calleth euery body to the brydale / he wyl haue his house full / yea he compelleth the blynd & lame to entre in to his house. Why tariest thou behinde wretche? Why canst nat thou be drawen from the draffe of swyne? Why striuest thou agaȳst ye mer∣cy of our our lorde? Christ is the wisedome of god. This wisedome as sayth Solomon departed out of her fathers house / came in to this worlde, prea∣cheth opēly / and her voyce is herde in the stretes. She crieth in the frōte of multitudes / in ye wicket¦tes of ye cite gates, she {pro}noūseth out her wordes / sayeng: Howe lōge wyl ye loue childhed lytell ba∣bes / and foles, couet thynges noyfull to them / and vndiscrete hate counnyng? Turne you to my cor∣rectiō. Beholde I wyl put forth my spirie to you and shall shewe you my wordes. What thynge is more folishe / than for vayne transitory thinges to be depriued of euerlastȳg goodes? What is great∣ter wysedome / than by short sufferance to get im∣mortalite? Therfore they be all mad that cōtinue in synne: they be wyse that chaunge theyr lyfe in to better. With what great labours serche we out the most vile thyng amonge metas / and so great treasure offered and frely offered we despisen / or yt is more folyshe / we despeyrē? God is riche in mer∣cy. The treasure of humayn riches is cōsumed in gyuynge away: the treasure of mercy can nat be consumed. And this wyll I adde, that I may the more put euery body from despeyre of pardone. God hath boūde his fayth to man / and as Paule ayth / he can nat deny hym elfe. He refuseh nat to be rebuked / if he {per}forme at / that he {pro}myseth. For so he speketh in Esaie to the people defyled on euery syde: Be ye washed / be clene / take away frō my syght your yl thoughtes / cesse to do wickedly / lerne to do well / seke iugemēt / succour the oppres∣sed / deale truly with ye orphlin / defende ye wydow / and come ye & rebuke me / saythe our lorde. Thou herest ynner / what thyng els requyreth our mer∣ciful lorde / but onely chāgyng of thy lyfe? And lest thenormite of synnes ouerpresse thy mynde / here the forgyuenes of them all redy. If your synnes sayth he / were as skarlette / they shall be made as white as snowe: and if they were as red as oker / they shalbe as white as wolle. If ye wil & ye may here me / ye shall eate the goodes of ye erthe? Who is so mad / that wyll nat be saued? What is more easy / thā to here our most louyng father / nothing cōmandyng / but that {per}teyneth to our felicite? If e wyll sayth he / and ye may here. No man may saue hym y• wyl nat. Saluaciō is by fayth / fayth is vy hering. The worde is helthfull in thy harte and in thy mouth. Only shut nat ye eares of thy hart. Nowe if a king shuld say thus to his ēmies or to suche as be cōuicted of high treason: What so euer is done or was entended hitherto, I forgyue it you al, mercy is redy for al, so they frō thēs forth wolde absteyne frō lyke yl dedes: wolde nat euery body speke of ye kinges wōderfull mercy, yt neither cruelly punisheth their bodies, nor cōfisketh their goodes? But god yea with reward entiseth vs to amēde our life. Ye shal eate sayth he, the goodes of the erthe. But they be vtterly vnworthy to haue ye fruicion of goodes of this worlde / that by theyr vngratious dedes offende the gyuer of all. But o howe moche more precyous is it that ye gospell {pro}∣miseth: I wyl gyue you a newe hart / I wyl gyue you a newe spirite / wherby of the dyuels thrals / ye shall be made the chyldren of god / wherby y shalbe made mēbres of myn only begotten sonne / & wherby ye shal entre into the heretage of the he∣uenly kyngdome. This is saythe he / my welbelo∣ued sonne / here hym. O thou Iewe / why turnst thyn eares frō trouth / & turnest to the tales of the Talmudicens / & Deuterotis? Thou vnwyse phi∣losopher / why shuttest thyn eares against this te∣cher, & herkenest to Plato and Aristotel? Why he∣rest thou vnhappy progeny of Eue ye serpent with vayne promises entisynge the to distruction / & he∣rest nat the sonne of god callyng the to the compa∣ny of euerlastynge felicite? Do penance sayth he / the kyngdome of heuen is at hande. The son pro∣miseth / the father pledgeth it / the holy gost in the mean while is gyuen as an ernest peny: and dou∣test thou to take & ēbrace so great felicite offred ye? And there is none other voice of thapostles thā of our lorde, Do penance, & let eche of you be bapti∣sed in the name of Iesu Christ in remissiō of your synnes / & ye shal receyue the gyft of the holy gost. And a litel aft: Kepe you frō this vngratious na∣cion / yt ye may be saued: leaue the spotted, fylthy, wretched lyfe / and take euerlastyng lyfe. Souldi∣ours, publicans, harlottes, idolworshippers, mā∣kyllers, nigromācers, baudes, aduoutrers, rūne hither. None is shut without / the passage to mer∣cy lyeth egally open to all. The lyfe past is nat re∣garded / so one be repētant. Nor thou shuldest nat suppose this mercy of our lorde / to stretche no far∣ther thā batisme, thoughe Mōtanus shut ye chur∣che dores against them that slyde after baptisme / our lorde neuer shutteth the dore of ye heuēly king∣dome. The entrāce in to the churche by baptisme is ones gyuen / the figure wherof the arke of No beareth / but by the mercy of god ye seconde bourde is left to eche after the shyp wracke / yea to come a∣gayne in to ye arke by penāce. For baptyme is nat twise takē / as the deth of Christe is nat renewed / but the water of teares doth remayne / wherwith now the fylthy sinnes ben washed away, ye sope of holsome contricion remaineth / & the herbe of Bo∣ith. Truly they ought / to whom ones all synnes were frely forgyuen, and that buried with Christe by baptisme rose with hym agayne in a newe life, to cōtynue with hym in that great gyft / that they receiued. But our pitefull & mercifull lorde know∣yng the weakenes of mans nature / he wylled re∣medy of penance to be redy for eche euen to the ly∣ues ende. But bicause the day of deth is certayne to none / all ought to watche / that they despise nat ye goodnes of god: but if they hap to slide agayne / by and by they shulde hast to remedy / before ye dis∣ease by cōtinuance waxe vncurable. Some ī olde tyme with right great peril forbare baptisme euē to the last day of theyr lyfe / whom some called bad christiens / and some / yll watered / as christiēs nat very true: but with more ie{per}dy ye synner {pro}lōgeth the remedy of penance / that is euery where redy. The christener is nat alway present / but lyeng in thy bed thou mayst cōfesse thyn vnrightousnes to our lorde / and purpose to amende thy lyfe. One is nat alway present to washe thy body: teares be al∣way present, with whiche thou mayst washe ye fyl¦thes of thy soule. And nat without a cause a dout is / whether ye baptisme be effectual / wherby whā ther is no hope of life / and were in pāges of deth / were rather spryncled with water than baptised. For they shewed yt they wolde a synned cōtinually if they myght haue lyued styll. But moche more southly great lerned men doute / whether penāce be fruteful / yt is {pro}lōged a purpose / nowe de{per}tyng hēce they take it / and wold nat take it / except deth cōpelled them. For lyke as groūde ofte moysted wt heuēly raine, brȳgeth forth naught els to his tyl∣ler / than thornes & wydes / is cursed & caste in to ye fyre: so god other while for his goodnes obstacly despised, endueth them with a peruersed mynde. Wherfore ye surest way most dere brethern̄ is / nat to {pro}longe the mendyng of the lyfe / but by & by at the voyce of our lorde, callyng vs to do of ye old mā with his dedes and desyres / lest our lord so oft nat herde / wyll nat here vs agayne callynge to hym. Dredeful is ye voice, wherwith he thretneth them that wyll nat here him mercifully callȳg. Bicause sayth he I called you / & ye turned away: I reched forth my hāde / & ther was none that wold se it: ye despised al my coūsayle / and set naught by my re∣bukes: I also wyl laugh and scorne ī your distruc∣tion, whā it shal fall on you that ye drad. Whan so∣dayne calamite ouerthroweth / & ruine as a tēpest dassheth downe / whan trouble & greffe assayleth: than they wyll call on me / & I wyl nat here them. They shal arise yerly / and they shal nat fynde me, bicause they hated my lernyng / and wolde nat cō∣ceyue the drede of their lorde / & wolde nat rest vpō my coūsaile, and wold withdrawe frō al my corre∣ctiō. God punisheth diuers wayes, yt he might cor¦rect vs. At last whā our obstaclenes hath ouercōe al remedies he forsaketh vs as desperate / and lea∣ueth vs wt our owne fre wyl. Like as a phisiciō as∣saynge al yt his crafte can to put away the disease / whan he seeth the pacient forsake all medicins / at last he leaueth hym with his sickenes / as he that wyll nat lyue. Mercy sayth the psalme / & iugemēt I wyl synge to ye. The day of iugemēt abydeth al after they shal be departed this lyfe. As longe as this lyfe lasteth, there is hope of mercy. Therfore while thou lyuest beseche our lorde mercy. But they that lie dyeng / or they that extreme olde age opresseth / nowe in a maner lyue no more. Here ye coūsayle of the wyse Hebrewe / what euer thou be that from day to day drawest the lynde of wicked∣nes / and makest no ende of synnynge: Turne the to our lorde saith he / and forsake thy sinnes. Pray the face of our lorde and mynishe thyn offences. Returne to our lorde, and turne away frō thyn vn∣gratiousnes / and hate cursynge: and knowe the iustices and iugementes of god / and stande in the lot of proposicion and speche of almyghty god / go in to the partes of the iuste worlde with ye lyuyng & gyuyng confession to god. Thou shuldest nat a∣byde in the errour of wicked folke / cōfesse y• before dethe. The confession of one deed perisheth as no∣thyng. Thou shalt confesse the liuyng. Alyue and in helth thou shalt confesse / & preyse god / and glo∣rifie in his mercies / o howe great is the mercy of our lorde / and his fauour to them that returne to hym. Thou herest ye great mercy of god is redy / but that is if thou aliue & in heale wylt be cōfessed to our lorde. But what shal we say of them / whose bodyes be vnable to synne / & yet ye mynde putteth nat away the synfull appetite: and whan by rea∣son of age the body is nere deed / that they can nat do wycked and fylthy actes / yet they leaue nat to speke leudly? Howe shulde they be confessed to our lorde alyue / that leaue sooner to lyue thā to synne? But thou yonge mā in thy flowryng age / why {pro}∣lōgest the mēdyng of thy lyfe / dayes / monethes / & yeres? If thy body were diseased with the drop∣sy / and thou haddest before ye redy a certayne sure remedy for yt disease / woldest yu say / The next yere I wyl heale my sickenes? I knowe wel yu woldest nat be so mad / but yu woldest haste most gredily to be healed. And ī ye diseases of ye soule moche more perillous / tariest / driuest forthe frō day to day / frō that day to that / yea thou defferrest thy saluacion to ye day of thy dethe? And who is thy surete, that thou shalt lyue tyl to morowe? But these thinges be nat spokē / to thende that any shulde despeyre of forgyuenes / but to thentēt we wold wrest frō che the careles continuance in synne. There is synne / yt neither in this worlde nor in the worlde to come, is forgyuē. God forbyd yt any of vs shulde swarue so far wyde. And therfore ye most sure thyng is to eschewe synne. The next is, that by & by we put it away by penance / that is wrought vnskylfully. A good man falleth .vij. tymes on a day, but he ri∣seth agayne: al though this be spoken by veniall syns. And therfore our lorde ofte tymes thretneth vs sharply in holy scripture / lest on trust of forgy∣uenes redy / we shuld walowe in to the myer of vn¦gratious dedes. And therfore ye plaister of penāce is nat gyuen, that we wylfully shulde continue in our disease / but lest he whiche perchaunce falleth shuld be lost for euer. In Amos our lorde oft thon∣dreth agaynst thre or foure wyckednessis: Shall nat I abhorre them? It is wyckednes to thynke yll. Here by & by we shulde take repentance / but is greatter wickednes to wyl to {per}fourme it yt thou dyddest mynde: at lest frō ye grice y• fote shuld step to better. But the greuoust offence is / fylthyly to {per}fourme it yt thou dyddest wickedly purpose. And here we be neither sory nor amende / but we put to it ye fourth wickednes / accustomyng vs in yns / & heapyng syns vpō syns. Nowe at this poȳt may nat our lord wel abhorre vs? Yes truly / nere yt his mercy passed his iustice. Beholde what foloweth after so sharpe thretnȳges in ye same {pro}phet: This sayth our lorde to the house of Israel: Seke / & ye shal fynd me / seke your lorde & come. Let vs here our lorde thretnyng / lest we shuld syn: let vs here our lorde reclaymyng vs / yt we despeyre nat. Or∣els wo to vs if he shuld do to vs that he thretneth by the {pro}phete: and after the thyrde or fourth wic∣kednes he shulde turne away frō vs his mercy / & leaue vs alone to our wyl. Yea with many of vs it shulde go yuel / if our lorde shulde turne his face a∣way after the thousande wickednes. But by & by as his rightousnes beginneth to waxe rigorous. Mercy steppeth forth & sayth: O lord god be mer∣ciful: I pray the / who shal lyft vp Iacob for he is a babe? And agayne: O lorde god I pray the cesse who shall reyse vp Iacob for he is a babe? Thus Mercy our best defender pledeth the cause of our frailnes. Nowe here howe redy forgyuenes is to one repentyng & amendyng. Our lorde sayth he / hath had pite vpon hym. It shal nat be / sayd our lorde. Ye se howe soone he thretnynge vengeance repenteth, if we truly wolde repent our misdedes. It shall nat be / sayd our lorde. I praye you, what mother is so lightly pleased with her child? Ther∣fore syth we haue a lorde so easy to please / & an ad∣uocatrice so effectual / what thing is there / why a∣ny despeyryng of hym selfe / shulde eyther cōtinue in sinnes / or with Iudas flee to hange hym selfe? Euen for the same purpose our lorde by al meanes myndyng our saluacion / suffered most excellent & most approued mē to fall in greuous synnes / that by theyr example he myght corage & cōforte vs to hope of perdone. What thinge in holy scripture is more laudable thā kynge Dauid? He was a kyng he was a {pro}phet, he was a mā to goddes mynde / of his linage Christe was {pro}mised. But into howe foule / in to howe many folde a synne dyd so great a mā fall? He hereth of Nathan ye rebuke and cruell thretnynges of our lorde. But Dauid with two wordes turneth all this anger of god in to mercy. He sayd: I haue offended agaynst my lorde: And forthe with Nathan sayde: Our lorde also hathe transported thy syn thou shalt nat dye. The thret∣ninges be of a length / yt he may correct / but howe swyft is the voyce of mercy: Thou shalt nat dye? Like wise by Esaie Ezechias heeth: Thou shalt dye, & shalt nat lyue. Ezechias wept & made great lamentacion. The {pro}phet the messanger of dethe was nat yet gone halfe the kynges court / but the mercy of our lorde called him agayne, sayeng: Re¦turne backe / and say to Ezechias capitayne of my people: This sayth our lorde ye god of Dauid thy father / I haue herde thy prayers / & haue seen thy wepyng / and I haue healed the. The thyrde day after this thou shalt go in to the tēple of our lorde The thyrde boke of kynges wytnesseth ye same of Achab. There was nat suche an other as Achab / whiche was solde to thentēt he might do mischife in ye sight of our lorde. And he hereth: Thou has kylde / & more ouer hast possessed: As whā he had slayne Na both he occupied his vineyarde: but a last he was so afrayde with ye cruel thretnynges yt he rēte his clothes / & ware a sherte of heare, he fasted, & slept in wollen, & wandred hāgynge downe his heed. Ahab was froward, he had oft despise our lorde rebukyng hym, he had heaped syns vpō syns: and at last he was rather feared with drede of mischefes hangyng ouer hym / than myndyng to repēt & amende: and yet our lorde of excedynge mercy speketh to Hely: Hast nat seen how Achab hath hūbled hym before me: bycause he hath hū∣bled him elfe for my sake, I wyl bringe in no mis∣chiefe in his days. If yt might of false repētāce b so great / that it can wrest the reuēgyng sword out of the hāde of god / what shal the mynde do, truly changed in to a cōtrary affection and nowe nat for drede of punishemēt, but for the loue of god abhor∣reth yt he miswrought: For that entent he suffred Peter / whiche he had apointed chiefe of his chur∣che / opēly to fall. He wept only / & opteined mercy. Whan he delyuered his shepe to hym to fede / for whiche he suffred deth / dyd he cast in his tethe / y• offence of thrise forsakyng our lorde? No forsothe / for nowe al that was so washed away with teares that there remayned nat a steppe in our mercifull lordes remēbrance. Paule ye {per}secuter of our lordis churche was ouerthrowen, & was made ye teacher of naciōs. We haue great examples of them that synned / and eke of them that repented / we ought nat by example of any to be {pro}uoked to synne / lest we shulde tēpte our lorde / but if any shulde hap to be attrapped by synne / he hath examples of repē∣tāce / lest he shuld despeire. But they do wayward∣ly / that wyll nat folowe hym in repētyng / whiche they folowed in synnynge. Howe many princes be ther that smyle at theyr auoutres and māslaugh∣ters for the example of Dauid? Al though in Da∣uid were so many excellent vertues / yt this offence myght haue ben forgyuē in recōpēce of them: but wolde to god lyke as they folowe hym offendyng / they wold so folowe hym eke repentyng. He spred abrode his synne through al naciōs of the worlde: and despised ye delectacions of the court / & for pur∣pul he weareth a sherte of heare / and as bread he ateth ashes / & mingleth his drinke with wepȳg: euery night he wassheth his bed with teares / and moysteth his couerled with weping. And he was nat ashamed to say and synge this verse of penāce to al synners: Haue mercy vpō me lorde after thy great mercy. And after the multitude of thy mer∣cies put awaye my wickednes. He was iuge / and gaue sentēce of deth agaynst hym selfe. For great¦ly disdaynyng he saythe: Our lorde lyueth / for he is the childe of dethe that hath done this thynge. He coude nat more euidently be condemned: than by his owne worde. God was iuge / and yet as the {per}sone were changed / he cōmitted the iugement to hym that was gylty. The iuge was taken with a trip / and he ouercame that cōmitted to hym ye iu∣gemēt: Dauid was happily ouercome / god ouer∣came mercifully / whā he shewed ye synner to hym selfe / that had forgot hym selfe. Before as a cōque¦rour / and drōken with vnhappy prosperite / he ac∣complished his pleasure with ye womā yt he loued, he delited in his moste swete childe / but whan he was conuerted to our lorde / than at laste he sawe where he was: and what difference was bitwene a rightous mā & an vnrightous, like as an other prophecy teacheth. Whā a sinner with al his hart aknowlegeth his fylthynes / & cōfesseth hym selfe worthy of punyshemēt / thā our lorde is iustified / and ouercometh whan he is iuged / that is / whan he offreth the iugemēt to man as to be iuged him selfe. But they that ordeyne theyr owne rightous∣nes / make god in a maner vniuste & a lier / whiche wyl that his mercy shuld be knowen in euery mā, and reioyceth to turne our vnrightousnes ī to his glory: seyng where synne was plentiful there his fre liberalite abūdeth. The olde Adam dyd nat so, but whan he was called to confession / he laide the blame on his wife. Like wise she called to cōfessiō blamed the serpent. If they coude haue song the songe of Dauid, God haue mercy on me, they had nat ben banished paradise. Cain nat goyng out of kynde / what sayth he / prouoked of our lorde to re∣pent. Am I my brothers keper? If he had sayd, I haue synned / haue mercy: and if he had sayde hit with al his harte, the mercy of god was redy. There is a carnall sorowe / that engendreth deth / suche as Iudas had: but agayne there is a god∣ly sorowe / that bryngeth forth saluacion and sure ioye. Paule tenderly louedde all his / yet he reioy∣seth that he had caste the Corinthies in suche a so∣rowe / he damned / that had a do with his fathers wyfe / as out of suche sorow / as after a bytter play¦ster foloweth continual ioye. And in ye mean while sure hope of saluacion myngld with repentance tēpereth the bitternes of the sorowe. So Dauid / whan he had simply confessed his synne, and ye de∣serued wreache of god, herke howe moche hope he conceyued of the mercy of god: O lorde sayde he / spryncle me with isope / and I shalbe clensed / thou shalt washe me / and I shalbe made whiter than ye snowe. Nat of his owne good dedes, but by sprin¦lyng of ye īmaculate lābes blud he promiseth hym selfe purenes, and whan he aknowleged hym selfe frō his mothers wombe with spottes defyld / yet out of yt washing he hopeth to haue fairenes of in¦nocency / that shulde passe the snowe in whitenes. And he dothe nat only hope to opteyne innocēcy a∣gayne / but also that ye wo of penāce shuld turne in o spiritual ioye. He sayth: Thou shalt gyue ioy & gladnes to my herȳg / & my hūble bones shal lepe for ioye. Yelde to me the gladnes of thy saluacion, and cōfyrme me with thy principal spirite. O wō∣derfull trust of a synner, & yet more largely he pro∣myseth hym selfe somwhat: And my tonge sayth he / shal shewe outwarde with great mirth thy iu∣stice. O lorde thou shalt open my lyppes / and my mouth shal shewe thy preyse. Whan he hath pro∣ued the mercy of our lorde so great / he wyl eke ex∣hort other yt they shuld repent & amende. So our lorde sayd to Peter: And thou cōuerted somtyme confirme thy bretherne. Dauid shulde haue peri∣shed / if he had cōmytted hym selfe to Iustice / but he in that part to weake called vpō mercy, & ther∣fore the mercies of our lorde he syngeth for euer. They that plede matters amōge men / as ofte as theyr cause is in ieo{per}dy, if they may, they remoue it in to an other courte / all though they be in dout whether they shall fynde there a more egall iuge. And truly may hap other while / he that appeleth may appele to his dāmage. But to vs moost dere bretherne / hit is a thynge fer fer more sure / nat to stryue with the iustice of god / that is / nat to caste vp our heles agaynst the pricke / but by and by to calle vpon his mercy. And truly in mennes iuge∣mentes / they say there is nothynge surer / than i we may by some colour clene deny the cryme / yt is layde agaynst vs: and the rhetoriciens teache the most miserable state of a cause to be: whiche they cleape deprecacion / whan the defendant sayth / I haue offēded / forgyue me. Here cōtrary wise there is nothynge surer for vs than wylfully to aknow∣lege / what so euer we haue myswrought / and to beseche ye iuge of mercy. Hither syth the goodnes of god in all holy scripture so louyngly prouoketh vs / sith the exāples of so many noble men exhorte vs hither / why shuld any be foūde / whiche despe∣ryng of hym selfe had leauer waxe olde in synnes? There is nothyng ī god / that is of simple nature / that shulde striue with other, and yet if we behold those thynges that chance vs / a stryfe shulde seme to be betwene goddes iustice and his mercy. Iu∣stice calleth to punyshement / but mercy as saynth Iames sayth, leapeth vp agaynst iugement as a conquerour. Who dyd euer crye: Iesu haue mer∣cy: but by and by he opteined mercy? The Cana∣nee crieth: Good lorde haue mercy / & her daugh∣ter is made holle: Euery synner eke shulde crye: Good lorde haue mercy / and his soule shalbe hea∣led. He the blinde begger crieth: O son of Dauid haue mercy / and his cloke cast away he receyued his sight. Let vs eke crye: Iesu the sonne of god haue mercy on vs / let vs crye strongely & cōstātly euen amydmōge the hourlynge multitudes of yl imaginacions / & he of this worldly beggers shall make vs enheritours of the heuenly kyngdome. Who so euer seketh cōmodites of this life, is blȳd, is a begger, & ī a patched cloke beggeth a halfe pe¦ny of the people. They yt seke to get a kyngdome / yea though they seme to go about a great thyng / they do nohyng els but wretchedly begge a half-peny of a multitude. They yt hunte for honours / and dignites / be they neuer so great / they crie to ye people / Take pite, gyue an halfepeny. But if any wylerie: Iesu lorde haue mercy / he is redy to gy∣ue vs hym selfe. Our lorde tarieth / he calleth y• to hym / art nat vnhappy but if yu rūne? why tariest in thyne vnhappy clothes? The alter of mercy is open / and thou tournest thy selfe to the bondes o madnes. The sainctuary of goddis mercy is ope∣ned / and thou fliest in to the hurlepyt of vnhappy despeyre. Thy sauiour recheth the his hāde / and thou turnest away thy face. Heuen is open vnto the / and thou rūnest downe heedlynge in to helle. The lappe of goddis goodnes is hold open to the / and thou fliest to the vnhappy halter. The thefe on the crosse hereth / This day thou shalte be with me in paradise / and thou gyueste and byndest thy selfe to hell. But now it is tyme to fulfyl that I la∣stely promised / by what meanes the mercy of god may be soonest got. For of prayers / wepynge / fa∣styng / wearing of heare / & ashes / yt is of a contrite hart / is nowe spokē here and there through al the sermō. And truly these thynges opteyne mercy of god: But well doyng to our neyghbour wresteth it out / if I may so say. Suche as euery man wyll haue god be to him / let him shewe him selfe suche to his neyghbour. The grekes prouerbe saythe: Fauour getteth fauour. But with vs mercy get∣teth mercy. Luce .vj. Gyue, and to you shalbe gy∣uen: Forgyue / & ye shalbe forgyuē: And by what measure ye haue met to your neyghboure / by the same god shall met to you. And I call mercy or pi∣te / nat only whan vengeance is forgyuen / or nede of our neighbur eased, but what so euer good dede is done to our brother with a good mȳde. He that teacheth him that erreth / that correcteth the mis∣doer / and other while he that with strokes chasti∣feth one synnyng, if he do it with a christē affectiō, he doth the warke of mercy vpon his neyghbour, he that exhorteth them y• shrynke from their good purpose / that cōfort the wofull / that bring the des∣peyred / in to good hope he is merciful toward his neyghbour / and eyther he recōpēceth or {pro}uoketh the mercy of god. And truely it is vnsyttynge the mercy of Christiens to be of lytell price & cōmon. A paynym wyl gyue almes to a begger / any man wil helpe his frēde in ieo{per}dy, ye gentiles eke {per}done some offēces. But what our mercy ought to be ye gospel teacheth: Be merciful / yt ye may be ye chil∣dren of your father / that is in heuen. If ye mercy of god toward vs be of ye cōmō sort / mercy of ye cō∣mon sort suffiseth vs toward our neighbour. But if he cōmande his sonne to shyne on good and yll: & suffereth so riche hauiour of this worlde to be cō¦mune to the wel disposed and wicked / if we wyl ap¦pere his true childrē / let vs be weldoers / nat only towarde our frendes, kyns folke, and that wel de∣serued it, but also towarde strāgers, ye to our foes and yt yuell deserued it. If god for vs idol worship¦pers / and children of helle gaue his only sonne, se∣meth it a great thyng if we agayn do good to our ennemy, whiche is our brother, in that he is a rea¦sonable creature? And if our rightous lord for our synnes offred vp hym selfe / in ye auter of ye trosse / semeth it a great thyng / if we forgyue our neygh∣our the wrōge he dyd to vs? Howe dare a synner crye / Lorde haue mercy vpon me / yt denyeth mer∣cy to his brother? Shal nat he worthily here this of ye gospell: O naughty seruant / I haue forgyuē the al thy duty / oughtest nat thou to haue pite on thy felowe seuant with the? What good turne soeuer we do to our neyghbour / our lorde suffreth i to be ascribed vnto hym / whan he hath nede of no mā: & al be it yt god hath fyrst bestowed it al on vs most heapyngly / what good so euer to our power we haue bestowed or done to our bretherne / yet as though he were boūde for our good dedes toward our neighbur, he {pro}miseth to yeld vs agayne good mesure / with moche ēcrease / full & wel heaped vp Is it nat good mesure / whā for herboring a poore man our lorde receiueth the in to the kyngdome of heuē? The best way to waxe riche is to waxe pore by suche liberalite. The wyse men of this worlde wyl nat suffre their money to rust in their chestis / but they leaue it with the bankers / that by vsury they may get more to it. They that wil be riche o heuenly goodes / they must haue ado with ye most liberal vurer. We call them happy that be ryche / and in the gospel the merciful be called happy / by¦cause they shall opteyne mercy. He playeth ye vsu∣rer with our lorde sayth he the wyse Hebrew / that pitieth ye poure folke & he shal quite hym agayne. And the prophet sayth: Redeme thy synnes with almes dedes: bicause as the prince of thapostles sayth: Charite couereth the multitude of innes. Ye here thxchange: but it is with a great luker. Like wise he the misticall synger: Happy is that man that piteeth & lēdeth. Therfore with god he playeth a poynt of vsury / who so euer for the loue of god doth his neyghbour a good turne. Ye here the exchange / ye here the encreasyng / ye here the redemyng. Who so euer hurteth his neyghbou / is in danger of hym that he harmed: Who so euer to his power helpeth his neighour / byndeth hym that he doth the good turne to. Do nat aske vēge∣ance on hym that offended the, but make exchāge with god: forgyue thy neyghbour a fewe & lyght offences / and god of couenant wyll forgyue the al thȳ. Desire no reward agayne of thy neighbour / to whom thou dyddest a good turne / but aske it of god what so euer thou disposest well / & he for goo∣des transitory / wyll rewarde the euerlastynge. There be dyuers sacrifices / wth whiche god is pleased / spirituall hȳmes / songes / prayers / wat∣chinges / fastinges / homely rayment: but no ma∣ner sacrifice is more effectuall than mercy toward our brother. Go saith our lorde / and lerne what it is: I wyl haue mercy & nat sacrifice. He dāpneth nat sacrifices / but he pferreth mercy aboue them al. The same yt our lorde Iesus wit safeth to teche vs wt his owne mouth in ye gospel / he taught lōge before by the mouth of Michee ye {pro}phet. For whā our lorde had rebuked the īuincible obstaclenes of ye people ī yls / ye people being thoughtful by what mean they myght apease god / rightously {pro}uoked with so many cursed dedes / sayth: What thynge worthy may I offre to god? Shal I bow my kne∣es to almighty god? What shuld I offre to him sa¦crifices, and yerelyng calues? May he be pleased with a thousande wethers / or many thousandes of fat gottes? Shal I gyue my fyrst begottē sōne for myn offēce / the frute of my wombe for ye synne of my soule? Hitherto speketh ye people / vnderst∣dynge that no sacrifice coude of man be offered to purge away synnes / yea if aboue many thousāde wethers / he wolde offre vp his fyrst bogottē sōne / to him most dere, but the prophet sheweth a more effectuall sacrifice / wher with by and by the āger of god is apeased. O man / I wyll shewe y• / what is good / and what our lorde wold haue of y•, thou muste do iugement / & loue mercy / & thoughtfully walke with thy lord god. What is to do iugemēt? to hurt no man, what is to loue mercy / to do them good yt deserue it nat. Paule thapostle more ouer addeth somwhat to ye preise of mercy. If I shuld sayth he / gyue my body to be burned / and haue no charite / it auayleth me nothynge. Abrahā {pro}ferd a great thyng / that was redy to offre his only son in sacrafice, that he loued specially but he profreth more / if any for ye loue of god deliuereth his owne body to be burned. And yet charite is more accep∣table than that sacrifice. And what thynge els is charite towarde our neighbour but mercy? Ther¦fore sythe all we continually in all thynges nede ye mercy of god / our study ought styl to be / howe one of vs may mercifully helpe an other / & one with an other bearȳg ye burthēs to gether, we may ful∣fyl ye lawe of Christe / that rather requireth mercy than sacrifice / and wylleth vs to redeme his mer∣cy with mercy shewed on our neyghbour. But as my mynde excedyngly reioyseth whā I cast with my selfe, how great ye mercy of our lord is toward vs / and howe redy for vs he wold it shuld be, so an huge great sorowe {per}ceth myn harte / as ofte as I behold inwardly / how scant the mindȳg of mercy is amōge Christiens. If we were truly mercifull our liberalite wold reche euen to the Turkes / we shuld cast coles of fyre vpō theyr heedes, that they ouercome by our goodnes / at last shulde come to ye felowship of our religion. Nowe we Christiēs by warres, roberies, theftes, oppressions, more cru∣elly greue & vexe Christiens / than any wyld beast greueth the ennemy therof. If thou beholde the luker / what other thynge do we but one lyue by deuourynge an other / after the maner of fyshes? Who is nat redy for smal auaile to begyle his bro∣ther / whose nede he oughte to succoure. Nowe by our brothers pouerte we go about to get our auā∣tage / our brother for faute of meate dyeth, ye more ieo{per}dy I se hym in / the derer I sel to hym in that he nedeth. Howe vnlowly is our stately fiersenes agaynst our inferiours? how great is the rebelliō of thinferiours agaynst the superiours / how feld or in no place is pure charite? All places be full of braulinges, detractiōs, & backebitinges. And we nat only quite a lytel wrong with great vēgeance / but wilfully harme them yt dyd vs no hurte. And the mean while we mynde nat / howe great mercy our lorde hath poured on vs: whiche he wyll calle agayne / except we poure it agayne on our neygh∣bour that we receyued. If ye seke saith ye {pro}phet / seke. If we seke the mercy of god / we must seke it truly & with al our hert. Turne you & come. She turneth her to vs, if we wil turne to her. The mer¦cy of god came to vs / whan the sonne of god des∣cended downe in to erthe: let vs go to her agayne. Our most mercifull lorde inclineth hym / that he may assoyle an aduoutrer / let vs agayne lyfte vp our affectiō to him bowyng to vs. The fyrst grice is, to cast away synne. So phisicions fyrst purge the body / that after they may put in better iuces. So thou synner fyrst cast out of the mynde yll af∣fections / that stryue agaynst god: lechery / couet∣tousnes / riot / pride / anger. Whan the cōtynuer in synne besecheth the mercy of god / doth he nat as though an ēnemy armed / holding his sworde and bucler in his hande / wolde desyre peace? He that asketh receyueth / he that seketh fyndeth: to hym that knocketh the dore is opened. If ye aske mer∣cy / aske it truly: if ye seke, seke aryght: and if ye knocke at the dore of mercy knocke truly. Wyll ye haue example of one truely askyng mercy? He the prodigal childe asketh it aright / but yt was whan he had lefte ye hogges / & whā he was returned to his father. O father I haue offended in heuē and afore the, make me as one of thy labourers. Now here ye publicā / yt for the cōscience of his syns dare nat lyft vp his eies heuēward / dare nat come nere ye auter / but stādȳg a far, he knocketh on his brest & sayth: Lorde haue mercy on me a synner. He as∣keth whose affectiōs turned cōtrary / of a drōkerd is made sobre / of a rebaude chaste / of a gluttō tē∣perate /of a bribour beneficial / of a lewde speker a good sayer / of a dissēbler a playn man / of a crabbi∣she a lowly mā / of cruell mercifull. He knocketh y• with deuoute importunatnes ī a maner cōpelleth ye mercy of god / neuer cessynge to exercise warkes of mercy on his neighbour. Crie to our lord: haue mercy: but & thou wylt be herd / se that thou here hym agayne. He crieh in his membres / the sicke & nedy. Here it thou stoppe thyn eare / he wyll nat herethe agayne calling to hym. He is refreshed in his poure folkes / in them he thrysteth / hungreth / sickeneth / & pynth: in them he is dispised & offē∣ded But more vnshamefastly saith he to our lord: Haue mercy vpō me, whiche only will nat refreshe his brother / but also vexeth hym vndeserued / op∣presseth ye weake / betrayeth the innocent, spoyleth the poure / begyleth the harmeles. Continuynge in hose dedes / he calleth on the mercy of our lorde in veyne. If they that do nat refrshe Christ ī his mēbres / shal here: Go ye cursed folkes in to ye fyre euerlastyng: What shall they here that reuile / pyt at / mocke / beate / punyshe / sklander / & slee Christe in his mēbres? If I be nat disceyued / ther is a sē∣tence amonge the mymes puplians / worthy for a christen mā: In gyuyng he receyued a benefit / yt gaue hym yt was worthy to haue it. Why styckest at it thou froward ponderer of an others dignite? He gyueth to one worthy of it / yt gyueth to the mē∣bre of Christe: he gyueth to one worthy / yt gyueth to his brother. And so forth / he gyueth to one wor∣thy / who so euer for Iesus loue gyueth to a poure creature. If thou seke wynnyng / play the vsur with him: if thou drede peyne / thou hast wherby thou mayst redeme it. After sharpe rebuke / what sayth our lorde in ye gospel? Yet gyue almes sayth he / and se all thinges be clene vnto you. Whan pest of the see is redy to drenche the / thou styckest nat to cast thy marchandise in to the see (be hit ne∣uer so precious) to saue thy life: Whan the venge∣ance of god hangeth ouer the / doth it greue the to dispose a lyttell money on thy neyghbour? What woldest yu leaue vndone / if thy house were a fyre But what burnyng is so dredefull as the anger of god? Whan his anger sodaynly flameth vp / wylt nat vse the remedy that is shewed to quenche hit What, wylt thou say? Who sheweth hit? That ve∣ry good man Sirach: Water sayth he / quencheth flamyng fyre / and almes dede withstandeth syn∣nes. Almes dede knoweth nat bosting / other wise she loseth her name. They that gyue almes with a trumpe blowynge before / they gyue nat almes but bye glory. For conclusion almes before god is whan thy lyfte hāde knoweth nat what thy right hande doth. Put sayth he / thy treasure in the cō∣mandementes of god / and it shall profit the more thā gold: close thy almes / in ye poure mans hart / and it shall delyuer the frō all yuell. Thy treasure is neuer so sure buryed or hydde / as in the poure mans hart. It is far better locked ther in than in thy yron chestis. Forget that thou hast gyuen: let nat ye poure man knowe / if it may be / who is ye au¦tor of the good dede. Whan thy nede requireth an intercessor / the almes shall nat be dūme / but shall opteyne of our lorde / that thou yt dyddest succour thy neyghbour in any trouble / shalt be delyuered from all yll. Wyll ye here almes dede speakynge? Come ye blessed children of my father, for whan I hūgred / ye gaue me meate: Whan I thyrsted / ye gaue me drynke: whan I was naked / ye clothed me: whan I wāted lodgyng / ye lodged me: whā I was sycke / ye viseted me: whan I was in pri∣on / ye came to me. They remembre nat theyr be∣nefittes / and say: O lorde whan dyd we se the wā¦tynge those thynges / and succoured the? The o∣ther part reherseth theyr vertues / and they here: Go ye into euerlastyng fire. Shal nat almes dede thā be here a good spokes womā, that shal delyuer vs from helle / that is from all mischief: and shall ioyne vs to our lord foūaine of al goodnes? What resteth now most dere brethern̄ / but that we must beseche the mercy of our lorde / to graunte vs that we may be mercifull to our neyghbour / lest if we here let naught by his mercy / shall aftward reqre it in vayne / but the more we be prouoked by mer∣cy here / the more sharpe we shall fynde his iudge∣mēt / Let mercy towarde our bretherne ouercome in vs wordly affectiōs / that in god mercy toward vs maye ouercome iugement. So hit shall come to passe / that we with greable myndes to gether shall synge the mercyes of oure lorde for euer / a∣knowlegynge his mercies aboue all his warkes. To whom be preise and glory through all costis of the erthe for euer more. Amen.
A00358.P4	A treatise perswadynge a man patientlye to suffre the deth of his frende	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1531?]	Thomas Berthelet regius impressor excudebat,	[London] :	eng	[ "Death -- Early works to 1800." ]	HOwe bytter and howe greuous a wounde per∣ceth your fatherly harte / for the deathe of your mooste goodly chylde / I lightly cōrecte by myne owne sorowe. And therfore I were ryghte moche vncourtoys / if that I in so sorowfull a chance wolde warne you his father to make lamentation / whan I that am but a straunger can nat chose but wepe & wayle. Ye myght well thinke me rude and vntaught / if I wolde go about to heale your gresse / whan I my selfe had nede of a phisitian: if I wolde lette you his father to wepe / whan the teares stylle abundauntlye trykell downe from myne eien. And all be it / that the ilke stroke of Fortune oughte deper to perce your fatherly breast: yet your great wyse∣dome was wont so to rule you (in all your dedes) that ye nat onely with a strōge & a stoute mynde / but also with a glad and a mery chere / wolde suffre and passe ouer all suche chaunces as happe to mankynde. wherfore ye oughte so to settell your selfe / that if ye can nat as yet put awaye clene the sorowe of your harte (for no man can denye but that ye haue ryghte good cause to be heuy) yet at the least wyse some what suppresse & moderate the same dolour. And for what cause shulde ye nat clene forgette it? seinge that the space of a fewe dayes wyll cause idiottes so to do / me thynketh reason shulde persuade an excellent wyse man. For what selye mother doth so extremely bewayle the dethe of her childe / but that in shorte space of tyme her sorowe some what assla∣keth / and at length is clene forgotten? To haue alway a stedfast mynde / is a token of a perfecte wyse man. But for those chaunces / vnto the whiche we all egally (bothe more and lesse) be subiecte / to sorowe out of measure / me thynketh it extreme folys henes. For who is nat ware (excepte he that myndeth nothynge) that he is borne vnder suche a condition / that whan so euer god wyll call hym: he muste forth with nedes departe hence? So than what other thyng (I prey you) dothe he / that bewayleth ones deth / than lamentably complayne / that he is mortall? Or why shuld we rather sorowe the departynge▪ hence / than the entrynge in to this worlde / consi∣deryng that both are egally natural? Euē in lyke case as though one shuld gyue great thankes for to be called to a great feaste or dyner / and wolde la∣ment and demeane great sorowe / whā he shulde departe away thence. If that a man / as hit were from an highe lokynge place / wolde aduise well the cōdicion and lyfe of all man∣kynde: myght he nat well reken him selfe a nyce felowe / if he amonge so manyfolde examples of priuation / & amonge so thycke buryals of yonge and olde / wolde be greuously vexed in his mynde / as thoughe vnto hym onely were chaunced some newe and great yuell: and as though he onely beinge happy aboue other / wolde de∣syre and loke to stande without the cōmon lotte? For whiche considera∣tion the excellent wise men that foūde and made lawes in olde time / to then tent that they wolde some what in∣cline to the affections of parētes / and to thende they wolde nat be seene to exclude euery body from that passiō / beinge also cōdemned of some of the stoicke philosophers: they lymytted vnto thē a certayne tyme to mourne / the whiche endured nat very longe: Either bicause that they well vnder∣stode and knewe / that in those maner of chaunces / the whiche are bothe cōmune to all folkes / and also do nat hap through any iniury of Fortune / but are induced by the verye course and ordynaunce of Nature / shorte mournynge shulde suffice: yea vnto them that were nat able to moderate all affections: consideryng that Na∣tures selfe by lyttel & lyttell soupleth the wounde that she made / and wea∣reth away the scarre: Or els bicause they diligently marked / that mour∣nynge was nat onely vnprofitable vn∣to them that were bemoned / but also hurtful to thē that made suche mone / and greuous and vnquiete to theyr frendes / acqueyntance / and company. But nowe if a man wolde consider the matter a ryghte / doth it nat seme a poynt of madnes / wyllyngly of one harme to make twayne / and whan ye can nat by no maner reason recouer your predestinate losse / yet wilfullye to annoye and hurte your owne selfe? In lyke maner as though a man that his ennemies hath spoyled of parte of his goodes / wolde in his anger throwe all that euer remayned in to the see: and than wolde say / howe he by that meane dyd bewayle his losse. If we lyttell regarde the noble Mi∣mus / whose sayenge may beseme any philosopher to speake: Thou muste patiently suffre / and grutche nat at it that can nat be amended: Let vs call to mynde the moche goodly example of the ryghte excellent kynge Dauid / the whiche so sone as tydynges was broughte hym / that his sonne / that he so tenderly loued / was deed: he forthwith rose vp from the grounde / and shaked & brusshed of the duste / he threwe away his sherte of heare / and so whan he had wasshed and an noynted / with a gladde countenaunce and a mery chere he wente to dyner. And by cause his frendes maruayled therat / he sayde to them: For what entent shulde I kylle my selfe with wo and sorowe? For vnto this tyme some hope I had / that god beinge moued with my lamentation / wolde haue saued my childe a lyue: but now all our wepyng teares can nat restore hym agayne to vs a lyue: we shall shortly spede vs hēce after him. who is so fonde to crouche and pray hym / whō he knoweth well wyll incline to no prayers? There is nothyng more vntreatable than dethe / nothynge is more deffe / nor nothynge more rygo∣rous. By crafty handelynge the sa∣uage beastis / yea the moste wylde of them all / are made tame: There is a waye to breake the harde marbull stone: and a meane to mollifie the di∣amant: but there is nothynge / wher∣with dethe wyll be appesed or ouer come. It neyther sparethe beautie / ryches / age / nor dignitie. And ther∣fore it oughte to greue vs moche the lesse / either bicause it can nat be esche wed / or els by cause it is egally com∣mune to vs all. what nedeth me to go aboute to re∣herce to you here the manyfolde ex∣ambles of the gentiles / the whiche with a noble and a constaunt courage toke well in worthe the deth of theyr dere frendes? In whiche constantnes of mynde / is it nat a great rebuke for vs that be christiens / to be of them ouer comen? Call nowe to your re∣membrance thilke sayenge (well wor∣thye to be enrolled in writynge) of Telamon and Anaxagoras: I wyste well I begotte a mortall creature. Thynke vpon Pericles the duke of Athens / the whiche is no lesse renow∣med for his eloquence / than he is for his force and manlynes: al be it that he within. iiij. dayes space lost his. ij. sōnes / that were endewed with ryght noble qualities / he nat onelye neuer changed his chere / but also he / beinge crowned (as was the gyse thā) spake & reasoned amōge the people of mat∣ters concernyng theyr cōmon welthe. ❧Haue in mynde also Xenophon the worthy scholer of Socrates: to whom tydynges was brought / as he was doinge sacrifice / that his sonne was deed: he made no more to do but put of his crowne / & forthwith dyd put it on agayne / as sone as he vnderstode that his sonne was māly slayne in batayle. Remembre Dion of Syracuse / the whiche on a tyme (as he was secretly talkynge with his frendes) sodaynly harde a great noyse and rumblynge in his house: And whan he had in∣quered what the matter mente / and was enfourmed that his sonne had fallen from on highe / and was deed: he beinge therwith nothing amoued / cōmaunded the corps (as the maner was) to be delyuered to women to burye: For he sayde / he wolde nat leaue of his pretensed pourpose for that matter. whom Demosthenes folowyng / the vij. daye after the dethe of his onely and most entierly beloued daughter / beinge crowned & arrayed in a faire white garment / he came forth abrode amōge the people. Of whiche dede the accusation of his foo Aeschyies / bothe confirmethe the trouthe / and setteth out the glorie. Thynke also vpon the kynge Anti∣gonus / the whiche whan he herde tydynges / that his owne sonne was slaine in a disordred skermisshe: pau∣synge a lyttell / and beholdynge them well that brought him the tydinges / with a stoute and a constante mynde he sayde: O Aleynonen (that was his sonnes name) all to late thou pe∣risshest / that woldest so folisshely cast thy selfe away amonge thy foes / no∣thynge regardyng thyne owne helth nor my monitions and wordes. If ye delite more to here the exam∣ples of Romanes / beholde Puluillus horace / to whom (as he was dedica∣tynge the capytoll) tydynges was broughte / that his sonne was deed: he neyther drewe awaye his hande from the poste / nor tourued nat his chere from religiō to priuate sorowe. Consider howe Paulus Aemilius / whan he had within the space of. vij. dayes loste his. ij. sonnes / he came forthe abrode amonge the people of Rome / and there shewed them / that he was very gladde / that by the la∣mentation of his householde (which was but a priuate sorowe) he had re∣demed the enuye of Fortune bente towarde them all. Thynke also howe Q. Fabius Ma∣ximus (whan he was consul / and had loste his sonne / that was than a man in hyghe rowme and dignitie / and greatly renowmed for his noble act{is}) he came forthe abrode amonge the people gethered to gether / and there to them he recited the cōmendation of his sonne. Thynke on also whan Cato Censo∣rius his eldest sonne died / the whiche was a yōge man of singlar witte and highe prowesse / and therto electe and chosen to be Meyre: yet was he no∣thynge so amoued with that chance / that he wolde in any thynge more slackelye endeuour hym selfe aboute the nedes and busines of the cōmon welthe. Ye shulde remēbre Marcius / whose surname was kynge / whan his sonne of ryghte noble disposition / and that stode highly in the fauour and good opinion of the people / and therto be∣inge his only sonne / was deed / he toke the losse of hym with so constaunt a mynde / that forthwith euen from the buriall of hym he caused the Sena∣tours to assēble to gether to ordeyne lawes cōcerning their cōmon welthe. Ye shulde nat forget Lucius Sylla / whose valiaunt and moste fierce cou∣rage towarde his ennemies / the deth of his sonne coude nothynge abate / nor cause that he shulde seme falsely to haue vsurped or taken vpon hym to be called by this surname Felix / that is to say / luckye or welthy. whan Caius Cesar (that was Sylla his felowe in rowmeth) had inuaded Britayne / and bad tidynges that his daughter was deed: yet er thre dayes were fully ended / he wente about his imperiall busines. whā Marcus Crassus (in the warre that he made agaynst the Parthiēs) behelde his sonnes heed / the whiche his ennemyes in skorne and derision had sette vp on a morispikes ende / & the more to exasperate and augmēt his calamitie / they approched nere to his armie / & with wordes of reproche and blame / they shewed it vp: he toke in worth all that doinge with so constant a mynde / that sodaynelye he rode forby all his batayles / and saide to them with a loude voice / that that was his owne priuate harme / but the helthe and saluation of the common weale stode in the sauegarde of them his men of warre. But nowe to ouer passe the many∣folde examples of Galba / Piso / Sce∣uola / Metellus / Scaur{us} / Marcellus / & Aufidius: remēbre whan Claudius Cesar had loste hym / whom be bothe begotte / and moste entierely loued: yet for all that he (his owne selfe) in the cōmon pulpit lauded and praysed his sonne / the cors beinge present / all only couered with a littell veyle: and whan all the people of Rome wepte and bewayled his sonnes dethe / he his father wepte nat a teare. And surely lyke as it is a right good ly thyng to folowe & do as these men dyd: euen so were it a right shamfull thynge / if men shulde nat be founde as stedfast and as stoutely mynded as women haue ben in suche case. Cornelia sawe and behelde her two sonnes (Tit. Graccus / and Caius Graccus) slayne and vnburyed: and whan her frendes comforted her and sayde / she had a wretched chaunce: I wyll neuer saye (quod she) that I am vnlucky or vnfortunate / that haue borne suche two children. But wherto do we now repete these examples out of auncient cronicles: as though we sawe nat dayly before our face sufficient exāples? Beholde your neighbours / beholde your kyns folke and alies: howe many / yea sely women / shall ye finde / the whiche ve∣rye moderately take in good worthe the dethe of theyr children? This matter is so plaine / that there nedeth no great helpe of philosophie therto. For he that wolde cōsider well in his mide / how wretched on al sides this our life is / to how many pils / to how many sickenessis / to how many chaū∣ces / to howe many cares / to how ma∣ny incōmodities / to how many vices / and to howe many iniuries it is en∣dangered: howe littell & howe small a portion therof we passe forth (I will nat saye in pleasure) that is nat atta∣ched with some maner greffe and di∣spleasure? and than farther to cōsider howe sweftely it vanissheth & rolleth away / that we may in maner reioyce & be glad of them that ben departed out of this worlde in theyr youthe. The shortnes of our lyfe Euripides sadly expresseth / whiche callethe the lyfe of mortall creatures one lyttell daye. But Phalereus Demetrius doth better / whiche correctynge the sayenge of Euripides sayth / that the lyfe of man shulde rather be called the Minute of an houre. But Pyn∣darus saythe beste of all / whiche cal∣lethe the lyfe of man the dreme of a shadowe. He ioynethe two speciall thynges of nothynge to gether / to thentent that he wolde declare howe vayne a thynge this lyfe is. Nowe howe wretched and myserable the same lyfe is on euery behalfe / the aun cient poetes semed to perceyue it pas∣singe well: the whiche demed / that a mā coude nat more truely nor more better name mortall creatures / than surname them very miserable wret∣ches. For the fyrste age or formeste parte of mans lyfe (the whiche is re∣kened the best) is ignorant: The mid∣dell parte of the lyfe is assayled with trouble and care of manyfolde busi∣nessis: and yet all this while I speake but of them that be moste luckye and fortunate. Therfore who is he / which of very ryghte wyll nat approue the sayenge of Silenus: the best is neuer to be borne / the nexte is moste swyftly to be clene extincte? who wyll nat allowe the ordinaunce of the Thraciens / the which customa bly vse to receyue them that be borne in to this worlde / with lamentation and mournynge: and agayne whan they departe hēce / they be very glad and demeane great ioye? And he that by hym selfe considerethe inwardlye those thynges / that Hegesias was wonte to declare to his herers / he wolde rather desire his owne dethe than abhorre hit: and wolde farre more indifferently take in worthe the dethe of his frendes. But nowe your fatherly sorowe cōmethe forthe and saythe: He died er his day / he dyed in his childehode / he died so passyng a good childe / yea and so towardlye disposed vnto vertue / that he was worthye to haue lyued many many yeres: your fatherly forowe cōplay∣neth / that the course of Nature is subuerted / seinge that you his father an olde man / shulde ouer lyue your sonne a yonge man. But I prey you for the loue of god tell me / what ye call before his day: as though euery day of a mans lyfe coude nat be his laste daye? One before he come in to this worlde / and whā vnneth it hath any shappe of a creature reasonable▪ is strangled and diethe / euen vnder the handes of nature workynge and fourmynge of it. An other diethe in the byrthe. An other crienge in the cradell is snatched awaye by dethe. An other in the flowrig youth dieth / whan scarsely as yet it hath any taste of the lyfe. Of so many thousandes of people / to how fewe is it gyuē (as Horace nameth it) to steppe vp on the gryce of olde age? without doubte god hath vnder suche a lawe consti∣tuted the soule in the garrison of this littell body / that what so euer day / or what so euer moment he wyll com∣maunde it to departe thence / it muste by & by nedes go. Nor there is none that can of ryghte thynke hym selfe to be called forthe before his day / cō∣siderynge that there is no man that hath a day certayne to hym appoyn∣ted: but that only is his laufull day / whiche so euer he our souerayne ca∣pitayne wolde shulde be his last day. If we wyll worke wysely / we shulde so abyde euery day / as it were our ve∣ry last. I prey you / what maketh hit matter / seinge the life is so shorte and fugitiue / whether we dye betymes / or tary some what longer. For it skyl∣leth no more thā it doth / whan many be broughte to execution / whiche of them shuld be fyrst heeded or hāged: It is all one / whiche is the fyrste / the thirde or the eight. And what other thinge els is the lyfe it selfe / but a cer∣tayne perpetuall course vnto dethe? Sauyng that their chance is more cō∣modious / the which frō so laborious an exercise of the lyfe are dispatched be tymes. But as it is a touche of a braynles felowe to departe away frō the army and breke the array / with∣out the capitaynes cōmaundement: So hit is a foliss he poynte and great ingratitude / whan leaue is quickelye gyuen of the capitayne / nat gladly to take it: And most specially / if he that hath now licēce to go / may de{per}te his waye home with laude and preyse / & to hym no rebuke nor shame. Nor it is nat cōuenient / that one shulde sitte and reken howe many yeres he hath lyued. The age shulde be estemed accordynge to the noble dedes: And he (as Homere sayth) is nat reputed to haue lyued / that hath poystered the erthe / and made a nombre: but he the whiche sad & sobrely passynge forthe his lyfe / leaueth behynde hym an honest remēbraunce to them that come after. Do ye complayne / that god sente you forthwith suche a childe / as ye wolde desire to haue had many yeres to come? what / pardie your sōne died nat so soone / he was nowe come to the age of .xx. yeres: at the whiche age (after myne opinion) it is best for to die / for so moche as than lyfe is mooste swete. Nowe was he to his countrey very bountifull / nowe was he to his father very lowely and gen∣tyll / nowe was he amōge his felowes a very merye companion / and nowe had he a good and a perfecte mynde to godwarde. He decessed ignorant of vicis / and whan he had nat tasted but littell of the calamities and miseries of this worlde. But what be shulde haue knowen & haue felte (if he had lyued longer) it is vncertayne. No doubte we se very often tymes / that the latter age dothe bothe infecte the clene conuersation of yonge age with more greuous vices / and spottethe and defileth the felicitie of youthe / with manyfolde myserable grefes. From all these iuels and perils / deth quickely withdrewe hym. Nowe may you safe and surely reioyce and be glad / that you haue had so good and so vertuous a sonne / ye or rather haue. But be it (as you do suppose) that you had hym / and that nowe ye be depriued and haue loste hym. whether of very ryghte oughte you rather to tourment & vexe your selfe for that ye haue forgone hym: or els reioyce and be gladde that ye hadde suche a sonne? Take you hede that it be nat a poynte of vnkyndnes / that ye shulde remembre the requeste of the gyfte to be restored agayne / and nothynge to mynde the gyfte. No doubte a childe of a good disposition is a great gyfte: but yet is he so gy∣uen / that ye shulde take and haue pleasure with hym for a tyme / and nat that he shulde be yours for euer. You that be a perfecte wyse man / cō∣sider this by your selfe: yea let vs both to gether consider on this wyse. If a great prince shulde lende vs a tabull of an excedyng great price / and of an excellent workemanshyppe / to passe our tyme with: whether ought we (whan so euer pleasethe hym to demaunde or call for it) with a glad chere / ye and more ouer gentylly thā∣kynge hym / to delyuer it agayne / or els with heuy and sorowfull counte∣nance shall we complayne to hym on this wyse? O cruell prince / of howe precious a gyfte haste thou spoyled vs? Howe great a pleasure hast thou berafte and taken from vs? Howe sone hast thou taken from vs / cōtrary to our opinion this so excellēt a thīg. Myght nat he of very ryghte to our so vnkynde complayntes answere on this wyse? Haue I this rewarde for my gentyll and courtoys dede? Re∣membre ye nothynge / saue only that / that ye haue forgone the moste faire tabull? Haue ye forgotte / that I of myn owne good wyll and frelye lente it you? And that ye haue nowe so longe whyle (of my gentylnes and sufferaunce) fedde your eies and de∣lited your mynde. It was of my libe∣ralite and fredome that I lēte it you: and nowe whan I require it agayne I do but ryght: perdie ye haue had by me some aduauntage / ye loste no∣thyng / saue that throughe your foly / ye femed that thing to be your owne / that was but lente you. And so ye esteme it to be loste / that is restored to the owner againe. But the more pre∣cious and delectable that the thynge was that I lente and let you haue at your pleasure / the more a great deale ye oughte to haue thanked me. Nor ye oughte nat to thynke hit to be to sone required againe / the which with out any iniurye or wronge myghte haue bene kepte from you. If this reasō can nat be proued false by no meane of argumentation: thā thynke howe moche more iustly Na∣ture (with suche maner word{is}) might reproue bothe our lamentation and sorowfull complaynynges. And vn∣doubted by these maner of reasons our sorowe oughte to be swaged / yea if it were so / that a man were vtterly extincte by deth / and there remayned nothynge of vs after the buriall. Now if we at the leste gyue credēce to it / wherof Socrates in Plato / dou∣bted nothynge at all / that is to witte: the very man to be the soule / & this body to be nothynge els but the pipe or lyttell house of the soule: Or els to say trouthe / it may be called the buriall or prison of the soule: and whan it escapeth out therof / than at the laste it cometh to libertie to lyue moche more welthyly than it dyd be fore. wherfore than shuld we sorow∣fully blame deth / seinge that he that dieth / dothe nat perisshe / but than he semethe rather to be borne. And we ought to reioyce in the soule (whiche we can nat with our eies decerne) as moche and none other wyse / than we be wont to reioyce and take pleasure in our frendes that bene absent. And I doubte whether is more delectable and reioysyng to vs / whan they bene present / or els whan they ben absent: for so moche as the corporall lyuyng to gether is wonte to mynyster to vs matter of displeasure / and the moche beinge in company to gether dothe some what abate the ioyfulnesse of frendshyp. If ye desyre an example of this thynge / be nat the apostels a sufficient argument / the whiche than began to take very fruition in Christ / and truely to loue hym / after the cor∣poral presence was taken from them? On the same wyse is the frēdshyppe of them that be good / the whiche stedfastly perseuer in couplynge and knyttynge to gether of the myndes / and nat of the bodies. And there is no violence / no space of tyme / nor no distaunce of places / that can seuer or diuide the couplyng of myndes. So that me thynke hit a very childisshe poynt / to thynke that a frende were clene lost and gone / so sone as he were out of sighte. You may (as ofte as ye wyll) haue your sonne presente / both in your thoughte & in your wordes: And he (on the other side) remēbreth you / & perceiueth the tender affectiōs of your mynde / ye and other whyle in your slepe both your soules ēbrace eche other / & talke to gether of some secrete thīges. what thynge letteth / that ye may nat euen very nowe ima∣gin to lyue with hym / with whom soone after ye are in poynte to lyue? I pray you / how briefe & shorte is all the holle tyme that we lyue here? Hitherto haue I vsed the remedies / the whiche I myghte well vse / if I had to do with a paynym. Nowe let vs brieffely cōsider / what godlynes & christen faith ought to require of vs. Fyrst and formost / if it were so / that deth were a thynge moste miserable: yet it behoueth vs to take it in good worth / seinge that ther is none other remedye. And more ouer / if dethe shulde clene extinguishe man / that nothynge after shulde remayne: yet we shulde there with be contente / for as moche as hit makethe an ende of many calamities and greffes / whiche we suffre in this lyfe. But seinge that dethe delyuereth the soule (beinge of etheriall begynnyng) out of the don∣gion of the ponderous & beuy body: in a maner we oughte to reioyce and be gladde of them that be departed hence out of this wretched worlde: and that they be retourned home a∣gayne to that welthye libertie / from whēce they came. Nowe than cōside ryng that deth (without any doubte) conueyeth the good deuoute soules out of the stormes of this troublous lyfe vnto the porte or hauen of lyfe perdurable / and that nat so moche as a here of a mans heed shall perisshe (for the bodies also at length shalbe called to enioye the same lyfe euer∣lastyng.) I prey you whether ought we to mourne and wepe / or els to be gladde and reioyce in hym / whom dethe in due tyme taketh out of this moste troublous see of the lyfe / and carieth hym in to that quiete & sure restynge place of euerlastynge lyfe? Go to nowe a littell while / and lay to gether the foule enormities / the pain∣ful labours / and the perils and daun∣gers of this lyfe (if it may be called a lyfe.) And on the other syde reken & caste what cōmodities and pleasures (of that other lyfe) are all redy pre∣pared for the godly creatures that be plucked hence away: And than ye shall sone perceiue / that no man can do more vnrightouslye than he / the whiche lamentably bewayleth / that high goodnes / vnto the whiche only we be both borne and ordayned / euen as thoughe it were a right great and greuous harme. Ye crie out / bicause ye be lefte comfortles alone without childrē / whan ye haue begotte a sōne to inhabite heuen: the holy remem∣braunce of whom (as it were of a di∣uine thynge) ye maye reuerence / the whiche aboue in beuē beinge carefull for you / may greatly forther the pro∣sperous successe of your busines here. For he is nother ignorant of mortall folkes busines / nor hath nat forgone with the bodye the lowlye reuerence and tender loue / whiche he was wōte to bere to you his father. No doubt he lyueth / beleue me he lyueth / and perauenture is present with vs / and hereth / and perceiueth this our com∣munication / and laugheth and dam∣neth this our lamētation. And if the grossenes of our bodies letted nat / {per}∣chance we shulde here hym blaming vs for our wepyng with these maner of wordes. what do ye? wyll ye a∣bridge your dayes / and finishe your olde age with this vnprofitable / ye I may well say pyuisshe lamentation? wherfore do you with so vniuste com playntes accuse and blame destenye∣fortune and dethe? Haue you enuye at me bicause I am delyuered from the yuels of that lyfe / & am brought to this felicitie that I am in? But be hit / that your fatherly goodnes and pure amitie dothe nat enuye me. Yet what other thynge meaneth this so∣rowfull complaynyng? Thynke you this worthye to be lamented / that I am deducte and brought from thral∣dome to libertie / from peyne and care to pleasure & felicitie / from darkenes vnto lighte / from perill and daunger vnto sure saftie / from deth vnto lyfe / from sickenessis and disseases vnto im mortalitie / from so many yuels to so high goodnes / from thynges caduke and transitorie to the euerlastynge / fro thinges erthly to celestiall / and fi∣nally from the corrupte and vnclene company of all people to the felow∣shyp of angels? Tell me (I prey you) for the great loue and kyndnes that ye beare me / If it laye in your power to releue me agayne / wolde ye releue me? Than what offence haue I done / to deserue so great hatred of you? If ye wolde nat reliue me agayne / than for what purpose seruen all these la∣mētatiōs / the which (as I haue said) are nat only vnprofitable / but also vn godly? But ne were it so / that immor∣talite had a while agone clene depued me of all sorowe / I wolde lyke wyse with wepyng teares bewayle your so rowfull mourning / & sore haue rewed vpon thilke grosse & darke cloudines of your mynde. But ye say / that you on your part wepe & make lamētatiō. For soth therin ye do nat like louers: but like vnto thē that haue a respecte to them selfewarde / & that wyll (to o∣thers discōmodite) se to their own bu sines. Nowe go to / tell me / what losse is it / that ye susteine by my deth? Is it / bicause ye can nat haue me in your sight? Pardie ye may neuer the lasse / at your owne pleasure remembre me the meane tyme / ye and so moche the more welthyly / in howe moche I am in sure saftie. For loke that ye esteme me nowe delyuered frō all the yuels / what so euer they be that maye be∣chaunce a mortall man in his lyfe: of whiche your longe & robustous lyfe (for a great parte) hath experience. And though that I be nat with you / with lowly obeisāce to do you seruice / yet may I be a sure & an effectuall ad∣uocate for you before the high maie∣stie of god. And finally / howe small a thynge is hit / that deuideth our con∣uersation & familiaritie? Nowe loke that you so endeuour your selfe / that whan ye haue well and vertuouslye passed the course of your lyfe / that ye maye than at the houre of dethe be founde worthy to be cōueyed hither. If that your sonne (I saye) shulde saye these wordes to vs: myghte we nat well be ashamed thus to lament and mourne as we do? with these maner of reasons I am wonte to ease the greffe of myn owne mynde: of the whiche I wolde that you shulde be part taker / nat all only that ye haue any great nede of those remedies: but I demed it agreable / that ye shulde be partaker of my cō∣solation / of whose sorowe I was par∣tiner. But briefly to conclude all that hath ben at length reasoned: by this maner meane / ye shall aswage the smartynge sorowe of your mynde. My sōne is deed: ye begotte a mor∣tall creature. I haue loste a great ie∣well: ye haue yelded hit agayne to hym that frelye gaue hit you. It is a right greuous thing to be thus desti∣tude: It shulde be the lighter borne / that may be redressed by some mene. He hath lefte me his father alone cō∣fortles. what dothe it auayle to wepe and wayle for that that can nat be re∣medied? or why mourne you for that / the whiche chaunceth to so manye thousandes as well as to you? Alas I can nat chose but wepe for the deth of my sonne: ye but he that diethe well / dothe in no wyse perysshe. But he died to sone: He that diethe well / diethe nat to sone. He dyed longe be∣fore his daye was come: There is no man that hath a daye certayne ap∣pointed vnto hym. He decessed in his flourynge youthe: It is than best to dye whan to lyue it is moste swete. He died a very yonge man: So is he withdrawen from the mo yuels and troubuls of this lyfe. I haue loste the beste childe that any man coude haue: Be gladde that ye had suche one. He departed out of this worlde an innocēt: No deth shulde be more desired and lesse bewayled. Ye but it is nat lefull for me the meane whyle to haue fruition with my sonne: Yes in your mynde you may: and within shorte space you and he to gether bodye and soule shall ioye and take pleasure. If ye knowe any better re∣medies than these / of gentylnes let me here them: if ye do nat / than vse these with me. And thus fare ye wel / which your sōne also wold ye shuld.
A00361.P4	A deuoute treatise vpon the Pater noster, made fyrst in latyn by the moost famous doctour mayster Erasmus Roterodamus, and tourned in to englisshe by a yong vertuous and well lerned gentylwoman of. xix. yere of age	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Roper, Margaret, 1505-1544.", "Hyrde, Richard." ]	[1526?]]	In fletestrete, in the house of Thomas Berthelet nere to the Cundite, at the signe of Lucrece,	[Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Lord's prayer -- Early works to 1800." ]	PAter noster qui es in celis / sanctificetur nomen tuum. Here O father in heuyn the petycions of thy chyl∣dren / whiche thoughe they be as yet bodily in erthe / natwithstan∣dynge / in mynde euer they desyre and long to come to ye countre celestiall / & fathers house / where they well knowe and vnderstande / that the treasure of euerlastyng welthe and fely∣cite / that is to saye / the inherytaunce of lyfe im∣mortall / is ordayned for theym. We aknowledge thyne excellency / O maker / sauyour / and gouer¦nour of all thyng / conteyned in heuen & in erthe / And agayne we aknowledge & confesse our owne vylenesse / & in no wyse we durst be so bolde to call the father (whiche are farre vnworthy to be thy bonde men) ne take vpon vs the most honorable name of thy children / whiche vnneth thou vouch sauest thyne angelles / except thy mere goodnesse hadde: by adoptyon receyued vs in to the great honour of this name. The tyme was / whan we were seruaūtes to wyckednesse and synne / by the miserable generacion of Adam: we were also chil¦dren of the fende / by whose instinction and spyrite we were driuen and compelled to euery kynde of myschefe and offēce. But that thou of thyne infi∣nite mercy / by thyne onely begoten sonne Iesus / made vs free from the thraldome of syn̄e / & dely∣ueredest vs frō the deuyll our father / & by violēce riddest vs frō thinheritaunce of eternall fyre / & at the last / yu vouchsaffest to adopt vs by faythe and baptyme / as membres in the moost holy body of thy sonne: nat onely in to the felowshyppe of thy name / but also of thyne inheritaūce. And bycau∣se we shulde nothyng mystrust ī thy loue towarde vs / as a sure token therof / thou sendest from he∣uen downe in to oure hertes / the moost holy spy∣rite of thy sonne: Whiche (all seruauntlye feares shaken of) boldely cryeth out in our hertes with∣out cessyng / Abba pater / Whiche in Englysshe is as moche to saye / as O father father: & this thy sonne taught vs / by whome (as mynister) thou gyuest vs all thynge: That whan we were as it were borne agayne by thy spyrite / and at the fōt∣stone in baptyme / renounced and forsaken our fa∣ther ye deuyll / and had begon to haue no father in erthe / than we shulde aknowledge onely oure fa∣ther celestyall: By whose marueylous power we were made somwhat of ryght nought: by whose goodnesse we were restored / whan we were loste: by whose wysedome incomparable / euermore we are gouerned & kepte / that we fall nat agayne in to distruction. This thy sonne gaue vs full truste to call vpon the / he assigned vs also away of pray¦eng to the / aknowlege therfore the desire & prayer of thy sonne / aknowlege the spirite of thy sonne / whiche prayeth to thy maiestie for vs by vs: Do yu nat disdayne to be called father of those / whom thy sonne moost lykest thy ymage / vouchesafe to call his brethern / and yet we ought nat her vpon to take lykyng in our selfes / but to gyue glorie to the and thy sonne for that great gentylnesse: sithe no man can here of hym selfe ought deserue / but that thyng whatsoeuer good it be / cometh of thy onely and free lyberalite. Thou delytest rather in names louyng and charitable / than terrible and fearefull: Thou desyrest rather to be called a fa∣ther / thanne a lorde or maister: Thou woldest we shulde rather loue the as thy children / than feare the as thy seruaūtes and bonde men: Thou fyrst louedest vs / and of thy goodnesse also it cometh / and thy rewarde / that we do loue the agayne. Gyue eare / O father of spyrites to thy chyldren spyrituall / whiche in spyrite praye to the: For thy sonne tolde vs / that in those that so prayed thy de¦lyte was / whom therfore yu sēdest in to the worlde that he shulde teache vs all veryte and trouthe. Here nowe the desyres of vnyte and concorde / for it is nat sytting ne agreable / that bretherne whō thy goodnese hath put in equall honoure / shulde disagre or varry among themselfe / by ambicious desyre of worldely promocion / by contencious de∣bate / hatered or enuy / all we hang of one father / we all one thyng praye for and desyre / no man as∣keth ought for hym selfe specially or a parte / but as membres of one body / quyckened and releued with one soule: We requyre and praye in cōmen / for that whiche indyfferētly shalbe expedient and necessary for vs all. And in dede / we dare none o∣ther thyng desyre of the / than what thy sonne cō∣maūded vs / ne otherwise aske / than as he apoyn¦ted vs / for in so askyng / his goodnesse promysed we shulde optayne / what soeuer we prayed for in his name. And for as moche as whan thy sonne was here in erthe / he nothyng more feruently de∣syred / than that thy moost holy name shulde ap∣pere and shyne / nat onely in Iudea / but also tho¦rowe all the worlde / besyde we also / bothe by his encoragyng and ensample / this one thing aboue all desyre / that the glorie of thy most holy name / maye replenisshe and fulfyll bothe heuen & erthe / so that no creature be whiche dredeth nat thy hye power and maieste / whiche do nat worshippe and reuerēde also thy wysdome eternall and maruey∣lous goodnesse / for thy glorie as it is great / so ney¦ther hauyng begynnyng nor endyng / but euer in it selfe florisshynge / can neyther encreace nor de∣creace / but it skylleth yet mākynde nat a lytell / yt euery man it knowe and magnifye / for to knowe and cōfesse the onely very god. And Iesus Christ whom thou fendest in to ye worlde / is as moche to vs / as lyfe eternall. Let the clere shynyng of thy name / shadowe & quenche in vs all worldly glory. Suffre no man to presume to take vpō hym selfe any {per}te of glory / for glory out of yt is non / but very sclaūdre & rebuke. The course of nature also in car¦nall children this thyng causeth / that they great¦lye desyre the good fame and honest reputacion of their father: for we maye se howe glad they be / & howe they reioyce / howe happy also they thynke them selfe / if happen their fathers any great ho∣noure / as goodly tryumphe / or their ymage and picture to be brought in to ye court or cōmen place with an honourable preface / or any other goodly royalte what soeuer it be. And agayne we se how they wayle / and howe agast & astonyed they be / if chaunce their fathers sclaundre or infamy. So depely hath this thyng naturall affection routed in mannes hert / that the fathers reioyse in their childrens glory / and their children in the glorie of their fathers. But for asmoche as ye gostly loue & affection of god / farre passeth and excedeth ye car∣nall affecion of m: therfore we thy spirituall chil¦dren / moche more feruently thurst and desyre the glory and honour of thy most holy name / & great¦ly are vexed and troubled in hert / if he / to whom alone all glorye is due chaunce rebuked or sclaun∣dred to be / nat that any sclaundre or rebuke can mynisshe or defoule the clerenesse of thy glory / but that we / as moche as lyeth in vs / in a maner do wronge and iniury to thy name / whan soeuer the gentyls eyther nat knowyng / or elles dispisynge the maker and originall of all / do worshippe & ho∣mage to creatures most vyle / as made of tymbre or stone: or other peynted images / some also to oxē some to bulles / and suche other lyke: And moreo∣uer / in all these foule and wycked deuylles / in ho∣nour of thē they sing hymnes: to these they do sa∣crifyce / before these they burne ensence and other swete sauours / than we thy spirytull chyldren / seyng all this / doubly are agreued / bothe yt thou hast nat that honour whiche is due to the / & that these wretches perisshe by their owne madnesse & follye. The iewes also neuer cesse in their sinago∣ges and resorte of people / from dispitefull and ab∣ominable bacbytinge of thy onely sonne / wherby in the meane tyme they sclaundre the / sithe it can nat be chosen whan thy sonne is misfamed (whi∣che is ye very clerenesse of thy glorie) but that in∣famy also must redounde in the. They cast eke in our tethe / as a thyng of great dishonestie / ye most glorious name of thy chyldren / sayeng / yt it were better to be called theues or manquellers / than̄e christen men and folowers of Christ. They ley a∣gaynst vs also that thy sonne was crucified / whi∣che is to vs great glorie and renoume / We maye thāke thy mercy father of all this thyng that we haue / and aknowledge the as originall and cau∣ser of all oure helthe / that we worshyppe also thy sonne in egall authorite with the / & that we haue receyued in to our hertes the spirite of you bothe. But yet good father in heuen / we pray yt to shewe thy mercy to those also / that bothe the gētyls lea∣uyng and forsakyng the worshippyng & homage of counterfaite ymages: maye do all honour and reuerence to thy maiestie alone / and the iewes re∣leued with thy spyrite / renounsing their supersti∣cious vsyng of the lawe maye confesse god / from whom all thyng so abundantly cometh / may con¦fesse the fonne of god / by whome we receyue all: maye confesse the holygost / parttaker and felowe of the diuyne nature / Let them worshippe in thre persons / one and egall maiestie / and aknowledge thre persons as one proper persone / so that euery nacyon / euery tonge / euery secte / euery age / as well olde as yong / maye with one assent auaunce and praise thy moost holy name. And I wolde to god that we also / whiche beare the name of thy children / were nat dishonestie to thy glorie / amon¦gest those yt knowe the nat: for lyke as a good and wise sonne is the glorie and honour of his father / so a folisshe & vnthrifty childe / getteth his father dishonestie and shame / & he is nat a naturall and {pro}per chylde / whosoeuer do nat labour all that he can to folowe and be like his father in wytte & con¦dicions: But thy son̄e Iesus is a very kynde and naturall childe / for he is a very full and perfite y∣mage & similitude of the / whom holly he is lyke & representeth. We whiche are become thy children by adopcion and nat by nature / confermyng our selfes after his ensample / endeauer as moche as lyeth in vs / to come to some maner lykenesse of y•: that lykewise as thou waste moost parfitely exal∣ted and glorified in thy son̄e Iesus: so as farforth as our weakenesse wyll suffre / thou mayst be glo∣rified also in vs / but the wayes howe thou mayst be glorified in vs / is / if the worlde perceyue that we lyue after ye teaching and doctrine of thy son̄e that is to say / if they se that we loue the aboue all thyng / and our neighbour & brother no lesse than our owne selfes / & that we euer beare good mȳde and loue to our ennemy and aduersary / also well doing and profyting those / whiche do vs iniury & wrong: For these thynges thy sonne badde vs we shulde do / whan he prouoked vs to the folowyng and likenesse of our father in heuen / whiche com∣maundeth his sone to shyne vpon good and yuell: And howe great a shame and dyshoneste are they to thy glorie / whiche whan they haue professed & taken vpon them thy name / natwithstandynge / do robbery and thefte: commyt aduoutrie: chyde and braule: study to reuēge: go about to disceyue: forswere theym selfe by thy moost holy name: a∣monge also sclaundre and backebyte: haue their belly as their god: dispyce the / and do seruice and homage to worldely richesse. And truely the com∣men sorte of people for the moost {per}te / esteme god after the lyueng and cōdicions of his seruaūtes. For if they may parceyue that they whiche haue professed thy name / lyue viciouslye: thanne they crye out and saye. What a god is he / that hath su¦che maner of worshippers? Fye on suche a may∣ster that hath so vnrewly seruauntes: Out vpon suche a father / whose children be so leude: Banis∣shed be suche a kyng / yt hath suche maner of peo∣ple and subiectes. Thy sonne therfore consydring this / taught vs that lykewise as he bothe lyue∣eng and dyeng euer glorified thy name / so we al∣so all that we might / shulde endeuer by chast and blamelesse condicions / to auaunce and preyse the clerenesse of thy glorie / sayeng vnto us. Let your light shine in the sight of men / that they maye se your good workes / & in those glorify your father in heuen. But in vs O good father / there is no lyght at all / excepte it wyll please the to sende vs any / whiche arte the contynuall and euerlastyng spring of all lyght: nor we of our selfes can bring forthe no good workes. Therfore good lorde we praye the / lette thy goodnesse worke in vs / & thy clere lyght shine in vs: as in all thynge that thou hast created / dothe shine thy eternall and endlesse power / thy wysdome vnable to be expressed & thy wonderfull goodnesse whiche moost specially / yet thou vouchsafest to shewe to mankynde. Nowe than whyder soeuer we loke / all thynges glorifye thy name: the erthely spirites bothe day & nyght neuer lynne prayeng their lorde and kyng: y• wō∣derfull also & heuenly ingen that we beholde: the disagreyng concorde moreouer of the elamentes: the flowing and ebbyng of the see: ye bublisshyng of ryuers: the enduring courses of waters: so ma¦ny dyuers kȳdes of thynges / so many kyndes of trees and of herbes / so many of creatures / and to euery thyng the proper apoynted and sette na∣ture: As in y• Adamant stone to drawe yron / ye her¦bes to cure and heale diseases and sickenesse: All these thynges I saye / what other thyng do they shewe to vs than the glorie of thy name / & that thou arte onely very god / onely immortall / onely of all power and might / onely wyse / onely good / onely mercyfull / onely Iuste / onely trewe / onely marueylous / onely to be loued & had in reuerēce. Than father / we may well se that he doth wrong to thy glorious name / who soeuer take vpon him self to be called by any of these names / for though there be in vs any of these rehersed vertues / yet all that cometh to vs from thy liberall goodnesse. Graunt nowe therfore father / that thy name on euery side be glorified / and that the light and glo∣ry of thy name / maye no lesse appere and shyne in our maners and lyuenge / than it shyneth in thy Angels / and in all thynge that thou hast created and made: that in lykewise as they / whiche be∣holde and loke vpon this worlde of the wōderfull and marueylous workemanshippe / do guesse the excellēcy of the maker therof: so they that knowe the nat / moued and stered by our example / maye bothe cōfesse their owne misery and wretchednes and marueile thy liberall goodnesse / and by these meanes turned and cōuerted / may togyder with vs glorify the most holy name of the / of thy son̄e / and of the holy gost / to whom indifferently all ho∣nour and glorie is due for euer. Amen. ADueniat regnum tuum. O father in heuen / whiche arte the onely causer / maker / sa∣uiour / restorer / & gouernour of all / bothe ī heuen and in erthe / out of whom cometh & procedeth all authorite / power / kyngdome / and rule / aswell to thynges vncreated as created / aswell to thinges inuisible as visible / whose trone and seate of ma∣iestie is the heuen: & the erthe as fotestole: whose kyngly septre & mace / is thyne eternall and most establisshed wyll / whom no power is able to with¦stāde. Ones thou promisest thy people by ye mou∣thes of thy prophetes / for the helth of makynde / a certayne spirituall realme whiche shulde brȳg into liberte / those that were thyne & borne anewe in the / and shulde delyuer them out of the tyran∣nous hādelyng of the fende / whiche in tyme past raigned as prince in the worlde / sore entangled & combred with synne. And to the gettyng & optay∣nynge of this realme / thou vouchsauest to sende from heuen downe into the erthe thy onely son̄e / whiche with the losse of his owne lyfe / redemyn∣ge vs / where we were afore seruauntes of the de∣uyll / shulde make vs the children of god: and ve∣rily thy sonne / while he lyued here in erthe / was wont to call his gospell / the heuenly kyngdome a the realme of god: whose knowlege yet he sayde to be hydde and kepte secrete from vs / but nat wt∣standyng / thy children humbly require / and with feruente desyre / beseke the that this realme / whi∣che our lorde Iesus chalged for the / myght day∣lye more and more be disclosed and opyned here in erth / vntyll that tyme come / in whiche that same thy sonne shall restore and rendre it vp to the full and hole / whan all those haue subdued themselfe / whom thy goodnesse or the begȳnyng of ye worlde hath apoynted to dwell in this realme. And whā all obstinate and rebelleous spirites / and all ma∣lycious and yuell desyres be fully quenched & wy∣ped away / whiche hiderto and at this day / make warre and insurrection agaynst thy maieste / whi¦che vexe and vnquiete thy cōmunalte / what time thy royalme shalbe in sure peace and trāquillite: For verily as yet the worlde / by all the meanes & subtilties it can / oppresseth thy childrē / wādryng here bodily in erth as yet: also corrupt & vnclene affections / and olde original synue / rebell & striue ayenst the spirite: as yet noyous and wycked spi∣rites / whiche thou banyssheddest / and put out of the heuēly cite / do assaut with fyrely dartes from aboue those / whom thou of thy mere goodnesse hast deuyded frō this worlde / and as chosen folke and parttakers of thy sōne / hast apoynted to thy royalme. Graunt father of all myght / that they / whom thy goodnesse ones hath delyuered frō the tyrāny of synne / and assygned to dwell in thy roy∣alme / maye by the benifitte of the same benygne goodnesse contynue / and stedfastly abyde in theyr liberte and fredome: and that none leauynge and fayling from the and thy sonne / retourne agayne in the tyrannous seruice of the deuyll: & so bothe we by thy sonne shall raigne in the to our welthe / and thou in vs to thy glorie: for thou art glorified in our blysse / and our blysse is of thy goodnesse. Thy son̄e Iesus taught vs we shulde dispice the realme of this worlde / whiche standeth all by ry∣chesse / and is holde vp by garrisōs of men / by ho∣stes and armour / which also what soeuer it doth / dothe by pryde and violence / and is both gotten / kept / & defended by fierse cruelnesse: & he with the holy goost / ouercame ye wycked spirite that ruled as chefe and heed in the worlde: afore he by inno∣cency and purenesse of lyuyng / had the victorie of synne / by mekenesse venquesshed cruelnesse / by suffraūce of many dispitefull rebukes / recouered euerlastyng glory / by his owne deth restored life / and by his crosse had triumphe vpon the wycked spirites. Thus wōderfully hast thou father war∣red and ouercome: after this maner thou both tri¦umphest & reignest in thy sonne Iesus / by whom it hath pleased the of thy goodnesse / to take vs in to the cōgregaciō of the dwellers in thy royalme. Thus also thou tryūphest and reignest in thy ho∣ly martyrs / in thy chast virgins and pure confes∣sours / whiche yet neyther by theyr owne strēgth nor power / dyde ouercome the fiersenesse and dis∣pleasure of tyrantes / ne the raging or the wantō∣nesse of the flesshe / ne the maliciousnesse of this worlde. But it was thy spirite father / Whiche it pleased the to gyue them to ye glorie of thy name / and the helthe of mankynde / that was bothe the begȳner and ender of all this in them: And we fa∣ther / hertely desire the / that thy realme may flo∣risshe also in vs: whiche all though we do no my∣racles / for asmoche as neyther tyme nor mater re¦quireth: albe it we be nat imprysoned nor turmen¦ted: though we be nat woūded nor brent / althogh we be nat crucified nor drowned: thoughe we be nat beheeded: yet natwithstandyng / the strength and clerenesse of thy realme: may shine and be no∣ble in vs / if the worlde perceyue / that we by the helpe of thy spirite / stande stedfast & sure agaynst all assautes of the deuyll / and agaynst the flesshe: whiche alwaye stereth and prouoketh vs to those thynges / that be contrary to the spirite / & agaȳst the worlde / whiche by all the wayes it can / mo∣ueth vs to forsake and leaue the trust that we ha∣ue ones put in the / As often so euer as for thy loue we despice and sette nought by the realme of this worlde / and with full trust hange vpon the heuē∣ly kyngdome / that thou hast promysed vs: as of∣ten also / as we forsake and leaue honourynge of erthely richesse / and onely worshyp and enbrace ye precious and gostly lernyng of the gospell / as of∣ten as we refuse those thȳges / that for the season seme swete and pleasaunt to the flesshely & carnal appetite / and in hope and trust of eternall felicite we suffre paciently and valiantly all thynge / be it neuer so harde: as often also as we can be content to forsake our naturall affections / and that whi∣che we haue moost dere / as our fathers and mo∣thers / wyues / chyldren / and kynsefolke / for the loue of the: Likewise as often as we oppresse and refrayne ye furious and fiersely braydes of angre / and gyue mylde & meke wordes / to those y• chyde and raule with vs / and do good to them / whiche do vs iniury and wronge: and all for thy sake. So often father thou warrest in vs / and ouerco∣mest the realme of the deuyll / & openyst y• myght and power of thy realme. Thus it hath pleased and lyked thy wysdome father / by continuall and greuous batayle / to exercise / confyrme / and make stedfaste the vertue and strengthe of thy people. Encrease suche strengthe in thy childrē / that they maye euer retourne stronger from their batayle and that whan by lytell and lytell / their enemies and aduersaries myght is minysshed and broken thou mayest euery day more and more raygne in vs: But the tyme is nat yet come good father / in whiche all the worlde haue subdued them selfe to thy yoke: For as yet / that tyrannous fende hath a do with many and diuers naciōs: There is nat yet one herde / and one herde mayster / whiche we hope shalbe / whan the iewes also shall bryng and submyt them selfe to the spirituall and gostely ler¦nyng of ye gospell: for yet many knowe nat howe great a liberte it is / and what a dignite / and how great a felicite / to be subiectes to the heuenly re∣alme: and that is the cause why they had rather be the seruaūtes of the deuyll / than thy children inheritours with Iesu / and parttakers of ye kȳg∣dome of heuen / and amongest those two father / that walke within the cloyster of thy churche / & seme as chefe in thy realme / there are nat a fewe / (alas) which holde on their aduersaries side: and as moche as lyeth in them / abate / shame / & dis∣honest the glory of thy realme. Werfore we speci∣ally desyre and wisshe for that tyme / whiche thou woldest none to knowe but thy selfe alone / in whi∣che / acordyng to the promyse of thy sonne / thy an∣gels shall come and make clene the floore of thy churche / and gader to guether into thy barne the pure corne / deuyded and seuered fro the cockle / & plucke out of thy realme / all maner occasyon of sclaundre / What tyme there shall neyther be hun∣ger nor pouerte: no necessite of clothīg: no disease: no dethe: no pursuer: no hurt or yuell at all / ne a∣ny feare or suspicion of hurte but than all the bo∣dy of thy dere sosie heaped togyder in theyr heed / shall take fuicion and pleasure of thy blessed com¦pany of heuen. & they whiche in the meane tyme had rather serue the tyrannous fende / shall togy∣ther with their maister be banysshed and sente a∣waye to euerlastyng punisshement: And trewely this is the realme of Israell / whiche whan Ie∣sus Christ forsoke the erthe / & retourned agayne to his disciples / desyred / myght shortely be resto∣red. Than thou madest heuen free and rydde frō all rebellion / what tyme Lucifer with his com∣pany was caste out. So ones in the day of dome and iugement whan the bodyes shall aryse / thou shalte departe the sheepe from the gottes: & than who so euer hath here with all dgēce embrased the spirytuall and goollely realme of the gospell / shalbe desyred and brought to the / to the inhery∣taūce of the euerlastynge kyngdome / to ye whiche thy goodnesse had apoynted theym or the worlde was made. This fortunate and happy day whi∣che thy sonne Iesus promysed shulde come / we thy children good father / greatlye desyre / whiche dwelle here in erthe as outlawes in exyle / sore lo∣dened with the hugenesse of the erthely body / suf∣fryng in the mean tyme / many greuous displea∣sures / and sorowyng that we be withdrawen frō thy company / wherof than we shall haue perfite pleasure and fruycion / Whan face to face we shall se and beholde our kyng and father / raignyng in his great glorie. And yet we haue nat this hope & truste of our owne merites and desertes / whiche we knowe verily as non / but onely of thy liberall goodnesse: Wherby it lyked the to bestowe thyne owne sonne holly for vs / and to sende vs the holy goost as pledge and token of this inheritaunce: & if it wyll please the also to graunt / that we maye stedfastly and without any waueryng / contynue in thy sonne Iesus: than thou canst nat departe vs from the company of thy realme: To whome with that same thy son̄e and the holy goost / all re¦nome / honour / and glorie is due worlde without ende. Amen. EIat voluntas tua sicut in ceso et in terra. O fa∣ther whiche art the noryssher and ordrer of all / whom it pleaseth thy sonne to aknowlege as his bretherne / and he so aknowlegeth all those / yt in pure faythe professeth his name in baptysme: Thy children here in erthe call and crye to ye dwel¦lyng in heuen / a place farre out of all chaūgeable mutabilite of thynges created / desyryng in dede / to come to thy heuenly and celestiall cōpany / whi¦che is defouled with no maner spotte of yuell / sa∣uyng they knowe well that non can be taken and receyued in to so great a tranquillite & quietnesse / but onely they / whiche with busye studye / whyle they lyue here / labour to be such as ther must be: Therfore it is all one realme / bothe of heuen and erthe / sauyng this difference / that here we haue sore & greuous conflicte wt the flesshe / the worlde / and the deuyll: and there all though there is no∣thyng that might minysshe or defoyle the welthe of blessed soules: Yet as touchynge the full perfe∣ction of felicite / there is some maner mysse / whi∣che is / that all the membres and partes of thy sonne be gathered together / and that the hole bo∣dy of thy sonne / safe and sounde be ioyned to his heed / Wherby neyther Christe shall lacke any of his partes and mēbres / nor good mennes soules theyr bodyes: whiche lykewise as they were euer here in erthe parttakers of theyr punīsshementes and afflictiōs: so their desyre is to haue them com¦paniōs of their ioye in heuen. And they finally in this worlde / go about to folowe the vnite and con∣corde of the heuenly kyngedome / whiche all the tyme they lyue bodily in erthe / as it becometh na∣turall and obedient children / studye with all dili∣gence to fulfyll those thȳges / whiche they knowe shall cōtent thy mynde & pleasure / and nat what their owne sensuall appetite gyueth them / ne iu∣gyng or disputyng why thou woldest this or that to be done / but thynkyng it sufficient / that thus thou woldest it / whom they knowe surely to wyll nothing / but that that is best. And what thy will is / we lerned sufficiently of thy onely begotton & moost dere sonne. He was obeydient to thy wyll / euyn to his owne dethe / and thus he sayd / for our lernyng and instruction. Father / if it may conue∣nyently be / suffre this drynke of my passyon to be withdrawen from me / howe be it / yet thy wyll be fulfylled and nat myne. So that thā nedes must man be a shamed / to preferre & set forth his owne wyll / if Christ our maister was cōtent to cast his owne wyll awaye / and subdue it to thyne. The flesshe hath his propre wyll and delyte / whi∣che man naturally desyreth to kepe and folowe. The worlde also hath a wyll by it selfe / and the de¦uyll his wyll / farre contrarye to thyne. For the flesshe coueteth agaynst the spirite whiche we ha¦ue receyued of the: and the worlde entyseth vs to sette our loue on frayle and vanysshyng thynges: and the deuyll laboureth about that / that might bring mā to euerlasting distruction. Nor it is nat inough / yt in baptyme we haue {pro}fessed / yt we wyll be obedient to thy preceptes / and there to haue re¦nounced the deuyls seruice / excepte we labour all our lyfe / to perfourme stedfastly that / whiche we haue professed: But that we can nat perfourme / but if thou gyue vs strengthe / to helpe forthe our purpose: so that our wyll haue no place in vs / but let thy wyll father worke in vs that / whiche thy wysdome iudgeth and thynketh best for vs. Who so euer lyueth after the flesshly & carnall appetite they are deed to the / and than nat as thy childrē. Ye / and we thy children also / as longe as we are here bodily in erthe / haue among nat a litell busi∣nesse and a do / in venquesshyng the flesshly delite: whiche laboreth to preuent thy wyll: but graunt good father / that thyne euer ouercome & haue y• better / whether it lyke the we lyue or dye / or to be punisshed for our correction / or be in prosperite / to the entent we shulde gyue the thankes for thy li∣berall goodnesse. And they folowe and obeye the wyl of the deuyl / whiche do sacrifice and homage to idols / whiche sclaūderously backebite thy most honorable sonne / and for enuy and yuell wyll / go about to brynge theyr neyghbour in to perill and distruction: and so they may shortly waxe ryche / care nat whether they do ryght or wrong / and are al fulfylled with corrupt and vnclene thoughtes / But this is thy wyll father / that we shulde kepe both our body and mynde chast and pure from al vnclenesse of the worlde / and that we shulde pre∣ferre and set more by thyne honour & thy sonnes / thā all other thynges besyde. And that we shulde be angry with no man / ne enuye or reuenge any man / but alway be redy to do good for yuell: ye / & to be content rather with turmentes / hūger / im∣prisonement / banysshement / and dethe / than in any thynge to be contrarye to thy pleasure: And that we may be able euery day more and more / to perfourme all this / helpe vs O father in heuen / that ye flesshe may euer more and more be subiect to the spirite / and our spirite of one assent / and one mynde with thy spirite. And likewyse as nowe in dyuerse places thy children / whiche are obedient to the gospell / obey and do after thy wyll: so graūt they may do in all the worlde besyde / that euery man may know and vnderstāde / that thou alone art the onely heed and ruler of al thyng / and that in lyke wyse as there are none in heuen / Whiche mutter and rebell agaynst thy wyll / so let euery man here in erthe / with good mynde and gladde chere obey thy wyll and godly preceptes. Nor we can nat effectually and fully mynde what y• good lorde wyllest / excepte it wyll please the to plucke & drawe vs therto. Thou cōmaundest vs to be obe∣dyent to thy wyll and pleasure / and in dede they are nat worthy to be called children / but if in all poyntes they folowe and obey theyr fathers byd∣dyng: but sithe it hath liked thy goodnesse to take vs / although farre vnworthy into so great an ho∣nour of thy name: let it please the also of thy gen∣tylnesse to gyue vs a redy and stedfast wyll / that in nothyng we ouerhippe or be agaynst that / whi¦che thy godly and diuine wyll hath apoynted vs / but that we kyll and mortifye our flesshly and car¦nall lustes / and by thy spirite be ledde to ye doyng of all good workes / and al thyng that is pleasaūt vnder thy sight. Wherby yu father mayst aknow∣ledge vs as thy children naturall / and nat out of kynde / and thy sonne as kynde & good bretherne: that is to saye / that bothe twayne maye aknow∣ledge in vs his owne propre benefyte / to whome with the holy goost equall and indifferent / glorie is due for euer. Amen. PAnem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie. O fa∣ther in heuē / whiche of thy excedyng good¦nesse / moost plentuously fedest all thynges yt thou hast so wondersly created / prouide for vs thy chil∣dren / whiche are chosen to dwelle in thy celestiall and heuēly house / and that hang holly and onely of thy son̄e / some spirituall and goostly fode / that we obeyng thy wyll and preceptes / may dayly en¦crease and waxe bigger in vertue / vntyl after the course of nature we haue optayned and gathered a full and {per}fyte strength in our lorde Iesu Christ. The children of this worlde / so longe as they are nat banysshed ne out of theyr frendes fauour / all that tyme they take lytell care of their meate and drynke: sithe their fathers of their tendre loue to∣warde them / make sufficient prouision for them. Than moche lesse ought we to be carefull or studi¦ous / whom thy sonne Iesus taught shulde caste away all care of the morowe meale / perswadyng and assuring vs / that so riche a father / so gentyll / so louynge / and that had so great mynde of vs / & whiche sente meat to the lytell byrdes / and so no∣bly clotheth ye lyles in the medowe / wolde nat suf∣fre his childrē / whiche he hath endued with so ho¦nourable a name / to lacke meate and bodily appa¦rayle: but all thyng sette asyde that belongeth to the body / We shulde specially and aboue all / seke and labour about those thynges / whiche pertay∣neth and belongeth to thy realme / and the iustice therof. For as touching the iustes of the pharises that sauereth all carnally / thou vtterly dispysest and settest nought by: For the spirituall iustes of thy realme / stādeth by pure faythe and vnfayned charyte. And it were no great mater or shewe of thy plentye / to fede with breed made of corne the body / whiche althoughe it perisshed nat for hun∣ger / yet it must nedes dye & perysshe within short space / eyther by syckenesse / age / or other chaūce / but we thy spirituall and goostly children / desyre and craue of our spirituall father / that spirituall & celestiall breed / Wherby we are verily relyued / whiche be verily and truely called thy children: y• breed is thy worde full of all power / bothe the gy∣uer and norissher of lyfe: Whiche breed yu vouche∣sauest to sende vs downe from heuen / what tyme we were lyke to haue perisshed for hūgre. For ve∣rily / the breed and teachynge of the proude philo∣sophers and pharises / coude nat suffice and con∣tent our mynde: But that breed of thyne / whiche thou sendest vs / restored deed men to lyfe / of whi∣che who soeuer dothe eate shall neuer dye. This breed relyued vs: by this breed we are norysshed and fatted: and by this we come vp to the perfite and full strength of ye spirite. This breed though day by day it be eaten and distributed to euery bo¦well of the soule / yet but if thou father doest gyue it / it is nat holsome nor any thyng auayleth. The blessed body of thy dere sonne is the breed / wher∣of we be all parttakers / yt dwell within thy large house of the churche. It is one breed that indiffe∣rently belōgeth to vs all / lykewyse as we are but one body / made of sondrye and diuers membres / but yet quickened with one spirite: and though al take of this breed / yet to many it hath ben dethe and distruction / for it can nat be relefe / but to su∣che as thou reachest it vnto / mynglynge it with thy heuenly grace / by the reason wherof it maye be holsome to the receyuours. Thy son̄e is verite and trouth / trouth also is the breed and teachyng of the gospell / Whiche he lefte behynde hym for our spirituall fode / and this breed likewise to ma∣ny hath ben vnsauery / which haue had ye mouth of theyr soule out of taste / by the feuer of corrupte affectiōs. But and it wyll please the good father to gyue forthe this breed / than it must of necessite be swete & pleasaūt to the eaters: thā it shal cōfort those that be in tribulation / and plucke vp those that be slydden & fallen downe / and make stronge those that be sicke and weake / and finally brynge vs to euerlasting lyfe. And for asmoche as the im¦becilite and weakenesse of manes nature / is euer redy & apt to declyne into the worse / & the soule of man so cōtynually assauted & layde at with so ma¦ny subtile ingyns / it is expedient and necessary / that thou dayly make stronge & he thy children with thy breed / whiche elles are farre vnable to resyst so many and so stronge ennemyes so many assautes / and so many fearefull & terrible dartes. For who father might abyde to be had in derision of the worlde / to be outlawed and banisshed / to be putte in prison: to be fettred and manacled: to be spoyled of all his goodes / and by stronge hande / be depriued of the cōpany of his moost dere wyfe and welbeloued children / but if nowe and thā / he were hertened with thy heuēly and gostly breed? He that teacheth the lernyng of the gospell / he is he / ye gyueth vs forthe this breed / whiche yet he gyueth all in vayne / except it be also gyuen by ye. Many there are / whiche receyue the body of thy son̄e / and that here the worde and doctryne of the gospell / But they departe fro thence no stronger than they came / bycause they haue nat deserued that thou good father / shuldest priuely and inui∣sibly reache it forthe vnto them. This breed / O most benigne father / gyue thy childrē euery day / vntyll that tyme come / in whiche they shall eate of it / at thy heuenly and celestiall table: Wherby the children of thy realme shalbe fulfylled with ye plentuous abundancye of euerlastynge trouthe. And to take fruiciō therof / it were a marueylous felicite and pleasure / whiche hath nede of none o∣ther thyng at all / neyther in heuen nor erthe: For in the O father alone is all thynge / out of whom is right nought to be desyred / whiche toguyther with thy sonne and the holy gooste / raygnest for euer. Amen. EL dimitte nobis debita nostra / sicut et nos dimitti∣mus debitoribus nostris. This is thy wyll and mynde O father in heuen / whiche art the maker of peace and fauourer of concorde / that thy chyl∣dren / whom it hath pleased thy goodnes to cou∣ple and ioyne in the bōdes of one assent: & whom thou quickenest with one spirite / & with one bap∣tysme purgest and makest clene / and in one house of the churche acōpanyest / and with the cōmen sa¦cramentes of the churche doest norisshe: & whom thou hast indifferently called to the inheritaunce of the kyngedome of heuen / bycause they shulde be of more strength / and shulde lyue toguyder in thy house of one mynde: and that there shulde be no stryfe or contencion amongest the partes and membres of one body / but eche to lyue in charite with other: Yet in so moche as they are fayne to kepe styll theyr mortall body / it can nat be chose / but by reason of the weakenesse and frailte of na∣ture amonge / displeasure & offences shall chaūce / wherby though the clerenesse of brotherly loue & concorde be nat vtterly extinct and quenched / yet it is made all faynt and colde / and lyke in conclu∣sion to be quenched: Except yu father of thy great gentylnesse & mercy / shuldest dayly forgyue those that euery day offended the: for as often as we of¦fende our brother / so often also we offende and dis∣please ye father / whiche cōmaūdeddest we shulde loue our brother as our owne selfe / but thy sonne knowyng well inough the imbecilite and weake∣nesse of this membre / shewed vs a remedy ther∣fore / gyuyng vs sure hope yt thy goodnesse wolde remytte and forgyue vs all our offences / if we on the other side with all our hert wolde forgyue our brother / what so euer he trespaceth agaynste vs / and this is a very equall and indifferent waye to optayne {per}don and forgyuenesse / whiche thy son̄e Iesus hath assigned: For howe can any mā be so bolde to desyre his father to withdrawe his reuē∣gynge hande from hym / if he hym selfe go about to reuenge a lytell offence in his brother / or who is of so shamelesse boldenesse / that wolde nat be a¦frayde to saye to the / Slake thy angre / whan he contynueth in rancoure and malyce styll towarde his brother? And howe can he surely boost and a¦uaunce hym selfe as a membre of thy sonne / whi∣che beyng fre from all synne hym selfe / prayde the to forgyue the theues on the crosse / if he all entan¦gled with synne / and a synner coulde nat fynde in his hert to forgyue his brother / agaynst whome nowe and than he offendeth? so that amōgest vs it maye be called rather as mutuall chaūge of {per}∣done / than very forgyuenesse: that sacrifice is im¦pleasaunt in thy sight / whiche is offred in remē∣braunce of displeasure or neglygence / of reconcy∣lyng his brothers good wyll. Therfore thy sonne gaue vs this in cōmaundement / that we shulde leaue our offring euyn at ye auter / & hye vs a pace to our brother / and labour to be in peace with hȳ / and than returne agayne & offre vp our rewarde: Lawe nowe / we folowe yt thy sonne hath taught vs / we endeuer to performe that he hath done / if thou aknowlege the couenant & bargayne made of thy son̄e / as we dout nat but thou doest / graūt vs we beseke the / that thyng wherof we had full hope & trust by thy sonne: Thus he bad vs praye whan he answered nat a fewe tymes / yt we shulde optayne what soeuer we desyred of y• in his name he made vs bolde to pray to the / vouchesafe thou by him / to forgyue those that call vpon the: we a¦knowlege our owne imbecilite & feblenesse / wher∣by we well perceyue / in to howe shamfull and ab∣homynable offences we were lyke to fall into / ex∣cept we were preserued by thy goodnesse frō gret∣ter synnes: and the same mekenesse thou leftest in vs / as a remedy against ye pride which we shulde haue ben in ieopardy to haue fallen in dayly: We offende and fall / to the entent that euery daye we might glorify thy gētylnesse: Graunt father that we may hertely forgyue our bretherne / that whā we be in peace and vnite amongest our selfes / we may haue the alway mercyfull vnto vs / and if in any thyng we offende the / amēde vs with thy fa∣therly correction / so that thou vtterly forsake vs nat / nor disinherite vs / ne cast vs in to hell: ones in baptyme thou hast remytted vs all our sȳnes / but that was nat inoughe / for thy tendre loue to∣warde vs / but thou hast also shewed a sure & redy remedy / for the dayly offences of thy children / for the whiche we thanke thy great gētylnesse / whi∣che vouche sauest by thy sonne and the holy gost / to endewe vs with so great benifytes / to the euer lastyng glorie of thy moost holy name. Amen. EL ne nos in ducas in tentationem. O good fa∣ther in heuen / albeit there is nothing that we greatly feare / hauyng the mercyfull vnto vs / and whyle mutuall loue and charyte eche with o∣ther / maketh vs thy children of more strength a∣gaynst euery yuell assaut / yet whan we consydre howe weake and fraile the nature of man is / and howe ignorant also we be / whome thy goodnesse wyll iudge and thynke worthy the contynuaunce in thy loue / to the ende of this lyfe / in whiche as long as we are / a thousande maner of wayes we be stered to fall and ruyne / therfore we can nat be vtterly seker and carelesse: all this lyfe is rounde about be sette with the dyuelles snares / he neuer cesseth temptynge vs / whiche was nat a frayde with craftie subtylteis to sette vpon thy sonne Ie¦sus / We call to mynde howe greuously the fende assauted thy seruaunt Iob: We remembre howe Saull was fyrst thy electe and chosen seruaunt / & within a while after cast out of they light: We can nat forget howe Dauyd whom yu calleddest a mā euyn after thyne owne appetyte / was drawen to that great villany of synne / that he mengled ad∣uoutre with māslaughter: We cōsydre howe So∣lomon whom in the begynnyng of his rule / thou gauest wysedome aboue all men / was brought to that madnesse and folly / that he dyde sacrifyce to strange & vtter goddes: We remembre also / what befell the chefe and heed of thyne apostles / whi∣che after that he had so valyantly professed / that he wolde dye with his mayster / natwithstādyng thrise forsware his maister. These and suche ma∣ny other / whan we cōsydre / we can nat but feare and aborre the ieopardy of temptacion: and thy fatherly loue wolde vs alway to be in this feare / bycause we shulde nat sluggisshely & slouthfully begyn to trust in our owne helpe / but defēde and arme our selfe agaynst euery saute of temptacion with sobre temperaūce / watche / & prayer: wher∣by we shulde neyther prouoke our ennemy / remē∣bring our owne feblenesse / nor be ouerthrone in ye storme of temptacion trustyng to thy ayde / with out whiche we are able to do right nought / yu suf∣frest among tēptacion to fall / eyther to proue and make stedfast the suffraūce & pacience of thy chil∣dren / as Iob and Abraham were tempted / or els by suche scourges to correcte and chasten our offē∣ces: but howe often soeuer thou suffrest this / we praye the thou wylt bring that same temptacion to good and lucky ende / & gyue vs strength egall to the moūtenaunce & weight of the yuels yt come vpon vs / it is no lytell ieopardy whan soeuer we be thretned with losse of our goodes / wt banysshe∣ment / rebukes / imprisonment / with bandes and bodily turmentyng / & horrible and fearfull dethe But we are in no lesse peryll at all / whan {pro}sperite to moche laugheth on vs / than whan we be ouer moche feared with trouble and aduersyte: They are an īnumerable sorte whiche fall on euery side / some for feare of punysshment do sacrifyce to wic∣ked deuyls / some ouerthrone and astonyed with yuels and vexaciōs / do blaspheme thy most holy name: & agayne / some drowned with ouermoche worldely welthe / sette at nought and dyspice thy gyftes of grace / and retourne agayne in to their olde and former fylthynesse / as the sonne that the scripture speketh of / whiche after tyme he hadde spent and reuelled out all his fathers substaunce / by vnthrifty and vngracious rule / was brought to that misery and wretchednesse / that he enuyed the swyne their chaffe. We knowe well good fa∣ther / that our aduersary hath no power ouer vs at all / but by thy suffraunce: Wherfore we be cō∣tent to be put to what soeuer ieopardy it pleaseth the / so it wyll lyke thy gentylnesse to measure our ennemys assaute and our strength / for so though we be somtyme in the fyrst metyng to weake / yet thy wysedome in the conclusyon wyll tourne it to our welthe. So thy most dere and honorable son / was euer wonte to ouercome the deuyll: thus the flesshe: and thus the worlde: that whan he semed moost to be oppressed / he than moost specially tri∣umphed / and he fought for vs / he ouercame for vs / and triumphed for vs: Let vs also ouercome by his ensample with thy helpe / and by the holy goost / procedyng frō bothe for euer. Amen SEd libera nos a malo. O almyghty father / it hath pleased thy mere and liberall good¦nesse / ones whan we were rydde from sȳne / to de∣lyuer vs by thy son̄e Iesus Christ / out of the hā∣des of our moost foule and vnclene father the de∣uyll / & to electe & take vs in to the honour bothe of thy name and thyne inherytaūce: but yet of this condycion that all the while we lyue here in erthe we shulde be in cōtynuall batell with our enemy / nothyng mystrust / but that thou wylte performe that whiche we desyre of the. Amen.
A00363.P4	A booke called in latyn Enchiridion militis christiani, and in englysshe the manuell of the christen knyght replenysshed with moste holsome preceptes, made by the famous clerke Erasmus of Roterdame, to the whiche is added a newe and meruaylous profytable preface.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Tyndale, William, d. 1536." ]	1533]	By wynkyn de worde, for Iohan Byddell, otherwyse Salisbury, the. xv. daye of Nouembre. And be for to sell at the sygne of our Lady of pytie next to Flete bridge,	[Imprynted at London :	eng	[ "Spiritual life -- Modern period, 1500-." ]	THou hast desyred me with fer∣uent study syngular beloued bro¦ther in Chryst / that I sholde de∣scrybe for the compendyously / a certeyn craft of vertuous lyuīg / by whose helpe thou myghtest attayne a vertuous mynde / accordyng to a true chrysten man. For thou sayest that thou are & hast ben a greate whyle wery of the pastyme of the courte. And doest cōpasse in thy mynde by what meanes thou myghtest escape egipt with all her bothe vyces & pleasures / and be prepared happyly with the captayne Moyses vnto the iourney of vertue.Egypt et of keneth syn∣full lyuyng. The more I loue the / the gladder I am of this thyne so holy a purpose / which I trust (ye without our helpe) he that hath vouched safe to styre it vp in the / shall make {pro}spe∣rous / & bryng to good effect.The lande of promyss syon signy∣fyeth pure lyfe. Notwithstā∣dyng yet haue I very gladly & wyllyngly accomplysshed thy desyre / partly bycause thou art so great a frende of myne / partly also bycause thou requyrest so charytable thynges. Now enforce thyself & do thyne endeuoyre / that neyther thou mayst seme to haue desyred my seruyce & duty īvayne or els I to haue satisfyed thy mynde with out any fruyte. ye let vs bothe indifferētly beseche the benygne spiryte of Iesu / that he bothe put holsom thynges ī my mynde whyle I wryte and make the same to the of strengthe and effycacye. THe first poynt is / we must nedes haue in mynde cōtynually / that the lyfe of mortal men is nothīg but a certayne {per}petuall exercyse of warre: as Iob wytnesseth.The lyfe of man is but a warfare / sayth Iob vi. A warry our {pro}ued to the vttermost & neuer ouercōme. And y• the moste {per}te of men be ouermoche deceyued / whose myndes this worlde as a iugler holdeth occupyed with delicyous &The cōpa∣raciō of the worlde to a iugler. flaterīg pleasures / whiche also as though they had conquered all theyr ennemyes / make holydaye out of season / none other¦wyse veryly than in a very assured peace.Peace pea∣ce / and yet is there no peace at all It is a meruaylous thing to behold how without care and circūspeccyon we lyue / how ydelly we slepe / now vpon the one syde / & now vpon the other / whan with∣out ceasyng we are beseged with so great a nōbre of armed vices / sought & hūted for with so great craft / inuaded dayly with so greate lyenge awayte.Dyuerse en∣nemyes from aboue. Beholde ouer thy heed wycked deuyls that neuer slepe / but kepe watche for our destruccion / armed a∣gaynst vs with a thousand deceytes / with a thousande craftes of noysaūces / whiche enforce frō on hygh to woūde our myndes with wepons brēnyng & dipped in deedly poyson / than the whiche wepons neyther Hercules nor Cephalus had euer a surer darte / excepte they be receyued the sure & impenetrable shelde of faith.Ennemye at hande. Thā agayne on the ryght hāde & on the left hāde / afore and behynde this worlde stryueth agaynst vs / whiche after the saying of saynt Iohn is set all on vyce & myschefe. And therfore to Chryst bothe cōtrary & hated. Neyther is it one maner of fyght / for sōtyme with gōnes of aduersite ragyng / as with open warre he shaketh the walles of the soule Somtyme with great promesses(but yet most vayne) he {pro}uoketh to treason: & som¦tyme by vndermynynge he steleth on vs vnware to catche vs among the ydle and careles men. Last of all vndernethe / the ypper serpent the fyrst breker of peace / ther of vnquietnes / otherwhiles hydde in the grene grasse / lurkynge in his caues / wrapped togyder in a hōdred roūde rolles ceaseth not to watche and lye in a wayte bynethe in the heleEnnemyes of hell of our womā / whome he ones poysoned. By the womā is vnder stande the carnall parte of a man / other∣wyse called Sensualite.Eue signy∣fyeth affec∣cyons. This is our Eue by whom the most crafty serpēt dothe en∣tyce & drawe our myndes to mortal & deed¦ly pleasures. And forthermore as though it were but a tryfle that so great a cōpany of ennemyes sholde assawte vs on euery syde. we beare aboute with vs where so euer we go in the very secrete partes of y• mynde an ennemye nerer than one of ac∣queyntaunce / or one of housholde. And as nothyng is more inwarde / so nothyng is more peryllous.Olde erth∣ly Adā be∣rokeneth appetytes or affeccy∣ons This is the olde & erthly Adam / whiche by acqueyntaunce & custo∣mable familiarite / is more nere to vs than a citezyn / and is in all maner studyes and pastymes to vs more contrary than ony mortall ennemy / whome thou canst kepe of with no bulwarke / neyther is it lawful to expell hym out of thy pauylyon. This felowe must be watched with an hondred eyes / lest {per}auenture he set open the castell or cite of god for deuils to entre in. Seyng therfore we be vexed with so ferefull and cruel warre / & that we haue to do or stryue with so many ennemyes / whiche haue cō¦spyred and sworne our deth / whiche be so besy / so apoynted / so false & expert. Ought not we mad men on y• other syde to arme our selfe & take our wepons in our hādes to kepe watche & haue all thyng{is} suspect. But we as though al thyng{is} were at rest & peace slepe so fast that we rowte agayn & gyue our selfe to ydelnes / to pleasure / & as the cōmue {pro}uerbe is / gyue our myndes to reuelynge and makyng good chere / as though our lyfe were a festyng or backet∣tyng / suche as the grekes vsed / & not war∣fare. For in the stede of rentes & pauylyōs we tumble & walter in our beddes. And in in the stede of salletes & harde armure we be crowned with roses & fresshe floures. Bathed in damaske and rose waters / smo¦ked in pomaunders & with muske balles / chaungyng poyntes of warre with ryot & ydelnes. And in ye stede of wepōs belōgyng to ye warre / we handle & take vnto vs the vnhardy harpe / as this peace were not of all warres the moost shamefull. For who so euer is at one with vyces / hath broken truce made bytwene him & god in tyme of baptym. And thou oh madde man cryest peace peace / whā thou hast god thyne en∣nemy / whiche onely is peace & the author of peace / & he hymselfe with open mouth cryeth the contrary by the mouthe of his prophete / saying there is no peace to syn∣ners or wicked persones whiche loue not god.There is no peace to wic¦ked {per}sones. And there is none other condicion of peace with hym except that we (as longe as we warre in the fortresse of this body) with deedly hate and with all our myght sholde fyght agaynst vyces. For yf we be at one with thē / we shall haue him twyse our ennemy / which onely beyng our frēde may make vs blissed. And yf he be our foo may destroye vs / bothe bycause that we stande on theyr syde whiche onely can ne∣uer agre with god / for how can lyght and darknes agree / & also that bycause we as men moost vnkynde abyde not by the pro∣messe that we made to hym / but vniustly haue brokē thappoyntmēt made bytwene hym & vs with {pro}testacion & holy ceremo∣nyes.In tyme of baptym we professe with protestacion o fight euer vnder the standarde of Chryst. Oh thou chrysten man remembrest thou not whan thou were professed & con¦secrate with the holy mysteryes of ye foun¦tayne of lyfe / how thou boundest thy selfe to be a faythfull sowdyour vnto thy cap∣tayne Chryst / to whome thou owest thy lyfe twyse / bothe bycause he gaue it the / & also bycause he restored it agayne to the / to whom thou owest more than thou art able to paye. Cōmeth it not to thy mynde how whan thou were bounde with his sacramentes as with holy gyftes / thou were sworne with wordes for the nones to take the parte of so curteys an Empe∣roure / and that thou dydest curse & banne thyne owne heed / desyrynge vengeaunce to fall vpon thyne owne selfe / yf thou dydest not abyde by thy promesse.Badges & sygnes of baptym. For what entent was the sygne of the crosse prynted in thy foreheed / but that as long as thou lyuest thou sholdest fyght vnder his standarde. For what entēt were thou anoynted with his holy oyle / but that thou for euer sholdest wrastle and fyght agaynst vyces. what shame & how greate abomynacyon is it accoūted with al men yf a man forsake his kynge or chefe lorde. why settest thou so lyght than by thy ca∣pytayne Chryste / neyther kepte downe with the feare of hym / seynge he is god / nor refraynynge for loue / seynge for thy sake he was made man / ye & seynge thou vsurpest his name thou oughtest to re∣membre what thou hast promysed hym.The name of Chryst ought to put vs in remem∣braunce. why departest thou awaye from hym ly∣ke a false forsworne man / and goest vnto thyne ennemy / from whens he ones rede∣med the with the raūsom of his precyous blode. why doest thou so ofte a renegate warre & fyght vnder the standarde of his aduersary. with what face sumest thou to set vp cōtrary baners against thy king whiche for thy sake bestowed his owne lyfe. who so euer is not on his part / as he sayth hymselfe Luce. xj. standeth agaynst hym. And he that gadereth not with hym scatereth abrode. Thou warrest not onely with fylthy tytle or quarell / but also for a myserable rewarde. wylt thou heare who so euer thou be y• art seruaūt or sowdyour to the worlde / what shall be thy mede / Paule the standarde bearer in the warre of Chryst answereth the. The rewarde (sayth he) of synne is deth.The guer∣don of . And who wolde take vpon hym to fyght in a iust & an ho∣nest cause: yf he were sure to dye but bodi∣ly onely / & thou fyghtest in a wrong & also a filthy quarel to obtayne for thy rewarde the deth of thy soule. In these mad war∣res that man maketh agaynst mā / eyther through beestly fury / or for myserable ne∣cessite. Seest thou not yf at any tyme the greatnes of y• praye {pro}mysed or hoped for / or cōforte of the captayne / or the cruelnes of the ennemyes / or shame of cowardnes cast in theyr tethes / or in cōclusyon yf de∣syre of prayse hath prycked & stered vp the sowdyours myndes: with what courage & with what lusty stomackes fynysshe they what so euer labour remayneth / how ly∣tell they regarde theyr lyues / with how great fyersnes ronne they vpon theyr en∣nemyes / wel is hym that may go formest. And I beseche the now small is y• rewardeCompara∣cyon of re∣wardes. whiche those wretched men go aboure to gete with so great ieopardyes & diligence Ueryly but to haue prayse of a wretched man theyr captayn / & that they myght be praysed with a rude & homely song / suche as are vsed to be made in ye tyme of warre to haue happely theyr names wryten in a harpers bederoll / to gete a garlande of grasse or oken leues / or at y• most to bryng home a lytell more vaūtage or wynnyng with them. we on the other syde clene cō¦trary be kendled neyther with shame nor hope of reward / and yet he beholdeth vs whyle we fight that shal quyte our payne yf we wynne the felde. But what rewarde setteth forth the chefe ruler of our game for them that wynne the maystry / not mu¦les as Achylles dyd in Homere / not tripo¦das / that is to say / meate bordes with. iij. fete / as Eneas dyd in Uirgil: but suche as the eye neuer sawe / ne ye eare neuer herde / neyther coude synke in to the hert of man. And these rewardes he gyueth in y• meane seasō to his (whyles they be yet fyghting) as solaces and thynges to cōforte them in theyr labours & trauayles. And what here after? certes blessed īmortalite. But in ga∣mes of sporte / as rennyng / wrastlyng / le∣pyng / in whiche ye chefest parte of rewarde is prayse. They which be ouercōme / haue lykewyse theyr rewardes assygned vnto them. But our mater is tryed with great and doutfull peryll / neyther we fyght for prayse / but for lyfe / & as rewarde of moost valure is {pro}fred to hym that quyteth hym selfe most manfully. So payne most terry¦ble is appoynted for hym y• gyueth backe. Heuen is promysed to hym that fyghteth lustely. And why is not the quick courage of a gentyll stomacke enflamed with the hope of so blessed a rewarde / namely whā he promyseth / whiche as he can not dye / euen so he can not deceyue. All thynges be done in the syght of god whiche al thyng{is} beholdeth.God behol∣deth vs. we haue al the company of he∣uen beholders of our cōflict. And how are we not moued at the lestway euen for ve∣ry shame? He shall prayse our vertue & di∣ligēce / of whome to be landed is very feli∣cite. why seke we not this prayse / ye with the losse of our lyues. It is a cowardfull mynde that wyl be quickened with no ma¦ner of reward. The veryest hertles cowar¦de in the worlde / for feare of peryls oft ty∣me taketh courage to hym. And in world∣ly bataylles though thyne aduersary be neuer so cruell / yet rageth he but on thy goodes & body onely. what more thā that coude cruell Achylles do to Hector.Achilles slewe he∣ctor. But here the imortall parte of the is assawted and thy carkas is not drawen aboute the sepulcre as Hectors / but thy body & soule is cast downe in to hell: there the greatest calamite or hurt is / that a sworde shall se∣parate the soule frō the body. Here is ta∣ken from thy soule the lyfe / whiche is god hym self. It is natural for the body to dye whiche yf no man kyll / yet must it nedely dye. But thy soule to dye / is extreme my∣sery. with how greate cawtell voyde we the woūdes of the body / with how great diligence cure we them / & set we so lytell of the woūdes of the soule.The deth of the body se∣meth terry∣ble / the deth of the soule is not per∣ceyued. Our hertes a∣ryseth & grudgeth at the remembraūce of deth of the body as a terrible or outragy∣ous thyng / bycause it is seen with bodyly eyes. The soule to dye bycause no man seeth & sewe byleueth / therfore very fewe feare it. And is this dethe more cruell yet than the other. Euen as moche as the soule dothe passe the body / & god excelleth the soule. Wylt thou that I shewe the cer∣ceyn coniectures / exāples or tokens wher¦by thou mayst perceyue the sicknes & deth of the soule?The token of a sycke soule. Thy stomacke dygesteth yll / it kepeth no meate / thou {per}ceyuest by & by thy body to be out of temper. And breade is not so naturall meate to thy body / as the worde of god is meate for thy soule. yf that seme bitter / yf thy mynde ryse against it / why dourest thou yet but yt the mouth of thy soule is out of taste / & infected with some disease. yf thy memory the stomacke of thy soule kepe not the lernynge of god. yf by cōtynual meditacyon thou digestest not. yf whan it is dygested / thou sendest it not to all partes by operacyon / thou hast an euydēt token that thy soule is acrased. whan thy knees for weyknes bow vnder the / & moche worke to drawe thy lymmes after the / thou {per}ceyuest playnly thy body to be euyll at ease. And doest thou not per¦ceyue the sycknes of thy soule whan he grudgeth and is weyke and faynte to all dedes of pite / whan he hath no strengthe to suffre pacyently the leest rebuke in the worlde / and is troubled & angry with the losse of a halfpeny. After that the syght is departed fro the eyes / & the eares cease to heare. After that all the body hath lost his felyng: no man douteth than but the soule is departed. whan the eyes of thy herte be waxen dym / in so moche that thou canst not se the most clerest lyght / which is ver∣tue or trouth. whā thou hearest not with thy inwarde eares the voyce of god. whan thou lackest all thy inwarde felynge and {per}ceyuynge of the knowlege of god / thyn∣kest thou that thy soule is alyue. Thou seest thy brother vngoodly entreated / thy mynde is nothyng moued so thy mater be in good case. why feleth thy soule nothīg here? Certaynly bycause he is deed. why deed? bycause her lyf is away / that is god For veryly where godGod is lyfe of the soule. is / there is charite / loue & cōpassyō of thy neyghbour / for god is that charite. For yf thou were a quycke membre / how coude any part of thy body ake / thou not sorowynge / no not ones fe∣lyng or {per}ceyuyng it.Felyng is a token of lyfe. Take a more euydēt tokē. Thou hast deceyued thy frende / thou hast commytted adultery / thy soule hath aught a deedly wounde / & yet it greueth the not / in so moche that thou ioyest as it it were of great wynnyng / and bostest thy selfe of that thou shamefully hast cōmyt∣ted. beleue surely that thy soule lyeth deed Thy body is not alyue yf he fele not the pryckyng of a pyn. And is thy soule alyue whiche lacketh the felynge of so greate a woūde. Thou hearest some man vse lewde & presumptuous cōmuny cacyon / wordes of backbytyng / vnchaste & fylthy / ragyng furyously agaynst his neyghbour: thynke not the soule of yt man to be alyue. There lyeth a rotten carkas in ye sepulcre of that stomacke fro whens suche stenche aryseth & infecteth euery man that cōmeth nygh. Chryst called the pharisees paynted sepul¦cres. why so? bycause they bare deed sou∣les aboute with them. And kynge Dauid the {pro}phete saith / theyr throte is a sepulcre wyde open / they spake deceytfully with theyr tonges. The bodyes of holy people be the tēples of the holy goost.The bodyes of good men be the tēples of the holy goost. And lewde mennes bodyes be the sepulcres of deed corses / that the interpretacions of the grā¦maryens to them myght well be applyed Soma quasi Sima.The body is the buryal or graue. it is called a body by¦cause it is the buryall / that is to saye / the graue of the soule. The brest is ye sepulcre / the mouth & the throte is the gapynge of the sepulcre / and the body destytute of the soule / is not so deed as is the soule whan she is forsaken of almyghty god / neyther any corse stynketh īthe nose of mā so sore as the stenche of a soule buryed. iiij. dayes offendeth the nose of god and all sayntes. Therfore cōclude whan so euer deed wor∣des procede out of thy hert / it must nedes be that a deed corse lyeth buryed within. For whan (accordyng to the gospell) the mouth speketh of the aboundaunce of the hert / no doubte he wolde speke the lyuely wordes of god / yf there were lyfe present / that is to wyte god. In an other place of the gospell the dyscyples saye to Chryst. Mayster whether shall we go / thou hast the wordes of lyfe? why so I praye the the wordes of lyfe? Certeynly for bycause they spronge out of the soule from whome the godhede whiche restored vs agayn to lyfe immortal neuer departed not yet one mo∣mēt. The phisicyan easeth thy body som∣tyme whā thou art diseased. Good & holy men somtymes haue called the body deed to lyfe agayne. But a deed soule nothyng but god onely of his fre & syngular power restoreth to lyfe agayne / ye & he restoreth her not agayne yf she beynge deed haue ones forsaken the body. More ouer of the bodyly deth is the felyng lytell or none at all. But of the soule / is the felyng eternal And though also the soule in that case be more thā deed / yet as touching the felyng of eternall deth / she is euer īmortal. Ther¦fore seynge we must nedes fyght with so straunge & meruayllous ieopardye / what dulnes / what necligence / what folyshnes is that of our mynde / whome feare of so great myschef sharpeneth not.Many cau∣ses why a chrystē man ought to be of good con∣forte / and to haue confy∣dence. And agayn on the cōtrary {per}te there is no cause wher¦fore eyther the greatnes of peryll / or else the multitude / the violence / the subtilte of thyne aduersaryes sholde abate the cou∣rage of ye mynde. It cōmeth to thy mynde how greuous an aduersary thou hast. Re¦membre also on the other syde how p̄sent how redy at hande thou hast helpe & so∣cour. Agaynst the be innumerable / ye but he that taketh thy parte / himself alone is more of power than all they. yf god be on our syde / what mater is it who be against vs. yf he stay the / who shall cast y• downe. But thou must be enflamed in al thy hert and brenne in feruēt desyre of victory. Let it cōme to thy remēbrance that thou stry∣uest not / nor hast not to do with a fresshe sowdyour & a newe aduersary / but with hym that was many yeres agoOur enne∣my was o∣uercom ma¦ny yeres agoe. discōfyted ouerthrowen / spoyled and ledde captyue in triumphe of vs / but than in Chryst our heed / by whose myght no doubte he shall be subdued agayne in vs also. Take hede therfore that thou be a mēbre of the body and thou shalt be able to do all thyng{is} in the power of ye heed.No man is stronge in his owne strengthe. In thy selfe thou art very weyke / in hym thou art valyaunt / & nothynge is there that thou art not able to do. wherfore the ende of our warre is not doutfull / bycause the victory depēdeth not of fortune / but is put holly in ye hādes of god / & by hym in our handes. No mā is here that hath not ouercōme / but he that wold not. The benignite of our {pro}tectour neuer fayled man. If thou take hede to answere and to do thy parte agayn / thou art sure of the victory / for he shal fyght for the / and his liberalite shall be imputed to the for meryte. Thou must thāke hym all togyder for the victory / whiche fyrst of all hymselfe alone beyng immaculate / pure & clene from synne / oppressed the tyranny of synne. But this victori shal not com with out thyne owne diligence also / for he that sayd / haue confydence. I haue ouercōmen the worlde / wold haue the to be of a good cōfort / but not careles & necligēt. On this maner in conclusyon in his strength / & by hym we shall ouercōme. yf by his ensam∣ple we shall fyght as he fought / wherfore thou must so kepe a meane course / as it were bytwene ScillaScilla is a pardons place in the see of ce cyle. and CharibdisCharibdis is a swalowe or whylepole i the same see. / y• neyther trustyng to moche & bearyng the ouer bolde vpon the grace of god thou be careles and recheles / neyther yet so mys∣trustyng in thy selfe / feared with the diffi∣cultis of the warre / do cast from the cou∣rage / boldnes / or cōfydence of mynde togy¦der with harneys and wepons also. ANd I suppose that nothynge {per}tey∣neth so moche to the dyscyplyne of this warre than that thou surely knowe and presently haue recorded & exercysed in thy mynde alway with what kynde of ar∣mure or wepōs thou oughtest to fyght / & agaynst what ennemyes thou must en∣coūter & iust. More ouer that thy wepōs be alway redy at hande / lest thyne so sub∣tyle an ennemy shold take the sleper & vn¦armed. In these worldly warres a man may be often tymes at rest / as in the depe of the wynter / or in tyme of truce: but we as longe as we kepe warre in this body / may departe from our harneys & wepons no season / no not as the saying is one fyn¦ger brede.A chrysten man sholde neuer cease frō warre. we must euer stande afore the tentes & make watche / for our aduersary is neuer ydle: but whā he is most calme & styll / whan he fayneth to flee or to make truce / euen than most of al he ymagineth gyle: & thou hast neuer more nede to kepe watche than whā he maketh coūtenaūce or semblaunce of peace. Thou hast neuer lesse nede to feare than whā he assaulteth the with opē warre. Therfore let thy fyrst care be that thy mynde be not vnarmed. we arme our body bicause we wold haue no nede to feare the dagger or preuy mur∣derer of the thefe. Shall we not arme our mynde lykewyse / that he might be in saue garde? Our ennemyes be armed to destroy s / dothe it greue vs to take out wepons of defence yt we perysh not? They watche to kyll / shall not we watche to be out of daūger? But of the armure & wepons of a chrysten man we shall make specyal men∣cyon whan we cōme to the places conue∣nyēt. In the meane seasō to speke breuely who so euer wyl assayle with batayle the seuen nacyōsThe. . na∣cyons inha∣byted the lande of be∣hest or pro∣mission pro∣mysed to A∣braham and his ofspring. that be called / Cananei / Ce¦thei / Amorrei / Pherezei / Gergezei / Euei / & Iebuzei / that is to say / who so euer wyl take vpon hym to fyght agaynst the hole hoost of vices / of the which seuen be coun¦ted as chefe captaynes / must {pro}uyde hym of two specyall wepons. Prayer & know∣legePrayer and knowlege be the chefe ar∣mure of a chrysten man. / otherwyse called lernynge. Paule wolde we sholde be euer armed / whiche byddeth vs pray cōtinually without stop. Prayer pure and perfyte lyfteth vp thyne affeccyon to heuen / a toure beyonde thyne ennemyes reche. Lernynge or knowlege fenseth or armeth the mynde with holsom preceptes & honest opinyons / and putteth the euer in remēbraunce of vertue / so that neyther can be lackyng to ye other. These twayne cleueth so togyder lyke frendes / the one euer requyryng the others helpe. The one maketh intercessyon & prayeth. The other sheweth what is to be desyred & what thou oughtest to praye. To praye eruētly / & (as Iames exhorteth vs) with∣out doutyng or mystrustyng fayth & hope bryngeth to passe. To pray in the name of Iesu / whiche is nothing else but to desyre thinges holsom for thy soule helth onely / lernyng or doctryne techeth the. Said not Chryst to the sones of zebedei.The sones of zebedei be Ia∣mes the more and Iohn̄ the euangelist. ye knowe not what ye aske? But prayer verily is the more excellēt / as she that cōmeth and tal∣keth familiarly with almyghty god. yet for all that is doctryne no lesse necessary. And I can not tell whether that thou fled from Egypt myghtest without great ieo∣pardy cōmyt thyselfe to so long a iourney so harde and full of diffyculte / without the capteyns Aarō & Moyses.Aaron signy∣fyeth prayer Moyses beto∣keneth know∣lege. Aaron whiche was charged with thyng{is} dedycate to the seruyce of gods tēple / betokeneth prayer. By Moyses is fygured the knowlege of the lawe of god. And as knowlege of god ought not to be vn{per}fyte / so prayer sholde not be faynt / slacke / without courage or quycknes. Moyses with the wepons of prayer fought agaynst his ennemyes / but had his hādes lyfted vp to heuen / whiche whan he let downe / the israelites had the worse. Thou happely whan thou prayest syderest onely how moche of thy psalmes thou hast mombled vp / & thynkest moche bablyng to be the strength and vertue of prayer: whiche is chefely the vyce of them whiche (as infantes) cleue to the lytterall sence / & are not yet growen vp to the rype¦nes of the spiryte. But heare what Chryst techeth vs in Mathewe / saying. whan ye praye speke not moche / as the ethneys & gentyles do / for they thynke theyr prayers to be accepted bycause of moche bablyng. Counterfayte them not therfore / for your father knoweth wherof ye haue nede be∣fore ye desyre it of hym. And Paule to the Corynthes despyseth. x. thousande wordes babled with mouthe in cōparyson of fyue spoken in knowlege. Moyses opened not his lyppes / and yet god sayd to hym. why cryest thou so to me. It is not the noyse of thy lyppes / but the feruent desyre of thy mynde / whiche (as it were a very shyrle voyce) beateth the eares of god. Let this therfore be a customable thynge with the that as soone as thyne ennemye aryseth agaynst the / and the vyces whiche thou hast forsaken trouble the / thou than with out tarying with sure cōfydence and trust lyfte vp thy mynde to heuen / from whens helpe shall cōme to the / & thyder also lyfte vp thy handes. The surest thynge of all is to be occupyed in dedes of pitePite is not ta∣kē for cōpassyō but for the ho∣nouryng & wor¦shyppynge of god with cha∣rite or loue or∣dynate / as Chryst taught vs to loue. / that thy dedes may be referred and applyed / not to worldly busynes / but vnto Chryst. yet lest thou sholdest despyse the helpe of know∣lege / consyder one thynge. Before tyme it was ynough for the israelytes to flee and escape frō theyr ennemyes / but they were neuer so bolde as to prouoke the Amala∣chytes / and to trye with them hande for hāde before they were refresshed with mā∣na frō heuen / and water rennynge out of the harde rocke.Manns is a hony dewe wherwith the chyldren of israel we∣re fed. xl. ye∣res / and it is sygnyfyed knowledge / & also by wa∣ter lykewyse The noble warryour Da¦uid refresshed and made strong with these cates / set nought by the hole hoost of his aduersaryes / saying. Oh good lorde thou hast set a table of meate before me to de∣fende me agaynst all men that trouble me Byleue me well brother syngularly belo∣ued in my hert / there is none so great vio¦lence of thy foes / that is to saye / none so great temptacion whiche feruent study or meditacyō of holy scripture is not able to put abacke / nor any so greuous aduersite which it maketh not easy. And lest I shol∣de seme to be somwhat to bolde an inter∣pretour (though I coude defende my selfe with great authorite) what thyng I pray the coude more {pro}perly haue signifyed the knowlege of the secrete lawe of god than dyd māna. For fyrst in that it sprange not out of ye erth / but rayned downe frō heuē. By this properte thou perceyuest the diffe¦rēce bytwene the doctryne of god and the doctryne of mā. For al holy scripture came by dyuyne inspiracyon and from god the author. In that it is smal or lytel in quan¦tite / is signified the humilite / lowlynes or homelynes of the style vnder rude wordes includīg great mystery. That it is whyte by this properte is signyfyed the puryte & clennes of gods lawe. For there is no do∣ctryne of man whiche is not defyled with some blacke spot of errour / onely the do∣ctryne of Chryst euery where bryght / eue∣ry where pure and clene. That it is som∣what harde & some deale rough & sharpe / betokeneth secrete mysteryes hydde in the litteral sence. yf thou handle the vtter syde and yf I may so call it the codde / what is more harde or vnsauery. They tasted but the vtter rynde of manna / whiche sayd to Chryst / this is a harde saying / & who may abyde ye hearyng therof. But gete out the spirituall sence / & nothyng is more sweter nor more full of pleasure and swete iuce. More ouer manna is in the ebrewe tong as moche to saye as what is this? whiche questyon agreeth well to holy scripture / whiche hath nothyng ī it ydle or in vayne no not one tytle or pricke / vnworthy to be serched / vnworthy to be pondered / vnwor¦thy of this saying / what is this? It is a cō¦mune vse vnto the holy goost to signyfye by water the knowlege of the lawe of god Thou redest of y• water of cōfort by whose bankes Dauid reioyseth to haue be nou∣rysshed vp: thou redest of y• waters whiche wysdom cōueyeth in to the toppes of eue∣ry waye: thou redest of the mystical ryuer in to the whiche Ezechiel entred / & coude not wade ouer: thou redest of the welles that Abraham digged / whiche whan they were stopped of the philistiens ysaac repa¦red agayne. Thou redest of .xij. foūtaynes at whiche ye israelytes after they had wal∣ked thrugh. xl. mansions / and began than to be wery and faynt / rested and refresshed themselfe & made them strong to the long iourney of desert. Thou also redest in the gospell of the well whervpon Chryst sate weryed in his iourney. Thou redest of the water of SiloeSiloe is a poole with in Ierusalē at the fote of the moūt Syon. / whether he sendeth the blynde to recouer his syght. Thou redest of y• water poured ī to the basen to wasshe the apostles fete. And bicause it nedeth not to reherse all places in this significacyon / ofte mēcion is made in scripture of welles fountaynes & ryuers / by whiche is signy∣fied nothyng else but that we ought to en¦quyre & serche diligently for the mysteryes hydde in scripture. what signyfyeth water hydde in y• vaynes of the erth but mystery couered or hyd in the litterall sence. what meaneth the same conueyed abrode bu mystery opened & expouned. which beyng spred & dilated bothe wyde & brode / to the edyfying of y• hearers / what cause is there why it myght not be called a ryuer. wher¦fore yf thou dedycate thy selfe holly to the study of scripture & exercyse thy mynde day and nyght in y• lawe of god / no feare shall trouble the / neyther by day nor night: but thou shalte agaynst all assawtes of thyne ennemyes he armed & exercysed also. And I disalowe it not vtterly yf a mā for a sea son (to begyn withall) do exercyse & sporte hymselfe in werkes of poetes and philoso¦phers whiche were gētyles / as ī his A b c. or introductory to a more perfyte thynge / so that he taste of them measurably / and whyles youth shal gyue hym leue / & euen as though a man toke them in his waye / but not abyde and tary vpon them styll / & to wexe olde and dye in them / as he were bounde to the rockes of SyrenesSirenes were iij. ladies dwel¦ling in an ylād whiche with swetnes of son∣ge drewe vnto them who so e∣uer sailed by / & after killed thē But Ulixes re∣turning fro the siege of Troye hauynge that waye a necessa¦ri iourney stop¦ped his mary∣ners eres with wexe / & boside hymself to the mast / so herde he theyr songe auoydyng all ieoperdye / / that is to put his hole delectacyon in them / & ne∣uer go farther. For holy Basilius to suche pastyme exhorteth yong men / whome he hymselfe had induced to the conuersacion of christen men. And our Augustyn calleth backe agayne his frende Licētius to passe the tyme with the muses / neyther Ierom repenteth hym selfe that he hath loued a woman taken prisoner in warre. Cyprian is commended bycause he garnysshed the temple of god with the spoyles of the E∣gipciās. But in no case wolde I that thou with the gentyles lernynge sholdest also souke the gentyles vyces & conuersacyon. For yf thou do not / thou shalte fynde ma∣ny thyng{is} helpyng to honest lyuyng / ney∣ther is it to be refused what so euer an au∣thor (ye though he be a gentyle) techeth well. For Moyses veryly though he were neuer so famylyar with god / yet despysed he not the counseyle of his father in lawe Ietro. Those scyences fascyon & quycken a chyldes wytte / & maketh hym apte afore hande meruaylously to the vnderstādyng of holy scripture. whervnto sodeynly and irreuerētly to presume with handes & fete vnwasshed / is in maner a certayne kynde of sacrilege. And Ierom checketh ye shame¦les pertnes of them whiche streyghtwaye from secular or worldly seyence dare take in hande to medle or interprete holy scrip∣ture. But how moche shamefuller do they whiche neuer tasted other science / & yet at the fyrst dare do the same thynge. But as the scripture is not moche fruitful yf thou stande & stycke styll in the lettre. In lyke maner the poetry of Homere and Uirgyl shall not {pro}fyte a lytell / yf thou remembre that it must be vnderstande in the sence al∣legory / whiche thyng no man wyll denye that hath assayed or tasted of the lernyng of olde antiquitees neuer so lytell / ye with the typ of his tonge / or vttermost parte of his lyppes. As for the poetes which wryte vnclenly / I wolde counseyle the not ones to touche them / or at the leest way not to loke farre in them: except thou can the bet¦ter abhorre vices whan they be descrybed to the / & in cōparacions of fylthy thynges the more feruently loue thyng{is} honest. Of the philosophers my mynde is that thou folowe them that were of Platoes secte / bycause bothe in very many sentences / & moche more in theyr style & maner of spe∣kynge / they cōme very nygh to the fygure and {pro}pertye of speche vsed of the {pro}phetes and ī the gospelles. And to make an ende shortly / it shall be profytable to taste of al maner of lernynge of the gentyles / yf it so be done as I shewed before / bothe ī yeres accordyng & measurably / more ouer with cautele & iudgemēt discretly / farthermore with spede & after the maner of a mā that entendeth but to passe ouer ye coūtre onely and not to dwell or inhabyte in cōclusyon (whiche thynge is chefest of all) yf euery thynge be applyed and referred to Chryst For so all shall be clene to them yt be clene whan on the other syde to them that be vnclene nothynge is clene. And it shall be no rebuke to the / yf after the ensample of Salomon thou nourysshe vp at home in thy hous. lx. quenes. lxxx. souereyn ladyes & damoysels innumerable of secular wys∣dome.As Salomon had lx. quenes lxxx. cōcubines & damoyselles innumerable / yet one chefe quene / whome all the rest ho∣noured. so may we of all scien∣ces haue au∣thours inume¦rable / yf holy scripture be chefe of all o∣ther for the ho¦nesting of her. So that the wysdome of god be a∣boue al other / thy best beloued / thy doue / thy swete hert / which onely semeth beau∣tefull. And an israelyte loueth a straunger and a barbarous damsell / ouercōme with her beaute: but fyrst he shaueth of her hea¦re & pareth her nayles / & maketh her of an alyen an israelyte.The israelyte myght take to wife a straūger taken in warre so that her nay¦les were fyrste pared and her heare shaen: So may chry∣stē men honour god with gēty∣les lernyng / yf we cut of that is su{per}fluous. And the prophete Ozee maryed an harlot / and of her had children not for hymselfe / but for y• lorde of sabaoth and the holy fornycacyon of the prophete augmented the housholde of god. The e∣brewes after they had forsaken Egypt ly∣ued with lyght & pure whyte breadeThe light & pu¦re whyte breed betokeneth the gētiles lyuing. Māna betoke∣neth the wys∣dom of god. for a season / but it was not sufficyēt to so great a iourney. Therfore that breade lothed at ones / thou must make as good spede as can be vnto manna of celestiall wysdome the whiche shal nourysshe the haboūdaūt¦ly and strengthe the vntyll thou obtayne thy purpose / and wynne by victory the re∣ward that neuer shal cease: but thou must euer remembre in the meane season yt ho∣ly scripture may not be touched but with clene & wasshen handes / that is to vnder∣stande / but with hygh purenes of mynde / lest that whiche of it selfe is a p̄seruatyue or tryacle / by thyne owne faute turne to y• in to poyson / and lest manna to the begyn to putryfye / except yt thou conuey or sende it in to the inwarde partes of thy mynde & affeccyon / & leest happyly it sholde fortune to the as it dyd to Oza / whiche feared not to set to his prophane & vnclene handes to the Arke of god enclynynge on ye one syde and with sodeyn deth was punysshed for his lewde seruyce.Dauid ent∣ded to trāslate the ark of god out of the hous of Amynadab whiche was in Gaboa / they put the ark vp∣on a carte / Oza with his bre∣therne wayted on it on eyther syde / a the ar¦ke enclyned & bowed Oza set his hande to stay it & was sytten with sodeyne dethe for his presum¦pcyon. The fyrst poynt is that thou haue good opinyon of the holy scrip¦tures / & that thou esteme them of no lesse valure & dignite than they are worthy to be estemed / and that they came out of the secrete closet of the mynde of god.Scriptur must be had in great reuerence. Thou shalt {per}ceyue that thou art inspired of god moued inwardly / rapt & in an vnspekable maner altered & chaunged to an other ma¦ner fygure or shappe / yf thou shalte cōme religiously / yf with reuerence and mekely thou shalte se the pleasures / delycates / or deynties of the blessed spouse. Thou shalt se the precyous iowels of ryche Salomō / thou shalt se ye secrete treasure of eternall wysdom: but beware that thou breke not malepertly in to the secrete closet / the dore is lowe / beware leest thou stryke the dore with thy heed / & be fayne to lepe backe a∣gayn. Thynke on this wyse nothing that thou seest with thyne eyes / nothyng that thou hādlest with thy fyngers to be īdede the same thing which it appereth / so sure∣ly as these thyng{is} be true ī holy scripture:Fayth must be gyuen to holy scrip∣ture. so yt yf heuen & erth shold perysshe / yet of y• wordes of god not one iote or tytle shal pe¦rysh / but al shal be fulfilled. Though men lye / though men erre / yet the verite of god neyther deceyueth nor is deceyued. Of the īterp̄tours of scriptureThe chefe interp̄tours of holy scrip¦ture. / chose them aboue al other yt go farthest frō the lettre / which chefely next after Paule be Origene / Am∣brose / Ierom & Augustyne. For I se the di¦uines of later tyme slycke very moche in ye lettre / & with good wyll gyue more study to subtyle & deceytfull argumētes / than to serche out y• mysteryes / as though Paule hath not sayd truly our lawe to be spūall. I haue herd some men my self which stode so greatly in theyr owne cōceyte with the fantasticall tradicyōs / ymaginacyōs & in∣uencyons of man / y• they despysed y• inter∣pretaciō of olde doctours that were nygh to Chryst & his apostles bothe ī tyme & ly∣uyng also / & accompte them as dremes / ye & mayster dunceMayster do∣ctour dunce. gaue them suche cōfydēce that notwithstādīg they neuer ones redde the holy scripture / yet thought they them selfe to be perfyte diuynes / whiche {per}sones though they speke thyng{is} neuer so crafty & subtile / yet whether they speke thynges worthy of y• holy goost & the meke spiryte of Chryst or not / let other men iudge. But yf thou haddest leuer to be somwhat lusty & quicke of spiryte / thā to be armed to con¦tenciō / that is to say / to brawlyng or scol∣ding. yf thou seke rather to haue thy soule made fatte / thā thy wyt to be vaynly dely¦ted: study & rede ouer chiefly y• old doctours & expositours / whose godlynes & holy lyfe is more proued & knowen / whose religion to god is more to be pōdered & loked vpon whose lernīg is more plēteous & sage also whose style is neyther bare ne rude & īter∣p̄taciō more agreable to y• holy mysteryes And I say not this bycause I despise these newe diuynes / but bycause I set more by thynges more {pro}fytable & more apt for the purpose.The sp∣kynge of scripture. And also the spiryt of god hath a certeyn tong or speche appropriate to him selfe / he hath his fygures similitudes / pa∣rables / cōparisōs / {pro}uerbes & redils which thou must obserue & marke dilygently / yf thou sholdest vndstāde thē. The wisdom of god stutteth & lyspeth as it were a diligēt mother fascioneth her wordes accordīg to our īfancye & feblenes. She giueth mylke to them that be infantes in Chryst / weyke meate to feble stomackes. Thou therfore make spede thou were a man / make haste to perfyte & stronge meate / and prepare a mannes stomacke. She stoupeth downe & boweth her self to thy humilite & lownes. Aryse than vpon the other syde & ascēde to her heyght & excellencye. It is lyke a mon¦stre and vnnatural to be euer a chylde. He is to hertles that neuer seaseth to be feble & weyke.edynge without vnderstā∣dynge. The recording of one verse shall be more sauery in thy mouth / & shall nou∣rysshe the better yf thou breke the codde & taste of the swetnes which is within / thā y thou sholdest syng the hole psalter / vn∣derstande onely after the litterall sence / wherof veryly I gyue admonicyō a great deale the rather / bycause I knowe by ex∣peryence that this errour hath not īfected the lay people onely / but also the myndes of them whiche {pro}fesse & shewe outwarde in theyr habyte & name or rytle / {per}fyte reli∣gion / in so moche that they thynke the ve∣ry seruyce of god to be put chefely in this one thynge / yf they shall saye ouer euery daye as moche as they can of the psalmes scarse vnderstande ye in the litterall sence Neyther I thynke any other thyng to be the cause why we se the charitable lyuing of our monkes &The chari∣table ly∣uynge of monkes. cloysterers to fayle euery where / to be so colde / so slacked / so faynt & so to vanysshe away / but that they conty¦nue all theyr lyfe & wexe olde in the lettre and neuer enforce to cōme to the spiritual knowlege of scripture / neyther heare they Chryst cryeng in ye gospel / the flesshe / that is to say / the lettre / or that ye se outwarde {pro}fyteth not at al.The flesshe is called in scrip∣ture what so euer is visible or perceyued outward with any sensyble power. It is the spiryte within that quickeneth or giueth lyf. They heare not Paule affermyng with his mayster / yt the lettre kylleth / and it is the spiryte gy∣ueth lyfe. And agayn we knowe (saith he) that the lawe is spiritual / and not carnal. Spiritual thynges must be cōpared with spirituall thynges.The spiryt is called what so euer is pcey∣ued inwardly with the eye of the soule. In tyme passed the fa∣ther of al spiritual gyftes wolde be honou¦red in the mounteyn / but now he wyll be honoured in the spiryte. How be it I des∣pyse not the feblenes of them / whiche for lacke of knowlege & vnderstandyng doth y• they onely be able to do / {pro}nouncing the mystical psalmes with pure faith without dissimulacyon or ypocrysye / but rather as in charmes and enchauntementes of ma∣gyke certeyn wordes not vnderstande / no not of them whiche pronoūce them yet be byleued to be of vertue & strengthe.A similitude of mekenes of them whiche lacke capacite. Euen so the wordes of god / though they be not {per}fytly vnderstande / neuerthelesse we must trust that they be profytable to them that eyther saye them or heare them with per∣fyte fayth / with pure affection and mynde And that the aungels whiche are present and doth vnderstande be prouoked to hel∣pe them. And Paule despyseth not them whiche saye psalmes with theyr mouthe whiche speketh with tonges that thynge they vnderstande not: but he exhorteth them to leue theyr infancy / and to folowe more {per}fyte gyftes / vnto whiche yf a man can not attayne / not through the defaute of a corrupte mynde / but for lacke of ca∣pacite: let hym not barke agaynst them whiche enforce better thynges. And after the precept of Paule / let not hym whiche eateth / despise him which eateth not / ney∣ther he that eateth not / iudge hym that eateth. Neuerthelesse I wyl not haue the whiche art endewed with so happy a wyt to be slowe & to tary longe in the bareyn lettre / but to make spede vnto more secret mysteryes / and to helpe the cōtynuall en∣deuoyre & enforcement of thyne industrye & wyll with often prayers vntyll he open to the the booke clapsed with .vij. claspes whiche hath the key of Dauid / the which also shytteth and no man openeth the pre¦uytees of the father / whiche neuer man knewe but his sone / and he to whome his sone hath vouched saufe to disclose them. But whether gothe our style asyde / myne entēt was to descrybe the forme of lyuyng not of lernynge: but I turned out of the way thus far whyle I laboured to shewe the a mete shop frō whens thou oughtest to fetche thy newe armure & wepons be∣longyng to the newe warre. Therfore to cōme to our purpose agayn / yf thou shalt pyke and chose out of the bookes of the gentyles of euery thynge the best. And al∣so yf thou by thexample of the bee / fleyng rounde aboute by the gardynes of olde authours shalte sucke out onely the hol∣some and swete iuce (the poyson refused & lefte behynde) thy mynde shall be better apparayled a greate deale / and armed vn¦to the commune lyfe or conuersacyon / in whiche we lyue one with an other in ho∣nest maner. For the philosophers & lerned men of the gentyles in theyr warre vse cer¦teyn wepons & armure not to be despysed Neuerthelesse what so euer thynge of ho∣nestye or trouth thou fyndest any where / thynke that to be Chrystes. But that dy∣uyne armure & (to speke as the poetes do) that harneys of Uulcan{us}The Artyl∣lery of Uul∣canus. makyng / which with no wepōs can be persed / is fet onely out of the armory of holy scripture / where our noble capteyn Dauid layde vp all his ordynaunce of warre for his sowdyours with whiche they sholde fyght afarre and at hāde agaynst the incircūcised philisis. with this harneys was clothed neyther AchillesAchilles ouer∣come with Ire Encas ouer∣come with loue / of whom Homere wryteth / ney∣ther Encas / of whome Uirgyll speketh / though they be so fayned. Of whiche the one with tre / ye other with loue was ouer cōme shamefully. And it is not spokē with out reason that those wepons be not for∣ged in the werkhouse of man / but in the werkhouse or forge yt is cōmen to Uulcan and Pallas / otherwyse called Mynerue.Poetes the fai¦ners of goddes For poetes the fayners of goddes maketh Uulcan lorde of fyre / and Mynerua lady of wytte / facultyes / scyences and craftes / whiche thynge I iudge to be done in very dede (as thou maist easely {per}ceyue) whā the fyre of loue of god hath armed thy wytte / endued with honest facultyes so strongly / that yf all ye worlde sholde fall on thy heed yet sholde not the stroke put the to feate.Kyng Saul ar¦med Dauid to fyght agaynst Golyas with heuy a combe∣rous harneys puttg on him a al of bias coe of but Dauid put it of a gatherd v. stones out of a broke with a slyng hyr Goly¦as the fore∣hed with a sto∣ne & slewe hym But fyrst thou must cast away the harnes of proude Saule / whiche rather ladeth a man than be any thynge necessary or {pro}fy∣table. And combred Dauyd redy to fyght with Golias & holpe him not at al. More ouer from the banke of the broke of holy scripture thou must gather fyue stones / whiche {per}aduenture be the fyue wordes of Paule / whiche he speketh in knowlege. Than take a slynge in thy ryght hande / with these wepons is ouerthrowen our onely ennemy the father of pryde Sathanwhan Sathan wold haue had chryst to turne stones ī to bred Christ āswerd with scripture sayeng mā ly∣ueth not onely b bred / but by euery worde that procedeth of the mouthe of god / then he wold haue had christ to fal fro the pynacle. whome at the last with what wepōs dyd our heed Chryst Iesu ouercōme? dyd not he smyte the foreheed of our aduersary as it had ben with stones fette out of ye broke whan he answered hym in tyme of tēpta∣cyon with wordes of scripture. Wylt thou heare the instrumētes or artillary of chry∣sten mens warre? And ye zele of hym (sayth scripture) shall take harneys & shall har∣neys his creature to auenge his enemyes he wyll put on iustyce for his brest plate / &Christ answerd with scripture sayenge a man shold not attēp¦te his lord god then the deuyl bad christ ho∣nor hym. christ answered a mā must honor his lorde god & ser∣ue hym onely. take for his helmet sure & true iudgement he wyll take a shelde of equite īpenetrable or that can not be persed / ye and he wyll sharpe or fascyon cruel wrath in to a spere Thou redest also in Isai he is armed with iustyce / as with an habergy on and a salet of helth vpon his heed / he is clothed with the vestures of vengeaunce & couered as it were with a cloke of zele. Now if thou list to go to,If zeale be in knowlege it is good & if not it is euyl / As the pharysees for zeale of theyr tradytiōs Per∣secuted Chryst & hapostelles. the storehouse of Paule that va∣lyaunt capteyn / certeynly thou shalt also fynde there the armure of warre / not car∣nal thyng{is} / but valyaūt in god to destroye fortresses & coūseyles / & euery hygh thyng that exalteth himself agaynst the doctryne of god. Thou shalte fynde there ye armure of god / by the whiche thou mayst resyst in a wofull daye. Thou shalt fynde the har∣neys of iustyce on the ryght hande / and on the lefte thou shalte fynde the defence of thy sydes verite / and the hawbergyon of iustyce the bukler of fayth / wherwith thou mayst quenche al the hote and fyery wepons of thy cruell aduersarye. Thou shalte fynde also the helmet of helthe and the sworde of the spiryte / whiche is the worde of god / with the whiche al yf a man shall be dilygently couered and fensed / he may boldly without feare brynge forthe the bolde sayinge of Paule. who shall se∣parate vs from the loue of god? shall tri∣bulacyon? shal straytnes or difficulty? shal hunger? shall nakednes? shall peryll? shall persecucyon? shall a sworde. Beholde how myghty ennemyes and how moche fea∣red of all men he setteth at nought. But heare also a certayne greater thynge / for it foloweth. But in all thynges we haue ouercōme by his helpe whiche loued vs. And I am assured (sayth he) that neyther deth nor lyfe / nor aungels / neyther princi∣pates / neyther virtutes / neyther present thynges / neyther thynges to cōme / ney∣ther strengthe / neyther hyghnes / neyther lownes / nor none other creature shall or may separate vs frō the loue of god whi∣che is in Chryst Iesu. O happy trust and confydence whiche the wepons or armure of lyght gyueth to Paule / that is by in∣terpretacyon a lytell man / whiche calleth hymselfe the refuse or outcast of the worl∣de. Of suche armure therfore haboundaūt¦ly shall holy scripture mynyster to the / yf thou wylte occupye thy tyme in it with all thy myght: so that thou shalt not nede our counseyle or admonycyons. Neuer∣thelesse seyng it is thy mynde / leest I shol∣de seme not to haue obeyed thy request / I haue forged for the this lytell treatyse cal∣led Enchiridion / that is to saye / a certayn lytell dagger / whome neuer laye out of thy hande / no not whan thou art at mea∣te / or in thy chaumbre. In so moche that yf at ony tyme thou shalte be compelled to make a pylgrymage in these worldly occupacyons / and shalte be accombred to beare aboute with the the hole and com∣plete armure and harneys of holy scrip∣ture / yet cōmytte not that the suttellyer in wayte at ony season sholde cōme vpon the and fynde the vtterly vnarmed / but at the leest lette it not greue the to haue with the this lytell hanger / whiche shall not be heuy to beare / nor vnprofytable for thy defence / for it is very lytell / yet yf thou vse it wysely / and couple with it the bukler of fayth / thou shalte be able to withstande the fyerse & ragyng assawte of thyne ennemy: so that thou shalt haue no deedly wounde. But now it is tyme that I begyn to gyue the a certeyn rule of the vse of these wepons / whiche yf thou shalt put in execucyō or practyse / I trust it wyll cōme to passe that our capytayne Iesus Chryst shal trāslate the a cōquerour out of this lytel castel or garryson in to his great cite Ierusalē with triumphe / where is no rage at al of any batayle / but eternal qui∣etnes / perfyte peace / assured tranquillite: but where as in the meane season al hope and confydence of saufgarde is put in ar∣mure and wepon. THat excellent good thynge desy¦red and sought for of all men / is peace or quietnes: vnto whiche ye louers of this worlde also referre all theyr study / but they seke a false peace / and shote at a wronge marke. The same peace the philosophers also {pro}mysed vnto the folowers of theyr conclusions / but yet falsly / for Chryst onely gyueth it / the worl¦de gyueth it not.A man must fyght agynst hymselfe. To cōme to this quiet∣nes / the onely waye or meanes is (yf we make warre) agaynst our self / yf we fyght strongly against our owne vices / for with these ennemyes god whiche is our peaceGod is our peace & felicite is at varyaūce with deedly hate / seyng he is naturally vertue it selfe & father & lorde of al vertue.Stoici were phylosofers as Socrates & Plato / with theyr folowers which put feli∣cyte in trewe plesure in ver∣tue onely and within the cō∣sciēce without any outwarde pleasure or ry∣ches. And where as a filthy puddle or a synke gathered togider of al kynde of vices / is named of the stoikes whiche are the moost feruent deferders of vertue fo∣lyshnes / & in our scripture the same is cal∣led malyce / in lyke maner vertue or good∣nes lackyng in no poynt / of bothe partes is called wysdom. But after the saying of the wyse man doth not wysdom ouercōme malyce? The father and heed of malyce is the ruler of darknes belial: whose steppes who so euer foloweth walketh in ye night and shall cōme to eternall nyght.Folyshnes is myserye. wysdome is fe¦lycyte. Fooles also be wretches and vnhappy. wyse men also be happy and fortunate. Fylthynes is folyshnes vertu is wisdō. On the other syde ye grounde of wysdom & in dede wysdome it selfe is Chryst Iesus / whiche is very lyght & the bryghtnes of the glory of his father / putrynge away by hymselfe onely ye nyght of y• folyshnes of the world The whiche (wytnessynge Paule) as he was made redempcyon & iustificacyon to vs that be borne agayn in him. Euen lyke wise was made also our wisdom. we (saith Paule) preche Chryst crucified / whiche to the iewes is an occasion of vnite / & to the gētyles folyshnes. But to ye elected bothe of the iewes & also of ye gentiles we preche Chryst the vertue or strength of god / & the wysdom of god / by whose wysdom thrugh his ensample we may beare away the vi∣ctory of our ennemy malyce / yf we shal be wyse in him in whom also we shal be con¦querours. Make moche of this wysdom & take her in thyne armes worldly wysdomworldly wyse∣dome is very folysshnes set at nought / which with false tytle & vn∣der a fayned colour of honeste bosteth and sheweth her selfe gay to fooles / whā after Paule there is no greater folyshnes with god than worldly wysdom / a thynge that must be forgete in dede agayn of hym that wyll be wyse in dede.e must be a foole in this worlde that wyll be wyse in god. If any man (saythe Paule) amonge you semeth to be wyse in this worlde / let hym be a foole yt he may be wyse / for the wysdome of this worlde is folyshnes with god. And a lytell afore Paule sayth it is wryten? I wyll destroy the wysdom of wyse men / & the prudence of prudent men I wyll reproue. where is the wyse man / where is ye subtile lawyer / where is the sercherThe serchers were the phy∣losofers which serched for worldly wysdō yet coude they attayn no wys∣dome to saue the soule of mā vntyll Chryste came. of this worlde. Hath not god made the wysdom of this worlde folyshnes. And I doute not but euen now with greate hate these folysshe wyse men arke against the / & these blynde capteyns or guydes of blynde men crye out and rore agaynst the / sayinge that thou art decey∣ued / that thou dotest and art madde as a bedlem man / bycause thou entēdest to de∣parte vnto Chrystwarde.Many be chry¦sten men in na∣me onely but the very chry∣sten mē be they whiche kepe & obue īwardly Chrystes pre∣ceptes. These be in na∣me onely chrysten men / but in very dede they are bothe mockers & also ennemyes of Chrystes doctryne.A true chrystē mā must despy¦se the folishnes of worldly mē. Take hede and be∣ware that theyr folysshe bablynge moue the not / whose miserable blyndnes ought rather to be wept / sorowed and mourned than to be counterfeyted or folowed.he is good for nothyng sayth hesiod{us} which neyther hathe wysdō / nor yet wyll lerne it. Oh what folysshe kynde of wysdom and clene out of ordre is this in tryfles and thynges of no value / ye to fylthynes onely to be clere wytted / ware and experte:To haue kno∣lege is best of all. To be wyl∣lynge to lerne & obedyente to the truth is al∣so a good thīge To lacke kno∣lege is a very euyll thynge. but in those thynges whiche onely make for our sauegarde or helthe:To disdayn to lerne is worse but to withstō∣de & repugne agaynste the truthe to them whiche teache the truthe is worst of al & far¦dest frō grace. not to haue moche more vnderstandynge than a brute beest. Paule wolde we sholde be wyse but in goodnes / & chyldren in euyll. These men be wyse to all iniquite: but they haue no lernynge to do good. And for as moche as that facoūdyous and greke poete He∣siodus counteth hym good for nothynge whiche neyther is wyse of hymselfe / ney∣ther yet wyll folowe and do after hym that gyueth hym good coūseyle. Of what degre than shall they be counted whiche whan they themselfe be moost shameful∣ly deceyued / yet neuer seace to trouble / to laugh / to scorne and put in feare them whiche all redy be cōme to theyr wyttes agayn? But shall not the mocker be moc∣ked? He that dwelleth in heuē shal mocke them agayn / & our lorde shall laugh them to scorne. Thou redest in the boke of Sa∣pyence / they shall se veryly & shall despyse hym / but god shal mocke thē. To be moc∣ked of lewde men / is as it were a prayse. And no doubte it is a blessed thynge to fo∣low our heed Chryst & his apostles / and a fearfull thyng truly to be mocked of god. I also (saith the wysdom) wyl laugh whā ye perysshe / & mocke you whā that thyng hath hapned to you which ye feared / that is to say / whan they awaked out of theyr dreame & cōme agayn to themself whan it is to late / shall say.Eyl men say ye good mē as ye lyue now so lyued such & su∣che pope holy fooles / & this came of them & so we trust to se happen of you. These be they whome we haue had in derysyon and reprofe / we for lacke of vnderstandynge haue counted theyr lyues to be madnes / & theyr ende to be without honour. This wisdom is beest¦ly / and as Iames sayth diabolyke & of the deuyll / & is an ennemy to god / whose ende is destruction.Note how one vyce bryngeth in an other. For always after this wys∣dom foloweth as a waytyng seruaunt or handmayde myscheuous p̄sumpcion / after p̄sumpcyon foloweth blyndnes of mynde after blyndnes of mynde foloweth feruent rage & tyrannye of affections & appetytes / after the tyrannye of affections foloweth the hole hepe of al vices and libertye to do what he lysteth Than foloweth custome / after foloweth moost wretched dulnes or insencibilitye of mynde / a dasynge of the wyttes for lacke of capacitye. By which it is caused that euyll men {per}ceyue not them self to synne. And whyles they be in suche insencibilitye without any fealyng or per∣ceyuyng of themselfe / bodyly deth cōmeth sodeynly on them / & after it foloweth the seconde deth / whiche is deth euerlastyng. Thou seest how the mother of thextreme myschefe is worldly wysdom / but of the wysdom of ChrystThe wysdome of Chryste. whiche ye worlde thyn∣keth folyshnes / this wyse thou redest. All good thyng{is} came to men by hepes with her / & ineymable honestye by the handes of her. And I reioysed ī al thyng{is} bycause this wysdom went before me / and I was not ware that she was mother of al good thyng{is}. This wysdom bryngeth with her as companyons sobrenes and mekenes. Mekenes disposeth & maketh vs apte to receyue the spiryte of god. For in the low∣ly / humble & meke persone he reioyseth to rest. And whan ye spiryt hath replenysshed our myndes with his seuēfolde grace / than forthwithal spryngeth that plenteous er∣bage of al vertue with those blessed fruy∣tes of whiche y• chefe is the secrete ioye of a clere conscience / whiche ioye is knowen of none but onely of suche to whome it hath chaunced to taste of it. Ioye that ne∣uer vanyssheth away / nor fadeth with the ioyes of this worlde / but encreaseth and groweth to eternall gladnes and myrth. This wysdom my brother (after the coun¦seyle of Iames) must thou requyre of god with feruent & brennyng desyre. And after the counseyle of the wyse man dygge her out of the veynes of holy scripture / as it were treasure hyd in the erthe. The chefe parte of this wysdom is that thou sholdest knowe thy selfe / whiche worde to haue descended frō heuen the antiquite byleued & so moche hath that saying pleased great auctours / yt they iudged al plenty of wys∣dom to be shortly cōprehēded in this lyrel sentence / that is to wyte / yf a man knowe himselfe. But let the weyght or authorite of this conclusyon & doctryne be of no va∣lure with vs / excepte it agre with our ler∣nyng. The mystical louer in canticis thret¦neth his spouse / & byddeth her to gete her selfe out of ye dores / excepte she knowe her selfe / saying. O thou beautefull among al women / yf thou knowe not thy selfe / go out of the dores & walke after the steppes of thy flocke & sorte. Therfore let no man p̄sumptuously take vpō him this so great a thyng / to thynke that he knoweth hym selfe wel ynough. I am not sure whether any man knoweth his body vnto ye vtter∣most / & thā how can a man knowe ye state of his mynde surely ynough? Paule who∣me god so loued that he sawe ye mysteryes of the thyrde heuen / yet durst he not iudge hymselfe whiche thyng doutles he wolde haue ben bolde to do / yf he had knowen hymselfe surely ynough. If so spirituall a man whiche discerneth al thing{is} & is hym self to be iudged of no mā / was not surely ynough knowen to hymselfe. How shold we carnall men presume? In cōclusion let him seme to be a very vnprofitable sowdy our / which surely ynough neyther knewe his owne cōpany / neyther his ennemyes hoost.Thou mayst rede of Iason & diuers other how they so∣wed serpentes tethe & how of them sprange Gyant{is} which fought amōge them selfe and slewe eche other. But so it is that one chrysten man hath not warre with an other but with hymselfe / & veryly a great hoost of aduer∣saryes spryng out of our owne flesshe / out of the very bowels & inwarde parte of vs Lykewyse as it is redde in certeyn poetes tales of the bretherne gendred of the erth. And there is so lytell dyfference bytwene our ennemy & our frende / and so harde to knowe the one fro the other / that there is great ieopardy leest we somwhat recheles or neclygent defende our ennemy in stede of our frende / or hurte our frende in stede of our ennemy. The noble capteyn Iosue was in doute of an aūgell of lyght / saying Art thou on our parte / or of our enemyes parte. Therfore seyng that thou hast takē vpon the warre agaynst thy selfe / and the chefe hope and cōfort of victory is yf thou knowe thy selfe to the vttermost / I wyll paynte a certayne ymage of thy selfe / as it were in a table / & set it before thyne eyes that thou mayst {per}fytly knowe what thou art inwarde and within thy skynne. A ManA man is a cer¦teyn mōstrous beest. is than a certeyn monstrous beest cōparte togyder of partes two or thre of great dyuersite. Of a soule as of a certeyn goodly thynge / & of a body as it were a brute or dombe beest. For certeyn∣ly we so greatly excell not al other kyndes of brute beestes in perfytnes of body / but that we in al his natural gyftes are foūde to them inferyours. In our myndes very∣ly we be so celestial and of godly capacite that we may surmount aboue the nature of aungels / and be vnyt / knyt & made one with god. yf thy body had not ben added to the / thou haddest ben a celestial or god∣ly thyng.God is thau∣tour of peace. yf this mynde had not ben graf∣fed in ye / playnly thou haddest ben a brute beest.The serpente is the maker of debate. These two natures bytwene them selfe so dyuerse / that excellēt werkmā had coupled togyder with blessed cōcorde: but the serpent the ennemy of peace put them asonder agayn with vnhappy discorde:He holdeth the wolfe by the eares / this pro¦uerbe we vse ō thē whiche be in such cōbrāce fro whēs they can in no wyse ryd them selfe The prouerbe this wise sprōg A certen man walked in a fo∣rest vpō whom came a wolfe he coude make no other shyf but toke hī by the eares whi∣che were so shorte that it was harde to hold them: yet durst he not let thē go nor laye hande on his wepōs for fere of bytyng / but held fast & cry∣ed for helpe. so yt now they neyther can be se{per}ate without very great turment & payne / neyther lyue ioyned togyder without contynual warre And playnly after the cōmun saying eche n the other holdeth the wolfe by ye eares / & eyther may saye very well & accordingly to the other that proper & pleasaunt verse of Catullus. I neyther can lyue with the nor without the. Suche ruffeling wrang∣lynge & trouble they make bytwene them selfe with comberous debate as thynges dyuerse / whiche in dede are but one. The body veryly as he hymselfe is vysyble / so delyteth he in thynges vysyble. As he is mortall / so foloweth he thynges tēporall. As he is heuy / so synketh he downwarde. On the other party the soule myndeful of her celestyall nature enforceth vpwarde with great violence & with a terrible hest stryueth & wrastleth with the heuy burthē of ye erthly body. She despiseth these thin∣ges that are seen / for she knoweth them to be trāsitory / she seketh true thyng{is} of sub∣staūce which be {per}manent & euer abydyng & bycause she is imortal & also celestial she loueth thyng{is} imortal & celestial / & reioy∣seth with thing{is} of lyke nature / except she be vtterly drowned in the fylth of ye body & by contagiousnes of hym hath gone out of kynde from her natyue gentylnes. And verily neyther Prometheus so moche spo¦ken of among poetes sowed this discorde in vs a porcyō of euery beest myxed to our mynde / neyther our prymatyue & fyrst ma¦kyng gaue it / that is to say / it spronge not in vs naturally / or nature gaue it not to vs ī our first creaciō or natiuite:Poetes fayne {pro}methens to haue made mē of claye and thugh helpe of to put lyfe in thē & a porcyon of euery bee as the fyrsnes of the lyon the wylynes of the for the fereful∣nes of the hae and so of other beestes. but synne hath euyl corrupte & decayed that whiche was well created / sowynge the poyson of dissenciō bytwene thē that were honestly agreed / for before ye tyme bothe the mynde ruled ye body without besynes / & the body obeyed without grudgīg. Now is it clene cōtrary. The ordre bytwene thē is so trou¦bled / the affections or appetytes of the bo¦dy stryue to go before reason / & reason is in a maner compelled to enclyne & folowe the iudgement of the body.Man is cōpa∣red to a comen welthe or real∣me / where is a kynge / lordes / and the comen people. Thou mayst compare therfore a man properly to a cō∣munaltie / where is debate & parte takyng among them selfe. whiche cōmunaltie for as moche as it is made of sondry kyndes of men gathered togyder / whiche be of dy¦uerse and contrary appetytes. It can not be auoyded but that moche stryfe shal ryse therin / and partes taken oftentymes / one les the chefe rule and authorite be in one. And he hym selfe be suche a felowe that wyll cōmaūde nothynge but that whiche shall be holsome and profytable for the cō¦mune welthe. And for that cause it must nedes be that he whiche is moost wyse sholde most beare rule. And he nedes must obey that leest perceyueth or vnderstan∣deth. Now there is nothing more folysshe than the rascall or vyle cōmunaltye. And therfore ought they to obey the offycers and rulers / and beare no rule nor offyce them self. The noble estates or suche men whiche be moost auncyent of age / ought to be herde: but so that it lye onely in the kynges arytremēt to make statutes and lawes / whome it is mete to be aduertised to be put in remembraunce or counseyled now and than. But it is not mete that he sholde be cōpelled / or that any man shol∣de maystrye or rule hym. And fynally the kyng obeyeth no man but the laweThe kynge obeyeth the lawe onely. onely The lawe must be correspondent to the orygynall decree of nature or the fyrst ex∣ample of honestye. wherfore yf this ordre subuerted the vnruly cōmunes / and that ragynge dregges of the cite shall stryue to go before the senyours: or yf y• chefe lordes shall despyse the cōmaūdement of ye kyng / than aryseth perylous sedicyō or diuisyon in our cōmune welth / ye & except the {pro}ui∣syon / decree or auctorite of god socour / all the mater weyeth & enclyneth to extreme mischefe and to vtter destruction.Reasō is kyng in a man. In man reason beareth ye rowme of a kyng. Thou mayst accompt for the chefe lordes certeyn affections & them of the body:The lordes be certaine gentle affections. but yet not all thyng{is} so beestly. Of the whiche kynde is natural reuerence towarde the father & mother / loue to thy brethern / a benyuolēt mynde towarde thy frendes & louers. Cō∣passyō vpon them that be vexed with ad∣uersite or combred with sycknes. Feare of infamy / sclaūder or losse of thy good name Desyre of honest reputacyō / & suche other lyke.The comners be v le appe∣tytes. But suche affectiōs or passiōs which be very greatly disagreyng frō the decrees of reason / & whiche be cast downe & must bow euen to the vylenes of brute beestes. Thynke & reken those to be as it were the most raskal & vile sorte of ye cōmun people Of which kynde & sort be lechery / ryot / en∣uy / & such lyke diseases / which al without excepciō must be kept vnder ī pson / & with punyshmēt as vile & bonde seruaūtes that they rendre to theyr mayster theyr taske & worke apoynted to them yf they can: but yf not at y• leest yt they do no harme. which thyng{is} Plato perceyuyng by inspiracyon of god / wrote in his booke called Timens how ye sones of goddes had forged in man to theyr owne lykenes two kyndes of sou¦les / the one kynde spirituall & īmortal / the other as it were mortall / in daunger to dy¦uerse {per}turbacions or mocyons of vnquiet¦nes.Foure affecti∣ons of the mynde Ioye sorowe hope and feare. Of whiche the fyrst is voluptuousnes (as he sayth) the bayte wherby men are allured and brought to vngracyousnes or mischefe. The next is sorowe or grefe whi¦che letteth men / & dryueth them from ver∣tue or goodnes. After that feare & presum∣ptuous boldnes / two madde coūseylours: whome accōpanyeth indurate wroth / the desyre of vengeaūce. More ouer flateryng hope with beestly ymaginacyon & know∣lege not gouerned of reason / and worldly loue that layeth handes violently on all thynges. These be almoost the wordes of Plato / and it was not vnknowen to hym the felicitie of this lyfe to be put in refray∣nyng of suche {per}turbacyōs / for he wryteth in the same worke them for to lyue iustly & blessedly / whiche sholde haue ouercōme these appetytes / & them for to lyue vniust∣ly & myserably that sholde be ouercōme of the same. And to that soule whiche is lyke vnto the nature of god / that is to say / vn∣to reason / as vnto a kyng he appoynted a place in the brayne / as in the chefe toure of our cite:Reason dwel∣leth in the brayne as in the palays. & as thou mayst se the hyghest parte of our body / & nexte to heuen / & most farre fro the nature of a beest / as a thynge veryly whiche is bothe of a very thynne bone / & neyther lade with grosse synewes nor flesshe / but surely furnysshed & apoyn∣ted within & also without / with powers of knowlege / that thrugh the shewyng of them no debate sholde ryse in our cōmune welthe / whiche he sholde not immediatly {per}ceyue: but as touchyng the partes of the mortal soule / that is to wyte / the affectiōs or appetytes as euery one of them is / ey∣ther obedyent / or elles grudgeth agaynst reason. So he remoued them fro hym / for bytwene the necke and the mydriffe he set that parte of the soule / wherin is contey∣ned boldnes / wrath or anger / a sedicyous affection veryly and ful of debate / whiche nedes must be refrayned:The power wherin is con∣tayned wrath and ate. but he is not ve∣ry brutysshe or beestly / & therfore he sepa∣rate hym in a meane space frō the hyghest and lowest / leest yf he had ben to nygh to eyther of them / he wold eyther haue trou¦bled the kynges quietnes / or else corrupte with the contagyousnes of them of the lowest sortes sholde with them also con∣spyre agaynst hym. Last of all that power whiche desyreth the voluptuous pleasure of meate and drynke / wherby also we be moued to bodyly lust / he banysshed vtter∣ly awaye far fro the kyng{is} palays downe alowe bynethe the mydryse in to the ly∣uer and the paunche / that as it were a cer¦teyn wylde beest vntamed / he sholde there stable and dwell at the racke / for bycause that power is accustomed to reyse vp mo∣cyons moost violent / & to be disobedyent to the commaundementes of the kynge.The power wherin is con∣tayned desyre. what beestlynesse ye and what rebellyon is in the lowest porcyon of this power / at the leestwaye the preuy partes of thy bo∣dy may teche the in whiche parte chefely this power of concupiscence rageth and tyranny reygneth / which also of all mem∣bres onely euer among maketh rebellyon with vnclenly mocions / the kyng cryenge the contrary / & that in vayne. Thou seest than euydently how that this noble beest man / so goodly a thynge aboue playnly & without any excepcyon endeth in an vn∣reasonable or brute beest. But that noble coūseylour whiche sytteth lyke a kyng or a ruler in his hygh toure / hauynge alway in remembraunce his owne begynnynge thynketh no fylthy nor lowe thynge.The ornamen∣tes of a kynge. And he hath wherby he may be knowen from other a scepter of yuorye / bycause he doth cōmaunde nothyng but yt whiche is ryght and good / in whose top wryteth Homere to set an egle / bycause that reason moun∣tyng vp to celestial thyng{is} / beholdeth frō aboue those thyng{is} that be on the groūde disdeynfully / as it were with egles eyes. In cōclusiō he is crowned with a crowne of golde / for golde in the mystycall lettres moost cōmunly betokeneth wysdom. And the circle betokeneth that the wysdom of the kyng sholde be perfyte & pure in euery parte. These be the very giftes or vertues properly belongyng to kynges. Fyrst that they be very wyse that they do not amysse by reason of errour & lacke of true know∣lege. And thā suche thyng{is} as they knowe to be good & ryght / those onely to wyll & purpose to do that they do nothīg agaynst the decree or iudgement of reason inordy∣natly / frowardly & corruptly. And who so euer lacketh any of these two poynt{is} / coū¦te hym to be not a kynge / that is to saye a ruler / but a robber. OUr kyng Reason may be oppressed veryly / yet bycause of y• eternal lawe which god hath grauen in him he can not be corrupted but that he shal grudge & cal backe.we ought to ly¦ue after reasō & not after affe∣ctions. To whome yf the resydue of the cō¦munaltie wyll obey / he shall neuer cōmyt any thynge at all eyther to be repented or of any ieopardye: but all thynges shall be admynystred with great moderacyon dis∣cretly / with moche quietnes & tranquilite But as touching affections / veryly Stoi∣ci & PeripoteticiPerypoteticy wyll that affec¦ions shold be reframed only thynkyng th necessary to {pro}∣uoke & to styrre a mā to vertue varye somwhat / though bothe agree in this that we ought to lyue after reason / and not after affections. But StoiciStoici be the folowers of pla¦to which put fi¦licite & blessed∣nes ī the īward cōstācye of the mynde onely / yf a man were so armed with all vtues that he myght be wounded with no darte of ad∣uersite or fortu¦ne sayeng also no outwarde good{is} of fortsie nor outwarde gyft{is} of nature be reqred neces¦saryly vnto fe∣lycyte but the testimony of cō¦sciēce inwarde to be sufficiēt. wyll whan we haue vsed for a sea∣son (as it were a scholemaister to teche vs our fyrst principles) the affections whiche immedyatly are stered vp of the sensuall powers / & now be cōme to iudgemēt and true examinacion what is to be ensued or chosen / & what to be eschewed or forsaken that than we vtterly dampne and forsake them. For than are they (as they saye) not onely no {pro}fyte to veray wysdom / but also hurtfull & noyous. And therfore they wyll that a {per}fyte wyse mā shold lacke all suche mocyons / as diseases or sycknesses of the mynde / ye & scarsely they graūte to a wyse man these fyrst mocions / more gentyl pre∣uētyng reason whiche they call fantasyes or ymaginacyons. Peripotetici teche the affections not to be destroyed vtterly / but to be refrayned / & that the vse of them is not vtterly to be refused / for bycause they thynke them to be gyuen of nature / as a prycke or a spurre to styre a man to vertue As wrath maketh a man bolde & hardy / & is a mater of fortytude.Perypotetici be Arystoteles folowers whi∣che saye a man apayled with all kīde of vtue & with a pure cōsciēce to be a good man / yet not happy or blessed / for thei wyll beatitude to rest in the acte & outward practise of ver¦tue in {pro}fyting the cōenwelth Therfore saye they / ryches / frēdes / strēgth of body / helth / eloquence and such like to be required neces¦sarily without whiche a man cannot {pro}fyte another / yet wolde they not suche thynges to be desyr for loue of the thing{is} thē selfe but to profyte the comēwelth & for the cōuer∣sacyon of man∣kynde. Enuy is a greate cause of polycy / & in lykewyse of the other Socrates in a certeyn booke that Plato made called Phedo / semeth to agree with Stoici / where he thynketh philosophy to be nothyng else but a meditaciō or practi∣syng of deth / that is to say / that the mynde withdrawe her selfe as moche as she can frō corporal & sensyble thyng{is} / & cōuey her selfe to those thyng{is} whiche be perceyued with reason onely / and not of the sensible powers. Fyrst of al therfore thou must be∣holde & cōsyder diligently all the mocions mouyng{is} or steryng of thy mynde / & haue them surely knowen. Farthermore thou must vnderstāde no mocyons to be so vio∣lent but they may be eyther refrayned of reason / or else turned to vertue. Notwith∣standing I heare euerywhere this conta∣grous opinyon / that some sholde say they be cōstrayned to vices: & on the other syde many for lacke of knowlege of them selfe folowe suche mocyons as the sayinges or decrees of reason: in so moch that what so euer wrath or enuy doth coūseyle or moue them to do / that they call the zele of god: & as thou seest one cōmun welth to be more vnquiet than another:Some man is more prone to vtue then some so is one man more enclyned or prone to vertue than another whiche differēce cōmeth not of y• diuersite of myndes / but eyther of the īfluence of ce∣lestial bodyes / or els of our {pro}genitours / or els of the bryngyng vp in youth / or of ye cō¦plectiō of the body. The fable of Socrates of carters & horses good & bad is none olde wyues tale: for thou mayst se some to be borne of so moderate / softe / quiet & gentyl disposicyon / so easy to be hādled / to be tur¦ned & wynded / that without besynes they may be enduced to vertue / & renneth for∣ward by theyr own courage without any spurrynge.The rebellion of nature is to be imputed to no man. To some clene contrary thou mayst {per}ceyue to haue happened: a body re¦bellyous as a wylde & kyckyng horse: in so moche yt he whiche tameth him shal haue ynough to do & swete apace / and yet scarse with a very rough bytte / scarse with a wa¦ster & with sharpe spurres can subdue his fyersnes. If any suche one hath hapned to the / let neuer ye rather thy hert fayle ye / but so moche the more feruently set vpon it / thynkyng on this wyse: not that the way of vertue is stopped or shutte vp from the: but a larger mater of vertue to be offred vnto the. But and yf so be that nature hath endued the with a gentyll mynde / thou art. not therfore streyghtway better than an other man / but happyer / and yet agayn on that maner wyse art thou more happy / so that thou art also more bounde. How be it what is he yt is endued with so happy gyftes of nature / whiche hath not haboūdaūtly thynges ynough to wrestle withal. Therfore in what parte shal be {per}∣ceyued most rage or rebellyō to be / in that parte reason our kynge must watche dili∣gētly.Some vyces folowe the countres. There be certeyn vices appropriate to euery coūtree / as to breake promesse is famylyar to some: to some ryot or {pro}diga∣lite: to some bodyly lust or pleasure of the flesshe / & this happeneth to them by ye dis∣posycyon of theyr countrees. Some vices accōpany the complexion of the bodySome vyces folowe the cō∣plexcion of the body / as appetite & lust for the company of women & the desyre of pleasures & wanton sportes accōpany the sanguyne men. wrath / fyers∣nes / cursed speking foloweth the coleryke men. Grosnes of mynde / lacke of actiuite / sluggishnes of body / & to be gyuē to moch slepe / foloweth the flumatike man. Enuy inwarde heuynes / bytternes / to be solyta∣ry / selfe mynded / soleyn and chorlysshe fo∣loweth the melancolyke {per}son.vyces folowīg the age. Some vi∣ces abate & encreace after the age of man / as in youth lust of y• body / wastfull exspen¦ces and rashnes / or folysshe hardynes. In olde age nyggyshnes or to moche sauyng / waywardnes & auarice.vyces ap∣propryed to kynde. Some vices ther be which shold seme appropriate to kynde as fyersnes to the man / vanite to the wo∣man & desyre of wreke / or to be reuenged. It fortuneth now & thā that nature as it were to make amēdes / recompenseth one disease or sycknes of the mynde / with an other certeyn cōtrary good gyfte or {pro}per∣tye.An euyll dy∣ease of the mynde is som∣tyme recōpen∣sed with an other good gyfte ī {pro}perte. One man is somwhat prone or encly∣ned to pleasure of worldly pastymes / but nothyng angry / nothyng enuyous at all. An other is chaste / but somwhat proude or hygh mynded / somwhat hasty / somwhat to gredy vpon the worlde. And there be whiche be vexed with certeyn wonderfull & fatall vices / with thefte / sacrylege & ho∣micyde: whiche truly thou must withstāde with al thy might / against whose assaulte must be cast a certeyn brasen wall of sure purpose. On the other syde some affectiōs be so nygh neyghbours to vertue / that it is ieopardous leest we sholde be deceyued the diuersitye is so daūgerous & doutfull.Let the vyces whche drawe nere vnto ver∣tue be correc∣ted. These affectiōs are to be corrected & amen¦ded / & may be turned very wel to that ver¦tue whiche they most nygh resēble. There is some man (bycause of example) whiche is soone set a fyre / is hote / at ones {pro}uoked to anger with the leest thyng in ye worlde / let hym refrayne & sobre his mynde / & he shal be bolde & couragious / nothyng faynt herted or fearfull / he shall be free of speche without dissimulacion. There is another mā somwhat holdīg / or to moche sauyng let hym put to reason / & he shall be called thryfty & a good husband. He that is som¦what flateryng shal be with moderacyon curteys & pleasaunt. He that is obstynate may be constant. Solempnes may be tur¦ned to grauite. And that hath to moche of folysshe toys / may be a good companyon. And after ye same maner of other sōwhat easyer diseases of the mynde / we must be∣ware of this onely yt we cloke not y• vice of nature with the name of vertue / callynge heuynes of mynde grauite / crudelite iustice enuy zele / fylthy nyggyshnes thryfte / fla∣tering good felowshyp / knauery or rybal∣dry vrbanue or mery spekyng.Put not the name of to ony maner of vyce. The onely waye therfore to felicite is fyrst that thou knowe thy selfe:knowe thy self. more ouer that thou do nothyng after affections / but in al thyng{is} after the iudgemēt of reason:Do all thyng{is} after the Iuge¦ment of reason let reason be soūde & pure & without corrupcion: let not his mouth be out of taste / that is to saye / let hym beholde honest thyng{is}. But thou wylie say: it is an harde thynge that thou cōmaundest: who sayth naye? And veryly the saying of Plato is true: what so euer hynges be fayre and honest / the same be harde & trauaylfull to obteyne. Nothyng is more harde than that a man shold ouer cōme hymselfe.The sayeng of saynt Ierome. But than is there no grea¦ter rewarde than is felicite. Iheronymus spake that thynge excellently as he dothe al other thynges: nothyng is more happy than a chrysten man / to whom is {pro}mysed the kyngdom of heuē: nothyng is in grea∣ter peryll than he which euery houre is in ieopardye of his lyfe: nothynge is more stronge than he yt ouercōmeth the deuyll: nothynge is more weyke than he that is ouercōme of the flesshe. If thou ponder thyne owne strengthe onely / nothynge is harder than to subdue the flesshe vnto the spiryte. If thou shalte loke on god thy helper / nothynge is more easye. Than now therfore cōceyue with all thy myght and with a feruent mynde the purpose & professyon of the perfyte lyfe. And whan thou hast groūded thy self vpon a sure pur¦pose / set vpon it & go to it lustely: mannes mynde neuer purposed any thyng feruēt∣ly that he was not able to bryng to passe.To be willyng to be a chrystē man is a grete parte of chry∣stendome. It is a greate parte of a chrysten lyfe to desyre with full purpose and with all his herte to be a chrysten man / that thynge whiche at the fyrst syght or metynge / at the fyrst acqueyntaunce or commynge to shall seme impossyble to be conquered or wonne / in proces of tyme shall be gentyll ynough & with vse easy: in cōclusion with custome it shall be very pleasaunt. It is a very {pro}per saying of Hesiodus.The waye of vertue in pro∣ces wereth easye The waye of vertue is harde at the begynnynge / but after thou hast crept vp to the toppe there remayneth for the very sure quietnes. No beest is so wylde whiche wexeth not tame by the crafte of man. And is there no craft to tame the mynde of hym that is ye tamer of all thynges. That thou myght be hole in thy body / thou canst stedfastly purpose and cōmaunde thy selfe for certeyn yeres to abstayne frō drynkyng of wyne / to for∣beare the flesshe and company of women: whiche thyng{is} the phisician beyng a man p̄scribed to the. And to lyue quietly al thy lyfe canst thou not rule thyne affectiōs / no not a fewe monethes? whiche thyng god that is thy creatour & maker cōmaundeth the to do? To saue thy body from sycknes there is nothyng which thou doest not: to delyuer thy body & thy soule also frō eter∣nall deth doest thou not these thyng{is} whi¦che infideles ethnici & gentyles haue done. CErteynly I am ashamed in chrysten mens behalfe / of whome the moost parte folowe as they were brute beestes theyr affections & sensuall appetytes / & in this kynde of warre are so rude & vnexerci∣sed / that they do not as moche as knowe the diuersitie bytwene reason & affections or passyons.Cryst in math∣sayth he came to make not peace but dei¦syon to set the father agaynst the sone / the sone agaynste his father / the wyfe agaynste her husbonde the husbonde agaīst his wife and so forthe. The hystorye meaneth that at somtyme & in some places the husbonde sholde accepte the faythe of christ only & fo¦lowe his holsō doctryne & the wyfe sholde {per}∣secute hym / sō∣tyme the wyfe sholde folowe christe and the husbonde {per}se∣cute her / &in ly¦kewise the son his father and the father the sone. They suppose yt thyng onely to be y• man whiche they se & fele / ye & they thynke nothyng to be besyde the thynges which offre them self to ye sensyble wyttes whan it is nothyng lesse than so. what so euer they greatly coueyte / that they thyn∣ke to be ryght: they call peace / certeyn and assured bōdage / whyle reason oppressed & blynded foloweth whether so euer ye appe¦tyte or affection calleth without resistence This is yt myserable peace whiche Chryst the authour of very peace that knyt two in one came to breke / styryng vp a holsom warre bytwene the father & the sone / by∣twene the husbande & the wyfe / bytwene those thynges whiche fylthy concorde had euyll coupled togyther. Now than let the authoritie of the philosophers be of lytell weyght / excepte those same thyng{is} be all taught in holy scripture / though not with the same wordes. That the philosophers call reason / that calleth Paule somtyme ye spiryt / somtyme ye inner man / otherwhyle the lawe of the mynde.Reason / the spyryte / the inner man / the lawe of the mynde / be one thīg with paul That they call af∣fectiō / he calleth somtyme the flesshe: som∣tyme ye body: an other tyme the vtter man and the lawe of the mres. walke (sayth Paule) in the spiryte / & ye shall not accom¦plysshe the desyres & lustes of the flesshe / for the flesshe desyreth contrary to the spi∣ryte / & the spiryte contrary to the flesshe / that ye can not do what so euer thyng{is} ye wolde.Affection / the flesh / the body the vtter man / the lawe of the membres / be one thynge with paule. And in an other place. yf ye shall lyue after the flesshe / ye shal dye. yf ye shal walkyng in the spiryte mortifye the dedes of the flesshe / ye shall lyue.Peace / lyfe / ly∣berte of soule / is the warre / deth / bondage of the body. Certeyn this is a newe chaūge of thyng{is} / that peace shold be sought in warre / and warre in peace: in deth lyfe / & in lyfe deth: in bondage liberty in liberty bondage. For Paule wryteth in an other place. I chastise my body & bryng hym in to seruitude. Heare also the liberty If ye be led with the spiryt / ye be not sub∣iect to ye lawe. And we haue not (sayth he) receyued agayn the spiryte of bondage in feare / but the spiryte whiche hath elected vs to be ye chyldren of god. He sayth in an other place. I se an other lawe in my mē∣bres repugnynge agaynst the lawe of my mynde / subduyng me to the lawe of synne whiche lawe is in my membres. Thou re∣dest with hym also of ye vtter man whiche is corrupte / and of the inner man whiche is renewed daye by daye. Plato put two soules to be in one man. Paule in one mā maketh two men so coupled togyder / that neyther without other can be outher in heuen or hell:A double man. & agayn so separate that the deth of the one sholde be lyfe of the other. To the same (as I suppose) perteyn those thyng{is} whiche he wrote to the Chorintes The fyrst man was made in to a lyuynge soule. The laste Adam was made in to a spiryte quyckenynge:The last adm is Chryste. but that is not fyrst whiche is spirituall / but that whiche is ly¦uynge: than foloweth that whiche is spi∣rituall. The fyrst man came of the erthe hym selfe terrestryall. The seconde came from heuen and he hymselfe celestial. And bycause it sholde more euydently appere these thynges to pertayne not onely to Chryst and Adam / but to vs all / he added saying. As was the man of the erth / suche are terrestryall & erthly persons. As is the celestial man / suche are the celestial {per}sons Therfore as we haue borne the ymage of the erthly man: euen so now let vs beare the ymage of the celestyall man. For this I saye bretherne that flesshe & blode shall not possesse the kyngdom of heuē / nor cor∣rupcion shall possesse incorrupcion. Thou {per}ceyuest playnly how in this place he cal∣leth Adam made of erth that thyng which in an other place he calleth the flesshe and the vtter mā whiche is corrupte.Iacob fygu∣reth the spiryt Esau the fleshe. And this same thynge certaynly is also the body of deth / wherwith Paule agreued cryed out Oh wretche that I am / who shall delyuer me from this body of deth.Iacob & Esau the sōes of Isac & Rebekca fou∣ghte in theyr mothers bly she with god / & he answerd of thē shall sprynge two peo¦ple which shol∣de euer be at ware but the shold the yonger Esau was fyrst borne & Iacob folowed hol∣dge Esau fast by the . Afterwarde a solde to Iacob his for of . when Isac was olde he hade Esau to ky some ve∣ that I mygnt of it & ysse the or I dye. In conclusion Paule declaryng the moost dyuerse fruyte of the flesshe & of the spiryte wryteth in an other place / saying. He that soweth in his flesshe shal repe or mowe of his flesshe cor¦rupcyon: but he that soweth in the spiryte shall repe or mowe of the spiryte lyfe eter∣nal. This is ye olde debate of two twynnes Iacob & Esau / whiche before they were brought forth in to lyght wrastled within the cloysters of the mothers belly / & Esau veryly caught frō Iacob the preemynence of byrth / & was fyrst borne: but Iacob pre∣uented him agayn of his fathers blessing. That whiche is carnall cōmeth fyrst / but the spiritual thynge is euer best. The one was reed / hygh coloured and rough with heare the other smothe. The one vnquiet and a hunter: the other reioysed in domesti¦call quietnes. And the one also for hunger solde the right that {per}teyned to hym by in∣herytaunce / in yt he was the elder brother / whyle he enced with a vyle prest and re∣warde of voluptuousnes / fell from his na∣tyue libertye in to the bondage of synne. The other procured by craft of grace that whiche belonged not to hym by ryght of law.But by the de∣uyce & meanes of the mother Iacob stale a∣waye his fa∣thers blessyng and was made lorde of his brother. Bitwene these two brethern though bothe were borne of one bely / & at one ty∣me / yet was there neuer ioyned {per}fyte con¦corde / for Esau hateth Iacob / Iacob for his parte though he quyteth not hate for hate / yet he fleeth & hath euer Esau suspe∣cted / neyther dare cōme within his daun∣ger.Then came Esau waylyng to haue a bles∣synge / then an¦swered the fa∣ther. I haue made hym thy lorde. To the lykewyse what so euer thyng affection counseyleth or {per}suadeth / let it be suspected. For the doutfull credence of the counseylour Iacob onely sawe the lorde.After that Ia∣cob sawe our lorde face to face. Esau as one delytyng in blode lyueth by the sworde. To cōclude whan the mother asked counseyle of the lorde he answered: the elder shall be seruaunt to y• yonger: but the father Isaac added:in good mē the spirite whiche is fygured by Iacob ruleth / & the body obey¦eth. In euyll men the flesshe whiche is syg∣nyfed by Esau ruleth of hym the emyre of down yn of the spyryte. thou Esau shalt do seruyce to thy brother: and the tyme shall cōme whan thou shalt shake of & loose his yoke from thy necke. The lord {pro}phecyeth of good & obedyent persones / the father of euyl & disobedyent {per}sones. The one decla¦reth what ought to be done of al men: the other tolde afore hande what y• most parte wolde do. Paule wylleth that the wyfe be obedyēt to her husbāde: for better is / sayth scripture) the iniquite of the man thā the goodnes of y• woman. Our Eue is carnal affection / whose eyes y• subtyle & crafty ser¦pent dayly troubleth & vexeth with tēpta∣cyon / & she is ones corrupte gothe forth & seaseth not to {pro}uoke & entyce the man al∣so thrugh consent to be parte taker of the iniquitye or myscheuous dede.The woman here signyfy∣eth a carnall person whiche chaunged by grace of fayth foloweth the bidding of the spyryte in eue¦ry thynge. But what redest thou of the newe woman / of her I meane that is obedyent to her husbande / I wyl put hatred bytwene the (meanyng the serpēt & the woman) and bytwene her generacion & thyne / she shall trede downe thy heed / & thou shalte laye awayte to her hele.The woman sy¦gureth affectiō The mā reson. The serpent was cast downe on his brest / the dethe of Chryst weyked his vio∣lence / he now onely lyeth awayte to her hele pryuely.Abraham had son by his seruaūte Agar whose name was Ismaell & an other b his wyse Sara whōe he caled Isaac. Ismael was moche el∣der then Isac & in playeng to¦gyther mysen∣treated Isac wherwith sara displeased bad Abraham put away thy ser∣uaunt Agar with her son al¦so which Abra¦ham was loth to do / but god cōman̄ded him to obey his wyues request. But the womā thrugh grace of fayth chaunged as it were in to a man boldly tredeth down his venymous heed Grace is encreased and the tyranny of the flesshe is dymynysshed. whan Sara was mynysshed & decayed / than dyd Abraham (god beynge the authour) growe and en∣crease. And than she calleth hym not hus∣bande but lorde / neyther yet coude she op∣teyn to haue a chylde before she was dryed vp & bareyn. what I pray the brought she forth at the last to her lord Abraham now in her olde days / ye & past chylde bearyng. Ueryly Isaac yt is to say ioye / for as soone as affectiōs haue wexed olde & are weyked in a man / than at the last springeth vp the blissed trāquilite of an īnocēt mynde / with sure quietnes of ye spiryt / as it were a cōti∣nual feest. And as y• father let not his wyfe haue her pleasure without aduisemēt: euē so hath the sportyng of y• chyldren togyder suspecte / I meane of Isaac with Ismaell. Sara wolde not ye chylde of a bondwomā & the chylde of a free womā sholde haue cō¦uersacyon togyder at yt age: but yt Ismael (whyle as yet youth is feruēt) shold be ba¦nisshed out of p̄sence / lest vnder a colour of pastyme he might entice & drawe vnto his owne maners Isaac yet yonge & tender of age.Let youth ee the occasyon of synne. Now was Sara an olde wyfe & now had brought forth Isaac / yet mystrusteth Abrahā except the answere of god had ap∣proued his wyues coūseyle / he is not sure of the woman vntyll he herde of god. In all thyng{is} yt Sara hath sayd to the / heare her voyce. O happy olde age of them in whome so mortyfyed is the carnall man made of the erth / that he in nothynge be∣syeth the spiryte / which agremēt whether in al thyng{is} {per}fyte may happē to any man in this lyfe or no / veryly I dare not affer∣me / {per}aduenture it were not expedient / for euen vnto Paule was gyuē vnquietnes & trouble of the flessh yt messenger of sathan to vex him withal.Trouble of the flesh is expe∣dyent to the exercyse of ver¦tue & custody of humylyte. And at ye thyrde tyme he despred to haue yt messenger taken frō him Than had he none other answere of god but onely this. Paule my grace is sufficiēt for the. For strengthe is wrought & made {per}fyte in weyknes. In dede this is a newe kynde of remedy. Paule leest he sholde be proude is tempted with pryde / yt he myght be stronge in Chryst: he is compelled to be weyke in hymselfe: he bare the treasure of celestial reuelaciōs in a vessel of erth / that the excellencye sholde depende of ye myght of god / & not of hymself / whiche one exam¦ple of thapostle putteth vs in remēbraūce & warneth vs of many thyng{is}.when thou art tempted fall to prayer. Fyrst of all that whan we be assaulted of vyces / īme∣diatly. we must gyue our selfe to prayer a∣gayne / and desyre helpe of god.Hydra was a serpente with many heddes of whiche one was immortall with her fou∣ghte hercules & whē he smoe of one heed. range for it / At the laste he fought with a bournīg sword and so sered he theyr neckes that they no more rynge. More ouer that temptacions to {per}fyte men are not pe¦rylous: but also are very expedyent to the contynuaūce & preseruyng of vertue. Last of al whan al other thyng{is} are full tamed than the vice of vaynglory euen in ye chefe tyme of vertues layeth awaite: & this vice to be as it were Hidra / whome Hercules fought withall a quycke monstre longe of lyfe & fruytful / by reason of her own woū∣des / which at ye last ende whan all labours be ouercōme can scarse be destroyed. Ne∣uertheles contynuall & īportunate labour ouercōmeth al thyng. In the meane tyme whyle thy mynde rageth & is vexed with vehemēt {per}turbacyons / by all maner mea∣nes thrust togyder / drawe downe / holde & bynde this ProtheusProtheus that is to say affecti¦on must be hol∣de downe. with tough bandes whyle he goth aboute to chaūge hymselfe in to all maner monstres and affections of thyng{is} / in to fyre / in to the shappe of some terrible wylde beest & in to a rnyng ryuer vntyll he cōme agayne in to his owne na¦tural lykenes and shappe. what is so lyke ProtheusProtheus is a god whiche chaūgeth hym to all maner fa¦cyons / he is a grete {pro}phesier but he wyl tell nothyng with∣out cōpulyon. as is the affections & appetites of fooles whiche drawe them somtyme in to beestly and bodyly lust / somtyme in to mad ire or wrath / otherwhyle ī to poyson enuy & straunge fascions of vices. Agreeth it not well that ye excellent connyng poete Uirgil sayd:Uyrgyll reher∣seth of arestew which had lost his beest{is} & cō∣selled with his mother rene a goddes how he myght resto¦re thē agayne she sent him to {pro}the & taught craft to bind hym vntyll he had tolde the trouthe / then taught {pro}theus how of a deed & puerified oxe they myght be restored again there shal dyuerse similitudes and fascyons of wylde beestes delude and mocke / for sodeynly he wyll be a fearfull swyne & foule tygre / & a dragon full of sea¦les / & a lyonesse with a reed mane / or shall counterfeyte the quycke sounde of ye slame of fyre: but here haue in remēbraūce what foloweth. The more he chaungeth hym self in to al maner of similitudes / the more my sone (sayth Uirgil) strayne thy tough bādes. And also bycause we shall not nede to returne agayne to fables of poet{is} / thou shalt by thensample of the holy patriarke Iacob lerne to endure & to wrastle lustely all nyght vnto the mornynge of the helpe of god begin to giue light.Iacob wrastled with an aūgell all nyght. whō in the morning he wolde not let go vntyll he had blyssed hym in the sa∣me place / the aungell smote his thygh and the synewes shranke so that Iacob halted on the one leg after that. And thou shalt say / I wyll not let the departe except thou shalt haue gyuē me thy blessyng fyrst. But what rewarde of his victory & greate ver∣tue that myghty & excellent stronge wrast¦ler obteyned / it is certaynly very {pro}fytable to heare. Fyrst of al god blessed hym ī that same place. For euermore after that the temptacyon is ouercōme / a certeyn syngu¦ler encrease of diuyne grace is added vnto a man / wherby he shold be an other tyme moche more surely armed thā he was be∣fore agaynst the assaulte of his ennemye. Farthermore thrugh touchyng of ye thigh the synewe of the cōquerour wexed wyd∣dred & shronke / & he began to halte on the one fote. God curseth them by the mouth of his {pro}phete whiche halt on bothe theyr fete / that is to say / them which wyl bothe lyue carnally / & please god also. But they be happy in whom carnal affections be so mortifyed / that they beare & leue moost of all to the ryght fote / that is / to the spiryte Fynally his name was chaunged: of Ia∣cob he was made Israel / & of a besy wrast¦ler a quiet {per}sone. After that thou hast cha¦stysed thy flesshe or thy body / & crucyfyed hym with vices and concupiscences / than shall trāquillite and quietnes without all trouble cōme vnto the / that thou mayst be at leyer to beholde the lorde / that thou mayst taste & fele yt the lorde is pleasaūt & swete / for yt thynge is signified by Israell.God appere after a grete tempest. God is not seen ī fyre / neyther in the horle wynde & troublous rage of temptacyon / but after the tempest of the deuyl (yf so be that thou shalt endure perseueraūtly) fo∣loweth the hyssynge of a thynne ayre or wynde of spirituall cōsolacyon.He hath wal∣ked .xl. dayes & xl. nyghtes vn∣to the mounte of Orll where he prayed in a caue / A voyce had hym come forth & stande afore god / and then came a grete wynde then a quakīge then fyre / & god not in the fyre then folowed the hyssynge of a thynne ayre / and then appered god to Elyas. After that ayre hath brethed quietly vpon the / than applye thyne inwarde eyes / & thou shalte be Israel / and shalt say with hym. I haue seen my lorde / and my soule ys made hole. Thou shalte se hym that sayd: no flesshe shall se me / that is to say / no carnall man. Consyder thy selfe dylygently / yf thou be flesshe / thou shalte not se god: yf thou se hym not / thy soule shall not be made hole Take hede therfore that thou be a spirite. THese thynges afore writen had ben and that a greate deale more than suffycyent:Origene in his fyrst boke vpō the epystle of paule to the ro¦mains maketh this diuysion. neuerthelesse that thou mayst be somwhat more sensybly knowen vnto thy selfe / I wyll reherse compendyously the dyuysyon of a man / after the descrip∣cyon of Orygene / for he foloweth Paule maketh thre partes / the spiryte / the soule and the flesshe / whiche thre partes Paule ioyned togyder / wrytyng to the Thessalo¦icēces. That your spiryte (sayth he) your soule & your body may be kepte clene and vncorrupte / that ye be not blamed or accu¦sed at the cōmyng of our lord Iesu Chryst And Esaias (leuing out the lowest parte) maketh mencyon of two / saying my soule shall desyre & longe for the in the nyght / ye & in my spiryte & my hert strynges I wyll wake in the mornynges for to please the. Also Daniell sayth / let the spiryt{is} & soules of good men laude god. Out of the which places of scripture Origene gathereth not agaynst reason the thre peticions of man / that is to wite / the body / otherwise called the flessheThe fleshe. / the most vile parte of vs / wher in the malycyous serpent thrugh original trespace hath wryten the lawe of synne / wherwithall we be {pro}uoked to fylthynes. And also yf we be ouercom we be coupled and made one with the deuyll. Than the spirytThe spyryte. wherin we represent ye similitude of the nature of god / in which also our most blessed maker after the original paterne & example of his owne mynde hath grauen the eternal lawe of honestie with his fyn∣ger / that is with his spiryte ye holy goost. By this parte we be knyt to god / & made one with him. In the thyrde place & in the myddes bytwene these two he putteth the soule / whiche is part taker of the sensyble wyttes & natural mocions.Thou must re∣mēbre the soul & the spirite to be one substaūce / but in the soule be many powers as wit wyll / memory: but the spyrite is the moost pure & fardest fro corruption the moost high & diuine portiō of our soule. She is in a se∣dicious & wranglyng cōmune welth must nedely ioyne her selfe to ye one parte or the other / she is troubled of bothe partes / she is at her libertie to whether parte she wyl enclyne. If she forsake the flesshe & conuey her selfe to the partes of the spiryt / she her selfe shal be spiritual also. But & yf she cast her selfe downe to ye appetites of the body she shall growe out of kynde in to the ma¦ner of ye body. This is it that Paule ment wrytyng to the Chorintes. Remembre ye not that he yt ioyneth hymselfe to an har∣lot is made one body with her:Capar of god imediatly whe¦rein god hath grauē the law of honesty that is to saye the lawe naturall after the simili¦tude of the eter¦nal lawe of his owne mynde. but he that cleueth to the lord / is one spiryt with him He calleth the harlot the frayle & weyke parte of the man. This is that pleasaūt & flateryng womā of whome thou redest in the seconde chapiter of prouerbes on this wyse. That thou mayst be delyuered from a straunge woman & from a woman of an other coūtree / whiche maketh her wordes swete & pleasaūt / & forsaketh her husbande to whome she was maryed in her youth / & hath forgete the {pro}messe she made to her lorde god: her house boweth downe to deth and her path is to hell. who so euer gothe in to hell / shall neuer returne: nor shall at∣tayne the path of lyfe. And in the .vj. chap. That thou mayst kepe the frō an euyl wo¦man / & frō the flateryng tong of a straūge woman / let not thy hert melt on her beau¦ty / be not thou deceyued with her beckes / for the pryce of an harlot is scarse worth a pece of breed: but the womā taketh away the precious soule of the man. Dyd he not whan he made mencyon of the harlot / the herte & the soule expresse by name thre par¦tes of the man. Agayne in the .ix. chapiter. A folysshe woman euer bablynge & full of wordes / swīmyng in pleasures / & hath no lernynge at all / sytteth in the dores of her house vpon a stole in an hygh place of the cite to call them that passe by the waye & be goyng in theyr iourney / who so euer is a chylde / let hym turne in to me: & she sayd vnto a foole & an hertles {per}son: water that is stolen is pleasaūter / & breed that is hyd pryuely is sweter. And he was not ware that there be gyaūtes / & theyr gestes be in the bottom of hell. For who so euer shall be coupled to her / he shall descēde in to hell And who so euer shal departe frō her / shal be saued. I besech the with what colours coude more workmanly haue be paynted and set out eyther the venymous entyce∣mentes and wanton pleasures of the poy¦soned flesshe / prouokyng & temptynge the soule to fylthynes of synne / or else the im∣portunytye of the same cryenge and stry∣uyng agaynst the spiryte / or the wretched ende that foloweth whan she dothe ouer∣cōme the spiryte. To conclude therfore / the spiryte maketh vs goddes / the flesshe maketh vs beestes: the soule maketh vs men: the spiryte maketh vs relygyous / obedyent to god / kynde and mercyfull. The flesshe maketh vs despysers of god / disobedyent to god / vnkynde and cruell. The soule maketh vs indifferent / that is to saye / neyther good nor badde. The spi∣ryte desyreth celestyal thynges: the flesshe desyreth delycate and pleasaunt thynges. The soule desyreth necessary thynges: the spiryte caryeth vs vp to heuen: the flesshe thrusteth vs downe to hell. To the soule nothynge is imputed / that is to saye / it dothe neyther good nor harme: what so euer is carnall or spryngeth of the flesshe that is fylthy: what so euer is spirytuall procedyng of the spiryte / that is pure / per¦fyte & godly: what so euer is naturall & {pro}∣cedeth of the soule / is a meane & indifferēt thynge / neyther good nor bad. wylt thou more playnly haue the diuersytye of these thre {per}tes shewed vnto the as it were with mannes fynger? certeynly I wyll assay. Thou doest reuerence to thy father & mo∣ther:That which is naturall deserueth no rewarde. thou louest thy brother / thy chyldren & thy frende: it is not of so great vertue to do these thyng{is} / as it is abhomynable not to do them. For why sholdest thou not be∣yng a chrysten man do that thyng whiche the gentyles by the techyng of nature do / ye whiche brute beestes do? That thynge that is natural shall not be imputed vnto meryte. But thou art cōme in to suche a strayte case that eyther ye reuerēce toward thy father must be despised / ye inward loue toward thy children must be subdued / the benyuolēce to thy frende set at nought / or god must be offded. what wilt thou now do? The soule standeth in the myddes by∣twene two wayes: the flesshe cryeth vpon her on ye one syde / the spiryte on the other syde. The spiryte sayth / god is aboue thy father: thou ar boūde to thy father but for thy body onely. To god thou art bounde for all thynge that thou hast. The flesshe the in remembraunce / saying. Ex∣cepte thou obey thy father / he wyll dishe∣ryte the / thou shalt be called of euery man an vnkynde & vnnaturall chylde / loke to thy {pro}fyte haue respecte to thy good name and fame. d eyther dothe not se / or else dissimuleth & wyttyngly loketh besyde it / or at ye leest wyll be soone pacifyed agayn. Now thy soule doubteth / now she waue∣reth hyther and thyther / to whether of ey¦ther parte she turne her selfe.The soule doubteth. That same shall she be / that that thynge is she went vnto. yf she obey the harlot / that is to say the flesshe (the spirite despised) she shall be one body with the flesshe. But & yf she lyft vp her selfe and ascende to the spiryte (the flesshe set at nought) she shal be trāsposed & chaūged to the nature of the spiryte. Af∣ter this maner accustome to examyne thy selfe prudētly. The errour of those men is exceding great whiche oftētymes weneth that thynge to be {per}fyte vertue & goodnes whiche is but of nature & no vertue at al.Some affecti∣ons be dysgy∣sed with visers of vertue. Certeyn affections somwhat honest in ap¦perance / & as they were disguised with vi∣sers of vertue / deceyueth neclygēt {per}sones. The iudge is hasty and cruell agaynst the felon:An example of the Iudge. or him that hath trespaced the lawe he semeth to hymselfe cōstant & of grauite vncorrupte and a man of good cōscyence / wylt thou haue this man discussed? If he fauour his owne mynde to moche and fo∣low a certeyn natural rygorousnes with∣out any grefe of mynde / {per}aduenture with some pleasure or delectacyon: yet not le∣nyng from the offyce & duty of a iudge / let hym not forthwith stande to moche in his owne conceyte: it is an indifferent thynge that he dothe. But yf he abuse the lawe for pryuate hate or lucre / now it is carnall that he dothe / and he cōmytteth murder: but & yf he fele great sorowe in his mynde bycause he is compelled to destroye and kyll hym / whom he had leuer amended and saued. Also yf he enioyne punysshmēt accordynge to the trespace with suche a mynde / with suche sorowe of herte / as the father cōmaūdeth his syngulerly beloued sone to be cutte / launced or seared: of this maner shall it be spirituall that he dothe. The moost parte of men thrugh pronesse of nature and some specyall propertye / ey∣ther reioyse or abhorre certayne thynges.Some men re∣ioyce naturally with some cer∣teyne thynges. Some there be whom bodyly lust tikleth not at al: let not them by & by ascrybe that vnto vertue which is an indifferēt thyng / for not to lacke bodyly lust / but to ouer∣cōme bodyly lust is the office of vertue. An other man hath a pleasure to fast / a plea∣sure to be at masse / a pleasure to be moche at chyrche & to say a great deale of psalmo∣dye:The rule of rue pyte. examyne after this rule that thynge whiche he dothe: yf he regarde the cōmune fame or aduaūtage / it smelleth of ye flesshe and not of the spiryte: yf he do folowe but his owne inclynacyon (for he dothe that whiche pleaseth his owne mynde) than he hathe not wherof he so ought greatly to reioyce / but rather wherof he ought to feare.Let a christen man marke this well. Beholde a ieopardous thynge vn∣to thy self. Thou prayest and iudgest hym that prayeth not. Thou fastest / and con∣dempnest hym that fasteth not. who so euer dothe not that thou doest / thou thyn∣kest thy selfe better than he: beware leest thy falle perteyne to thy flesshe. Thy bro∣ther hathe nede of thy helpe / thou in the meane space mumblest in thy prayers vn∣to god / & wylt not be knowen of thy bro∣thers necessite. God shall abhorre these prayers: for how shall god heare ye whyle thou prayest / whā thou whiche art a man caust not fynde in thy herte to heare an other man. Perceyue also an other thyng Thou louest thy wyse for this cause one∣ly that she is thy wyfe: Thou doest no greate thynge / for this thynge is cōmune as well to infydeles as to the: Or elles thou louest her for none other thynge but bycause she is to the pleasaunt and dele∣ctable. Thy loue nowe draweth to thy flesshwarde. But thou louest her for this thynge chefely / bycause thou hast percey∣ued in her the ymage of Chryst / whiche is godly reuerence / modestye / sobrenes / cha∣stite:The chaste loue towarde thy wyfe. and now louest not her in her selfe but in Chryste: yea rather Chryste in her. After this maner louest spirytually. Not∣withstandyng we shall saye more of these thynges in theyr places. NOw for bicause we haue opened as me semeth ye waye (how so euer we haue done it) and haue p̄pared as it were certeyn stuffe and mater vnto the thynge whiche was purposed. we must haste to that whiche remayneth / leest it sholde not be an Enchiridionridion. / that is to saye / a lytell treatise hansom to be caryed in a mannes hāde / but rather a great volume / we wyll enforce to gyue certeyn rules / as they we∣re certeyn poyntes of wrastling / by whose guyding & conueyaunce / as it were by the guydyng of ye threde of Dedalus men may easely plunge vp out of the blynde errours of this worlde / as out of Labirinth{us} / whi∣che is a certeyn comberous maze / & cōme vnto the pure and clere lyght of spirituall lyuyng. None other scyence is there whi∣che hath not her rules. And shal the crafte of blessed lyuynge onely / be without the helpe of all maner p̄cept{is}? the crafte of vertue. There is with∣out fayle a certeyn crafte of vertuous ly∣uynge and a discyplyne / in whiche who so euer exercyse themselfe manfully / them shall fauour that holy spiryte / whiche is the promoter and brynger forwarde of all holy enforcemēt and godly purposes. But who so euer sayth / departe frō vs we wyll not haue ye knowlege of thy wayes: these men the mercy of god refuseth / bycause they fyrst haue refused knowlege. These rulers shall be taken partly of the persone of god / of the persone of the deuyll / and of our persone / partly of thynges / that is to saye / of vertues and vices / and of thynges to them annexed / partely of the mater or stuffe wherof vertues or vices be wrought They shall profyte synglerly agaynst thre euyl thyng{is} remaynyng of original synne For though baptym haue wyped awaye the spotte / yet there cleueth styll in vs a certeyn thynge of the olde disease lefte be∣hynde / bothe partly for the custody of hu∣mylytye / and also for the mater & encrease of vertue. These be blyndnes / the flesshe and infyrmytye or weykenes. Blyndnes with the myst of ignoraūce dymmeth the iudgemēt of reason. For partly the synne of our fyrst progenytours hath not a lytel dusked that so pure a lyght of the counte∣naunce / resemblaūce or similitude of god / which our creatour hath shewed vpon vsNota. And moche more corrupte bryngynge vp lewde cōpany / frowarde affections / dark∣nes of vices / custome of synne hath so an∣cred it / that of ye lawe grauen in vs of god scarse any sygnes or tokens dothe appere. Than as I began / blyndnes causeth that we in the election of thyng{is} be as good as halfe blynded & deceyued with errour / in the stede of the best / folowyng the worste / preferrynge thynges of lesse valure before thynges of greater pryce. The flesshe trou¦bleth ye affection so moche / yt euen though we knowe what is best / yet loue we ye con¦trary. Infirmytye & weyknes maketh vs that we beyng ouercōme eyther with te∣dyousnes or with temptacion / forsake the vertue whiche we had ones gotten & at∣tayned. Blyndnes hurteth the iudgemēt the flesshe corrupteth the wyll / infirmytie weyketh constancye.Euyll must be knowen & had . The fyrst poynt ther¦fore is that thou can discerne thyng{is} to be refused from thynges to be accepte: & ther¦fore blyndnes must be take away leest we stumble or stager in the election of thyng{is} The nexte is / that thou hate the euyll as soone as it is ones knowen / & loue that whiche is honest and good: and in this thynge the flesshe must be ouercōme / leest contrary to ye iudgement of the mynde we sholde loue swete and delectable thynges in the stede of holsom thyng{is}. The thyrde is / that we cōtynue in these thyng{is} which we began well:Perseyuerāce must be had. and therfore the weyknes must be vnderset / leest we forsake the way of vertue with greater shame than yf we had ben neuer aboute to walke or entre therin. Ignoraūce must be remedied / that thou mayst se which way to go. The flesh must be tamed / leest she lede the asyde out of the hygh waye / ones knowen in to by∣pathes. weyknes must be conforted / leest whan thou hast entred in to the strayte way thou sholdest eyther faynte or stoppe or turne backe agayne / or leest after thou hast ones set thy hande to ye plowe sholdest loke backwarde / but sholdest reioyce as a strong gyaūt to haste the way / euer stret∣chyng forth thy self to those thing{is} which be afore the without remēbraūce of those thyng{is} which be behynde the / vntyll thou mayst lay hande on the reward apoynted & on ye crowne {pro}mysed to them yt cōtynue vnto these thre thing{is}: therfore we shal ap¦plye certeyn rules accordyng to our lytell power. BUt in asmoche as fayth is the onely gate vnto Chryst / the fyrst rule must be that thou iudge very wel bothe of hym and also of scripturewe must Iudge wel of scripture gyuen by his spiryt / & that thou byleue not with mouth onely / not fayntly / not neclygently / not doutful∣ly / as the cōmune raskall of chrysten men do: but let it be set fast & īmouable thrugh out all thy brest / not one iote to be contey¦ned in them that apperteyneth not great∣ly vnto thy helth. Let it moue y• nothyng at all that thou seest a great parte of men so lyue / as though heuen & hell were but some maner of tales of olde wyues / to fea¦re or flater yong chyldren withal: but by∣leue thou surely & make no haste / though the hole worlde sholde be madde at ones / though the elementes sholde be chaūged / though the aūgels sholde rebell: yet veri∣te can not lye / it can not but cōme whiche god told before shold cōme. yf thou bileue he is god / thou must byleue nedes that he is true also / & on this wyse thynke with∣out waueryng / nothyng to be so true / no∣thynge to be so sure / & without doubte of the thing{is} which thou hearest with thyne cares / which thou p̄sently beholdest with thyne eyes / which thou handlest with thy handes / as those thynges be true whiche thou redest in the scriptures / that god of heuen / that is to saye verite gaue by inspi¦racyon whiche the holy {pro}phetes brought forth / and the blode of so many martyrs hath approued: vnto whiche now so ma∣ny hondreth yeres the consent of all good men hathe agreed and set theyr seales: whiche Chryst here beyng in flesshe bothe taught in his doctryne and expresly repre∣sented or coūterfeyted in his maners and lyuyng. Unto which also myracles beare wytnes / the deuylles confesse & so moche byleue / that they quake and tremble for feare. Last of al whiche be so agreable vn¦to the equite of nature / whiche so agree bytwene themselfe / & be euery where lyke themselfe / whiche so rauyssheth the myn∣des of them that attende / so moueth and chaungeth them. If these so great tokens agre vnto them alone / what the deuylles madnes is it to doubte in the fayth? ye of those thyng{is} passed thou mayst easely con¦iecte what shall folowe: how many and great thynges also / how incredyble to be spoken dyd the prophetes tell before of Chryst: whiche of these thynges came not to passe? shall he in other thynges deceyue whiche in them deceyued not? In conclu∣syon the {pro}phetes lyed not / & shall Chryst the lorde of prophetes lye? If with this & suche other lyke cogytacyons thou often stere vp the flame of fayth / and than fer∣uently desyre of god to encrease thy fayth I shall meruayle yf thou canst be any lon¦ge tyme an euyll man. For who is all to¦gyder so vnhappy & full of myschefe that wolde not departe frō vices / yf so be he vt∣terly beleued that with these momentany pleasures / besyde the vnhappy vexariō of conseyence & mynde is purchased also eter¦nall punyshmentes. On the other syde / yf he surely byleued for this temporall & ly∣tell worldly vexacyon to be rewarded or recompensed to good men an hondreth folde ioye of pure cōscyence presently: and at the last lyfe immortall. LEt the fyrste poynt be therfore that thou doubte in no wyse of ye {pro}myses of god. The nexte yt thou go vnto ye waye of lyfe / not slouthfully / not feerfully:we must entre in to the wave of helthe or sal¦acion boldly. and with a o∣cōde courage. but with sure purpose / with all thy hert / with a cōfident mynde / & (yf I may so say) with suche mynde as he hath that wolde rather fyght than drynke: so that thou be redy at all houres for Chrystes sake to lese bothe lyfe & goodes. A slouthfull man wyl & wyl not. The kyngdom of heuen is not goten of necligent & recheles {per}sones / but playn∣ly reioyseth to suffre violence: And violent {per}sones violētly obteyne it. Suffre not the affection of them whome thou louest syn∣gularly to holde the backe hastyng thyder warde:Egypte sygny¦fyeth bōdage / afflyccion / vy∣ces & blyndnes let not the pleasures of this worlde call the backe agayne: let not the care of thy housholde be any hyndraunce to the. The cheyne of worldly besynesse must be cut asonder / for surely it can not otherwise be losed.The Israel yt being a hōg in desert wys∣shed to go back agayn to Egip¦te / sayenge to Moyes / howe happy were we when we sate there by the pottes of fleshe Egypt must be forsaken in suche a maner that thou turne not agayn in thy mynde at any tyme vnto the pottes of the flesshe. Sodoma must be forsaken vtterly hastely yea & at ones: it is not lawfull to loke backe. The woman loked backe she was turned in to yt ymage of a stone. The man had no leyser any where to abyde in any region / but was cōmaunded to haste in to the mountayne / oneles that he had leuer to haue perysshed.Lot was cōmā¦ded to departe hastely out of Sodoma & not to loke backe / his wyse loked back & was to∣ned in to a saston / so we may neyther with the Israelyte desyre to goo backe agayne to the pleasure of Egypt of vy¦ces & synne: ney¦ther with the wyfe of Lotte may loke bak again to our ol¦de cōuersaciō. The {pro}phete cry∣eth out yt we sholde flee out of the myddes of babylon. The departyng of the israely∣tes frō Egypt is called flyght or ronnyng away. we be cōmaunded to flee out of ba¦bylon hastely / & not to remoue a lytel and a lytell slowly. Thou mayst se the moost parte of men prolong the tyme / and with very slowe purpose go about to flee from vices. whan I haue ones ryd my selfe out of suche and suche maters / saye they / yea whan I haue brought that & that besy∣nes to passe. Oh foole what & yf god this same daye take agayne thy soule frō the? perceyuest thou not one besynes to ryse of an other / and one vice to call in an other. why rather doest thou not to daye that thynge whiche the sooner thou doest / the easyer shall it be done / be dylygent some other where. In this mater to do rashly to ronne heedlong & sodeynly is chefest of all and moost {pro}fytable. Regarde not nor ponder how moche thou forsakest / but be sure Chryst onely shall be sufficyent for all thyng{is}: onely be bolde to cōmyt thy selfe to hym with all thyne hert:Confydence in god. set thou mys∣truste in thyne owne selfe / aduenture to put vnto hym all the gouernaunce of thy selfe: trust to thy selfe no longer / but with full confydence cast thy selfe from thy selfe to hym / and he shall receyue the: cōmytte thy care & thought to the lorde / & he shall nourysshe the vp / that thou mayst synge the songe of the same prophete.Serue Chryst all togyder / & no man elles. The lorde is my gouernour / & I shall lacke nothyng. In a place of pasture he hath set me / by the water syde of cōforte he hath brought vp me: he hath conuerted my soule: be not mynded to parte thy selfe in to two / to the world & to chryst: thou canst not serue two maysters: there is no felawshyp bytwene god and belial. God can not awaye with them whiche halte on bothe theyr legges: his stomacke abhorreth them whiche be neyther hote nor colde / but luke warme. God is a very ialouse louer of soules: he wyll possesse onely and all togyder that thyng whiche he redemed with his blode: he can not suffre the felawshyp of the de∣uyll whome he ones ouercame with deth. There be but two wayes onelyTwo wayes onely / the one of sainatiō / the other of {per}ditiō. / the one whiche by obedyence of the affections le∣deth to {per}dicyon: the other whiche thrugh mortyfyenge of the flesshe ledeth to lyfe. why doubtest thou in thy selfe / there is no thyrde waye / in to one of these two thou must nedes entre / wylt thou or wylt thou not / what so euer thou arte / or of what degree / thou must nedes entre in to this strayte waye / in whiche fewe mortal men walke.Adasta neme∣sis or Rhānu∣sa is a goddes whiche punys∣sheth insolency she forbiddeth that ony man loke to hyghe yf ony so do he escapeth not vnpunysshed though it be neuer so late: yf ony be to ful of insolency we say / take hede Rhamnusya seeth the well ynoughe. But this waye Chryst hym selfe hath trode / & haue troden synce the worlde began who so euer pleased god. This is doubtles the ineuitable necessite of ye god∣des Adrasta / otherwyse called Nemesis or Rhānusa / that is to say / it can not be cho¦sen but that thou be crucified with Chryst as touchyng the worlde / yf thou purpose to lyue with Chryst. why lyke fooles fla∣ter we our selfe / why in so weyghty a ma∣ter deceyue we our selfe. One sayth / I am not of the clergye or a spūal man / I am of the worlde / I can not but vse the worlde. An other thynketh / though I be a preest yet am I no monke / let hym loke vpon it. And the monke also hath foūde a thyng to flater hīselfe withal / though I be a moke yet am I not of so strayte an ordre as such & suche. An other sayth.Euery mā put∣teth to an other the lyfe of Chryst and aying{is} of his postelles. I am a yong man I am a gentyll man / I am ryche / I am a courtyer / & to be short a prīce / those thing{is} perteyn not to me whiche were spoken to thapostles. Oh wretche then a{per}teyneth it nothyng to the that thou sholdest lyue in Chryst? If thou be in the world / in Chryst thou art not: yf thou cal the skye / the erth the see & this cōmun ayre the worlde:The worlde. so is there no man whiche is not in the worlde: but & yf thou call ye worlde ambicyon / yt is to say / desyre of honour / {pro}mociō / or autho¦rite: yf thou call ye worlde pleasures / coue∣tousnes / bodyly lust: certeynly yf thou be worldly thou art not a chrystē mā. Chryst spake indifferently to al men: who so euer wolde not take his crosse & folowe hym / coude be no mete man for hym / or be his disciple:The reward is gyuen to hym that laboreth. to dye with Chryst as touchynge the flesshe is nothyng to the / yf to lyue by his spiryte {per}teyneth nothyng to the: to be crucified as touching the worlde {per}teyneth nothyng to the / yf to lyue godly or in god {per}teyne nothyng to the: to be buryed togy¦der with Chryst belongeth nothing to the yf to aryse agayn to eternal glory belonge nothyng to the: the humilite / pouerte / tri∣bulacy on / vyle reputacyon / the laborous agonyes & sorowes of Chryst perteyne no thyng at all vnto the / yf the kyngdome of hym {per}teyne nothyng vnto the. what can be more lewde than to thynke ye rewarde to be cōmune as well to the as to other: and yet neuerthelesse to put the labours wherby the rewarde is obteyned / frō the / to a certeyn fewe {per}sons. what can be mo∣re a wanton thyng thā to desyre to reygne with ye hed / & yet wilt thou take no payne with hym. Therfore my brother loke not so greatly what other men do / & in cōpa∣ryson of them flater or please thy self. To dye as touchynge synne: to dye as tou∣chyng carnall desyres: to dye as touchyng the worlde is a certayne harde thyng and knowen to very fewe / yea though they be mōkes / & yet is this the cōmun or general {per}fessyon of all chrysten men.Monkes. This thynge a greate whyle agone thou hast sworne & holyly {pro}mysed in ye tyme of baptym: than which vow what other thyng can ther be eyther more holy / or religyous? eyther we must perysshe / or else without excepciō we must go this way to helth whether we be knyghtes or plowe men. Notwithstāding though it fortune not to al men to atteyn the perfyte coūterfeytyng or folowyng of the heed / yet al must enforce with fete and handes to cōme therto. He hath a greate parte of a chrysten mans lyuynge / whiche with al his hert with a sure & stedfast pur∣pose hath determyned to be a christē man. BUt leest that thyng feare the frō the waye of vtue bycause it semeth shar¦pe and greuous / partly bicause thou must forsake worldly cōmoditees / partly bycau¦se thou must fyght cōtinually against thre very cruell enemyes / the flesshe / the deuyl & the worlde. Set this thyrde rule before the alway / beare thy selfe in hande that al the feerful thyng{is} & fantasies which apere forthwith vnto the as it were in ye first en∣tring of hel ought to be coūted for a thing of nought / by thexāple of Uirgili{is} EncasEeas ī the .vi. booke of virgil went downe in to hell accom¦panyed with the {pro}pheesse ybyll in the fyrst enrye appered many fantasyes and wonderful mō∣stres not so pe∣rylious in dede as they apered. For certeynly yf thou shalt consider ye very thynge somwhat groūdly & stedfastly (set∣tīg at nought these apparēt thing{is} which begiled thine eyes) thou shalt {per}ceyue that none other way is more cōmodious than the way of Chryst. Though thou account this thyng not at al that this waye onely ledeth to eternall lyfe / yea & though thou haue no respecte vnto the rewarde. For I beleche the what kynde of lyuynge after the cōmune course of the worlde is there that thou canst chose in whiche thou shal not beare / and suffre thynges ynough ha∣boundantly bothe carefull and greuous. Who is he that knoweth not the lyfe of courtyers to be full of greuous laboure and wretched mysery / excepte it be eyther he that neuer proued it or certainly a very naturall foole. Oh immortall god what bondage / howe longe and how vngood∣ly muste there be suffred euen vnto the ly∣ues ende what a comberous besynesse is there in sekyng in purchasyng the princes loue and grace. A man must flatter to ob∣tayne the fauoure of all suche as may ey∣ther hynder or further one. The counte∣naunces must nowe & than be feyned and newe fassyoned. The iniuries of the gret∣ter men muste be whyspered or muttered with sylence secretly.The lyfe of warryours. Consequently what kynde of yuell lyfe can be ymagyned wher of ye lyfe of warryours is not full? Of ey∣ther lyfe than mayste thou be a very good witnesse / which hast lerned bothe at thyn owne peryll.The lyfe of marchautes. And as touchynge the mer∣chaunt man what is that he eyther dothe not or suffreth not fleyng pouertye by see / by lands / throughe fire & water? In ma∣trimony what a mountayne of housholde ares be there?The mesery of matrymony. what mysery fele not they there whiche proueth and hath experpēce of it. In bearyng of offyces howe moche vexacyon / howe moche laboure / & howe moche peryll is there / whiche way so euer thou tourne thy selfe an huge company of incommodytes meteth the.In bearynge of offyces. The very lyfe of mortal mē of it selfe without addycion of any other thynge is combred and tan∣gled with a thousande myseryes whiche be comen and indifferent as well to good as bad.A christen mā obteyneth me∣ryte in euery thynge. They all shall growe into a great heape of merytes vnto the if they shall fynde the in the way of Christ / if not they shalbe the more greuous / more ouer frut∣lesse / and yet must neuer ye lesse be suffred. who so euer be souldyers of this worlde / fyrste howe many yeres do they pante / blowe / sweate / and canuasse the worlde tourmentynge them selfe with thought and care / more ouer for howe transytorye and thynges of naught? Laste of all in howe doubtfull hope. Adde to this that there is no rest or easement of myseries / in so moche that the more they haue la∣boured the greuouser is the payne. And whan all is paste what shall the ende be of so tedyous and laborous a lyfe / verily eternall punysshement. Go nowe and with this lyfe compare the waye of ver∣tue / whiche at the fyrste seaseth to be te∣dyous / in processe is made easyer / is made plesaunt and delectable / by whiche waye also we go with very sure hope to eter∣nall felycite. were it not the vttermoste madnesse to haue leuer with equall la∣boure to purchace eternall dethe rather than lyfe immortall? yet are these world∣ly men moche madder than so / that they whiche chose with exreme laboure to go to laboure euerlastynge / rather than with meane labours to go to immortall quyetnesse.Tic{is} because he wolde haue ioyned with appollos mo∣ther was cast of apollo down to hell where vulters gnawe his herte eue encresynge agayne. More ouer if the way of pytie or obedyence to god were so moche more laborous than the way of the worlde / yet here ye greuousnesse of the labour is swa∣ged with hope of rewarde / and the com∣forte of god is not lackynge whiche tour∣neth the bytternesse of the gall in to the swetnesse of hony.The meanyng of the fable is this / he was a grete man a code not be cō¦tēted but wold haue more and aduaūced hym selfe to more honour & wold haue put apol∣lo out of his cō¦tree which sig∣nyfied by his mother / but apollo subdu∣ed hym and spoyled hym. There one care calleth in an other / of one sorowe springeth an∣other / no quyetnesse is there at all. The laboure and affllyctyon withoutforthe / the greuous cares and thoughtes with∣inforthe cause the very easementes to be sharpe and bytter. These thynges so to be was not vnknowen to the poetes of the gentyles whiche by the punysshment of Ticius / Ixion / Tantalus / Sisiphus / and of Pentheus / paynted and discry∣ued the myserable and greuous lyfe of leude and wretched persones: of whome is also the late confessyon in the booke of Sapyence.f his possessy∣os so that afterwarde he lyued in care & mysery among the lowest sorte & coude not ob¦tayne any for∣ther honor. we be weryed in the waye of inyquite and perdycion / we haue walked harde wayes / but y• way of god we knowe not. what coude be either fylthyer or more laborous than the seruytude of Egypte?yrion was cast of Iuno lady of honour in to hell where he onneth oside & cōtynually cō¦passeth for ho∣nor but he cou∣de not obtayn. what coulde be greuouser than the capty∣uyte of Babylon? what more intollerable than the yoke of Pharao and of Nabu∣godonosor? But what sayth Christ? take my yoke vpon your neckes and ye shall fynde rest vnto your soules: my yoke sayth he is plesaunt and my burthen lyght. To speake breuely / no pleasure is lackynge where is not lackyng a quyet conscience.Syfyphus rol∣leth a stone frō the hyll fote to the top / thā sly∣deth the stone & he discendeth to fetche hym vp agayne. No mysery is there lacking where an vn∣happy conscyence crucyfyeth the mynde. These thynges must be taken as of moste certaynty / but and if thou yet doubte go aske of them whiche in tyme passed haue ben cōuerted out of the myddle of Baby∣lon vnto the lorde:Ambytion is euer at the hyll fote he is e∣er so hyghe but that he ha∣the one hyl mo¦re to clymbe / he seeth one thynge more whiche he couereth. & by experyence of them at ye leest way byleue nothyng to be more troubelous and greuous than vyces / no∣thyng to be more easy or of quycker spede than not to be drowned in besynesse / no thyng more cherefull & more comfortable than is vertue. Neuer the lesse go to let it be that the wag{is} be lyke / and that the la∣bours be lyke also / yet for all that howe greatly ought a man to desyre to warre vnder the standerde of Christ / rather than vnder the baners of the dyuell.Iantalus ston¦deth styl in hel in a ryuer of wyne euer a thurst / & alma∣ner of fruytes aboute hym & yet he is euer hungry nether is suffred to drynke or eate. ye howe moche lefer were it to be vexed or to suffre afflictyon with Christe / than to swymme in pleasures with the dyuell. More ouer ought not a man with wynde and wether with shyp sayle and swyftnesse of horses to flye from a lorde not very fylthy onely but very cruell and disceytfull / whiche re∣quyreth so cruell seruyce and so strayte a taske / whiche promyseth agayne thynges so vncertayne / so caduke / so transytorye / whiche so sone fade and vanysshe awaye / of the whiche very same thynges yet dis∣ceyueth he the wretches and that not sel∣dome.Couctous men dare not vse theyr gooddes but be hungry and thyrsty for more. Or thoughe he perfourme his pro∣messe ones / yet another tyme whā it plea¦seth hym he taketh them awaye agayne / so that the sorowe & thought for.Pentheus was torned in to an harte & eeten of his owne dog∣ges & he dyd non other thin¦ge all his lyfe but hunte & fo∣lowe dogges: so he consumed hymselfe & his substaunce lyke a foole wret∣chedly & bestly the losse of thynges ones possessed is moche more than was the greuous labour in purcha∣syng them. After that the merchaunt man hath myngled togyther bothe ryght and wronge for the entent of encreasynge his goodes / after he hath put his honest re∣putacyon of good reporte that is spronge of hym / his lyfe / his soule in a thousande ieopardyes / if it so be than that ye chaunce of fortune happe aryght at the later ende with all his trauayle what other thynge hath he prepared for hym selfe more than the mater of myserable care if he kepe his goodes / if he lese them a perpetuall tour∣ment.The troublous care of a mar∣chauntes. If fortune chaūce a mysse what re∣mayneth but yt he shulde be made twyse a wretche wrapped in double mysery / part∣ly bycause he is disapoynted of the thyng wheron his hope hanged / besyde that by∣cause he can not remēbre so great labour spent in waste without moche bothe so∣rowe of hert and grefe of mynde. No man enforseth with sure purpose to come to good lyuyng or cōuersacyon whiche hath not attayned it. Christe as he is not moc∣ked / so neyther he mocketh any man. Remembre an other thynge / whan thou flyest out of the worlde vnto Christe / if the worlde haue any cōmodytyes or plea∣sures that thou forsakest them not / but chaūgest tryfles with thyng{is} of more va∣lue. who wyll not be very glad to chaūge syluer for golde / flynte for precyous stone? Thy frendes be displeased? what than / thou shalte fynde more plesaunt and bet∣ter companyons. Thou shalte lacke out∣warde pleasures of thy body / but thou shalte enioye the inwarde pleasures of the mynde / whiche be better / purer / and more certayne. Thy good muste be demy∣nisshed / neuer ye lesse these richesse encrease whiche neyther the mouthes distroy northeues take awaye. Thou ceasest to be of pryce in the worlde / but thou for all that arte well beloued of Christe: Thou pleasest the fewer / but yet the better. Thy body waxeth leane / but thy mynde waxeth fatte. The beautye of thy skynne vanyssheth away / but the beautye of thy mynde apereth bright. And in lyke ma∣ner if thou shalte reken all other thyn∣ges thou shalte perceyue nothynge not of all these apparant good thynges to be forsaken in this worlde / that is not re∣compensed largely with greater aduaun∣tage and more excellent a great waye.Many thyng may be resey∣ued & possessed but not desired. But if there be any thyng{is} which though they can not be desyred without vyce / yet without vyce maye be possessed: Of whiche kynde of thynges is the good e∣stymacyon of the people / fauoure of the cōmunaltie / loue or to be in conceyte / au∣thoryte / frendes / honoure due to vertue. For the most parte it chaunseth yt al these thing{is} be gyuen without serchyng for / to them that aboue all thyng seke the kyng∣dome of heuen / whiche selfe thyng Christ {pro}mysed & god perfourmed to Salomon. Fortune for y• moste parte foloweth them that flyeth from her / and flyeth from th that folowe her. Certaynly what so euer shall happen to them that loue / nothyng can be but prosperous vnto whom losse is turned to aduaūtage / tourment / vexacy∣on or aduersite to solace / rebukes to laude punysshment to pleasure / bytter thynges to swetnesse / yuell thyng{is} to good. Dou∣test thou than to enter in to this way and forsake that other way / seynge there is so vnequall comparyson / ye none at all of god vnto the dyuell / of hope to hope / of rewarde to rewarde / of labour to labour / of solace to solace. BUt that thou mayste haste & make spede vnto felycite with a more sure course / let this be vnto y• the fourth rule / that thou haue ChristLet Christ be thy marke & en¦āple of lyuing alway in thy syght as the onely marke of all thy lyuyng and cōuersacyon / vnto whom only thou shul∣dest dyrecte all thyn enforcement{is} / all thy pastymes and purposes / all thy rest and quyetnesse / and also thy besynesse.What christ is. And thynke thou not Christe to be a voyce or soūde without signifycasyon / but thynke hym to be nothyng els saue charyte sym∣plycite / or innocency / pacyence / clennesse / and shortly what soeuer Christe taught. Understande well also that the dyuell is none other thing but what soeuer calleth away from such thyng{is} as Christ taught.what the dyuell is. He directeth his iourney to Christ whiche is caryed to vertue onely. And he beco∣meth bonde to the dyuell whiche gyueth hym selfe to vyces. Let thyne eye therfore be pure / and all thy body shall be bryght and full of lyght. Let thyne eye loke vnto Christ alonely as vnto onely and very fe∣lycyte / so that thou loue nothynge / mer∣uayle at nothyng / desyre nothyng but ey∣ther Christe or els for Christe. Also that thou hate nothynge / abhorre nothynge / flye nothyng / nothyng auoyde but onely synne or els for synnes sake. By this mea¦nes it wyll come to passe yt what so euer thou shalte do / whether thou slepe / whe∣ther thou wake / whether thou eate / whe∣ther thou drinke / and to conclude that thy very spores & pastymes / ye (I wyll speke more boldly) that some vyces of ye lyghter sore in to which we fall now & thā whyle we haste to vertue / all ye hole shall growe and tourne in the vnto a great heape of rewardes. But and if thyne eye shall not be pure / but loke any other warde than vnto Christ / ye though thou do certayne thyng{is} whiche be good or honest of them selfe / yet shal they be vnfrutefull or perad∣uenture very peryllous and hurtfull. For it is a great faute to do a good thyng not well. And therfore that man that hasteth the streyght way vnto the marke of very felycite / what so euer thynges shall come and mete him by ye way / so farforth ought he eyther refuse or receyue thē as they ey∣ther further or hynder his iourney:Howe ferforth thinges {pro}sered vnsought for ought to be refused. of whi∣che thyng{is} there be thre orders or thre de∣grees. Certayne thyng{is} verily be of suche maner fylthe that they can not be honest / as to auenge wronge / to wysshe yuell to another. These thing{is} ought alway to be had in hate / ye though thou shuldest haue neuer so gret aduaūtage to cōmyt thē / or neuer so great punysshmēt if thou dyddest thē not / for nothing can hurt a good man but fylthynesse only. Certayne thyng{is} on thother syde be in such maner honest that they can not be fylthy / of whiche kynde be to wyll or wisshe al mē good / to helpe thy frend{is} with honest menes / to hate vic{is} / to reioyce with vertuous comunycaion.Thynges honest. Cer¦tayn thing{is} verily be indifferēt or bytwene bothe / of their own nature neyther good nor bad / honest nor filthy: as helth / beutie / strength / facūdyousnesse / cōnynge / & suche other. Of this last kynde of thing{is} therfore nothīg ought to be desired / for it selfe ney¦ther ought to be vsurped more or lesse / but as ferforthe as they make & be necessarye to y• chefe marke / I meane to folow Chri∣stes lyuyng. The very philosophers haue certayn mark{is} also vn{per}fyt & indifferēt / in which a mā ought not to stāde styl nor ta∣ry / whiche also a man may cōuenyētly vse referryng thē to a better purpose / & not to enioy them & tary vpon them putting his hole felycite in them: not withstandynge those meane & indifferent thing{is} do not al after one maner & equally eyther further or hynder them yt be goynge vnto Christ / therfore they muste be receyued or refused after as eche of thē is more or lesse of va∣lue vnto thy purpose.Pytie fyeth ser honour / reue∣rence / obedy∣ence due to god Knowlege helpeth more vnto pytie than beauty or strēgth of body or ryches: & though al lernīg may be applyed to Christ / yet some helpeth more cōpendyously thā some.Science must be loued for christes sake. Of this ende and purposele thou measure the {pro}fytablenes or vnprofytablenes of al meane thynges. Thou louest lernīg / it is very well if thou do it for Christes sake: but if thou loue it therfore only bycause thou woldest know it / than makest thou a stop & taryeng ther from whēce thou oughtest to haue made a step to clymbe further. But if thou desyre scyen{is} that thou by their helpe myghtest more clerely beholde Christe hydde in the secretes of scripture / and whan thou kno∣west hym loue hym / whan thou knowest and louest hym teache / declare / and open hym to other men / and in thy selfe enioye hym. Than prepare thyselfe vnto study of seyēces but no further than thou mayste / thynke them profytable to good lyuyng. If thou haue confydence in thy selfe and trust to haue great aduauntage in Christ / go forthe boldly as an aduenterous mer∣chaunt to walke as a straunger somwhat further / ye in the lernyng of gentyles / and apply the rychesse or treasure of the egyp∣iens vnto the honestyng of the temple of god.how ferforthe the letters of the gētyles be to be red loke in the seconde chaptre what this meaneth. But & if thou feare greater losse than thou hopest of aduauntage / than returne agayne to our fyrste rule: knowe thy selfe and passe not thy bodes / kepe the within thy lystes. It is better to haue lesse kno∣lege and more of loue / than to haue more of knowlege and not to loue. Knowlege therfore hath the maistrye or chefe roume amongest meane thynges. After that is helthe / the gyftes of nature / eloquence, beautye / strengthe / dignyte / fauoure / au∣thorite / {pro}speryte / good reputacion / kynne frendes / stuffe of housholde. Euery one of these thinges as it helpeth most & nyghest way vnto vertue / so shall it moste chefely be applyed in case they be offred vnto vs hastynge in our way / if not than may we not for cause of them tourne a syde from our iourney purposed.Mony suhlde this wyse beloued. Money chaunsed vnto the / if it let nothyng to good lyuyng mynister it / make frēdes with the wycked māmon: but if thou feare losse of vertue and good mynde / dispyse that aduaūtage full of domage and losse / and folowe thou euen Crates of Thebes flyeng thy gre∣uous and comberous packe in to the see / rather than it shulde holde the backe from Christe.Crates of the cite of Thebes cast a grete sōe of golde in to the see / sayeng hēce ye mische us rychesse / better it is that I drowne you than you me he suppo∣sed that he coude not pos∣cesse rychesse & vertue bothe togyther. That thynge mayste thou do the easylyer / if as I haue sayde / thou shalte custome thy selfe to meruayle at none of those thyng{is} whiche be without the / that is to say / whiche pertayne not vnto ye in∣ner man / for by that meanes it wyll come to passe y• thou canst neyther waxe proude or forget thy selfe. If these thyng{is} fortune vnto the neyther thou shalte be vexed in thy mynde if they shulde eyther be denyed the or taken from y• / for as moche as thou puttest thy hole felicyte in Christe onely. But & if it chaūce they come vnto ye besyd{is} thyne owne laboure / be more dylygent & cyrcūspect hauyng no lesse care than thou haddest before: haue in mynde that a ma∣ter to exercyse thy selfe vertuously on is gyuen to the of god / but yet not without ieopardy & daunger.Bycause Pro∣metheus had made a ma of cley & with fire stolen from he∣uen put lyfe in to hym / Iupy∣ter sent pnd a woman with a boxe full of al kind{is} of diseses to hi but {pro}me∣theus was {pro}ui¦ded & refused it but his broder Epymethe{us} re¦ceiued it & ope∣ned it & than al maner of syck∣nesses lewe abrode. But if thou haue the benignyte of fortune suspected coūterfayt Prometheus / do not receyue ye disceytfull boxe / and go lyght and naked vnto that whiche is onely very felycite. Certaynly who soeuer with great thought & care de∣syre money as a precyous thyng / & counte the chefe socour of lyfe to be therin / thyn∣kynge them selfe happy as longe as it is safe / callyng them selfe wretches whan it is lost: Those men no doute haue made or feyned vnto thēselfe many goddes. Thou hast set vp thy money and made it equall vnto Christ / if it can make ye happy or vn∣happy. That I haue spoken of money vn¦derstande the same lykewyse of honours / voluptuousnesse / helth / ye & of ye very lyfe of the body.Prometheus taught rude mē ciuyle & ho∣nest maner / yet wolde he bee no rule amon∣gest them but fledde to solia¦rynce / thynkig all kynd{is} of my¦sery to be in be¦rynge rule / but his brother Epymetheus toke the misery vpon hym. we muste enforce to come to our onely marke whiche is Christ / so fe∣uently y• we shulde haue no layser to care for any of these thyng{is} / eyther whan they be gyuē vs / or eis whā they be takē from vs / for the tyme is shorte as sayth Paule: Hēce forwarde sayth he they that vse the worlde / muste be as they vsed it not. This mynde I know well ye worlde laugheth to scorne as folysshe & madde: neuer ye lesse it pleaseth god by this folysshnesse to saue them yt byleue. And ye folisshnesse of god is wyser thā man. After this rule thou shalt examyn / ye what soeuer thou doest. Thou exercysest a crafte?whan labor is profytable. it is very well done if thou do it without fraude: but whervnto lokest thou to fynde thy houshold? but for what entēt to fynde thy housholde / to wyn thy housholde to Christ? thou rōnest well. Thou fastest / verily a good werke as it a∣pereth outwarde:whan fastyng is su{per}stycious. but vnto what ende re∣ferrest thou thy selfe / to spare thy vitayles or that thou mayste be counted the more holy? Thyne eye is wanton / corrupt / and not pure. Peraduenture thou fastest leest thou shulde fall in to some disease or syck∣nesse. why fearest thou sycknesse? leest it wolde take the from y• vse of voluptuous pleasures: thyne eye is corrupt. But thou desyrest helth bycause thou mayst be able to study. To what purpose I beseche the referrest thou thy study to get the a bene∣fyce withall? with what mynde desyrest thou a benefyce? verily to lyue at thyne owne pleasure / not at Christ{is}. Thou hast missed y• marke which a christen mā ought to haue euerywher p̄fixed before his eyes. Thou takest meate that thou myghtest be stronge in thy body / & thou wylt haue thy body stronge that thou myghtest be suffycient vnto holy exercyses & watche. thou hast hyt ye marke. But thou {pro}uydest for helth & good lyuing leest thou shuldest be more yuell fauoured or deformed / leest thou shuldest not be stronge ynough vnto bodily luste / thou hast fallen from Christe makyng vnto the another god.The superstici∣ous honouring of sayntes. There be whiche honour certayne sayntes with cer¦tayne cyremonyes. One saluteth Christo∣ferChristofer. euery day / but not excepte he beholde his ymage. whyther loketh he? verily to this poynte / he hath borne hym selfe in hande that he shall be all yt day sure from yuel dethe. Another worshypeth one Ro∣chusRochus. / but why? bycause he byleueth that he wyll kepe away ye pestylence from his body. Another mōbleth certayne prayers to Barbara or GeorgeBarbara George. / leest he shulde fall in to his enemyes handes. This man fa∣steth to saint ApolyneAppolyne leest his tethe shuld ae. That man visyteth ye ymage of holy IobIob. / bycause he shulde be without scab∣bes. Some assygne & name certayne por∣cin of their wynnyng to poore men / leest their merchaūdyse shulde perysshe by shyp wrake. A taper is lyght before saynt Hie∣romIherom. to thentent that thing whiche is lost may be had agayne. In conclusyon after this same maner loke howe many thyng{is} be whiche we eyther fauour or els loue / so many sayntes haue we made gouernours of the same thinges / whiche same sayntes be dyuers in dyuers natures: so yt Paule dothe the same thing amonge the frenche men that Hieron dothe with our coūtrey men ye almayns / and neyther Iames nor Iohan can do that thyng in euery where whiche they do in this or yt place: whiche honouryng of sayntes trewly / except it be referred from ye respect of corporall cōmo∣dytes or incōmodytes vnto Christ / is not for a christen man / in so moche yt it is not farre from ye superstyciousnesse of thē whi∣che in tyme passed vowed ye tenth parte of their goodes to Hercules / to thentēt they might waxe riche / or a cocke to Esculapi∣usA cocke to Esculapius. that they myght be recouered of their diseases: or which sacrifyced a bull to Nep¦tunusA bull to Neptunus. that they might haue good passage by see and prosperous saylynge. The na∣mes be chaunged / but veryly they haue bothe one ende and entent. Thou prayestThou prayest for longe lyfe. god that thou mayste not dye to soone / or whyle thou arte yonge / and prayest not rather that he wolde gyue to the a good mynde that in what so euer place dethe shulde come vpon the he shulde not fynde the vnprepared. Thou thynkest not of chaungyng thy lyfe / and prayest god thou myghtest not dye. what prayest thou for than? certaynly that thou mightest synne as longe as is possyble. Thou desyrest ry∣chesse and can not vse rychesse / doest not thou than desyre thyne owne confusyon. Thou desyrest helthe and canste not vse helth / is not nowe thy honouryng of god dishonouryng of god. In this place I am sure some of our holy men wyll crye out agaynst me with open mouthes / whiche thynke lucre to be to ye honouring of god / and as ye same Paule sayth with certayne swete benedictyons disceyue the myndes of innocent persons whyle they obey and serue their bely / & not Iesu Christe. Than wyll they saye / forbyddest thou worshyp∣of sayntes in whom god is honoured?They accōpte the honouryng of sayntes for absolute pyte. I verely disprayse not thē so greatly whiche do those thing{is} with certayne symple and childysshe superstycion for lacke of instru∣ctyon or capacite of wyt / as I do thē whi∣che sekyng their own aduaūtage prayseth and magnifieth those thing{is} for most gret and perfyte holynesse / whiche thyng{is} per∣aduenture be tollerable & may be suffred & for their owne profyte & aduaūtage che∣risshe & maintayne ye ignorance of the peo∣ple whiche neyther I my selfe do dispyse / but I can not suffre yt they shulde accōpte thing{is} to be highest & most chefe / which of thē selfe be neyther good nor bad / & those thynged to be greatest and of most value whiche be smallest & of leest value. I wyll prayse it & be contēt that they desyre helth of Rochus whom they so gretly honour / if they cōsecrate it vnto Christ. But I wyl prayse it more if they wolde praye for no∣thing els but yt with the hate of vyces the loue of vertues myght be encreased: and as touching to lyue or to dye let thē put it into the hand{is} of god / & let them say with Paule / whether we lyue wheder we dye / to god & at godd{is} pleasure we lyue or dye. It shalbe a perfyte thyng if they desyre to be dissolued from ye body and to be with Christ: if they put their glory & ioy in dis∣eases or sycknesse / in losse or other doma∣ges of fortune / yt they might be accompted worthy whiche euen in this worlde shulde be lyke or confyrmable vnto their heed. To do therfore suche maner of thynges is not so moche to be rebuked as it is pe∣ryllous to abyde styll and cleane to them. I suffre infyrmyte and weaknesse / but with Paule I shew a more excellēt way. If thou shalte examyne thy studyes and all thy actes by this rule / and shalte not stande any where in meane thynges tyll thou come euen vnto Christe / thou shalte neyther go out of thy waye at any tyme / neyther shalte do or suffre any thynge in all thy lyfe whiche shall not tourne and be vnto the a mater of seruynge and ho∣nourynge god. LEt vs adde also the fyfth rule as an ayder vnto this forsayd fourth ruleyte. / that thou put perfyte pity / that is to saye the honouryng of god in this thyng only / if thou shalt enforce alway from thynges visyble whiche almoste euery one be im∣perfyte or els indifferēt to ascende to thyn∣ges inuysible after the diuysyon of a man aboue rehersed. This precept is apertay∣nyng to y• mater so necessarily / that whe∣ther it be through neglygence or for lacke of knowlege of it / the moste parte of chri∣sten men in stede of trewe honourers of god are but playne superstycious / and in al other thynges saue in the name of chri∣sten men onely vary not greatly from the superstycion of the gentyles.. Let vs yma∣gyne therfore two worldes / the one intel∣ligyble ye other visyble. The intellygible whiche also we maye call the angelycall worlde / wherin god is with blessed myn∣des. The visyble worlde / ye cyrcle of heuen / the planettes / & sterres / with all that in∣cluded is in them as the foure elementes. Than let vs ymagyne man as a certayne thirde worlde / parte taker of bothe ye other: of ye visyble worlde if thou beholde his bo∣dy / of the inuysible worlde if thou cōsyder his soule. In y• visyble worlde bycause we be but straūgers we ought neuer rest / but what thynge so euer offreth it selfe to the sencyble powers / that is to say to the fyue wyttes / yt must we vnder a certayne apte comparyson or simylitude aply to the an∣gelycall worlde / or els (whiche is most pro¦fytable) vnto maners and to that parte of man whiche is corespōdent to ye angelyke worlde / that is to say to the soule of man. what this visyble sonne is in the visyble worlde yt is the diuyne myndeThe so the di mynde / that is to say god in y• intelligyble worlde / & in that parte of the which is of that same nature / that is to say in the spyrit. Loke what the moone is in the visyble worlde / that in the inuysible worlde is ye congregacion of an∣gels & of blessed soules called the tryum∣phant churche / and that in the is the spy∣ryte. what so euer heuens aboue worketh in the erthe vnder them / that same dothe god in the soule. The sonne gothe downe aryseth / rageth in heate / is temperate / quyckneth / bringeth forthe / maketh rype / draweth to hym / maketh subtyle and thynne / purgeth / hardeneth / mollyfyeth / illumyneth / clereth / cheryssheth and com∣forteth. Therfore what so euer thou be∣holdest in hym / ye what so euer thou seest in the grosse parte of this worlde of the elementes whiche many haue seperated from the heuens aboue and cyrcles of the fyrmament. In conclusyon what so euer thou consydrest in the grosser parte of thy selfe / accustome to applye it to god and to the inuysible porcyon of thy selfe. So shal it come to passe that what so euer thynge shall any where offer it selfe to any of the sensyble wyttes / that same thyng shall be to the an occasyon of pityThe occasion of pyte. / to honour god. whan it delyteth thy corporall eyes as oft as this visyble sōne spredeth hym selfe on the erthe with newe lyght / by and by call to remembraunce howe great the plea∣sure is of the inhabytauntes of heuen / vn¦to whome the eternall sonne euer sprin∣geth and aryseth / but neuer goth downe. Howe great are the ioyes of that pure mynde whervpon ye light of god alwayes shyneth and casteth his beames. Thus by occasion of the visyble creature pray with the wordes of Paule / that he whiche cō∣maunded lyght to shyne out of darknesse may shyne in thy herte / to gyue lyght and knowlege of the glorye of god in the face of Iesu Christ.The glory of god appered in the face of moyses / but we beholde the glo¦ry of god ī the face of Iesus Chryste. Repete such lyke places of holy scripture in whiche here & there the grace of the spyrite of god is compared to lyght.The grace of god is called lyght / & nyght is compared to synne. The night semeth tedyous to the & darke / thynke on a soule destytute of the light of god & darke with vyces: ye and i thou canst {per}ceyue any derknesse of nyght in the / pray that the sonne of iustyce maye aryse vnto the. This wyse thinke & surely byleue that thing{is} inuysible whiche thou seest not are so excellēt / so pure / so perfyt / that thinges whiche be sene in cōparyson of them are scarse very shadowes represē∣tyng to the eyes a small & a thynne simy∣lytude of thē. Therfore in this outwarde corporall thing{is} what so euer thy sensyble wyttes eyther desyre or abhorre / it shalbe a gret deale meter yt the spyrit loue or hate thesame thynge in inwarde & incorporall thyng{is}. The goodly beautye of thy body pleaseth thyne eyes / thinke than how ho∣nest a thing is the beauty of ye soule.what soeuer is perceyued in the body that same is to be vnderstode in the ynde. A de∣formed vysage semeth an vnplesaūt thīg. remēbre howe odyous a thing is a mynde defyled with vyces: and of all other thyn∣do likewyse. For as ye soule hath certayne beauty wherwith one whyle she pleaseth god / & a defourmyte wherwith an other whyle she pleaseth ye dyuell / as lyke vnto lyke: so hath she also her youthe / her age / sicknes / helth / dethe / lyfe / pouerty / riches / ioye / sorowe / werre / peace / colde / heate / thurst / drinke / hunger / meate. To cōclude shortly what soeuer is fylthy in the body / that same is to be vnderstāde in the soule. Therfore in this thynge esteth the iour∣ney to the spyrituall and pure lyfe / if by a lytle and lytle we shal accustome to with∣drawe our selfe from these thyng{is} whiche be not trewly in very dede / but partely a∣pere to be that they be not: as fylthy & vo∣luptuous pleasure / honour of this worlde partely vanysshe awaye and haste to re∣tourne to naught / and shall be rauysshed and caryed to these thyng{is} whiche indede are eternall immutable and pure: whiche thynge Socrates sawe full well / a philo∣sopher not so moche in tonge and wordes as in lyuing and dedes / for he saythe that so onely shall the soule departe happely from her body at the last ende / if aforehad she haue dyligently through true know∣lege recorded & practysed dethe / and also haue longe tyme before by the dispysynge of thynges corporall / and by the contem∣placyon and louyng of thynges spyrituall vsed her selfe to be as it were in a maner absent from the body. to the of chryst. Neyther the crosse vnto whiche Christ calleth and exhorteth vs / neyther that dethe in whiche Paule wylleth vs to dye with our heed / as also the prophete saythe: for thy sake we be slayne all the daye longe / we be accomp∣ted as shepe appoynted to be kylled / ney∣ther that whiche the apostle wryteth in other termes ayeng / seke those thynges that be aboue / not which be on the erthe. Taste and haue perceyuaunce of thynges aboue / meaneth it any other thynge than that we vnto thynges corporall shulde be dull and made as thoughe we were in∣sensyble and vtterly without capacyte. So that the lesse felyng we haue in thyn∣ges of the body / so moche the more swet∣nesse we myght fynde in thynges pertay∣nynge to the spyrite / and myght begynne to lyue so moche the trewlyer inwardely in the spyrite / the lesse we lyued outward∣ly in the body. In conclusyon to speake more playnly / so moche the lesse shulde moue vs thynges caduke and trausytory / the more acquaynted we were with thin∣ges eternall. So moche the lesse shulde we regarde the shadowes of thyng{is} the more we haue begonne to loke vp vpon the the very trewe thynges. This rule therfore muste be had euer redy at hande / that we in no wyse stande styll any where in tem∣perall thynges / but that we ryse thence makyng as it were a steppe vnto the loue of spyrituall thyng{is} by matchyng the one with the other / or els in comparyson of thynges whiche are inuysible that we be∣gynne to dispyse that whiche is visyble. The disease of thy body wyll be the easier if thou woldest thynke it to be a remedye for thy soule. Thou shuldest care the lesse for the helthe of thy body if thou woldest tourne all thy care to defende and mayn∣tayne the helthe of the mynde. The dethe of the body putteth the in feare / the dethe of the soule is moche more to be feared. Thou abhorrest the poyson whiche thou seest with thyne eyes / bycause it bringeth myschefe to the body / moche more is the poyson to be abhorred whiche seeth the soule. Cicuta is poysonCycuta is a poyson ebe. of ye body / but vo∣luptuousnesse is moche more & redy poy∣son to the soule. Thou quakest and trem∣blest for feare / thy heere standeth vpright / thou arte spechelesse / thy spyrites forsa∣ken the and thou waxest pale / fearynge leest the lyghtnynge whiche apereth out of the cloudes shulde smyte the / but howe moche more is it to be feared leest there shulde come on the / the inuysybe lyght∣nyng of the wrathe of god / whiche sayth: Go ye cursed persones in to eternall fyre. The beautie of the bodye rauyssheth the / why rather louest thou not feruētly that fayrnesse yt is not sene? Trāslate thy loue in to that beautye that is perpetuall / that is celestyall / that is without corrupcyon / and the discretelyer shalte thou loue the aduke and trāsytory shappe of the body. Thou prayest that thy felde maye be wa∣tred with rayne leest it drie vp / praye ra∣ther that god wyll vouchesaffe to water thy mynde leest it waxe barayne from the ute of vertues.The mystery in all thynges must be loked vpon. Thou restorest and en∣creasest agayne with great care the waste of thy money:Holy scrypture is sylenus of Alcybyades. Sylenus be ymages made with oyntes so that they may be opened contaynyge outwarde the symylitude of a or an ape or che lyke tryels: & whan they opened sodenly appe∣reth some excel¦lent or mruay¦lous thynge / vnto such thyn¦ges biades a noble man of At ees com∣pared the phy∣losopher So∣erates for so∣crates was so symple outwar¦de / and so excel¦lente inwarde. the greatest care of al ough∣test thou haue to restore agayne the losse of the mynde. Thou hast a respecte longe afore hande to age / leest any thyng shulde be lackyng to thy body: and shuldest thou not prouyde that nothynge be lackynge to the mynde. And this veryly ought to be done in those thynges whiche dayly me∣teth our sensyble wyttes / and as euery thynge is of a dyuers kynde / euen so dy∣uersly dothe moue vs with hope / feare / loue / hate / sorowe & ioy. The same thyng muste be obserued and kepte in all maner of lernyng whiche include in them selfe a playne sence and a mystery / euen as they were made of a body and a soule / that the lyterall sence lytle regarded thou shuldest loke chefly to y• mistery: Of whiche maner are the letters of al poetes & philosophers chefly the folowers of Plato. But most of al holy scripture / which beyng in a maner lyke to Slen{us} of Alcibiades / vnder a rude and folysshe couering include pure diuyne and godly thing{is}: for els if thou shalt rede without the allegory the ymage of Adam formed of moyst cley and the soule brethed into hym / & Eue plucked out of the rybbe / howe they were forbyd the tree of know∣lege of good and yuell / the serpent enty∣synge to eate / god walkynge at the ayre: whan they knewe they had synned / howe they hydde them selfe / the aungell set at the doores with a turnynge sworde leest after they were eiecte / the waye to them shulde be open to come agayne shortly. If thou shuldest rede the hole hystorie of the makynge of the worlde / if thou rede (I say) superfycially these thinges / seking no further than apereth outwardly / I can not perceyue what other gret thyng thou shalt do than if thou shuldest synge of the ymage of cley made by Prometheus / or of fyre stolen from heuen by subtyltie and put in to the ymage to gyue lyfe to ye cley.The fable of the gyauntes / A greate nōbre of gyauntes buylded moū¦tayne vpō moū¦tayne to pluck Iupyter out of heuen / but Iu∣piter vnder my¦ned theyr moū¦taynes & slewe them with lyghtnynge. ye peraduenture a poetes fable in the al∣legory shall be redde with somwhat more frute than a narracyon of holy bookes / if thou rest in y• rynde or vtter parte. If whā thou redest the fable of the gyauntes / it warneth and putteth the in remembraūce that thou stryue not with god and thyn∣ges more mighty than thou / or that thou oughtest to abstayne from suche studyes as nature abhorreth / and that thou shul∣dest set thy mynde vnto these thynges (if so be they be honest) whervnto thou arte moste apte naturally: That thou tangle not thy selfe with matrymony / if chastyte be more agreable to thy maners. Agayne that thou bynde not thy selfe to chastyte if thou seme more apte to maryage. For moste comenly those thynges come yuell to passe whiche thou prouest agaynst na∣ture. If the cuppe of CyrcesCirces was a woman which by enchantmēt turned men to dyuers fasciōs of beestes with poysons or drē¦ches. teache yt men with voluptuousnesse as with wytche∣craft fall out of their mynde and be chaū∣ged vtterly fro mē vnto beestes. If thristy TantalusTantalus. teache the that it is a very my∣serable thynge for a man to sytte gapyng vpon his rychesse heaped togyther & dare not vse them. The stone of SiciphusSysyphus. that ambycion is laborous and myserable. If the labours of HerculesThe labours of hercules. putteth the in re¦membraūce that heuen must be obtayned with honest labours and enforcementes infatygable / lernest thou not that thynge in the fable whiche ye philosophers eache and also diuynes / maisters of good lyuīg? But if (without allegorywithout allego¦ry srypture is baren.) thou shalte ede the infauntes wrestlyng in their mothers bely / thenherytaunce of the elder brother solde for a messe of potage / the blyssyng of the father preuented and taken away by fraude. Goly smytten with the slynge of Dauyd / and the heere of Sampson sha∣uen: it is not of so great valure as if thou shuldest rede the feynynge of some poete.Many vngood¦ly thynges in scrypture as they appere outwarde. what differēce is there whether thou rede the boke of kynges or of the iudges in the olde testament / or els the history of Titus Liuyus / so thou haue respecte to the alle∣gorye in nere nother? For in the one / that is to say Titus Liuyus / be many thyng{is} whiche wolde amende the comen maners: in the other be some thinges / ye vngoodly as they seme at ye fyrst lokyng on / whiche also if they be vnderstande superstycially shulde hurte good maners: As the thefte of DauydDauyd com∣mytted adul∣tery with Bar¦sabe / and cau∣sed Urye her husbande to be slayne. / and adultery bought with ho∣mycide / howe the doughters of Lot laye with their father by stelthe / and concey∣ued / and a thousande other lyke maters. Therfore the flesshe of the scripture dispy∣ed chefely of the olde testament / it shall be mete and cōuenient to serche out the my∣stery of the spyrite. anna to the shall haue suche taste as thou bringest with the in thy mouthe. But in openyng of myste∣ries thou mayst not folow the cōiectures of thyne own myndeThe mysteries must be hande∣led with crafte / but the rule must be knowen and a certayne craft / whiche one Dionsius reacheth in a boke entytled De diuinis nominibus / that is to say / of the names of god: and saynte Augustyne in a certayne warke called Doctrina christia∣na / that is to say / the doctryne of a christen man. The apostle Paule after Christe o∣pened certayne fountaynes of allegoryeAllegory. / whome Origene folowed / & in that parte of diuynite obtayned doutlesse the chefe roume and maystry. But our diuynesOur diuynes. ey∣ther set naught by the allegory / or handle it very dremyngly and vnfrutefully: yet are they in subtylty of disputacyon equall or rather superyours to olde diuynes. But in treatynge of this crafte that is to saye in pure / apte / and frutefull handlyng the allegorye not ones to be compared with them / and that specyally as I gesse for two caused. The one that the myste∣rye canne be but weake and barayne that is not fortyfyed with strengthe of clo∣quence / and tempred with certayne swet∣nesse of speakynge / in whiche our elders were passyng excellent / and we not ones taste of it. An other cause is / for they con∣tent with Arystotle onlyArystotle only is redde nowe adayes. / expell from scho¦les the secte of Plato & Picagoras / and yet saynt Augustyn preferreth these later / not only bycause they haue many senten∣ces moche agreable to our relygyon / but also bycause the very maner of open and clere speche / whiche they vse (as I haue sayde before) full of allegoryes / draweth very nygh to y• style of holy scripture. No eruale therfore though they haue more cōmodyously hādled the allegores of the worde of god / whiche with plētuous ora∣cyon were able to encrease &Olde diye with helpe of eloquence han¦deled the Alle∣goryes wel fa∣uourdly delate to co∣lour & garnysshe any maner thyng neuer so baren / symple / or homely / whiche men also beyng most expert & cōnyng of all an∣tiquite had practysed & exercysed longe be∣fore in poetes & bokes of Plato / y• thynge whiche they shulde do after in diuyne my∣steryes. I had leuer that thou shuldest rede the cōmentaries of those men / for I wolde instructe and induce the not vnto cōtenci∣on of argumentes / but rather vnto a pure mynde. But & if thou can not attayne the mistery / remēbre yet that some thīg lyeth hyd whiche though it be not knowen / yet verely to haue trust to obtayne it shall be better than to rest in the letter which kyl∣leth. And that se thou do not onely in the olde testament / but also in the newe. The gospell hath her flessheThe gospell hath her fleshe and spyryte. / she hath also her spyrite: for thoughe the vayle be pulled from y• face of Moyses / neuerthelesse yet vnto this daye Paule saythe per specu∣lum in enigmate / not the thynge selfe and clerely / but the ymage or symylitude of the very thynge as it were in a glasse vnper∣ytely & obscurely: and as Christ hym selfe sayth in his gospell of Iohan. The flesshe profyteth nothynge at all / it is the spiryte that gyueth lyfe. I veryly wolde haue ben afrayde to haue sayd it {pro}fyteth not at all / it shold haue ben ynough to saye the flesh profyteth somwhat / but moche more the spiryte: but now verite hymself hath sayd it {pro}fyteth not at all. And so greatly it pro∣fyteth not / that after the mynde of Paule it is but deth / excepte it be referred to the spiryte: yet at the leest way in this thynge is the flesshe profytable for that she ledeth our infirmyty as it were with certeyn gre¦ces or steppes vnto the spiryte. The body without the spiryte can haue no beynge: the spiryt of the body hath no nede. wher∣fore yf after the doctryne of Chryst the spi¦ryte be so great & excellent a thynge / that he onely gyueth lyfe: hyther to this poynt must our iourney be / that in al maner let∣res / in al our actes we haue respect to the spiryte / & not to the flesshe. And yf a man wolde take hede / he sholde soone perceyue that this thynge onely is it whervnto ex∣horteth vs amonge the {pro}phetes specially Esaias: among thapostles Paule / whiche almost in euery epystle playeth this parte and cryeth that we sholde haue no confy∣dence in the flesshe / & that in the spiryte is lyfe / liberty / lyght / adopcion: & those noble so greatly to be desyred whiche he .Adopcyon is inherytaunce / not by byrthe but by eleccyō. The euery coūseyleth from her. Take hede thou shalt perceyue that our mayster Chryst doth the same and there / whyles in pullyng the asse out of the py / in restorynge the syght to the blynde / in rubbynge the eares of / in vnwasshe handes / in the feests of syn∣ners / in the parable of the pharysee & the publycane / in fastynges / in the carnal bre∣therne in the reioysyng of the ewes that they were the chyldren of Abraham / in of∣fryng of gyftes in the temple / in praying / in delatyng of theyr philateirs / & in many lyke places he despyseth the flesshe of the lawe / & su{per}sticyon of them whiche had le∣uer be iewes openly in the syght of man than pryuely in yt syght of god.Phyareys were apers which the pha¦rysees ware on hye in theyr fo¦reheddes / ha∣uynge the ten cōmaūdmētes writen in them And whan he said to the woman of Samary / by leue me that y• houre shall cōme whan ye shall honour the father neyther in this moun∣tayne / neyther in Ierusalē: but the houre shall be & now is whan the very true wor¦shyppers shall worshyp the father in spy∣ryte & verite: for surely ye father requyreth suche to honour hym. The father is a spi∣ryte / & they whiche honour hym must ho∣nour in spiryte & verite. He signyfyed the same thyng in dede whan at the maryage he the water of the colde & vn∣ty let them to wyne of the spiryte / mayng dronke the spiritu soules / euen unto the coniepe & despysyngse of theyr lyfe and leest thou sholdest thynke it a great thyng that despysed these thyng{is} whiche now I haue rehersed / yea he despysed the eatynge of his owne flehe & drynkyng of his owne blode / excepte it were done spiri∣tually. To whome thinkest thou spake he these thyng{is}: the flesshe {pro}fyteth nothyng at all / it is the spiryt that quyckneth & gy∣ueth lyfe? veryly not to them whiche with saynt Iohns gospellSaynt Iohās gospel gyn at their / or an agnus de han¦gyng about theyr neckes thynke themself sure frō al maner of harme / & suppose that thyng to be y• very {per}fyte religion of a chry¦sten mā: but to them to whme he opened the hygh mistery of eating his owne body yf so great a thing be of no valure / yea if it be perycyous or perylous: what cause is there wherfore we sholde haue cōfidēce in any other carnal thyng{is} / except y• spiryt be present? Thou {per}aduētue sayst masse day∣ly and lyuest at thyne owne pleasure / and art not ones moued with thy neighbours hurtes / no no more thā yf they perteyned nothynge at all to the: thou art yet in the flesshe of the sacrament but and yf whyle thou sayest / thou enforcest to be the very same thynge whiche is signifyed by recey∣uyng that sacrament / that is to saye / to be one spiryt with the spiryt of Chryst / to be one body with the body of Chryst / to be a quycke mēbre of the chyrche: yf thou loue nothyng but in Chryst / yf thou thynke all thy goodes to be cōmun to all men / yf the incōmoditees of al men greue the euen as thyne owne: Than no doubte thou sayest masse with great fruyte / and that bycause thou doest it spiritually. If thou perceyue that thou art in a maner trāsfygured and chaunged in to Chryst / & that thou lyuest now lesse & lesse in thyne owne selfe / gyue thankes to y• spiryte whiche onely quycke¦neth and gyueth lyfe. Many ben wont to nombre how many masses they haue ben at euery day / & hauyng confydence in this thynge as of most valure (as though now they were no farther boūde to Chryst) as soone as they be departed out of y• chyrche returne to theyr olde maners agayn / that they enbrace y• flesshe of pite / that is to say of pure lyfe or seruyce of god I disprayse not: that they there stop I prayse not: let that be {per}formed in the whiche is there re∣presented to thyne eyes. There is rep̄sen∣ted to theLet it be per∣formed in th that is repr∣sented in the masse. / the deth of thy heed: discusse thy selfe withinforth / and (as the saying is) in thy bosom how nygh thou art deed to the world. For yf thou be possessed hoy with wrath / ambicyon / couerousnes / enuy / yea though thou touche y• aulter: yet art thou farre frō masse. Chryst was slayne for the / lee thou therfore these beest{is} / sacrifise thy selfe to hym whiche for thy sake sacrifysed hymself to his father: yf thou ones thynke not on these thyng{is} / & hast cōfidence in the other: god hateth thy carnall & grosse reli∣gion. Thou art baptised / thynke not forth with y• thou art a christen man / thy mynde all togyder sauoureth nothynge but this worlde: thou art in ye syght of the worlde a chrystē man / but secrete & before god thou art more hethen thā any hethen mā. why so? for thou hast the body of the sacrament & art without the spiryt whiche onely pro¦fiteth. Thy body is wasshed / what mater maketh that whyle thy mynde remayneth styll defyled & inquinate. Thy body is tou¦ched with salte / what thā whā thy mynde is yet vnsauery. Thy body is anoynted / but thy mynde is vnanoynted. But if thou be buryed with Chryst withinforth / & stu∣dyest to walke with hym in the newe lyfe I than knowe the for a chrystē mā. Thou art sprincled with holy waterSprynclynge of holy water. / what good dothe that / yf so be thou wype not awaye the inwarde fylth from thy mynde. Thou honourest sayntes / & art ioyous & glad to tostche theyr relykesTouchyng of relykes. / but thou despysest the these relykes which they left behynde thm / that is to be vnderstandeThe true hono¦ryng of saintes / the exam¦ples of pure lyuynge. There is no honour more pleasaūt to Mary than yf thou shol¦dest coūterfayte her humilite. No religion is more acceptable to sayntes or more ap∣propryate than yf thou woldest labour to rep̄sent & folowe theyr dercues wylt thou deserue the loue and fauour of Peter or of Paule / counterfayte the ones fayth / & the others charite / & thou shalte do a greater thyng than yf thou sholdest to Rome x. tymes. wylt thou worshyp saynt Fraun¦ces singularly? thou art hye mynded / thou art a great lous of money / thou art stub∣burne and selfe wylled / full of cōtencyon / wyse in thyne owne opinion / gyue this to the saynt / swage thy mynde / & by the ex∣ample of saynt Fraunces be more sobre / humble or meke / despyse fylthy / & be desyrous of ryches of the mynde / put away stryuyng & debates with thy neyghbours and with goodnes ouercōme euyll. The saynt setteth more by this honour than yf thou sholdest set before hym a thousande breunynge tapers. Thou thynkest it a spe¦cyall thynge to be put in thy graue wrap∣ped in the cowle or habyte of say Fraū∣ces? Trust me lyke vesture shall {pro}fyte the nothynge at all whan thou arte deed / yf thy lyuynge and maners be founde vn∣lyke whan thou were alyue. And though the se example of all true vertue & pure lyfe / shewynge how thou sholdest honour god in euery thynge is fette of Chryste moost ̄modyously in suche maner / that in no yse thou canst be deceyued. Neuer∣thelesse yf the worshyppynge of Chryst in his sayntes delyte the so greatly / se that thou counterfayte Chryste in his sayntesLet vs coun∣terfeyt Chryste in his sayntes. / and for the honoure of euery saynt loke thou pt awaye all vyces / vyce by vyce / so that thou sacryfyse to euery saynt syn∣gularly some one vyce syngularly / or else study to enbrace and counterfayte some one syngular vertue in euery saynt / suche as thou perceyuest to haue reigned moost chefely in euery saynt / syngularly of them whiche thou worshyppest so specyally. If this shall cōme to passe / than wyll I not reproue those thyng{is} whiche be done out∣wardly Thou hast in great reuerence the asshes of Paule / I damyne it not / yf thy relygyon be perfyte in euery poynte / but yf thou haue in reueren the deed asshes or of his body / and settest no store by his quycke ymage yet spekynge / and s it there brethynge / whiche remayneth in his doctryne: is not thy religyon prepo∣sterous & out of ordreLet vs honour the quycke ymage of Paule. / & accordynge to the cōmune prouerbe / the carte set before the horse? Honourest thou the bones of Pau∣le hyd in the shryne / & honourest thou not the mynde of Paule hyd in his wrytyng{is}? Magnifiest thou a pece of his carkas shy∣nyng thrugh a glasse / & regardest not thou the hole mynde of Paule shynyng thrugh his lettres? Thou worshyppest the asshes in whose p̄sence now & than the deformy∣tees & diseases of bodyes be taken away / why rather honourest thou not his doctry¦ne / wherwith the deformytees & diseases of soules are cured and remedyed? Let the vnfaythfull meruayle at these myracles & sygnes for whome they be wrought: but thou that art a faythfull man enbrace his bokes / that as thou doutest not / but that god can do all thyng{is} / euen so thou mygh¦test lerne to loue hym aboue all thynges. Thou honourest the ymage of the bodyly countenaūce of Chryst formed in stone o treeThe very yma¦ge of Chryst is expresly payn∣ted in the gos∣pell. / or else portrayed with colours: with moche greater reuerēce is to be honoured the ymage of his myndeApelles was the moost con∣nyng paynter that euer was / whiche by work¦manshyp of the holy goost is figured & ex∣pressed in the gospels. Neuer any Apelles so expresly fascyoned with pensell the pro∣porciōs & fygure of the body as in the ora∣cyon & doctryne of euery mā appereth the ymage of the mynde / namely in Chryste / whiche whan he was very simplicite and pure verit / no discorde / no vnlyke thynge at all coude be bytwene ye fyrst & chefe pa∣terne of his diuyne mynde & the ymage of his doctryne & ernynge frō thens deducte & deryuate / as nothynge is more lyke the father of heuen than his sone / whiche is y• worde / the wysdom & knowlege of the fa∣ther / spryngyng forth of his moost secrete hert: so is nothyng more lyke vnto Chryst than the worde / the doctryne & echyng of Chryst / gyuen forth out of ye preuy partes of his most holy brest: and ponderest thou not this ymage? honourest it not? lokest thou not substancially with deuoute eyes vpon it? enbrasest it not in thy herte? hast thou of thy lorde & mayster relykes so ho∣ly / so full of vertue & strengthe / & settynge them at nought? sekest thou thing{is} moche more altenae / straūger & farder of? Thou beholdest a cote or a sudorye / that is sayd to haue ben Chrystes / astonyed therat as though thy wyttes were rapte: & art thou in a dreme or a slumber whan thou redest the diuyne oracles or answeres of Chryst? Thou byleuest it to be a great thyng / ye a greater than the greatest that thou posses¦sest at home / a lytell pece of the crosse:The honou∣rynge of the crosse. but y• nothing to be cōpared to this / yf tho ce shryne thy hert y• nstory / of the crosse. Or else yf suche thyng{is} ma a man religyous & deuou / what can be more reli∣gious than y• iewes of whiche very many (though they re neuer so wycked yet with theyr eyes sawe Iesu Chryst lyuyng bodyly / herde hym with theyr ares / with theyr handes handled hym what i more happy thā Iudas which with his mouth kyssed ye diuyne mouth of Chryst. So mo∣che doth y• flesshe without the spiryt {pro}fyte nothīg at all / that it sholde not / ones haue {pro}fyted the holy virgin his mothe y• she of her owne flesshe begate hym / except she in her spiryt had recyued his spiryt also: this is a very great thyng / but heare greater The apostles enioye the corporal p̄sence & felyshyp of Chryst (redest thou not) how weykeThe very apo∣stelles as longe as Chryst was presēt waered in the faythe. / how chyldysshe they were / how grosse & without capacite / wh wlde de∣syre any other thynge vnto the most {per}fyte helth of his soule / thā so longe familiarite & conuersacyon togyder with hym y• was bothe god & man{is} yet after so many myra¦cles shewed / after ye doctryne of his owne mouth taught & declared to thē / after sure & euydent tokens y• he was rysen agayne dyd he not at y• last houre whā he shold be receyued vp in to heuē cast in theyr tethes theyr vnstabylite in the ayth. what was than the cause veryly the flesshe of Chryst dyd et: & thens is it yt he saith: except I go away / the holy goost wyll not cōme / it is expedyet for you y• I departe. The corpo∣rall p̄sence of Chryst is vnprofitable vnto heh. And da we in any corporal thyng besyde y• put {per}fyte pite / y• is to say / y• loue & honour of god? Paule saw Christ ī his / what supposest thou to be a grea¦ter thing than y• / yet seteth he nought by it / saying. Though (saith he) we haue kno¦wen Chryst arnally / now we do not so. why knewe he hī not carnally / for he had {pro}fited & ascēded vnto more {per}fyt gyft{is} of y• spiryt. I vse {per}aduēture mo wordes ī dispu¦tyng these thyng{is} than sholde be mete for him which giueth rules: neuertheles I do it y• more diligētly (& not without a great cause) for yt in very dede I do {per}ceyue this er¦rour to be the cōmun pestilēce of al chrystē¦dom: whiche brīgeth & occasioneth yea for this causeth y• greter mischefe: for asmoche as ī sem aūce & apparence it is next vnto godly loue or holynes. For there are no ¦ces more perylous than they which coun∣terfayte vertue: for besydes this that good men may lyghtly fall in to them: none are with ore difficulty cured / bycause the cō∣mun vnlerned thynketh our religiō to be violate whan suche thyng{is} are rebu¦ked / let incōtynent all y• worlde crye out a∣gaynst me / let certeyn p̄chers / suche as are wont to crye out in theyr pulpittes / barke whiche with ryght good wyll synge these thyng{is} inwardly in theyr own stomackes lokyng veryly not vnto Chryst / but vnto theyr owne aduaūtage / thrugh whose ey∣ther su{per}sticyon without lernynge / or fay∣ned holynes I am compelled oftentymes to shewe and declare that I in no wyse re¦buke or checke the corporall ceremonyes of chrystē men & deuout myndes of symple {per}sones: namely in suche thynges that are approued by authorite of the chyrche. For they are now & than partly sygnes of pite and partly helpers thervnto. And bycause they are somwhat necessary to yonge in∣fantes in Chryst / tyll they waxe elder and growe vp vnto a {per}fyt man.The vse of ce∣remonyes. Therfore it is not mete they sholde be disdeyned of them whiche are perfyte / leest by theyr example the weyke {per}sone sholde take harme. That thou doest I approue / so the ende be not amysse. More ouer yf thou stop not there whense thou oughtest to ascēde to thyng{is} more nere to helth. But to worship Christ with visible thynges in stede of inuysible & in them to put the hyghest poynt of reli∣gyon / & for them to stande in thyne owne conceyte / to condempne other men / to set thy hole mynde vpon them / & also to dye in them / and to speke shortly that thou be withdrawen from Chryste with the very same thynges whiche be ordeyned for the entent onely that they sholde helpe vnto Chryst: this is veryly to departe from the lawe of the gospell whiche is spirituall / & fall in to certeyn su{per}sticion of ceremonyes lyke vnto the iewes: whiche thynge {per}ad∣uēture is of no lesse ieopardy thā yf with∣out suche su{per}sticion thou sholdest be infect with great & manyfest vices of the mynde: this is forsothe the more deedly disease Be it / but ye other is worse to be cured. How moche euery where sweteth the chefe de∣fender of the spiryte Paule to call awaye the iewes frō the confidence of dedes & ce∣remonyes / & to promote them vnto those thynges whiche are spirituall; & now I se the cōmunalteThe cōmunal∣tie is turned to the cōfidence of ceremonyes. of chrysten men to be retur¦ned hyther agayne. But what sayd I the cōmunalte? that myght be yet suffred had not this errour inuaded & caught a greate parte bothe of preestes & doctours: & to be shorte the flockes of them almoost thrugh out whiche {pro}fesse in tytle & habyte a spi∣rituall lyfe. If they whiche sholde be the very salte be vnsauery: wherwithall shall other be seasoned? I am ashamed to re∣herse with what su{per}sticion the most parte of them obserue certayne ceremonyes of menes inuencyonsSuperstycios persones are hed. / yet not institute for such purpose. How diously they requyre them of other men: what cōfidence with∣out mystrust they haue in them how in∣discretly they iudge other how ernest∣ly they defende them. To these theyr dedes they thynke heuen to be due / in whiche yf they be ones roted at ones they thynke thēselfe Paules & Antonyes.Paule & Anto∣ny were hermy¦tes of passyng holy conuersa∣cyon. They begyn O good lorde / with what graytye / with how great authorite to correct other mens lyues / after the rule of fooles & vndicrete persones (as sayth Ierens) So that they thynke nothynge well done but y• they do them selfe.The deenders of ceremonyes But for all that whan they be wexen olde syres in theyr maner of lyuyng thou shalte se y• as yet they sauour or ast of Chryst nothyng at all: but to be beestly swymmyng in certeyn chorlysshe vyces in theyr lyuyng & pastyme frowarde / & scarse can suffre and forbeare theyr owne selfe: in charite colde: in wrath feruent: in hate as ough as whyte lether: in theyr tonges be nymous & full of poyson: in exercysynge & purtyng forth of theyr malyce cōquerours & not able to be ouercōme: redy to stryue for euery lytell tryste: & so farre from the {per}fection of Chryste / that they be not ones with these cōmune vertues / whi∣che the or hethen men ha∣ue lerned / eyther by reason gyuen them of nature / by vse of / or by the pre¦ceptes of philosophers. Thou shalt also se them in spirytuall thynges clene without capacite / fyerse that no man shall knowe how to eate or handell them / full of stryfe and contencyon / gredy vpon volup∣ous pleasure / at the worde of god redy to sewe / kynde to no man / mysdemynge other men / flaterynge theyr owne selues. It is cōme to this poynt now at last with the labours of so many yeres / that thou sholdest be of all men the worste / and yet thynke thy selfe the best: that in stede of a chrystē man thou sholdest be but a playne ewe / obseruyng onely vnfruytfull tradi∣cyons and ceremonyes of the inuencyons of man / that thou sholdest haue thy glory & ioye / no in secrete before god / but open∣ly afore the worlde? But and yf thou hast walked in the spiryte & no in the flesshe: where be the fruytes of the spiryte? where is charite? where is that cherefulnesse or ioyous myrthe of a pure mynde? where is tranquillite and peace towardes all men? where is pacyence? where is perseueraūce of softe mynde / wherwith thou lokest day by daye contynually for the amendement euen of thyne ennemyes: where is curtesy or gentylnesse / where is frenesse of herte / where is mekenes / fidelite / discreciō / mea∣sure or sobrenesse / temperaunce & chastite / where is the ymage of Chryste in thy ma∣ners? I am sayst thou no keper of hores / no these / no violatour of holy thynges / I kepe my {pro}fessyon. But what other thyng is this to saye than I am not lyke other menThe ypocrysye of relygyous persone. / extorcioners / adulterers / ye & I fast twyse in a weke: I had leuer haue a publi¦cane humble & lowly askynge mercy than this kynde of pharysees rehersynge theyr good dedes. But what is thy {pro}fessyon? is it I praye the that thou sholdest not per∣forme that thyng thou {pro}mysed longe ago whan thou were baptysed / whiche was that thou woldest be a chrysten man / that is to saye / a spiritual {per}sone / & not a carnal ewe? whiche for ye tradicyons of man shol¦dest transgresse the cōmaūdement{is} of god Is not the lyfe of a chrystē man spiritual? Here Paule spekyng to ye Romayns. No ampnacion is to them that are graffed in Chryst Iesu / which walke not carnally or after the flesshe: for the lawe of the spiryte of lyfe in Chryste Iesu hath delyuered me from the lawe of synne & deth: for yt which the lawe weyked by reason of the flesshe coude not performe or make good / yt same god made good / sendynge his sone in the similitude of flesshe prone to synne / and of synne condēpned synne in the flesshe / that the iustyfyeng of the lawe myght be fulfyl¦led in vs whiche walke not after ye flesshe but after the spiryt: for they that be in the flesshe / be wyse in thynges perteynyng to the flesshe: but they which be in the spiryt perceyue those thinges that {per}teyne to the spiryte: for wysdom of the flesshe is deth / & wysdom of the spiryt is lyfe & peace: for the wysdom of the flesshe is an ennemy to god bycause she is not obedient to the lawe of god / nor yet can be. They yt be ī the flesshe they can not please god: what coude be spo¦ken more largely? what more playnly: ne∣uerthelesse many men subtyle & crafty to flater or fauour theyr owne vices: but {pro}ne and redy without aduysement to checke other mensThe exposyciō and mynde of some clerkes. / thynke these thynges to per∣teyne to themselfe nothynge at all: & that Paule spake of walkyng carnally or after the flesshe / they referre to adulters onely & kepers of quenes: that he spake of wisdom of the flesshe which is enemy to god / they turned it to them whiche haue lerned hu∣manite / or that they call secular scyences: in eyther other they set vp theyr creestes / & clap theyr handes for ioye / bothe that they neyther be adulters / & in al sciences stark fooles. More ouer to lyue in the spyryte they dreme to be none other thyng thā to do as they them selues do:The flesshe & the spyryte af¦ter Poule. whiche {per}sones yf they wolde as diligētly obserue y• onge of Paule as they maliciously despyse Tul¦lys / they sholde soone {per}ceyue y• the apostle calleth the flesshe that thynge y• is visyble & the spyryte that thyng that is inuisyble: for he techeth euery where that thing{is} vi∣syble ought to serue to thynges inuisyble: & not contrary wyse inuysyble thynges to serue thynges vysyble: thou of a preposte∣rous ordre applyest Chryst to those thyn∣ges whiche were mete to be applied vnto Chryst: requyrest thou of me recorde that this worde flesshe perteyneth not onely to fylthy and superfluous lust of the body? holde & vnderstand that thyng whiche the sayd apostle (doynge that same whiche he in al places doth) wryteth to the Colocen¦ses. Let no man mysleade you for ye nones in the humilite and religyon of aungelles whiche thynges he neuer sawe walkyng in vayne / inflate with the ymaginacion of the flesshe / & not holdyng the heed / that is to saye Chryste / of whome all the body by couples & ioyntes mynystred vp & cōpacte groweth in to the encrease of god / & leest thou sholdest doute any thynge y• he spake of them which hauyng cōfidēce in certeyn corporal ceremonies arke agaynst y• spū∣al purposes of other men take hede what foloweth: yf ye be deed with Chryst / ab ee mes hui{us} mūdi / frō tradicyons / ceremo∣nyes & inuēcions of men: why haue ye yet suche decrees among you / as though ye ly¦ued vnto the worlde. And anone after cal∣lyng vs frō the same thyng{is} saith: yf ye be rysen vp agayne with Chryste / seke those thyng{is} yt are aboue where Chryste sytteth on ye ryght hande of god. Be expert & wyse in those thing{is} that be aboue / & not on the erth. More ouer gyuyng p̄ceptes of ye spū∣all lyfe / what exhorteth he vs to do at the last / whether yt we shold vse suche or suche ceremonies: whether yt we shold be this or that wise arayed / that we shold lyue with this or yt meates / that we sholde say custo∣mably any certeyn nombre of psalmes: he made mencion of no suche thynges: what than?Mortyfy the membres on the erthe. Mortifye (said he) your mēbres whi¦che be on ye erth / fornicacyon / vnclēnes / bo¦dyly lust / euyl cōcupiscence / & auaryce whi¦che is y• seruyce of ydols: & a lytel after that now put frō you al suche thyng{is} / wrathe / indignacyon / malyce: & agayne / spoylyng your selfe of the olde mā with al his actes puttyng on you the newe man whiche is renewed ī knowlege of god after ye ymage of hym which made hym. But who is the olde man?The olde man veryly Adam / he that was made of the erth / whose cōuersacyon is in erth / not in heuen. By the erth vnderstād what so euer is vysyble / and therfore temporall & transytory. who is that newe man? ve∣ryly the celestyall man that descended frō heuen Chryste. And by heuen vnderstande what so euer is inuysyble / & therfore eter∣nall and euerlastynge. At the last leest we sholde be mynded to purchace the fauour of god after the maner of the iewes with certeyn obseruaunces / as ceremonyes ma¦gicall / he techeth that our dedes are plea∣saunt and alowed of god / so long as they are referred vnto charite / and also sprynge therof / sayinge. Aboue all these thynges kepe charite the bonde of perfection / & let the peas of god reioyse as a victor in your hertes / in whiche also ye be called in one body. I wyll gyue the a more playne to∣ken & euydent probacyon that this worde flesshe signyfyeth not the lust of the body onely. Paule nameth often the flesshe / of∣ten the spiryte / wrytyng to a certeyn peo∣ple named Galatas / whiche he called not onely frō lust of the body to chaste lyuyng but enforceth to withdrawe them frō the secte of of the iewes & confydence of worke in to whiche they were enduced by false apostles. In this place therfore nōbrynge the dedes of the flesshe / marke what vices he reherseth. The dedes of ye flesshe (sayth he) be manyfest / whiche are fornycacyon / vnclenlynes / to be shameles / lechery / wor¦shyppynge of ydolles / wytchcrafte / preuy hate / discorde / otherwyse called cōtencion or stryfe / emulacyon that may be called in dignacyon or disdayne / ire otherwyse cal∣led wrathe / scoldynge discencyon / that is to say / dyuersite in maynteynynge of opi∣nyons / sectes / or maynteynynge of qua∣relles / enuy / homycyde / dronkennesse / ex∣cesse in eatynge / and suche lyke. And not longe after he sayth:Uayne glorye is a pestylence cōtrary to the spyryte. yf we lyue in the spi∣ryte / let vs walke in the spirite. After that as declarynge and vtterynge a pestylence contrary to the spyryte / he addeth: let vs not be made desyrous of vayne glory / pro∣uokyng one the other / & enuyenge one an other. The tree is knowen by the fruyte. That thou omyttest not watche / fastyng / sylence / orysons / and suche other lyke ob∣seruaūces / I passe not theron / I wyll not byleue that thou art in the spiryte excepte I may se the fruytes of the spiryte. why may I not affyrme the to be in the flesshe whan after almoost a hondreth yeres ex∣ercyse of these thynges / yet in the I fynde the dedes of the flesshe / enuyousnes more than is in any woman / contynuall wrath & fyersnes: as in a man of warre / scolding / & pleasure insaciable / malycyous cur∣syng / backbytyng with tong more venyi¦ous than the poyson of a serpent / an hygh mynde / stubburnes / lyght of thy {pro}messe / vanite / faynyng / flaterynge? thou iudgest thy brother ī his meate / drynke or raymēt but Paule iudgeth the of thy dedes: dothe that separate the from worldly & carnall men / that thou art ī lyghter causes veryly but yet with the same vices infected? is he more fylthy / whiche for his inheritaūce ta¦ken from hym or it came to his hādes: for his doughter defyled / for hurte done to his father / for some offyce / for his prynces fa∣uour: cōceyueth wrath / hatred: emulacion (whiche may be called indignacion or dis∣dayne) thā thou which (I am ashamed to tell) for how lytel a tryfle / yea for nothing doest al the same thyng{is} moche more ma∣lycyously / the lyghter occasyon to synne lyghteth not / but aggrauateth the synne / neyther it maketh mater in how lytell or greate a thynge thou synne / so it be done with lyke affection: & yet is there differēce veryly: for so moche the greuouser dothe euery man trespace / the lesse ye occasyon is wherwith he is pulled away frō honeste. I speke not now of those monkesMonkes. or rely∣gious {per}sons whose maners euen the hole worlde abhorteth / but of thē whom the cō¦mun people honoureth not as mē / but as aūgels / whiche self same notwithstādyng ought not to be displeased with these wor¦des / whiche rebuketh ye vices & noteth not the {per}sones: but & yf they be good men / let them also be glad to be warned of what so euer man it be / in those thyng{is} whiche {per}teyneth to helth: neyther it is vnknowē to me that amonges them are very many which holpen with lernyng & wytte haue tasted the mysteryes of the spiryte (but as Liuius sayth) it fortuneth almoost euery where: that the greater parte ouercōmeth the better. Notwithstandyng (yf it be law full to cōfesse the trouth) se we not all the moste strayte kynde of monkes to put the chefe poynte of relygyon eyther in cere∣monyes or in a certayne maner or forme of saying / that they call theyr dyuyne ser∣uyce / or in a labour of the body / whiche monkes yf a man sholde examyne and ap∣pose of spirituall thynges / he sholde scarse fynde any at all that walked not in the flesshe. And here of cōmeth this so greate infyrmytye of myndes / tremblynge for feare where is no feare / and therin suer∣tye and careles where is moost peryll of all: here of commeth the perpetuall in∣fancye in Chryst (to speke no greuouslyer) that we preposterousPreposterous is settynge be∣hynd that that shold be before estemers of thinges make moost of suche thynges whiche by them selfe are of no value: those sette at nought whiche onely are suffycyent / euer lyuynge vnder tuters or scholemaysters / euer in bondage / neuer aduaunsynge our selfe vp to the lyberty of the spiryte / neuer growynge vp to the large stature of cha∣rite: whan Paule cryeth to a certeyn peo∣ple called Galathas / stande fast / be not ye locked agayn vnder the yoke of bondage. And in an other place the lawe was our tutor or scholemayster in Chryste / that of fayth we sholde be iustyfyed. But seynge that faith is cōme / now we be no more vn¦der a tutor or scholemayster: for euery one of you (sayth he) is the veray sone of god through fayth whiche he hath in Chryste Iesu. And not moche after he sayth / & we also whan we were lytel ones were in ser¦uice and bondage vnder the ceremonyes & lawe of this worlde. But whan the tyme was fully expyred / god sent his sone made of a woman / made vnder the lawe to re∣deme them whiche were vnder the lawe / that we by adopcyon sholde be his sones. And for bycause ye be the sones of god / god hath sent the spiryte of his sone in to your hertes / cryeng Abba pater (as a man wolde saye dade father) And so is he not now a seruaunt / but a sone to god. And agayne in an other place. Bretherne ye be called in to lybertye / let not your lybertye be an occasyon vnto you to lyue in the flesshe / but in charite of the spiryte serue one an other: for all the lawe is fulfylled in one sayinge. Loue thy neyghboure as thy selfe / but and yf ye byte and eate one the other / take hede leest ye be consumed one of an other. And agayne to the Ro∣maynes. ye haue not receyued the spiryte of bondage agayne in feare / but the spi∣ryte that maketh you the sones of god by adopcion / in whome we crye dade father. Unto the same also {per}teyneth that he wry¦teth to Timothe / sayenge. Exercyse thy selfe vnder the dedes of pite: for bodyly exercyse is good but for a small thynge / pite is good vnto all maner thynges. And to the Corynthes. God is a spiryte / and where the spiryte is / there is lyberty. But why reherse I one or two places / whan Paule is all togyder at this poynte / that the flesshe whiche is full of contencyon sholde be despysed / & that he myght settle vs in the spiryte whiche is the authour of charite & lybertye. For these companyons be euer inseparable on the one syde / the flesshe / bondage / vnquietnes / contencyon or stryfe. And on the other syde the spy∣ryte / peace / loue / lybertye. These thynges euery where Paule mengleth with other sayinges. And seke we a better mayster of our relygyon / namely whan all dyuyne scripture agreeth to hym? This was the greatest cōmaūdemēt in the lawe of Moy¦ses. This Chryst iterateth and fynyssheth in the gospell: & for this cause chefely was he borne:To loue is the gretest cōmaū∣dement. for this cause dyed he to teche vs not to coūterfayte the iewes / but to loue. After the last souper made the euen before his passyon / how diligently / how tender∣ly / & how affectuously gaue he charge to his discyples / not of meate / not of drynke / but of charite to be kepte one towardes an other:Chryste last of all warneth vs of charyte. what other thynge techeth he / what other thynge desyreth his discyple. Iohan than that we loue one an other. Paule euery where (as I haue sayd) com¦mendeth charite / but specyally wrytynge vnto the Corynthes he preferreth charite bothe before myracles & prophecyes / and also before the tonges of aūgels. And say not thou by and by that charite is / to be oft at the churche / to croche downe before the ymages of sayntes / to lyght tapers or wax candels / to say many lady psalters or saynt Katherynes knottes. God hath no nede of these thynges.what is true charyte. Paule calleth cha∣rite to edyfye thy neyghbour / to compte that we all be membres of one body / to thynke that we al are but one in Cryst / to reioyse in god of thy neyghbours welthe euen as thou doest of thyne owne. To re∣medy his incōmoditees or losses as hyne owne. yf any brother erre or go out of the ryght waye / to warne hym / to monysshe hym / to tell him his faute mekely / sobrely & curteysly / to teche the ignoraūt: to lyfte vp hym that is fallen: to cōforte & courage hym that is in heuynes: to helpe him that laboureth / to socour ye nedy. In cōclusyon to referre all ryches & substaūce / al thy stu∣dy / all thy cares to this poynte / that thou in Chryste sholdest helpe as moche as thy power extendeth to. That as he neyther was borne for hymselfe / nor lyued to his owne pleasure / neyther dyed for hymselfe but dedycate hym selfe hoolly to our pro∣fytes. Euen so sholde we apply our selfe / and awayte vpon the cōmodytees of our bretherne / & not our owne: whiche thyng yf it were vsed / nothyng sholde be eyther more pleasaunt or elles easy than the lyfe of religyous persones / whiche we se now clene contraryeThe lyfe of relygyous mē is greuous and tedyous. / greuous almoost euery where and laboryous / and also full of su∣perstycyon / lyke vnto the iewes / neyther pure from any vyces of the laye people / and in many sondry thynges moche more defyled / whiche kynde of men saynt Au∣gustyneSaynt Augu∣styne wolde knowe monkes & of his owne relygyon yf he were now lyue. (of whome many glorye & reioyce as of the authour and founder of theyr ly∣uynge yf he now myght lyue agayn / cer∣taynly wolde not ones knowe / and wolde crye out / sayinge that he wolde approue nothyng lesse than this kynde of lyfe / and that he had instytuted an ordre and ma∣ner of lyuynge / not after the supersticyon of the iewes / but after the rule of the a∣postles. But I heare euen now what cer∣teyne men (whiche are somwhat well ad∣uised) wyll answere vnto me. A man must take hede in lytel and small thynges / leest a lytell & a lytell he sholde fall in to grea∣ter vyces / I heare it ryght well / and I alowe the saying / neuertheles thou ough¦test to take hede a greate deale more that thou so cleue not to these lytell and small thynges that thou sholdest fall clene from the moost chefe & greatest thynges.How farforth we ought to cle¦ne to the small thynges. There is the ieopardye more euydent / but here more greuouse. So flee Scilla that thou fall not into Charibdis.Scilla & charib¦dys loke what they meane at the ende of the fyrst chapytre. To obserue these lytell thynges is holsome veryly: but to cleue vtterly vnto them is veray ieopar∣dous. Paule forbiddeth not the to vse the lawe and ceremonyes / but he wyll not hym to be bounde to the lawe and cere∣monyes whiche is free in Chryste: he con∣dempneth not the lawe of dedes / yf a man vse it lawfully / without these thynges {per}∣aduenture thou shalte not be a chryste man / but they make the not a chrystē mā / they wyll helpe vnto pite and godlynes / euen so yet yf thou vse them for that pur∣pose. But and yf thou shalte begyn to en∣ioye them / to put thy trust and confidence in them / at ones they vtterly destroye all the lyuyng of a christen man.Uyctym was the sacryfyce of a beest wher of he that offe∣red dydcate parte / & parte wente to thuse of the preestes the cal the kyd¦neis & the fatte aboute them was burned to god / that same sacryfyce for certeyn cōsyde racyons is also called hostia. The apostle setteth nought by the dedes of Abraham / whiche to haue ben veray perfyte no man doubteth: & hast thou confidence in thyne. God disdeyneth certayne sacrifices called victime / the sabbottes and certayne holy dayes called Neomenye of his people the iewes / of whiche thyng{is} he hymselfe was authour and cōmauder / and darest thou cōpare thyne owne obseruaūces with the preceptes of the lawe of god? yet here god redy to spue at them & agreued with them For what entent (sayth he) offre ye to me the multytude of victimes / I am full. As for holocaustes of wethersHolocaustes that is the ho∣le beest sacryfy¦sed to god no man hauynge parte therof / talowe or in∣warde suet and fatte of beestes / blode of calues / of lambes and gotes I wolde not haue / whan ye cōme before my presence who hath requyred these thynges of your hādes that ye myght walke in my houses Offre ye no more sacryfyce in vayne / your ensence is abhomynacyon to meSabbot day was euery se∣uenth day as our sondaye. / I wyll not suffre any more the feest of the Neo∣menye and sabbot daye / with other feest dayes.Neomenye were holidays at the new of the mone. The companies of you are infected with iniquite / my soule hathe hated your kalendas & your solempne feestes.Kalendas that same that neo∣menyes be. These thyng{is} be greuous vnto me / I was euen sycke to abyde them. And whan ye put forth your hādes / I wyl turne myne eyes from you: whan he reherseth the obser∣uaunces and maners of holy feestes and sacrifyce: more ouer the multyplyenge of prayers / noteth he not them as though he poynted them with his fynger / whiche measure theyr relygyon with a certayne nombre of psalmes and prayers / whiche they call dayly seruyce. Marke also an o∣ther thynge how meruaylously the facun¦dyous {pro}phete expresseth hepyng togyder the disdayne or īdignacion of god:Esayas. so that he now coude suffre neyther with eares neyther eyes. what thynges (I beseche the)? veryly tho thyng{is} which he himselfe had ordeyned to be kepte so religyously / whiche also were obserued so reuerētly so many yeres of holy kyng{is} & {pro}phetes. And these thyng{is} abhorreth he as yet in ye car∣nall lawe. And trustest thou ī ceremonyes made at home in thyne owne house / now in the lawe of the spiryt? God in an other place byddeth the same {pro}phete to crye in∣cessantly and to put out his brest after the maner of a trumpe / as in an ernest mater & worthy to be rebuked sharply / & suche a ma as vnneth coude be opteyned of these men but with moche ado. Me (sayth he) they seke from day to daye / & knowe they wyl my ways / as a people that hath done iustyce / & hath not forsaken ye iudgemēt of theyr god. They aske me for ye iudgemētes of iustyce / & desyre to drawe nygh to god: why haue we fasted (say they) & thou hast not loked vpon vs & meked our soules / & thou woldest not knowe it: lo in ye daye of your faste (answereth the prophete) your owne wyll is founde in you / and ye seke out all your detters / loo vnto stryfe and contencyon ye faste / & ye smyte with your fyst cruelly / faste ye not as ye haue fasted vnto this daye / that your crye myght be herde on hygh. Is this the faste that I haue chosen / that a man sholde vexe and trouble hymselfe for one daye / eyther that a man sholde bowe downe his heed as a hoke or cyrcle / and to strawe vndernethe hym sacke cloth & asshes: wylte thou call this a faste or a daye acceptable vnto god? But what shall we saye this to be: dothe god condempne that thynge / whiche he hym selfe commaunded? Naye forsothe. what than? But to cleue and stycke fast in the flesshe of the lawe / & to haue cōfidence of a thynge of nothynge that is it veryly whiche he hateth deedly. Therfore he she∣weth that he wolde haue added in eyther place. Be ye wasshed (sayd he) and made clene / take away your euyl cogitacyons & thoughtes out of my syght: whan thou hearest the euyl thoughtes rehersed / tou∣cheth he not euydētly the spiryte & the in∣warde mā. The eyes of god seeth not out∣warde / but in secrete / neyther he iudgeth after the syght of the eyes / neyther rebu∣keth after the hearyng of the eares. God knoweth not y• folysshe virgyns smothe & gay outwarde / empty of good workes in∣warde: he knoweth not them whiche saye with lyppes Maister maister. More ouer he putteth vs in remēbraūce yt the vse of y• spūall lyfe standeth not so greatly in cere∣monyes as in ye charite of thy neyghbour.The vse of spi∣rytuall lyfe. Seke (saith he) iudgemēt or iustice / socour him that is oppressed / gyue true iudgemēt and ryght to hym that is fatherles & mo∣therles or frendles / defende the wydowe / suche lyke thing{is} dyd he knyt to the other place / where he speketh of fastyng. Is not this rather (saythe he) that faste I haue chosenEsayas. / loose or cancell cruell oblygacy∣ons / vnbynde the burthens whiche make them stowpe to the grounde that be them: let them that be brused go free breake a sondre all burthen: Breake breed to hūgry. The nedy & them whi hath no place of habytacion / lede in to house. whan thou seest a naked mā clo hym / and dispyse not thyne owne fles what shall a christen man do than? he dyspyse the cōmaundementes of churche? Shall he set at naught y• ho tradycions of fore fathers? Shall he dempne godly and holy customes? Na he be weake and as a begynner he sh obserue them as thing{is} necessary / but and if he be stronge and perfyte so moche the rather shall he obserue them / leest with his knowlege he shulde hurte his brother whiche is yet weake / leest he also shulde kyll hym for whome Christ dyed: we may not omytte these thynges / but of necessyte we must do other thynges. Corporall de∣des be not condempned / but spyrituall are preferred. This visyble honouryng of god is not condempned / but god is not plea∣sed sauyng with inuysible pytie & seruyce. God is a spyrit & is moued & styrred with inuysible sacryfyce. It is a great shame for christen men not to knowe that thyng whiche a certayne poete beyng a gentyle knewe ryght well / whiche gyuyng a pre∣pt of dewe seruynge god saythe: If god a mynde as scrypture sheweth vs / se at thou honour him chefely with a pure ynde. Let vs not dispyse the auctour be∣g eyther an hethen man or without de∣e of schole / the sentence becometh ye a ght great diuyne: and (as I very well ue perceyued) is lykewyse vnderstande fewe / as it is redde of many. The intel∣ctyon of the sentence veryly is this / lyke ioysen with lyke. Thou thynkest god to moued greatly with an oxe kylled and cryfyced / or with the vapoure or smoke of frankensence / as though he were a bo∣dy. God is a mynde / and veryly mynde most pure / most subtyle and perfyte / ther∣fore ought he to be honoured most chefe∣ly with a pure mynde. Thou thynkest that a are lyghted is sacrifyce / but a sacryfyce to god (saythe Dauid) is a wofull or a so∣rowfull spyrite. And though he hath dis∣pysed the bloode of gotes and calues / yet wyll not he dispyse a herte contryte and humble. If thou do that thyng whiche is gyuen to the eyen of men / moche rather take hede y• thyng not to be away whiche the eyen of god requyre. Thy body is co∣uered with a coule or habyte / what is that to the purpose if thy mynde beare a secu∣ler If thy vtter man be cloked in a cloke whyte as snowe / let the este mē∣tes of thy inner maner be white as snowe also agreable to the same. Thou kepest sy¦lence outwarde / moche more procue that thy mynde be quyet within. In ye visyble temple thou bowest downe the knees of thy body: that is nothynge worthy if in the temple of thy brest thou stande vpright agaynst god. Thou honourest the tree of the crosse / moche more folowe the mistery of the crosse. Thou kepest the fastyng day and abseynest from those thyng{is} whiche defyle not a man: & why absteynest thou not from fytthy talkyng / which polluteth thyne own conseyence & other mens also. Meate is withdrawen from ye body / but why glutteth thy soule her selfe with cod∣des of beenes / peson / & suche lyke whiche are meate mete for swyne. Thou makest the church of stone gay with goodly orna∣mētes / thou honourest holy places: what is yt to the purpose if the tēple of thy hert / whose walles ye prophete. Ezechyell bored through be {pro}phaat or polluted with the abhomynaciōs of Egipt. Thou kepest the sabbot day outwarde / & within all thing{is} be vnquier thrugh ye rage & tōbling of vic{is} togider.The sabot day the day of rest. Thy body cōmytteth no adultry / but thou art couerous: now is thy mynde a fornycatour. Thou syngest or prayest with thy bodily tonge / but take hede with in what thy mynde sayth. with thy mouth thou blyssest / and with thy hert thou cur∣sest. In thy body thou arte closed within a strayte celle / and in thy cogytacion thou wādrest throughout all the worlde. Thou herest the worde of god with thy corporall eares / rather here it within. what saythe the prophete? Except ye here within / your soule shall mourne and wepe. ye & what redest thou in the gospell: that whan they se they shulde not se / and whan they here they shulde not here. And agayne the pro∣phete saythe / with your eare ye shall here and ye shall not perceyue: blyssed be they therfore whiche here the worde of god within. Happy are they to whome god speaketh within / and their soules shall be saued. This eare to enclyne is cōmaūded / that noble doughter of the kynge whose beaurye and goodlynesse is all togyther within in golden hemmes. Fynally what auayleth it if thou do not those yuell thin∣ges outwarde / whiche with affection thou desyrest & coueytest inwarde. what auay∣leth it to do good dedes outwarde / vnto whiche within are cōmytted thyng{is} clene contrary. Is it so great a thyng if thou go to Hierusalem in thy body / whan within thyne own selfe is both Sodome / Egipt / and Babylon. It is no great thynge to haue troden ye steppes of Christ with thy bodyly helesPylgrymages vnto holy plac / but it is a great thynge to folowe the steppes of Christ in affectyon. If it be a very great thyng to haue tou∣ched the sepulcre of Christe / shall it not be also a very great thyng to haue expressed the mistery of his buryeng. Thou accusest & vtterest thy synnes to a preestConfessyon. / whiche is a man: take hede howe thou accusest & vt∣terest them before god / for to accuse them afore hym is to hate thē inwardly. Thou byleuest perchaūce all thy synnes and of∣fences to be wasshed awaye at ones with a lytell paper or parchement sealed with wexe / with a lytle money or ymages of wexe offred / with a lytle pylgrymage go∣yng. Thou arte vtterly disceyued & cleane out of the way. The wounde is receyued inwardly / the medycyne therfore must ne∣des be layde to within: thyne affectyon is corrupt / thou hast loued that whiche was worthy of hate / and hated yt which ought to haue ben beloued. Swete was to the sower / and bytter was swete. I regarde not what thou shewe outwarde: but and if cleane contrary thou shalte begynne to hate / to flye / to abhorre that whiche thou lately louedest / if y• waxe swete to thyne appetyte whiche lately had the taste of all: of this wyse at y• last I perceyue and take a token of helth. Magdalayne loued moche / & many synn{is} were forgyuen her. The more thou louest Christ / y• more thou shalte hate vyces: for y• hate of fynne folo∣weth the loue of pytie as y• shadowe folo∣weth the body. I had leuer haue the hate ones thy vycious maners within and in dede / than to defye thē before a preest ten tymes ī worde. Therfore (as I haue reher¦sed certayne thyng{is} for loue of ensāple) in the hole spectacle & syght of this vysyble worldeIn all besynes the spyryte is within. / in the olde lawe / in y• newe lawe / in all the cōmaundemētes of the churche / fynally in thy selfe & in all besynesse aper∣tayning to man without forthe / is there a certayn flessh / & within a spyrit. In which thyng{is} if we shall not make a p̄posterous ordre / neyther in thynges whiche are sene shal put very great cōfydencewhat thynges folow cheryte. / but euen as they do helpe to better thynges / and shall alwayes haue respect to ye spyrit to thing{is} of charyte: than shal we waxe not heuy as men in sorowe & payne (as those men be) not feble / euer chyldren (as it is a {pro}uerbe) not beestly and drye bones (as saythe the prophete) without lyfe / drousye and for∣getfull as men diseased of ye lethargy / not dull hauyng no quycknesse / not brawlers and scolders / not enuyous & whysperas or dackbyters / but excellent in Chryste / large in charyte / stronge and stable bothe in prosperyte and aduersyteProsperyte aduersyte / loking besyde small thynges and enforsyng vp to thyn∣ges of most profyte / full of myrthe / full al∣so of knowlege: whiche knowlege who so euer refuseth them dothe that noble lorde of all knowlege refuse. For veryly igno∣raunce or lacke of experyence / whome for the moste parte accompanyeth dulnesse of lernyng / & that gentle woman whom the grekes call Philancia / yt is to saye loue of thy selfe / only brīgeth to passe (as Esayas sayth) that we put confydēce in thyng{is} of nothing / & speake vanytes / yt we conceyue labour & bring forth iniquyte / and that we always be fearfull & vyle bonde seruaūtes vnto the cyremones of ye iewes. Of which maner persons Paule spekyng saythe / I beare thē recorde that the zele of god they haue / but not after knowlege.Chryste is the ende of the law But what knew they not? verily y• thende of the lawe is Christ / and Christ veryly is a spyrite / he is also charyte. But Esayas more playnly discrybeth the myserable and vnprofyta∣ble bondage of these men in the flesshe: Therfore saythe he my people be ledde in captiuyte bycause they had no knowlege / and the nobles of them perisshed for hun∣ger / and the moultytude of them dryed away for thurste. It is no meruayle that the comen people be seruant{is} to the lawe and princyples of this worlde / as they whiche are vnlerned / neyther haue wys∣dome more than they borow of other mē∣nes heed{is}: it is more to be meruayled that they whiche are as chefe of Christes rely∣gyon / in the same captyuyte perysshe for hunger / and wydder away for thurst. why perysshe they for hunger? Bycause they haue not lerned of Christ to breake barly loues / they only lycke rounde aboute the rough & sharpe codde or huske / they sucke out no mary or swete lycoure. And whye wydder they so awaye for thurst? for by∣cause they haue not lerned of Moyses to ette water out of the spyrituall rocke of stone / neyther haue drunke of the ryuers of the water of lyfe whiche floweth / issu∣eth / or springeth out of the bely of Christ: and that was spoken verely of the spyrit / not of the flesshe. Thou therfore my bro∣ther / leest with sorowfull laboures thou shuldest not moche p̄uayle / but that with meane exercyse myghtest shortely waxe bygge in Christe and lusty / dyligently en∣brace this rule / & crepe not alwaye on the groūde with the vncleane beestes / but al∣ways sustayned with those wyng{is} which Plato beleueth to springe euer a fresshe / through the heate of loue in the mynde of men.By the wynges of loue we must flye vp to the spyryte Lyfte vp thy selfe as it were with certayne steppes of the ladder of Iacob / from the body to the spyrit / from ye visyble worlde vnto the inuysible / from the let∣ter to the mystery / from thynges sencyble to thynges intellygible / frō thyng{is} grosse and compounde vnto thynges syngle and pure. who so euer after this maner shall approche and drawe nere to the lorde / the lorde of his parte shall agayne approche and drawe nyghe to hym. And if thou for thy parte shalte endeuoyre to aryse out of the darknesse and troubles of the sensuall powers / he wyll come agaynste the ple∣sauntly & for thy profyte / out of his lyght inaccessyble / and out of that noble scylēce incogytable:Incessable / is to vnderstonde that no man can attayne. Incogytable that can not be comprehended with mannes reason. In whiche not only all rage of sensuall powers / but also simylytudes or ymagynacions of all the intellygyble powers dothe cease and kepe scylence. ANd for as moche as in sodayn wri∣tyng / one thyng calleth another to remēbraunce / I wyll now adde the syxth rule / whiche is in a maner of kynrede to them that go before: a rule for all men as necessary vnto helthe as it is of fewe re∣garded. That rule is thus / that the mynde of hym whiche enforseth and laboureth to Christ wardeThou must va¦ry from the cōmen people / vary as moche as is pos∣syble bothe from the dedes and also opy∣nyons of the comen ley people / and that thensample of pyte be not fet of any other saue of Christe onely:The ensample of pyte. for he is the onely chefe patron / the only and chefe ensample or fourme of lyuyng / from whom who so euer wrieth one ynche or nayle brede / goth besydes the ryght pathe and rometh out of the way. wherfore Plato with grauyte veryly as he dothe many thynges in his bokes of the gouernaunce of a cyte or co∣men welthe / denyeth any man to be able to defende vertue constantly whiche hath not instructed his mynde with sure & vn∣douted opinyons of filthynesse and of ho∣nesty. But howe moche more peryllous is it if false opinyons of the thynges whiche pertayne to helthe shulde synke in to the depe botome of thy mynde. For that con∣syderacion therfore he thynketh that this thyng shulde be cared for and loked vpon chefely / that the gouernours them selfe whome it behoueth to lacke all maner of vnclenlynesse / graue in their owne myn∣des very good opinyons of thynges to be ensued & eschewed / that is to say of good and yuell / of vyces and of vertues / and that they haue thē very assured / all doute layde aparte as certayne lawes very holy and goodly: for what so euer thynge clea∣eth in the mynde surely roted with sted∣faste byleue / that euery man declareth in his maners and conuersacyon. Therfore the chefe care of christen men ought to be applyed to this poynteThe bringyng vp of chrysten mens chyldren / that their children streyght waye from the cradle / amongest the very flatterynges of the norises / why∣les the father and mother kysse thē / maye receyue and sucke vnder the handes of them whiche are lerned / opynyons and perswasyons mete and worthy of Christ: bycause that nothynge eyther synketh de∣per or cleaueth faster in the mynde than that whiche (as Fabyus saythe) in the yonge and tendre yeres is poured in. Let be a farre of from y• eares of lytle bodyes wanton songes of loue / whiche christen men synge at whom & where soeuer they ryde or go / moche more fylthy than euer the comen people of y• hethen men wolde suffre to be had in vse. Let them not here their mother wayle & wring her hand{is} for a lytle losse of worldly goodes / nor for the losse of her suster let thē here her crye out alas that euer she was borne / seyng that she is but a wretche a woman loste or cast awaye / lefte alone desolate and destytute. Let not them here their father rebukynge and vpbraydyng hym of cowarnesse whi∣che hath not recōpensed iniury or wronge with double: neyther yet laudynge them whiche haue gathered togyder great ha∣bundaūce of worldly substaunce / by what soeuer maner it were. The disposycion of man is frayle and prone to vyces / he cat∣cheth mischeuous ensample at ones: none otherwyse than thou catchest fyre if it be put to. Howe be it this selfe same thynge is to be done in euery age / that all the er∣rours of the ley people myght be plucked out agayne from the mynde by the harde rootes / and in their places myght be plan¦ted holsome opinyons / and so myght be roborate yt with no vyolence they coulde be shakē or plucked a sondre / which thing who soeuer hath done shall easely & with∣out besynesse by his owne accorde folowe vertueUertue is the knowlege of thynges to be auoyded and of thinges to be desyred and loued. / and shall accompte them that do otherwyse worthy to be lamented and pi∣tyed / & not to be counterfayte or folowed. Unto this thyng pertayneth that not vn∣discrete sayeng of Socrates (thoughe it were rebuked of Arystotle) that vertue was nothynge els but the knowlege of thinges to be ensued and folowed / and of thynges to be eschewed or fledde: not but that Socrates sawe y• difference bytwene knowlege of honesty and the loue of the same. But as Demosthenes answered pro¦nuncy aion to be the first / the seconde / and also the thyrde poynte of eloquēce / signy∣fyeng that to be y• chefe parte / in so moche that he thought eloquence to rest al togy∣ther in that thynge onely. In lykewyse Socrates disputyng with Prothagoras / proueth by argumentes knowlege in all vertue to beare suche roume / that vyces can no other whence procede than of false opinyons.Synne spryn∣geth of false opynyons. For certaynly brother bothe he that loueth Christe / & he also that loueth voluptuousnesse / many false honour doth folowe that thyng whiche is to eyther of them swere / good / and beautyfull / but the one slydeth through ignoraunce / in stede of a swete thyng enbrasyng a thynge out of measure sowre / flyeng as a sowre thing that which is swetest of all: also folowing that thyng for good and for lucre whiche is naught els but domage and losse / and fearynge that thynge for losse / whiche is chefe gaynes or aduaūtage: and iudgyng that thynge to be fayre whiche is foule / and wenyng or trowyng that to be sham∣full whiche onely is glorious and prayse∣full. In conclusyon if a man were surely and inwardly brought in byleue / and if also it were dygested in to the substaunce of his mynde as meate in to the substaūce of the body / that onely vertue were best / most swete / most fayre / moste honest / most profytable. And on the other syde fylthy∣nesse only to be an yuell thyng / a paynfull tourment or punysshment / a foule thyng / shamfull / full of domage or losse: and dyd measure these thyng{is} not by the opinyon of the comen people / but by the very na∣ture of the thynges / it coulde not be (suche perswasyon or byleue endurynge) that he shulde stycke faste and cleaue longe tyme in yuell thynges. For nowe longe ago the comen people is founde to be the moste myscheuous auctoure or capitayne bothe of lyuyng and also of iudgement:The comē peo∣ple is the worst ctor or insti∣utor of lyuyng neyther was the worlde euer in so good state and condycion / but that the worste hath plea∣sed the moste parte. Beware leest thou this wyse thynke / no man is there that dothe not this / myne elders before me haue walked in these steppes / of this op∣pynyon is suche a man / so great a phylo∣sopher / so great a diuyne. This is the cu∣stome and maner of lyuynge of kynges / this wyse lyue great men / this done bothe bysshoppes and popes / these veryly ben no comen people. Let not these great na∣mes moue the one ynche. I measure or iudge not the comen or rascall sorte by the roume / estate / or degree / but by the mynde and stomacke.Plato wylleth that we sholde ymagen a cer∣ten nombre of mē to be boūde with theyr hee¦des vpryght so that they coud not ones stirre / before them a wall / a caue at theyr backes hygher than theyr heedes / without that a fyre and that all thynges sholde come to & fro bytwene the fyre & the caues mouthe / that the shado¦wes of all thīg{is} myght appere vpon the wall before them / so shold they se no this but shado¦wes / so be the ignorāt & vnler¦ned peple boūd with the bond{is} of affections that thei neuer se the trouthe with eyes of reason. who so euer in the famous caue of Plato bounde with the bondes of their owne affectyons / wonder at the vayne ymages and shadowes of thynges in stede of very true thynges / they be the comen people. Shulde he not do prepo∣sterously or out of ordre if a man wolde go aboute to trye not the stone by the ru∣ler or squyre / but the ruler by the stone? And were it not moche more vnreasona∣ble if a man wolde go about to bowe and tourne / not the maners of men to Christ / but Christ to the lyuyng of men. Thynke it not therfore well or aright bycause that great men or bycause that the moste men do it / but this wyse onely shall it be well and ryght what so euer is done / if it agre to the rule of Christ: ye and therfore ought a thynge to be suspected bycause it plea∣seth the moste parte. It is a small flocke and euer shalbe to whom is plesaunt the symplycite or playnesse / the pouertye / the veryte of Christe. It is a small flocke ve∣ryly but a blyssed / as vnto whome dout∣lesie is due onely the kyngdome of heuen. Strayte is the way of vertue and of very iewe troden on / but none other leadeth to lyfe. To cōcludeThe flocke of goodmen is but small. / wheder doth a wise buyl¦der fetche his ensample of the most comen and vsed or of the best werke. Paynters set afore them none but the best tables or patrons of ymagerye. Our ensample is Christ / in whom onely be all rules of blys∣sed lyuing / him may we coūterfayte with¦out excepcion. But in good and vertuous men it shall be mete that thou call to en∣sample euery thynge / so farre forthe as it shall agre with y• fyrst ensample of Christ. As touchynge the comen sorte of christen men thynke thus yt they were neuer more corrupte / The comē peo¦ple of chrysten men be moost corrpe. no not amongest the gentyles / as appertaynyng to the opynions of their maners. More ouer as touchynge their faythe what opinyous they hae aduyse them. This surely is doutlesse and to be abydden by / fayth without maners wor∣thy of faythe preuayleth nothynge / in so muche also that it groweth to a heape of dampnacyon.The maner of the worlde a yes. Serche the hystories of an∣tyquite / to them compare ye maners that be nowe adayes. whan was vertue and trewe honesty more dispysed? whan was so had in price richesse goten not regarded whēce? In what worlde at any tyme was trewer yt sayeng of Horacius:Horace the pote. veryly that lady money gyueth a wyfe with dowery / credence / frendshyppe / noblenesse / noble kynne and also beautye. And agayne this sayeng of the same Horace / noblenes and vertue except a man haue good withall / is vyler than a russhe or a strawe. who re∣deth not in good ernest that byting mocke of the same poete: Oh cytezyns cytezyns / fyrst seke money / after seke vertue. whan was ryot or excesse more immoderat than nowe? whan was adultery and all other kynd{is} of vnchaste lyuyng eyther more ap∣pert in the syght of euery man / or more vn¦punisshed / or els lesse had in shame / rebuke or abhomynacion? whyle princes fauoure their owne vyces / in other men suffrynge them vnpunysshed / & euery man accomp∣teth that moste comly and beautyfull to be done what soeuer is vsed and take vp amonge courtyers. To whom semeth not pouertye extreme yuell / and vttermoste shame and rebuke?The lybert of olde tyme. In tyme paste against kepers of queenes / fylthy ygardes / glo∣ryous or gorgyous persons / louers and re¦garders of money were caste in the tethe with rebukful & slaundrous scoffyng{is} and estynges / ye with authoryte. And also in comedyes / tragydes / & other comē playes of the gentyles a great clappynge of han∣des and a showte was made for ioy of the ley people / whan vyces were craftyly and properly rebuked & checked: at the whiche same vyc{is} now a dayes beyng yuell pray∣sed there is made a showte & clappyng of handes for ioye euen of y• nobles & estates of christen men.when the mba∣sadors of kyng philyp had of fred to phosyō grete gyftes & had exhorted him to receyue them sayenge thoughe you may spare thē well ynonghe yet shall they be necessari for your chylderne to whōe it shal be harde to op¦teyne to come to suche honor as you are in / phosyō āswerd yf my children shal be like me this same pos∣sessiō shal fyd thē which hath brought me to e grete hoour yf they sholde be vnlike me / I wyll not that theyrryot be norysshed and augmented at my coste. The athenes in their co∣men house apoynted for disgysinges & en∣terludes / coulde not forbeare ne suffre a ie∣ster in playeng a certayne tragedy of Eu∣ripides / to syng ye wordes of a certayne co∣uetous man whiche p̄ferred money onely before all other cōmodytes & pleasure of mans lyfe: and they wolde playnly haue clapped out of the play / ye & violently cast out of the house the player with al y• fable except the poete by and by arysing vp had desired them to tary a lytle and beholde to what poynte that so great a wonderer at money shulde come. Howe many ensam∣ples be there in the hystories of gentyles of them whiche of the comen welthe well gouerned & mynistred / brought nothynge in to their poore housholde but an honest opinyon or reputacion: whiche set more by fidelyte than mony / by chastyte thā by lyfe / whom neyther {pro}speryte coulde make proude / wilde & wanton / neyther aduersite coulde ouercome and make heuy herted / whiche regarded honest ieoperdies & daū∣gers before voluptuousnesse & pleasures / whiche cōtented only with ye consciens of pure life / desyred neyther honours neither rychesse / nor any other cōmodytes of for∣tune. And to ouerhyp & make no rehersall of the holynesse of Phocion / of pouerty of Fabricius more excellēt than riches:Fabrici{us} was a noble man of Rome whome no man coude make to posses rychesse or ry∣ceyue gyftes or to vse crafte or fraude against his enemies in tyme of mor∣tall warre. of the stronge & coragyous mynde of Camyllus / of ye strayte & indifferēt iustyce of Brutus / of the chastyte of Pithagoras / of the tēpe¦raūce of Socrates / of the soūde & constant vertue of Cato: & a thousāde most goodly beames of al sortes of vertues whiche are red euery where in thy stories of ye lacede∣mones / of y• perces / of the athenesCamyll{us} was so constaunt of mynde that no tortune coude moue hym nor no iniury coud make hym vn∣kynde to the co¦men welthe. / & of the romaynes to our great shame verily. Ho∣ly Aureius Augustyne as he of hym selfe wytnesseth in ye cōmentaryes of his owne cōfessions / longe tyme before he put christ on hym dispysed money / coūted honours for naught / was not moued with glory / prayseBrute slew his own sonnes by cause they con¦spyred agaynst the cōen welth / or fame / & to voluptuousnesse kept the bridell so strayte that he than a yonge man was content with one lytle wenche / to whom he kept also promesse & fayth of maryage. Suche ensamples amonge cour¦tyers / amonge men of the churche:Pyctagoras was the auctor of chast lyuing I wyll also saye amongest relygyous persones shal not a man lyghtly fynde:Socrates sayd that he knewe well hym selfe to be vnlerned and he neuer laughed & yet was he mery, or els if any suche shall be / by and by he shall be poyn∣ted / wondred / or mocked at as it were an asse amonge apes / he shall be called with one voyce of al mē a dotyng foole / a grosse heed / an ypocrite in nothing expert / malē∣coly mad / & shal not be iuged to be a man. So we christen men honour the doctryne of Christ:The contynēce of saynte Au∣gustyne. so coūtrefayte we it that euery where now adayes nothing is accompted more folysshe / more vyle / more to be asha∣med of thā to be a christē mā in dede / with all the mynde & herte: as though yt eyther Christe in vayne had ben conuersaunt in erthe / or that christēdom were some other thyng nowe than in tyme past / or as it in∣dyfferently {per}tayned not to al men. I wyll therfore that thou frome these men vary with al thy mynde / and esteme the valure of euery thing by the cōmunyon or felow∣shyp of Christ onely.To be a very christen man is accompted eue¦ry where a ve∣ry vyse thynge who thynketh it not euery where to be an excellent thyng / and to be nombred amonge y• chefe of all good thynges / if a man discende of a worshyp∣full stocke and of honourable ancestours / whiche thyng they call noblenesse.The vayte of noble men. Let it not moue the one whyt whan thou herest the wyse men of this worlde / men of sad∣nesse endued with great authorite / so er∣nestly disputyng of the degrees of their ge¦nelogyes or lynage / hauyng their forheed and vpper browes drawen togyder with very gret grauyte / as it were a mater of a meruaylous diffyculte / ye & with great en¦forcement bringyng forthe playne tryfles. Nor let it moue the whan thou seest other so hygh mynded for ye noble actes of their grantfathers or great grantfathers / that thynke other in comparyson of them selfe scarse to be men: but thou laughyng at the errour of these men after ye maner of De∣mocrytusDemocrytus laughed at what soeuer thynge was do¦ne in the lyfe of mortall men: it semyd to hi so folishe a thyng shalte compte (as trewe it is in dede) that the onely & moste perfyte noble∣nesse is to be regenerate in Christ / & to be graffed and planted in the body of him / to be one body and one spyrit with god. Let other men be kyng{is} sonnes: to the let it be greatest honour that can be that thou art called / and arte so in dede / ye sonne of god.The cheefest noblenesse is to be the sonne of god. Let them stande in their owne conceytes / bycause they are daily conuersaūt in great princes courtes: chose thou rather to be with Dauid vyle abiect in ye house of god. Take hede what maner felowes Christe choseth / feble persons / fooles / vile as tou∣chynge this worlde. In Adam we all are borne of lowe degre. In Christ we are all one thyng neyther hygh ne lowe of degre one more thā another. Uery noblenesse is to dispyse this vayne noblenesse: very no∣blenesse is to be seruāt to Christ. Thynke thē to be thyne ancestours whose vertues thou bothe louest and coūtrefaytest. Also harke what the true estymer of noblenesse said in the gospell agaynst the iewes whi∣che bosted themselfe to be of the generaci∣on of Abraham: a man verily not excellent only / not ryche only / not the conquerour of kyng{is} onely / but also for his diuyne ver¦tues lauded of god hym selfe. who wolde not thynke this to be a noble thyng & wor¦thy wherof a man might reioyce? Herke yet what they herde: ye are (said Christ) of your father the dyuell / & the dedes of your father ye do.You ay se he∣re how Paule estemeth noble blodde. And here also Paule how he estymeth gentle bloode / acordynge to his maisters rule: Not al they (sayth he) whi∣che be of cyrcūcisyon of Israell be israeli∣tes / neyther all they that be of the sede of Abraham be the sonnes of Abraham. It is a low degre and shamfull to serue fylthy∣nesse / and to haue no kynred with Christ / whiche knowlegeth kynred with no man but with suche as fulfylleth y• wyll of his father in heuen. He is with moche shame a bastarde whiche hath the dyuell to his father / and veryly who so euer dothe the dedes of the dyuell hath the dyuell to his father / except Christe lyed: but the truthe can not lye. The hyghest degree that can be is to be the sonne and heyre of god / the brother and coheyre with Christe: what their badges and cognisaunces meane let them take hede.The badges of true noblenes. The badges of Christ be comen to all men / & the most honourable whiche be y• crosse / the crowne of thorne / the nayles / the spere / the signes or tokens whiche Paule reioyseth to beare in his bodye. Of noblenesse therfore thou seest howe moche otherwyse I wolde haue the to iudge and thynke than the ley people ymagyne. who calleth not hym blyssed / ryche / & happy amonge the comen people whiche hath heaped togyther at home a great deale of golde? But iudge thou hym to be blyssed ynougheRyche men be not blessed. / ye that he onely is blyssed whiche possesseth Christ / very fely¦cyte / & of all thynges the best. Iudge him happy whiche hath bought y• noble and precyous margaryte of pure mynde with the losse eyther of al his goodes or his bo∣dy also / whiche hath founde the treasour of wysdome precyouser than all rychesse / whiche to be made ryche hath bought of Christ yt is moste ryche golde purifyed and {pro}ued with fyre. what thyng{is} thā be these whiche the comen people wondreth at / as golde / p̄cious stones / lyuelode: in a wrōge name they be rycheswhat is ryches. / in ye true name they be very thornes / which choke ye sede of the worde of god / acording to ye parable of the gospell. They be packes or fardels with whiche who soeuer be ladē neyther can fo¦low poore Christ by strayte waye neyther enter by ye lowe dore into the kingdom of heuen. Thynke not thyselfe better by one heere if thou shuldest passe ī riches eyther Mydas or Cresus / but thynke thy selfe more boūde / more tangled / more ladē.Mydas & Cre∣sus were two ryche kynges. He hath habūdantly ynough that can vtter∣ly dispyse suche thynges. He is prouyded for suffyciently to whom Christ promysed nothing shulde be lackyng. He shal not be an hungred to whose mouthe manna of the worde of god semeth plesaūt. He shall not be naked which hath put Christ vpon hym.There is no dmage in the losse of ryches. Thinke this only to be a losse as oft as any thyng of godlynesse is mynisshed / & any thing of vyces is encreased. Thinke it a great lucre or aduauntage whan thy mynde through encrease of vertue is waxē better. Thynke thou lackest nothyng as longe as thou possessest hym in whom is al thyng{is}. But what is this whiche wret∣ches call plesure? surely it is nothing lesse than y• it is called. what is it than? Pure madnesse it is / and playnly (as grekes be wont to say) the laughter of Ayax / swete poyson / plesaunt mischefe.Ayax in his madnee han∣ged vp two gre¦te swyne suppo¦synge the one o haue bene Agamenō the other vlyxes his two mor∣all nemyes chā with moch laughter he ra¦ged against thē castynge many iniuryes in theyr teth / but whan he was com to his wyt¦tes agayne he kylled hym self for shame and sorow / so bicau¦se of voluptu∣ous pleasure foloweth mys∣chefe / it maye be well called the laughter of Aya. Trewe & onely pleasure is the inwarde ioy of a pure con∣science. The moste noble & deyntest dysshe that can be is the study of holy scrypture. The most delectable songes be ye psalmes endyted of the holy ghost. The most plea∣saūt felowshyp is ye cōmunyon of al sayn∣tes. The hyest deyntes of all is ye fruycion and enioyeng of the very truthe. Pourge nowe thy eyen / pourge thy eares / pourge thy mouthe / & Christ shall begyn to waxe swete & plesant to the whiche tasted ones sauerly: ye if / milesij sibarite / if all inconty¦nent ryottours & epicuryens / shortly if the vniuersyte of ymagyners and deuysers of plesures shulde heape togyder al their fla∣teryng subtyltes & deynty disshes / in com∣paryson of him only they shal seme to pro¦uoke ye to spue. That is not by & by swete whiche is sauery / but that which is saue∣ry to a hole man: if water haue the taste of wyne to hym whiche burneth in a hote fe¦uer no / man wyll call that a plesure but a disease.Melosij Siber to were people whiche lyued dylycately Epycure put felycyte in vo∣luptuousnes. Thou art disceyued if thou byleue not yt the very teeres be moche more plea∣saunt to deuout and holy men than be to wicked men laughyng{is} / mockynges / ge∣stynges or scoffynges: if thou also byleue not fasting to be sweterThat is swete whiche sauou∣reth to a hole man. to ye one thā to the other plouers / quayles / fesantes / {per}triches pyke / troute / porpas / or the fresshe strugē. And the moderate bordes of thone apoyn¦ted with herbes & frutes to be moch more delycate than the costly & disdaynful feest{is} of thother. Fynally the true plesure is / for the loue of Christe not to be ones moued with false apparaunt pleasures. Beholde nowe howe moche the worlde abuseth the names of loue and hate. whan a folysshe yonge man is clere out of his wytte and madde for a wenches sake / that the comen people calleth loue / and yet is there no ve¦ryer hate in the worlde.Folysshe loue. Trewe loue euen with his owne losse desyreth to se vnto a∣nother mans profite. whervnto loketh he saue vnto his owne pleasure / therfore he loueth not her but hymselfe: yet loueth he not hym selfe verily / for no man can loue another except he loue hym selfe fyrst / ye & except he loue hym selfe aryght. No man can hate any man atall except he first hate hym selfe. Neuerthelesse somtyme to loue well is to hate well / and to hate well is to loue well. who soeuer therfore for his lytle pleasure (as he supposeth it) layeth a wayte & gothe aboute to begyle a mayden with flateryng and gyftes / with fayre pro¦messes / to plucke from her the best thynge she hath / that is to wete her perfytnesse / her chastyte / her symplycite / her innocēcy / her good mynde / & her good name / whe∣ther semeth this man to hate or to loue? Certaynely there is no hate more cruell than is this hate / whan the folyssh father and mother fauour the vyces of their chyl¦dren:Tendernes to∣wardes theyr chylderne. the comen sayeng is / howe tenderly loue they their chyldren. But I praye the howe crewelly hate they their chyldren whiche (whyle they folowe their owne affectyons) regarde not at all the welthe of their chyldren. what other wyssheth to vs our moste hatefull enemye the dyuell / than that we here synnynge vnpunysshed shulde fall in to eternall punysshment. They cal him an easy mayster and a mer∣cyfull prince / whiche at certayne greuous offenses eyther wynke or fauoure them / that the more vnpunisshed men sinne / the more boldely & at large they might synne. But what other thynge thretneth god by his prophete to them whome he iudgeth vnworthy of his mercy: I wyll not (sayth he) vysyte their doughters whan they cō∣myt fornycacyon / nor their doughters in∣lawe whan they cōmytte adultery. Unto Dauyd what promysed he. I wyll (saythe he) with a rodde loke vpō their inyquites / and with whyppes their synnes / but I wyl not take my mercy from them. Thou seest howe all thynges are renewed in Christe / and howe the names of thynges are chaunged. who soeuer loue hym selfe otherwise thā well / hateth himselfe deed∣ly. who soeuer be yuell mercyfull towarde hym selfe is a tyrant moste cruell. To care well is not to regarde. To hurte well is to do good. To distroye well is to saue. Thou shalte care well for thy selfe if thou shalte dispyse the desyres of the flesshe / if in good maner thou shalt rage agaynst vyces / thou shalte do to the man a good tourne. If thou shalt kyll the synner thou shalte saue the man. If thou shalt distroy that man hath made / thou shalte restore that god hath made. Come of nowe and let vs go further: what thynketh the er∣roure of the people power / wyckednesse / manhode / & cowardnesse to be? Call they not hym mighty whiche can lyghtly hurt whom hym lyst: though it be a very ody∣ous power to be able to hurte / for in that are they resembled to noysome wormes and scorpyons / and to to the dyuell hym selfe / yt is to wete in doyng harme. Onely god is myghty in dede / whiche neyther can hurte if he wolde / neyther yet wolde if he coulde / for his nature is to do good. But this myghty felowe howe dothe he I beseche the hurte a man? He shall take away thy money? he shal beate thy body? he shall robbe the of thy lyfe? If he do it to hym that serueth god well / he hath done a good dede in stede of an yuell: but and if he haue done it to an yuell man / the one hath mynystred an occasyon veryly / but the other hath hurte hym selfe: for no man is hurte but of hym selfe. No man gothe aboute to hurte another except the same man hathe moche more greuously hurte hym selfe aforehande. Thou enfor∣sest to hurte me in my money or goodes. Nowe hast thou through the losse of cha∣ryte hurte thy selfe most greuously. Thou canste nat fasten a wounde in me / but if thou haue receyued a woūde moche more greuous. Thou canste not take from me the lyfe of my body / onelesse thou haue slayn thyne own soule before. But Paule whiche to doo wronge was a man very weake and feble / to suffre wronge moste valyaunt and stronge / reioyseth that he coulde do all thynge in Christe. They call hym euery wher manly and bolde whiche beyng fyerse and of impotent mynde / for the leest displeasure that can be rageth se∣theth / or boyleth in wrathe / and acquiteth a shrewde worde with a shrewde worde / a checke with a checke / one yuel turne with another. On the other syde who so euer whan he hath receyued wronge maketh nothing a do / but dissymuleth as no suche thing were done / him thy call a cowarde / a dastarde hertlesse mete for nothynge: ye but what is more cōtrary to ye greatnesse of the mynde than with a lytell worde to be put asyde from the quyet and constācy of the spyrite / and to be so vnable to set at naught another mans folysshnesse / that thou shuldest thinke thyselfe to be no man except thou shuldest ouercome one shreude tourne with another. But howe moche more manfull is it with / an excellent and large mynde to be able to dispyse al maner iniuryes / and more ouer for an yuell dede to recompence a good? I wolde not call hym a bolde man whiche durste ieoparde on his enemy / whiche scale castell or town walles / whiche (his lyfe not regarded) put teth hym selfe in all maner ieoperdyes / a thing comen almost to al warryours / but who so euer coulde ouercome his owne mynde / who soeuer coulde wyll thē good whiche dothe hym harme / praye for them whiche curse him. To this man is due the propre name of a bolde and stronge man and of excellent mynde.A bolde man and a stronge in dede. Lette vs also discusse another thyng / what the worlde cal∣leth prayse / rebuke / and shame. Thou art praysed / for what cause and of whome?nie prayse. for fylthy thynges and of fylthy persons / this veryly is a false prayse and a trewe re¦buke. Thou art dispraysed / thou art moc∣ked or laughed at / for what cause and of whom? for godlynesse & innocency / & that of yuell men: this is not a rebuke / no ther is no trewer prayse. Be it y• all the worlde repreue / refuse / & disalowe it / yet can it not be but glorious & of great prayse y• Christ approueth. And though what soeuer is in the worlde agre / consent / & alowe / cryeng with a shoute y• is a noble dede / yet can it not be but shamfull that displeaseth god. They call wysdomewysdome of the worlde. euery where to gette good stoutly / whan it is goten to mayn∣tayne it lustely / & to prouyde longe before for ye tyme to come: for so we here thē saye euerywher & in good ernest of thē whiche in shorte tyme gate substaunce somwhat habundantly / he is a thrifty man / ware and wise / cyrcumspect & prouydent. Thus saythe the worlde whiche is bothe a lyer hym selfe and also his father. But what saythe veryte: Foole saythe he / I wyll fet agayne this nyght thy soule from the. He had fylled his barnes with corne / he siufed his store houses with prouy∣syon of all vytayles / and had layde vp at home haoundauntly of money ynough: he thought nothynge was to be doone more. Thus had he doone / not bycause he entended as a nedy keper to sytte a∣brode on his rychesse heaped togyther / as the poetes fayne the dragon to haue kept the golden flece (whiche thing men do al∣most euerywhere) but he enteded to haue spente ioyously / & yet dothe y• gospell call this mā a foole. For what is more folissh / what is more grosse ymaginacion or more fondnesse than to gape at the snadowes and lose the very thinges / a thing whiche we be wonte to laughe at in the famous dogge of ysope:whyle we gape at snadowes we lose the ve∣ry thynges / as the dogge of ysope whiche whil he gaped at the shadow lost his bone in the water. and in the maners of chri∣sten men is it not more to be laughed at / or rather to be wept at. He may be comp∣ted a rude and vnexperte merchaunt that knewe not this sayeng of Therence: To refuse money at a seasone is somtyme a great aduauntage / or who so euer wolde receyue a lytle aduaūtage in hande whan he knewe great losse shulde folowe. How moche more folysshnesse and vnaduysed∣nesse is it to make {pro}uysion with so great care for this presente lyfe whiche is but a shadow / euery hour redy to fayle: namely whā god (if we byleue y• gospel) wyll mi∣nyster althing necessary for this lyfe / if we haue confydence in hym / & for the lyfe to come to make no prouysion atall whiche we must lede away full of mysery & wret∣chydnesse / if {pro}uisyon be not made nowe a forhāde with great dyligēce. Here another errour / they cal him perelesse polityke & in all thyng{is} expert / whiche herknyng for all maner tydyngesTo herken for tydynges out of all contryes is rebuked. knoweth what is done throughout all the worlde / what is the chaunce of merchaundyse / what the kyng of Englande entendeth / what newe thyng is doone at Rome / what is chaunsed in Fraūce / howe the danes & the sytes lyue / what maters great prynces haue in coun¦seyle: to make an ende shortly / who euer can babble with all kyndes of men of all maner busynes / hym they say to be wyse. But what can be farder from the thought of a wise mā / or nere to y• nature of a foole than to serche for those thynges which be done aferre of & {per}teyne to the nothyng at al / & not so moch as ones veryly to thinke on those thyng{is} whiche are done in thyne owne brest & perteyne to the onely. Thou tellest me of the trouble & busynes of eng∣land / tell me rather what trouble maketh in thy brest / wrath / enuy / bodyly lust / am∣bycyon / how nygh these be brought in to subiection / what hope is of victory / how moche of this hoost is put to flyght / how reason is decked or appoynted. In these thyng{is} yf thou shalt be watchyng & haue a quycke eare & also an eye / yf thou shalte smell / yf thou shalt be circūspecte / I wyll call the polytyke & peerles: & that thynge whiche the world is wont to cast agaynst vs / I wyll horle agayne at hym: he is not wise at al / which is not wise for his owne {pro}fyte. After this maner yf thou shalt exa∣myne all the cares of mortall men / theyr ioyes hopes feares studyes / theyr myndes or iudgemētes / thou shalt fynde all thyng full of errour whyle they call good euyl / & euyll good / whyle they make swete soure and soure swete: make light darknes / and darknes lyght. And this sort of men is the more parte by a great deale. Notwithstā∣dyng thou must euen at ones bothe defye them and set no store of them / leest thou sholdest be mynded to be lyke them: and also pite them so that thou woldest fayne haue them lyke vnto the. And to vse the wordes of saynt Augustyn: than is it mete bothe to wepe for them whiche are wor∣thy to be laughed at / & to laugh at them which are worthy to be wepte for. Be not in euyll thyng{is} cōfirmable to this worlde but be reformed in the newe wytte / that thou mayst approue not tho thyng{is} whi∣che men wonder at / but what is the wyll of god / whiche is good / well pleasynge & {per}fyte. Thou art very nygh ieopardy & no doute fallest sodeynly from the true waye yf thou shalte begyn to loke aboute the what y• moste parte of men do / & to herken what they thynke or ymagyn: but suffre thou whiche art the chylde of lyfe and of lyght also that deed men bury theyr deed bodies: & let the blynde capteyns of blynde men go away togyder in to the dyche: se thou ones moue not the eyes of thy herte any whether from the fyrst patron & chefe ensample of Chryste. Thou shalte not go out of the waye / yf thou folowe the guy∣dynge of verite. Thou shalte not stumble in darknes / yf thou walke after lyght / the lyght shynynge before the:Eurypus is a certayne place in the ee wher the flood chasi∣geth seuen ty∣mes in a day & as ofte a night so that no shyp cā sayle agaist the streme. yf thou shalte separate coloured good thinges / frō good thyng{is} in dede: and euyll thynges in dede from apparaunt euyll thynges thou shalt abhorre and not coūterfeyte the blyndnes of the cōmune people ragynge & chafynge them selfe after the maner of the ebbynge and flowyng of the see at the moste vayne illusyons and worldly thynges / with cer∣teyn cortesyes of affections of wrathe / en∣uye / loue / hate / hope / feare / ioye / sorowe / ragyng more vnquietly than any Eurip{us}.Bragmanyes were people of a certayne Ile in Indea with whom al thi{is} were comune & they lyued per fly despisyng riches possessi∣ons & all world¦ly thynges. The Bragmanyes / Cynikes / Stoikes be wonte to defende theyr pryncyples styfly with tothe & nayle: & euen the hole worlde repugnynge / all men cryenge & barkynge agaynst them / yet holde they styfly thar thynge whervnto they ones haue gyuen sure credence. Be thou bolde lykewyse to fasten surely in thy mynde the decrees of thy secte.Cinikes be the folowers of y genes the ph∣losopher which chorlishly chec¦keth the vyces of men. Be bolde without mystrust / and with all that thou canst make to folowe the mynde of thyne authour / departynge from all contrary opynyons & sectes. LEt this excellent lernyng and para∣doxes of the true chrysten fayth be sure and stedfast with the / that no christen man may thynke that he is borne for him selfe: neyther ought to haue the mynde to lyue to himselfe: but what so euer he hath what so euer he is / that all togyther lette hym ascribe not to hym self / but vnto god the authour therof / & of whome it came / all his goodes let hym thynke to be com∣mune to all men.A chrysten mā is not borne for hym selfe eyther to fo∣lowe his owne pleasure. The charite of a christen man knoweth no properte: let hym loue good men in Chryst / euyll men for Chry∣stes sake / whiche so loued vs fyrst whan we were yet his ennemyes / that he besto∣wed hymselfe on vs all togyder for our re¦dempcyon: let hym enbrace the one by∣cause they be good: the other neuertheles to make them good: he shall hate no man at all / no more veryly than a faithful phi∣sicyan hateth a sycke man: let hym be an ennemy onely vnto vices: the greater the disease is / the greater cure wyll pure cha∣rite put therto: he is an adulter / he hath cōmytted sacrilege / he is a turke: let a chri¦sten man desye the adulter / not the man: let hym despyse the cōmytter of sacrilege / not the man:we must desye abhorre the vices / but not the man. let hym kyll the turlie / not the man: let hym fynde the meanes that the euyll man perysshe suche as he hathe made hym selfe to be / but let the man be saued whom god made: let hym wyll well wysshe well / and do well to all men vn∣faynedly: neyther hurte them whiche ha∣ue deserued it / but do good to them whi∣che haue not deserued it: let hym be glad of all mens cōmodytees as well as of his owne / & also be sory for all mens harmes none otherwyse than for his owne. For veryly this is that whiche thapostle com∣maūdeth: to wepe with them that wepe / to ioye with them that ioyen / yea let hym rather take an other mans harme greuou¦ser thā his owne: & of his brothers welthe be gladder than of his owne. It is not a christe mans parte to thynke on this wise what haue I to do with this felowe / I knowe not whether he be blacke or white he is vnknowen to me / he is a straūger to me / he neuer dyd ought for me / he hathe hurt me somtyme / but dyd me neuer good Thynke none of these thinges: remembre onely for what beseruyng can those thyn∣ges whiche Chryst hath done / for y• which wolde his kyndnes done to the / sholde be recompensed / not in hym selfe / but in thy neyghbour. Onely se of what thynges he hath nede / & what thou art able to do for hym. Thynke this thynge onely / he is my brother in our lorde coheyre in Chryste / a membre of the same body / redemed with one blode / a felowe in y• cōmune fayth / cal¦led vnto y• very same grace & felicite of the lyfe to cōme / euen as the apostle sayd one body and one spiryt as ye be called in one hope of your callyng one lorde & one faith one baptisme / one god / & father of al whi∣che is aboue all & euerywhere / & in all vs / how can he be a straūger to whome thou art coupled with so many folde bondes of vnite? Among the gentyles let those circū¦staunces of rethoricyens be of no lytel va∣lure & weyght / eyther vnto beniuolence or vnto maliuolēce / he is a citezī of y• same ci∣te / he is of aliaūce / he is my cosin / he is my familiar frende / he is my fathers frende / he hath wel deserued / he is kynde / borne of an honest stock / riche or otherwise. In Christ all these thynges eyther be nothyng / or af¦ter the mynde of Paule be al one / & the ve¦ry selfe same thynge: let this be euer p̄sent before thyne eyes / & let this suffyse the / he is my flesshe / he is my brother in Chryste. what soeuer is bestowed vpon any mēbre reboūdeth it not to all y• body / & frō thens in to the heed? we al be membres eche one of an other / mēbres cleuyng togyder make a body. The heed of y• body is Iesu Christ the heed of Christ is god. It is done to the it is done to euery one / it is done to Christ it is done to god: what so euer is done to any one membre which so euer it be / whe∣ther it be well done or euyll: Alle these thynges are one / God / Chryst / the body / and the membres / that sayinge hathe no place iōuenyently amonge chrysten men / lyke with lyke. And the other sayinge dy∣uersite is mother of hate: for vnto what purpose perteynen wordes of discencyon wher so great vnite is / it sauoureth not of chrysten fayth that cōmunly a courtyer to at owne dweller: one of the countree to ar inhabyter of the cite: a man of hygh degree / to an other of lowe degree: an of∣fycer / to hym that is offycelesse: the ryche to the poore: a man of honour / to a vyle {per}soe: the myghty to the weyke: the ita∣lyen to the germayne: the frensshe man to the englysshman: the englysshe to ye scotte: the gramaryen to the dyuyne: the logycy∣ne to the gramaryen: the phisician to the man of lawe: the lerned to the vnlerned: the eloquent to hym that is not facounde and lacketh vtteraunce: the syngle to the maryed: the yonge to the olde: the clarke to the laye man: the preest to the monke: the Carmelytes to the Iacobytes: & that (leest I reherse all dyuersytees) in a very tryfle vnlyke to vnlyke / is somwhat par∣cial & vnkynde: where is charite which lo∣ueth euen his ennemy: whā the surname chaunged / whan the colour of the vesture a lytel altered / whā the gyrdle or the shoo and lyke fantasies of men make me hated vnto the?Charyte is not in them which hate another man bycause his vesture or garmente is a lytell altered and chaunged. why rather leaue we not these childysshe tryfles / & accustome to haue be∣fore our eyes that whiche {per}teyneth to the very thyng: wherof Paule warneth vs in many plac{is} / that al we in Chryst our heed be membres of one body / endued with life by one spiryte (yf so be we lyue in hym) so that we sholde neyther enuy the hapyer mēbres / & sholde gladly socour & ayde the weyke membres: that we myght {per}ceiue y• we our selfe haue receyued a good tune / whan we haue done any benefyte to our neyghbour: & that we our selfe be hurte / whan hurte is done to our brother / & that we myght vnderstande how no mā ouht to study pryuately for hymselfe / but eury man for his owne parte sholde bestowe in cōmune that thing whiche he hath recy∣ued of god / that all thyng{is} myght redoūde & reboūde thyder agayne / frō whens they spronge / that is to wyte / frō ye heed.Let euery mā bestowe in co∣men what so∣euer he recey∣ued of god. This veryly is the thynge whiche Paule wry∣teth to the Corynthes / saying. As y• body is one & hath many mēbres / & all the mem¦bres of the body though they be many / yet be they but one body. Euen so lykewise is Chryst / for in one spiryt we be all baptised to make one body / whether we be iewes or gentyles / whether we be bonde or free / and all we haue dronke of one spiryte (for the body sayth Paule) is not one membre but many: yf the fote shall say / I am not y• hand / I am not of the body: is he therfore not of the body? yf the eare shall say / I am not the eye / I am not of ye body: is he ther¦fore not of the body? yf all the body sholde be the eye / where is than the hearynge: yf all the body were y• hearyng / where than shold be the smellyng. But now god hath put the membres euery one of them in the body / as it pleased hym: for yf all were but one mēbre / where were y• body: but now veryly ben there many membres / yet but one body. The eye can not say to the hand I haue no nede of thy helpe / or agayn the heed to the fete / ye be not to me necessary: but those mēbres of the body whiche seme to be y• weyker are moche more necessary: & to those whiche we thynke to be the vi∣ler membres of the body we gyue more ha¦boundaunt honour: & those whiche be our vnhonest mēbres haue more haboūdaunt honesty / for our honest mēbres haue nede of nothyng. But god hath tempered & or∣dred the body / gyuyng plenteous honour to that parte whiche lacked / bicause there shold be no diuision / debate or stryfe in the body / but that the mēbres sholde care one for an other indifferently. But it is ye whi¦che are the body of Chryst & membres one dependynge of an other. He wryteth lyke thyng{is} to the Romayns / saying in one bo¦dy we haue many membres / & all mēbres haue not one offyce. Euen so we beynge many are but one body in Chryst:Euery membre hath his ∣pacyon necessa¦rye to the pro∣fite of the soule but syn gularly we be mēbres eche one of another hauing gyftes dyuers after the grace whi¦che is giuen to vs. And agayn to ye Ephe. workyng verite (saith he) in charite / let vs in al maner thyng{is} growe in hym whiche is the heed / y• is to wyte Chryst in whome all the body cōpacte & knyt by euery ioynt wherby one parte mynystreth to another accordyng to the operacion & vertue whi∣che spryngeth of the heed & capacite of eue¦ry membre / in receyuynge maketh the en∣crease of the body for the edifyeng of hym self in charite. And in another place he bid¦deth euery mā to beare one anothers bur∣den / bicause we be mēbres one of another. Loke than whether they {per}teyn vnto this body whome thou hearest spekyng euery where after this maner / it is my good / it came to me by inheritaūce / I possesse it by ryght & not by fraude / why shall not I vse it and abuse it after myne owne mynde / why sholde I gyue them of it any deale at all to whome I owe nothyng / I spyll / I waste / I destroye / that whiche peryssheth is myne owne / it maketh no mater to o∣ther men. Thy membre complayneth and grenneth for hunger / and thou spewest vp partryges. Thy naked brogher shyuereth for colde / & with the so great plenty of ray mēt is corrupte with mothes & long lyeng One nyghtes dicing hath lost the a thou∣sande peces of golde / whyle in the meane season some wretched wenche (nede com∣pellynge her) hath set forth her chastite to sell / & is becōme a cōmune harlot / & thus peryssheth ye soule for whome Christ hath bestowed his lyf. Thou sayst agayn: what is that to me / I entreate y• which is myne owne after myne owne fascion: & after all this with this so corrupte mynde thynkest thou thy selfe to be a chrystē man / whiche art not ones a man veryly? Thou hearest in the presence of a greate multytude the good name or fame of this or y• man to be hurt / thou holdest thy peace / or {per}aduēture reioysest & art well cōtent with y• backby∣ter. Thou sayst I wolde haue reproued hī yf those thinges whiche were spoken had {per}teyned to me / but I haue nothynge ado with hym whiche was there sclaundered. Than to conclude / thou hast nothynge ado with the body / yf thou haue nothyng ado with the membre / neyther hast thou ought ado with the heed / veryly yf y• body nothynge a{per}teyne to the. A man (say they now a dayes) with violence may defende & put abacke violēce? what the Emperours lawes {per}niyt I passe not theron. This I meruaile how these boyces came in to the maners of chrysten men / I hurt hym / but I was {pro}uoked / I had leuer hurt than be hurt. Be it mans lawes punisshe not that which they haue {per}mytted. But what wyl the Emperour Chryste do / yf thou begyle his lawe whiche is wryten in Mathewe. I cōmaunde you (sayth Chryst there) not ones to withstāde harme:Desyre not vengeasice. but yf a mā shall gyue the a blowe on the ryght cheke / offre to him also ye other. And who so euer wyll stryue with the in the lawe / & take frō the thy cote / yelde vp to hym also thy cloke or mātell. And who so euer shall compell the to go with hī one myle / go with hī two mo other. Loue your enemyes / & do good to them whiche hate you / & pray for them which {per}secute you & pyke maters agaynst you / that ye may be ye sones of your father which is in heuen / which maketh ye sonne to ryse vpon good & euyll / & sendeth rayne vpon iust and iniust. Thou answerest / he spake not this to me / he spake it to his a∣postles / he spake it to {per}fyte {per}sons. Herdest thou not how he sayd that ye may be the sones of your father: yf thou care not to be the sone of god / that lawe {per}teineth not to the.This is spokē to all chrysten men. Neuerthelesse he is not good veryly whiche wolde not be {per}fyte. Harke also an other thynge: yf thou desyre no rewarde / the cōmaūdemēt belongeth not to the: for it foloweth. If ye loue them whiche loue you / what rewarde shall ye haue: as who shold say none: for veryly / to do these thin∣ges (yt is to saye / to loue them that loueth the) is not vertue: but not to do it / is an euyll thynge: there is dette of neyther syde where is iust recōpence made of bothe sy∣des. Here Paule bothe a great wyse man & conuynge & an interpretour also of Chri¦stes lawe. Blesse (sayth he) them yt {per}secute you / blesse them / & curse them in no wyse / rendrynge to no man euyll for euyll / yf it may be almoche as in you is / hauyng rest & peace with all men / not defendyng your selfe my best beloued bretherne / but gyue place & withstande ye not wrathe: for it is writen. Uengeaūce shal be reserued to me & I wyll quyte them sayth our lorde. But yf thyne ennemy shall be hungry / gyue to hym meate: yf he be athurst / gyue to hym drynke: for yf thou do this / thou shalt hepe coles of fyre vpon his heed / that is to say / thou shalt make hym to loue feruētly. Be not ouercōme of euyll / but ouer cōme euyl in goodnes. what shall than folowe sayst thou / yf I shal with my softnes nourysshe vp the knappyshnes or malyce & frowarde audacite of an other man / & in suffyng an olde iniury prouoke a newe? If thou can without thyne owne euyll eyther auoyde or put by euyll / no man forbyddeth the to do it: but yf not / loke thou say not it is bet∣ter to do thā to suffre.To a chrysten man / it is bet to suffre than to doo. Amende thyne enne my yf thou can / eyther ladynge hym with benefites / or ouercōmyng him with meke∣nes: yf that helpe not / it is better that the one perysshe thā bothe: it is better yt thou waxe ryche with the lucre & aduaūtage of pacyence than that whyle eyther to other rendreth euyll / bothe be made euyll. Let this therfore be a decree amonge chrysten menThe decree of chrysten men. / to compare with all men in loue / in mekenes & in benefytes / or doynge good: but in siryuyng hate or backbytyng / in re∣bukes & iniury / to gyue place euē to them that be of lowest degre / & that with good wyll. But he is vnworthy to whome a good turne sholde be done / or an euyl for∣gyuen / yet is it mete for the to do it / and Chryst is worthy for whose sake it is done I wyll neyther (saye they) hurte any man neyther suffre my self to be hurt: yet whan thou art hurt / se thou forgyue the trespace with all thy herte / prouydynge alwayes that nothynge be whiche any man sholde remytte or forgyue vnto the. Be as ware & diligent in auoydynge that none offence or trespace procede from the / as thou art easy and redy to remytte an other mans.Offences must be forgyuen. The greater man thou art / so moche the more submytte thy selfe / that thou in cha∣rite aplly thy self to al men. If thou cōme of a noble stock / maners worthy of Chryst shall not dishonour / but honour ye noble∣nes of thy byrth.A gentylman. If thou be cōnyng & wel lerned / so moche the more soberly suffre & amende the ignoraūce of ye vnlerned.A cōnyng man. The more is cōmytted & lent to ye / the more art thou bounde to thy brother.A ryche man. Thou art ry∣che / remēbre thou art the dispēser / not the lorde: take hede circūspectly how thou en∣treatest the cōmune good. Byleuest thou that {pro}prete or īpropriacyon was {pro}hybyte & voluntary pouerte emoyned to monkes onely?Pouerte is not emoyned to monstes onely. Thou art deceyued / bothe {per}teyne indifferētly to all chrysten men. The lawe punissheth y• yf thou take away any thing of an other mans: it punissheth not if thou withdrawe thyne owne frō thy nedy bro∣ther: but Chryst wyl punysh both. yf thou be an offycer / let not the honour make the more fyerse / but let the charge make the more diligent & fuller of care. I beare not (sayst thou) no offyce of the chyrche / I am not a shepherd or a bysshop. Let vs graūt you that / but also art thou not a chrysten man / consyder thou of whens thou art / yf thou be not of y• chyrche. So gretly Chryst is cōmen in to contempte to the worlde / that they thynke it a goodly and excellēt thynge to haue nothyng to do with hym: & that so moche the more euery mā sholde be despysed the more coupled he were to hym. Hearest thou not dayly of the lay {per}∣sones in theyr fury the names of a clarke / of a preest / of a monke / to be cast in our te∣thes / in stede of a sharpe and cruell rebuke saying thou clarke / thou preest / thou mon¦ke / that thou art: & y• is done / vtterly with none other mynde / with none other voyce or {pro}nouncynge / than yf they sholde cast in our tethes incest or sacrilege.Incest is to me dell with theyr owne kynne I verily mer¦nayle why they also cast not in our tethes baptym / why also obiect they not agaynst vs with the sarazyns the name of Chryst as an obprobrious thyng.Sacrylege is to violate per∣sones sacred to god / or to rob churches. If they sayd an euyl clarke / an vnworthy preest / or an vn∣religyous monke / in y• they myght be suf∣fred as men which note the maners of the {per}sones / & not despyse the {pro}fessyon of ver∣tue. But who so euer counteth prayse in them self the deflouryng of virgyns / good taken away in warre / money eyther won or lost at dyce or other chaunce / and haue nothing to lay against another man more spytefull or obprobrious or more to be a∣shamed of / than the names of a monke or a preest. Certaynly it is easy to coniecture what these / in name onely christen men iudge of Christ. There is not one lorde of the bysshops and another of the tempo∣rall offycers / but bothe be vnder one / and to the same bothe muste gyue accomptes: If thou toke any otherwhere saue vnto hym onely / eyther whan thou receyuest thoffye or whan thou mynistrest it / it ma¦keth no mater though the worlde call the not a symonyake / he surely wyll punysshe the as a symonyake.A symonyake. If thou labour and make meanes to obtayne a comen offyce / not to profite in comen / but to prouyde for thyne owne welthe priuatly / and to ad∣uenge thy selfe of them to whome thou owest a grudge / thy office is bribery or ro∣bery afore god. Thou hūtest after theues not that he shulde receyue his owne that is robbed / but leest it shulde not be with the whiche is with y• theues. How moche difference I pray the is there bytwene the theues & the / excepte peraduenture yt they be the robbers of merchaūtes / & thou the robber of robbours.A prety note for shrenes other offyce. In conclusyon except thou beare thyne offyce with this mynde / that thou be redy / & that with the losse I wyll not say of thy goodes / but of thy lyfe to defende that whiche is ryght / Christe wyll not approue thy adminystracyon. I wyll adde also another thyng of ye mynde or iudgemēt of Plato: No man is worthy of an offyce whiche is gladly in an offyce. If thou be a prince / beware leest these pe∣rylous wytches the voyces of flaterers do enchaunt or bewytche the.He is worthy to be an officer whiche is in offyce agaynst his wyll. Thou arte a lorde / ouer the lawes thou arte fre / what soeuer thou doest is honest / to the is lau∣full what soeuer thou lyst. Those thinges pertayne not to the whiche are preached dayly of preestes to the comen people: ye but thynke thou rather whiche is trewe / that there is one mayster ouer all men / and he is Christe Iesus / to whome thou oughtest to be as lyke as is possyble / to whom thou oughtest to confyrme thyselfe in all thynges / as vnto hym certaynely whose authorite or roume thou bearest.Chryst is lorde bothe of laye men & also of preestes. No man ought to folowe his doctryne more straytely than thou / of whome he wyl aske accomptes more straytly than of other. Thynke not streyghtwaye that to be ryght that thou wylte / but onely wyll thou whiche is ryght. what so euer maye be fylthy to any man in the worlde / se that thou thynke not that an honest thynge to the / but se thou in no wyse permytte to thy selfe any thynge whiche is vsed to be forgyuen and pardoned amonge the co∣men sorte.Desyrē but that which∣is ryght. That whiche in other men is but a small trespace / thynke in thy selfe to be a great outrage or excesse. Lette not thy rychesse greater than the comen peo∣ples bringe vnto the honoure / reuerence / and dignyte / fauoure / and authorite: but lette thy maners better than the comen peoples vtterly deserue them. Suffre not the commen people to wonder at those thynges in the / wherwith are prouoked and entised the very same mischeuous de∣des whiche thou punysshest dayly.The honesty of good ma∣ners. Take away this wondryng & prayse of rychesse / & where be theues / where be oppressours of the comen welthe / where be cōmytters of sacrylege / where be errāt theues & rob∣bers or reuers: take away wōdring at vo∣luptuousnes / & wher be rauysshers of wo¦men / where be adulters. As often as thou wylt apere sōwhat acordyng after thy de∣gre amōge thy frendes & subiectes or them ouer whom thou bearest offyce / roume or authorite / set not opē thy ryches & tresure to ye eyen of folysshe persons. whan thou wilt seme somwhat welthy / shewe not in bost the ryottous example of expence and boluptuousnesse. First of al let them lerne in the to dispyse suche thynges / let them lerne to honoure vertue to haue measure in pryce / to reioyce in temperaūce / to gyue honour to sobre lowlynesse or mekenesse. Let none of those thynges be sene in thy maners and conuersacyon / whiche thyne authorite punyssheth in the maners and conuersacyon of the people. Thou shalte banysshe yuell dedes in the beste wyse / if men shall not se tychesse and voluptuous∣nesse / the mater and groūde of yuell dedes to be magnyfyed in the. Thou shalte not dispyse in cōparyson of thy selfe any man / no not the vylest of the lowest degree / for comen and indyfferent is the price wher∣with ye bothe were redemed. Let not the noyse of ambycion / neyther fiersnesse / ney¦ther wepons / nor men of the garde defēde the from cōtempt but purenesse of lyuyng grauyte / maners vncorrupte and sounde from al maner vyces of the comen people. Nothyng forbyddeth (in bearyng rule) to kepe ye chefe roume / & yet in charyte to dis∣cerne no roume.The rule of chrysten prynces. Thynke bearīg of roume or rule to be this / not to excell & go before other men in habundaūce of rychesse / but to profyte al men as moche as is possyble. Tourne not to thyne owne profyte thyn∣ges whiche are comen / but bestowe those thynges whiche be thyne owne / & thyne owne selfe all togyther vpon the comen welthe. The comen people oweth very many thynges to the / but thou owest all thynges to them. Though thyne eares be compelled to suffre names of ambycion / as moste myghty / moste christened / holy∣nesse / & maiesty / yet let thy mynde not be a knowen of thē / but referre al these thing{is} vnto Christ to whom only they agre. Let the cryme of treson agaynst thyne own {per}∣son (whiche other with great word{is} make an haynous offēce) be counted of y• a very tryfle.The maieste of a Prynce. He vyolateth the maiesty of a prīce in dede / whiche in the princes name dothe any thyng cruelly / vyolētly / mischeuously contrary to ryght. Let no mannes iniury moue the lesse than y• whiche pertayneth to the priuatly: remembre thou arte a pu∣blyke person / and that thou oughtest not to thynke but of comen maters. If thou haue any corage with the and redynesse of wytte / consydre with thy selfe not howe great a man thou arte / but howe great a charge thou bearest on thy backe: and the more in ieoperdy thou arte so moche the lesse fauour thyselfe / fetchyng ensample of mynistryng thyne offyce not of thy prede∣cessours or els of flaterers / but of Christe:The maer & forme of beryn¦ge rule must be set of chryste. for what is more vnreasonable than that a christen prince shulde set before hym for an ensample Hanyball / great Alexandre / Cesar / or Pompey / in ye whiche same per∣sons whan he can not attayne some cer∣tayne vertues / he shall counterfayte those thynges moste chefely whiche onely were to be refused and auoyded. Let it not forth withall be taken for an ensample if Cesar haue done any thyng lauded in histories / but if he haue done any thyng whiche va∣ryeth not from the doctryne of our lorde Iesu Christ / or be suche that though it be not worthy to be coūtrefayted yet may it be applyed to the study or exercyse of ver∣tue. Let not an hole empyre be of so great valure to the that thou wollest wetyngly ones bowe from the ryght: put of that rather than thou shuldest put of Christe. Doute not Christ hath to make the amen¦des for thempyre refused / ferre better than the empyre.what is comly for prynces. Nothing is so comly / so excel∣lent / so glorious vnto kynges as to drawe as nygh as is possyble vnto the simylitude of the hyest kyng Iesu / whiche as he was the greatest so was he also the best.Chryst is the gretest / he is also the best. But that he was the greatest that dissymuled he and hydde secrete here in erthe: that he was the best / that had he leuer we shulde perceyue and fele / bycause he had leauer we shulde countrefayte that. He denyed his kyngdome to be of this worlde / whan he was lorde of heuen and erthe also. But the princes of the gentyles vse domynion vpon them. A christen man exercyseth no power ouer his but charyte / & he whiche is the chefest thynketh hymselfe to be my∣nyster vnto all men / not mayster or lorde. wherfore I meruayle y• more a great dele howe these ambycyous namesThe clergy is touched of am¦bycyō & vayne tytelles of names. of power and domynyon were brought in / euen vn¦to the very popes and bysshops / and that our diuynes be not ashamed no lesse vn∣discretly than ambyciously to be called e∣uerywhere our maysters / whā Christ for∣bade his discyples that they shulde not suf∣fre to be called eyther lordes or maysters: for we must remēbre that one is in heuen both lorde & mayster Christ Iesus / whiche is also heed vnto vs al. Apostle / a sheparde a bysshop / be names of offyce or seruyce / The names of offyce. not of domynion & rule: A pope / an abbot be names of loue / not of power. But why entre I in to ye great see of the cōmune er∣rours? vnto what soeuer kynde of men he shal turne himselfe / a very spūall mā shall se many thing{is} whiche he may laugh at / & mo whiche he ought to wepe at / he shall se very many opynyons to farre corrupte and varyeng from the doctryne of Christe bothe farre & wyde: of the whiche a great parte springeth there hence / that we haue brought euen into christendom a certayne worlde / and that whiche is redde of the worlde amonge the olde diuynes / men of small lernyng nowe adayes referre to thē whiche be not monkes. The worlde in the gospell with the apostels / with saynt Au∣gustyne / Ambrose / and Hierome be called infydels straungers from the faythe / the enemyes of the crosse of Christe. Blasfe∣mers of god / they that are suche care for to morow and for the tyme to come / for who soeuer mistrusteth Christe neyther byleue on hym: they be they whiche fyght and stryue for richesse / for rule / for worldly ple∣sure as men whiche blynded with delyces of sencyble thynges / set their myndes and hole affectyons vpon apparēt good thyn∣ges / in stede of very good thynges. This worlde hath not knowen Christ the very and trewe lyght. This worlde is altogy∣ther set on myschefe / loueth hym selfe / ly∣ueth to hym selfe / studyeth for hym selfe and for his owne pleasure / & all for lacke he hath not put vpon hym Christ whiche is very & true charyte. From this worlde separated Christe not his apostels onely / but all men who soeuer and as many as he iudged worthy of him. After what ma∣ner than and fassyon I praye you do we myngle with christēdom this worlde eue∣ry where in holy scrypture condempned? and with the vayne name of the worlde fauour / flatter / and mayntayne our owne vyces. Many doctours and teachers aug∣ment this pestylence / whiche corruptyng the worde of god (as Paule saythe) wre∣sten and fassyonen his holy scrypture ac∣cording to ye maners of euery tyme / whan it were more cōuenyent that the maners shulde be adressed & amended by the rule of his scrypture. And no myscheuouser kynde of flatterynge veryly is there / than whan with the wordes of the gospell and of the {pro}phtes we flatter y• diseases of the mynde and cure thē not. A prince hereth al power is of god:All power is of god. forthwith (as ye prouerbe sayth) his combe ryseth. why hath the scrypture made the hygh or swellyng in mynde ra∣ther than circumspecte & carefull. Thyn∣kest thou that god hath cōmytted to the an empyre to be gouerned / and thynkest thou not that the same wyl requyre of the a strayte rekenyng of the ordringe therof? The couetous man hereth it to be forbyd vnto christen men to haue two cotesThou shalt not haue two cotes. at ones. The diuyne interpreteth the seconde cote to be what soeuer shulde be superflu∣ous & more than ynough for the necessyre of nature / & shulde apertayne to the disease of couetousnesse: that is very well (saythe the grosse felowe) for I yet lacke very ma∣ny thynges. The naturall wyse man and colde from charyte hereth this to be ye or∣dre of charyteA new ordre of charyte. / that thou shuldest regarde and set more of thyne own money than of another mans / of thyne owne lyfe than of another mans / of thyne own fame thā of another mans. I wyll therfore saythe he gyue nothyng leest peraduenture I shulde lacke myselfe. I wyll not defende another mannes good fame or good name / leest myne owne be spotted therby. I wyll for∣sake my brother in ieopardye / leest I my selfe shulde fall in peryll also. To speake shortly I wyll lyue altogyther to my selfe that no incommodyte come to me for any other mans cause. we haue also lerned if holy men haue done any thynge not to be counterfayted or folowed / ye onely to take of them & drawe in to the ensample of ly∣uyng. Adulterers & murdrers flateren and clawen them selues with the example of Dauyd. Suche as gapeth after worldly ryches lay against vs for their excuse riche Abraham. Princes whiche counte it but a sporte or pastyme euery where to corrupte and defyle virgyns / nombre & reken vp to cloke their vyce the queenes cōcubynes of Salomon. They whose bely is their god / ayeth for their excuse the dronkennesse of Noe. Incestes whiche pollute their owne kynswomen / cloke & couer their fylthynes with thēsample of Loth / whiche lay with his owne doughters. why tourne we our eyen from Christ to these men? I dare be bolde to say that it ought not to be coun∣trefayted and folowed / no not so moche as in ye prophetes or Christes apostels ve∣ryly / if any thyng swarue or wrie from the docttryne of Christe.Nothynge oughte to be counterfeyted whiche varye from chryste. But if it delyte men so greatly to countrefayte holy synners / I do not agaynst saye them / so that they countrefayte them hole and altogyther. Thou hast folowed Dauyd in adulterye / moche more folowe hym in repentaunce. Thou hast coūtrefayted Mary Magda∣layne a synner / coūtefrayt her also louyng moche / countrefayte her wepyng / coūtre∣fayte her castynge her selfe downe at y• the fete of Iesu. Thou hast {per}secuted ye churche of god as Paule dyd / thou hast forsworne thy selfe as Peter dyd: Se lykewyse that thou stretche forthe thy necke for ye faythe and relygyon of Christe after the ensam∣ple of Paule / and that thou feare not the crosse no more than Peter. For this cause god suffreth euen great and ryght excel∣lent men also to falle in to certayne vy∣ces / that we whan we haue fallen shulde not dispayre / but with this condycion / that we as we haue ben their felowes in synnyng & doyng amysse / euen so wyll be their companyons and parteners in the a¦mendynge of our synnes and mysdedes. Nowe do we greatly prayse and magnify that same thynge whiche was not to be countrefayted and folowed / and certayne thyngeswe turne good thyng{is} to euyll whiche were well done of them / we do depraue and corrupt / after the ma∣ner of spyders suckynge out the poyson onely / if any be therin / or els tournynge euen the holsome ioyce also in to poyson to our selues. what dothe AbrahamesA conytous man foloweth not Abraham. en∣sample belonge to the / whiche makest of thy money thy god? Bycause he was en∣ryched with encrease of catell (god ma∣kynge his substaunce and goodes prospe∣rouslye to multiplye) and that in the olde lawe whiche was but carnall: shal it ther¦fore be lawfull to the whiche arte a chri∣sten man / by ryght or wronge / by hoke or croke / from whence soeuer it be / to heape togyther rychesse as moche as euer kyng CresusCresus. had (whose exceding great ryches is come into a comen prouerbe) whiche ry¦chesse ones gotten thou myghtest eyther yuell spende & leudly waste / or els (whiche is a great deale worse) hyde & bury moste couetously depe in the groūde. How lytle Abrahā dyd set his mynde vpon his good{is} and ryches / whiche came to hym habun∣dātly by their owne acorde / euen this thīg may be an euydēt token & profe that with out delay at ye voyce of god cōmaundyng him / he brought forthe his onely sonne to be slayne. Howe moche thinkest thou dis∣spysed he his droues of oxen whiche dispy¦sed euen his owne sonne? And thynkest thou whiche dreamest nothyng els but of fylthy lucre & aduaūtage / whiche praysest and settest by nothynge but only money / whiche art redy as sone as there chaunce any hope of lucre / be it neuer so lytle / ey∣ther to disceyue thy brotherRedy to de∣ceyue thy bro∣ther for mony. / or to set christ at naught / yt there is any simylitude or like thing bytwene the & Abrahā? The simple and innocent wenches the doughters of Loth whan they behelde al ye region roūde aboute on euery parte brēnyng & flamyng with fyre / and supposed yt it whiche was than in syght afore their eyen had ben all the hole worlde / & that no man was preser¦ued from that so large & wastfull fyre but onely their selues / lay priuely & by stelthe with their owne father / not of a fylthye but vertuous and holy purpose / that is to wete / leest none issue of mankynde shulde haue remayned after them / & that whan this precept of god (growe and multyply) was as yet in full vygoure and strength. And darest thou compare thy filthy & pro∣digyous voluptuousnesse & lechery with the dede of these wenches? Nay I wolde not doute to counte thy matrymony not so good as their inceste commytted with their father / if in matrymonye thou doest not studye for issue / but to satysfye thyne owne voluptuous apetyte or lust.The wedlocke of some men is worse then the incest of lothes doughters. Dauyd after so many excellent and noble ensam∣ples of vertue and good lyuynge shewed / The mysdedes or ynnes of ho¦ly mē we passe farre nowe a dayes / that many wayes. fell ones in to adulterye by occasyon and oportunyte gyuen him: and shal it be lau∣full therfore to the streyght way at thy ly∣bertye / to roll / walter / and tomble from house to house in other mens beddes all thy lyfe lōge? Peter ones for feare of deth denyed his mayster Christ / for whose sake afterwarde he dyed with good wyll: Shal it be laufull thynkest thou than to the for that cause / to forsweare thy selfe for euery tryfle? Paule synned not purposely and for the nones / but fell through ignoraūce: whan he was warned and taught / he re∣pented forthwith and came into the right waye. Thou bothe ware and wyse / and seynge what thou doest / wetyngly and wyllyngly cōtynuest from youthe to age in vyces and synnes / and yet by the en∣sample of Paule strokest thou thyne own heed. Mathewe beyng commaunded but with one worde / without any taryeng / at ones vtterly forsoke all his offyce of receyuynge custome or tollage: but thou arte so sworne and maryed to thy money that neyther so many ensamples of holy men / neyther the gospels of often herde / nor so many preachynges can deuorce or plucke the from it.Saynt Auste is excused he had but one at ones. The bysshoppes say vnto me / saynte Augustyne (as it is red) had two soueraygne ladyes or concuby∣nes: ye but he than was an hethen man / and we be nourisshed vp in christendome: he was yonge / and our heedes be hore for age. A worshypfull comparyson / bycause that he beyng yonge / and also an hethen man to auoyde the snares of matrymony / had a lytle wenche in stede of a wyfe / and yet to her whiche was not his wyfe kept he the {pro}mes of wedlocke. Shal it be ther¦fore ye lesse shame for vs christē men beyng olde / beyng preestes / ye beyng bysshops to be altogyther spotted & fyled in euery po∣dell one after another of bodily lust{is}. Far∣wele good maners whan we haue gyuen to vices y• names of vertues / & haue begon to be more wily & subtyle in defēdyng our vyces than dilygēt to amende them / most specyally whan we haue lerned to nou∣rysshe / to vnderset / and to strengthe our frowarde opinyons / with the helpe & ayde of holy scrypture. Thou therfore my most swete brother (the comē people altogyder set at naught with their bothe opynyons and dedes) purely & holly hasten the vnto the chisten seccte. what soeuer in this lyfe apereth to thy sensyble powers eyther to be hated or loued / al yt for the loue of pytie and vertuous lyfe indyfferently dispysed / let Christe onely to the be suffycient / the onely auctour bothe of true iudgyng and also of blissed lyuyng. And this veryly the worlde thynketh to be pure folysshnesse & madnesse: neuer the lesse by this folyssh∣nesse it pleaseth god to saue them whiche on hym byleue. And he is happely a foole that is wyse ī Christ: & he is wofully wise that is folisshe in Christ. But herest thou / as I wolde haue y• to vary strongly frō the comen people / so I wolde not y• thou she∣wyng a poynt of curryshnes / shuldest eue¦ry where barke against y• opinyons & ded{is} of other men / & with authorite cōdempne thē / pratle odiously against all men / fury∣ously preche agaīst y• liuyng of euery {per}son leest thou purchace to thy selfe two yuels togyther.A mā may not barke euery where agaynst the dedes of other men. The one yt thou shuldest fal into hate of all men: thother that whan thou arte hated thou shuldest do good to no man. But be thou all thynges to all men / to wynne all men to Chryste as moche as may be (pite not offēded) so shape & fascion thy self to al men outwardly / that within thy purpose remayne sure / stedfast & vnmo¦ued / withoutforth let gentylnes / curteys language / softnes / profytablenes allure & entyce thy brother / whom it is mete with fayre meanes to be īduced to Chryst / & not to be feared with cruelnes. In conclusion that whiche is in thy brest is not so great∣ly to be rored forth with cruell wordes / as to be declared and vttred with honest ma∣ners. And agayne thou oughtest not so to fauour the infyrmite of the cōmun people that thou durst not at a tyme strongly de∣fende the verite: with humanite men must be amended / and not deceyued. MOre ouer yf thrugh infancye & feble∣nes of mynde we can not as yet at∣tayne to these spiritual thyng{is} / we ought neuerthelesse to study not the sluggyssher one deale / yt at the leest we drawe as nygh as is possyble.we must styll be clymmynge ye thoughe we dispeyre to at∣teyn to the top. How be it the very & com∣pendyous way to felicite is / yf at ones we shall turne our hole mynde to the contem¦placyon & beholdyng of celestial thyng{is} so feruently / that as the body bringeth with hym his shadow / euē so the loue of Christ the loue of eternal thing{is} & honest brīgeth with hym naturally the lothsomnes of ca¦duke & transytory thyng{is} & the hate of fyl∣thy thynges. For eyther other necessaryly foloweth the other: & the one with y• other eyther augmēteth or mynyssheth. As mo∣che as thou shalt {pro}fyte in y• loue of Chryst so moche shalt thou hate the worlde. The more thou shalt loue & set by thynges in∣uisyble / the more vyle shall waxe thynges vayne & momentany. we must therfore do euen that same in the discyplyne of vertue whiche Fabius counseyleth to be done in scyences or facultees of lernynge / that we at ones prece vp to the best / whiche thyng yet yf through our owne faute wyll not cōme to passe. The nexte of all is that we at the leest may by certayne naturall pru∣dence abstayne frō great vices / & kepe ourselfe (as moche as may be) hole & soūde to the benefycence of god. For as that body is nere vnto helthe / whiche (though it be wasted) is free yet & out of the daunger of noysome humours / euen so is that mynde more capaxCapax apte to receyue. of the benefyte of god / whiche is not yet inquynate or defyled with gre∣uous offences / though she lacke yet true and perfyte vertue. If we be to weyke to folowe the apostles / to folowe the mar∣tyrs / to folowe the virgynes / at the leest waye let vs not comyte that the Ethny∣kes or hethen men sholde seme to ouer∣ronne vs in this playne or lystes.If thou cā not counterfet ho∣ly sayntes / be not yet inferior to hethen men. Of the whiche very many whan they neyther knewe god whome they shold drede / ney∣ther by leued any hell whome they sholde feare: yet determyned they that a man ought by all craftes to auoyde & eschewe fylthynesse for the thynge it selfe. In so moche that many of them chose rather to suffre the losse of fame / losse of goodes / in conclusyon to suffre losse of lyfe / than to departe from honeste. If synne it selfe be suche a maner thynge / that for no cōmo∣dytees or incōmodytees proffered to man it ought to be commytted. Certaynly yf neyther the iustyce of god feare vs / ney∣ther his benefycence dyscourage vs and moue vs to the contrary / yf no hope of im¦mortalite or feare of eternall payne call vs abacke / or elles yf the very naturall fylthynesse of synne withdrawe vs not / whiche coude withdrawe the myndes of the very gentyles. At the leest waye let a thousande incōmodytees whiche accom∣panye the synner in this lyfe put a chry∣sten man in feare:Ponder in thy mynde the in∣cōmodytees of synne. as infamye / losse or waste of goodes / pouertye / the contempte and hate of good men / grefe of mynde / vnquietnes & furment of conscyence most myserable of al / whiche though many fele not now presently / eyther bycause they be blynded with dulnesse of youthe / or made drōke with the voluptuousnes & pleasure of synne / yet shall they feale it here after: & playnly the later it hapneth / so moche the more vnhappely shall they feale it: wher∣fore yonge men moost specyally sholde be warned & exhorted that they wolde rather byleue so many authors that the very na∣ture & properte of synne were thus in dede than with myserable & wofull experyence lerne it in them selfe / & that they wold not cōtaminate nor defyle theyr lyf before they knewe surely what lyfe ment. yf Chryst be to the vyle / to whom thou art so costly / at the leestway for thine owne sake refrayne thy self frō fylthy thynges. And though it be very perylous to tary anywhile in this state / as bitwene thre wayes (as it is ī the prouerbe) neuertheles vnto them whiche can not as yet clym vp to the pure / {per}fyte & excellent vertue / it shall not be a lytel {pro}fi∣table to be in the ciuyle or morall vertues rather than to on hedlong in to all kynde of vices and vnclenlynes.heare that is n cyuyl or mo∣rall vertues. Here is not the restyng place & quiet hauen of felicite / but from hens is a shorter iourney & an easyer stayre vp to felicite. In the meane season for all that / we must pray god that he wyl vouchsafe to plucke vs vp to bettthyng{is}. IF the storme of temptacion shal ryse agaynst the somwhat thycke & gre∣uously / begyn not forthwithal to be discō¦tent with thy selfe / as though for y• cause god eyther cared not for the / or fauoured the not / or y• thou sholdest be but an easye christen man / or else the lesse {per}fyte: but ra∣ther gyue thākes to god bycause he instru¦cteth the as one whiche shall be his heyre in time to cōme / bicause he beteth or scour¦geth y• as his moste singular beloued sone and {pro}ueth the as his assured frende. It is a very great token a man to be reiect from the mercy of god whā he is vexed with no temptacyons. Let cōme to thy mynde the apostle Paule whiche obteyned to be ad∣mitted or let in euen in to the mysteries of the thyrde heuen / yet was he beaten of the aūgell of sathan. Let cōme to remēbraūce the frende of god Iob:Temptacyon is a sygne that god loueth vs. remembre Ierom / Benedict / Frauncys / & with these innume rable other holy fathers vexed & troubled of very great vices: yf that which thou suf¦frest be cōmen to so greate men / be cōmen to so many men as well as to the / what cause is there wherfore thou sholdest be smyte out of countenaūce / sholdest be a∣basshed or fall in to despayre? enforce ra∣ther & stryue that thou mayst ouercōme as they dyd / god shall not forsake the / but with temptacion shal make encrease / that thou mayst be able to endure. AS expert capteyns are wōt to cause whan all thinges are quiet at rest & at peace / that the watchewe must euer kepe watche. neuerthelesse be dewly kepte: lykewyse se thou that thou haue alway thy mynde watchyng & circū∣specte agaynst the sodeyn assaute of thyne enemy (for he euer cōpasseth roūde abouteLet temptaciō be holdē down at the begyn∣nynge whyle it is freshe. sekynge whome he myght deuoure) that thou mayst be the more redy as soone as he assauteth the to put hym backe man∣fully / to confoūde hym & forthwith to trede vnderfote the heed of y• pestyferous & poy∣son serpēt: for he is neuer ouercōme eyther more easely or more surely & {per}fytly / thā by that meanes.The chyldren or babylon syg¦nyf eth subge∣styon or tēpta∣cyō or the fyrst inociōs to syn. Therfore it is a very wyse poynt to dasshe the yonge chyldren of ba∣bylon (as soone as they be borne) agaynst the stone whiche is Chryst / or they growe stronge & greate. BUt the tēpterRemedyes a∣gainst tēptaciō is put backe most of al by this meanes / yf thou shalt eyther vehemētly hate / abhorre & defye / & in a ma¦ner spyt at hym streyghtway whā so euer he entyceth & moueth the with any tēpta∣cyon / or else yf thou pray feruently or gete thy selfe to some holy occupacion / settyng thyne hole mynde ther vnto: or yf thou ma¦ke answere to the tempter with wordes fette out of holy scripture / as I haue war∣ned the before. In whiche thynge veryly it shall not {pro}fyte meanly agaynst al kynde of temptacyon to haue some certayne sen∣tences prepared and redy / specyally those with whiche thou hast felte thy mynde to be moued and stered vehemently. Two daungers chefely folowe good men / one leest in temptacyon they gyue vp theyr holde.The nyght fea¦re: is fearelest we sholde be ouercome. An other leest after the victory in theyr consolacyon and spy∣rytuall ioye they waxe wanton and stan∣de in theyr owne conceyte / or elles please themselfe.The deuyll of myddaye is pryde. Therfore that thou mayst be sure not onely from the nyght feare / but also from the deuyll of myddaye:Remēbre thou arte able to do all thynges in Chryste. loke whan thyne ennemy stereth the vnto fyl∣thy thynges that thou beholde not thyne owne feblenes or weyknes / but remēbre onely that thou canst do all thynges in Chryst / which said not to his apostles one¦ly / but to the also & to al his mēbres / euen vnto the very lowest. Haue confidence for I haue ouercōme ye worlde. Agayn whan so euer eyther after thyne ennemy is ouer cōme / or in doyng some holy worke / thou shalt fele thy mynde inwardly to be cōfor∣ted with certeyn preuy delectacyōs. Than beware diligently y• thou ascrybe nothing therof vnto thyne owne merit{is} / but thāke onely the free beneficence of god for all to gyder / & holde downe & refraynethy selfe with the wordes of Paule / sayinge. what hast thou / that thou hast not receyued? yf thou haue receyued it / why reioyiest thou as though thou haddest not receyued it? And so agaynst this double myschefe shall there be a double remedy / yf thou in the conflict mystrustyng thyne owne strength doest flee for socour vnto thy heed Chryst / puttynge the hole trust of conquerynge in the benyuolence of hym onely. And yf al∣so in the spirytuall conforte and consola∣cyon thou immedyatly gyue thankes to hym for his benefyte / humbly knowynge and confessynge thyne vnworthynes. WHan thou fyghtest with thyne en¦nemyes / thynke it not ynough for the to auoyde his stroke / or put it backe / excepte thou also take ye wepon frō hym manfully / & laye therwith agayne at the owner / kyllynge hym with his owne sworde. That shall cōme to passe on this wyse. yf whā thou art {pro}uoked vnto euyll thou do not onely abstayne frō synne / but therof doest take vnto the an occasyon of vertue:Of temptacion take euer an oc¦casiō of vertue. & as poetes elegantly fayne y• Her¦cules dyd growe & was also hardened in courage thrugh the daungers that Iuno put vnto hym of displeasure. Thou lyke wyse gyue also attendaūce that by the in∣stigacions of thyne enemy not onely thou be not y• worse but rather be made moche better. Thou art stered vnto bodyly lust / knowe thy weyknes / & also lay apart som¦what the more of lawfull plesures / & adde some encrease vnto chaste & holy occupa∣ciōs. Thou art prycked vnto couetousnes & nyggysshe kepyng: encreace almes dedes Thou art moued vnto vayne glory: so mo¦che the more humble thy selfe in al thyng{is} And thus shall it be brought aboute that euery temptacyon may be a certeyn rene∣wing of thy holy purpose / & an encreace of pite & vertuous lyuyng.Let tēptacyōs be euer the re∣newyng of thy holy purpose. And veryly other meanes is there none at al of so great ver¦tue & strength to vaynquish & ouerthrowe our ennemy: for he shall be afrayde to pro∣uoke the a fresshe / leest he which reidyseth to be the begynner and chefe capyteyne of wyckednes sholde mynyster an occasyon of pite / vertue and godlynes. BUt alway take hede that thou fyght with this mynde & hope / as though that shold be the last fyght that euer thou shalt haue / yf thou gete the ouer handefor it may be veryly that the benignite of god wyll gyue & graūte this rewarde vnto thy vertue and noble acte: that thyne ennemy ones ouercōme to his shame / shall neuer afterward cōme vpon the agayn. A thyng whiche we rede to haue happened to dy∣uerse holy men: neyther bileueth Origene agaynst reason / that whan chrysten men ouercōme / than is y• power of theyr enne∣myes minisshed / whiles ye aduersary ones put backe manfully / is neuer suffred to re∣turne agayn to make a fresshe batayle. Be bolde therfore in the conflycte to hope for {per}petual peace.After one ba∣tayle we must loke for an∣other. But agayn after thou hast ouercōme / so behaue thy selfe as though thou sholdest go agayne to fyght strayght waye / for after one temptacyon / we must loke euer for an other: we may neuer de∣parte frō our harneys & wepons: we may neuer forsake our stādyng: we may neuer leue of watche as longe as we warre in the garryson of this body. Euery mā must haue alway that sayinge of the {pro}phete in his herte / I wyll kepe my standynge. WE must take very good hede that we despyse not any vyce as lyght for no enemy ouercōmeth oftener thā he which is not set of: in which thyng I {per}ceyue not a fewe men to be greatly de∣ceyued: for they deceyue thēself whyle they fauour thēself in one or two vices / Som mē fauer theyr own vic{is} whiche euery mā af his owne appetyte thinketh to be venial / & al other greuously abhorre A great parte of thē which the cōmun peo¦ple calleth {per}fyte & vncorrupte / greatly de∣fyeth theft / extorciō / murder / adultery / in∣cest: but single fornicacyon & moderate vse of voluptuous plesures as a smal trespas they refuse not all. Some one man beyng vnto all other thyng{is} vncorrupte ynough is somwhat a good drynker / is in riot and expenses somwhat wastefull. An other is somwhat lyberall of his tonge. An other is combred with vanite / vayne glory and bosting. At the last what vice shal we lack yf euery man after this maner shal fauour his owne vice?The Images of vertue. It is an euydē token that those men whiche fauour any vyce at all sholde not truly possesse the other vertues but rather some ymag{is} of vertues whiche eyther nature or bryngyng vp / fynally ve∣ry custome hath graffed in the myndes of the very gētiles. But he whiche with chry¦sten hatred abhorreth any one vyce / must nedes abhorre al: for he whose mynde true charite hath ones possessed hateth indiffe∣rently the hole host of euyll thynges / & fla¦tereth not hymselfe so moche as in venyal synnes / leest he myght fall a lytel & a lytel from the smallest to the greatest: & whyle he is necligent in lyght thyng{is} myght fall from the chefest thyng{is} of al.Dayely must somwhat of our euylles be ake awaye / of good thing{is} be added. And though thou as yet canst not plucke vp by ye rotes the hole generacyon of vyces: neuertheles somwhat of our euyll propertees must be plucked away day by day / & sōthing added to good maners: af y• maner diminissheth or augmenteth y• great hepe of Hesiodus. IF the labour whiche thou must take in the cōflict of tēptacyon shall feare the / this shall be a remedy.The bitternes of the fyght must be compa¦red with the payne whiche foloweth the synne. Se thou com∣pare not the grefe of the fight with the ple¦sure of the synne: but matche me the p̄sent bytternes of the fyght with y• bytternes of the synne hereafter which foloweth him yt is ouerthrowen: & than set the p̄sent swet∣nes of the synne which entyseth the / with the plesure of the victory hereafter / & with the tranquillite of mynde which foloweth him y• fighteth lustely: & anone thou shalt {per}ceyue how vnequall a comparyson there shal be. But in this thyng they whiche be but lytell circūspect are deceyued / bycause they compare the displeasure of the fyght with the pleasure of the synne / & consyder not what foloweth the one and the other For there foloweth hym whiche is ouer∣cōme grefe bothe more paynfull a greate deale & also of longer cōtynuaūce than he shold haue had in tyme of fyght / yf he had wonne the victory. And lykewyse there fo¦loweth the cōquerours more pleasure by a greate deale & of longer enduraūce than was the pleasure which caryed hym in to synne that was ouercōme. whiche thyng he shall lyghtly iudge / that hathe had the profe of bothe.Proue otyme what it shal be to ouercome. But noman that is christe∣ned ought to be so outryght a cowarde though he were dayly subdued of tempta¦cyon / but that he shold ones at the leest do his endeuoyre to proue what thynge it is to ouercōme temptacyon / whiche thynge the oftener he shall do / the pleasaunter shall the victory be made vnto hym. BUt yf at any tyme it shal fortune the to receyue a deedly wounde / beware leest by & by (thy shelde cast away and we∣pons forsaken) thou yelde thy self to thyne ennemyes handes / whiche thynge. I haue perceyued to happen vnto many / whose myndes naturally are somwhat feble and softe without resistence / Dyspayre not thoughe thou be ouer come. y• after they were ones ouerthrowen / they seaced to wrastle any more / but permitted & gaue themselfe altogyder vnto affectiōs / neuer thynkyng any more to recouer theyr liberty agayne. To to moche perilous is this weyknes of spiryte / which now & thā though it be not coupled with y• worst wyttes in y• worlde / yet is it wonte to brynge to y• poynt whi∣che is worste of all / to desperacion veryly. Agaynst this weyknes therfore thy mynde must be aforehande armed with this rule / that after we haue fallen in to synne not onely we sholde not despayre / but coūter∣feyte bolde men of warre / whome not sel∣dom shame of rebuke & grefe of the woūde receyued not onely putteth not to flyght but sharpeneth and refressheth agayne to fyght more fyersly thā they dyd before.A fal somtyme courageth a mā to wrastell more strongly. In lyke case also after yt we haue ben brought in to deedly synne / let vs haste anone to cōme agayne to our selfe & to take a good herte to vs / & to repayre agayn y• rebuke & shame of the fall with newe courage & lu∣stynes of strengthe. Thou shalt heale one woūde sooner thā many: thou shalt easlier cure a fresshe woūde than that whiche is now olde and putrifyed. Cōforte thy selfe with that famous verse whiche Demoste∣nes is said to haue vsed. A man that fleeth wyll yet fyght agayn. Call to remēbraūce Dauid the {pro}phete / Salomō the kyng / Pe¦ter a capteyn of the churche / Paule the a∣postle / so great lyghtes of holynesse: in to what great sinnes for al yt fell they? Which all {per}aduenture euen for this cause god suf¦fred to fall / leest thou whan thou haddest fallen sholdest despeyre: ryse vp agayn ther¦fore vpon thy fete but that quickly & with a lusty courage / & go to it a fresshe / bothe fyerser & also more circumspect. It happe∣neth somtyme that deedly offences growe to good men in to a heape of vertuous ly∣uynge / whyle they loue more feruently whiche erred moost shamefully. BUt agaynst sondry & dyuerse assaut{is} of the tempter thine ennemy / sondry and dyuerse remedyes are very mete & cō∣uenyent.The crosse of Chryste. Neuertheles the onely & chefe re¦medy whiche of all remedyes is of moost effycacye & strength agaynst all kyndes ey∣ther of aduersite or else temptacyon is the crosse of Chryst. The whiche selfe same is bothe an ensample to them that go out of the waye / & a refresshyng to them that la∣bour / & also armure or harneys to them y• fyght. This is a thynge to be cast agaynst all maner wepons & barres of our moost wycked enemy. And therfore it is necessa∣ry to be exercised diligently therin / not af∣ter the cōmun maner / as some men repete dayly the hystory of the passion of Chryst / or honour the ymage of the crosse / or with a thousande signes of it arme all theyr bo∣dy rounde on euery syde / or kepe some pece of that holy tree layde vp at home in theyr house / or at certeyn houres so call to remē∣braunce Chrystes punysshment / that they may haue cōpassyon & wepe for hym with natural affection / as they wolde for a man that is very iuste & suffreth great wronge vnworthily.The very rn∣te of the crosse is mortifyenge of our mēbres that is to saye of our passyons and affeccions bodyly. This is not the true fruite of that tree: neuerthelesse let it in the meane season be the mylke of y• soules whiche be yonglynges & weyke in Christ. But clyme thou vp in to the date tree / that is to saye the tre of vyctorie / that thou mayest take holde of the trewe fruytes therof. These be the chefe if we whiche be membres shal endeuoyre our selfe to be semblable vnto our heed in mortifyenge our affectyons / whiche be our membres vpon the erthe / whiche thyng vnto vs ought onely to be nothyng bytter / but also very plesaūt and feruently to be desyred / if so be the spyrite of Christ lyue in vs. For who loueth truly and hertyly that person to whome he re∣ioyseth to be as vnlyke as may be / and in lyuyng and conuersacyon cleane cōtrary? Not withstandynge that thou mayest the more profyte / in thy mynde recorde the mi∣stery of the crosse. It shalbe houefull that euery mā prepare vnto him selfe a certayn way and godly craft of fyghtyng & therin dyligently exercyse / that as soone as nede shall requyre it may be redy at hāde. Such may y• crafte be / that in certifyeng of euery thyne affectyous thou mayest applye that parte of the crosse whiche moste specially therto agreeth: for there is not at all any eyther tēptacion eyther aduersyte whiche hath not his propre remedy in the crosse. As whan thou art tyckled with ambycion of this worlde / whan thou arte ashamed to be had in derisyon & to be set at naught:Affeccions are this wyse cru∣cyfyed. consydre thou than moste vyle membre howe great Christe thy heed is / and vnto what vylenesse he humbled hym selfe for thy sake.Nota. whan the yuell of enuy inuadeth thy mynde / remembre howe kyndly / howe louingly he bestowed himselfe euery whyt vnto our vse and profyte / how good he is euen vnto the worste. whan thou art mo∣ued with glutteny / haue in mynde howe hedranke gall with eysell. whan thou art tēpted with filthy pleasure / call to remem¦braūce howe farre from al maner of plea∣sure the hole lyfe of thy heed was / & howe full of incōmodytes / vexacyon / and grefe. whan yre prouoketh the / lette hym come immedyatly to thy mynde / whiche lyke a lambe before the shearer helde his peace and opened not his mouthe. If pouertye wring the yuell / or couetousnesse disquyet the / anone let hym be rolled in thy mynde that is the lorde of all thynges / & yet was made so poore & nedy for thy sake that he had not whervpon to rest his heed. And after the same maner if thou shalt do in alother temptacions also / not onely it shall not be greuous to haue oppressed thyn af∣fectyons but surely plesaunt & delectable / for bycause thou shalt perceyue that thou by this meanes art cōformed and shapen like vnto thy heed / and that thou doest as it were recompence hym for his infynyte sorowes / whiche for thy sake he suffred vn¦to the vttermoste. ANd veryly this maner of remedye / though it alone of all remedyes be most present & redy / moste sure and quicke in werkynge to thē whiche be meanly en∣tred in the waye of lyuyng / neuer the lesse to the weaker sorte these thyng{is} also shall somwhat profyte:Consydre the fylthynes of synne the dig∣nyte of man. if whan affectyon mo∣ueth vnto iniquyte / than atones they call before the eyen of the mynde howe fylthy / howe abhomynable / howe mischeuous a thynge synne is: on the other syde howe great is the dignyte of man. In tryfles and maters suche as skylleth not if al the worlde knewe / we take some delybera∣cyon and aduysement with our selfe. In this mater of all maters moste weyghty and worthy to be pondred / before y• with consent as with our owne hande writyng we bynde our selfe to the fende / shall we not reken and accompte with our mynde of howe noble a craftes man we were made / in howe excellent estate we are set / with howe excedynge great price we are bought / vnto howe great felycyte we are called / and that man is that gentle & no∣ble creature for whose sake only god hath forged the meruaylous buyldyng of this worlde / that he is of the company of aun∣gels / the sonne of god / the heyre of immor¦talyte / a membre of Christe / a membre of the churche / that our bodyes be ye temple of the holy ghost / our myndes the ymages and also y• secret habytacions of the deite. And on thother syde that synne is the most fylthy pestylence and consumpcyon bothe of the mynde & of the body also / for bothe of them through innocencye springeth a∣newe into their owne naturall kynde / and through cōtagyon of synne bothe putrifye and rotte euen in this worlde. Synne is that deedly poyson of the moste filthy ser∣pent / the prest wagest of the dyuell / and of that seruyce whiche is not most fylthy on∣ly / but also moste myserable. After thou hast consydred this & suche lyke with thy selfe / pondre wysely and take sure aduyse∣ment and delyberacion whether it shulde be wysely doone or no for an apparaunt momentanye and poysoned lytell shorte pleasure of synne / to fall from so great dignyte in to so vyle and wretched estate / from whence thou cannest not rydde and delyuer thy selfe by thyne owne power and helpe. EUethermore cōpare togyther those two capitaynes by them selfe moste contrary and vnlyke / god and the dyuell / of whiche the one thou makest thyne ene∣my whan thou synnest / and the other thy lorde and mayster. Throughe innocency and grace thou arte called in to y• nombre of the frendes of god / arte electe vnto the ryght tytle & inherytaunce of the sonnes of god. By synne veryly thou arte made bothe the bonde seruaunt and sonne of the dyuell.we must haue mynde the benefycens of god & the maly frens or noy∣saunce of the deuyll. The one of them is that eternall fountayne and origynall patron & trewe ensample of very and sure beauty / of very trewe pleasure / of most perfyte goodnesse mynistryng hym selfe to all thynges. The other is father of all mischefe / of extreme fylthynesse / of vttermost infelycite. Remē∣bre the benefytes and goodnesse of thone done to the / & the yuell dedes of the other. with what goodnesse hath the one made the? with what mercy redemed the? with what lybertie & fredom endued the? with what tendernesse dayly suffreth he and su∣stayneth the a wretched synner / paciently abydyng & lokyng for amendement? with what ioy & gladnesse dothe he receyue the amēded / and whan thou art come agayne to thyselfe? Contrary to all these thynges with howe naturall hate and enuy longe ago dyd y• dyuell laye wayte to thy helth? Into what greuous and combrous vexa∣cion hath he cast the / and also what other thyng ymagyneth he dayly but to drawe all mākynde with hym in to eternall mis∣chefe. All these thynges on this syde and that syde well and substancyally wayed and pondred / thus thynke with thy selfe: shal I vnmyndfull of myne origynall be∣gynnyng from whence I came / vnmynd∣full of so great and manyfolde benefytes / for so small a morsell of fayned and false pleasure / vnkyndely departe from so noble from so louynge / from so benefyciall a fa∣ther / and shall mancypate and make my¦selfe bonde wyllyngly vnto a most fylthy and a moste cruell mayster. Shall I not at the leest waye make good to the one that thynge whiche I wolde perfourme to a byle man / whiche had shewde kynde∣nesse / or done me any good? Shall I not flye from ye other / whiche wolde flye from a man that coueyted or were aboute to do me hurte? ANd veryly the rewardesThe rewarde of vertue is heuen. be no lesse vnegall than the capytay∣nes and gyuers of them be con∣trary and vnlyke. For what is more vnegall than eternall dethe and im∣mortall lyfe? than without ende to enioy euerlastynge felycite and blyssednesse / in the company and felowwip of the heuen∣ly cytezyns / and without ende to be tour∣mented and punysshed with extreme ven∣geaunce / in the moste vnhappy and wret∣ched companye of dampned soules? And who soeuer douteth of this thynge he is not so moche as a man veryly / and ther∣fore he is no christē man. And who soeuer thynketh not on this / nor hath it in remē∣braunce / is euen madder than madnesse it¦selfe. Moreouer & besydes all this / vertue and wickydnesse hath in the meane seasonThe fruytes of pyte in this worlde. euen in this lyfe their frutes very moche vnlike / for of ye one is reaped assured tran∣quyllyte and quyetnesse of mynde / & that blyssed ioye of pure and cleane conscience / whiche ioye who so euer shall ones haue tasted / there is nothyng in all this worlde so precyous nor nothynge so plesaunt / wherwith he wolde be gladde or desyrous to chaunge it. Contrarywyse there folo∣weth the other / y• is to say wickednesse / a thousande other yuels / but most specially that moste wretched tourment and vexa∣cyon of vncleane conscyence. That is that hundredfolde rewarde of spyrituall ioye whiche Christ promysed in the gospell / as a certayne ernest or taste of eternall fely∣cyte. These be those meruaylous rewar∣des that thapostle speaketh of whiche eyt neyther sawe nor eare hath herde / neyther hath sonke into the herte of any man whiche god hath prepared for them that loue hym / and verily in this lyfe / whan in the meane season the worme of wycked men dyeth not / and they suffre their hell paynes here euen in this worlde.The frute of synne in this worlde. Neyther any other thyng is that flambe in whiche is turmented the ryche glutton of whom is made mencyon in the gospell: neyther any other thyng{is} be those punysshmentes of them in hell of whom the poetes write so many thynges / saue a perpetuall grefe / vnquyetnesse or gnawynge of the mynde whiche acompanyeth ye custome of synne. He y• wyll therfore let him set asyde the re∣ward{is} of ye lyfe to cōe / which be so dyuers & vnlike: yt i this lyfe vertue hath anexed to her wherfore she habūdantly ought to be desyred / & vyce hath copled vnto hym for whose sake he ought to be abhorred. MOre ouer cōsyder howe full of grefe and mysery how shorte & transitory is this presente lyfe / howe on euery syde dethe lyeth in awayte agaynste vs howe euerywhere he catcheth vs sodaynly and vnware. And whan no man is sure no not of one moment of lyfe / howe great peryll it is to prolonge and contynue that kynde of lyfe in whiche (as it often fortuneth) if sodayne dethe shulde take the thou were but loste and vndone for euer. BEsydes all this impenytency or ob∣duracyon of mynde is to be feared of all myschefes the extreme and worste: namely if a man wolde pondre this one thynge of so many / howe fewe there be whiche trewly and with all their hertes come to them selfe agayne / and be cleane conuerted from synne / & with due repen∣taūce reconsyled to god agayne: specially of them whiche haue drawen alonge the lyues of iniquyte euen vnto the last ende of their lyfe. Slypper veryly and easy is the fall or discente in to fylthynesse / but to retourne backe agayne therhence / and to scape vp vnto spyrituall lyght / this is a worke / this is a laboure. Therfore at the leestway thou being monisshed & warned by the chaūce of Esops gote / before thou discēde in to the pyt of synne / remebre that ther is not so easy comyng backe agayne.The foxe & the gote discended bothe in to a pyt to drynke / whā they had broke they cou¦de not get oute agayn / the fox bad the gote to stōde vp agaist the wall / & the foxe lept vpon his backe & so vp / {pro}mysynge afore to pul vp the gote after / the gote desy∣red the foxe to fulfyll his pro∣mes & to helpe him vp / the fox answerd a gote gote yf thou haddest had as moche wyt in thy hed as thou hast heere in thy berde thou woldest not haue ētred in excepte thou haddest knowē how to come out. HItherto haue we verily opened and declared (howe soeuer it be doone) comen remedyes agaynst all kynde of vy∣ces. Nowe we shal assay to gyue also cer∣tayne specyall and pertyculer remedyes / how and by what meanes thou oughtest withstande euery vyce & synne / and fyrste of all howe thou mayste resyst the luste of the body. Than the whiche yuell there is none other yt soner inuadeth vs / neyther sharper assayleth or vexeth vs / nor exten∣deth larger nor draweth mo vnto their vt¦ter distructyon. If at any tyme therfore filthy lust shal styrre thy mynde / with these wepons & armoure remembre forthwith to mee hym / fyrst thynke howe vnclenly / howe filthy / how vnworthy for any man what soeuer he be ye plesure is whiche assi∣muleth & maketh vs yt be a diuyne worke / egall not to beest{is} only / but also vnto fyl∣thy swyne / to gotes / to dogges / and of all brute beestes / vnto ye most brute / ye which atderforth casteth downe farre vnder the condycion & state of beestes vs whiche be apoynted vnto y• company of angels & fe∣loushyp of ye deite.wepōs against bodyly lust. Let come to thy mynde also howe momentany the same is / howe vnpure / how euer hauīg more aloes than of hony.Aloes is a byt¦ter thynge and is putte for bytternes. And on ye cōtrary syde how noble a thing the soule is / howe worshypfull a thing y• body of a man is / as I haue reher¦sed in the rules aboue. What y• deuyls pe∣uysshnesse is it thā for so lytle / so vnclenly tyclyng of momētany pleasures to defyle at one tyme bothe soule & body with vn∣goodly maners? to {pro}phane & pollute that tēple whiche Christ hath cōecrate to him selfe with his bloode? Cōsydre y• also what an hepe of mischeuous incōmodytes that flatryng pleasant pestylēce brinketh with him.The incōmodi¦tes of bodyly uste. First of al it pulleth from ye thy good fame / a possession faraway most precious / for y• umour of no vyce stynketh more ca∣renly that y• name of lechery: it cōsumeth thy patrimony / it kylleth atones both the strength & also the beautie of y• body / it de∣cayeth & gretly hurteth helth / it engēdreth diseases innumerable & thē filthy / it disfy∣gureth y• flour of youth long before y• day / it hasteth or accelerateth ryueled & yuell fauoured age / it taketh away the quyck∣nesse and strength of the wytte / it dulleth he syght of the mynde / and graffeth in a man as it were a beestly mynde / it with∣draweth atones from all honest / studyes and pastymes / and plungeth and sowseth a man euerywhyt in the podle and myre be he neuer so excellēt / that nowe he hath lust to thynke on nothynge but yt whiche is sluttysshe / vyle / and filthy: and it taketh awaye the vse of reason whiche was the natyue {pro}perty of man / it maketh youthe madde / peuysshe / and sclaūdrous / and age odyous / fylthy / & wretched. Bewyse ther∣fore and on this wyse reken with thyselfe name by name / this & that pleasure came so yuel to passe / brought with her so moch losse / so moche disworshyp / dishonour and dishonesty / so moche tedyousnesse / labour and disease: and shal I nowe a foole most naturall deuowre y• hoke wetyngly? shall I agayne cōmytte that thynge wherof I shulde repent of fresshe? And lykewyse re∣frayne thy selfe by the ensample of other men / whiche thou haste knowen to haue folowed voluptuous pleasures fylthely and vnfortunatly.Refrayne thy self by the ensā¦ple of other mē On thother syde corage and bolde thy selfe vnto chastyte by then∣samples of so many yonge men / of so ma∣ny yonge and tendre virgynes norisshed vp delycately & in pleasures: And (the cyr∣cūstances compared togyther) lay agaynst thyselfe thy sluggyshnesse / whye thou at the last shulde not be able to do that thing whiche suche and suche / of that kynde or sexe / of that age / so borne / so brought vp were & yet be able to do? Loue as moche as they dyd / and thou shalte be able to do no lesse than they dyd. Thynke howe ho∣nest / howe plesaunt / howe lusty and flo∣rysshyng a thyng is purenesse of body and of mynde / she moste of all maketh vs ac∣quaynted and famylyer with angels / and apte to receyue the holy ghost: for veryly that noble spyrite the louer of purenesse / so greatly fleeth backe from no vyce at all as from vnclenlynes / he resteth & sporteth hym nowhere so moche as īpure virgyns myndes. Set before thyne eyen howe vn∣goodly it is / howe altogyder a mad thing to loue / to waxe pale / to be made leane / toThe vngoodly office of louers wepe / to flatter / and shamfully to submyt thy selfe vnto a stynkyng harlot most fyl∣thy and rotten / to gape & synge all nyght at her chambre wyndowe / to be made to the lure & be obedyent at a becke / nor dare do any thing except she nod or wagge her heed / to suffre a folysshe woman to reigne ouer the / to chyde the: to lay vnkyndnesse one agaynst y• other to fall out / to be made at one agayne / to gyue thy selfe wyllynge vnto a queene / that she myght mocke / kocke / mangle and spoyle the where is beseche the amonge all these thynges the name of a man? where is thy berde? where is that noble mynde created vnto moste beautyfull and noble thynges? Consydre also another thynge with thy selfe / howe great a flocke of myscheues voluptuous∣nesse (if she be let in) is wonte to bringe with her. Other vyces peraduēture haue some acquayntaunce with certayne ver∣tues / fylthy lust hath none at all / but is a∣nexed and alway coupled with those syn∣nes that be greatest and most in nombre. Let it be but a tryfle or a lyght maer to folowe queenes / yet is it a greuous thing not to regarde thy father and mother / to set at naught thy frendes / to consume thy fathers good in waste / to plucke awaye from other men / to forsweare thy selfe / to drinke all nyght / to robbe / to vse wytch∣craft / to yght / to cōmyt murdre / to blas∣pheme. In to whiche al & greuouser than these y• lady pleasure wyl drawe the heed∣longe / after thou ones haste cease to be thyne owne man / and haste put thy wre∣ched heed vnder her gyrdle. Pondre more ouer howe this lyfe vanissheth awaye fa∣ster than smoke / lesse of substaunce than a shadowe / and howe many snares dethe pytcheth for vs / layeng awayte in euery place, and at all seasons. Here and on this poynte it shall profyte syngularly / to call to remembraunce: and that name by name / if that sodayne detheSodayn deth. hath ta∣ken awaye any sometyme of thyne ac∣quayntaunce / of thy famylyer frendes / of thy company ons / or els of them whiche were yonger than thou: and moste spe∣cially of them whiche in tyme passed thou hast had felowes of fylthy pastyme. And lerne of another mans peryll to be more ware and cyrcumspecte. Remembre howe delycyously they lyued / but howe bytter∣ly they departed: howe late they waxed wyse / howe late they beganne to hate their mortyferous and deedly pleasures.The straytnes of the extreme iudgement. Lette come to remembraunce the sharp∣nesse of the extreme iudgement / and the terryble lyghtenynge of that fearfull sen∣tence neuer to be reuoked / sendyng wyc∣ked men in to eternall fyre / and that this pleasure of an hour / shorte and lytle / must be punysshed with eternall tourmentes. In this place wey dylygently in a payre of balaunces / howe vnegall a chaunge it is for the moste fylthy & very shorte de∣lectacyon of lust / bothe to lose in this lyfe the ioy of the mynde beyng moche sweterThe ioyes of pure mynde is moche sweter than is the ple¦sure of synne. and more excellent / and in the lyfe to come to be spoyled of ioyes euerlastyng. More∣ouer with so shadowlyke and lytle vayne pleasure to purchace sorowes neuer to be ended. Fynally if it seme a harde thyng to dispyse yt so small delectacion for Christes sake / remēbre what paynes he toke vpon hym for y• tendre loue he bare to the. And besyde the comen iniuryes of mans lyfe / howe moche of his holy bloode shedde he / howe shamfull / howe bytter dethe suffred he / and all for the. And thou of all those thyng{is} vnmyndfull crucifyest agayne the sonne of god / iterating a fressh those mad pleasures whiche caused & compelled thy heed and lorde vnto so cruell tourmentes.The benefites of god. Than acordyng to ye rule aboue rehersed / call to mynde howe moche of benefytes he heaped on the / whan as yet thou haddest deserued nothyng at all: for the whiche al¦thoughe no suffycient or lyke recompence can be made of thy parte for the leest / yet desyreth he agayn none other thanke but that thou after his ensample shuldest re∣frayne thy mynde from deedly and mr∣tall pleasures / and tourne the vnto the loueUenus is the goddes of loue & she is put or loue. of infynyte goodnesse and of infy∣nyte pleasures and beautye.Cupydo is the god of loue / & is also put for loue. Compare togyther these two / Uenus and two Cu∣pydes of Plato / that is to saye honest loue and fylthy loue / holy pleasure and vnclenly pastyme / cōpare togyder the vn∣lyke mater of eyther other.Here is a good note for euery chrysten man. Cōpare the na¦tures / cōpare the rewardes: & in all tēpta∣cyons / but namely whan thou art stered to fylthy lust / set to the before thyne eyes thy good aungell whiche is thy keper and cōtynuall beholder & wytnes of al thyng{is} thou doest or thynkest / & god euer lokyng on / vnto whose eyes all thynges are open whiche sytteth aboue the heuens & behol∣deth the secrete places of the erth: & wylte not thou be afrayde before the aūgell pre∣sent & euen harde by the / before god / & all the company of heuen loking on & abhor∣ryng to cōmytte a thyng so abhomynable and fylthy that it wolde shame y• to do the same in the p̄sence of one vyle man? This thynge I woldest thou sholdest thynke as it is in dede. And yf it were so y• thou had∣dest eyes moche sharper of syght thā hath a beest called lynxeLynxe is a bes of most puryst syght amonge all beestes. / or moche clerer than hath y• egle / yet with these eyes in ye moste clerest lyght y• coude be / coudest thou not beholde more surely that thynge whiche a man dothe before the than all the preuy & secrete partes of thy mynde be open vnto the syght of god and of his aungels.Obstynacy of a froward min¦de springeth o bodyly lust. This also counte in thy mynde whan thou art ouercōme of bodyly lust / of two thynges the one must folowe / eyther that volupt ousnes ones tasted so shall enchaūt & dar∣ken thy mynde / that thou must go frō fyl∣thines to filthines / vntyl thou clene blyn∣ded shalt be brought in sensū reprobū / that is to saye / in to a lewde & reproued iudge∣ment: & so made obstynate & sturdy in euyll cannest not / no truly not than yelde vp fil∣thy pleasure whan she hath forsaken the / whiche thynge we se to haue happened to very many / that whā the body is wasted / whan beauty is wythered and vanisshed / whan the blode is colde / whā strength fay¦leth / & the eyes waxe dym / yet styll conty∣nually they ytche without seassynge. And with greater mischefe are now fylthy spe∣kers than before tyme / they haue ben vn∣shameful lyuers / than which thyng what can be more abhomynable & monstrous? The other is yf {per}aduēture it shall happen the by the specyall fauoure of god to cōme agayn to thy self. Than must that shorte & fugityue plesure be purged with very gret sorowe of mynde / with myghty & stronge labour / with cōtynuall stremes of teares: how moche more wysdome therfore is it not to receyue at all the poyson of carnall pleasure / than eyther to be brought in to so vncurable blyndnes / or elles to recom∣pence so lytell / and that also false pleasure with so great greuaūce & dolorous payne More ouer thou mayst take many thyn∣ges of the circumstaunce of thyne owne {per}sone / whiche myght call the backe from voluptuous pleasure.A preest. Thou art a preest remembre that thou art all togyder con∣secrate to thinges perteynynge vnto god: what a myscheuous dede / how vngood∣ly / how vnmete / and how vnworthy it sholde be to touche the rotten and styn∣kynge flesshe of an hore with that mouth wherwith thou receyuest that precyous body soo greately to be honoured / and to handell lothsome and abhomynable fylth with the same handes wherwithall (euen the aungelles mynystrynge to the and assystynge the) thou executest that in∣effable and incomprehensyble mysterye.If thou b lerned. How these thynges agree not to be ma∣be one body and one spiryte with god / and to be made one body with an hore. If thou be lerned / so moche the nobler and lyker vnto god is thy mynde / and so moche the more vnworthy of this sha∣me and rebuke. If thou be a gentylmanA gentylman. / yf thou be a prynce / the more aperte and open the abhomynacyon is: the greuou∣ser occasyon gyueth it vnto other infery∣ours to folowe the same. If thou be ma∣ryedA maryed man. / remembre what an honest thynge is a vedde vndefyled. And gyue dylygence (as moche as īfirmite shall suffre) that thy wedlocke may counterfayte the moost ho¦ly mariage of Chryst & his churche / whose ymage it beareth: that is to wite / that thy mariage may be clene bareyn in vnclenly∣nes / & plenteous in procreacyon: for in no kynde of lyuyng can it be but very fylthy to serue & be bounde to vnclenly lustes. If thou be a yong manA yonge man. / take good hede besy∣ly that thou pollute not vnaduysedly the floure of thy youthe / whiche wyll neuer sprynge agayn: & that thou cast not away vpon a thyng moost fylthy thy best & very golden yeres / whiche fle away most swyft¦ly / and neuer returne agayn: beware also leest now thrugh the ignoraunce & necly∣gence of youth / thou cōmytte that thynge whiche sholde grudge the here after by all thy hole lyfe / the cōscience of thy misdedes euer {per}secutynge the with those his moost bytter / moost greuous & sharpe stynges / whiche whā pleasure departeth she leueth behynde her in our myndes.Fylthy plesure leueth behinde her stynge in our myndes. If thou be a womanA woman. this kynde nothynge more becō∣meth than chastite / than shame / & feare of dishoneste. yf thou be a manA man. / so moche the more arte thou mete & worthy of greater thynges / & vnmete & vnworthy of these so lewde thing{is}. yf thou be oldeAn olde man / wysshe thou haddest some other mans eyes to beholde thy selfe with all / that thou myghtest se how euyll voluptuousnes sholde becōme the / which in youth veryly is myserable & to be brydeled: but in an olde foole veryly wonderfull & monstrous: & also euen vnto the very folowers of pleasure / a iestyng & mockyng stocke. Among all mōsters none is more wonderfull thā fylthy lust in age.Agaynst thee chery of olde men & women. Oh dotypol / oh to moche forgetful of thy selfe: at the leestway behold at a glasse the hoore heares & whyte snowe of thy heed / thy forehed forowed with wryncles / & thy careyn face moost lyke vnto a deed corps: & now at the last ende whan thou art cōme euen vnto the pittes brynke care for other thynges more agreable vnto thy yeres:Dauyd was so olde that he coude gete no heate in his lymmes / than brought the Is¦raelytes vnto Dauyd Abisac a fayre yonge mayde whiche lay with hym & kepte hym war¦me / he knewe her not / she re∣mayned a pure mayde. By her is sygnyfyed wysdō / a thing moost mete for age: all fylthy∣nes & vndēnes layde aparte. at the leestway yt whiche became the to haue done before tyme (reason mouyng the) do now / thy yeres putting them remēbraūce or rather compellyng the. Euen now plea¦sure her selfe casteth the of / saying neyther I now am comly vnto the / neyther yet thou mete or apte vnto me. Thou hast playde ynough / thou hast eaten ynough / thou hast dronk ynough / it is tyme for the to departe / why holdest thou yet so fast & art so gredy on pleasures of this lyfe / whā very lyfe her selfe forsaketh the. Now it is tyme for that mystycall concubyne Abysac that ones she may begin to rest in thy bo∣some / let her with holy rage of loue heate thy mynde / & with the enbrasynges of her kepe the warme & cōfort thy colde mēbres. FInally to make a shorte & compen∣dious conclusyon / these be the most special thyng{is} whiche wyll make the sure from pleasures & entyfyng{is} of the flesshe / fyrst of all circūspecte / and diligent auoy∣dynge of all occasyonsAuoydyng occasyons. / whiche precepte though it be mete to be obserued also in other thinges / bycause that he whiche lo∣ueth perylles is worthy to perisshe therin yet these be moost chefely those SyrenesSyrenes be ere maydēs. which almoost neuer man at all hath esca¦ped / saue he whiche hathe kepte farre of. Secondly moderacyon of eatyng & dryn∣kyng and of slepe / temperaunce and absty¦nence from pleasures / ye from suche as be lawfull & permytted: the regarde of thyne owne deth / & the contemplacyon of ye deth of Chryst / & those thinges also wyll helpe yf thou shalt lyue with suche as be chaste and vncorrupted: yf thou shalte eschewe as a certeyn pestylence the cōmunycacion of corrupte and wanton persones: yf thou shalte flee ydle solytarynesse & sluggysshe ydlenes: yf thou shalte exercyse thy mynde strongly in the medytacyon of celestyall thynges / and in honest studyes. But spe∣cyally yf thou shalte consecrate thy selfe with all thy myght vnto the inuestyga∣cyon or serchynge of mysteryes of holy scripture: yf thou shalte praye bothe ofte and purely / most of all whan temptacyon inuadeth and assawteth the. IF thou shalt perceyue that thou art eyther by nature any thynge encly∣ned to the vice of auaryceAuaryce. / or stered by the deuyll: call to remembraunce (accordynge to the rules aboue rehersed) the dignite of thy condycyon or state / whiche for this thynge onely wast created / for this rede∣med / that thou euer sholdest enioye that infynyte good thynge god / for god hathe forged all ye hole buyldyng of this worlde that all thynges sholde obey vnto thy vse and necessite. How fylthy than & of how strayte & narowe a mynde is it not to vse but so greatly to wonder at thyng{is} dombe and moost vyle: take awaye the errour of men / what shall golde & syluer be but reed th & whyte? Shalte thou be the discyple of poore Chryst & called to a better posses∣syon / wonder at that as a certeyn great & excellent thyng whiche no philosopher of the gentyles dyd not set at nought? not to possesse ryches / but to despyse ryches is a noble thynge.To dyspyse ry¦ches is a noble thynge. But the cōmunalte of chry∣sten men by name onely crye out agaynst me / & be glad to deceyue them selfe moost craftely: very necessite (say they) cōpelleth vs to gader good togyder / wherof yf there sholde be none at all / than coude we not ones lyue veryly: yf it sholde be thynne & poore / than sholde we lyue in moche my∣sery without pleasure. But & yf it be som∣what clene & honest / & somwhat plēteous withall / it bryngeth many cōmodytees to mā.Chryst in the gospell of Ma∣thewe leest his discyples shold care for meete drynke or clo∣thes / bad them to beholde the lyiys how they were dothed & the byrd{is} how they were fed sayēs / yf your father of heuē make prouysyō for so vile thīg{is} moche more ye can not lacke whome he lo∣ueth so syngu∣lerly. The good lyking of body is well seen vnto / prouysyon is made for our chyldren / we lende & profyte our frendes / we are de∣lyuered frō cōtempte & be the more set by: in cōclusion also a man shal haue ye better name whan he is somwhat welthy. Of a greate many thousandes of chrysten men thou canst scarce fynde one or two yt dothe not bothe saye & thynke the same. Neuer∣thelesse to answere these men vnto bothe partes. First of al bycause they cloke their couetousnes with the name of necessite / I wyll lay agaynst them the parable reher∣sed in the gospell of the lylies & of ye byrdes lyuynge from day to day without farther prouysion / whose ensample Chryst exhor∣teth vs to coūterfeyte. I wyll lay agaynst them that the same Chryst wold not ones suffre so moche as a scrippe to be caryed a∣boute of his discyples. I wyll lay agaynst them / yt he cōmaūdeth vs (all other thing{is} layde aparte) before all thyng{is} to seke the kyngdome of heuen / & promyseth that all thyng{is} shal be cast & gyuen to vs. whan at any tyme had not they thing{is} necessary to maynteyn lyfe withal sufficiently / whiche with all their hertes haue gyuen themself to vertue & to the true lyf of a christē man? And how small a thyng is that whiche na¦ture requireth of vs? but thou measurest necessite not by ye nedes of nature / but by ye boundes of couetousnes. But vnto good men euen that is ynough that scarsely cō∣tenteth nature.Fryers. How be it veryly I do not so greatly set of these which forsake at one choppe theyr hole substaunce euery whyt that they myght ye more shamefully begge of other. It is none offence to possesse mo∣ney / but to loue & set store by money that is a vice & cosyn to synne. If ryches flowe vnto the / vse the offyce of a good dispēser: but & yf it ebbe & go away / be not cōsumed with thought / as though thou were rob∣bed of a greate thynge / but rather reioyce that thou art delyuered of a perylous far∣dell. Notwithstandyng he whiche consu∣meth the chefe study & pastyme of his lyfe in heapyng vp ryches togyder / whiche ga¦peth at them as a certeyn excellēt or noble thynge / & hyghly to be desyred / and layeth them vp ī store / that he may haue ynough to serue hym for longe tyme / ye though he sholde lyue euen to the age of Nestor:Nestor lyued thre hundred yeres. this man peraduenture may well be called a good marchaunt / but veryly I wolde not say that he were a very good christē man / that hangeth all togyder of hymselfe / and hath dystruste of the promesses of Chryst / whose goodnes / it is easy to wyte / shall not fayle a good man puttyng his trust in hym / seynge that he so liberally bothe fe∣deth & clotheth the poore sparowes. But let vs now cast a comptes of the cōmody∣tees / whiche ryches is byleued to brynge with hym. Fyrst of al euen by the cōmune cōsent of ye gentyle philosophers:Ryches amōg {pro}fytable thīg{is} obtayne the lowest rowme. amonge the good thynges whiche are called Bo∣na vtilia / that is to saye / good profytable thyng{is} / ryches hath the lowest place. And whan all other thynges (after the dyuy∣syon of Epictetus) are without man / ex∣cepte onely vertue of the mynde: yet no∣thynge is so moche without vs as money is / nothynge bryngeth so lytell cōmodite. For what so euer there is anywhere of golde / what so euer there is of precyous stones / yf thou alone haddest it euery deale in thy possessyon / shall thy mynde be ther∣fore the better by the valure of one heare?Ryches hel∣peth nothyng to vertue. shalt thou be the wyser? shalt thou be the connynger? shalte thou be anywhyt the more in good helth of body? shall it make the more strong and lusty? more fayre and beauteous? more yonge? No trewly. But you wyl say that it purchaseth pleasures / trewth it is: but they be deedly pleasuresTo false plea∣sures & vayne honours they helpe somwhat / it geteth a man honour: but what honour I praye you? veryly false honour / whiche they gyue / that prayseth nothynge / set∣teth by nothynge but onely folysshe thyn∣ges / and of whome to be praysed / is well nere to be dispraysed. True honour is / to be lauded of them whiche are commen∣dable and prayse worthy theym selues. The hyghest honourehonour is the rewarde of ver¦tue / and not of ryches. that can be / is to haue pleased Chryste. True honoure is / the rewarde / not of ryches / but of vertue. The folysshe people gyueth the rowme and place / gaseth vpon the / and gyueth the honoure and reuerence. O foole / they wonder at thyne apparayle / and honou∣reth it / and not the: why doest thou not descende in to thyne owne cōscience / & con¦syder the myserable pouerte of thy mynde? whiche yf the cōmune people sawe / than wolde they iudge the as myserable & wret¦ched / as they now call the happy & blessed But good geteth frendes. I graunte / but yet fayned & false frendes: neyther geteth it frendes to the but to it selfe. And certeyn¦ly the riche man is in this poynt of al men moste vnfortunate & wretched / bycause he can not so moche as discerne or knowe his true frendes & louers from other. One ha∣teth hym priuely & secretly in hert & mynde as an harde nyggarde.Ryches geteth frēd{is} but those false & fayned. An other hath enuy at hym / bycause he passeth hym in ryches. An other lokyng to his owne profyte and auaūtage / flatereth hym / & holdeth vp his ye & his nay / & smyleth vpon hym / to the ende that he may scrape & gete some thing from hym. He that before his face is most louyng & kynde / wyssheth and prayeth for his quycke and hasty deth. There is none that loueth hym so hertely & entyerly / but that he had leuer haue hym deed than a∣lyue. No man is so famylyar with hym / y• he wyll tell hym the trewth. But be it in case there were one special frende amonge a thousande that loued a ryche mā hertely without any maner of faynynge / yet can not the ryche man but haue in suspicion & mystrust euery mā. He iudgeth all men to be vultures & rauenous vyrdes gaping for careyn: he thynketh all men to be flyes fl∣yng to him / to sucke out some {pro}fyt of him for thēselues. what so euer cōmodite ther∣fore ryches semeth to brynge / it for ye most parte / or else all togyder is but coloured & deceytfull / it is shadowe lyke & full of del¦syon / apperyng otherwyse than it is in ve¦ry dede. But they bryng very many thing{is} which are euyll in dede / & taketh away ve¦ry many of these thynges which are good in very dede. Therfore yf thou wylte laye accomptes well & perfytly of that whiche is wonne / & that whiche is lost: doubtles thou shalt fynde that they neuer do bryng so moche of cōmoditees / but yt they drawe with them to to moche more of incōmody¦tees & displeasures. with how paynfull & sore labours are they goten / & with how great ieopardies? with how gret thought & care be they kepte? with how gret heuy∣nes & sorowe are they lost? for whiche cau∣ses Chryste calleth them yea thorneswherfor Christ compareth ry∣ches to thor / by∣cause they rent / teare & plucke in sonder al the tranquillite & quietnes of the mynde / with a thousande cares / than the whiche tranquillite of mynde / nothyng is to man more swete & pleasaūt / & they neuer quen∣che thurst & desyre of thēselfe / but kendleth & encreaseth it more & more. They dryue man hedlonge in to all mischefe. Neyther flatter thy selfe in vayne / saying nothyng forbyddeth but that a man at one tyme may be bothe ryche and good. Remembre what verite sayth / that it is more easy for a camell to crepe thrugh the eye of a nedle than a ryche man to entre in to the kyng∣dome of heuen.It is harde for a ryche man to be a good man And playnly without ex∣cepciō true is that saying of saint Ierome A ryche man to be eyther vniust hym selfe or the heyre of an vniust mā: great ryches can neuer be eyther goten or elles kepte without synne. Remembre of how moche better riches they robbe the / for he hateth the very taste and smell of vertue / he ha∣teth al honest craftes / who so euer setteth his vpō golde. More ouer the vyce of auaryce onely is called ydolatry of Paule. Neyther with any other vice at all Christ hath lesse aqueintaūce / neyther ye self same {per}sone can please god and maminon also. THou shalt lyghtly therfore seace to wonder at money yf thou wylt pon¦der and wey diligently very good thinges with those that be false & apparant good / yf paynted & coloured commoditees with those that be very cōmodytees in dede / yf thou wylt lerne with thyne inner eyen to beholde & to loue that noble good thynge which is infynyte / whiche onely whā it is psent / ye though all other thyng{is} shold be lackyng / haboundantly dothe satisfye the mynde of man / which is wyder & larger of capacite thā that it can be suffysed with al the good thynges of this worlde.The mynde of m of grete cap re / god onely fylleth it If thou shalt ofte call agayn before thyne eyen in what cōdicyon & state thou were whā the erth first receyued ye whan thou were first borne:Naked we ca∣me and naked we sall go. lykewyse in what state ye same shall receyue y• agayn whan thou dyest. If euer shall be psent in thy memory that famous foole of whom is made mēcion in y• gospel To whome it is sayd. This nyght I wyll fet agayn thy soule frō the: & these thyng{is} whiche thou hast gadered togyder / whose shal they than be? If thou shalt turne thy mynde frō the corrupt maners of y• cōmen sorte vnto the pouerte of Mary Chrystes mother / vnto the pouerte of the apostles / of the martyrs / and moost of all of Chryst thy heed. And sette before the that feerfull worde We / that is interpretate / woo be to you: whiche Chryst so menasseth & threte∣neth vnto the ryche men of this worlde. IF at any tyme ambiciō shall combre & vexe thy mynde thrugh her enchaū¦tementes / with these remedies thou shalt arme thyself before hand without tarying (accordīg to y• rules which I gaue before) take & holde this with toth & nayle / yt to be honourhonoure spryn∣geth of vertue onely. onely which springeth of true ver¦tue / whiche self same neuerthelesse a man must somtyme refuse / euen as taught vs bothe with doctryne & ensāple our maister Iesus Chryst. And this to be the chefe ho∣nour & onely honour which a chrystē man sholde desyre and wysshe for / to be praysed not of men / but of god / for whome he com¦mēdeth (as sayth the apostle) that man is perfyte & worthy of honour in dede.It is an honest thynge to be lnded of god. But yf honour be gyuen of mā for an vngoodly & vnhonest thynge / & so of vngoodly {per}sons. This is not honour but great dishoneste / shame & rebuke. yf for any meane & indiffe¦rēt thyng / as for beauty / strength / ryches / kynne:Honour gyu of vnhonest persones. yet veryly shall it not be called tru¦ly honoure / for no man deserueth honour with y• thynge wherof he deserueth not to be praysed. If for an honest thynge in dede it shal be honour: yet he whiche deserueth it shall not desyre it / but veryly shal be con¦tent with y• very vertue & cōscyence of his good dede. Beholde therfore how folysshe & how worthy to be laughed at these ho∣nours be / for whose desyre the comen peo¦ple so greatly burne & rage. First of all of whom are they gyuen?honour gyuen of comē people Trewly of them with whom is no difference bytwene ho∣nesty & dishonesty. wherfore are they gy∣uen? very oft for meane thyng{is} / now and than for fylthy thyng{is}. To whom? to him whiche is vnworthy. who soeuer therfore gyueth honour eyther he doth it sor feare / and than is he to be feared agayne / or by∣cause thou woldest do hym a good turne / and than he mocketh the: or bycause he is astonyed at thynges of naught & worthy of no honour / & than he is to be pityed: or bycause he supposed the to be moued with suche thing{is} as honour is gyuen of duty / wherin if he be disceyued / gyue dilygence that thou mayest be that he supposeth the to be. But & if he hyt aright / referre all the honour y• is offred the vnto him to whom thou arte bounde / ye for all those thinges whervnto the honour is gyuen. As thou oughtest not ascrybe to thyne owne selfe the vertue / so is it vnsyttyng to take vpon the the honour therof. Besydes this what is greater madnesse than to esteme the va∣lure of thyselfe by thopinyos of folyssheTo whome ho¦nour chaiceth to moost comēly. mē / in whose hand{is} it lyeth to take away agayne whan so euer they lyste the very same honour which they gyue / & dishonest the which was euen now honested. Ther¦fore nothynge can be more folysshe than eyther to reioyce for suche honours whan they happē / or to be sory or mourne whan they be taken away / whiche not to be true honours thou shalte perceyue at the leest way by this probacion and argument / for so moche as they be comen to the worste and leudest persons of all: ye they chaunce almost to none more plentuously than to them whiche of trewe honours be moste vnworthy.The quyetnes of a pryuate lyfe. Remembre how blyssed is the quyetnesse of a meane lyfe bothe priuate / that is to say / charged with no comen be∣synesse / and seperate & remoued out of the way from al noyse / haunte / or preasse. On the other syde cōsyder howe full of prickes howe full of cares / of peryls / of sorowes / is the lyfe of great men / & what diffycultie it is not to forget thy selfe in prosperyte / howe harde it is for a man standynge in a slypper place not to fall / how greuous the fall is from an hyghe. And remembre that all honour is coupled with great charge / and howe strayte the iugement of ye hygh iudge shalbe agaynst them whiche here in vsurpyng of honours / preferre them selfe afore other men. For surely who so euer shall humble & submyt hym selfe / hym as an innocēt or harmlesse person mercy shal socour: but who soeuer exalteth hymselfe as a perfyte man / y• same person excludeth from hymselfe the helpe & socour of grace.Let it not exalt thy mynde by cause thou b ret rule ouer other men. Let euer the ensample of Christe thy heed stycke faste in thy mynde. what thynge as touchynge to the worlde was more vyle / more dispysed or lesse honoured than he? How forsoke he honours whā they were profred hym / whiche was greater than a∣ny honoure? Howe set he no store of ho∣nours whan he rode vpon an asse? Howe condempned he thē whan he was clothed in pall and crowned with thorne? Howe vnglorious or vyle a dethe chose he? But whom the worlde dispysed him the father glorifyed. Let thy glory be in the crosse of Christ / in whom also is thy helth / welthe / sauynge / defence & protectyon. what good shal worldly honours do to the if god cast the awaye and dispyse the / and the aun∣gels lothe / abhorre / and defye the. THou shalte not swell in thy mynde if (acordyng to the comen prouerbe vsed of euery man) thou woldest knowe thyselfe:Knowe thy¦selfe. that is what so euer great thyng / what soeuer goodly or beautyfull thyng / what soeuer excellēt thyng is in the / thou accompt that to be the gyfte of god / & not thy good. On the othersyde / if what soeuer is lowe or vile / what soeuer is foule or fil∣thy / what soeuer is shreude or yuell thou ascrybe that altogyther vnto thyne owne selfe: if thou remēbre in how moche fylthe thou were cōceyued / in how moche borne howe naked / howe nedy / howe brutisshe / howe wretched / howe miserably thou cre¦pest in to this lyght. If thou remembre in to how many diseases or sicknesse on eue∣ry syde / vnto howe many chaunses / vnto howe many encombraunces / greues / and troubles this wretched body is daūgered. And agayne howe lytle a thing were able shortly to consume & bring to naught this cruell & vnruly gyaunt / swellyng with so myghty a spyrite.Perceiue wher¦of thou stōdest so grerey in thyne owne concyte. Pondre also this / what maner thynge that is wherof thou takest vpon the: if it be a meane or an indifferent thyng / it is folyshnesse: if a fylthy thing / it is madnesse: if an an honest thynge / it is vnkyndnesse. Remembre also nothyng to be a more sure document or profe of starke folysshnesse and lacke of vnderstandynge / than if a man stande greatly in his owne cōceyte. And agayne that no kynde of foly is more vncurable / if thy mynde begyn to aryse and waxe great bycause a vyle man submytteth himselfe to the. Thinke howe moche greater and myghtyer god hāgeth ouer thyne heed / whiche crussheth downe euery proude necke erecte streyght vp / and bringeth euery hyll vnto a playne / whiche spared not / no verily not so moche as the aungell whan he was fallen in to pryde. And these thing{is} also shalbe good though they seme somwhat as they were tryfles / if thou woldest compare thy selfe alwaye with excellenter persons. Thou lykest thy selfe bycause of a lytle beauty of thy body: compare thy selfe to thē whiche in beauty be farre before the. A lytle cōnyng maketh the to set vp thy fethers / turne thyne eyen vnto them in comparyson of whom thou mayst seme to haue lerned nothyng at all. Moreouer if thou wylt acompt not howe moche of good thyng{is} thou hast / but how moche thou lackest: And with Paule for∣getfull of those thing{is} whiche be behynde the woldest stretche forthe thy selfe to tho thynges whiche remayne afore the. Fur∣thermore that also shal not be an vnwyse thyng / if whan the wynde of pride dothe blowe / by and by we turne our very yuell thing{is} into a remedy / as it were expelling one poyson with another.Consydre thyn owne vyces & deformytes. That thynge shall this wise come to passe / if whan any great vyce or defourmyte of body / whan any notable domage eyther fortune hath gyuen / or foly hath brought to vs whiche myght gnawe vs vehemently by the sto∣make / we set that before our eyen / and by thensample of the pecocke we beholde our selfe chefely in that parte of vs in whiche we be most defourmed / and so shal thy fe∣thers fall forthwith and thy pride abate.rrogācy / pre∣sumpcyon or pertynacy / is hated vyce. Beyonde all these (besydes yt none other vyce is more hated vnto god) remembre also that arrogancye / pride / and presump∣cion is notably hated and had in derisyon euery where amonge men: whan cōtrary¦wyse lowlynesse & mekenesse / bothe pur∣chaseth the fauour of god / and kutteth vn¦to the the benyuolence of man. Therfore to speake compendyously / two thynges chefly shal refrayne the from pride / if thou consydre what thou art in thyselfe / fylthy in thy byrthe / a burble (suche as ryseth in the water) throughout all thy lyfe / wor∣mes meate in thy dethe / and what Christ was made for the. WHan feruent sorowe of the myndewrathe is a chyldyshe hynge. styrreth the vp vnto vengeaunce / re∣membre wrathe to be nothynge lesse than that whiche it falsely coūtrefayteth / that is to wete fortytude or manfulnesse: for nothynge is so chyldysshe / so weake / no∣thing so feble and of so vyle a mynde as to reioyce in vengeaunce. Thou woldest be counted a man of great stomacke / & ther∣fore thou sufferest not iniurye to be vna∣uenged: but in conclusyon by this meanes thou vtterest thy chyldysshnesse / seynge thou cannest not rule thyne owne mynde whiche is the very property and offyce of a man. Howe moche mālyer / how moche excellenter is it to set another mans foly at naught than to coūtrefayte it?Regarde lytll another mans foly. But he hath hurte the / he is proude and fierse / he scorneth the. The fylthyer he is so moche the more beware leest thou be made lyke hym. what the dyuelles madnesse is it that thou to auenge an other mans leud∣nesse woldest be made the leuder thy selfe. If thou dispyse the rebuke / all men shall perceyue y• it was done to one vnworthy therof: but & if thou be moued thou shalte make his quarell whiche dyd the wronge moche ye better. Furdermore take the thīg as it is / if any wronge be receyued / that is not eased one whyt with vengeaunce but augmented. For in conclusyon what ende shall there be of iniuryes on bothe sydes if euery man go forthe & procede to reuenge his own grefe? Enemyes encreace on both partes / the sorowe waxeth fresshe & rawe agayne / and the longer it endureth ye more vncurable it is: but with softnesse & with sufferaunce is healed nowe and than / ye euen he whiche dyd the wronge / and after he is comen to hymselfe agayne / of an ene¦mye is made a very trusty and faythfull frende. But the very same hurt whiche by vengeaūce thou coueytest to put frō the / reboundeth backe agayne vpon the / and not without encreace of harme. And that also shall be a souerayne remedy agaynst wrathe (if accordynge to the diuysyon of thinges aboue rehersed) thou shuldest cō∣syder y• one man can not hurt another on∣lesse he wyll hym selfe / saue in those thyn∣ges onely whiche be outwarde goodes / whiche so greatly prayne not vnto man: for the very good thynges of the mynde god onely is able to take awaye / whiche he is not wonte to do but vnto vnkynde persons / & only he can gyue them / whiche he hath not vsed to do vnto cruell & fury∣ous persons. No christen man therfore is hurte but of hym selfe: Iniury hurteth no man but the worker therof. These thyng{is} also helpe (though they be not weyghty) that thou shalt not folowe the sorowe of thy mynde. If the cyrcumstaūces of retho∣iens well gathered togyder thou bothe make lyght of thyne owne harmes / & also mynysshe y• wronge done of an other man cōmunly af this maner. He hurt me / but it wyl be soone amended. More ouer he is a chylde / he is of thynges vnexpert / he is a yonge man / it is a woman / he dyd it through an other mans mocyon or coun∣seyle / he dyd it vnware / or whan he had wel droke / it is mete that I forgyue hym. And on the other syde he hath hurt me gre¦uously. Certayne but he is my father / my brother / my mayster / my frende / my wyfe / it is accordynge that this grefe sholde be forgyuen / eyther for the loue / or els for the authorite of the {per}sone. Or els thou shalte set one thynge agaynst an other / & recom∣pence y• iniury with other good benefytes done of hym vnto the. Or with thyne offen¦ces done to hym afore season shalt accoūte it euen / & so make quyte. This man hathe hurte me veryly / but other tymes how oft hath he done me good. It cōmeth of an vn¦liberal mynde to forgete y• good benefytes and onely to remembre a lytell wronge or displeasure. Now he hath offēded me / but how ofte offended of me. I wyll forgyue hym / that he in lykewyse by myne ensam∣ple may pardon me / yf I an other tyme trespace agaynst hym. Fynally it shal be a remedy of moche greater tue & of stronge operacyon / yf in the mysdoyng of an other man agaynst the thou dydest thinke in thy selfe / what thynges / how greuous / & how ofte thou hast synned agaynst god / how many maner of wayes thou art in dette to hym:Forgyue thy ettour. as moche as thou shalt remyt vnto thy brother which is in thy dette / so moche shall god forgyue vnto the. This waye of forgyuynge other mennes dettes hath he taught vs whiche is hym self a creditour / he wyll not refuse the lawe which he hym selfe made. To be absolued or losed from thy synnes thou rennest to Rome / saylest to saynt Iames / byest {per}dons moste large. I disprayse not veryly that thyng whiche thou doest: but whan all is done / there is no redyer waye / no surer meanes wherby (yf thou haue offēded) thou mightest cōme to fauour / agayne & be reconsyled to god / than yf thou whan thou art offended / be reconsyled agayne vnto thy brother / for∣gyue a lytel trespace vnto thy neyghbour (for it is but small what so euer one man trespaceth agaynst an other) that Chryste may forgyue the so many thousande offen¦ces.By the ensāple of chryste swa∣ th mynde. But it is harde (thou sayst) to subdue the mynde whan he begynneth to waxe hote. Remembrest thou not / how moche harder thynges Chryste suffered for the / what were thou whan he for thy sake be∣stowed his precyous lyfe? were thou not his ennemy? with what softnes suffereth he the dayly repetyng thyne olde synnes? Last of all how mekely suffered he the vt∣termost rebukes / bondes / strypes / fynally deth moost shamefull? why? why? boostest thou thy selfe of the heed / yf thou care not to be in the body? Thou shalt not be a mē¦bre of Chryst except thou folowe ye steppes of Chryste.we must {per}don the vnworthy. But he is vnworthy to be for∣gyuen. Euen so were not thou vnworthy whom god shold forgyue? In thyne owne selfe thou wylt haue mercy exercised / & a∣gaynst thy brother wylt thou vse extreme and cruell iustyce? is it so great a thyng yf thou beyng a synner thy selfe sholdest for∣gyue a synner / whan Chryst prayed his fa¦ther for them whiche crucifyed hym? is it an harde thynge not to stryke thy brother whom thou art also cōmaūded to loue? is it an hard thing not to pay agayn an euyl dede / for whiche excepte thou woldest recō¦pence a good: thou shalt not be yt towarde thy felowe y• Chryst was towarde his ser∣uaūt? Fynally yf this mā be vnworthy to whome for an euyll turne a good shold be recōpenced / yet art thou worthy to do it / Chryst is worthy for whose sake it is done But in suffryng an olde displeasure I call in a newe / he wyll do iniury agayne yf he sholde escape vnpunysshed for this: yf with out offence thou canst auoyde / auoyde it: if thou canst ease or remedy it / ease it: if thou canst heale a mad man / heale hym / yf not let hym perysshe hymself alone rather thā with the. This mā whiche thynketh hym self to haue done harme / thynke thou wor¦thy to be pytyed / and not to be punysshed. wylt thou be angry to thy cōmendacion & laude?Be angry and agreed with the vyce. be angry with y• vice / not with ye mā But the more thou art enclined by nature to this kynde of vice / so moche ye more dili∣gently arme thy selfe longe before hande / & ones for altogyder prynt sure in thy mynde this decre or purpose: that thou neither say nor do any thyng at any tyme while thou art angry: bileue not thyself whā thou art moued: haue suspected what so euer yt so∣deyn mociō or rage of y• mynde diffineth or iudgeth / ye though it be honest.Saye nor do any thynge yf thou be angry Remēbre none other differēce to be bitwene a frātik {per}son & hym yt rageth in ire thā is bytwene a short madnes that dureth but a season & a cōtinual {per}seuerāt madnes. Cal to minde how many thyng{is} in angre thou hast sayd or done worthy to be repēted / which now though in vayne thou woldest fayne were chaūged. Therfore whan y• wrath waxeth hote & boyleth: yf thou cā not streightway delyuer thy selfe altogyder from anger at the leest way come thus ferforth to thy selfe & sobrenesse that thou remem∣bre thy selfe not to be well aduysed or in thy ryght mynde: To remembre this is a great parte of helth. On this wyse reason with thy selfe / nowe verily so am I myn∣ded / but anone herafter I shall be of ano∣ther mynde moche contrary / why shulde I in the meane season say agaynst my frende (whyle I am moued) that thynge whiche herafter whan I am peased & my malyce ceassed I coulde not chaūge: why shulde I nowe do in my malyce or anger yt thynge whiche whan I am sobred & come to my selfe agayne I shulde greatly sorowe and repent. why rather shulde not reason / why shulde not pytie / at the last why shulde not Christe optayne that of me nowe / whiche a lytle pause of tyme shal shortly herafter optayne.The mynde must be hard∣ned agaynst wrath. To no man (I suppose) hath na∣ture gyuen so moche of blacke colour but at the leest way he myght so ferforthe rule hymselfe. But it shalbe a very good thing for y• thus instructed to harden thy mynde with reason / with cōtynuaunce & custome that thou couldest not be moued at all: it shall be a perfyte thynge / if thou hauynge indignacyon only at y• vyce / for a displea∣sure or rebuke done to the / shalt rendre a∣gayne a dede of charyte. To conclude / euen naturall temperaūce whiche ought to be in euery man / requyreth that thou shuldest not suffre affectyons to rule the vtterly. Not to be wrothe atall / is a thing moste lyke vnto god / and therfore moste comly and beautyfull. To ouercome yuel with goodnesse / malyce with kyndnesse / is to counterfayte the perfyte charyte of Chryst Iesu. To holde wrathe vnder and kepe hym backe with a brydell / is the pro∣pertie of a wyse man. To folowe the ap∣petyte of wrathe / is not a poynt of a man veryly / but playnly of beestes / and that of wylde beesies. But yf thou woldest knowe how moche vncomly it were to a man to be ouercome with wrathe / loke whan thou art sobre that thou marke the countenaunce of an angry persone / or els whan thou thy selfe art angry / go vnto a glasse.Beholde thyn own coūtenāce whan thou art angrye. whā thyne eyen so burne flamyng in fyre / whan thy chekes be pale / whan thy mouthe is drawen awrye / thy lyppes fome / all thy membres quake / whan thy voyce soundeth so malycyously / neyther thy gestures be of one fassyon / who wolde iudge the to be a man? Thou perceyuest nowe my most swetest frende howe large a see is open all abrode to dispute of other vyces after this same maner. But we in the myddes of our course wyll stryke sayle leauynge the rest to thy discrecyon. Ney∣ther certayne was it my mynde / purpose / or intencyon (for that shulde be an infy∣nyte worke) as I began / euen so to dis∣swade the from euery vyce / vyce by vyce / as it were with sondry declamacionsDeclamacions / and to bolde and courage the to the contra∣ryeSermons. vertues.Orations. This onely was my desyre (whiche I thought suffycient for the) toPrechynges. shewe a certayne maner and crafte of a newe kynde of warre / howe thou mygh∣test arme thy selfe agaynst the yuels of the olde lyfe burgynge for the agayne & spryn∣gyng a fresshe. Therfore as we haue done in one or two thynges (bycause of ensam∣ple) soo must thou thy selfe do partely in euery thyng / one by one: but most of all in the thyng{is} whervnto thou shalt perceyue thy selfe to be styrred or instygate peculy∣arly / whether it be through vyce of na∣ture / custome / or yuell bryngynge vp / a∣gaynst these thinges some certeyn decrees must be written in the table of thy myne / & they must be remeued now & than / leest they sholde fayle or be forgoten through disuse / as agaynst y• vyces of backbytyng / fylthy spekynge / enuy / gule / & other lyke:Certen decrees mst be writtē in our myndes these be y• onely enemyes of Christes sow∣diours / against whose assawte the mynde muste be armed longe aforehande with prayer / with noble sayeng{is} of wyse men / with ye doctryne of holy scripture / with en∣sample of deuoute & holy men / and specy∣ally of Christe. Thoughe I doute not but that the redyng of holy scripture shal my∣nister al these thyng{is} to the habundaūtly / neuerthelesse charyte whiche one brother oweth to another hath moued & exhorted me that at y• leest way with this sodayne and hasty writynges / I shulde further and helpe thy holy purpose as moche as lyeth in me:why he wrote this boke som∣what quicklier and with more pede. a thynge whiche I haue done som∣what the rather bycause I somwhat fea∣red leest thou shuldest fall in to that super∣stycyous kynde of religyous men / whiche partely awaytyng on their owne aduaū∣tage / partly with great zele / but not acor∣dyng to knowlege / walke rounde aboute bothe by see & lande / and if anywhere they gette a man recoueryng from vyces vnto vertue / hym streyght way with moste im∣portune & leude exhortacyons / thretenyn∣ges / and flateryng{is} they enfore to thruste into the ordre of monkes / euen as though without a cowle there were no christen∣dome.Relygyous men. Furthermore whan they haue fyl∣led his brest with pure scripulosyte & dou∣tes insoluble / than they bynde hym to cer∣tayne tradycions foūde by man / & plainly thruste the wretched person heedlonge in to a certayne bondage of cyremonyes lyke vnto the maner of the iewes / & teache him to tremble and feare / but not to loue. The ordreThe ordre of monkes. of mōkeship is not pytie / but a kynde of lyuyng to euery man after the disposy∣cion of his body & his mynde / also eyther profytable or vnprofytable / whervnto ve∣rily as I do not corage the / so lykewyse I cousayle not from it. This thyng onely I warne the of / that thou put pytie neyther in meate nor in rayment or habyte / nor in any visyble thynge / but in those thynges whiche haue ben declared & shewed the a∣fore: & in what soeuer persons thou shalte fynde or perceyue ye true ymage of Christe / with thē cople thyselfe. Moreouer whan suche men be lacking whose conuersacion shulde make ye better / withdrawe thyselfe as moche as thou mayst from ye companywhat cōpany one a mā shold chose to lyue withall. of man / and call the holy prophete / Christ and the apostels vnto cōmunycacion / but specially make Paule of famylier acquayn¦taūce with the. This felowe must be had euer in thy bosome to be redde & studyed bothe nyght and daye: fynally & to be ler∣ned without the booke worde by worde / vpon whom we haue now a good whyle enforced with gret dilygēce to make a cō∣ment or a enarracyon / a bolde dede truly. But not withstandynge we trustynge in the helpe of god / wyll endeuoyre our selfe besyly leest after Origene / Ambrose / and Augustyne / leest after so many newe in∣terpretours we shulde seme to haue taken this labour vpon vs / vtterly eyther with∣out a cause or without fruyte: and also that certayne besy and vnquyet pyckqua∣relles / whiche thynken it perfyte relygion to knowe nothing at all of good lernyng / maye vnderstande and well perceyue that where as we in youthe haue embrased and made moche of the pure lernynge of olde auctours / and also haue goten / and that not without great swette & watche / a meane vnderstandyng of bothe the ton∣ges greke and latyn.Good lernyng profyteth nto pyte. we haue not in so doynge loked vnto a vayne and folysshe fame / or vnto the chyldysshe pastyme and pleasure of our mynde / but that we were mynded longe before to adorne and gar∣nysshe the lordes temple with the richesse of other straunge nacyons and countreys to the vttermoste of our power. whiche temple some men with their ignoraunce and barbarousnesse hath ouermoche dis∣honested / that by the reason of suche ry∣chesse excellent wyttes myght also be in∣flamed vnto the loue of holy scrypture. But this so great a thynge a fewe dayes layde a parte / we haue taken vpon vs this laboure for thy sake / that vnto the (as it were with a fynger) we myght shewe the way whiche ledeth streyght vnto Christ. And I beseche Iesu y• father of this holy purpose (as I hope) that he wolde vouch∣safe benyngly to fauour thy holsome en∣forcementes / ye that he wolde in chaun∣gyng of the encrease his grace / and make the perfyte / that thou myghtest quyckly waxe bygge & stronge in hym / and springe vp vnto a perfyte man. In whom also fare thou well brother & frende / al∣ways verily beloued in my hert / but nowe moche more than before bothe dere and ple∣saūt. At the towne of saynte Andomers / the yere of Chri∣stes byrthe. 1501.
A00364.P4	A letter sent by I.B. Gentleman vnto his very frende Maystet [sic] R.C. Esquire vvherin is conteined a large discourse of the peopling & inhabiting the cuntrie called the Ardes, and other adiacent in the north of Ireland, and taken in hand by Sir Thomas Smith one of the Queenes Maiesties priuie Counsel, and Thomas Smith Esquire, his sonne.	[ "I. B., gentleman.", "Smith, Thomas, Sir, 1513-1577. Offer and order given forth by sir Thomas Smyth knight, and Thomas Smyth hys sonne." ]	[1572]]	By Henry Binneman for Anthonhson [i.e. Anthony Kitson], dwelling in Paules Churc [sic] yard at the signe of the Sunne,	[Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Smith, Thomas, -- Sir, 1513-1577 -- Early works to 1800.", "Smith, Thomas, -- Sir, ca. 1556-1609 -- Early works to 1800.", "Ireland -- Politics and government -- 16th century -- Early works to 1800.", "Ireland -- Foreign relations -- England -- Early works to 1800.", "England -- Foreign relations -- Ireland -- Early works to 1800." ]	SUche doubtes and excepti∣ons frende K. C. as I haue heard alleged & put for the to vnhable that enterprise of peopling & replenishing with the Englishe Nation the North of Ireland, whiche with the as∣sistance of Sir Thomas Smith one of her Maiesties Counsell, Mayster Thomas Smith his Sonne hath vndertook to bring to passe, maketh mée that I can not holde from you my so singuler fréende those ar∣guments wherewith through conference had with him vpon his sayde attempt by reason of our greate familiaritie hée hath fully persuaded and satisfied mée. Chéefly bycause I woulde confirme you in that whiche he hathe a little broke vnto you, and partly bicause I would not haue you wauer in your promise, thorow the vaine allegations of some, which eyther are ig∣norant altogither of his purpose or whose vnderstanding can not stretche to a mat∣ter of so greate aduice, or of suche who are of base and cowardly courages in the exe∣cutions of matters of great importance: or els of enuious disposition, partely also bicause I would not haue his moste com∣mendable enterprise in his absence defa∣ced for the greate affection I beare him, whom I know most sufficient to answer euery point, article, and obiection, can bée layd ageinst him in this behalf, although I haue nothing but that whiche through muche conference I haue drawen from him. And firste by the way holde this for a maxime, that there hath bene at no time any notable attempt taken in hand with∣out enuy, doubt, and defaring. The reasō is, that bicause they are actions appertey∣ning to the increase or furtheraunce of a whole gouernement, they are also muche noted, wherein euery man will haue his verdit. Some as is aforesayd not know∣ing halfe, wil answere at the first as they are affectionate to the partie or countrie. Others that haue bet their braines a lit∣tle to vnderstand y• whiche their conceit wil not stretche vnto, take it vnpossible. The third that ground the lengthning of their lines terme by home dwelling, and their cuntrie seruice performed, if as a ci∣pher in Agrā they fil ye roume of a man, & proserue their own, althogh many times they conceiue the likelyhode, and cōmend the thing, yet they neuer are inwardlye resolued of their doubtes superstitiously afrayd to enter into any vnvsual dooings, but the last gréeued to sée honest woorkes attempted, & likely to be brought to passe (while they line idle) to hide their neg∣lygence, enuiouflye slaunder and deface all good purposes. Suche is the nature of man, but I wil now to the matter. Ireland is a large Cuntrie, commended wonderfully for the fertilenesse and com∣modious site therof, wherin the Kings of England haue had footing and continuall gouenement these foure hundred yéeres and more But so as the barbarous Nati∣on at no time fully subdued, through their often rebellion, haue bene rather an anoy and charge to this Kealme of England, than otherwise, whiche some men haue imputed to the impossibilitie therof, or to the euil gouernment of Deputies, which eyther haue bene neglygent or corrupt. But Maister Smith to see and knowe the truthe, trauayled thither in the companie of Sir V Villiam Fitzwilliams now Lord Justice there, minding after serche of made (for now beganne the desire of this attempt to root in his hart) to declare his opinion, if hée thought it myght be accep∣ted, and hath founde that the decay of the gouernment there hath not chaunced bi∣cause that the planting at the firste of the Englishe Nation (so muche as it was) was not for the time substancially done, nor by the negligence and corruptnesse of the gouernours there, wherof within our remembraunce hath bene a successiue or∣der of noble, iust, wise, and sufficient per∣sons. But hathe growne by the necessitie whiche hath constrayned the gouernours to giue protections & pardons vnto moste heynous rebels and outlawes, after they haue spoyled, murthred, & made hauocke of the good Subiects, for lack of sufficient forces where with to attache and execute the sayde malefactours, by reason of the spare supplye at all times made to thē by the Prince, who at the firste inhabyting thereof mynding more the kyngdome of Fraunce and thinking all to little for that purposed Conquest, neglected Ireland as a matter of smal importance, then worst looked to, when England it selfe was a prise or rewarde to them that best could besturre thēselues of the houses of Yorke and Lancaster. And if you wil marke the Stories, you shal finde great reasons that haue moued the Prince too hée spare of charges in that cuntrie, and a consequence of decay in that gouernment. About the time of the first entrie of the Englishe in Ireland made that they begā to settle, arose y• Barons warres in Eng∣land, that weakened and decayed all at home. Fraunce was chargeable too bée mainteyned with many garrisos, a great waster bothe of men & money, yet a thing whereto the Princes were more bent thā to Ireland: so that we may easly perceiue and iudge, that the Jrishe whiche yet re∣mayned vnsubdued, taking aduantage of the time, whiles the chéef that had autho∣ritie there, were called ouer to vpholde their factions here, possessed againe their land, and expelled the new inhabitants: found without hed and scarce yet wel set∣led, whiche could not be recouered againe so soone, bicause suche as were come ouer after they had wasted themselues in Ci∣uile warres, and had in the meane time lost their landes in Ireland, lost also their credite with such as at the first aduentu∣red vnder them, by reason they had forsa∣ken and lefte them open to the spoile, nor the Princes being eaten out also with ci∣uile discord & with the charges of France, vnto which they were more addicted, had the treasure to spare for the reformation therof. Only king Ruhard the second in hys owne person attemptyng the same, was ouertaken with Eiuile discension & deposed, whiche hath euer since discoura∣ged his Successours personally to attēpt the like. Thus home warres still increa∣sing, with the Armies in Fraunce, (a de∣uouring graue of this Nation) and lastly the losse therof, so weakned and impoue∣risshed the Crown of England, that both people and money wanted therein, much good land lying waste for lacke of inhabi∣taunts, that it was more time to recouer by rest that which was wanting at home than to send abrode that could not be spa∣red. And the Princes contented thēselues if they myght onely preserue a footyng or entrye into Ireland wyth some small charge, wherby the gouernours were cō∣streyned for wante of supply by protecti∣ons and pardons to appease euery rebel∣lion, which otherwise to represse and pu∣nish they were not sufficiently furnished. This perceiued of the Irishe, made them that vppon euery light occasion they will flie out, and satisfied with bloud and bur∣ning, will not without protection & par∣don be brought in. The Englishe race o∣uerrumie and daily spoiled, seeing no pu∣nishment of maletactors did buy their owne peace, alied and fostred themselues with the Irishe, and the race so nourished in the bosonie of the Irishe, perceiuing their immunitie from lawe and punish∣mente degenerated: choosing rather to maintain themselues in the Irish mans beastly libertie, thā to submit themselues and to liue there alone, and not the Irish in the godly awe of the lawes of Eng∣land. This degenerating and daily decay of the English manners by little and lit∣tle in the countrey, discorageth those that haue not perfectly wayed all that is a∣foresaid, to attempt any new enterprise. The Prince seeing no manne forwarde therin, is weryed with the continuaunce of the yerely great charge which hir ma∣iestie liberall aboue hir predecessoures hath borne more willingly, and to this, the first entring of the English, their first inhabiting, the order and manner therof, is almost worne out of memorie and for∣gotten, their decay and wasting daily to be seene. All these things when my frend being then in Ireland, had informed him selfe of, by diligent inquifition, he fell to consi∣der what way were fittest for oure time to reforme the same, and if it were refor∣med, I meane the whole countrey reple∣nished with Englishe men, what profite that coulde be to the estate of Englande, hath sithens his returne tolde me diuers times, that he thought Irelande once in∣habited with Englishe men, and polliced with Englishe lawes, would be as great commoditie to the Prince as the realme of England, the yerely rent and charges saued that is now laide out to maintaine a garrison therein, for there cannot be (sayeth he) a more fertile soile thorowe out the world for that climate than it is, a more pleasant, healthful, ful of springs, riuers, great fresh lakes, fishe, and foule, and of moste commodious herbers. Eng∣land giueth nothing saue fine woolle, that will not be had also moste abundantly there, it lacketh only inhabitants, manu∣rance, and pollicie. As for the meanes how to subdue and replenishe the same (sayth he) they were easie to be deuised, if the Quéenes maie∣stie wold once take it vpō hir, with army maintained at hir charges: but sith hir highnesse is not bent thereto, what other meanes is to be folowed, he hath héereto∣fore in his first offer to the Quéenes ma∣iesties Counsell declared: which is that which he nowe foloweth, and so many that haue not in them selues the will or grace to do so well, do impugne, which I wil héere defende and persuade you in as a thing moste reasonable, faisable, and commendable. He hathe taken in hande withoute hir Maiesties pay to win and replenish with Englishe inhabitantes the countrey cal∣led the Ardes in the Northe of Irelande, and some partes thereto adioyning: s there any think you, that heare only thus much of the enterprise, and will not com∣mend the manifest good disposition of his towardes his countrey and his Princes seruice. Yes, and if he finde meanes to bring it to passe withoute the Quéenes pay, his inuention is the more to he com∣mended. But vpon this doe they grounde all their argumentes, that either are not capable of the meanes, or else had rather speake againste it, than learne the likeli∣hoode. What (say they) it is not possible to win or inhabite any parte of Irelande, without the Quéenes pay, hir forces and expences. And yet the first entry with the Englishe men made into Irelande, was in Henrie the secondes time, with his li∣cence, by Strangbovve Earle of Chepstow at his owne charges, and the charges of his adherentes, at what time the Coun∣trey was replenished with inhabitants, & deuided only into fiue kingdomes: who with a smal number entred into ye same, & subdued y• kingdō which is nowe called Lemster, which he possessed and held qui∣etly, plantyng it with Englyshe inhaby∣tants, and placing Englishe Lawes, vn∣til the King enuying his procéedings, and fearing to haue so great a Subiect, enfor∣ced him to surrender his right, whiche hée did. And this was the first foting of Eng∣lishe men in that Land, not by the Kings power, without which as I haue sayd, di∣uers hold an opinion, no good can be ther done. Some I say, that haue bene Capi∣taines there, wil persuade you in y• same, whom if you will aske what good seruice they haue done, wil answer you, with xl. footmen to haue kept a Castle, and reaped the commoditie of the Lande adiacent in the middes of the enemies territory, yea and with a hundred footemen and a fewe Horse, to haue kepte whole Cuntries of the Irishe in awe and obeysance, and yet auerre, that without the Princes pay, it is not possible to inhabite in any Cūtrie there: as though there were more vertue in a quantitie of the Princes money, thā in so muche of other mennes, or that the like to their déeds, haue not bene done in Ireland before them, and dayly since, that it were a greater matter for too bring too passe now, in that which is least Irishe, & deuided into an hundred factions, and ha∣uing not the meanes to holde themselues together ten dayes if they should assem∣ble, than it was in Strangbowes tyme, when the whole was deuyded intoo fiue partes onely, in the prime of their forces and gouernmēt. But how friuolous their sayings bene, you may by this easely cō∣iecture. Muche more then that whiche Strang∣bowe wonne, remayneth not at this day ciuile in Ireland, but many parcels haue bene wonne by the English men therin, without the Kings forces, whiche eyther by the occasions afore rehersed wer lost, or els for lack of inward pollicy degene∣rated, as great Cuntries in Munster, by the Gerardines and Butlers. In Connalt, by the Burges. In Meth, by Nogent, in Vlster sometimes by Lacy Earle of Lin∣colne, after him by Mortimer, yea a great part of the Arde was and is possessed by the Sauages, in whose offspring which at this time holde it, saue the name remay∣neth nothing English, with diuers other parcelles which for shortnesse sake, I let passe. But the cause why they loste it a∣gaine or els degenerated, is declared be∣fore. Let thus many exāples suffize to shew that the enterpryse is possyble, and hath often bene done. If they wil not, yet let reason serue, that if a hundred or two of footmen, and fiftie or a hundred Horse ha∣uing the Quéenes pay to mainteine, can keepe and defend the Arde, then so many horsemen and footmen aswel payed and mainteyned, can also and as sufficientlye stéepe and defend the Arde, and thus by proportion, a greater number a greater Cuntrie, except there be other mistery in the Quéenes pay than I can hear or per∣ceine, where many times foure score and ten, and those not alwayes cōplete make a good hundred. Wel (wil you say) I graunt that thrée hundred are sufficient to defend the Arde. But when euery man is retired, to dwel vpō his own, then wil the enemy (which wayteth hys tyme on euery side) in the winter nights, spoyle this time one, & the next time another, so that you shal neuer haue rest nor profite of the soyle, nor liue wtout feare, as it happeneth many times vppon the frontier of the Englyshe pale, for all the Quéenes Maiesties garryson. To this as néere as I can, I wil repeate his words, who at the time I alledged it to him smiled and sayed, I haue not yet forgotte all mine Accidence by this text. Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cau∣tum, which was wont to make mée take héede, to doo that in schoole, for whiche I saw another beaten, I stand as it were in a thrée want way, wherof one parte lea∣deth right, and I haue séene two take se∣uerall wayes, & bothe lose their labours bicause they were out of the right way. What letteth nowe, that I perfectly in∣structed and warned by other mennes er∣rors, should not boldly proceede the third way and not go awry? Moste of those that haue taken in hand before this, to winne and inhabite in Ire∣land, haue after the place once possessed, deuided themselues eche to dwell vppon his own land, & to fortesie him selfe ther∣on, trusting with his owne strength, if a∣ny inuasion were made to preserue him selfe therein. But this made not the ene∣mie afrayed, who lay continually vnder his Nose, and all alongst vppon the bor∣der watching the time to serue his turne, sometime stealing and praying the Cat∣tel, other times laying wait to intrap and murther the Maister himselfe, sometime setting Fire on his Keekes or Townes, whereby they that lay next the Frontier were forced eyther to for sake their owne, or els compound & foster with the Irish. So they degenerated as is aforesayd, and in time all was frustrate. Yet the Coun∣trie of Ophally vsing that order, lyeth at this day so safe, that they put for the their Cattel in the night with out fear of stea∣ling, but I iudge that brought to passe ra∣ther by Cowleys singuler good gouerne∣ment, otherwise than by that only order, for the inhabitaunce of the Countrie of Less which was deuided in the same or∣der, are not altogether so assured. Others whom the Quéenes forces doo defende, when the enemies growe strong vpon them and begin to spoyle thē, haue of the garrisō sent vown to defend them, so flyeth the enemie to trouble an other quarter, or els for beares for the time, till the garrison bée called away to a place of more need, or that the husbandmen eaten out with cesse, when he is wery, by peti∣tion hath obteyned too bée cased of them, who be no sooner gone, but the enemie re∣turneth to wast him ageine. Thus euery way goeth it backwards with them. The thirde way is that wée must take, firste to chuse a place so néere as wée can that is naturallye strong, When after it is wonne not too suffer the Souldiour too be dispersed, wel to let the owner repaire to his portion, but so as a souldiour in his stéede be alwayes on the frontier, least of all to truste to be dayly defended by the Quéenes garrison for diuers inconueni∣ences. And héerein sith wee haue leasure inough, I will open to you some what of my designe, and the reasons haue persua∣ded me therto. The Arde which is my demaund, and the néerest parte of all Ireland to Lanca∣shere, and the Caste parte of England, I take to be a péece of ground as easie to be wonne, inhabited, safely kepte and defen∣ded, as any platte within the Kealme of Ireland, being a reache of land (as it were of purpose bayed out from the mayne in∣to the Sea, to wall in so muche of it as woulde make so faire and commodious a lake and herber as the hauen of Strang∣ford is) fasshioned like an Arme bente in the Elbowe, annexed no where to the mayne but at the one ende as the Arme to the shoulder. The bredth of whiche en∣trie is aboute fiue Miles, as by the platte héere vnto annexed may be more plainlye seene. That straight once kept and defen∣ded, all the reste of the Countrie muste of necessitie become quiet and safe, and thus shall it be defended. Upon the sayed entrie shall be raysed strengths where all the souldiors which are mainteyned by the Cuntrie, shall lie in garrison for diuers good consideratiōs, keping there continuall scoute watche, & warde so narowly, that one single person vndiscried shal not be able to enter or flée out of the Countrie. By this meanes the Cuntrie is not onely safely preserued, the border aswel as the middest, but the Irish wil alway kéepe them selues aloose, for feare of Scarbrough warning, if they should harbour thēselues any thing néere a garrison that lyeth ready to take euery aduauntage vpon them. And to the ende the Souldiours should be the more bigi∣lant, I am minded to lay all the very frō∣tier Lande denided by proportion, to the strengths where the garrisons lie, so that euery Souldiour shal put in his share to∣wards the sowing and manuring therof, and receiue his parte of the Corne and o∣ther profite that is too bée gathered there∣on, whiche shall come to him besides his maintenance from the Cuntrie. This for his owne gaine sake which lyeth in most daunger of all, will make him haue bet∣ter eye to his charge, and be the more iea∣lous of the enemie, As for hauyng the Quéenes ayde and garrison, I haue good hope it shal not néed for sith y• euery Souldiour is made May∣ster and owner of his land, to him and to his heires for euer, will he not think you looke as well and as carefully to that, as hee would if hée had sixe pence sterling a day of the Quéenes Maiestie, whereof he should be sure not past for a yeer or there about, and then to go whither he would. Now if he keepe and desende this, hée is a Gentleman, a man of liuelyhode & of en∣heritaunce, and who hath and shall haue, his ground ploughed and eared for him without his paines, for that we haue pro∣uided for, if hee lose it, he loseth his owne inheritaunce, and hindreth his posteritie. And if by his owne charges and costes he doo obteine it, and bring it to ciuilitie and good obedience to his Prince, how muche more auour, grace, and renown dooth hée delerue at hir Maiesties hand, & as with∣out her highnes charge, this he shal do, so as reason is, he hath it the better cheape, the larger estate in it, and the lesse incū∣bered. What difference I pray you is there in the end betwéene the charges without the Queenes ayde, to go to win the sayde Countrey, and inhabite it, or else to goe dwell, being sette in by the Prince, in a countrey which hir maiestie huth wonne and lefte vnto the inhabiters to defende, nothing but the charges of the first win∣ning which is one yeares charge or two, for which charges to haue in recompence a larger estate, and to paie an easier rent, In faithe I iudge you nowe sufficiently informed, and that you do take this a bet∣ter, more reasonable, and surer way, thā to couet héerein at the firste getting the Princes aide, which if you shal haue done it were reason we should both pay bigger rente, & haue worse estates, as they haue alreadie in other places of Irelande, on that sorte lately wonne. Nowe you sée I haue not only answe∣red you to your questiō, and resolued you of your dout, but haue opened to you a se∣crete of mine enterprise, which maketh many that know not so much, condemne me for taking it in hande. There resteth yet master Smith said I one poynt to be alleaged héerein which is this, that there are not many can beare this first charge, and be willing to doe it also. With that he paused a while, and there replied again as foloweth. If there be any thing that may hinder in dede this enterprise, or make it vaine, it is that, that you haue nowe spoken of, namely good councel slowly folowed: but you shal heare what likelihoodes and hope I haue to the contrarie. I am sure you are persuaded, that all enterprises are very much either furthe∣red or hindered by ye times in which they are taken in hand. For if Amintas, grand∣father to the great Alexander, (the estate of the Macedonians being then small and weake) had taken in hande the ouer∣throwing of the Persian Empire, he had neuer done it: nor Philip which prepared the Macedonians to such an enterprise, whome by sundry conquestes vppon his neighbors, he had fleshed to the warre, and by continual exercise had made them almost perfect souldiours, for now desired they nothing but worke, and the spoile of some riche kingdome. Which when A∣lexander perceiued, he toke the aduaun∣tage of the time, and had good successe: so you may sée the time and inclination of the Macedonians, was in déede of more effect to bring the enterprise to passe, than Alexanders onely disposition coulde haue bene, who was but a yong man, and not much experienced at that time. More examples I will not vse, but de∣clare vnto you that my greatest hope is in the time wherein I am, which I consi∣der on this sorte. England was neuer that can be heard of, fuller of people than it is at this day, and the dissolution of Abbayes hath done two things of importance heerin: It hath doubled the number of gentlemen and mariages, whereby commeth daily more increase of people: and suche yonger bro∣thers as were wonte to be thruste into Abbayes, there to liue (an idle life) sith that is taken from them, must nowe séeke some other place to liue in. By thys meanes there are many lacke abode, and fewe dwellings emptie. With that our lawe which giueth all to the elder brother, furthereth much my purpose. And the excessiue expence bothe in diet and apparell, maketh that men which haue but small portions, can not maintaine them selues in the emulation of this world, with like countenance as the grounded riche can do: thus stand we at home. Then went I to examine the estate of Countreis abrode, and found, that all the Countreis adiacent round aboute, were as wel peopled or better than we be, or else more barren, so that except we might master and expel the inhabitants, it wold not auaile. But therfore, or for any other cause, to fall in variance with Fraunce or Spaine, were but as the rubbing of one boughe against an other with the winde, where bothe fret, neither increaseth. Scot∣land besides that is barren, is ruled by a frend king, and peopled sufficiently. fre∣land is the Quéenes inheritaunce, many countreis there, as that which I demaūd, giuen to hir by acte of Parliament of the same realme, others hirs by dissents, the which lye almoste desolate: To inha∣bite & reforme so barbarous a nation as that is, and to bring them to the knowe∣ledge and lawe, were bothe a godly and commendable déede, and a sufficiēt worke for our age. All these things happening togither in my time, when I had cōsidered, I iudged surely, that God did make apte and pre∣pare this nation for such a purpose. There resteth only to persuade the multitude al∣readie destined therto, with will and de∣sire to take the matter in hande. Let vs therefore vse the persuasions which Moses vsed to Israel, they will serue fitly in this place, & tell them that they shall goe to possesse a lande that flo∣weth with milke and hony, a fertile soile truly if there be any in Europe, whether it be manured to corne, or left to grasse, There is Timber, stone, plaister, & state commodious for building euery where aboundant, a countrey full of springs, ri∣uers and lakes bothe small and greate, full of excellent fishe and foule, no parte of the countrey distant aboue, viij. miles from a moste plentifull sea, or land wa∣ter able to beare lode. You say wel, (sayd I then.) But men are more moued by peculiar gaine: than of respecte they haue to common profite. Mary answereth he: they shal haue their peculiar portions in that frutefull soile, being but as a vootie to be deuided a∣mongs them. And this shall be the quantitie which a foote man shall haue, videlicet, a plowe lande, which containeth a C. and. xx. A∣cres Jrishe, but you will vnderstande it better by English measure. A plowland shall containe. CC. &. lv. acres of earable grounde. Then can there not lie in any country almost, (especially so full of bot∣tomes as that soile is) so muche earable lande together, but there will lie also en∣termingled therewith sloppes, slips, and bottomes fitte for pasture and meading, and commodious to be annexed to the same plowlande, so that the whole may amount to. CCC. acres at the leaste. I pray you tell me, if you had so much good grounde in Essex, would you not take it for a pretie farme, and yet a horsse man shall haue double, videlicet, sixe. C. Acres of ground one with an other at the least, wherof there is. v. CCCCCx. acres ear∣able, the rest medow & pasture, I beléeue you would call that in Essex a good ma∣nor, and yet these are the least deuisions, I purpose to make, sauing a ploweland or two in euery parish that I thinke good to deuide to laborers and artificers, but I am not of the manner thereof yet fully resolued. This is good sayde I, if a man mighte haue it as easely rented. Judge you I pray you saith he. They shall pay for eue∣ry Acre of eareable lande one penie star∣ling, as for the pasture and medowe, they shal haue it as reasonable as the eareable in some places better cheape, according to the goodnesse of the ground. But this is the greatest rent: I must haue vpon eue∣ry such plowland one able English foote∣man, or vppon his two plowlandes, one horsse man, maintained to be ready at all times for the defence of the whole coūtry, abiding eyther vpon the same plowland, or else vppon the frontier, which may be peraduēture. x. or. xy. miles distant at the vttermosts, moste commonly nearer. I intend not that this lying in the fron∣tier shall be continuall, but one shall re∣lieue an other by quarters, some in gar∣rison, and some resting them selues at home in the Country, & it may be, (which I hope in my time to sée) all Irelande re∣formed, and no neede of garrison in al the countrey, when y• seruice shall cease also. This portion sayde I, that you speake of, me thinke if it be in fée, so easily rented should make your enterprise a fit matche for yonger brothers, such as haue but an∣nuities, stipendes, and deade stockes to liue on. For by this meanes should they be proutded of an house, and pretie lande belonging vnto it, sufficiente to yeelde wherewith to make a friend drinke, and many such farmes make a man rich. But I feare me it can be onely profitable to suche as dwell vppon the same, as it is in some places of England, where the Gen∣tlemen haue vpon their wide Lordships, great prouision of corne and cattel, wher∣in most of their rent is payde, but that is so cheape there, that a greate deale to be solde, yeldeth but a little money, wherby they may giue meat and drinke to a num∣ber, but paye wages to a fewe, so that he that should not dwell there him selfe, after the souldioure were founde, and the rente paide, shoulde either haue little or nothing for his owne share: bisides if the owner him selfe be not there, to manure or to sée the same manured, howe shoulde he gather profite thereof? or who woulde farme it for him, or yéelde him rente for his lande? This is a doubte in deede that wil make many stay I tel you, who wold otherwyse aduenture. Nay in good soothe is it not (sayd he) as you shall héereafter perceiue. So soone us wée shall ariue in Ireland and haue proclaymed, that all such at the Irishe as will , and manure the ground vnder vs shalbe welcome, de∣fended from the enemie, & haue no coine, liuerie nor cease layed vppon them, but whatsoeuer bargain they make, that iust∣ly performed. There is no doubt but ther will great numbers of the Husbandmen which they call Churles, came and offer to liue vnder vs, & to ferme our grounds: both such as are of the Cuntry birth, and others, bothe out of the wilde Irishe and the Englyshe pale. For the Churle of I∣reland is a very simple & royleseme man, desiring nothing but that he may not bée eaten out with ceasse, Coyne, nor liuerie. Coyne and liuerie is this. There will come a Kerne or Galliglas whiche be the Irishe Souldiours, to lie in the Churles house, whiles he is there bée wil be mai∣ster of the house, hée will not onely haue meate, but money also allowed him, and at his departure the beste things he shall see in the Churles house, be it cloth, a shirte, Mantel, or such like. Thes is the Churle eaten vp, so that it Dearth fall in the Cuntry where he dwelleth, he should be the first starued, not béeing Maister of his owne. From which exactions that he might be frée, there is no part of the Cun∣trie but he would séeke to, and geue for Lande wonderfull rents, paying them in suche cōmoditie as the ground will yéeld, be it Corne, Butter, or Cattel. You may haue Farmers out of the Ile of Man, and other poore men out of England, so they may be ayded at the firste with some stock of Corne and Cattel. It is but a lit∣tle care at the begynning after the lande is deuided, I for my part wil indeuer my self to persuade the one freendly to depart his commoditie with an other: but I feare the swéetnesse whiche the owners shall find in the Irish Churle, giuing excessiue∣ly, wil hinder the Countrie muche in the peopling of it with the Englishe Nation, makyng men neglygent to prouide Eng∣lishe Farmours, but thereof there is one prouiso in our instructions from her Ma∣iesties Counsel. Now wil I tel you what rent the ow∣ner may reap of his Land, videlicet, Mo∣ny, Corne, Butter, Parne, Cattel, & such like, my counsell shalbe that euery man, sith their land is deliuered, suche as is er∣rable, should continue the same vnder til∣lage, and receiue his rent in Corn, which tilling of their Land that it be so done, is also prouided for in the sayd instructions, bicause it settleth the occupier, and what with tending his fallowe, reaptyde, séede time, & thrashing, it bindeth alwayes the occupier to the Lande, and is a continuall occupation of a great number of persons, a helper and a mainteyner of Ciuilitie in my opinion. As for the rent, I wuld haue one rate therof thorow all the Cuntry, of euery plowland a like. I think two pecks Irishe doo conteine foure Englishe Bus∣shels, of an Irish Acre, which is two En∣glish Acres and a half quarter, were rea∣sonable betwéene the Lord and Tenant, so that the Tenant should pay onely that rente for the errable grounde, hauing the Medowe and Pasture into the bargaine for maintenaunce of his Teame. Of this rent by my counsell the one parte should beare Wheate, and the other parte Otes and Barly. By which meanes one plow∣lande may yéelde yéerely to the owners thirtie quarters of Wheare, and asmuche Otes and Barlie, towards the finding of his Souldiour, and payment of his rent. As for the victualing of his sootman soul∣diour, I parpose to vndertake for v. quar∣ters of Wheat and fiue quarters of Bar∣ley, sufficiently to finde euery suche foote∣man, and for ten quarters of Wheat and ten of Barley & Otes, to find euery horse man and his horse in continual garrison, for one whole yeere. The footemans wa∣ges and the rente wil be disdischarged for ten quarters more, the horsemans wages and rent for twentie. Peraduenture you wil say I allowe with the most, and that lesse will serue, yet hath the owner of one plowland forty quarters of Corne de cla∣ro at the yéers end, and the owner of two plowland foure score. But what shal he do with that Corne, will you say, Mary sell it, for ordinaryly Corne beareth the same price there that it beareth in England, & saue of very late yeeres, it hath bene accustomed too bee al∣wayes déerer. And yet there is another way more aduantageous, than the sale of Corne in Ireland, that wil be acloyd ther∣with, if at the beginning before our parte bée thorowly peopled, wée fall to turning all the Lande as afore is sayd to Tilling, not béeing able to spende it, therefore is it necessary, and I am fully persuaded, that the Quéenes Maiestie furthering the in∣habiting & ciuilitie of the North (whiche encreaseth more by kéeping men occupy∣ed in Tyllage, than by idle followyng of heards, as the Tartarians, Arabians, and Irishe men doo) will giue ful libertie for the transportation of Corne out of y• sayd Cuntries into England, Fraunce, Spaine or other place, whereas the Market shall serue best, and therupon will lay a reaso∣nable Custome. For this cause shal there be one Hauen with common Oranyers made vpon the Key, sufficient for the re∣ceipt of the Corne of the Cuntry, and one Porte Town builded, so soon as we may begin to be any thing settled. More of the order heerin I wil tell you another time, but comforte your selfe with this in the meane tyme, that Corne in Spaine is al∣wayes good marchandize, and bringeth a∣way ready money. The cut betwéene the Cuntries, short, streight, & not fiue dayes iorney. How say you now, haue I not set forth to you another Eutopia? but I looked when you would bid me stay and declare first how to get it before al these be done∣sith you will not aske mée, of mine owne proper motion I wil tel you. If these declarations of mine in so fit a time and Countrie, where God hath pre∣pared the Nation to such enterprise, may allure any nūber to take it in hand, were they but sixe or seauen hundred, which I take to be but a small number to be got in all this Realme. What should let that in a cuntrie almost desolate (except but of suche of y• Englysh race as wil bée glad of this enterprize) wée might not inhabite & dwel in safetie? It may be sayd that at the first, the Irishe wil assemble and put vs backe. Alas sixe thousande of thē dare not set vppon seauen hundred Englishe men, hauing the aduauntage of a trench, scarce in the plaines. But if wée will kéepe our selues close for a while, they must of ne∣cessitie for lacke of victuall disperse them selues, and giue vs libertie with the ad∣uantage ouer them to breake forth & pro∣ceede with our enterprize, & who is there now of the Lords in the North can make two thousand men. Onell though he ioy∣ned with him all the Lords of the Easte side of Ulster, and the Scottes is not able to make three thousand fighting men. As for Odennel, Mon Guyer, O Rayly, & the Barons sonnes, whiche be the greatest of the North, I take it certein, that they wil not hazard their Cuntries with any new Rebellion, but had rather liue contented with peace, sauouring and finding ayd at the Englyshe mens handes, as they haue bene accustomed to do. And yet I hope wel of the rest, bicause I wil not (so neer as I can) doo them any iniury. If you will haue examples of defēding Countries with fewer men, take Lease & Ophally, the Cuntrie of our nexte neighbour, somtime kept by Bruton with a hundred horse, the Kerry by Sir VVar∣ham Sentleger, till his comming a waye, with lesse than a hundred Horse, and the Arde it selfe where Goodrich Capteine Barrowes Liuetenant, with fourtéen men kept and defended the Castle called Cas∣tle Reau, in the entrie thereof, and went dayly one quarter of a Mile for in fetche his water, against fiue hundred that lay dayly vpon him, with many others. But if you will haue example of winning if, & the valure of our Nation in comparison of them, sée the ouerthrowe giuen to the Butlers, wt lesse than thrée hundred horse, in the last generall rebellion, the appea∣sing and winning ageine as it were of all Munster, at that time rebelled, by Sir Humfry Gilbart, with lesse than v. hun∣dred English men. The ouerthrowe of a thousand Skottes in Connaught the lafte yéer by Captain Colyer and his foot band. The ouerthrowe giuen vnto Shan Oneil with thrée thousand Irishe by Capitaine Randall and thrée hundred English men onely. The driuing of Shan Oneil out of Dundak after hée had taken it, when hée was in his greatest forces, by two bands of Englishe men: with infinite other ex∣amples, as the taking of thirtie of their Castels in one day by two Englishe foot∣bands. Wherefore sith their Castels can not preserue them, nor themselues in the fight preuaile, vppon the plaine nor other where, all men may easely iudge that the winning or defending of any Cuntrie is easie inough in Ireland, if therefore there be anye competent number of Englyshe Souldyers together. And I will in these comfort you somewhat, that the Arde & the Cuntrie adiacent is a plaine Cuntrie, wherin are very few Castels to be won, if it should chaunce the Irishe would de∣fende them, I thinke not aboue foure if there bée so manye. What resteth nowe sith I haue proouee by examples that it is faisable, and that without danger almost, excepte we shoulde more dispaire of oure selues, thā smaller companies haue héere∣tofore done, sithe I haue shewed you by reason that it is profitable, but that I knit vp our talke, bicause it is late, with vecla∣ring vnto you with howe small charge it may be taken in hande, and howe that it may be rather a sauing to some, than ex∣spence. There be many that not considering what facillitie it is by good order and wil∣ling menes to bring great things to passe, but wondring rather at the greatnesse of the summe, which must furnish so ma∣ny soldioures, cary them ouer, and main∣taine them there for a yeare or there a∣boutes (that must of necessitie be supplied from Englande) are of the opinion, that it can not be done without the Princes pay. But I will informe you an easie way, to bring this without hir maiesties expences to passe. All that lande of the Arde, and other places which hir maiestie hath giuen vn∣to my father and me, we are purposed to deuide vnto suche as shall be contented either to accompanie me, or be at the charges of a souldioure, be he foote man or horsse mā, in this iourney, reseruing some small thing of a plowe land to our selues, as a chéefe rent, contenting our selues ra∣ther to be accompted the motioners and ring leaders of so many Englishe fami∣lies, to be planted for euer in the Ardes. &c. than forcing of any gain. Which while some in the like matches haue groped to narowly after, they haue marde ye whole enterprise. Mary he that wil looke to haue tho saide landes at the rentes and rates, which I haue alreadie tolde you, must be at the charges of finding him self, or some other in his roume, for the winning and defence of the countrey, first to come fur∣nished of all things necessarie be he foote∣man or horsse man. Thus when all my companie shall come furnished, with ar∣mor and weapon as souldioures ought to be, what is there then lacking to this voyage? Mary shipping for trāsportation: when we are there, corne and other vi∣ctuall for the first yeare, ships and boates to fishe for our better victualing, corne to put in the ground against the next yeare, plowes and all things necessary thereto. For I minde to haue that done also of common charges, that if it be possible we may haue no more, or else very little le∣uying of many for the next yeres victailes but that the common stocke may serue, this I assure you am I purposed to doe, and to play the good husbande with the companies stocke, that it may reache far, and yet are there many moe things to be prouided, as powder, some furniture of Armor in store, Iron péeces, and of all munition be longing to the warres, you and yet more, as all manner of thinges be∣lōging to building and fortification, with the Carpenters, Masons, Smithes. &c. who will loke for wages. Item that be∣long to the bandes, as Crokes, Bakers, Surgeons. &c, that will also loke for wa∣ges. And bicause all these prouisiōs might be orderly done, and nothing in time of néede be to seeke, I haue taken it in hande therfore to of euery man, according to the rate of lande he looketh for, videlicet ten pounde of one foote man, and twentie pounde of a horsse man, so to sée all neces∣saries abundantly prouided. If lesse wold suffise, I would take lesse, for I meane at the yeares ende, that the Treasorer shall yelde accompte, and what is not spente, shal serue the seconde yeare, and the lesse leuied of the companie towardes the prouision of the sayde necessaries. After which time there is no manner dont but the Countrey will yeld to serue our turne sufficiently, withoute any more leuying, and as for them that wil deliuer corne, or any other thing necessary to the rate of the saide summes, it shall be accepted in lieu of money. And this is the charge and aduenture of a foote man, videlicet, tenne pounde for his victaile, sixe pounde thir∣tene shillings and foure pence, the rest of his furniture for one whole yere, and for that money will I vndertake to finde a footeman, arme him, giue him his liuerie, paie him three pounde sixe shillings and eight pence wages, and victaile him one yeare, to serue in roume of him that ney∣ther goeth him selfe, nor sendeth an other furnished. Nowe lette vs gather and make one summe of al the collection of one yeare, & sée whether it may be iudged sufficient or not, of seuen hundred, graunte thrée hun∣dred horse men, which pay twentie pound a péece, that is sixe thousand pounde. And foure hundreth after ten pound a peece, whiche amounteth to foure thou∣sand pound, the whole x. thousand pound. Looke you nowe, euery man putting in a share, that is not muche, what a summe ryseth it to? which I hope with good vsing wil not onely be sufficient to victuall the seauen hundred souldieurs, but all other Artificers and Labourers, and to pay thē their wages, with all other store of Mu∣nition, shipping, and necessaryes for one whole yeer at the least. Two yéeres char∣ges is the vttermoste can passe without game, wherfore let vs compare the char∣ges and yeerely profite (to bée looked for) togither, and see what euill bargaine this can be. Two yéeres charges of a footeman is, thrée and thirtie pound sixe shillings and eight pence, for as for rente there is none to be payed till the fourth yéere, the com∣moditie to be looked for, is fortie quarters of graine at the least de claro per annum. But the horsemane gaine and charge is double, & this is the worst bargaine. For he that goeth in his owne person as yon∣ger brothers and such like, do rather saue than lose, for with lesse expēces if he haue no Horse in England, can he not liue for his dyet, than ten pound: if he bée a horse∣man, his Horse and hee vnder twentie pound, yet liue he must whither he spend the time in England or Ireland, and this I am sure of, that whatsoeuer hée maye saue of his dyet in a yéer héere in England by lying in his fréends house, he shal spēd in apparaile: for that Cuntrie of Ireland requireth rather lasting & warm clothes than gorgeous and déere garmentes. Be∣sides this, in consideration of leading his life in Ireland, hée is too enioy a good and commodious péece of Land, yéelding thrée score quarters of graine yéerely towards his maintenaunce, beeing a footeman, or a hundred and twentie if he be a horsman, and so by proportion. Shall I tel you my conscience héerin? I can not see how Fa∣thers that haue many Sonnes, or landed men that haue many yonger brothers cā do better for their punées, than to prefer them, and set them forthe in this Jorney with me, who séeke to persuade nothing but that I wil go in person to execute, not a whit the more fearful, because I am the onely sonne of Sir Thomas Smith. And nowe that I haue resolued you of your doubte as I hope, and performed my pro∣mise in the ende, I will leaue you for this time. Thus muche Mayster R. C. was our conference at that time, which so néere as I could remember I haue repeated word by worde, but to diuers other obiections, his answers which I haue learned at sū∣dry méetings, wil I now declare. Many say, that they shal go into a place where they shall want meate, housing, & all things necessarye, for that no Prince yet hath bene able to victuall his Army ther, sufficiently in their iorneys, besides that the Souldiour is alwayes constray∣ned, to march thorow the Bogges and ri∣uers, and in the nighte to lodge vppon the Grasse without meat and Fire. This in déede is great miserie, but they that threa¦ten this in his iorney, are altogither ig∣norant of his procedings, nor consider not the difference, that is betweene the De∣puties iorneyes, (who séeketh still to ap∣prehend the Rebelles bodies, following them thorowe Bogge, thorowe plaine & wood, hoping with perseuerance and long iorneyes to wery them, and bring them in) and his enterprise, who desireth the Land onely, not any reuenge vpon the J∣rish, and who purposeth not to spend him selfe with long iorneyes, but to proceede slowely, inhabite, builde, and fortifie him selfe as he goeth, contenting himselfe too obtein his portion of Land wel defended in safetie, & not coneting otherwise with losse and discourmoditie of his menne, too séeke to anoy the Jrishe as afore is sayd, procéeding on this sorte. He dothe minde at his first landing, to fortifie him selfe vppon the sea shore, and the frontier of his countrey, and builde there his store house and houses of proui∣sion, which he will carefully and spéedely sée broughte thither, to be readie before it be wanting, a place for Artificers to lie safely in, and in the meane time that it is building and raising, to lodge all his men in campe, vnder canuas tents and hales, wherein he hathe promised to take order with his associates, that will peraduen∣ture be one thrée monethes worke. Then after the store house and key of his coun∣trey built, and left sufficiently garded, he will remoue. v. vi. more or lesse miles, as the countrey shall some, and there erecte vppon the liste an other fortresse, able in receiue and nowe a sufficience crewe of souldiours, to be ready always in defence of the frontier, incamping and lodging his men there as before, tel that forte also be done and furnished Thus will he pro∣céede in his iourney all the Sommer, till the entrie of his countrey be sufficiently fortified. Towards the winter , de∣uiding his soldioures into the said streng∣thes, there to lie in garrison vpon the en∣nimie, for the more safetie of the countrie, as at the beginning I haue alreadie solde you. What miserie (I pray you nowe) can this bring the soldiour in? what scant and scarcitie of victaile shall they be at any time constrained to, by reason it can not be brought to them? if otherwise it be wā∣ting which I am sure shal not be, it is by his faulte and slacknesse, not by the discō∣moditie of the cariage▪ or howe euill néede the souldiour be lodged. This his procee∣dings are others than hathe bene heereto∣fore vsed, and other mennes errors haue taughte him to take this order, to marke and consider them well is the onely way to perfectnesse (sayth he) and nothing hath bene so well done, but if it were to doe a∣gaine might be better done: for time is it that in the moste aduised gouernementes discouereth faults, which while we patch and mende by little and little, the first or∣der is altred, and become an other thing, the very vanitie of the world. And as for the present necessitie & lack of many commodities of the Countrey which are in Englande euery where, if you marke that hath bene heeretofore said in describing it, you can not say but the only default thereof is the vnciuilitie of the inhabitants, and lacke of good orders. Which assoone as he shal haue amended, by bringing this his attempt to good ende, and that it may be replenished with buil∣dings, ciuill inhabitantes, and traffique with lawe, iustice, and good order, what shal let, that it be not also as pleasant and profitable, as any parte of England, espe∣cially when it shall be furnished with a companie of Gentlemen, and others that wil line frendly in felowship togither, re∣ioysing in the frute & commoditie of their former trauaile, which (throughe noble courage,) for estimatiō sake, and the loue of their owne countrey the first enterpri∣sed, deseruing if I may speake it, that am resolued one of the same companie, to be crowned with garlandes of honoure and euerlasting fame. But what doe I di∣gresse? Is there any moe doubts yet trow yée? yes, this. There be some that like well inough of this takyng the Arde in hand, bicause it is both defensible with a few men, and those free holders that yet remaine there∣in, béeing of Englishe race, haue all∣wayes defended them selues from pray∣ing by the rishe, but more they say, hee shall neuer bée able too compasse nor de∣fende, to whom I wil repeate this shorte answere. He that hathe but a little Cuntrie can mainteine therewith but a few men, and is constreyned gladly to accept suche con∣ditions of peace as hée can get at the ene∣mies hands, but he that hath a large coun∣trey, may maintaine a greate number of men, and at pleasure commaūd whether to make peace or warre with his enimie. As for master Sth he will procéede and holde so muche onely as his forces will stretche vnto, for the olde Prouerbe sake that sayeth: He that too muche gripeth, fastneth on little. Be of good courage therefore, & resolue your selfe to be a partaker with him in person. The enterprise is commendable, and not only to the encrease of his nation and honor of his countrey, but very profi∣table to them that are doers therein, if it be brought to good passe, which is assured, if reason may serue, or the like at any time (as before hath often bene séene) hath taken effecte, and the aduenture is small, not to the tenthe parte of the gaine. He is prouided alreadie I know, of singulare good Captaines, and the promisse of an hundred Gentlemen alredy at the leaste, hauing not yet opened the matter but to his frends. As for him selfe you shal finde him vigilant and carefull, coueting more the well dooing heereof, and the safetie of his companie, than the glory of victorie in any rash attempt, more desiring to please and profit euery man, than loking for ce∣remonious curtesie and reuerence. Lo conclude, I knowe him to be suche as dis∣daineth no man, or that séeketh to féede the world with fine language, faire spea∣ches and promise, but a man that is open plaine, more affable than he seemeth, such a one infaith, towardes whom your loue and liking wil increase stil, with acquain¦tance and familiaritie, to be then moste, when you shall knowe him best. I speake this by experience and long proofe that I haue had of him. Graunt it (wil you say) that hée for his part be suche an one, but all those whom he shall haue assembled out of euery part of this Realme, shall not bée of so good a Nature, as peraduenture hee is of, some be disdainful, proud, and insolent, some couetous, and other of quarellous disposi∣tion, a few of these are inough to disturbe the whole companie. Quarels beginne of small trifles, and by partes taking, come in the ende to greate matters. Besides in the particion, one wil be angry bicause he was not preferred to that commodyous seat or this good dwelling, and bicause hee hath not so muche Land as an other, but of this hope I also to satisfie you. For ma∣ster Smith mindeth first to giue vnto eue∣ry man so much at the least as he promi∣seth by y• order he purposeth to giue out, and for whiche the Souldiour was wil∣ling to aduenture his parte, then can hée not faulte with the quantitie. Not∣withstanding to him that desereth well in this iorney, he will am sure be more liberall, for I knowe hee giueth willing∣ly. The place where their shall lie must fall to thē by lot, as it shall be their chaunce firste or last to be serued, from a place appointed to beginne at before the lotes so drawne, so can he not mistake of his chaunce, nor bee angry for the place which fell not to him by any mannes ap∣pointing. And to take aray al occasion of Quarels, Mutineries, or other disorder, that might otherwise ensue, he hath pro∣mised to cause one book of orders or Dis∣cipline to be drawen, by the aduise of the best Capitaines, and shall be reade vnto the whole companie. Whiche after it is allowed & agreed to by them, shalbe kept safely as the Statutes of this iorney, and according to the letter of that Booke, shall all misdemeanours of the Campe be pu∣nished. For euery person abyding in the same shalbe solemnly sworne, to obserue euery Article and ordinaunce conteyned therin, and to his power assist and ayd to see them duely punished, that shall offend contrarye too the Tenor of the foresayne Booke. Aduenture therfore boldely with him, as for your portion of Lande, I knows that his Father and he are bounde to her Maiestie by a Couenant, in her highnes graunt expressed, in no lesse bonde than in the forfeyture of the whole, that they shall distrybute to all ayders heerein ac∣cording to the rate before mentioned. Besides I knowe he is liberall & will deale franckly with his frende, or any o∣ther whom he shall haue a good lyking to. And the iquer or , eyther with his Fathers hand or his, or with the hands of any Treasurer appoynted hys Deputie therein, testifying the quantitie of the aduēture, shalbe sufficiēt to charge them in this behalfe Your assurāre shal∣be made by déede, signed, aled, an deli∣uered so soone as possibly it can be dispat∣ched, after the sayd Land shalbe assigned by lot and layde out. And if it so chaunce that any die in this voyage, before the partition de made, his part shal notwith∣standyng bee reserued and performed too his next heire or any of his kinred (that shall haue presently woorde sent to him thereof) if within thrée monthes after the saide woorde giuen, they either personal∣ly repaire or sende their deputies thither to receiue the same. To the ende no mannes aduenture and hope so willing∣ly taken in hand through his owne mis∣chaunce shuld be lost from his posteritie, nor vntimely deathe be preiudiciall to his deserued inheritance. Héer wil I end, hoping that I haue ful∣ly satisfyed you of all doubtes, that might haue dissuaded you heerin. And this is the effect of all, that I haue with thus many Argumentes gone about to persuade you, that you shuld employ two or thrée yéeres of your youth, in that most honorable ser∣iuce that can bée in our times done for England, therfore to receiue thanks, es∣timation, and a profitable inheritāce, be∣sides the contentation of minde in your possibilitie, to be the patron & first foun∣der of a familie in that cuntrie, which in time to come wt Gods fauor, may spring vp to great authoritie. Fare you wel. Sith the wryting héereof he hath sent me worde as to a freende, partaker of his ioy, that his booke is by the Quéenes Ma∣iestie fauourably signed, and already vn∣der the great Seale. And that hee myn∣deth to procéede to the gathering of men, leuying of money, and making his proui∣sion necessarye for this iorney with all speede. And therewithall hath sente mee a Coppie of the order, or rather offer, to be giuen forthe for the dispatching heereof, whiche is this that I send you, héerewith nothing differing I warrante you, from that I hadde wrote to you before in this discourse. THe Queenes Maie∣sties graunt made to sir Thomas Smith Knighte, & Thomas Smyth his sonne in Ireland, is all that is hir Maie∣sties by enheritāce, or other right in the country called the ARDES, and part of other countreys adia∣cent in the Erledom of VLSTER▪ is that they eā possesse and trpie∣nishe them with Englishe men. The which thing that it mighte the more surely be done, the saide sir Thomas & Thomas his sonne haue bounden themselues to hir highnesse to distribute all the said land within the saide Countreys, which they shalbe able to obtaine and possesse, to suche as shall take paines to helpe thē to possesse the same, to haue and holde to them and to their heires for euer. That is to say, to eche mā who wil serue as a soldier on foote, one Plowland containing a hundreth and twentie acres Irishe of eata∣ble lande, for which the saide sir Thomas and Thomas, must pay to the Quenes maiesty two pence Irish for an Irish acre, after four and twentie foote to the pole. In consideration of which rent bi thē to be paide vnto her Maiestie, the Souldier shall paye for the saide plowlande vnto Syr Thomas Smyth and Thomas, and their heires, one penie sterling for eue∣ry Englishe acre of the said plow∣land, after the measure of sixtene foote and an halfe to the pole, and no more. The first paiment to be∣gin foure yeres hence, videlicet. 1576. To eche man who will serue on horsebacke two plowlāds, videlicet two hundreth and fortie acres I∣rishe, which is at the leaste fiue hūdreth acres and more English, paying for euery acre English as the footeman dothe. And the earable lande being de∣uided, eche foote man and horse∣man shall haue also allotted vnto him pasture, medowe, and suche like necessary, as the Cuntry wil serue, as reasonably as they haue arable grounde, so that they may therwith be contented. The charges that is required of a footeman at his firste settyng forth, if he be furnished of suffici∣ent Armour, for a Pike, Halberd or Caliuer, with a conuenient Li∣uery Cloke of red colour, or Car∣nation with black facing, is tenne poundes for his vitayling for one whole yeere after his arriual and his transportation: after whiche yeere, there is hope to finde proui∣syō inough in the Cuntrie, which they shall obteine with good gui∣dance. The charges of a Horsemā wel horsed & armed for a light horse∣man wyth a Staffe and a case of Dagges, is twentie poundes for vittayle of him and his Horse for one whole yeere, and for his trā∣sportation. His liuery had neede be of the colour aforesayd, and of the fashyon of the ryding Dutche Clokes now vsed. And to auoyde the Flixe & suche dangerous diseases as doth ma∣ny times chaunce to Souldiours by reason of lying vpon the groūd and vncouered, and lykewyse to Horses for lacke of Hales. If any Souldiour footman wil giue be∣fore hand ten Shillings, and the Horseman twentye Shyllyngs, they shalbe lodged vnder Cāuas, and vppon Beddes, vntill houses may be prouided. And if any will beare the char∣ges of a Souldyour, that cannot go himselfe, nor sende another in his roume, he shall haue his part of Land alotted to him as wel as though he went himself: but then for a footman he must pay in rea∣dy money .xvj. pound .xiij. s .iiij. d. This is one parte. And if any wil haue two parts or more, then ac∣cording to this rate to paye the money. The Coronell to finde the sayd footman or men in al points for the first yere according as the money is receiued. And to the intente that no man willing to aduenture in this most honorable and profitable voyage may doubt hereof, if it please him to resort into Pauls churchyard to the signe of the Sun, there he shall see bothe the Letters Pa∣tents and the Indentures of Co∣uenauntes betwixt the Queenes Maiestie and the sayd Sir Tho∣mas Smith & Thomas Smith, and pay suche money as he is dis∣posed to aduenture, and receyue hys assuraunce from Thomas Smith the Sonne, who taketh the aduenture and voyage vppon him to go in person, or if the sayde Thomas bee not there, one of the receyuers of this voyage remay∣ning there, shall do herein as ap∣perteyneth, whom he hath made his Deputie in this behalfe. Note that all suche kindes of prouision as bee necessary in this iourney, the Treasourer may re∣ceiue in liue of money, accordyng as he shal haue neede of such pro∣uision, be already furnished there wyth, and accordyng to the place where the sayd prouision shal lie, for the commodious transportati∣on therof. ¶ God saue the Queene. VVe request all our partakers to make so speedie payment of their aduentures, as possible they may, that nothing be wā∣ting at the tyme of our foorthe settyng, whiche they shall learne of the Tresurer, or Receyuer, where they pay the money, with the place & day of our general mee∣ting and imbarking.
A00374.P4	A shorte recapitulacion or abrigement of Erasmus Enchiridion brefely comprehendinge the summe and contents therof. Very profitable and necessary to be rede of all trew Christen men. Drawne out by M. Couerdale Anno. 1545	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Coverdale, Miles, 1488-1568." ]	In the moneth of May. Anno. 1545.]	By Adam Anonimus [i.e. S. Mierdman],	[Imprinted at Ausborch [i.e. Antwerp] :	eng	[ "Spiritual life -- Modern period, 1500-." ]	The preface, prologhe or longe epistle, writ¦ten to the right ver∣tuous ād sage father Paulus Uolzius (whom allmightie god euen now this last yeare hath dely¦uered out of this wretched world) de∣clareth euidētly, that though some mē haue euen maried them selues to the vayn pastymes and pleasures of the world. Yet god thorow aduersite (as his accustomate maner is) nurtureth god th¦row ad¦uersite calleth his ow∣ne chil∣dren to re pen∣taunce. and teacheth his owne, chasteneth thē, and calleth them to a Christē life: To the furthuraunce wherof like as euery¦one of us is bounde to bestowe all his laboure and studie. So is not he to be cast awaye, that beyng weake and frai¦le, not onely desyreth to be vertuous, but also is feruent in lerning the waye of godlines: Wherof they are the best teachers, that auoydinge the tediousnes¦se of huge and great volumes, do in∣structe men rather to lyue godly, then to waist their braynes in long and vay¦ne disputacions. For how few so euer they be that geue them selues to ole doctrine, yet the feare of god (the fruit wherof is eternall saluacion) appertey¦neth vnto all mē. Nether doth anye mā atteyne so nyghe vnto wisdome, as he that is in loue withall, and appeareth not so much lerned himselfe, as he is Who is wysest and best lerned. studious to allure all other (yea aswell frend as soo, aswell turke as Christen) to godlynesse, and is not himselfe ouer¦come with euel, but rather ouercometh euel with good. For as it is a Christen mās parte to saue and not to destroye, so hath the same right true and effectu∣ous diuynite subdued more people in tymes past to the kyngdome of Christ, then any other artilery, weapen or or∣dināce of warre. Yea like as oure most cruell enemies maye be mollified and wonne with benefites and kyndnesse, whan we see nothyng so much as the it health. Euen so in sekynge their de∣struction, we maye sooner turne in to turkes oure selues, then that we shal cause them to become Christen men. Now to considre the corruption of The cor¦ruptnes¦se of the world, this world, and how farre it is out of frame, the darcknesse, the trublous ruf¦flinge, the greate tirannye, auarice and iniquite therof vnpunished: how colde me are in charite, ād how greatly geuē to ambicion and lucre: Who lamentin¦ge the same, doth not se thousandes of occasions for us all to take better hol∣de of Christes doctryne, and to haue recourse ther vnto? Specially conside¦ring that the cruell Philistynes preuay¦le so greatly, and ceasse not (euen now in oure tyme) to stoppe it vp, wringing and wresting it to their filthie purpo∣ses: oure phi¦listynes yea brablinge and cryeng so sore agaynst it, that for feare mē darre not drynke the lyuinge water therof, but must be fayne to take such corrupte ly¦coure, as come out oft heir all to trodē cisternes: euen earthly thynges for hea¦uenly, pelfare of mens inuencious in¦steade of gods holy commaundmētes. Which trifles yet shal easely of them¦selues vanishe awaye, yf the light of faith be so kyndlind in oure myndes, that we lese not the rule and patron of Christes loue and charite. And doutles it shal further the gospell most notably prestes. yf they that teach it, do excell in the knowlege and life ther of: and yf Pryn¦ces establishinghe no lawes for their pryuers owne pleasure, delite more to refour∣me their people with mercie, thē with crueltie, rather to defende them, then to pyll or pol them. As for Prynces, they shulde without doute vse lesse op¦pressinge of their people, lesse warryn∣ge one against another, and lesse shed∣dyng of blonde, yf bisshoppes and pre¦stes that be aboute them, were not rea∣dyer to flatre them, then they are since rely to instructe them in Christes doc∣tryne. Which as it manifestly rebu∣keth couetous pharises, ypocrites and proude riche folkes: So doth it openly teach us to do good, and to be meke ād gentle of mynde, euē to oure enemies. Now though Prynces make many lawes wherof Christ is not the authou¦re, yet as they are to be obeyed whan they commaunde that which isiust and right, so is it best to suffre them euen whan they be euell. As touching the The co¦men pe¦ople, comē people, though their estate be lo∣we, their vnder stonding ssrosse and we¦ake, ād they of dewile bound to obeye, yet for asmuch as they perteyne to the mistical body of Christ, they must be nourished, for borne ād cherished after a fatherly maner, vntil they were mo∣re strong in Christ. For euery one is not like perfite in te kyngdome of god. Therfore he that is called to more ex∣cellentie of giftes, ought (after the ma∣ner of the highest elementes) to drawe other vnto him, and to helpe that his in¦feriours maye be trāsfourmed in to his nature: and not vnder the pretence and cloke of vertue to disagree from the ler¦nynge of Christ, who is the onely mar¦ke which euery man ought to shote at, and in no wyse to chaunge it, but to in∣force himselfe to come as nye it as he can. Which as it is the higheest perfec¦tion alowed of god, so cōsisteth it not in the maner or kynde of lyuinge, not in garmentes, meates or drynkes, but in the affecte and mynde. And like as there is no estate of ly∣uinge but there be some daungers wher into it maye fall, so ought no mā to be displeased, but rather to take it in right good worth, whan he is war∣ned therof. Nether is he a condemner of other men, that faithfully sheweth Noting is fre frō the cauilla∣tion of lewd persons them their dewtie. And yet can ther no¦thing be fre frō the cauillacion of lew∣de personnes: but what so ener is spo∣ken, yea euen to the praise of vertue agaynst vyce, that same is taken to the worst, and iudged of them to be of a wrong and synistrall opynion. Yea of so corrupte and peruerse iudgmentes are some, that they counte it (euen in prestes) to be but a small vyre, which is most abhominable: and also esteme it to be an hye vertue, which hath but one¦ly the visure and appearaunce of godly¦nes thinkinge thē selues better for the ceremonies, rules ād trifles of mēs in¦uencion, and yet hauynge no conscien∣ce at all to slaundre other men. Nether nede men to feare, that the reprouing of such abuses doth ether subuerte re∣ligion or hyndre true obedience. For whō soeuer the holy goost enspyreth, is of his owne acorde without anye ma¦ner The ho¦ly goost is the an¦thour of obediēce of compulciō readye to obeye, yea euen those rulers that be sharpe and roughe. Who yet neuertheles shulde nomore abuse the obedience of their in¦feriours, then anye man shulde make his libertie a cloake or couer to his car¦nal liuinge. Which though some do, yet ought not other men therfore to be loc∣ked as Iewes in the bondage of cere∣monies. For the more a man is religi¦gious and geuē vnto true godlynesse, the lesse he yeldeth to the ceremonies, of mens inuencion. Wherin yf no man were snared till he were of parfite ex∣perience, then like as the fewer shulde be disceaued. Euen so doutlesse (acor∣ding to the desyre of all them that be good) the religion of the gospell shulde be so pleasaunt vnto euery man, that they shulde be hartely wel contēt ther with without anye other. And reason it is, that all thinges geue place to the glorie of Christ, wher with Moses reioyced, that his owne honoure was defaced and mynished: like as also the religions of men shulde be, yf they that professe the gospell dyd lyue therafter. For as they whom we now call religious, are nothinhe li∣ke them of the oldtyme, but drouwned in ypocrisie and worldly busynesse, yea nothinge better then other tempo¦rall men, saue onely in appearaunce. Euen so shal the vowes of chastite, pouerte, and obedience be better hepte of him that obserueth the profession of holy baptyme, then they be of them. The rest is then, that seyng the con¦fidence in oure selues is most daunge∣rous, we nether disdayne them that be feble, ner foolishly stōde in oure owne conceate for no dyuersite of lyuinge from other mē: But rather folowinge the counsaill of Christ, let us euen frō¦oure hertes confesse whan we haue do¦ne oure best, that we are but vnprofi∣table seruauntes. And to the intent that we maye be obedient vnto Christ himselfe, let vs be ready not onely to heare them that call vs vnto him, but also to tollerate and suffre the euell: Neuertheles in such forte, that yf they commaunde thinges wicked and contrary to the doctryne of Christ, we rather obeye god, then men. WHo so will esca∣pe the daunger of syme, and prosper∣ously go forwarde in the waye of god∣lynes, must allway The ly¦fe of mā is but a war fayre. considre, that this life of man is a per¦petuall warsart, and must be circum∣specte, that the world with his delyci∣ous and flatring pleasures iugle not his mynde from watchinge, or make him to carelesse, as though he had alre¦ady conquered his enemies: Who, con¦sideringe they be so many, as namely the wicked and craftie deuels aboue us, the world afore and behinde us, yea on the right hande and on the lefte, as∣well Enemi¦es at hā¦de shakyng the wal of oure saules with the gonnes of aduersite, as prouo¦kyng us vnto euell with his vainepro¦misis: Not onely whyle the slipper ād craftie serpent layeth awaythe, euē by oure awne affections and sensualite to entyce and drawe oure myndes vnto mortal and deedly pleasures, But also whyle we oure selues beare a boute with us the olde earthy Adā, oure ow¦ne most perilous enemie: Consideryn∣ge Isaye, we haue so many deedly ene∣mies, ought we not therfore still to be weaponed ād allwaye to watche: Why slepe we then so fast, geuynge oure sel¦ues to ydilnesse, to pleasure, to reuelyn¦ge, as though we shulde rather lyue in banckettyng, then in warfare against such enemies: Why will we rather ma¦ke truce with vyce and synne, thē with god, whit whom the wicked can haue no peace: namely they that not onely take parte with synne, but vnkyndly also ād wickedly breake their appoynt¦ment made with him: Haue we not in we haue promi¦sed in bapty¦me, to fight al¦waye vn¦der the stādart of christ holy baptyme professed and bounde oure selues to fight faitfully euer vn∣der the standart of Christ oure captai∣ne, to whom we owe more then we ha¦ue to paye: Do not the badges and sig¦nes of baptyme in us testifie, that we are sworne vnto him, neuer to forsake him, wherof the name of Christ also ought to put us in remēbraunce. Why are we then such rennagates, that we not onely take parte against him which bestowed his owne life for us, but do it also in a filthie quarel, to opteyne no¦ue other rewarde then the very death of oure soules? Yf in these mad warres of men, the miserable souldyours do io¦perde their lyues are pricked and ste∣red vp vnto courage, thorow the gre∣atnesse of the pray, thorow the comfor¦te of the captayne, thorow the cruelnes¦se of the enemies, thorow shame of co∣wardnesse, or desyre of praise. How much more then shulde the hope of re∣warde kyndle us to haue lustie stomac¦kes: whan he that shal quyte oure pay∣ne yf we wynne the felde, beholdinge us, doth not onely comforte us in oure laboures and trauayles, whyle we are yet fightinge, but also geueth us such rewarde as excelleth all the sences ād wittes of man, euen blessed immortali¦te and heauē it self: The hope of which rewarde shulde by reason enflame the quycke courages of gentle stomackes, seynge he that hath promised, can ne∣ther dye ner disceaue. And consideringe he beholdeth us that seyth al thynges, lyke as very sha¦me of cowardnesse at the leest waye shulde moue us to be lustie in this bat∣tayll: Euē so for asmuch as to be pray∣sed of him is very felicite, why ioperde we not oure lyues to haue this prayse: Seynge now we are so circumspecte in auoyding, the daungers ād death of the body, why perceaue we not the death of the soule whych is much more cru∣ell: Now euen as the body is out of tē¦pre whā it will kepe no meate, so whā the worde of god semeth bitter vnto Tokēs that the soule is sicke. s, yf oure mynde ryse against it, yf ou¦re memory kepe it not, yf we thynke not vpon it, net worke therafter: Yf ou¦re soule grudge, or be weake and faynt to worke the dedes of mercie, to suffre trouble or losse: Yf the eyes of oure mynde be waxen so dymme, that they se not the cleare light of the treuth: Yf oure inward eares heare not the voyce of god: Summa, yf we lacke al oure in¦warde feling and perceauyng of the knowlege of god. It is an euident tokē not onely that oure soule is acrased, but also deed, because god which is the life therof, is awaye For fe∣lyng is a token of life: and like as the body is not alyue yf he fele not the prickinge of a pynne. Euen so whan we are wounded in oure soule and haue committed euell, yf it greue us not, then is not oure soule alyue, but deed: For the which cause also Christ called the Pharises paynted sepulcres, namely becau∣se they bare deed soules aboute with them Wherfore considering that the bodies of good men are the temple of the holy goost, and for asmuch as (acording to the gospell) the mouth speaketh out of the abundaunce of the hert, No doute we wolde speake the ly¦uely wordes of god and worke his de¦des, yf he oure lyfe were present within oure hertes. Thus though we fight in straunge and wonderfull ioperdies, with many violent and subtill aduersaries, yet ha¦ue we causes sufficient to be of good cō¦forte For though oure enemies be gre¦uous: Causes of con∣solatiō. yet haue we present helpe at hande. Though they be many a∣gaynst us, what matter is it whan god is on oure syde: Yf he staye us, who cā cast us downe: As for oure enemie, he is no new soldyour, but one that was ouercome many yeares agoo, ād ouer throwne by the might of Ies{us} christ: as he shal non also be subdued in us bi the same power, yf we as lyuely membres remayne in Christ oure heade. For tough we be not strong in oure owne strength, yet in him we shall be able to do all thynges. Yf the ende and victory of oure warre depended of fortune, thē might we donte therof: but it is certay¦ne and sure, namely in the hādes of ou∣re protectoure, whose benignite neuer fayleth man. Wherfore yf whe beyn∣ge thanckfull vnto him that for oure how we maye wynne the fel∣de saluacion first oppressed the tyrannye of synne: Yf we be not carelesse ner neg¦ligent, but with all diligence do oure parte agayne, and be of good comfor∣te: Yf we I saye, fightinge on this ma∣ner do folowe his ensample, nether be¦aringe us to bolde vpon the grace of god, as they do that be carelesse: nether casting awaye the confidence of myn∣de, as do they that mistrust his mercie: Then thorow his strength we shall be sure in conclusion to wynne the felde. LYke as nothing perteyneth mo∣re to the warre of a Christē mā, then to knowe with what wea∣pens he must fight, and to haue the sa∣me alwaye readye at hande: Euen so (consideringe the aduersary is neuer ydle) we ought not to ceasse from war¦re, but yf we wil fight against the mul¦titude of vyces, we oughte alwaye to watche, to haue oure mynde armed, ād to take the weapēs of defence, but spe∣cially to prouide us of two, namely pra¦ier two we¦apens ād knowlege, which be the chefe ar∣moure of a Christen man. Perfite pra∣ier lifteth vp te mynde vnto god: know¦lege armeth the mynde with halsome preceptes and honest opynions. These two cleue so together, that the one can not lacke the other: For as the one ma∣keth intercession, so the other teacheth how we ought to praye, namely in the name of Iesu, and what we ought to de¦syre, euen that which is wholsome for oure soules health. Now though praier be more excellent, because she thalketh familiarly with almightie god, yet is knowlege no lesse necessary: Which as it ought not to be vnparfite, so ought not prayer to be faynt, slacke, or with¦out quycknesse. Nether cā we wel per∣fourme the great iourney that we ha∣ue to go, without the ayde and helpe of these to weapēs. The vse of praier is, not to mōble & bable much, as they do The v∣se of prayer that are not rype in gods sprete. For fy¦ve wordes spokē in knowlege, are bet¦ter, then ten thousand babled with the mouth. Nether is it the noyse of our, lip¦pes, but the feruēt desyre of the myn¦de that god aloweth. Which feruent prayer with like studie or meditaciō of the holi scripture, is able as, wel to put abacke the greate violēce of our enemi¦es, as to make easie any greuous aduer¦site. Yf we with this heauēly Manna¦ād foode of god be refreshed in the fur¦theraunce, of oure iourney, it shal ma∣ke us bolde and strōge, to buckle with oure enemies. For the doctryne of god as it onely is pure and vndefyled (contrary to the nature of mens doc∣trynes) Euen so, to them that spiritual¦ly vnderstōding it, maye abyde the hea¦ryng therof, ther is nothing sweterner more pleesaunt, and therfore the more the doc¦tryne of God. worthy to be searched and wel pōdred. This is the ryuer of cōforte, the foun∣tayne of ease, the wel that refreshed the weerye, the water of Siloe, where the blind recouer their sight. To the studie wherof yf we applie oure sel∣ues wholly: that is, yf we exercyse oure myndes continualli in the lawe of god, we shal be so armed, that we nede not to feare anye assaulte of oure enemies. Touchinge the heithan Poetes and Philosophers, yf we taist of them mea¦surably, so that we waxe not olde ner ye in them, they are not utterly to be disalowed. Yea what soeuer they teach welle, ought nomore to be despy¦sed, Liberall sciences are not to be dis¦pysed. then was the counsail of Iethro whom Moses folowed. As for such as wryte vnclenly, we ought either not to touch thē, or els not to loke to farre in thē. To be shorte, al maner of lerninge shulde be taisted in due season ād mea∣sure, with good iudgmēt and discretiō, vnder the correctiō of christes doctry∣ne: so that the wisdome of god be abo∣ue al other, oure best beloued, oure do∣ue, oure swete hert: Which maye not be touched, but with cleane and washē handes, namely with high purenesse of mynde and due reuerence: for so com∣minge with re¦uerence ought vnto it, we shal se the pleasures, delicates and deynies of oure blessed spouse, the precyous Iewels of riche sa¦lomō, euen the secrete treasure of eter∣nal wisdome, Wherfore cōsideringe the verite of god nether disceaueth ner is disceaued, we ought to geue more cre∣dēce ther vnto, thē to any thynge that we do bodely either se or heare. As consernyng the interpretours of the holy scripture, we ought not to cho¦se Exposi∣tours of scriptu∣re them that teach to brawle and contē¦de, but such as go far thest frō the let∣tre: whose godlynesse and holy lyfe is knowne, whose lernynge is more plen¦teous, ād whose exposiciō is most agre¦able vnto gods worde. Now as we ought to growe vnto parfitnesse and strenght in the knowlege therof, and not still to be children. Euen so yf we will haue it to be sauery vnto us, and to nourishe us, we must not reed with∣out vnderstunding (as clostres do) but breake the codde, and failt of the swet∣nesse within: specially cōsideringe that as it is the sprete and not the flesh that quyckeneth, so wil the father of heauē be whorshipped in the sprete, and not in the barcke of the lettre. Wherfore tough we shulde not despise the wea∣ke, yet ought we to make spede vnto more secrete misteries, and to stere vp our selues ther vnto by offten prayer, till it please god thorow his sonne Ie∣sus Christ to open it, that yet is shutt, vnto us. Now tho oure purpose, yf we wan¦dryng thorow out al doctrynes, pyke and chose out the best, and by the exam¦ple of the bee, refuse the poyson, ād suc¦ke out onely the wholsome and swete Iuce, it shal arme oure myndes the bet¦ter to a vertuous conuersacion. But that deuyne harnesse which with no weapen can be persed, is fetched onely out of the armory of holy scripture, wher with oure Dauid Christ Iesus brake the forehead of oure aduersary. Wherfore if we list to go vnto the sto∣re house of gods scripture, we shal the¦re In the armou¦ry of gods word are the best we apens fynde the true armoure of this war¦re, valeaunt in god not onely to de∣stroye fortresses and counsails and eue¦ry highe thing that exalteth it selfe agaynst the doctryne of god, but also to resiste in the daye of aduersite, ād to quench al the whote and fyrie weapēs of oure cruell enemie. Such weapens or armoure of light (though we be the refuse ād aut caltes of the worlde) hath almightie god geuen us, to make us stowte and lustie in his warres. For in his armory fynde we the harnesse of Iustice and verite, the buckler of saith, the helmet of health, and the sworde of of the sprete which is the worde of god: Wherwith yf we be diligently co¦uered and fenced, ther shal no tribulati¦on, straitnesse, hunger, nakednesse peril persecution, &c. Separate us frō the lo¦ue of god. Such armoure, Isaye, shall holy scripture mynistre abundauntly vnto us, yf we occupieng our tyme the rin, do use the same wisely. YF we thus warre now, intendinge to opteyue the peace which Christ onely geueth, we must strongly fight agaynst oure owne vices, with whom, god oure onely peace and felici¦te, is at variaunce: Of the which felici¦te they are utterly voyde, yea very wretches, filthie and vnhappie, that ly¦enge still in the night of ignoraunce and foolishnesse, are destitute of his wisdome: yf we be wyse, we shalbe conquerours of the enemie. Wherfo∣re like as worldly wisdome is foolish∣nes worldly wisdo¦me. before god, euen so yf we be wise in him, it oughte not to discorage us, whan the worlde iudgeth us to be foo∣les, to be disceaued, to dote, and to be mad bedlems, because we intende to de¦parte toward Christ. Is not this a mi∣serable blindnesse, sore to be mourned, whan in trifles and thynges of no val¦ue, yea vnto filthynesse and in euel one¦ly, mē are cleare witted: ād in thynges concernyng saluacion and in goodnesse not to haue much more vnderstonding thē brute beestes? O how good a thing is it to haue knowlege, to be willinge to lerne, and to be abedient vnto the trueth? Cōtrary wise a very euel thing is it to lacke knowlege: yea as he is good for nothing which hath no wisdo¦me. So is it a worse thing to disdayne to lerne: But to withstande and repug¦ne the trueth is worst of al, ād farthest To with∣stand the trueth is worst of al. frō grace: Namely, whā mē despise the wisdome of god, ād thinke scorne to be taught of it: For the which cause he himselfe shal utterly forsake thē, and re¦ioyse in their destruction. For to coun∣te it madnesse whan one lyueth godly, is a very beestli ād deuelishe wisdome, after the which foloweth presumption, blindnesse of mynde, rage and tyrānye of affectious, and finally the whole hea¦pe of all vices and libertie to do what one lysteth, yea custome of synne, da∣syng of the wittes, bodely death, ād af¦terward death euerlastinge. Thus we se that the mother of extreme mischefe is worldy wisdome. But cōtrary wise of the wisdome of god come all good thinges, specially so bernesse, the fru¦tes of gods wisdo∣me. meaknesse, the secrete ioye of a cleare consciēce, which vanisheth not awaye, but groweth to eternall glad∣nesse and mirth. This wisdome must we requyre onely of god with feruent praier out of the vaynes of holy scriptu¦re. The chefe parte of it is to know ou¦re selues, which we shall do the better, yf we well cōsidre, what we be inward and within our skynnes. Almightie god made man at the first of dyuerse partes, coupled with blessed cōcorde: But the ser¦pēt the enemie of peace, put them asun¦der agayne with vnhappie discorde, so wynge the poyson of discension betwe¦ne them that were honestly agreed. In¦somuch that now nether the mynde cā rule the body without businesse, nether wil the body obeye without grundgin¦ge, For where as in man ther shulde be such an ordre, that like as in a prospe¦rous comynaltye, for auoydinge of de¦bate and strife, the wysest beare most rule, and the subiectes obey their offi∣cers: This origenal decree of nature and first example of honestie notwith∣stōding, the ordre in mā is so troubled, that the subiectes wil not obeye the Sensua¦lite wil not obe∣ye reasō prynce: Yea the corrupte affections and appetites of the flesche stryue to be mo¦re master thē reason it selfe. Which vn¦quiete affections who so ouercometh, the same lyueth ablessed life, mounting vp to celestiall thinges: and as a kyng endowed with wisdome, willing and purposinge to do nothing amysse, no∣thinge against the iudgment of reason, nothinge in ordinatly, nothing fro∣wardly, nothing corruptly. THe eternal lawe which god hath created in in the right reason of man, teacheth him to abhorre al corrupte affections, and not to lyue af¦ter them, which thing euen the heithē philosophers do also cōfesse. Now as we are bound sureli to know what mo¦tiōs we be most enclined vnto, so ought we to understōd, that thorou right reasō (which is the power of gods holy spre¦te) the most violent of thē maye either be refrayned, or els turned in to vertue Trueth it is, that as some mā is more prone vnto vertue thē some, either bi re¦asō Some man is more prone to vertue then some of the influēce of the celestial bodi∣es, or els of oure progenitours, or els of the bringinge vp in youth, ar of the complexiō of the body: Euen so some vices folowe the countrees, some the cō¦plexiō of the body, some the age of mā, some be appropiated vnto kynde. And some tyme an euel disease of the mā is recōpēced with another certayne cōtra¦ry good gifte or propertie. As for the vices that are nighest vnto vertues, we must amēde thē, ād turne thē in to that vertue which they most nighe resēble. For let a man that is soone prouoked vnto anger, refrayne his mynde, ād he shalbe nothing faynt herted, but bolde yea and fre of speach without dissimu∣laciō, The nygarde, by the exercyse of reason, shalbe thrifftie and a good hus∣band: The flatrer, shal thorow modera¦cion, be curteys and pleasaunt: The ob¦stinate maye be constant: Solemnesse maye be turned to grauite: One ful of foolishe ioyes maye be come a good cō¦panyon. But in any wise must we be∣ware, that we put not the name of ver¦tue to anye maner of vice, as to cal cru¦eltie, iustice: envie, zeale. The waye The waye to felicite. thē to felicite is first to know oure sel∣ues: Secōdly, to do al thinges after the iudgmēt of reasō, whose mouth must not be out of taist, but without corrupci¦on. Now as ther is no greather rewar∣de thē fēlicite: euen so that which vnto oure onely strēgth is hardest of al to do, is most easie yf we loke vnto god oure helper. Wherfore yf we groundi¦ng oure selues vpō a sure purpose of a perfite life, do feruētli set vpō it & go lu¦stely vnto it, no doute we shalbe able to bring it to pas: for to be willinge to be a christē mā is a greate parte of Chri¦stēdome. A good wil doth much And though the beginning of a thing be neuer so harde, yet the waye of vertue in proces doth waxe easie: shal beestes be more ready to be tamed, thē we in our mindes? Sal we for the healt of our bodies be ruled by the counsail of a phisician beynge a man, and not master our awne affections at the com¦maundement of god him selfe, to haue a quyete conscience al oure whole life? Shal we do more so saue oure bodies from liknesse, then to delyuer both bo∣dy and soule from eternall death? AShame it is, that in this warre men be so rude and vnexercysed, that they know not the dyuersite betwene reason and affectiōs. For that the philosophers call reason, the same doth S. Paul sōtyme call the sprete, sō¦tyme what re¦ason is. the inward man, somtyme the la∣we of the mynde. That they call affec∣tion, calleth he somtyme the flesh, som¦tyme the body, somtyme the outward man, the law of the membres, and the body of death. And thus oure warre is peace, life and libertie of the soule: but death and bondage of the fleshe, with al his lustes. Now where as Pla¦to put two soules in one man, S. Paul in one mā maketh two men; so coupled togheter, that nether without other cā be either inheauē or hel. And againe so separated, that the death of the one must be the life of the other. This is the olde debate betwene the two twyn¦nes Iacob ād Esau Iacob ād Esau, which or euer they come to light, wrastle together within their moters wombe. Betwene these two brethren is neuer ioyned parfite concorde. For Esau hateth Iacob, who hauing Esau euer suspected, darre not come within his daunger. With thing auoyde the ioun sail of the flesh shulde teach us to suspecte oure owne sensual fleshe, and alwaye to eschue the counsail therof. Yea mete is it and con¦uenient, that the woman be obediēt to the husbande, that Isaac be more set by then Ismael, that grace increace, and ti¦rannye of the flesh mynishe. For whan carnal affections ware olde, then sprin¦geth vp to blessed tranquilite of an in∣nocent mynde, and sure quietnesse of the sprete. Let not Ismael therfore the childe of the flesh disceaue us with his pastyme and pleasures, but let oure Isa∣ac alwaye suspecte him, and flee the oc¦casions Flee the accasiōs of synne of synne. For ful wilde is the flesh, so that the trouble therof is expe¦dient, to the exercyse of vertue, to the custodie of humilite, to nurtoure us, ād to teach us whā we are tēpted, first to desire helpe of god: secōdly, that yf we be his, no tentacion can be daungerous vnto us: And finally against al vain glorie, agaynst so wilde and manyfol∣de affections, to be euer stil, wrast∣leng. For by such victory we shalbe su¦re of the blessinge of god: and opteyne grace to be at another tyme much armed against oure enemie: halt not on both sydes, but leene more to the sprete of god, then to oure awue carnall affections: Which yf we māfully subdue vnto the end, we shal be sure after these trublous stor∣mes to haue true quietnesse, euen to se the lorde, to taist and fele how swete ād pleasaunt he is, and to opteyne eternal consolacion in him. MAn, after the mynde of Origen is made of thre partes. The first parte is the flesh, whe¦rin The flesh, the malicious serpent thorou ori¦genal frespace, hath written the la∣we of synne, wherby we be prouoked vnto fylthynesse, and coupled vnto the deuell, yf we be ouercome. The secōd parte is the sprete, wher in we represen¦te the symilitude of the nature of god, The sprete. who after the eternall law of his ow∣ne mynde, hath grauen therin the lawe of honestie, wherbye we be knett vnto god, and made one with him. The thirde parte is the soule, partaker of The soule the sensible wittes and naturall moci∣ons, wo yf she forsakyng the flesh unto the sprete, becometh . But yf she foolowe the corrupte affec∣tions of the flesh, then ioyneth she herselfe vnto an harlot, and is made, one body with her, that beyng an euel, straunge, flatryng, foolishe and ba∣bling woman, breaketh her promes, and forsaketh the husband of her iouth. Wherfore yf we enclyne vnto the spre¦te, it maketh us not onely blessed, reli∣gious, obedient, kynde and mercifull. But also teacheth us to desire celesti∣all and necessary, pure, parfite and god¦ly thinges, to obeye God more then men: and though some affections be disguised with visers of vertue, yet not to be disceaued with them. Yf we enclyne to the flesh, it ma∣keth us beestes, despysers of God, disobedient, vnkynde and cruel, yea ād causeth us to desire delicate, pleasaunt and filthie thinges. The rule of true The ru¦le of tru¦e godly∣nesse godlynesse therfore is to leene so nighe vnto the sprete, that for any good incli¦nacion or vertue we ascrybe nothinge to oure selues: that we do nothing for our awne pleasure or advauntage: that for obseruyng of outward thinges we iudge not oure selues better thē other men: that we regarde more our negh∣bours nacessite, and be readier to helpe them, then to kepe mês tradicions: that our loue be chaist and spiritual, ād that nothing be so deare vnto us as Christ himselfe. Now to guyde and conueye us out of the blynde errours of this world, vnto the pure and cleare light of spiritual liuinge, we must of vertue and godlynesse make euen a crafft and occupation: the rules wherof yf we do folow, and manfully exercyse oure selnes therin, the holy goost shal bring oure purpose for ward. These preceptes shal do us much good agaynst blindnesse, against the flesch, and against oure awne wea∣knesse, namely thre euel, that procea∣ding of origenal synne, remayne still in us, to nurtoure us, and for the incre¦ace of vertue. For where as blindnesse cancred with corrupte and euell brin∣ging vp, lewde company, froward af∣fectious, darknesse of vices and with custome of synne, dymmeth the iudg∣ment of reason: so that in the election of thinges we be disceaued, and in ste∣ad of the best, folowe the worst. The first poynt is therfore, that we haue Thre necessari poyntes knowlege to discerne what is to be re∣fused or clene obbolissed, and what is to be accepte. Secondly, where as the flesh draweth us to in ordinate af∣fectiō we must hate that wich we knou to be euel, & loue that which is honeste, wholsome ād good. Thirdly where as infirmite ouercometh us is either with tediousnesse or with tentacion, we must be of good corage: and so contynue in the thinges which we haue wel begon ne, that we faynt not: ād that after we haue set oure hand to the ploughe, we loke not bacward, til we haue optey∣ned the crowue promised. THe first rule must be, that we so iudge both of Christ and of his We must iud¦ge wel of scrip∣ture, not douting in the promi∣ses of god. holy scripture, that we be sure, how that it greatly perteyneth to oure health, and that though al the world be against it, yet nothing that we percea∣ue with oure natural senses, is or can be so true, as it that is red in the scrip∣ture, enspyred of god himselfe, brought forth by so many prophetes, approued with the bloude of so many martirs, with the consent of all good men so ma¦ny hundreth yeares, with the doctryne and life of Christ himself, with so ma∣ny miracles, &c. Which scripture is so agreable to the equite of nature, ād eue¦ry where so like it selfe, so rauiseth, mo¦ueth, and altred the myndes of them that take hede thervnto, yea ād telleth of so many, great, wonderful and true thinges, that yf we oft considre the sa∣me, it shal stere us vp vnto more fer∣uentnesse both of faith, praier and ver∣tue, beyng sure, that as the rewarde of vice and of these momentany pleasu¦res, is both vexaciō of mynde and eter¦nall punishment. So vnto good men shalbe geuē and hundred folde ioye of a pure conscience, and finally ouerlas∣ting life. AS the first rule is thā, not to dou¦te in the promises of god. So is With a good co∣rage must we entre in to the way¦e of sal∣uacion the seconde rule, that we entre in tho the waye of saluacion gladly, bold∣ly, and with a good corage: that we be alwaye ready for Christes sake to lese both lyfe and goodes: that we be not negligent, but feauent: that we suf∣fre not the affectiōs of our louers, the pleasures of this world, the care of ou¦re housholde, the chaine of wordly bu∣synesse, to hold us back from the kyng∣dome of heauen. For we must for sa¦ke Egypte, that we turne not agayne to the flesh portes therof: So haist out of Sodome, that we loke not back: So fiee out of Babylon and from the vy∣ces therof, that we do it spedely wit∣hout prolonginge of the tyme: that we trust no longer to our selues, but com¦mitte us wholli vnto the lorde, that we serue him altogether, and no other ma¦ster: that we halth not on both legges. For the lorde is so gelous ouer oure soules, that he wil haue al that he hath redemed with his bloude, and can not suffre the fele shipe of the deuell, whō he ones ouercame by his deathe. So be there but two waies onely, the one of Two wayes onely saluation, the other of perdicion. The strayte waye is it that we must walke, wherin to, though few do entre, yet must we considre that we are as much bounde as other men, to leade a Chri∣sten lyfe, to take Christes crosse vpon us, and to folowe him. For yf it belōg vnto us to lyue with Christ, and to ry∣se agayne to eternall lyfe, then belon∣geth it also vnto us to dye with him, and to be crucified with him as tou∣ching the worlde, synne ād carnal desu¦res. Which as it is an hard thing and knowne wnto few, so is it the comen and general profession of al Christen men, sworne and promised in baptyme the most holy and religious vowe of all. And though there be neuer so few that perfitly folowe the head, yet must we al enforce oure selues to come ther¦to. For of al Christen men they are the best, that with stedfast hert and purpo∣se are stil mynded so to be. THe thirde rule is, that we utter¦ly despise and count for a thing we must despise what so euer lea¦deth frō the way¦e of Christ. of naught, watsoeuer wold fea¦er us from the waye of vertue and of Christ, Which as it is of al other lifes the most commodious. So euen at the first ceaseth it to be sharpe, and in pro∣ces is made easier, pleasaunt, and delec¦table, wherby we go with sure hope, and that without laboure, to eternal fe¦licite: where as these mad men of the world, with their owne extreme labou¦re, purchase eternal death: non though the waye of godlynesse were much mo¦re laborious thē the waye of the world yet the hope of rewarde and the cōfor∣te of god swageth the tedioussnesse therof, and of bitter maketh it swete. But in the waye of the world, one care ād sorou springeth of an other without any quietnesse. For notging is filthier or more laborious, thē, the bondage of nothing worse, thē to be ser¦uaunt vnto synne Egypte nothing more greuous then the captiuite of Babylō, nothing more intollerable thē the yoke of Pharao ād Nabugodonosor. But Christes ioke is pleasaunt, his burthē is light. Summa there lacketh no pleasure, where a quy¦ete consciēce is: No misery, where an vnquiete consciēce crucifieth te mynde They that out of the vices of Babilon are conuerted vnto the lord, haue, expe¦riēce herof, and can tel us, that nothing is more greuous, thē vice: nothing mo∣re easie, more chereful, or more cōforta∣ble thē is vertue. Neuertheles though both the rewarde and laboures of ver¦tue and vice where like, yet were is bet¦ter to be vexed with Christ, then to swymme, in pleasure with the deuell: which is so filthie, cruell ād discentful a master, that euery man shulde flee out of his seruyce, wherin is nothing but greuous laboure in purchacyng, sorou ād thōght in lesyng, yea many thousād ioperdies, miserable care, perpetuall tourmēt, mischaunce labour spēt in vai¦ne, much grefe of hert ād mynde. But What they op¦yne that con¦uerte vnto god. who so endeuoureth himselfe with sure purpose to cōe frō the vicious world to a good cōuersaciō in Christ, opteyneth that he seketh, chaungeth trifles with thinges of more value, yea filuer for gold, flynt for precious stōe, findeth bet¦ter frēdes: for outward pleasures and riches of the body, euioyeth such as be better purer & more certayne: So that his losse shalbe tourned to ad∣vauntage, aduersite to solace, rebuke to praise, vexacion to comforte, bitter thinges to swete, euel to good. THe fourth rule is, that we ha∣ue none other marke ād ensam¦ple Christ o¦nely must be the mar¦ke and ensāple of our lyuing of lyuing, saue onely Christ who is nothing els saue charite, simpli¦cite, innocēcie, paciēce, clēuesse, & what soeuer he himselfe taught: To whō we directe oure iourney, yf we be so geuē oneli vnto vertue, that we loue & desire nothing but either Christ, or els for Christ: hating, abhorringe, flyeng & a∣noydinge nothing but onely sinne, or els for sinnes sake. And thus yf oure eye be pure, al oure bodi shalbe bright so that what soeuer honest or indifferēt thing we take in hande, it shal turne to oure welth. As for filthie thinges, ne∣ther advauntagener punishmēt shulde make us to cōmitte them. Meane thin∣ges verely and indifferēt ought no far¦ther to be desyred, then they are profi¦table to a christē liuing. As for an ensā∣ple. Conning or lerning must be loued for christes sake: so that whā we know him and the secretes of his scripture, we loue him in such sorte, that openyng him vnto other, we both take frute of him our selues, and yf we haue know∣lege of other sciences, we vse them all to his honoure. For better it is to haue Loue is more ex¦cellent then knowle¦ge lesse knowlege & more loue, then much to know and not to loue. This euery thing, so farre forth as it helpeth most vnto vertue, ought chefely to be ap∣plied. But rather ought we to lack them then that they shulde holde us back from Christ: Unto whom we ought to haist so ferueutly, that we shulde haue no leysure to care for other thinges, whether they be geuen us or taken awaye from us: but euen to vse the worlde as yf we vsed it not. After this rule yf we examen al oure studies and actes, than like as hauyng a craft or occupacion we wil not laboure to de¦fraude oure neghbours, but to fynde oure housholdes and to wynne thē vn¦to Christ. Euen so whan we fast, praye or vse any such lyke, we shal not do it for any carnall purpose, but proceade on stil til we come vnto Christ, nether goyng out of the waye, ver doyng or suffring any thing, that shal not myni∣stre vnto us some occasiō of godlinesse THe fifth rule is, that we counte it parfite godlynesse, alwaye to We must as∣cende from thinges visible, to thin∣ges in∣uisible applie our selues to ascēde frō thinges visible to thinges inuisible. Which yf we do not: then are we no true honourers of god, but playne su∣persticious. And yet beyng straungers in this visible world, what soeuer of∣freth it selfe to oure sensible powers, we considering it, ought to applie the same either to the world angelical, or els to maners, euen vnto god, and to the inuisible porciō of oure selues. And thus the thing that we perceaue bi our sensible wites, shalbe vnto us an occa¦sion of godlynesse: Yea by the light of this visible Sonne we shal lerne, that great is the pleasure of the inhabitaun¦tes of heauen, vpon whom the eternall light of god is euer shyninge. And like wise by the darck night, we shal thynke how horrible it is, a soule to be destitu¦te of the lihht of god: and that yf the be¦autie of the body be pleasaunt, the be∣autie of the soule is much more honest. For the lesse felyng we haue in thyn∣ges transitory and of the body, ād the lesse we are moued thee with, the more the lesse delyte we ha∣ue in er¦thy thin¦ges, the more pleasu∣re haue we inhe¦auenly. swetnesse we fynde in thinges pertey∣ning to the sprete, ād the better are we aquainted with thinges eternal: to the loue wherof we ought to arrise from thinges tēporal, & in cōparisō of the o∣ther euen to despyse them, and more to fear the disease, poyson ād death of the soule, thē of the body: Yee the wrathe of god, more then any thonder or lichte¦nyng, The misterie therfore in al thin∣ges ought to loked vpō, aswel whā we considre the outward creatures & wor∣kes of god, as in the studie of his holy scripture: the sprete wherof & not the baren lettre must specially be searched out, & the allegories handled, not drea∣myngly allegories. or vnfrutefully, nether with subtyl disputacions) after the maner of oure diuynes, that are to much addicte to Aristotel) but wel fauouredly, after the eusāple of the olde doctours: for in asmuch as it is the sprete that geueth li¦fe & libertie: therfore in al maner lettres & in al oure actes we must haue respec¦te to the sprete & frutes therof & not to the flesh & his frutes: wishing rather to be priuely alowed in the sight of god, thē opēly in the sight of man: rather to In spre¦te & ve∣rite wil god be worship¦ped. whorsipe god in sprete & verite, then o¦ther wise, rather to eate Christes flesh & drinke his bloude spiritualli, thē oneli with the mouth: rather to be quickened & to haue life in the sprete, thē hanging¦s. Ihons gospel or an Agnus dei aboute oure neckes, to reioyse in any carn all thing, where the sprese is not presēt: ra¦ther to be one sprete with the sprete of christ, to be one bodi with his, to be a quicke mēbre of his church thē without frute to saye or heare many masses: ra¦ther to haue a cleane & saueri minde, ād to studie to walke with christ in new li∣fe, thē to haue the bodi washed, touched with salt, anointed, or sprēcled with ho¦ly water: rather to ropresēt & folou the vertuous & blessed doctrine of sayntes, We must fo¦low christ in his sain¦tes. yea to counterfaite christ in thē, thē to reioyse in touching their relikes, to ho¦noure their bones, or to be buried in a gray freres cote rather to expresse the lyuely and very ymage of Christ set forth in his owne ductryne, ād liuinge, thē to crepe to te crusse, or ta haue at ho¦me a pece of the wod that it was ma¦de of: rather to ascēde to more parfitnes¦se of the sprete, to grou in parfite loue and charite, and to offre a contrite and humble hert vnto god, then to haue cō¦fidence in carnal thinges, or supersticy¦ous ceremonies, tradicions and inuen¦tions of men: rather to do the thinge that the eyes of god requyre, thē to ple¦ase the eyes of men: rather to procure the quyetnesse, and innocencie of the mynde, and to seke the nourishmēt the rof by the true hearing, seynge and fe¦ling of the word of god in the soule, thē by the outward senses of the body: ra∣ther with inward medicynes to heale the hurtes of the foule, and by the win¦ges of loue to flie vp to the sprere, then crepyng on the ground with vncleane beestes, to be stil vnlerned in the miste∣ries of Christ, or to be destitute of the swete lycoure that commeth of him. THe sixte rule is, that varieng as much as is possible both from We must va¦ry from the co∣men pe∣ople, the dedes and opynions of the comen sorte of men, we fette the ensam¦ple of godlynesse at none, saue onely at Christ himself, the onely true patron and fourme of lyuinge, the onely true pathe and right hie waye. For loke as are the opinions wher with oure myn¦des be instructed, such are also oure ma¦ners and conuersacion. And therfore Christen men in bringing vp their chil¦dren, shulde chefely care, that euen frō the cradle they be Christenly persua∣ded, ād not lerne to synge filthie or wā¦ton songes, to wayle or wrynge their handes for the losse of worldly goodes, to recōpence euel for euell. For towe is not readier to catche fyre, then man is disposed vnto vice: which chefely pro¦ceadeth of euel opinious, whan in stea¦de of a swete thing, we embrace it that is sower, and whan for it that might do us good, we folow our oune dama¦ge ād losse. Wherfore considering that the comen sorte of people and their ma¦ners now adaies be most corrupte, and seyng ther is no worse authour of ly∣uinge thē they be: for asmuch Isaie, as the flocke of good men is but smal, pea¦vice more regarded then vertue. No es¦tate, nothing shulde make us to go frō the trueth, no opynion, no name or parsone of mā shulde moue us to tread one yn∣the from Christes trueth, or from the lyfe of vertue: Wherof non adaies mē are more ashamed, then were the Nei∣then in tymes past: Yea to be a right Christē mā, is accōpted euery where a very vyle thing: so vayne is the world and in so great reputacion haue thei it to be borne of noble bloud, to be riche, to haue their pleasures, to be strōg and valeaunt, to be praised of the world, to be accōpted worldly wyse: whā in veri¦dede the chefest nobilite of al is to be the child of god, the chefest riches is to true no¦bilite true ri¦ches. true ple¦asure true strength possesse him in whō are al thinges: the chefest pleasure of al is so to delite in Christ, that we be moued with the loue of none other lust: the chefest strength is, whā a mā hath so ouercome himself, that he cā finde in his hert to deipise al iniuries, to recōpēce good for euel, to praie for thē that curse him. The chefest praise of al is, for godlynes sake to be true praise mocked & laughed at of euel men, & to be approued of Christ: the chefest wis∣dome of al is, to be circumspecte in pro¦uidyng true wisdo∣me for the life to come. Summa, we must not cōforme our selues to this world, but so alter oure myndes, that we herken and approue, not what is the wil of mē, but what is the good, wel pleasinge, and parfite wil of god. For yf we moue not the eyes of oure hert from Christ, but folowe his verite, we shal not go out of the wa¦ye. Yf we walke after his light, so that it shyne vnto us, we shal nether stum∣ble in darknesse, ner fal in to the blyn¦de errours, opinions or sectes of the world. THis excellent lernyng then of Christ must be stablished in us, that we thinke us not to be bor¦ne vnto oure selues, but to the honour of god and welth of al men. So that louyng him agayne which bestowed himselfe on us all toghether for oure redemption, we also for his sake loue other men, and abhorre their vices: hauing not onely respecte to the¦ir nede, and what we are able to do for thē, but also remēbringe the manifolde causes that by reason shulde moue us to loue them, to tendre them, to be at o∣ne with thē, and not to accompte them as straungers, or to hate thē for any al¦teraciō of vesture or of any such trifle yea in no wise to despise them, but es∣temyng their hurt our awue, to consi∣dre, that what soeuer we haue receaued it is geuen us to bestowe vpon thē, and to increace in edifieng of them in chari¦te. This lerninge wil induce men to de¦syre no vengeaunce, but to be the sōnes of their father in heauen, to ouercome euell with good, to suffre hurt rather then to do it: to forgeue other mēs offē¦ces: to be gentle in maners: Yf they be connynge, to for heare and amende the ignorance of the vnlerned: Yf they be riche, to be circumspecte in distributin∣ge the goodes that god hath geuen thē; In pouer te to be aswel contēt as other men: In office to be more carefull and diligent in consydering their charge: In notyng the maners of euel perso∣nes, yet not to despise the profession of vertue: In labouring for a comen office or in executing of the same, to do it al∣waye for the profit of the comen and not for their awne singular welth: be∣yng ready, euen with the losse of their awne life and gōodes, to defende that which is right: beyng lothe to haue pre¦eminence, Offices of Chri¦stē men. which yf it chaunce vnto thē yet to thinke that they also haue a lor∣de and master in heauen, euen Iesus Christ, and that no mā is bounde to fo∣low his doctrine more strately thē they that he will of no man aske more strai∣te accomptes then of them, that they leine not to their awne willes, that they flater not thēselues in euell: that their maners besuch as deserue riches, honoure, reuerence, dignite, fauoure, and auctorite: that they them selues be not giltie in the offences which they do punishe in other: that they despise no man in comparison of thē selues: that in bearinge rule, they mynde not so much to excelle as to profite all men: that they turne not to their awne pro∣fit the thinges which are comen, but be¦stowe that they haue yea and themsel∣ues also vpon the comen welth: that in their titles of honoure they refarre all such thinges vnto god: that in myni∣string their office, they fetch not en∣sample of their predecessours, or of fla¦terers, but onely of Christ: that they be ready rather to lese their domyniōs then Christ, who hath a farre better thing to geue them. For nothing is so comly, so excellent, so gloryous, to kyn¦ges, prynces and rulers, as in symilitu¦de to drauwe nyghe vnto the highest, greatest and best kyng, euen Iesu: Na¦mely, in steade of violence to xeercyse charite, and to be myuistre vnto all mē. Inconclusion, we must so cleue vnto the lerning of Christ, and be so circum¦specte ther in, that we cloke not oure We maye not clo∣ke our awne vyces with other mens falles. awne vices with other mens failes. For though holy men haue somtyme done any thing not to be folowed (as Dauid, whā he commutted aduoutrie and murther: Salomon, whan he had so many quenes and concubynes. Not, whan he was droncken: Loth, wan he laye with his awne daughters: Mary Magdalene, whan she syune so sore: Peter, whan he denyed the lorde: Paul, whan he persecuted the church of god.) Yet ought we to do nothing that varieth from Christ: but as we ha¦ue bene like other men in synne, so shul¦de we be companyons and parteners also with them that repent and turne vnto god. And as for other mens de∣des, we ought not churhshly so much to barch agaynst them, nether with cru¦elnesse to feare them, as with softnesse and ayre meanes to amend them and allure them vnto Christ. THe seuenth rule is, that studiēg We still be clym∣mynge vp vnto godly∣nesse. diligently to draw on still as ni¦ghe as we can to the beholding of heauēly thinges, we turne oure myn¦des so feruently ther vnto, that the ve¦ry loue of Christ cause us to hate all transitorp and filthie thinges: which shal waxe the more vyle vnto us, the more we set by thinges inuisible. Ther¦fore ought we so to prece vnto the best, that though we be not so parfite in all thinges as we shulde, oure mynde yet be not defyled with greuous offences, but more receaue able of the benefits of god. And though we can not do so well as holy and blessed men haue do∣ne before us, yet let us committe no worse thinges then the heithen: Who though they had no parfite knowlege of god, yet was honestie dearer vnto them, then either fame, goodes, life, or any thing els in the world. And dout∣lesse it shal notably withdraw us from synne, yf we pondre well in our myn∣des we must pondre the com¦moditi∣es of synne. the incommodities ther of, as in∣famye, pouertie, losse of goodes, way∣sting of tyme, the hate of good men, grefe of mynde, miserable vnquietnes¦se of conscience, with thousandes mo such like inconueniences. Wherfore bet¦ter it is that oure youth beleue this to be the propertie of synne, thē with wo∣full experience to lerne it in them sel∣ues. And though we can not atteyne to the most excellent vertue, yet shal it profit much, yf we beyng but in cyuile or morall vertues, ronne not headlon∣ge in to all kynde of vyces. Notwith∣stonding for asmuch as that is not the resting place and quyet hauen of felici¦te, but a shorter iourney ther vnto, we must pray still vnto god, that he will vouchsafe to plucke us vp to better thinges. THe eight rule, that whan the storme of tentacion ryseth a∣gaynst We ma¦ye not despayr in god. us, we be not discōtent with oure selues, as though god cared not for us or fauoured us not: but ra∣ther geue him thankes, because he in∣structeth us as his owne heyres, cha∣steneth Tentaci¦on is a signe that god loueth us as his owne most singularly beloued childrē, and proueth us as his owne assured frendes: which is a token that he loueth us, as he dyd the Apost∣le Paul, blessed Iob, & other holy sain∣tes: Who beyng both great and many haue suffred troubles aswel as we: why shulde we then be discoraged or fal in dispaire, and not rather do oure best to ouercome as they dyd: considering we haue a faitful god, that wil not forsake us, nor suffre us to be tēpted aboue our strength, but make us able to endure. THe nyyēth rule is, that our min¦de We must e∣uer ke¦pe wat∣che. be alway watching and cir∣cumspecte against the soden as∣saulte of our enemie: that his tentaciō, suggestion and first mocion vnto syn∣ne, maye be holden downe at the begin¦nyng, whyle it is freshe, and he put bac¦ke to his cōfusiō. For more easeli or mo¦re surely is he neuer ouercome, then bi that meanes. THe teuth rule is, that what so e¦uer remedi∣es a∣gainst tētacion the enemie tēpteth us, we straight waye either hate, ab∣horre, and defye him, or els pray feruēt¦ly, or get us to some holy occupaciō, set¦tinge oure whole myndes ther vpō: or els to answere the tempter with wor∣des of holy scripture: Wherof to haue some certayne sentences ready against those inconueniences that we are most enclyned vnto, is very profitable in all tentacions. The .xi. rule is, that in tentacion we nether geue op oure holde, we must nether be faynt harted nerts presum∣ptuous. nether whan we are conforted, waxe wanton, or stond in oure oune cō¦eeates: but whā our enemie stereth us vnto filthie thinges, to beholde, not our awne feblenesse, but to remembre that we maye do al thinges in christ, wo bid¦deth us be of good chere, for he hath o∣uercome the worlde. Againe, whā we haue ouercome oure enemie, or done so me good worke, we must beware that we ascribe nothing therof to oure aw∣ne merites, but thanke onely the fre be¦neuolence of god, of whom we receaue all thinges. Thus against this double mischefe we shal finde double remedis yf we not onely in tentaciō dispeiring in our oune strenght & trusting in the beneuolence of christ, do flee for socou¦re vnto him: but also in our spiritual cō solacon humbli cōfessing our awne vn worthynesse, immediatly geue him thā¦kes for his benefites. THe twelfte rule is, that whā we of tētaci¦on must we al waye ta¦ke occa∣sion of vertue. haue auoided the stroke of our enemie, we take his weapō frō him, and smite him with his awne swer¦de: so that whan we are prouoked vnto euel, we do not oneli absteyne from sin¦ne, but therof also take an accasion of vertue, grow stōger in courage, know oure awne weaknesse the better, incre¦ace the more in good dedes, and hum∣ble oure selues the more in al thinges. And thus shal tentacions be euer the renewinge of oure holy purpose, and increace of godlynesse and vertuous lyuinge, thus shal we not onely van∣quisse oure enemie, but yf he begynne with us againe afresh, he himself shall ministre vnto us ā occasiō of godlinesse THe thirtenth rule is, that in the conflicte and battayl we be bolde, and behaue oure selues so mā¦fully, We must be bolde, ād after o¦ne tētaci¦on euer loke for another as though we shulde neuer figh¦te more. Neuer theles whan we haue o∣uercome, we must alwaye after one tē∣tacion loke for another, neuer depar∣ting frō our harnes, but alwaye watch and kepe oure standing, aslong as we are in this body. THe fourtenth rule is, that we fauoure not oure selues in a∣ny In to smallest faultes of al must we not fa∣uoure oure sel∣ues. one vyce, be it neuer so smal. For yf we with Christē hatred ab¦horre one, we must nedes abhorre al. Yea yf true charite haue ones possessed oure hertes, we shal indifferently hate the whole hoost of euel thinges, ād not flater oure selues so much as in the leest. For though we cā not as yet pluc¦ke vp the whole generacion of vyces, neuer theles we must alwaye daye by daye withdrawe somwhat of our euell condicions and euer be addyng som∣wath to good maners. THe fiftenth rule is, that in the conflicte of tentacion we compare not The bit¦ternesse of the fight must we com¦pare to the pay∣ne that folowet¦the syn∣ne. onely the bitternesse of the fight with the payne which folowed the synne, but also the present swetnesse of the sin¦ne that entyceth us, with the pleasure of the victory herafter, and with the tranquylite of mynde that foloweth the same. For as yf we be ouercome, ther foloweth us a more paynful and longer grefe, then we shulde haue had in tyme of fight, yf we had wonne the victory: Euen so yf we be cōquerours ther foloweth us a more greate and lō¦ger pleasure, then was it that caried us in to sinne which was ouercome. Which thing he shal lightly iudge, that hath had experience of both. Wherfo∣re Let us proue what it is, to o¦uercome yf we proue somtyme, what it is to ouercome, the oftner we do it, the mo∣re pleasaunt shal the victory be vnto us THe sixtenth rule is, to haue ou¦re mindes so armed afore hād, we may¦e not de¦spaire though we lye vnder. that though we be fallen in to synne, and ouercome, we yet despayre not, but thake therby occasion of grea∣ter courage, to wrastle more strongly, to come againe quickly to oure selues, o take a good hert vnto us, to repaire a∣gaine the rebuke and shame of the fal, with new courage and lustinesse of ver¦tue, after the ensample of Dauid, Sa∣lomon, Peeter, Paul, etc. whom god, no doubte, suffred to fal, leest we after we are fallen, shulde despaire. Wher∣fore yf we ryse vp quicly with a lusty courage, and go to it afreshe both fear¦ser and more circumspecte, oure deedly offences shal grow in us to an heape of godlinesse, while we loue more feruent¦ly, that erred afore most shamefully. THe seuententh rule is, that a∣gainst al maner weapons and We must exercy∣se our selues in the crosse of Christ. dartes of our most wicked ene∣mie, we cast the crosse of Christ, and ex¦ercyse oure selues diligentli therin: not after the comen maner slenderly repe¦ting the storie of his passion, or honou∣ring the ymage of the crosse, or with a thousand signes of it armynge al our bodie rounde on euery syde, or layeng vp at home some pece of that holy or wepinge for sorou that christ suffred so great wrong: but as lyuely mēbres of oure head, to mortifie oure awne af∣fections, and so recording the mistery of the crosse, that yf we be ticled with ambition, ashamed to be set at naught in this world, tempted with envie, with glotony, with filthie pleasure, with co∣uetousnesse, we considre to what vyle∣nesse Christ oure head humbled himself how kynde, lonyng and good he is euē to the worst: how he drancke eysel and gal: how ful of vexacion and grefe all his whole life was: how poore he beca¦me for oure sakes. Thus in al tentaci∣ons shal it not be grauous, but plea∣saunt and delectable vnto us, to haue oppressed our awne affetions. THe eightenth rule is, that whā any affection moueth us to ini∣quite, We must considre the fil¦thinesse of sinne & the dignite of man. we considre the filthinesse of synne, ād the greate dignite of mā. For seyng that in other trifles we ta∣ke advisement with oure selues, re¦ason it were, that or euer we co∣sent vnto the feynde, we pondred well this most waightie matter, who made us, in how excllent a state we are set, with how exceading great pryce we are bought, to how greate fe∣licite we are called, how that for mans sake onely, god hath forged the mar∣uaylous buyldinge of this worlde, brought us in to the company of ange∣les, made us his owne children, heyres of immortalite, membres of Christ and of his church, oure bodies the temple of the holy goost, oure myndes the yma∣ges and habitaciō of god: On the other syde to considre, that synne is the most filthie pestilence and consumpcion both of the mynde and body: euē that deedly poyson of the most filthie serpent, and the prest wages of the deuels most mi∣serable seruyce. Thus yf we take good advisemēt, we shal se, yt were not wise¦ly done, for a momentany and poyso∣ned litle shorte pleasure of synue, to fal frō so greate dignite in to so vile estate. THe nyententh rulle is, that we we must still ha∣ue in mynde the god¦nesse of god, ād the ma∣lyce of the de∣uell. still haue in mynde the eternall benificence of god, and the wic∣ked noysomnesse of the deuell: namely, with what goodnesse allmightie god hath made us, with what mercy rede∣med us, with what liberte endewed us, with what tēdernesse he daylie suffreth and susteyneth us wretched synners, paciently lokyng for oure amendment: with what ioye he receaueth us whan we turne agayne: Cōtrarely with how naturall hate ād envie the deuell father of all mischefe, dyd longe agoo laye wayte to oure health, in to what gre∣uous tentacion he hath cast us, ymage∣ninge daylie to draw us in to eternall mischefe. Thus beyng myndfull of all mightie god and his manifolde benefi∣tes, we shal not vnkyndly departe from so noble, so louyng, and so beneficiall a father, to make our selues wilfully bon¦de vnto the deuell, that most filthie and cruell master. THe twentiet rule is, that we for¦get not but allwaye remembre The dy¦uersite of re∣wardes what great difference is bet∣wene the rewarde of vertue, and the re¦waerde of synne. Yea euen in this worl¦de are the frutes of thē vnlike. For like as the ende of faith is eternall saluaciō in heauē and the rewarde of synne euer lastinge death in hell. Euen so here in this life, godlynesse, bringeth tranquili∣te ād quietnesse of mynde, euē a blessed ioye of pure & cleane conscience, athing more precious and pleasaunt then all the world: And contrary wise a perpe∣tuall grefe, vnquietnesse ād gn a winge of the mynde (with a thousand other euels) accompanieth synne and wicked∣nesse, euen in this life. THe one and twentieth rule is We must be holde the mise¦ry of this pre¦sent life that we cōsidre, how full of gre, fe and misery, how shorte, and transitory this present life is: how on euery syde death lyeth in wayt agaynst us, and sodenly catcheth us: how vnsu∣er we are of one moment of life: how great perill it is to contynuethat kynde of life, wher in yf soden death shulde ta¦ke us (as it often fortuneth) we were but lost for ouer. THe two and twentieth rule is March what extreme mische∣fe folo∣weth, whan men wil not repent. that we fearing the extreme mi¦schefe of impeuitencie, pondre well, how few of them which haue pro¦longed their lyues in iniquite, be truly conuerted vnto synne, and with due re∣pentaunce reconcyled vnto god agai¦ne. Therfore is it mete, that we beyn∣ge monished, do remembre, how easie it is to fail in to synne, but harde to tur¦ne back agayne. TO resiste the lust of the bodi, yf we wil be wel weapened, we the incō¦moditi∣es, of bo¦beli lust must considre the incōmodities therof: namely▪ how filthie & beestly it maketh us, how moment any and bitter it is, hou it pulleth us frō our good na¦me and fame, consumeth oure goodes, kylleth the strength and beautie of the body, decayeth and hurteth health, cau∣seth innumerable and filthie diseases, disfigureth youth, hasteth age, dulleth the witte and sight of the mynde, with∣dra et us from al honest studies, taketh awaye the vse of reason. Likewyse by the hurt that we haue sene other haue thorow their voluptuous ple∣asures, shulde we lerne to auoyde the fame. And aswel by the ensamples of them that are vertuous, as by the greate commodities of chastite, to be pure and cleane bōth in body and myn¦de: Considering to how mani vayne of fices they be subiecte, that put their hea¦des vnder the girdle of filthie lust: hou it is alwaye coupled with those sinnes that be greatest and most in nombre, hou this life vanisheth awaye faster thē smoke, hou many that folowe such thinges are, taken awaye by soden de∣ath, how sharpe the extreme iudgment of god is, how the ioye of a pure myn∣de is much sweter then the pleasure of synne, how greate benefites the lorde hath heaped vpon us, and al to ma∣ke us refrayne from deedlie ād mortall pleasures, how he alwaye beholdeth us what soeuer we do or thinke, how greatli, abstinacy and frowardnesse of mynde springeth of bodely lust, what greate sorow foloweth therafter: how that the more we are consecrated vnto god, yea the more lerned we be, and the more we haue receaued of his ghiftes. The more vnmete, and the more shame is it for us so to abuse our selues, what estate or kind soeuer we be of. JN cōclusiō, yf we bilde sure frō We must a∣uoide o∣sious. the enticynges of the fleshe, we must be circumspecte, auoyding al occasions, moderate in eatynge driue kinge and slepinge, absteyne from plea¦sures, regarde once owre death, behol∣de the deathe of christ, lyue with such as be vncorrupted, eschue the commu∣nicacion of wanton persones, flee ydle solytarynesse and sluggishe ydlenesse, exercyse oure selues in the meditacion of celestial thinges, and honest studies specially of holy scripture, gevyng our selues oft ād purely vnto prayer, most of al whan we be tempted. TO resiste the vyce of couetou∣snesse, we must cal to remêbrau¦ce the dignite of the estate of man, to the vse wherof almightie god hath created al thinges. And though we possesse riches, yet must we despise them: Yea so farre must we be from al¦carefulnesse of oure liuinge, that we clo¦ke not our conuetousnesse wich the na∣me of necessite: but first seke the kyng∣dome of heauē, & be sure, that he which maketh prouisiō for the lilies of the fel¦de ād byrdes of the aire, wil not suffre us to lacke: & as we must abhorre wil∣ful begging, euē so possessing money, we must set no store therbye, ner loue it, but be faithful dispensers of it, & of al that god hath cōmitted vnto us: yea though we lese them, yet not to be sory¦e therfore. For they are but aburthen: and though they be accompted among good profitable thinges, yet are they of the lowest sorte, & helpe not vnto ver¦tue, wherof the rewarde is true ho∣nour & not riches: wer with yf any frēd¦shippe, honour or pleasure be gottē, it is but false & fayned. Somwhat therfo¦re shal it moue us the lesse to desyre thē the incō¦moditi∣es of ri∣ches, yf we cōsidre the greate incōmodities of thē: namely, with hou sore laboure & ioperdie they are gotten, with hou gre¦ate thought & care they are kepte, with hou greate sorow ther are lost, hou thei are euen but sharpe thornes, hou harde it is for the riche to entre in to heauē, hou that riches be comēli either vniust¦ly gottē or els vniustly kepte, and how that auarice is playne ydolatrie before god, whom no man can please, that set∣teth his hert vpon Mammon. JN conclusiō, if we wil resiste the vice of auarice, then as we must discerne true thinges frō appa∣raunt, true cōmodities frō false, so must we with oure inwarde eyes be∣holde almightie god, who onely satisfi∣eth the mynde of mā. We must remem¦bre, not onely that we came naked out naked we ca∣me & na¦kd shal we go of oure mothers wōve, and shal naked got hither againe, but also that this pre¦sent life with al his riches is vncertay∣ne: & therfore shuld we turne oure min¦des frō the corrupte maners of the co∣mē sorte, & rather content oure selues with pouertie: considering the fearful woo that christ threatheneth the riche men of this world. honour sprin∣ghet of vertue onely.YF ambicion vexe oure myndes, we must be surely persuaded, that one¦ly to be honoure, which springeth of vertue, yea that to be the chefe and oneli honoure, which is praised of god: and againe, that to be no honoure but rebuke, which is geuen of an vngodly persone for an vngodly persone for an nothing better, then a quyete meane life vnhonest thing. For the more honoure we discerue, the lesse we desyre it, be∣ynge content with the consciēce of well doynge. As for the honours that the co¦men people desyre so greatly, they be but vayne, because that as they geuen of them that put no difference betwene honestie and dishonestie, so are they ge¦uen oft for meane and filthie thinges, and that to the vnworty. Now yf any honoure be geuen vnto us, we ought to referre it al vnto god. Therfore like as nothinge is more ful of prickes, ca∣res, perils and sorowes then the life of greate men, so is nothing better then a quyete meane life. For seyng al ho∣nour is coupled with greate charge, be¦ter it is for us humbling oure selues, to be partakers of mercie, then by ambici¦on to be excluded from the secoure of grace. Wherfore yf the ensample of Christ sticke fast in oure myndes, we shal lerne the better to despise al world¦ly honoure, and to reioyse onely in the crosse of christ. For yf we be dispised of god, and abhorred of his angels, what good shal wordly honours do vnto us? UUe shal not swell in our myn∣des, yf we know ourselues, ād we must know oure sel¦ues. accompt what good thinge so euer we haue, to be the gifte of god ād not of us, ascrybing all euel onely vn∣to oure selues. We must remēbre, how filthie we were conceaued and borne, how naked, nedy, wretched and misira∣ble we crepte in to this lighte: how ma¦ny diseases, chaunces, combraunce, gre¦fes and troubles this wretched body is in daunger vnto. For a surer profe of incurable foolishnesse and lack of vnder¦stonding is not, then yf we stand great¦ly in our awne conceate. Wherfore yf for honour, beauty, cōnyng or any such thing, we be moued vnto pryde, the best is to humble oure selues before god, and to considre oure awne deformities, In conclusion it shal chefely refrayne us from pride, yf we pondre well, not we must considre our awne deformi¦ties, onely what we are in oure selues, how filthie in oure birth, and as a buble of water in all oure life, yea euen wormes marte whā we dye, but also what Christ became for us. UUhan grefe of the mynde mo∣uet Wrath is a chil¦dish thinge. us to be auenged, we must remembre, that wrathe is no manlynesse, but a very childishe, feble and vile thing is it to desyre vengeaun¦re. As for another mans foly, we must litle regarde it, yea and beware, lest in auenginge his lewdnesse, we become lewder ourselues: for by reuenginge is no iniurye eased, but augmented: And the longer it endureth, the more incura¦ble it is: But softnesse healeth it, and of an enemie maketh a frende. For no mā can be hurt of us, excepte we will, or excepte we folowe the grefe of oure awne myndes: Yea we will not sticke to forgeue him, yf we thinke not scorne to considre the infirmities that moued him to offende us, or yf we will do any thing for loue and aucturite of the per∣sone, or compare that his offence with As we forgeue so shal we be forgeuē his former benefites, or considre how sore and oft we oure selues trespae agaynst god, who shal euen asmuch for geue us, as we remytie vnto oure bre∣thren: Which thing yf we do, it is a rea¦dyer waye to opty remission of our synnes, then for obsolucion to rene to Rome, to sayle o. S, Iames, or to bye most large pardons. Wherfore by the ensample of Christ that suffred so much for us beynge his menies, we shulde swage oure awne myndes, and pardon other men, yea euē the vnworthy. And though we be angrie and greued with another mans vyce, yet shulde we loue the parson, and not harden our myndes agaynst him, but agaynst wrathe: beyn¦ge so temperate in oure selues that we suffre not oure awne affections to rule us, but ouercome euell with goodnesse, malice with kyndnesse: which is euen to folowe the parsite loue of Christ Iesu. For as it is the propertie of a wise man to suppresse all displeasure, euen so to folow the appetite of wrathe, is not the poynt of a man, but playnlie of bee¦stes, and that of wilde beestes: which thing we shal, euidently perceaue, yf we beholde oure awne countenaunce in a glasse, whan we be angrie. In conclsion, to what euell so euer we perceaue oure selues to be speically uclyued or stered, whether it bethrugh vyce of nature, custome, rtuell bringin¦ge vp: Agaynst the assaulte of such ene¦mies, as agaynst the vyce of bachyting filthie speakynge, enuye, glotony, and other like, ther must be certayne rules written in the table of oure mynde, which for forgettinge must now and then be renewed. And we as Christes souloyours must haue oure mynde ar∣med Oure myndes must be armed with prayer with ho¦ly scrip∣ture, ād with ex∣amples of holy men. long afore hande with praier, with noble sayenges of wise men, with the doctryne of holy scripture, with ensam¦ple of deuoute and holy men, and speci¦ally of Christ. And in what personnes so euer we find or perceaue the ymage of Christ, with them to couple oure∣selues, withdrawing us from the company of other, ād making our speciall and familiar aquayntaunce with holy S. Paul and his doc∣tryne.
A00375.P4	An epystell of ye famous doctor Erasm[us] of Roterdam vnto the reuerende father & excellent prince, Christofer bysshop of Basyle, co[n]cernyng the forbedynge of eatynge of flesshe, and lyke constitutyons of men. &c.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1534?]]	By Thomas Godfray,	[Printed at London :	eng	[ "Vegetarianism -- Religious aspects -- Early works to 1800." ]	I Can scarse exp̄sse with wor¦des most reuerēde p̄late / howe yuel this trouble & wrāglyng strife doth vexe & greue my mynde / nowe of late reysed vp (I knowe nat by what persones) in this noble cytie / which at my cōmȳng hither / I foūd very qiete & pesable. We rede / how in ye olde tyme a strange Bore sente in by Diana / brought gret trouble to the people of the countrey / called Calydon / But this besynesse & trou∣ble (as I here say) was brought in to vs by an housholde pigge. The thyng of it self (I mean to ete flessh in lent) it not dāpnable I dare wel say / but yet that stubburn & disobe∣dient mynde / semeth to be redy & pre¦payred to any maner of mischefe / if the truthe be so / as I am enformed / by the cōmunication of many men We rede in the histories of ye / yt the rulers & heed officers dyd punysshe a certayn boy / whose play and pastyme was / to pricke out the eyes of byrdes / wher so euer he mizt catch thē. Because that by this fro∣warde appetite & sust of it self to do a mysse / they gessed that he wolde {pro}ue a mischeuous citezin & a cruel / redy to muder & kyss. We rede also that a certayn other man was mer∣ced ī a gret sōme of money / bycause whan the officer after the maner of the countrey asked of him / whether he had a wyfe according to his own mynde / & suche one as he wolde ha∣ue her to be: he answered bourdīg∣ly. ye truely haue I / but by god nat accordyng to thy mynde / & such one as thou woldest her to be. If one cō panion had made this answere to a nother in tyme of recreation / it had ben a pleasant & a mery iest / but by cause it was spoken out of season / neither in mete place / neither to per∣son according: it dyd declare & vtter a leude mynde / lytel regardynge or settyng by ye authorite of the cōmen offycer & ruler. Therfore deserued punysshmēt / nat the sayeng it selfe / but the cyrcūstaunce & maner of the sayeng. Custome confermed with long vse / is a very mighty & strong thyng / whiche though it be neuer so & vnresonable / yet after it hath ones takē place & hath caught authorite / vnneth it can be broken without great troublīg of the cōmy naltie / neither cōmenly can it other∣wyse be put downe / than by lytel & lytel after ye same maner as it crope in at the begynnyng. Nowe fa∣stynge and choyse of meates are of suche nature / that if a manne vse them right / they ar helping to good lyueng. Fyrste sobernesse & tempe∣raunce of meate / maketh ye mynde more free & at lybertie / to gyue attē∣daunce to suche studies / whiche hel∣peth more nere to vertue & parfyte lyueng. Moreouer as ye body was a minister and a prouoker vnto the mysdedes whan we dyd synne / and a felo we or {per}taker of ye wicked plea sure: so it is mete & accordyng that in repentaunce he shulde be {per}ttaker of sorowe & payne / & be obediēt and do seruyce vnto the soule / returnīge to the right way agayne. Fastynge therfore and the choise of metes / are good for two purposes. Firste to tame the wantōnes of ye body / yt he be nat wylde & sturdy ayenst ye spy∣rite: For as prouander is taken a∣waye from feers horses / & which be disobediēt to the ryder / & to them in stede of brede or otes is gyuen hayes So it is very well done / that noris∣shynge meate be withdrawen from the body / which rebelleth agaynst yt spirite / by the reason of abundaūce of iuce & ranke humours: & that su che kynde of metes be ministred vn to it / wherof it shulde kicke & winch as lytel as were possible againste ye mynde: whiche is as a horsman or ryder to the body. For as meate ta∣ken away from ye body mynissheth the ranknesse therof / so are there cer¦tayne meates which so doth noryssh the body that he shal lyue but nat to ranke or wanton. Moreouer it is good & profytable to pease ye wrath of god / {pro}uoked with our synful de∣des: For verily whan he seeth vs to punyssh our sesues / he than remyt∣teth his vengeaunce. No payne is more nere a{per}taynyng to euery man than whan both ye mynde is vexed with the hatered of synne cōmytted and the body also punysshed wt the abstynēce of thynges plesaunt & desectable. And verely this way & me∣ane to appease the wrath of god / is shewed to vs in very many places of the olde Testament: And Christ him selfe taught / that there is a cer∣tayne kynde of deuyls / which is nat caste out / but by prayer & fastynge. And though it were shewed before of the prophetes also / that the fcstes of the newe Mone / the sabbot dayes the fastes / the choise of meates / & su the other shadowes of the olde lawe shulde vanissh a way / whan ye sight of the gospell began ones to shyne: yet for all that the churche of Christ beyng yet but yonge & newe begon∣nen / & al togider brethyng nothyng els / but the newe Must of ye Euan∣gesycal spirite / after that her spouse was taken vp i to heuyn / embraced nothyng more nor sooner / than fa∣styng & prayer. And thā euery man fasted / and that dayly / though they were not cōpelled therto / by any cō∣maundement or lawe. And ye most parte of christen men / nat onely for beryng flesshe / but also refrayning from the eatyng of fyssh / & all other thynges whiche so euer bare syfe / ly ued content with frute / herbes / and rotes: Whan Christ & his apostels had gyuen leaue & lybertie to euery man for to eate what so euer metes he / at laste whan the custome of fastyng was ones receyued & ap∣proued of the cōmen people / in that no man grudged agaynste it / than was it cōfyrmed fyrst by ye autho∣rite of other bysshoppes / & anon as ter by the authorite of the pope or bysshoppe of Rome: Bycause than (as I wene) the charite of ye people waxing colde / the moste parte dyd embrace & loue carnalyte & worldly pleasure. The auctorite & cōmaun∣demēt therfore of the bisshops was added & put to / as a spore to pricke forward ye myndes of weke {per}sons / whiche than were fallyng to worse thīges. Than was put to also ye cō∣stitution & lawe written / to restrayn ouermoch lybertie / as it were wt cer¦tayne graces / and to kepe the people within their bondes / that they shuld nat ronne to farre at large / & gyue them selues to all maner synne and mischefe. Fastyng therfore & the ab stinēce from certayn kyndes of me∣tes / can not vtterly be condēpned of this cause that they do nat profyte & helpe any thyng at al vnto good ly∣uyng / if they be vsed so as they ou∣ght to be. Moreouer an order is a great thyng / without the which ther can be no sure & stedfast peace & cō∣corde among men, Concorde is no∣risshed & maynteyned either by equa lyte or els by an order / that it to say whan euery man hath his roume a cordynge to his degree / & euery one hath his office assigned & gyuen vn to him / as (for an exāple in the bo∣dy of man) bytwene the two hādes the eyes / the feete / the eares / there is equalyte: but betwene the eyes and the bely / & the fete nat equalyte / but ordre norissheth cōcorde / which ones taken away / what good thing I be seche you is left amōg christen men whiche are (as Paule techeth) ye mē of one body. Who so euer ther∣fore troubleth the order in a cōmen welthe / bringeth in no lytel or smal incōmodyte ther vnto / namely if he do it nat by occasyon or necessytie / but by a presūptuous stubbernes & self mynde. ye / & though it be but in trifels & suche thīges / which of their owne nature though they were dys∣pised it is no hurte or yuel at al. As (for an ensāple) it is customa bly vsed in the church / that Alleluia is not song in the lente / yet to laude and praise god at what soeuer tyme or season it be done / is a vertuous & holy thyng / and the churche in stede of alleluya hath apoīted other wor∣des / almost of the same strēgth and sygnification. yet neuertheles / if a∣ny curate īdispyte of the cōmen cu∣stom / wolde in his churche syng al∣leluya / and mocke or scorne other yt dyd not so to / shulde he nat seme by the iugement of al men / to cōmyt & do a thyng worthy of great punysh ment? Or if any curate in the la∣ter ende of lente / nat by errour or mystakynge / but of sette purpose & for the nones / dyd cōmaunde in his churche the belles to be rong / whan it is vsed of custome to call the peo∣ple togyder with wodden clappers: shulde he not seme worthy to be ba∣nysshed as a madde man? Some man wyl say / what trespas or faut hath he made? In the thynge of it selfe is no harm not offēce / I graūt but in the dispisyng of ye cōmen cu∣stome / & in troublynge the order of thynges / is great hurte & offence. & so moche the more vnworthy of par don and forgyuenesse / is the maly∣cious mynde of the trespasser / by∣cause he myght haue obserued and kepte the cōmen custome / without a ny incōmoditie. Howe moche more is the same thing to be thought and iuged in this mater? I mean of fa∣stynge / whose ensample sprange to vs from the prophetes / from Iohan Baptist / from Christ & his apostels whiche hath ben cōmended to vs by a longe vsage and custome of oure elders in tymes paste. Whiche thing also is of great strength / & chefely helpeth to apease god whan he is of fended with oure mysdedes / and to prepayre the sperite to the worde of god / to holy prayers / to godly hym∣nes / and to other vertuous & godly studies & exercises / mete for a trewe christen man. But if any thīg were receyued by vse & custom / which for certayn cōsideratiōs or some incōue niēce yt sprong of it / or for some bet ter purpose / were better to be putte down & layde away. It sholde be cō ueniēt & acording / that it were done so by lytel & lytel / that al wrāgling and stryfe myght be excluded. Christ / although he wolde ye the shadowes of the lawe of Moyses shulde gyue place to the lyght of the gospel / whan it shulde appere & be shewed. Yet lest he shulde gyue occa syon to any man for to be offended / he lefte none at al of those thynges vndone / which the lawe cōmaūded to be done. Neither taught he opēly at any ceremonyes to be dispysed / whiche the iewes obserued more relygiously / than yt they coude suffre them to be condēned. No / nei∣ther condemned he vncurtesly those tryflyng tradicions which the Pha rises of their owne inuētyon added to the burthayns of the lawe. ☞ This thyng onely he dyd rebuke / that the pharyses them selues kepte nat their owne constytutions / wher with they laded & ouerlayde the peo∣ple / & that through the su{per}sticion of them / they brake the earnest & sadde preceptes of the lawe. Neither dyde he so defēde his disciples that he said it was laufull for euery maner of cause to breke the sabbot day / but he excuseth them by necessytie cōstray∣nynge them / & defendeth their inno∣cency / by the ensample of Dauyd & the preestes / though vpon ye sabbot day (hungre cōpessynge them) they gathered the eares of corne. More∣ouer Paule him selfe / whiche most feruētly & styffely defendeth & main tayneth the lybertie of the gospel / a mong ye iewes was made as a iewe shauynge of his heer of his heed / re∣ceyuyng a vowe on him selfe / obser uyng the ceremonyes belongyng to their sacrifyce / and purifyeng hym selfe with other in the temple. The same Paule / though he knewe that an ydole is nothyng / and that the flesshe offred to an ydole is no∣thyng more vnlauful of it selfe / thā other flesshe: yet had he leuer neuer to eate flesshe whyles he lyued / than to occasyon to his weake bro∣ther for to be offended by the reason of his etyng. He had leuer for a sea∣son to apply him selfe to the su{per}sty∣tion of the iewes / whiche coulde nat be ouercomen / than by turnyng the hertes and myndes of them whiche were agaynst hym / to haue hyndred the goyng forwarde of the gospel. He had leauer forbeare for euer the eatyng of flesshe / than that they whiche were weake & scrupu∣lous in conscience / shulde haue had any occasyon gyuen of him / to sus∣pecte that he was consentyng to the wicked supersticion of ydolatrers. The same Paule wylleth also / yt a bonde seruaunt / beyng a christen man / shulde be obedient to his lorde and maister / though he were an in∣fydele / ye / and waywarde & dyuers to please. He wylleth also / that the wyfe beynge a christen woman / be obedient to her husbande / though he be a hethen man: He wylleth / that christen men shulde content & please the offycers whiche were gentyls in all thynges / whether they required tolle / trybute / or honoure / leste any man myght haue had occasyon to be offended with the gospell / whiche no doute they shulde haue had / if ye professyon of Christ shulde haue se med sedicious & cause of debate and stryfe. Paule knewe wel ynough / what is the lybertie of the gospell / but it was expedient for the forthe∣raūce of the gospell that knowlege shulde be subdewed / & gyue place to charitie. For these men also (I me∣ane the eaters of flesshe in lente) as I here saye / layeth for theym selfe the lybertie of the gospel / of the whi∣che they make Luther renewer & de∣fender. In whom it semeth to me / nat onely the trewe spirite of the gos pel to be wantyng / whiche is sobre / mylde / & endewed with discrete sym plicite / but also natural wysedom / if they do nat fauour Luthers cause than they worke wysely / but if they do sauer it / they coulde nat by any other waye haue hurte or hyndred it more / than by this. If their entente be / that the christen people shulde be restored agayne to their olde lyberte than take they the wrong way to the wodde / & done al amysse. For theyr vndiscrete presūption doth nothyng els / but double the yoke & bondage / cōpellyng the rulers & offycers to en crease the bondage with sharpe and strayte cōmaundementes & decrees. But these men whiche defendeth thē selues with the colour of the lyberte of the gospel / ought fyrst to do such dedes / for loue of ye which they be {per}doned & holden excused / if they dyd lytel regarde these thyngs / as be ynge smaller & of lesse value. Who so euer dothe al that he can to helpe his neighbour: Who so euer so mo che reuēgeth nat the iniuries & wrō∣ges done vnto him / that he is redy to do a good turne for an yuel: Who so euer is alwaye sobre / as thoughe he fasted: Whose mynde / raymēt / and cōmunication sheweth nothyng els but signes of chastite: Who so euer is altogider busyed & occupied in do yng suche thinges / wherof it semeth that some great & cōmen welth and profyte shal folowe: such a man pa rauēture shalbe {per}doned / though he seme lesse su{per}stitious in obseruyng the ceremonys which are more mete and according for the vnlerned and weake persons. But whose so euer hole lyfe serueth but vnto riote and voluptuousnesse: whose cōmunica tion is proude / seers / and vnchaste: Whose mynde in so moch is nat me ke & mylde / that they be redy for the leest worde of reprefe in the worlde / to lay on wt their fiftes / or to thrust in with their dagger: suche felowes are shamelesse / if they preache of the lyberte of the gospel / for asmoch as they are such maner men / yt they ou ght to be kepte vnder & holden ī yet / with lawes & cerimonys / as it were with grates of yron / euen lyke as ye iewes were / vntyl they do profyte & growe vp to ye quicknesse & strēgth of the Euangelycal spirite. Wher∣fore euyn as ye presūp tuousnesse of these men / nat without cause disple∣seth & mislyketh al good & wyse mē / So are there certayn thīges / in whi che the same men are sorye to se the flocke of Crist ouermoch wrapped and entāgled with iudaical ceremo∣nyes / & to be oppressed outher with the aucthorite / or els through the ne∣glygēce of some certayn prelates of the churche. Of the which thyng sa∣ynt Augustyne also cōplayneth in his epystels / cryeng out that the con dytion & state of the iewes were al∣most more easy & tollerable thā the cōdition of christen men. So moche of iudaical su{per}stitions euyn at that tyme was flowen so plētuously in to the cōmen vsage and custome of christen men. The people them selfe cōmenly sechen & drawen suche bō∣dage vnto thē selues / euen lykewise as the wynde Cecias draweth clou∣des vnto him selfe (as it is sayde in the cōmen prouerbe) But it were ye bysshopes parte & duetie to prouyde and se for the lyberte of their flocke / whiche they haue taken & receyued of Christ & his apostels. Nowe a dayes we do heape oftentymes but then vpon burthen / and tye snare to snare / so lytel we go about to rydde out of bondage the soules of ye peo∣ple / & al to the entent to haue them more thral & in daūger to our tyrā∣ny / sekyng rather and so folowyng our owne sucre & aduaūtage / than the helth & sauegarde of their soules. Paule putteth no difference be∣twene one day & another / but he coū teth euery day for an holy day / ney∣ther iugeth he any worke vnlauful to be done on the holy day / which is done accordyng to the charite of the gospel. After that our elders wyl∣led for a very resonable cause true∣ly / the sonday to be kept holyday / in whiche the people shulde cōe togider to here the gospel of god preached. Anon after holydayes were com∣maūded to be kepte from al maner bodily occupation & labour / whan other whyles it were a more holy thi ge with handy labour to make pro∣uisyon for their wyues & childer / be yng in ieo{per}dy to perysshe for hūgre than to here the songes of ye preestes in the churche / which they vnderstā de not: I speke nat this by cause I do iuge the custome of antems and hymnes to be condēpned / wherwith the quere gyueth prayse to their god and ours: but lykewise as Christe doth teache in the gospel / that man was not made bycause of ye sabbot day / but that contrariwyse / the sab∣bot daye was instytute & ordayned for mānes cause. So I do iuge / yt al ceremonyes ought to gyue place so ofte / as the necessyte of our neigh¦boure requyreth the offyce & dede of charite. But the people / of whō they ought to lerne the truth of these thī∣ges of the same / are cōpelled often∣tymes to do ye cōtrary. And it was nat thought suffycient that the peo∣ple afterwarde was ouercharged with holydayes / & dayly is charged more & more. For in some coūtreys it is ī maner a cōmen custome / that euery bysshop dothe adde one newe holy day to the olde / as a thynge to cause hym specially to be remēbred perpetually after his decesse: & that is done otherwhyles for very lyght causes. One there is paraduēture / whiche ī tymes past hath had a wē∣che to his derling / whose name was Barbara / for this cause he wil that saynt Barbaras day be holy day. Anothers mother was named Ka∣therin / this hath semed to be cause suffycient wherfore saynt Katherīs day shulde be holyday / & kepe ye peo ple from their worke. Some others name is Wyllyam / & therfore labou reth he al that he can / yt saynt wyl∣lyam may haue his holiday by him selfe. Lette these thinges be rehersed bycause of exāple onely / for I had leuer vse fayned exāples than to of fende auy person. Some men also hath their priuate & peculyer affecty ons: one man towarde saynt Eras mus / another towarde saynt Chri∣stofer. Ther is also certayn cōmen affections of orders / of natiōs / and of cyties / as ye blacke freers fauou∣reth excedīgly their Domynike / the gray freers their Frances: ye payn∣ters saynt Luke / surgions & phisy∣cions Cosme and Domian / shoma kers / Crispyne: Warryers saynt Martyn: french men Claudius: pa risyans Genouese: Oxforde men saynt Friswyde. Of this kynde is also ye affection of them / which wyl haue Christ & the sayntes to be su{per}∣sticiously honored by {per}tes / to whom it is not ynough yt the deth of Crist is so ofte rep̄sented & dayly remem∣bred in so mauy masses / & that ye ho ly crosse hath his two holydayes / ex cepte also the blode whiche Christe shedde forth / the whiche they saye is kepte ī many places: excepte ye nay les / yt crowne of thornes / ye / except the prepuce of Christ / that is to wete (the skynne whiche was cutte from his priuy mēbres whan he was cir∣cūcised) whiche the worship ī some place: Excepte oure ladyes mylke / which is shewed in many places / ha ue eche one their proper holyday. But if any of such maner thynges shalbe / which shal seme that it may be wel & holyly honoured: It were ynough that holy day were solemly kepte in ye churches onely / to which it myght be lauful for ryche men to come / or who so euer els myght con ueniētly / & let nat the poore men be cōpelled / whose handes norissheth a great housholde. And though these affections parauēture are nat to be repreued / yet ought nat the wysdom of the bysshops to sette so moche by them / that forth with euery saynt & euery relyke shulde haue his proper holyday / his proper masse / & proper seruyce / & peculyare maner of wor∣shippyng. What other thing is this than to dryue & cōpel the poore peo∣ple to famysshing / whan that thing is taken from them / wherwith one∣lye they norisshe their housholde or meyny. ye / moreouer as the worlde goth nowe a dayes / what other thīg is it els / than to prouoke & cal ye peo ple from honest & holy labours / to ydelnesse & ryotte? For what dayes do we synne more in excesse / dronk∣nesse / lechery / at cardes / dyce / kels / & suche vnlaufull games: in chidyng braulynge / quarellyng / fyghtynge / and murder / than on the holy days? And of howe folysshe iugemēt and clene out of order are we here in this thyng? If any man on the holyday be dronken from morne to nyght: if he haue cleued to an hoore: if he ha∣ue vsed vnlaufull games / no man putteth him to any busynes or trou ble: if he haue sowed but a shoe / he is accused as an heretyke. I say nat these thynges bycause I wolde that the lay people shulde dispyse the ho∣lydayes / but bycause me thynketh / that the she{per}des of the church shulde do very wel / if they vtterly dyd put downe suche maner halydayes / the sonday onely excepted / & a fewe o∣ther prīcipal dayes / & if in the same which they leaue vnput down / they dyd suffre ye pore people after masse and the preachyng / if nede requyred with their work & labour / to sucour their chyldren & housholde tes / or els to gete somwhat besydes that / to besto we vpon poore folke. But nowe oftentymes / whan after an hole monehes rayne / fortuneth one fayre day: the husbāde man is cōpelled to suffre his corne which is felde or cutte downe / to lye & rote in the feldes / which in that same fayre day he myght haue caryed in to his barne / & that bycause of suche holy dayes / whiche were neuer made by the auctorite of the olde fathers / but brought in (to say no worse / nor to go any nerer the truth) by ye carnal affectiōs of certayn men. These thī∣ges at the fyrste begynnynge crepe in by lytel & lytel / vnder the coloure or apparaūce of honestie & vertue. Afterwardes they spring & flowen in more plentuously. At the laste / whan they be ones cōfyrmed & strē∣thed by vsage & custome / they raign and occupyen tyranny / so that than they can nat scarcely be layde down or taken away / without great trou ble & moche strife. Wherfore the bys∣shops ought nat to loke besyde these thinges / but dilygently & straitly to loke vpon them at their fyrst comīg in / for generally what so euer par∣tayneth to the lawes of man / are as remedies or salues vnto sycknesses or sores: & euyn so are they to be at∣tēpred & applyed to the present state of tymes & thynges. There be ma∣ny thynges / whiche in olde tyme it was a good & godly thyng to insty∣tute & ordeyn / whiche selfe same ges afterwarde for some occasyon spronge vp / & for the qualyte of ty∣mes & of mens maners chaunged / to be abrogated & dysanulled / were a more godly thyng: whiche thyng for al that ought not to be done / by the rasshe presūption of the people / but by the auctoryte of the rulers / that al sedition & stryfe might be a∣uoyded / and the cōmen custome so chaūged / that vnytie & cōcorde were nat broken / which thing lest it mizt happen / prouisyon is to be made by the delygēce of the bysshops / whom it is nat mete any longer to stoppe their eares & to wexe / at ye iust and rightful cōplayntes of the peo∣ple: Parauēture the same iugemēt is to be gyuen of ye wedlocke of pre∣stes. In the olde tyme / as prestes were very fewe in nombre: so were they very holy in their lyuyng. The same that they myght the more frely gyue attēdaunce to holy excercises & pastymes / wyllyng without any cō pulsyon / kepte them selfes chaste. And verely / so great loue of chasti∣te was among the fathers in ye olde tyme / that certayn of thē were lothe to suffre any chrysten man to mary a wyfe / if he had ben vnmaryed at the tyme of his baptyme: And mo∣che more lothe were they to suffre a∣ny to mary the seconde wyfe. Than that thyng whiche semed cōmenda vse & alowable in bisshops & preest{is} was translated vnto the deacons / & at the last to subdeacons also. The custome wyllyngly receyued / was in conclusyon confyrmed and sta∣blysshed by the authorite of the bys∣shoppes. In the meane tyme the nō∣bre of preestes encreased and the ho∣ly lyueng of them decreased. Howe many swarmes of preestes are no∣tysshed in monasteries? howe ma∣ny in colages? & besydes these there is an innumerable multytude of p̄∣stes eueri where. And among so ma ny / ho we gret scarcenesse is there of them which lyueth chastely? I speke of them whiche kepeth concubynes opēly at home in the stede of wyues for I do not no we touche nor medel with the mysteries of ye more secrete pleasures of the flesshe. I do speke of those thīges onely / which be opē∣ly knowen to ye cōmen people. And though we do knowe these thynges wel ynough / yet are we in admyttī∣ge & receyuyng them to holy orders very easy / & in the releasyng of the cōstitution / whiche forbyddeth pree∣stes to haue wyues / very harde and strayte / whan Paule teacheth clene cōtrariwise / that no man is swiftly to be promoted to holy orders / & in many places / dilygently prescribeth and apoynteth what maner men p̄∣stes ought to be / what maner men deacons: but as cōcernyng lyueng sole without wyues / neither Christe neyther the apostels haue apoynted or sette any lawe in holy scrypture / watchyng all the nyght long at the toumbes of martyrs / which was in the olde tyme receyued & vsed by the cōmen custom of christen men / and that certayne hūdred yeres dyd con∣tynue / the churche hath putte down many dayes ago. Fastyng wont to be prolōged & contynewed vntyl euī tyde / the churche hath translated to noon. And many other thyng{is} for necessary causes rissen & sprong vp the churche hath chaūged. Why do we here cleue faste so obstynately to the cōstytution of man / namely se∣yng that so many causes doth re{que}re a chaūge. For fyrst a great parte of the preestes lyueth with yuel fame / and with very vnquyete conscience entreate they & dealeth with the holy mysteries. Furthermore / a gret {per}te of the frute whiche shulde springe & ryse of thē peryssheth / bycause their doctryne is dispysed of ye people / for their open shameful lyueng. But if to them whiche can not lyue chast lycence were graunted to mary wy∣ues: both they shulde lyue more qui etely / & with authorite shulde preche the worde of god / the people regar∣ding their doctryn: & they shlude {pro}∣uyde dilygently that their chyldren were brought vp honestly / & in ler∣nyng: neyther the one sorte of them shulde be shame & rebuke to ye other I speke nat these thynges because I couete or entende to be a capitayn or a defender to those preestes / whi∣che nowe of late without the autho∣rite of ye bysshops / hath begon to be maryed men hauyng wyues / but to exhorte the gouernours of ye church and put them in remēbraūce to cōsy der & ponder wel / whether it be expe dient that the olde constitution were applyed to the {pro}fyte of ye tyme that now is. In ye mean season I wolde also that the bysshops were put ī re∣membraūce / nat to receyue so rassh ly without probation / who so euer wol come vnto the order of preestes Lykewise I thinke that other are to be warned / that they examyne their owne selues dilygētly / whether they were able & mete to execute ye offyce whiche they do take vpon them and that they take nat vpon them selues the charge & burthen of so gret a {per}∣session for cause of lucre / or because they wolde lyue ydely & in ease / pur chasyng bothe dampnation to their owne soules / & rebuke & shame / or sclaūder to the churche. Moreouer / who so euer are consecrated & made preestes al redy / although the bissho pes dyd open the way to matrymo∣ny / yet I wolde aduyse & coūsayle them / yt they do nat entangle thē sel ues sodeynly & without aduysemēt with wedlocke / lest it might fortune them to be vexed with double repen taūce / that is / both of preesthod & of mariage. It is a great parte of cha∣stite / a man to be wyllynge with al his herte & mynde to be chast. Ther is nothyng more to be wysshed & de∣syred / than that a preest without cō∣braūce of matrymony / at lyberte / & hole / do serue his lorde god. But if whan al remedyes hath bén assayde non can helpe / neither the rebellyon of the flesshe can be ouercome / than it remayneth that he lyue chastely with one woman / hauynge a wyfe for a remedy & nat for voluptuous pleasure / enforcyng him selfe in the mean season to the vttermost of his power / to recōpence & make amen∣des for the infirmyte of the flesshe / with other vertuous lyueng & holy studies & workes / for so shal al men {per}ceyue that a wyfe was sought sor necessyce / & nat for voluptuousnes. And I doute nat / but yt the moste parte of the bysshoppes parceyueth right wel that these thynges ar euen so as I do say: but I feare leste in this thyng also / lucre doth withstād and be a lettynge / that we may nat folowe that thynge / whiche we do se and perceyue to be best: If the bys∣shoppes wolde go about to chaūge the cōstitution / their offycers ī their courtes parauenture wolde grudge and crye agaynste it / whiche feleth more profyte & auaūtage to growe of preestes concubynes / than wolde growe of their wyues. But it is a∣gayust right & reason / yt lure shulde bere so gret a swynge among vs / yt for it we shuld nat iuge indyfferētly and make iust prouisyon for Chri∣stes ministers / in a mater of so gret weight & value. There are many other thynges of this kynde or sort / but lette these two afore rehersed / be putte for cause of example. Nowe I returne agayne to spe∣ke of fastyng / if any man be so strō ge that he can mesure & tempre hym selfe by contynuall sobreuesse: this man hath no great nede of fastynge cōmaūded / excepte for a season the wrath of god were to be peesed with suche maner sacrifice. But you wyl say: certayn dayes of fastynge are apoynted & cōmaunded for the rude and vnlerned persons. I am wel cō tentes lette that be coūted tollerable. But they cōmaūde & apoynt one refection or meale in ye day / they do assygne also what kynde of meates we shal vse. Neither they thinke this ynough / but they thretten more¦ouer euerlastyng dānation / to who so euer shal breake the custom bro∣ught in by men. For after such ma∣ner & facion / certayne curates doth denoūce & cōmaūde the fastyng da∣yes to the people: I wote nat whe∣ther they do it accordyng to the myn¦des & wylles of the bysshops / or els no. Neither yet thynke they al this sufficiēt / but besyd{is} this they drawe and hale to punysshmēt / as it were one that had slayn his own father: who so euer hath tasted of a pigges flesshe in stede of fyssh mete. I sayd at the begynnīge / that disobediēce & sedicious presūption is worthy eue∣riwhere of great punysshmēt. Ney¦ther do I pleade any such maner of cause / or defende them which are be∣gynners of debate or stryfe: but yet neuertheles / me semeth that this iu∣gement is nat onely vngētel / but al so folysshe & out of order. Fyrst fa∣styng was cōmaūded: this was the chefe & prīcipal poynt of the mater. To eate suche & suche meates / was but an accessorie or secōdary thyng / Nowe they suppe eueriwhere gene∣rally on ye fasting dayes / & no man is greued with it / neither maketh a∣ny gret mater therof / but if any mā haue tasted any flesshe / euery man cryeth out & wōdreth / as though he∣uen / erthe / & see / and al shulde go to gider / sayeng / the state of ye churche is decayde & lyke to fal / heresyes en∣creaseth & ryseth a flote: To suppe no man nedeth any pardon. That it may be lauful to eate flessh or eg∣ges / a pardon or dispensation must be bought of the pope of Rome. So that thynge whiche draweth more nere in lyknesse to the supersti tion of the ceremonyes of the iewes lawe / & which is al togyder such ma ner a thyng / that a man might wor thely marueyle / that it hath ben so greatly receyued & vsed of vs chry∣sten men / whiche do defye & abhorre / & other ceremonyes of the iewes (I mean choise of metes) We do greatly sette by / defendyng it stiffely with tothe & nayle. And fa∣styng / whiche is a thyng more agre ynge with the doctryne of Christ / & whiche helpeth more to the exercises of trewe vertue & holynesse / we suf∣fre to be abolysshed & weare oute of vse: For albeit that prayer is the sa crifyce pro{per}ly belōgynge to christen men: whose felowe & companion is fastyng / bicause these two / prayer & fastyng / bothe in the gospels & also in the epistels of ye apostels / almost alway are coupled togyder (for by fastyng the mynde is pourged and strengthed / that the prayer might be pure / feruēt / & lusty) yet in ye choise of meates / we holde faster the cōsti∣tution of man / & more toughlye do cleue vnto it / than in fastyng: how be it the christen men are also char∣ged & loden with more often fastes / than euer were the iewes. Of the kyndes of meates / Christ him selfe sayde: What so euer gothe in at the mouthe / defyleth nat the man. And Paule nat disagreyng frō his mai∣ster / sayth: that ye kyngdom of god is nat mete & drike. But in ye choise of meates / howe moche more gre∣uous & paynful is our burthen / thā was the iewes? for vnto thē it was lauful to eate euery kynde of fyfsh / of al maner foure foted beestes / of al maner foules / the best & most hol somest. To vs it is forbydden to ete any maner flesshe at al / for a great {per}te of the yere. And cōsyder I pray you / ho we curious hath ben in this thynge / either the custome or els the authorite of our elders. At certayn tymes nothige is forbidden but one ly the eatyng of flesshe: somtyme it is lauful to eate bothe the oumbles and the satte: at another tyme but only the fatte or brewes: at another tyme it is not lauful to tast any {per}te either of foule or els of beest lyuyng on the erthe. And here also ryseth ve ry many questions / ho we farre the signification of this worde flesshe / doth stretch or reche: for there be cer∣tayne beestes belōgyng to ye see / nat vnlyke to the beestes lyueng on the erthe: as Porpasses / seales / dogges and certayn lyueth both on ye lande and ī the water / somtyme in the one and somtyme in the other / as castor an otter. Moreouer they dispute a∣bout cocles / snayles / & frogges / whe ther they be flesshe or nat. Agayne some dayes / it is {per}mytted & vnlau∣ful to eate egges / butter / chese / myl∣ke: Another tyme / butter / mylke / & chese / but nat egges. There be cer∣tayn dayes in whiche it is nat lau∣ful to touche any of these thinges at . There be some dayes also / ī whi che it is forbydden to eate what so e∣uer hath ones bron lyfe: so ye no we it is a great doute / whether it be lau ful to eate spōges / whiche (as Ari∣stotel iugeth) hath felyng / & be sen∣syble creatures: & ther be some men whiche byndeth them selues / to fast to breed & water onely. Though we do graūt yt these thynges are nat to be dispysed / who seeth nat / howe colde thynges they are / & very try∣fels / if they be cōpared to the precep tes of the gospel / whervpon we ou∣ght chefely & prīcipally to sette oure care & thought. Moreouer it is to be cōsydred / whether to exacte these thinges of al men / so straitly & so ri gorously dothe agree to the lybertie of the gospel / whiche Paule so defendeth. Nowe lette vs se howe trewe it is euyn in this thin ge also / that whiche Paule sayth. Bodily exercitation is profitable but for lytel / good lyueng or in war∣de holynesse is profitable to al thī∣ges. No dayes hath the cokes more busynesse & labour in the kechyns / than on the fysshe dayes / neither at any tyme is there more ordynaunce or greatter coste made to fare wel. So it is brought to passe / that the poore men be hūgry / & the rich men lyueth more desycately. Who had nat leauer eate Sturgion / trout / or lamprey: thā bacon hardened with smoke / or tough mutton? And a∣mong these thynges also / which are nat flesshe / there be many thynges whiche are more norisshynge than befe or mutton: as whelkes / coccles and other thynges many. ye / & pro∣uoketh & styreth more to lust of fles∣shely pleasure. And a mā fyn∣de certayn thinges that doth ye same euyn amōg herbes & frutes of trees also. What auayleth it to abstayne from mutton / if thou thy bely with rocket / dates / fygges / & / musshernes / artickchouhges / & such other thynges / which kyndleth the genitales more with wāton lust than hennes or pullettes? Sucket maketh the body more stronge & lu∣sty than befe dothe: & yet non of all these thynges is forbydden. By this meanes it is brought to passe / that they whiche be poore & of smal sub∣staūce / be greued & payned with su∣che cōstitutions whā they haue leste nede: & the riche men through occa∣syon are called & prouoked to more pleasures & deyntie fare: Some mē wys saye. This is caused through our own faute / I graūt: And ther fore parauenture ought suche thyn∣ges to be taken awaye / whan we p∣ceyue more hurt thā good to growe of them. And it semeth nat very mo the more frute to come of fastynge / for they which be poore or weake of body / are fore greued with long fa∣styng. On ye othersyde / they whiche be stronge & haue wher with / vitay∣leth them selues & fylleth their bely with that / whiche were suffyciēt for thre dayes / so that after dyner they are mete for nothynge / but onely to slepe. And yet fastynge is ordeyned to be vsed for this cause most chese∣ly / that the spirite shulde be the lesse cōbred or holde down with ye weight or burden of the body. What nedeth it here to reherse diuers diseases and sicknesses / ye weaknesse of olde men and yonge chyldren / pouertie / & the certayn peculyar nature & comple∣ction of bodies / so that to some men the fasting of a sewe houres is deth ye / whan they be hole / & to some al maner fysshe is as a Scorpion or a snake / or any venomous beest is to other. Moreouer in such countreys where is gret scarcenesse or lacke of fyssh / to forbydde ye eatyng of flessh What other thyng is it / than to com maūde the people to famysshe them selues? In so great dyuersyte & ine∣qualite / than of regions / of bodyes / of cōplexions / of ages: It appereth euidētly ynough / how many be gre ued with the lawe / whiche (as they wene) is equale & indifferent to all men. There be some bodies whiche wyll be in good plyte / ye / & ranke & wanton though they were fedde hay. Agayne some there be / whiche scarsly are kept a lyue / though they be fcdde with partriches & fesaūtes. If the decree dyd cōmaunde / that in these fastynge dayes / the riche men shulde vse tēperaunce & measure in their fare / & that whiche they with∣drawe frō their own tables of their wont fare / to be sent to poore folke for their refresshynge: than shulde there be made equalyte / & the cōsty∣tution shulde fauoure somwhat of Christes gospel. Nowe is that ful∣fylled and done eueriwhere / whiche Paule sayd, One is hungry / & ano ther is dronken or to ful. The chaū∣ge of meates is apleasure to ye riche men / & a remedy agaynst lothsom∣nesse or gluttyng / neither at any ty∣me do they fare better and fede more dayntilye / than whan they abstayn from they eatyng of flesshe. But in the meane season the pore husbande man gnawynge on a rawe pasnyp rote or on a leke / for lacke of other sole or cates / eateth ther with blacke breed of the coursest sorte that can or may be made. And in stede of the meth / bragot / or ypocras of ye riche men / he sower whay or wa∣ter of the podle / hauyng moche a do in the meane season to susteyne his wyfe / his chyldren / & the resydue of his housholde meyny with cōtynu∣al swette & labour. Fynally the ma ners of men is come to that poynte nowe a dayes / that these thīges gre∣ueth thē onely / for whose cause they were nat so greatly instytuted & or∣dayned / & doth nothyng apertayne to them / for whose cause they were chefely ordayned. Sōe mā wyl say if any man be greued or ouer soore loden with these thynges / there is re medy ynough / wherby he may be ea sed. Howe I praye you? he may pur chace a lycence to eate flesshe of the bysshoppe of Rome. Thou spekest gayly wel. But neither al men ha∣ue leayser to tonne to Rome / ney∣ther al men haue plentie of money / wherwith they myght bye such par∣dons. And here agayne / it is comen to passe / yt to riche men (whiche had most nede to be forbydden the etyng of flesshe / & whiche had moste nede to fast) the cōstitution is released al most al togyder for money / and the greuous yoke & heuy burden lyeth onely on their neckes / which at pore and socoursesse. Moreouer I do maruayle greatly in the meane sea∣son at this / that the authorite to re∣lease suche maner cōstitutions is re serued & lefte onely to the bysshoppe of Rome / for so thynketh the cōmen people. Me semeth after my poore iugement / it were more conuenyent that authorite to dispence with men for such cōstitutions were gyuen to the curates (which ar succeded in to the roumes of the bisshops / as cōcer nyng payns and labours: for they may easely knowe ye state of euery man / the plyte of ye body / the riches or habilyte / ye / & the very mynde al so) Namely seyng these doth nat so greatly helpe to trewe holy∣nesse & vertuous lyueng. To them is cōmitted & betaken the dyspensa∣tion & besto wynge of Christes gos∣pel: to them is gyuen power to my∣nister the sacramētes of the church / and authorite to here cōfessyons / & to assoyle also from greuous syn∣nes & enormyties. It is lauful for them / ye & they must nedes / puttīge their lyues in ieo{per}dy / be present and nere them whiche be sycke of the pe∣stylence / or els any other sylthy / stī∣kyng / & abhomynable diseases. Why than is denyed to them ye au∣thorite to gyue lycence to eate suche meates / whiche the weaknesse & fe∣blenesse of some persons requireth? If the curate be vnmete to dyspence these smale trisles / certainly than is there great faute in the bysshoppes / whiche hath cōmytted the flocke of Christ to such maner persone. But if the curate be a mete & able {per}son / to whom the greatter & more weigh ty thynges also might be cōmytted / it must nedes be that here lyeth hyd some secrete / for whose cau se these smaller and lyghter thinges may nat be cōmytted to the same {per}∣sone also. But here agayne me thī∣keth / There the lucre & aduauntage of certayne persons / redy to grudge and speke agaynst me: And wolde god that this cāker were clene scou∣red out of Christes churche / whiche suffreth nothynge any where to be pure / holy / & vncorrupte / for cācred couytousnesse is the causer that the cōstitutions ordayned as a mean & an helpe to godly lyueng / are no we welnere nothynge els / but snares & grynnes mete to catche money with al. What auayleth it that so ma∣ny sharpe & strayte lawes hath ben made of the election of bisshops / ab bottes / & other prelates & rulers of the church: yf no we eueri where for money gyuen / the election is outher corrupted or els excluded. We rede that a tyrant of Sicilya called Dio∣nisyus / gaue many lawes to his subiectes / & whan they were publys shed & cōmenly knowen / he wynked or loked besyde the trāsgressours of them for the nonce / vntyl at the last whan no man regarded them / ney∣ther mystrusted any thing / he had a great meyny in daūger of thē. So the lawes were to hi as nettes / wher with he hunted for a pray. But god forbydde / that Christes vycars for like purpose / other shulde charge or lede ye people with newe cōstytutiōs or els abuse the decrees of ye olde fa∣thers. Without doute / nede there is of cōstitutyons made by them whi∣che are in authorite. And it chaūceth oftentpmes / that for certayn special causes / it were expedient & profyta∣ble / that the rigoure & straightnesse of the cōmen sawe were released / so that it were nat don eueriwhere / nei ther for sylthy lucre of money / ney∣ther without discretion or iugement but for a great welth and profyte. It shulde be greatly profytable & appertaynyng vnto ye purite of the doctryne / & lyueng of the churche / if no releasyug or dispensatyon of the lawe were to be solde / & that power to dispēce were cōmytted to thē / whi che might knowe the qualyte & state of the person / whiche shulde enioye the dispēsation. Nowe to obtayne dispēsation / in a maner thou nedest nothyng els / but to shewe thy name and pay thy money. If the cause be iuste & suffycient / why is money re∣quired? if the cause be nat rightful what helpeth the dispensatyon? Moreouer in some thinges I might vse this reason parauenture / if the cause be resonable & laufull / what nede is there of a dispēsation? if the cause be not honeste & riztful / what auayleth any dispensation? The pope cōmaūdeth fastynge / but (as I wene) his mynde & wyl is nat / ye yonge children / or very aged psons / sickely persons / or they whiche are diseased / shulde be boūde with this lawe / neither (to speke generally) any suche psons / whiche coulde nat faste without their excedynge great hurte. Here than where is a certayn and euydent cause / no nede is to re∣lease the lawe / but to interprete it ther. In a doutful cause / whō shul∣dest thou counsayle of / rather than of thyne owne curate / or ye or∣dinary bisshop? If thou refusest his iugement to whom thou arte kno∣wen / thou vttrest & shewest thy cor∣rupte cōscience. But if other hate∣red or ignorāce / or els any other thī∣ge doth lette / that he wyl nat graūt the rightfull dispēsation: lette than the way be open to haue socour and helpe of the archbysshop / or the bys∣shop of Rome. The processe selfe of oure disputation moueth vs & put∣teth vs in remēbraunce most vertu¦ous father / to cōsyder in fewe wor∣des / howe straitely such cōstitutiōs dothe bynde vs / whiche pertayneth onely to mānes lawe / of the which sorte no man wyl deny the popes de¦crees to be / whiche cōcerneth fastīg / choise of meates / and the wedlocke and mariage of prestes / for of other thynges I dispute nat. There is some man which refuseth to socour and helpe his father / beyng olde / sic ke & nedy / with his riches or seruyce whan he hath ynoughe wherof he might do it. The bysshop commaū deth him to socoure his father / tea∣chyng & declarynge that honoure in the cōmaūdement of god (whan he byddeth vs honoure our father and mother) is vnderstande socour and helpe or relefe / & not puttynge of the cappe or gyueng place / or goīge out of the waye. If this man refuse to obey / it is no doute but that he ma∣keth hym selfe in dan̄ger of the fyre of helle. Agayne / if any man be at debate with his neighboure / & if he whiche hath offended or hurte the o∣ther hath repēted / desyring forgyue nesse & redy to make amēdes for the iniury whiche he hathe done: If he whiche is offended or hurte wolde re fuse to obey the bysshop / cōmaun∣dyng him to remytte the vēgeaunce and to be at one agayne wt his nei∣ghbour: It can not be douted / but that for this disobediēce / he byndeth him selfe to the fyre of hell. Why so? Bycause this that the bysshop com∣maūdeth / he cōmaūdeth it accordīg to the doctryne of the gospel / & dothe rather offre & put to him the cōmaū dement of Christ / than his own cō∣maūdemēt. But whether the same thyng be done in these thīges / wher∣of we nowe do speke: let vs cōsyder for what so euer I shall say I wyll speke it / nat as one affyrmyng / but as one inquiryng & serchynge out yt truthe afore yt a bysshop / both most vertuous & euyn so most exellently lerned. This is of suretie / that the most parte of these thynges / wherof we do nowe speke / came ī fyrst and were brought vp by custom. Nowe whom custome dothe bynde / and in thīges / & howe forforth / whā and howe longe: it where somwhat to long here to discusse. Fyrste of al / this thynge me semeth might be proued by reason / that a custom bi∣deth no man more straitly / thā their mynde & wyl was / whiche were the begynners & fyrst bryngers vp of ye custom: Let be excepted in ye meane season ye hurtyng of other mens cō∣science / & contempte or dispisynge. It is to be beleued / that they whiche fyrst of their owne free wylles / layd downe their substaūce & riches at ye seete of the apostels / dyd it for that purpose / that who so euer wold nat do / shulde be boūde to euer lastynge payne. Or that they whi∣che fyrst began to abstayn from the eatyng of flesshe / wolde be the begī∣ners of this custome / with ye mynde and wil / that who so euer afterwar de wolde nat do the same / shulde be boūde to euerlastyng deth. Nay / I wene rather yt suche was their mide and suche their cōmunication / that if they had sene any mā beyng wea ke & feble in body / whiche prouoked by their exāple / wold haue enforced to do the same: they wolde haue mo nysshed and coūseyled hym by these wordes. Trewly beloued brother / I whiche haue a body rebellious to the spirite / nat without cause do cha stice & punysshe my flesshe with fa∣stes: Thou hast a body both wea∣ke & febly / & also obedyent ynough to the spirite / whose weaknesse is to be cured / rather than wantōnesse to be kepte vnder & punysshed. Wher∣fore prouyde & se for the helth of thy body / takyng suche meates mesura bly / & with gyueng thāges to god / whiche are mete for the / that thy bo∣dy may ye more lustely & coragious∣ly do seruyce to his spirite. After su che facyon doth Paule coūsayle his welbeloued Timothe / that he shuld vse a lytel wyne for the weaknesse of his stomake / & often sickenesse & diseases. Nowe whether custome / cōtrary to the wyl & myndes of thē which haue ben the begynners of dothe bynde to ony synne (lykewise as whan any mā monyssheth ano∣ther of his mysdede / although he do it nat for thentent that he whiche is monysshed shulde synne more gre∣uously: yet he whiche monysshed of his synne doth nat repent & amēde / synneth more greuously thā he dyd before) it is nat mete tyme nowe to discusse. This onely is to be consy dred / whether in these thynges / whi∣che beynge of them selfe lauful / are made vnlauful / onely by the cōsty∣tution of man: it was the mynde & wyl of the bysshops & popes / whan they dyd cōfyrme the custome recey∣ued & vsed / that who so euer / nat of any malycious cōtempte / but tho∣rough frayltie & negligence dyd nat obserue & kepte the custom / shuld be boūde to ye fyre of hel. god is nat so cruel or vēgeable / ye for euery lyght faute he wyl caste them in to helle / whom he hath redemed wt his own blode: He knoweth the weaknesse & fraylte of his creature / & he suffreth many thynges in vs / afore that he wyllcutte vs awaye from the body of his own sonne. But who so euer cōmytteth a deedly synne / of the mē bre of Christ / is made the mēbre of the deuyl: of the heyre of heuēly lyfe is made yt heyre of euerlastyng fyre Seynge than that the bysshops are succeded in to the roume of him / whi che secheth to haue all men saued / & to distroy no man: and if they bere fatherly affection towarde their flo cke / cōsydering also that their selues are men frayle & weake / & in many thynges nedyng the mercy of god. Howe is it lykely to be trewe that they were of this mynde / that they wolde with their cōstitutions made by them / whiche are nought els but men / bynde their brethern & sonnes to euerlastyng payne? namely seīg they may knowe euyn by their own myndes / that the myndes of men be prone & redy to synne. ye / & oftenty mes are wonte to be styred & prouo∣ked to lust of synnyng / so moche the more bycause they are forbydden. Temporal & laye princes / whiche beareth a swerde by their office / and whiche with feare & punysshmētes by their professyon / holdeth the peo∣ple backe from rōnyng to moche at large / yet wolde they nat although they myght / the lawes whiche they ordayn & make / to be rigorus / that the transgressour & breaker of them shulde forth with lese his heed. And yet can they kylle nothyng els / but the body onely. And do the byssho∣pes / whose parte is to saue mē with the swerde of the worde of god / for a lytes meate or drinke / whiche Crist hath gyuen vs lyberte to take / re{que}re that the breker of their constitution shulde go bothe body & soule in to yt fyre of hesle: namely seynge that it lyeth in their power / nat to cast on this bōde or snare / nor to bring men in to this great paryl & icopardy. Moreouer ye bondes of the Euā gelical charite / is greter than ye bon des of kynred: & the bondes of ye spi rite / than the bōdes of the flesshe: & the bondes of god / than of nature. But what carnal father was there euer so cruel agaynst his sonnes / ye is he had forbydden them ye drīkyng of wyne / lest at any tyme ye drīkyng vnmesurably might cast them sel∣ues in to a feuer / he wolde requyre / that this his forbyddynge shulde be of so great strēgth / that if they dyd nat obey it / they shulde suffre dethe: namely seyng that they might drīke wyne safely ynough & without any hurte / so they drinke it mesurably. No doute of it / he wolde forbeare and refrayne from gyueng any su∣che cōmaūdement / if he knewe that his sonnes shulde be in daūger of so great paryl / & he had leuer that they shulde sal in to some feuer / than to ronne in to ieo{per}dy of theyr lyfe. Be sydes this / I do nat suppose ye there is any man but he wyl graunt / that the lawes of god which he him selfe made & ordayned / are more to be re graded & set by / than ye lawes made by men: but nat al the lawes of the olde Testament gyuen of god / dyd bynde in the olde tyme to deedly syn no / certayn of them boūde nat to a∣ny synne at al (if we gyue credence to famous dyuines) of the whiche sorte I suppose it was / if any man had touched carion of any best whi che was nat slavne / but dyed by the owne accorde. And shal the bysshop which is nat the authour & / but ye stewarde & minister of a mo∣re gentyl Testament / requyre this / that al maner constytutions of his makyng shulde bynde his subiectes to the payne of euerlastynge fyre? I wylcome to the authorite of the apostels / whiche hath alwayes ben so moche regarded & set by / by ye cō∣sent of al Christen people. I dare nat be bolde to affyrme & say playn ly / that what so euer thyng they dyd cōmaūde they cōmaūded it / wt that mynde & wyl that they wolde euery transgressour therof to be boūde to the fyre of helle. Paule in many places forbiddeth couytousnesse / le∣chery / wrathe cōtention / & enuy by name / puttyng to these wordes. We knowe / that they whiche doth suche thynges / shal nat possesse the kyng dome of god. And yet the graūteth & confesseth nat euery ma ner wrathe to be deedly synne / ney∣ther parauēture al maner of enuy. Agayn the same Paule straitely cōmaūded / that women shulde nat speke in the church or cōpany assem bled / lest that sexe somwhat proude and highe mynded / might chalenge to them selues any authorite in the presence of their husbādes. And yet I do nat thynke that he cōmaunded that / beyng of this mynde & wyl / ye if any woman through infyrmyte longyng to that sexe / had spoken a ny thyng in the cōgregation for de∣syre to lerne / forth with she shulde be made bonde to ye fyre of helle. I put forth these thīges so / that yet neuer∣theles it may be free for euery man to iuge / as he thynketh lyke. Laste of al / parauēture euyn in the com∣maundemētes of the gospel also / a mā may fynde certayn / which doth nat forth with bynde euery man to deedly synne. We se that ye fathers os ye orders of relygious men / dothe openly witnesse this of their cōsty∣tutions (whiche for cōcorde & equa∣lyte to be had in their couentes / they nedefully do adde & put to ye cōmaū demētes of ye gospel) that they wyll nat any person to be boūde be them nat so moche as to venyal synne. Wherfore by so moch the more I do marueyle greatly / that there be cer∣tayn of that sorte whiche can suffre rather their brother eyther to dye / or els to be veved & tourmented with a disease / which is more greuous thā dethe / than they wolde sycēce hym to cate flesshe. I wyl nat here reherse that certayn dyuines & those of the famous sorte / hath affyrmed playn ly / that no mortal prelate can binde his subiecte by his precept to deedly synne / except that whiche he cōmaū deth / doth depēde of the lawe of god which proposition or sayeng at this present tyme / I do neither approue neither disproue. This thyng one∣ly I wyl aske & enquire: whyder al such maner cōstitutions doth binde to euerlastynge payne / or a certayn of them onely. If they al do bynde to euerlastynge payne / thā is the yoke of christen men very heuy and greuous / seyng that there is so many cōstitutions of the bysshops / but if certayn onely so doth bynde / I wolde desyre to knowe / by what marke a man myght dyscerne those whiche doth bynde / from those whi che doth nat bynde. You wyll say / they do bynde whan these termes ar put to: We cōmaunde & charge. &c. But at Rome euery yere suche ma∣ner cōstitutions are made & publys shed newe / that no spouse shal gyue to his spousesse any token or gyfte / aboue the valoure of. xii. ducates / for let this be put forthe bvcause of example. I demaūde nowe / if any man without any masyce or dispite of that cōstitution dyd gyue a token or gyfte of. xiii. ducates: dyde he synne deedly? You wyl answer (as I trowe) it semeth no. yet in these & other more lyghter thynges also / is added alway besyde greuous synne the payne of excōmunication in the dede doyng. And yet there be dyuy∣nes whiche sayth / that no man may be excōmunicate / but onely for such a trespas whiche is deedly synne a∣fore god. But this disputation / whi ther the bysshop or pope maye in all maner thinges bynde their subiects to deedly synne / I wil passe ouer at this tyme. This I wyl aske & de∣maūde / whether it be probable and lyke to be trewe / that the pope were of suche a mynde / that although he myght he wolde after suche maner charge & lode his subiectes. Paule is angry & myscōtent that any man iugeth his brother in meate or drīke and shal I for meate or drīke thrust downe my brother in to helle? Nowe what is the mynde of the Bysshoppes and popes in other thynges / lette vs leaue that vn∣dyscussed at this tyme. Certayn∣lye in fastynge it is euydente and open / yt their wyl was nat to bynde al men by their precepte and decree. Wherfore than / do we beyng cruell iuges against our neighbour / other wise interprete the popes sawe / than accordyng to his owne mynde. For it is nothing lykely to be trewe that his mynde & wyl was to bynde any man to fastyng or to etyng of fissh / whiche coude nat do it / without the gret hynderaūce & appeyring of his helth / or els ieo{per}dy of his lyfe. Ther¦fore he byndeth no yonge chyldren / nat very aged men / nat them whi∣che be sicke / nat poore folke / and to make an ende / nat any other {per}sons / whiche for some other cause can nat awaye with fastyng / & moche lesse he byndeth thē to abstayne from the eatyng of flesshe. These persons nowe rehersed / if they do eate / they seme to eate by the mynde & wyll of him which was maker of the lawe. You wyl say / but in the meane sea∣son yuel occasyon is gyuen to leud∣ly disposed persones / whiche vnder this pretēce & colour / wyl eate / whā they haue no nede or resonable cau∣se. If this paryl & ieopardy wherof you do speke / were pertaynynge to murder or to some other great yuel or mischefe / than wolde I holde wel with your sayeng. Nowe I sup∣pose it myght better be suffred / that syxe hundred dyd eate flesshe with∣out necessyte / than that one person through suche su{per}stition / shulde be put in ieo{per}dy of his lyfe. Wherfore I cōmende the maner and custome vsed in Italy / where euen in ye lente season / is solde openly in the sham∣bles (though of fewer than at other tymes) both veale / kydde / & lambe lest any thyng myght be wantynge to them whiche were sicke / or might yuel forbeare eatynge of flesshe, Neither any man there noteth or re∣buketh the byer or eater / although he appereth nat by any outwarde tokens / to be sycke or dyseased: for there be many causes which a man can nat perceyue by the coūteuaūce or face. And it belongeth to the cha∣rite of christen men to iugeth beste / what so euer may be done wel and lausully / dronknesse / backbytyng fylthy cōmunication / & rebaudrie: dothe verily declare & she we a leude person / euyn accordyng to the rule of the gospel. For these thinges whi∣che in very dede are yuell thynges / whan they come from the mouthe / declareth the fountayne of the herte to be corrupte / from whens suche stynche is breathed forthe: And yet with such thynges we be but lyght∣ly offended or greued. ye otherwhy∣ses we reioyce in them / & cōmende & alowe them. But he that doth eate flesshe / we do so defye & abhorre / as though he were no longer a christen man: Natwithstandynge / that the gospell dothe forbydde to iuge any man in those thynges / whiche of thē sllues are nat are nat yuel. ye & Paule also wylleth nat any mā to be iuged for meate or drynke. Therfore who so euer eateth flesshe for a gret weigh∣ty cause / he synneth nat at al agaīst the lawe / for as moche as he hath done nothing cōtrary to the mynde of him / whiche hath made the lawe. He that eateth without necessyte / yf he do a mysse / he trespaseth but on∣ly agaynst the lawe of man. But he that cōdemneth his brother / he that backbyteth / he that sclaūdreth & de∣fameth his brother / doth synne and trespas / bothe agaynst the doctryne of the gospel / & also agaynste ye pre∣cepte of the Paule: And in my iugement doth more greuously synne / than he shulde / if he dyd eate flesshe hole. x. yeres togyder. They cal them Lutherians and heretykes whiche doth eate flesshe. Nowe this is nat the eatynge of calues flesshe / but it is the & eatynge of thy brothers flesshe. Whether of these two thīges I besech you / is the more greuous offence & synn? And yet at that thyng whiche the autho∣rite of ye gospel doth forbydde / whi∣che Paule the apostel also doth for∣bydde / no man is moued or greued / at these thynges whiche cōtrary to the doctryne of ye gospel / the custom of men hath brought in: We do so shyuer & quake / as though the hole christian relygion shulde atones go to wrake for euer? But here in the meane season aryseth two diffycul∣ties or doutes / of the whiche the one semeth to pertayne to order / ye other cōcernyng the hurtyng or of oure neighbours conscyence. I graunt / that an order is gretly to be regarded / in so moche that it were better to suffre euyn some ty∣rāny or crudesyte / than by troublī∣ge the order / to make a cōfusyon & a great styrte in the worlde. And Paule byddeth that mānes cōpany to be eschewed whiche dothe lyue in∣ordinately / troublyng the cōmen or der. And the same / lest we shulde gy ue any man occasyon to be offēded / cōmaūdeth vs to abstayne / nat one ly from that thynge whiche is yuel in dede / but also from al maner thī ge / whiche appereth to be yuel. But that an order may be had & establys shed / & by reason of order trāquily∣tie: It is that the heedes & rulers haue their authorite sure and stable / & that the people obey them non otherwyse / than the vycats or deputies of god. I graunt al these thynges to be very trewe. And Pe∣ter the apostel cōdemneth them / whi che folo wyng their own sensual ap petites / dispiseth the cōmen officers and rulers / & suche as be set ī highe authorite: & yet he speketh there / as farre as I parceyue / of the heed of∣fycers & prīces / whiche were men & infydels. Howe moche more than ought the authorite of the bys∣shops to be sure & inuyolate / which if they be good / they are to be obeyd as the frendes of god: but if they be yuel / & yet dothe teche those thynges which be ryght & good: we ought to obey the doctryne whiche they teche. But if they be neither good / nor yet doth teche good thynges / yet in my iugement they are sō what to be suf∣fred / left by troublynge the order of thynges / gretter incōuenyēce & mis∣chefe myght ryse. This counsayle wolde I gyue to the christen people. But if the wickednes of them shuld go so farforth / that it were intollera ble bothe to god & man (which thig god forbydde euer to come to passe) Christ him selfe can make suche ma ner scourges & whippes / wher with he may dryue out of his temple / su∣che as he lyste nat to be cōuersaunt there. For lykewise as nat without great cōsyderation & wysedome / the election of ye hath ben trās lated from the people to a fewe mēl so I do not holde with it / that ye olde examples shulde be renewed & bro∣ught vp agayne / wherby the cōmen multytude dyde expel & put downe their bisshops for euery litel cryme / For we rede that Brice for ye sur∣myse of fornycation / & vnchaste ly∣uyng with his laūdresse / was depo∣sed by ye cōmen voice & noyse of the people. But as Paule cōmaūdeth the wyues / that in al poyntes they shulde be obediēt to their husbādes / and haue them in reuerēce their lordes: And agayn on the other {per}te counsayleth the husbādes that they shulde mesurably & gētely vse their authorite towardes their wyues / re mēbring that they are their felowes and matches in Christ / & the cōheri tours of the kyngdom of heuen / the one halfe of them selues / & that shulde apply them selues to their in fyrmyte & weaknes / with discretion and : So in lyke maner the heedes & rulers of the church are to be monysshed & counsaysed / that they do nat either abuse their autho rite & power on the people / neyther turne the obediēce of the lympse peo ple / in to their own tyrāny. They ar shepe / but the shepe of Christ / rather than of the bysshops: they ar shepe but for those shepe that highest and heed shepherde hath shedde his pre∣cious blode: they are shepe / but so derely beloued of their lorde / ye whā one of them was gone a straye / he with careful dilygēce sought for it / and at the last whan he had founde it / he brought it agayn to his feldes vpon his owne sholders: They are shepe / but resonable shepe / & in this egal & peeres to the bysshops ye / sōtyme also are more than certayne of the bysshops: & of these shepe are made pastoure or sheperdes. The people was nat or dayned for cause of the bisshoppes / but the bysshops were instytuted & ordayned for cause of the people. Wherefore albeit that the bisshop cō pared to eche one by him selfe of the people is more exellent / & (as Pau le ) is of double honor yet that nat withstādyng / the respect and regarde of al the hole people to gider / ought to be gretter thā of one bisshop: ye & if a man dyd this also / that the dygnyte also of ye hole multytude ought to be gretter / than the dignyte of any one bysshop / his sayeng doth nat vtterly disagre is sō what lyke to ye sayēg of Christ Our lorde Iesu asketh this que∣stion in the gospel: whether to be gretter & more worshypful / he that serueth & wayteth at the table / or he that sytteth at ye table. Is nat he the gretter (sayth Christ) whiche sytteth at the table? But the people are those chyldren & sonnes of the spouse / whiche as honorable {per}sons sytteth at the table or borde of ye gos pel. The prelates of the churche be ministers which standeth by / & wal∣keth to & fro lokyng about / that no thyng be wantyng to any of the ge∣stes syttyng at that borde / and that whiche they perceyue to be most cō∣uenyent & mete for eche man / yt they bringe forthe out of the riche store∣house of the spouse / which is Christ If Christ / whiche without cōtrauer sye or doute / is gretter than al cōpa rison / dyd cal him selfe a minister or seruaūt / & behaued him self as a ser uaunt / euyn vnto the wasshyng of his apostels feete. What aught the bysshops to do / whiche accordynge to the mynde of saynt Hierome / are fathers / nat lordes / but mynisiers / to whom the dispensation & myny∣stration of the mysteries of god / is cōmytted & betaken / nat the autho∣rite whiche also may fal in to synne as wel as other men / & are ignorāt them selues in many thynges. Let the bysshops therfore rule & gouern the people / but as a fader ruleth his children or sonnes / & as the husbāde ruleth his welbeloued spousesse or wyfe. Neither let the bysshop wene that it is lauful for him to do what soeuer him lyst with his flocke / of ye whiche he shal gyue accōpte & recke nyng to the heed shepherde / & the ve ry pastor Christ. And let him remē bre this thing also / that his autho∣rite is to be defended & maynteyned nat onely by sharpe & strait cōmaū dementes / by proude & stately conn∣tynaūce / by or / and punysshmētes or vengaunce / (with the which thinges / nat so mo che as the very tyrantes are wonte / suffyciently to mayntayne their au∣thorite) but rather with purite & ho lynesse of lyueng / with mekenesse / with myldnesse & gētilnesse / with doctryne / with fatherly moniciōs with louyng & frendly exhortatiōs. Paule / in punysshyng him which had his fathers wife / executed and shewed forth ye authorite of an apo∣stel / but howe oftentymes dothe the same Paule humble hym selfe / spe∣kyng fayre / prayeng / besechyng / / re{que}ryng in goddes behalfe Cōtynual purite & clēnesse of lyfe / is a certayn thyng worthy to be ho∣noured & had in reuerēce. An Euā gelycal mynde / dispisyng riches / dis pisyng houours / dispisyng pleasu∣res / desyrous to do good to al men / redy to put euen his life ī ieo{per}dy for the sauegarde of ye flocke cōmytted vnto him / wīneth the fauour of the people / more than a man wolde be∣leue. A mynde replenysshed with knowlege of holy scripture / a tonge no lesse holy than eloquent / vtterīg and brīgyng forthe of the riche store house of Christ / bothe olde thynges and newe / maketh ye people to loke vp / & purchaseth to hym selfe great reuerence & worship. By these thyn∣ges chefely the authorite of the bys∣shops is both goten & defended / mo¦che better & more safely thā by these wordes: We ordayne / we decre & de∣termyne / we charge / we cōmaunde / we wol / & suche other. Such thyn∣ges as I rehersed her afore / causeth that the people wyllyngly of their own accorde / doth a great dele more than is required of them / & that they be more styred with fatherly exhor∣tation than with any manacyng or threttes / be they neuer so lordly / shar pe / & cruel. Do we nat se / as oft as any man sprīgeth vp / cōmended wt any maner opinion of holynesse / & whiche appereth to be a trewe prea∣cher of the gospel: howe greatly the dothe sauer him with al their herts / how desyrous they are to here him / how they marke & regarde his wordes / howe al their mynde is hol∣ly gyuen & sette to gyue hede to that whiche cometh from his mouth? If they dyd se & parceyue a very father ly mynde / suche as Paule or Peter had / what thyng wolde nat the peo∣ple do? The disciples receyued Pau le non otherwyse / than if he had ben Christ him selfe / beyng redy euen to plucke out their owne eyes / & to ha∣ue gyuen them to him / if he had desy red it. By this meanes shal ye order best be mayntayned & / and their authorite be made fyrme & sta∣ble / and peace & concorde sted fastly cōtynue: if both partes stryue & la∣bour eche to ouercōe other with be∣nefaytes / & doyng their dewty to o∣ther / for it is but a tyrannycal peace / whan ye people opp̄ssed with / resteth & are quiete in their bodies / but in their mīde doth grud∣ge agaynst their superiours / & cur∣seth & wyssheth yuel vnto thē. Nei∣ther let any man crye out / the autho rite of the prelates & bysshops forth with to be mynisshed / if prouisyon be made for the lyberte & quietnesse of the people. Fyrst this thyng belō geth to the mayntenaūce of the bys∣shops authorite / that the people do iuge wel / & haue good opynion of them. But that man semeth to ha∣ue lytel good opynion of them / whi che iugeth them to be of that mynde that they wolde their subiectes to be wrapped & intangled with very ma ny snares & of cōstitutiōs so that they myght rule after theyr owne pleasure. That man onely hath good of the bysshop / which iugeth him selfe to be of that mynde that he coueteth very / his to be as free as myght be in Christ / & at lyberte from ce & entāglyng of scrupulusnesse & gyleful snares. For that man doth nothyng derogate or mynisshe of ye kynges authorite / which wolde nat that he might do any thing cōtrary to right & good cōsciēce / cōtrary to the cōmen lawes / contrary to ye cu∣stomes & priuileges of the cytezins / contrary to the othe whiche he made at his coronation. Nay / rather he taketh a way ye hole authorite of the kyng / whiche iugeth that of ye kyng whiche is more mete to be thought and iuged of tprātes / than of a lau ful prince. Wherfore if the kyng do nat require or loke / yt any mā shuld be bounde by his cōmaūdement or statute to any payne / either of pay∣ing money / or els of suffryng in his body / excepte his statute be rightful and accordyng to equite / resonable / and made after dewe forme & ma∣ner: & approued by the cōsent of the people / & finally dothe not requyre / that euery maner cōstitution shulde make them boūde to ieo{per}dy of their lyues / dothe nat that man seme to iuge the bysshop to be a very whiche iudeth him to be of yt mynde that he wolde his to be boū de with al maner constitutiōs of his makyng to ye of helle? But the lawes of & laye princes: are ful of & thret nyng / & with a payne sōwhat pe & cruel / doth mē rather than punysshe thē. What maner & lawe / that lawe of the. xii. tables is sayd to haue ben / whiche commaunded that the body of that man shulde be cutte in sonder / whiche was in dette to many men / & nat able to paye & satisfye them. And those poetes and wyse men of ye olde tyme / feared the vnlerned multitude / & nat able to be handled & ruled with the reasons of philosophy / away from yuel doyng with the lyghtnyng of Jupiter / ta∣kyng vēgeaūce vpon malefacters / with the saynynges of ye furies / the punysshers of great synnes / of Ka∣damāthus iuge in helle / & of other terrible & dredeful paynes & turmē∣tes / whiche the foules of yuel men shulde suffre there after this lyfe. Though we do graūt to ye laye prīces somwhat of suche maner fay nyng / yet I do nat thynke that it is to be receyued in the bysshops / whi∣che professeth the doctryn of ye truth of the gospel. But who so euer cō∣maūdeth or maketh a lawe / casteth on an halter or snare to bynde men / but who so euer exhorteth / dothe so cal men to the better thynges / that he do nat take frō them their liberte Parauēture some man wyl say / an exhortation is to weake a thyng and of to smal strength: it is nede∣ful to cōmaūde & make lawes / for the sturdy & vnruly persons. Me se meth the cōtrary. Oftētymes / more is obtayned & gotten with fatherly exhortation / than with tyrānycal & cruel exaction. Let this be counted a lye / yf we do nat fynde it trewe by dayly experiēce in our wyues & chil dren / & except Roboam to his great hurte & myschefe hath taught it to be trewe / whiche had yuel chaunce & lucke / of folowyng the cruel & thret nyng counsayle of his yonge cōpa∣nyōs. If the people shal se one whi che is a very preest or bysshop ī dede his exhortation shalbe of & strength. But if open wicked corrupt & vnclene maners / grose ig norāce / insactable couetusnes / bar∣barical crudelyte / shal haue hym vtterly out of fauour with the people: what shal it auayle or pro∣fyte to cōmaūde & to make cōstitu∣tions? They whiche wyl nat obey / shal synne more greuously for cau∣se of their cōtumacy & stubbernesse and they whiche shal obey onely for seare / shal deserue nothyng at al / or els very lytel / for asmoch as no mā sulfylleth the precepte / which fulful leth it / beyng cōpelled ther vnto by violence. ye / & parauēture his ypo∣crisy doubleth the offence: It lyeth than most of al in our owne selues that oure exhortation / be it neuer so gentel & louyng / may be of autho∣rite & regarded amonge the people. Therfore they do very wel / whiche prouydeth that the authorite of the prelates may be saued / but they pro uyde very yuel for it / which wyl ha ue it to be saued & mayntayned hose non other wise thā wt threttes & fea∣re. But in ye meane season it is rizt and accordyng / that some prouision be made to saue the lyberte of ye slo∣cke, as moche as equite re{que}reth / for it also hath a certayne authorite be∣longyng to it selfe / & that no small or lyght authorite. Doth nat custōe & disanul a lawe / in so mo che that a lawe is nat worthy to be called a lawe / except it be approued by the consente of the people / whiche grudgeth nat to vse it? What thing hath disanulled & made of no stren∣ght / so many cōstitutions made in the last coūsayle / called Consilium lateranēs / which began vnder pope July the seconde / & was fynisshed & ended vnder pope Leo the tenth. ☞ Was it not the custome & vsage of the people / which were neuer mi∣ded to obey the cōstitutiōs & decrees whiche were made in that coūsayse. Doutlesse such is ye voice of the peo ple / whiche same also is called ye voi ce of god / such is the authorite of the fre multytude: a regarde & respecte of the which is mete to be had / as of tentymes as it goth nat a wry from the rule of vertue & holynesse. Wher fore he shal gyue good counsayle / who so euer wyl so moderate & or∣der his coūsaile / that both partes be prouyded for indifferētly. Nowe as cōcernyng the offendyng of our neighbours cōscience / howe moche it is to be regarded / let vs consyder in fewe wordes. ☞ Our capitayn and mayster Jesu Christ / somtyme regardeth ye offendyng of other mē / and applyed him selfe to auoyde the same. Agayn at another tyme here garded it nat / that ye phariseis were offended. He wolde be born of a ma ried woman / he was circumcised / he obserued the ceremonyes apoynted and cōmaunded in the lawe / he dyd faste / lest any thyng might haue be layde agaynst hym / wherin it mizt appere of lyklyhode that he had don wickedly / or cōtrary to iustice. But he dyd nat cesse to preche his father / he dyd nat cesse to teche the heuenly philosophy / he cessed nat to do good to al mē / he feared not to heale men on the sabbot day / though the phari seis were greued with these thinges / he gaue occasyon to Herode also to be offended / to whom he wold make non answere / & therfore Herode dis∣pised him. And in a certayne place / whan he was warned & tolde / that the phariseis were offended: What answere made he? Let them alone (saith he) they are blynde gydes of the blynde. Accordyng to his enfā∣ple / the apostels also in many thyn∣ges applyed themselues to the infir myte & weaknesse of the iewes / feste any thynge myght haue hyndred or letted the course & goynge forwarde of the gospel. But yet dyd they nat in al thynges / nor at al tymes auoy de the offendyng of al men / for the iewes coulde nat with any cryenge out of them / cause them to cōpel the gentyls to be circūcised. This thing onely they dyd for a season / hauing respecte to the inuyncyble {per}tynacy & fro wardnesse of the iewes / yt they cōmaūded the gentyles to abstayne from fornycation / from the blode / and from the beest which was suffo cated / & from the flesshe which was offred in sacrifyce to ydols. Paule dyd shaue of the heer of his heed / he vsed the maner & ceremonys of the iewes / in the feestes called the Nudi pedales: he dyd purifye him selfe a∣mong other in the temple / to thētent that he mought mytigate & pacifye the mynde of certayn persons / whi che were redy to haue reysed vp sedi tion & stryfe. But although he dyd these thynges / yet where so euer he mought he spake aga∣ynst them / he cōfesseth & knowle∣geth that it is sauful to eate al ma∣ner meates / but a chaūce salleth o∣ther whyles / that it is nat expedient to vse this lyberte. He to vs the syberte of the gospel / but charite whiche measureth al thynges by the profyte of the neighbour / other whi∣les wyllyngly forgoth of her ryght and lyberte / but nat vtterly in eue∣ry thyng / neither cōtynually & at al / but in the meane season stri∣ueth to her power agaynst the infyr mite & weaknesse of them which vn discrete are offended without cause / and for thynges of smal value / vn tyl that they also do profyte & grow vp to suche strength of spirite / that they be no lōger offended with those thinges / which of their own nature are neither good nor yuel. Paule as concernynge the vse of meates / other whyles among the iewes was made as a iewe / to thende yt he myzt wynne the iewes to Christ. Agayne among the gētyles he became a gen tile / to wyn them also But it shulde be an vnsemely thing & against rea son / if any man no we a dayes also wolde lykewise amōg the iewes be∣come a iewe / abstaynyng from the meates whiche are forbydden & nat lauful to be eaten among them / he myght ronnein to the hatered of the iewes. Ye moreouer Paule rebu keth Peter / by canse that (whan the doctryne of Christ was so publys∣shed and sprede abrode / that it was mete & accordynge for the iewes be∣yng taugh & monisshed to haue for∣saken & caste away their superstiti∣ous weaknesse) yet he / lest he shuld haue offended the iewes / dyde with∣drawe him selfe from the company of the gentyles / and wolde nat eate with them / and so auoydyng to of∣fende the iewes / he fell in to a more greuous offendyng of the gentiles. That tyme was / as aman wolde say / the infancy and fyrst age of the gospel. And the relygion of ye lawe which they had lerned and receyued of their forefathers / & whiche also was confyrmed by long vsage and custom / was so faste grounded and roted inwardly in ye myndes of the iewes / that this affection for a sea∣son was to be pardoned & to be suf fred in them / for as moche as it dyd springe and ryse of an honest cause and coulde nat sodainly be agayne out of the myndes os men. Moreouer of this offendyng / great ieopardy shulde haue folowed. ☞ The nation of the iewes / which toughly cleued to the custome vsed of their forefathers / was tourned to the hatered of the gospel. The gen∣tyles so hated and abhorred the bur thayn of Moyses lawe / that many of them coulde fynde in their hertes rather to haue renoūced Christe a∣gayne / than to receyue the ceremo∣nyes & lawe of ye iewes. And whan nothyng is more abhomynable thā idolatry / yet he that dydeate of the flesshe whiche was offred in sacry∣fyce to an idole at that tyme / gaue a sykely occasyon to be suspected / as though he dyd fauour and agree to the su{per}stition of them / with whom he dyd eate. And yet cryeth Paule / euen in this also / ye lawe to be abro gated and of no strength: he cryeth that an ydole is nothynge / that the flesshe offred to an idole is nothyng els / but as other flesshe is: he rebu∣keth that man / who so euer wyttīg∣ly offendeth his brother with his ea∣tyng. But agayne he chydeth hym / whiche iugeth another mānes con∣science in meate or drynke / & whiche speketh yuel of his brother for the meate sake / for the which he gyueth thankes to the goodnesse & lybera∣lyte of the lorde / which hath created and made al thynges / to the behoue and vse of men. He scorneth the fo∣lysshe wysedome of them / whiche as though they had taught a certayne great thyng / dyd saye. Touch nat / taste nat / handyl nat. As the super∣stitious choyse of meates which the iewes vsed by the coūsayle & autho∣rite of Paule hath begon to dispi sed / after that ye gospel is nowe suf∣fyciently publysshed & openly kno∣wen. So of lykelyhode it semeth / yt the meate offred to an ydole / is to be dispysed / seyng that it is nowe suf∣fyciently knowen / that christen men may with pure and clene conscience eate al maner of meates / accordyng to the necessyte of the body / gyueng thankes to him / whiche hath orday∣ned and prouyded al thynges yt are in this worlde / for his worshippers. Whan he him selse is lorde of al thin ges / and whiche wolde nothyng to be impure or vnclene to those per∣sons / whyche be pure and clene. Wherfore to conclude / seyng that the lauful cause to be offended / ces∣seth: Seyng also that the kyngdom of god is neither meate ne drinke / & seyng that the abstaynyng from cer¦tayne meates / prouoketh the moste parte of ryche men to superfluyte & delycate fare / & dothe cruelly greue and payn the poore men. It is to be consydred and loked on / whether we ought to stryue so greatly as we do for suche maner constitutions. In that tyme wherof we spake before / the apostels for a season dyd that thing which they thought most expedient for the fortheraūce of the gospel / which than was yonge and newe begon. Somwhat they ap∣plyed them selues to the affectiōs of men / remaynynge of the maner of lyueng whiche they had vsed afore∣tyme. And that they so dyd / it was but for a season / of charite and not of right or necessyte / and they dyde nat so in al thinges nor at al tymes neither yet without spekyng agaīnst suche infyrmite / as we haue sayde before. But no we adayes / how for tuneth it that occasyon to be offēded is takenne of suche thynges / the vse wherof is nat forbydden by the gos pel / but rather ye forbidders of them are condempned by the writynge of Paule the apostel. Forbyddynge (sayth he) the meates / whiche god hath created to be eaten / and sorbyd dyng to mary or wedde. Finally howe farforthe semeth the greuyng or offending of our neighbour to be auoyded? Paule dyd forbeare and abstayne from ye flesshe which was offred to an idole / but nat except he had ben warned afore / that it was sacrifyced to ydoles. But the same Paule dyde eate all maner meates / askyng no question / for hurtyng a∣nother mannes conscience. And yet in this thynge / wherof we do nowe speke / the offendyng of other mēnes consciēce myght be auoyded / with∣out any great grefe or incōmodite: for he that for a season dyd refrayn from flesshe offred to an ydole / had other flesshe at hande which he mizt . If any man dyd frō builes flesshe whiche was offred to Neptunus / he myght eate partrych or capon / whiche was nat offred to any false god: and yet dyd they nat so moche as abstayne from flesshe which was offred to idoles / but one ly whan they sawe occasion. Some man abstayned from swynes flessh and dyd eate a plouer. But nowe a dayes whan for ye most parte of the hole yere / the eatynge of al maner flesshe is forbydden: thynkest thou it right or reason / that I for ye weak nesse and superstityousnesse of this man or that / shulde stande in ieo{per}∣dy of my helth and of my lyfe / seing that by this tyme / all christen men ought to haue ben taught / that they shulde nat iuge their neyghbour by suche maner thynges? But if it se∣me to be / that chusten charite so mo che ought to apply it selfe to ye weke nesse of vnlerned or superstycyous persones / that to auoyde the offen∣dyng of them / we wolde haue hym whiche is stronge in conscyence / to ronne in to ieopardy of his helth or of his lyfe. Why do we nat yt same / in those thynges wherin is iust and manyfest occasyon of offendyng o∣ther men. There be prelates of ye church / whiche whan they haue yere ly rentes and possessyons / so great / that they maye compare in rychesse with any kynges / yet neyther they do teache yt people / and besydes that lyueth wickedly / euyn in the open syght of the people / so that the vnler ned men are offended therby. But here in this thyng / we do nothynge regarde the offendynge of their con∣sciences / but rather of the weake per sons. We do require so gret fyrmyte and strength / that they are cōmaun ded to beleue / excepte they had lea∣uer be counted heretykes / that what so euer thynge is done by them / ou∣ther whā they lose or bynde / or whā they blesse or curse / or els whā they graunt forth pardons or restrayne them / is of the same strength / as if it had be don by the apostel Paule / Andrewe or Iames. And yet this offendynge of the people ryseth of a thyng which of the owne kynde and nature is so yuel / that though men wolde take none occasyon therof to be offended / yet ought it to be auoy ded and eschewed / for as moche as it offendeth the eyes of god. Besyde this / though al maner of backbyti∣ge appereth to eche mā for to be vn∣lauful / and a greate synne: yet in this thyng we do nat regarde the of fendyng of weake persons / but bol dely and strongly we folowe oure owne appetyte and affection. In these thynges onely whiche are so lauful / that who so euer forbyddeth them / nedeth great defence / leste he myght seme to do clene agaynste the doctryne of the gospel: so moche we do regarde the offendynge of weake persons / that for the folysshe super∣stition of them / we wolde haue our brother to stande in ieopardy of his lyfe / rather than to eate certayn me∣tes / whiche are necessary for him. Is nat this to transgresse the com maundementes of god / for the tra∣ditions of men? I knowe right wel most exellent prelate / that your ho∣lynesse hath sayd a prety whyle ago for what entente are these so many thynges spoken? Is it to disalo we the choise of meates / whiche the vse and custome of the churche hathe a∣lowed / and yet dothe alowe? To speke ye truthe playnly / as I do : I wolde fayne that al thynges whiche are of this kynde and sorte / or els at the lestwise / the exaction of suche thynges were clene rydde out of the way / so yt what so euer were abated or taken away from ceremo¦nyes / shulde be added to the exercy∣ses and workes of trewe holynesse. And so that as moche as the iudai∣cal and superstitious maner of ly∣uyng shulde decreace and be minis∣shed / so moche ye trewe christian ma¦ner of lyueng / myzt encreace and be augmented. But if the cōmen sorte of vnlerned persons / can nat vtter∣ly be kepte in doyng their dewty / wt out suche maner of ceremonyes / yet I wolde nat the christian lyberte to be clogged with very many suche / I wolde nat the consciences to be so bounde / that they shulde beleue that they dyd deedly synne if they dyd ea∣te / except it were don of a froward / a stubburne / and a disobedient mīde. I wolde nat that of an vnreso∣nable iugement and clene out of or der / those thynges shulde be so gret∣ly regarded / whiche of them selues are almost of no value. And those thynges nothing regarded and sette by / without the whiche there can be no good lyueng accordyng to ye gos pel. But these thynges / seyng that they be fast rooted by vse & custom: I wolde nat that they shulde be sedy ciouslye dispysed / but outher to be put downe by lytel and lytel / or els to be taken awaye by the authoryte of the heedes and rulers / but so ta∣ken away / that in the meane season the people shuld be called and exhor ted to better thynges. But here pa∣rauenture some man wyl obiecte & laye agaynst me / that suche maner ceremonys / though they do nat mo∣che good / or be nat greatly profyta∣ble / at the lestwyse they do no hurte / ye / and this ferforth dothe helpe to good lyuenge / that they putte vs in remembraunce of trewe & inwarde holynesse / and are as guydes or lea ders / to enduce the weake and vnler ned persones to trewe vertue / lyke∣wise as the lawe of Moyses was to the iewes: And we do se / howe gret the weaknesse is of christen men al∣so. The eatyng of flesshe forbydden putteth vs in remembraunce & tea∣cheth / that al ryote and superfluyte and what so euer thyng is wonte to folowe superfluyte / are to be auoy∣ded and eschewed. Fastyng cōmaū ded / putteth vs in remēbraūce & tea cheth / that we ought to abstayn frō al vyces & synnes / for that onely is the that is pleasaunt & accepta∣ble to god. If this reason doth lyke and please so greatly / than let vs be circūcised also / seyng that circumci∣syon bothe doth abate of the delecta tion & pleasures in gendring / & also putteth vs in remēbraunce / that the herte & mynde is to be circūcised / frō al grose & carnal affections. Let vs than also slee bestes & make sacry∣fice of them / for this thīg putteth vs in remēbraunce / that the brutyssh & beestly affectiōs of our myndes / are to be tamed and subdued. But that we might be monysshed & put in by such maner of res / it is suffycient for vs / that these thynges were in the olde tyme rely∣giously obserued of the iewes / for if trewe holynesse were nothyng hyn∣dred by ceremonys / why doth Pau le so feruēntly eueriwhere fyght a∣gaynst the ceremonyes: of the lawe of Moyeses? Of a certayntie / these thynges if there be to many of them and vnmesurably vsed / oppresseth the lyberte of the gospel. To put our trust & confydēce in these thīges (as the most parte of the people dothe) is the very pestylence & dystructyon of trewe holynesse / for of these thyn ges / to backbyte thy brother / is the venyin & poyson of the relygion of the gospel / No doute of it / Paule parceyued these thynges very well / whan he so fercely kept warre the lawe of the iewes / beyng aboute to breake in or to approch nye to the maners & lyueng of men. Ye / if I had layser / I coulde make you perceyue & vnderstāde / yt eue∣ry grettest decay & myscheues of the christen cōmen welth / hath spronge out & had their begynnyng of cere∣monyes. I do nat alowe ye stubber nesse & disobedient myndes of these men / which openly & scornfully / as in dispite of the cōmen custom / hath eaten flesshe. But so farsorth I dis alowe them / that I do iuge them to be taught / to be monysshed / & if ne∣de requyre / to be rebuked also / but nat to be accused vnto the heed offy∣cers & rulers / as thoughe they were gyltie of murdrīge their own father or mother. & my iugement is / yt this mater is rather to be dispised & ma∣de lyght of / than to be greuously hā dsed. At the lest wise for this cause / lest of this sparke kyndled a gretter fyre might growe / & more hatered a gaynst the clergy / which is to great / and ouer moche al redy. It doth dis∣please me / what so euer thyng {per}tay∣neth to sedition & stryse. But yet if no man shulde resyst & withstāde su che maner ceremonyes alwayes in∣creacyng & waxing more & more / ye syberte of the gospel shulde be distro yed for euer / but there is no man to whom it is more cōuenyent to with stande them / than the heedes and ru lers of the church. So crope in by ly tel & lytel ye custom / which hath ma∣de ye friday a fyssh day. Afterward whan this was wel to passe / saterday also was taken from vs / and no we wednisday also is ī great ieopardy. And for suche maner cere monyes we se so many men to be so re afflycte to be in ieo{per}dy / ye fynal∣ly to dye: & we se many men to stā∣de folysshly in their owne conceyte / and to thynke them selues trewe cri sten men / whan they are in dede ve∣ry iewes / and for the trust & confy∣dence which they haue in these thyn∣ges / to regarde no whyt those thyn∣ges which belongeth to trewe holy∣nesse & vertuous lyueng / but ye cha rite of the gospel teacheth vs / to so∣cour & helpe those whiche are in af∣flyction. The lyberte of the gospel / ought nat wt suche thīges brought in out of mesure / to be called away from more earnest & sadde studyes / and exercises or pastymes. ☞ And thus farforth be it spoken general∣ly of suche maner thynges / nat by∣cause I wolde defende those presūp tuous & disobedyent persons / but ye your wysedom / after that the circū∣staunces of the cause be examyned and discussed / might prouyde & loke aboute / that neyther more nor lesse were done / than the thyng it selfe re∣quireth. NO we wyl I plede myn ow∣ne cause ī fewe wordes / nat bycause I haue gyuen occasyon to any good man for to be offēded / for that whiche I dyd / I wolde nat ha∣ue ben a to haue done it / if Christ hym selfe had sytten at ye sa∣me table with me. For I was ī that state / that any man wolde haue me more worthy to be piteed thā to be rebuked. But that nat withstā dyng / I wyl nat suffre that amōge those which knoweth nat the mater as it is in very dede / any man myzt cloke his owne boldnesse by myne example / or by my necessyte defēde his owne vndyscrete presumption. Fyrst I dyd nat or ex∣horte any man to eate flesshe with∣out necessytie / but rather I taught / that the cōmen custom is to be folo wed and obserued. I my selfe haue suche affection to warde flesshe / yt if I myght mayntayn & saue my lyfe with pees & fetches / I wolde neither desyre flesshe ne . Moreouer nat withstandyng yt I am wont al most eche lent to be in greate io{per}dy / by the reason of weaknesse & sickly∣nesse of my body / and of a certayne natural hatered that I haue to war des fysshe. In so moche that ye phy∣sycions haue oftentymes called on me / and counsayled me to helpe my selfe by eatyng flesshe. vet I dyd ne uer folowe their coūsayle / but ones in Italye (whan the phisycion had thretned me thā certayn dayes / that there was none other way with me but dethe / vnlesse I wolde folowe his counsayle. And yet for al that / I dyd after his coūsayle but a fewe dayes onely / and thus farsorth / that I dyd eate the brothe of flesshe tem∣pred with the of egges / ab∣staynyng from the flesshe selfe / whi che although my minde had desyred yet my stomake wolde nat haue re∣ceyued / so weake and feble it was at that tyme: & nowe a fewe dayes in this lent / and that by the cōmaū∣dement of the phisycion / & nat with out lycence and pardone of ye pope / whose bulles I haue hadde redy to shewe these certayn yeres / yet dyd I neuer vse them afore nowe / as con∣cernynge the eatynge of flesshe. Admytte that I dyd this without yt phisycions authorite. What phisy∣cion knoweth better this my weake body than my selfe? But the case put / that I had done it without any pardon or lycence: Doth nat neces∣syte excuse better than any {per}done? Fyrst cōsyder myne age / ye weak∣nesse & crachynesse of my body al∣most cōtynual / consyder ye labour and traueyle of iournayeng / the la∣bours ī studyeng / wherin I am bu syed contynually / aboue the strēgth of bothe my body & mynde. More∣ouer / the murre & fleme / nay rather a very pestylēce payned & vexed me almoste. xx. dayes. The same ha∣uyng recourse after a certayn space betwene / helde me bothe longer and more greuously. Besydes this / a ly tel before lent / ye stone toke me with a marueylous payne & turmētynge of al my body. This disease tho∣ugh it be most sharpe & cruel & most redy paryl & ieopardy is in it of all diseases (for women are nat in mo re ieopardy of lyfe whan they tra∣ueyle of chylde) yet almost euery se conde day it had recourse to me / so that with a wretched and a paynful frutefulnesse / I dyd in one day / and traueyled the nexte day / & in the thirde was delyuered. What wise man wolde nat say that I had ben a murdrer of myne owne selfe / if I had abstayned from flesshe be∣yng in that case? He yt wyl folowe Erasmus / lette him solowe him in euery poynt / and he shal nat be bla∣med. Nowe what perteyneth the example of Erafmus / to them whi che are stronge & in good helth / whi che ar ydel / which are drōken / which eateth in dispyte or for a scorne / nat for any necessyte. Nowe there re∣mayneth one doute / as concernyng the offendyng of weake persons. I do nat deny but that christian chary tie counsayleth / in euery thynge as moche as maye be / to prouyde that weake persons haue none occasyon gyuen to them wherfore they might be offended. I here Paule redy to abstayne from the eatyng of flesshe al his lyfe long / rather than that he wolde offende his neyghboure with his eatynge. But the same Paule / as we haue sayd before: doth chyde and rebuke those which their brother for meate or drinke. And in the meane season he reckeneth them to be most pestylent / whiche dyd for bydde to eate the meates whiche god hath ordeyned to the vse of man. ☞ Why doste thou (sayth he) another mānes seruaunt? he stan∣deth or to his lorde or master & wherfore am I iuged of another mannes conscyence in that thynge / for the which I gyue thākes to god? He that eateth / lette him not dispyse him that doth nat eate: And he that eateth nat / let him nat iuge that par sone whiche eateth. After the mynde than & iugement of Paule / he is the weaker person of ye two which doth nat eate. And he synneth more gre∣uously / which iugeth one that is bet ter than him self / & to whō he ought rather to haue gyue place. And yet charite / whiche attēpreth & applyeth her selfe to al men / gyueth place for a season to the weaknesse of this {per}∣sone / if he be offended of any proba∣ble or lykly cause / & if he can nat be amended: but nat vtterly in euery thynge / & at al tymes. For there is some thyng / wherin the weake per∣son is to be monysshed and taught. Ther is / wherin he is to be rebuked or repreued. There is also / wherin he is to be dispysed / for els by conty nual applyeng to their myndes / to do nothyng els / but norisshe the dis∣ease & sickenesse of weake {per}sons in conscyēce / is the straightest & nexte way / to distroy al Euāgelycal holy nesse. And yet Paule speketh of in∣fyrmyte & weaknesse / whiche was welnere / which by ye rea∣son that they had receyued it of their elders & auncesters / & also of longe vsage & custome / was so depely so∣ken & setled in the myndes of men / that it coulde nat sodaynly be pluc∣ked out agayn / for so the iewes coul de nat suffre the lawe to be abrogat and disanussed / in whiche they were born & brought vp / & had cōtynued in the relygious obseruation therof to their olde age. So some man of the gentyls / if he shulde haue sene a christen man syttyng at the table a∣mong cōpany / where was set afore them flesshe / whiche had ben offred to ydols / he coulde nat but suspecte / that that christen man dothe cōsente to the su{per}stition of thē / with whom he kepte cōpany at meale. And yet for al that / Paule cryeth out stout∣ly & boldly in the meane season that an ydole is nothing / & that it is lau sul to eate what so euer thyng is sol de in the shambles. He cryeth / that the ceremonyes of the lawe / whiche were ordayned for a season / ought to be abolysshed & put a way / whan the gospel shulde take place & be of strength. And to make an ende / he withstode Peter / & rebuked hym to his face / bycause he was nat yet bol de to set lyght by the vayn offēdyng of the iewes. Therfore it was ano∣ther kynde & maner of offendynge ye neighbour / wherof Paule dyd spe∣ke / the occasyon wherof rose by rea son of a rooted custom / whiche they had vsed in their lyfe afore ledde. But we gendre & seche dayly to our selues / newe mater & occasyons to be offēded after this maner & though we do se and perceyue wel y∣nough / ho we greate hurte & hynde∣raunce of trewe holynesse hath gro wen therof to ye lyfe of men. Paule suffreth the weake {per}sons / but vpon this hope: that they wolde profyte & growe vp to syrmyte & strength of conscience. We do & al togider to ceremonyes / hauynge no mynde or regarde of those thynges / whiche alone dothe make be trewly vertuous & good lyuers. But to returne agayn to myne owne cause howe so euer the mater standeth / as concernyng the auoydyng of offen∣dynge our neighbour / neither ī this thynge shal any man thynke (as I trowe) that there lacketh in me cha∣rite / couetyng to gyue place to ye in∣fyrmyte & weaknesse of my neygh∣bour. I had ordayned the popes pardon / as a preseruatyue agaynst suche maner offences / for I do nat se for what other vse it is good or {pro} fytable to me. furthermore / as mo che as I myght / I dyd eate flesshe se cretely. ye / moreouer I dyd vtterly abstayn from flesshe / euyn to ye ma nyfest and open ieopardy of my ly∣fe / oftentymes disobeynge the cou∣sayls of phiscyciens. What can I do more / excepte that (for to auoy∣de the supersticyous weaknesse / I wyl nat say the peruerse masyce of certayne persones / whiche fyndeth sautes with euery thynge) I shulde also dye. He shulde be an vnchary∣table man (I trowe) whiche wolde requyre this thynge of me / & I my selfe shulde be a manqueller / if I wolde do accordynge to his request. It belongeth to the charite of a christen man / to interprete and iuge euery thyng to ye best / what so euer maye be done with a good mynde & purpose. And those which be lerned in the christen faithe / ought to haue knowen that fastynge & eatynge of fysshe / was nat cōmaūded & apoyn ted for thē which are in ieo{per}dy by ye reason of sicknesse / but to such whi che are in ieo{per}dy by reason of rāck∣nesse & wantōnesse of ye flessh. But if any man yet be very su{per}stitious / if he that eateth flesshe / do monyssh and coūsayle him by these wordes. Brother / let nat myne exāple a ny thing offende you / I am cōstray ned to do yt I do / wolde god I were more helthy: I am glad of strē∣gth & helth / do nat you wrongfully accuse my feblenesse & weakenesse. He hath sufficiētly (as I wene) dis charged his own cōsciēce: but no we to make an ende. In lyke maner as I do iuge thē worthy to be sharpely rebuked / whiche of a sedytious pre∣sūption & boldnesse / dothe violate & breake the cōmen custome / namely suche a custome which is nat cōtra∣ry to trewe holynesse & gode lyueng Some semeth yt the curates & prea chers shulde do very wel / if by ye au thorite of the bysshops / they dyd de∣noūce fastyng to the people / in this wyse. Derely the hole lyfe of chry∣sten men ought by cōtynual sober∣nesse to be a certayn fast / nat onely from meates / but moch more from al maner riote / & from al pleasures of this worlde / frō carnal affectiōs or desyres of the flessh / whiche war∣reth alwayes agaynst the spyrite. But yet neuerthelesse / the authorite of ye church / & the custom of our el∣ders & fore fathers / exhorteth & cal∣leth vpon vs / that such as may for strength of body / for lauful age / & plenty of substaūce / shulde prepare their myndes with fastyng to ye ho∣ly day. But let your fast be such as becometh christen men / if you wyl that it be acceptable & plesaūt to Ie∣su Christ: let it be an hole & parfyte fast. It is the lest parte of fastyng / the abstynēce of certayn meates: it is an vnplesaunt fast to god / wher∣by peace & cōcorde is broken. They that do fast / let thē gyue thankes to god for ye strēgth of their body / whi che by abstynēce & fastyng / is made more apte & mete to godly thynges. And they whiche do nat fast / let thē gyue thākes to the lorde / whiche of his lyberalyte & goodnesse / doth my nyster dyuers plenty of meates / to norisshe & cōforte our weake & feble bodyes with al. They that fasteth / let them nat stande therfore in their owne cōceyte / as though they dyd a gret & an exellēt thing / excepte they put to greatter and better thynges. They whiche fasteth nat / lette them so moche the more endeuer by godly exercyses & workes / that they maye make recōpence & amendes for that thyng / whiche the weaknesse of bo∣dy wyl nat suffre thē to do. He that doth nat abstayn / let him nat trou∣ble the cōmen custome / & let him a∣uoyde the offendyng of weake per∣sons / as moche as he may cōueny∣ently. He that dothe abstayne / lette him beware ye he iuge nat his neigh bour (agaynst the doctryne both of Christ & the apostels) of such thyn∣ges whiche of their own nature are indifferent / & maye be done outher wel or yuel. He doth lesse synne whi che suppeth al his lyfe without any nede / than he which for meate or dri sclaundreth & backbyteth his ney ghbour / whom accordyng to the cō maūdement of god / he ought to lo∣ue as wel as his owne selfe. Suche maner monytions & counsayls / by cause they helpe greatly to the pur∣pose / are oftētymes among to be re hersed to the people. Moreouer this thīg also / I wolde sayn to be playn ly declared & shewed, for the weake and fraysul consciences sakes / whi che cōstitutyons bynde / and whom they bynde: and whom they bynde nat: & howe farforth they bynde / or nat bynde. Neither I do thynke in my mynde / that so narowe boūdes or meares are to be sette & marked out / in these thynges which may be released of man / let these be gentyl and fauourable fatherly charitie. But agaynst enuy / against back bytyng / agaynst manslaughter / & agaynst warres / and such other vn douted & very pestylences and poy∣sons of the christyan holynesse: let the authorite of ye bysshops be shar∣pe and cruel. These thynges I thought best to write to you moost worshypful man & most vertuous prelate / nat that I wolde teache you whiche are moft lerned / or plede my cause: and defende my selfe before youre hyghnesse / whiche knoweth bothe my labours in studies / which I haue taken for the cōmen profy∣tes sake / & also this my mynde / whi che desyreth nothyng lesse thā meate or drinke / and the weaknesse of my body which is encreased by olde age and this presente disease whiche cle∣ueth to me and vexeth me to to mo∣che: But that by you I myght ou∣ther pacifye or heale other men / if my dede happely hath offended any men / or myne exāple hath drawen any to ouermoche lybertie or bolde∣nesse. And that these thynges som∣what largely hath ben dysputed of me: there was none other cause els / but onely that I had very good opi nyon of your synguler wysedome / and gentylnesse or pacience. For whan I dyd consyder & cal to my re nembraūce / the noblenesse of your / your most pure and maners & exellent lernynge / ynally your synguler wysedome / and other gyftes & vertues / semely for a bysshop / I dyd nat feare / feste you wolde take any thyng in to sus / whiche were spoken sōwhat boldly & largely / of the oflyce & dew tie of bysshoppes. I pray god that wel might your highnesse fare / most holy and vertu∣ous prelate.
A00376.P4	An epistle of the famous clerke Erasmus of Roterodame, concernynge the veryte of the sacrament of Christes body and bloude whyche epistle is set before the excellent boke, intytuled D. Algeri De veritate corporis et sanguinis dominici in Eucharistia.)[sic] which boke was made by the sayd Algerus aboute fyue hondred yeared passed. And nowe of late yeares, hath agayne ben ouer seen and reuysyted, by the sayde famous clerke Erasmus of Roterodame, and dedycated by hym, unto the Reuerende father Balthasar bysshop of Hyldesyn. This present epistle of Erasmus makynge is to be founde oute, in the great volume of all his epistles, pagina, 1577. Hauynge this lytell wrytynge ouer it. In Algerum.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1547?]	Imprynted by me Robert wyer],	[London :	eng	[ "Lord's Supper -- Early works to 1800." ]	I Know very wel right hyghlye renoumed Bysshop that lytell ciuilite it is at this season to dysturbe you, beyng enbusyed with so great a nombre of affa¦res as you now are, but sence that your well knowne deuocyon towardes God, doth so ryght earnestly fauoure the mat¦ters of the catholyke churche, it shall as I suppose be nothynge dysplesaunt vn∣to you, thoughe I at this tyme do mocy¦on you in this matter, which of all other most hyghly doth appertayne as well vn¦to the concorde, as vnto the dygnite of our sayde mother the catholyke church. For of truth our mother the holy church hath in her none so hygh a treasure nor nothyng of more excellent dignite, than is the promotion where vnto she is cal∣led, by the wonderfull benifyte of the bo∣dy and bloude of our sauyoure Christe by vertu wherof, she becōmyth to be ma¦de one with christ both in nature and sub¦staunce ye and therto is as it were trans¦formed into god, and surely there is no∣thynge more effectuall, to norishe in her a perfighte and an indyssoluble concord: Than that the same our mother the ca∣tholyke church etynge one self body and drynkynge one selfe bloude, by one spirit is made and compact into one body, by whom she also receyuyng lyfe is knyt vn¦to oure lyuynge heade christe, and yet do we nowe se, that al these great benifites & hygh promocions nothwithstandynge, howe yt throughe the slyghtie craftes of our deceytfull & stronge aduersarie Sa∣than, it is brought to passe, that ye same most beneficiall gyfte the sacrament of the body & bloude of our moste mercifull and moste tenderly louynge sauyour, gy∣uen vnto vs to brynge all persons into vnytie and concorde, hath bene the mat∣ter wherupon in olde tyme so many dis∣centyons haue rysen, and of late yeares are nowe agayne renewed. Whyle that some there be which do denye that there is any thyng els in the blyssed sacramēt, but onely the outwarde tokens of the bo¦dy & bloude of our sauyoure christ. Some others do kuoweledge that Christe is in the sacramente, but yet vnder the sub∣staunce of bread and wyne. And agayne some there were that sayde howe that through the wordes of consecration, the substauuce of breade and wyne do fyrste peryshe, and so succedeth after the bodye and the bloude of oure sauyoure christe. Some others do holde that our sauiour by the wordes of consecration doeth be∣come breade and wyne, by theyr myndes makynge it but a lyghte matter, that he was once for vs incarnate, and dyd for our sakes become man. There haue also ben some that were called starcoranista, whiche irreuerent persons deseruyd wel so vyle a name bycause they dyd both im¦magyn and speake so vyly and withoute all reuerence, of so hyghe a Sacrament the countre of Grece also, to disquiet the vnytie of the catholyke church, haue sent forth amongest vs theyr leuanars so cal¦led bycause they dare presume contrarye to holy scripture, to leaue the vse of pure breade vnleuanyd, and do consecrate in breade whiche is leauanyd. After this hath rysen the debate and stryfe for ye re∣ceyuynge of the Sacrament in both the kyndes, but yet as in that matter the hy¦ghe Byshoppes haue varyed amongest them selues. For Galacius dyd orday∣ne that all suche parsons shulde be re∣mouyd from the receyuynge of the sacra¦ment in both the kyndes. whiche wolde nedys receyue it but vnder one, whiche ordynaunce he than made, bycause the vse for that tyme was contrarye. There haue some ben also whiche stryuyng for the matter, haue styfly mayntained that an euyll and synfull priest, had no power to cōsecrate nor that the body of our sa∣uyoure christ was receyued of any wret∣ched and synfull lyuer. and yet hath it so happenyd that the sondry errours of all these persones haue ben greatly benyfi∣ciall vnto the catholyke churche, for tho∣rough the meanes of these stormy assaul¦tes made agaynst her by these instrumē¦tes of Sathan, she hath bene dryuyn to call to god for helpe, and to beseche hym to sende downe his holy spirit amongest his flocke to instruct them of the trueth, consernynge these hyghe and wonderful mystery and by these meanes haue euer the catholykes ben more & more inlyght nyd, better instructed and the stronglyer in the trewe fayth confyrmed. But yet is the catholyke church to no man more be holden, then vnto Berengarius, nay not to Berengarius, but to the great wys∣dome of our sauyour, Chryst whiche tur∣nyth the malyce of men into good, for the more parfit establishing of his espouse ye Catholyke churche howe many notable men and famous clerkes hath the per∣lous and shamelesse heresy of Berenga∣rius sette on worke & caused them to set theyr pēnes to ye boke which berēgarius fyrst dyd sow this poyson abrode, yt after ye wordes of cōsecracion were dewly spo∣ken remayned yet styll the substaunce of brede & wyne ī ye sacramēt, But agaynst his heresy, Guymundus wrote an excel∣lent worke whiche nowe of late dayes is newly come to lyght which, Guymūdus beyng a monke of the order of saynt Be¦ner, was afterward called to be the Bys¦shop of Auerence. Nowe is come forth al¦so. The excellent worke of Algerus: whi¦che beynge fyrst a studēt was afterward made a monke of the same order. And of these two notable clerkes, Guymūdus is in his wrytynge more earnest and fer∣uent, & his style is more beautefyed with with the science of rethorike, but Algerus prosedyth more quietly and tasteth more of deuotion, mete for a relegious per∣son to haue, but eche of them do shewe theyr selues to be very well learned, both in the art of disputacion and also in Phi¦losophie and yet apereth it not in theyr bokes, that there is any affected desyre in them to shewe them selues soo to be, but yet they both were gretly exercysed in the study of the canons of holy scriptu¦re. And in the auncyent fathers of christ{is} churche, as in the workes of Ciprianus Hylarius, Ambrosius, Hieronimus, Au¦gustinus, Basilius, and Chrisostomus, whose wrytynges do yet represente vnto vs that heuenly spiryte which the holye apostles had in theyr tyme, and farther more ye sayd two holy fathers haue wry¦ten theyr workes, with as moche eloquē¦ce, as vnto a deuyne is requesite, and su∣erlye thorowout all theyr workes there is no place which wanteth any quycknes of wyt, in bestowynge of theyr wordes, nor any fyne pythynes, in cothynge of theyr matters togyther, they do so affec¦tually set forth theyr sentēces, with such substanciall and well grounded reasons. Nor they do not as to many wryters do nowe a dayes whiche do bestowe a gret parte of theyr bokes, with chydynges, & braulynge wordes agaynste other men or with disfamynge checkyng and taun¦tynge wordes, nor moche worse is they do not bestowe somtyme hole pamphe∣lettes with irreuerent and bytter word{is} agaynst those thynges which both they and all other ouhgt to haue in hyghe re¦uerence and dewly to worshyp nor they do not hādell theyr matters with sophy¦stical reasons, as many do now a dayes whiche do care for nothynge more, than to yllude suche as do gyue credence to them, and yet doeth it well appere that these two here aboue named aunciente fathers which ī theyr dayes were so no∣table clerkes, dyd floryshe byfore Bona¦uentures dayes, or Thomas de aquino, or Dunce, whom they otherwyse do call Scotus, or Albertus mangnus, or Pe∣trus bombardus, whom clerkes do also nowe call the master of the sentences. Ye and of these latter writers, lyke as some of them do moche bost them selues to be profoūdly sene in Aristoteles philosophy, euen so is the maner of theyr endytynge, by meanes of that theyr to moche affec∣tyd style, but harsche, & roughe, and with¦out any comelye settynge forth of theyr matters whiche they do intreate of. As who shulde saye, that in theyr so doynge (to theyr Iudgemēt) they haue thought the nerar therby, to folowe the style of theyr Arystotele, where as it is with thē moche contrary in dede, for though that Arystotele, regardynge chefly the harde∣nes of the matters whiche be entreated of, and therfore dyd not regarde to sette forth his workes with the vsynge of any affections: or by any other meanes, affec¦tately beautyfie his wrytynges, yet vsed he in all his workes, the hyghest sorte of eloquence that coulde be, whiche thynge these afore named wryters otherwyse called scole men, coulde in no poynte at∣tayne vnto. But as to me warde (I wot not howe) it semyth to be comely vnto a deuyne, that in the settynge forth of the mysteryes of oure fayth, there ought to be vsed a certayne dignitie and magestie in theyr wrytyng, & there ought further∣more no conuenient affections to be wā¦tynge, for by suche maner of enditynge in effect it is brought to passe, that the reader doth not onelye the better vnder∣stande, that whiche by any learned man is after such maner taught hym, but he shall also the better fauour and caste his loue vnto suche thynges: as he shall per∣ceyue them to be wrytten, by a deuoute louer of such diuine mysteries. We haue it of the Gospell. This is my body, whi∣che is betrayde for you. And of. S. Paule we haue. I haue receyued of oure lorde, that whiche I haue gyuen vnto you. &c. And foloweth after. He that shall eate & drynke vnworthelye, he shall be gyltie of the body and blode of our lorde. This is and ought to be vnto all christianed men a foundaciō immoueable. But certayne of the auncyent fathers of Christes chur¦che haue vpon this hygh misteries som∣tyme wrytten darkely, & sometyme they do some to varye one from a nother, yea and somtyme, they do seme to wryte dy∣uersly of this blyssed and holy sacrament but all suche darkenesse, and all suche se∣mynge to varye one from a nother, or whan that they do to any readers seme to wryte thynges that do dyffer one frō an other, that ought to be ascrybed vn∣to the vnspeakeable profoūditie of this hyghe mysterie: or els to theyr ware and syrcomspecte speakynge or wrytynge of the sayd auncyent fathers, which many tymes speakynge vnto the multytude, whiche dyd assemble togyther to here them, they beyng of dyuerse sortes, myx¦ed of Iewes and Gentyles and Christi∣ans togyther, for that cause oftentymes dyd they not thynke it conuenient, to gy¦ue that holy of all holyes, vnto dogges. And the varyte whiche semyth to be in theyr wrytynges, ryseth here vpon, that somtyme the formes sacramentall them selues be called of them holye tokens. Somtyme the very receyuyng, is called of them, an holy token. And in conclusyō the very body it self is by them, called an holy token, somtyme of it selfe, and some tyme of some other thynge. And for so moch as vnder these tokens, the body of our sauyour Christ lyeth hydden by mea¦nes of applyenge of those thyng{is} vnto ye body itselfe, which do belonge vnto the vysyble sygnes, the doctours doo vse in theyr speakynge to saye that the body is brokē, or mynished, or crushed, into small pecys, furthermore for so moch as there is in the sacrament consecrate, the selfe body in substaunce, which dyd hange for vs vpon the crosse, though it be not now the selfe bodye in qualyte, for why it is nowe gloryfyed and spirituall vnto such as do take, but lytell hede, what they do reade, the auncient fathers do seme vnto them contrarye amongest them selues & to holde one agaynst an other, whā they at any tymes be founde in theyr wrytyn∣ges to saye. The selfe same body, and not the same body. Where as in verye dede there is in theyr saynges no contrariete at all, vnto suche as haue the knowlege to dyscerne the true meanynges of theyr wordes, and for a conclusyon, the body of christ is somtyme taken for that natu∣rall bodye whiche he toke of the virgyn Mary, and often tymes by his bodye is ment his mysticall bodye, whiche is the catholyke churche whiche thynges hath also gyuen occasion vnto suche readers as haue not ben attentyfe, and in these matters of so great importaunce, haue not taken dyligent hede, what they haue red, that the holye doctours haue semed vnto them to be contrarie in theyr say∣enges one to an other, or at the leste that they haue not agreed amongest them sel¦ues. But nowe here makynge an ende, a¦ny farther to aduertyse all readers to be in ye readyng of these auncyent Fathers dewly syrcomspect, let vs now retourne to oure chefest purpose, and for so moche as that we haue for the proffe of our spe¦cyall matter, the euydent testymonie, both of our Sauyoure christ hym selfe, and also of saynt Paule. And further∣more sence it is by these two holye Fa∣thers here abouesayd, Guymundus and Algerus, moste euydently in theyr bokes declared, howe that in veryte, the bodye and bloude of our Sauyoure christ is in the blyssed Sacrament of the alter, and that al the auncient fathers here aboue sayde, and mo a great nombre bysydes all those fathers, whom clerkes do nowe call scole men whom the catholyke chur¦che not without great and worthy cau∣ses euer haue done and styll do gyue soo hyghe auctorite and credyte vnto, with one assent agrement & concorde, do holde and constantly mayntayne and euer frō age to age haue done, that as I haue sayde in the sacrament of the alter is the verye substaunce of the body and bloude of our Sauyour Christ. And for so moch also as besydes all these aforesayd wyt∣nessys, the constant and full auctorite of all generall Counselles doo agre with them, and specyally for so moch as al the hole nombre and congregacions of such as be faythfull Christians throughe the hole Christendome do concernynge his hyghe mystery consent and agre in one, with the sayde auncyent Fathers, and generall councelles and Scolemen. Let vs nowe also at this tyme, ioyne our sel∣ues vnto all these, and agre also amon∣gest our selues concernynge this heauen¦ly mystery. And whyle we be here present in this transitorie lyfe let vs so with con¦corde and harty deuotion, thoughe it be (duryng this our lyfe) but vnder a darke shadowe, and as it were vnder a couert maner of spekyng vnto vs, mekely eate, and drynke, of this breade and cup, vntyl the tyme may come that we may farre o¦therwyse to our heauenly comforte, eate and drynke it in the kyngdome of God. That wolde to God, that suche parsons as haue folowed Berengarius in his maner oferrynge, concernyng, the very∣te of the body and bloude of our sauyour Christ to be in the blyssed sacrament of ye alter, which thyng he denyed so to be, wolde in lykwyse folowe hym in repen∣tynge of theyr selues as he dyd, and that they whiche nowe in our dayes be infec∣tyd with the same erroure, wold so vnite themselues vnto the catholyke Churche agayne, as he dyd, which dyed for his of¦fence full sore repentaunt. Futhermore there haue rysen aboute this blyssed sa∣cramēt innumerable questions. As how is the transsubstantyacyon broughte to passe that is to saye, howe doeth the sub∣staunce of breade gyue place vnto the ve¦rye substaunce of the body of our Sauy∣our Christ? Also howe the accidentes of breade and wyne be preserued and do re¦mayne after theyr former substaūces be gone? And howe is it, that those acciden¦tes do kepe theyr coloure, theyr smell, theyr sauoure, & also power to fyll lyke o∣ther fode, and to make dronken, all whi∣che qualites the breade and wyne had in them selues afore that they were conse∣crat, also at what moment of tyme, doth the body and bloude of christ begyn to be in the Sacrament? Also at what tyme the body and bolude of christ doth sease to be in the Sacramente? Also whether that after the formes be corrupted any other substaunce do succede? Also howe that one selfe same body maye be at once in places innumerable? Also how the bo¦dy of a perfyte man may be vnder so ly∣tyll a broken peace of breade? And many suche other questions which it behouith with sobernes to be entreated of, amon∣gest suche persons as haue theyr wyttes exercysed, in disputynge and reasonynge vpon suche hyghe matters, But as vnto the laye people it doth suffise, yf they do beleue yt after the wordes of cōsecracion be once by the mynyster spoken ouer the creatures of breade and wyne, that there is incontynent the very body and bloude of our sauyour Christ, which neyther can be deuyded, nor yet receyue any hurte, nor is not mete to receyue any maner in iurye, what so euer chaunces do become of the outward formes. For yf the sacred body of our lorde shulde be throwne into the myer, or into any vyle gonge, or any otherwise (vnto any irreuerent persons thynkynge) shuld be iniuryd or soyled, in dede the most iniurye yt can be done vn∣to it. Is whan it is receyued in to the mouth, of a wycked and synfull person, whiche is sore soyled and spotted with greuous and odyble synne. Nowe suerly it is therfore syttynge for oure christian religyon, to entreate and order, the out∣warde formes of breade and wyne of the holy sacrament, with all dewe reuerence but as concernynge the very body of our Sauyour it selfe, lyke as god is after his nature is no lesse glorious in a vyle synk than he is in heauen, and can by no ma∣lyce of man, or chaunce by man, or other wyse happenynge receyue any hurte or Iniurye, no more can the glorified body of our Sauyour christ, what Iniurye so euer be done vnto the outwarde tokens. And to be brefe agaynst all the doubtes and scrupules of mans weake knowlege Let vs fyrst call into our mynd{is}, the Im¦mesurable power of God, vnto whom no¦thyng is impossible. Ye and vnto whom there is nothynge, but it is lyghte to be done, so it be his pleasure, that it shuld so be. And farther more let vs cōsyder, how inestymable the gyftes of any body glo∣ryfied be, but specially, & incomparablye of the body gloryfied, ye and these hygh∣ly super exaltyd body in glory and honor of oure lorde Iesus. There restyth ther∣fore nowe no more, but that the thynge of which the veryte is here so sufficyent∣ly vnto vs perswadyd, may on our parte be worthely worshyppyd, and had in re∣uerence, and that the thynge whiche we do professe to beleue to be so, we may by matter in dede, declare vnfaynedly that suche is oure beleue, as we do make for. For with howe great a purenes of lyuyn¦ge. With howe moch humble reuerence and with howe moch ferefull tymerous∣nes oughte this, thryse ye & foure tymes to, worthy to be worshypped mystery, to be receyued, ordered, and entreted, who can suppose that they do beleue earnest∣ly, and from the bottome of theyr hartes whiche whan this holye mysterye at the masse tyme is in doing do walke vp and downe in the churche, pratyng and Ian¦gelynge togyther? or that (which now in some places is taken vp for a custome) do stande in the market place without the church dores, there spending theyr tyme aboute tellynge of Idell tales? In olde tyme that place was appoynted for peni∣tentes, or for them that were but newe come to our fayth, and had not yet lear∣ned theyr belefe, and so thought them sel¦ues not worthye once to entre into the churche dores. Some other or euer the mynisters be shewed vnto the people, at the leuaciō tyme, do get them into some tauerne or alehouse, & do in maner leaue the churche empty. What kynde of ma∣ner or condicion call we this? yf yu shuldest stande to here a play made but for laugh¦ter, thou woldest indure to take pacience and abyde styll to the ende, and that the game shoulde be fully done and finished. And canst thou not endure tyll the endyn¦ge of this heauenly mystery be fully done and fynished, all the masse tyme the An∣gelycall sprites do with most humble re∣rence stande aboute the altare, thereto do theyr worshyp and lowlye reuerence. He also is there present, whom all the he¦uenlye hoostes of blyssed spirites do de∣syre to beholde, and loke vpon, and thou as thoughe theyr were some leude game or playe there in hande, eyther thou ga∣pyst, and gapyst for werynes, or els thou makest a pratyng there, and tellest some lewde or rybalde talles, or els thou get∣test the away strayght to the tauerne. I do se that it is nowe adayes a custome ta¦ken vp amongest many folkes, whiche perauenture ought not to be called wic¦ked, bycause it doeth some to procede of some deuoute affection, though it be but of man, withoute any dewe and conueni¦ent groūde. For that custome is brought in, contrarye to the olde maner of the church: and in dede not very conuenient so to be, which custome is, that at the sa¦crynge tyme whyle the mynisters of con∣secration be a doyng, the Quyare vsyth to synge some songe, made in the laude of the virgyn Marye, & set forth by wor∣des cōtaynynge some prayer made vnto her. But is it fyt and fyttynge at that tyme in the wonderfull presence of the Sone our Redemer to make sute by any prayer vnto the Mother? Suerly yf we wolde nowe in our tyme herein, kepe the auncyent and laudable custome of the churche vsyd in olde seasons, there was at the Leuacyon tyme no maner voyce herde in all the Church but al the people at once bowynge downe them selues to the groundewarde, with theyr styll de∣uoute myndes dyd gyue thankes vnto god the Father, whiche hath gyuen his sone vnto the death for the saluacyon of mankynde. And therunto in very deade, doeth the priest a lytell before the leuati∣on, exhorte the people whan he speakyng vnto them sayth. Lyfte vp your hartes. Let vs gyue thankes vnto the lorde oure God. For whyle this vnspeakeable my∣steryes be in doynge, nothynge is more conuenient to be done on the peoples be¦haulfe, than to kepe a deuoute and a re∣uerent scylence. Nor the wonderfull cha¦ryte of our lorde Iesus is by none other meanes more worthyly praysed than by a cōmon scylence at that tyme of all the people, as the moste effectuall kynde of lowde speakynge, that is in man, whan he speaketh to God before whom all har¦tes do lye prostrate and wyde open? So that at ye leuacion tyme, whylest that all maner noyses of orgaynes or other ma∣ner voyces kepyng a styll and reuerende scylence, the people with theyr bodyes be¦ynge inclyned downe wardes and lyftyn¦ge vp theyr hartes, shulde at that tyme, after that maner speake vnto our lorde and mercyfull god. Yea and that the peo¦ple myght the more worthelye worshyp this holy mystery, accordyng to the hygh worthynes therof, the deuouote and god¦ly conuersation, of the priest{is}, is no smale helpe and Furtheraunce there vnto. In olde tyme, whan the Churche dyd moste floryshe in deuotion and godly conuersa¦tion, they vsyd no more but one masse which onely the Bysshop dyd execute, as for the multytude of priestes whiche be nowe a dayes, fyrst deuotion and shortly after Lucure, hathe moued the worlde there vnto. And now at the last the thyn¦ge is come here vnto that many persons do learne to synge masse, for none other intent, but as the laye people to mayne∣tayne theyr lyuinges, do lerne theyr han¦dy craftes as some do learne to be sho∣makers, some to be dawbers or tempe∣rars of morter, and some others to be Taylers, and vnto suche priestes theyr masse seruyth them for none other intēt but as to be a meane for them to gette theyr lyuing by. In very dede, it is good reason, that he whiche doeth serue the alter shulde lyue of the alter. But yet is it moche requesite that the executoures of this hyghe mysterye shulde rather be mete to execute theyr worthy to be wor∣shyppyd tome and offyce than to vse it lyke any vyle bartrynge as it were of were for ware or of one marchaundyse for a nother. So that it is not onely re∣quisite for suche mynysters to haue the knowledge of theyr outwarde gestures, and to haue theyr vestementes and voy∣ces to theyr offyce accordyng, but it is al¦so moch more requisite that all the hole trade of theyr lyues & conuersation, shul¦de be mete and answerable vnto the dig¦nite of theyr offyce ye it is suerly a great mater to consyder howe moche sobryete it becōmyth for a priest to haue of what pure chastyte oughte he to be and howe moch ought he to be garnyshed with all maner clennes of lyuinges what contēpt and dyspysynge also oughte there to be in them of all such voluptuous pleasures as the comyn people do delyte in. And spe¦cyally what great & feruent loue oughte there to be in thē towardes the dyligent and contynuall redyng of holy scripture. And how moche vnsyttyng and vncome¦ly is it for a priest incontinenty after the selebratynge of such a godly and deuyne mysterye, to consume all the resydue of the daye, eyther in gullynge, and dryu∣kynge or intellynge or heryng of vyle ry¦balde tales, or to syt playeng at the dysce or at the cardes, or to go a huntynge all daye to cast away the tyme in Idell wan¦derynge aboute to and fro, and eyther to bestowe no parte of al the day besydes or els very lytell therof, eyther in redyng of any holy auctours or in any medytaci¦on or contemplaciton of heauenly thyn∣ges, let all priestes therfore consyder the hyghnes of theyr professyon, whan they do stand at the alter. They haue Angels to mynister vnto them, whan they be de¦parted frō thence, some of them do make it but a lyght matter incontinenty after to gyt them into companye of the moste vyle dregges of man bycause I wolde here vse no mo wordes which myght be sharpelyer spoken I praye God that the vnworthy conuersacion of those whiche do take vpon them a mynistraciō which is aboue the dignite of Aungels, do not gyue occasyon vnto herytykes to concey¦ue a wycked opinion of so vnspeakeable mystery, but let all ministers by theyr de¦uoute and godly conuersacion so deme∣ne them selues on theyr party, that oure lorde on his party maye honour them a∣gayne. Bothe here in this worlde before men, and also in another worlde before his father in heuen, but what do I now wrytyng of these thynges? Algerus and Guymundus, shall a great dele more ef¦fectually exhorte all priestes here vnto, whiche to godly auctours I do knowe∣lege my selfe that I haue dilygently red ouer, to the hyghest frute of my soule yt euer I hytherto receyued by the readyn¦ge of any other, for suerly thoughe I dyd neuer doubt of the trueth of the presence of the body and bloude of our Sauyoure Christ to be in the blyssed sacramente of the alter, yet nowe sence I haue ouer red them (I wot not howe) that by the mea¦nes of ye ouer readyng of them I do fele yt my mynde is not a lytell therby establys∣shed and confermyd and my knowledge is made more stedy and certayne, & my reuerence towardes that blyssed sacra∣ment, is a great dele the more incresyd. And now these my poore labours what soeuer they be I haue thought it good to dedycate them vnto your most reuerēde fatherhod, that they myght vnto others be a testymonye that Erasmus hath in hym selfe dewe remēbraunce of his dew¦tye and seruice towardes his patrone, by that meanes to gyue you some lytell oc∣casyon on youre partye, to haue remem∣braūce vpon me. And thus our lorde pros¦pere you in all your good and holy purpo¦sys, so that they may redownde vnto his glory, and to the profyte of our deuoute and Christian Religion. Gyuen at Friburge Brisgoie vpon the Ides of Marche the yea∣re from our Sauy∣our Christ incar∣nat. M.D.xxx.
A00377.P4	A ryght frutefull epystle, deuysed by the moste excellent clerke Erasmns [sic], in laude and prayse of matrymony, translated in to Englyshe, by Rychard Tauernour, which translation he hathe dedicate to the ryght honorable Mayster Thomas Cromwel most worthy counseloure to our souerayne lorde kyng Henry the eyght. Cum priuilegio regali	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Taverner, Richard, 1505?-1575." ]	[1536?]	In Flestrete [sic] at the sygne of the George by me Robert Redman,	[Imprynted at London :	eng	[ "Marriage -- Early works to 1800." ]	ALthough swete cosyn ye be wyse ynoughe of your selfe, nor nede not other mens coun∣sel, yet for ye old frende¦shyp contynued from our chyl∣hode betwyxte vs & also for your kyndnes towardes me / & fynally because of the streyght alyaunce betwyxt vs: I thought it my du∣ty (if I wolde be the man whom ye always haue take me for / that is to say your frend and louer) of such thynges as I iudged to be∣longe moste to the preseruation and dygnyte of you and yours / gladly and frely to auertyse you. Other mens profyght sometyme we espye better then our owen. I haue ofte folowed your coun∣sell, whych I haue found no lesse profytable than frendly. Nowe if ye agayne wyll folowe myne I trust it shall repent neyther me of my counsellynge / nor you of The narra∣tion. your folowyng. Our frende An∣tony Bald supped with me ye last nyght, one that is (as ye knowe well ynough) your great frende and nere kynsman. An heuy feste and full of tearys. He shewed me (which was a great sorow to vs bothe) that the good gentyll wo∣man your mother is departed, yt your syster for sorowe and desyre is entred in to a house of barren nunnys / that the hope of your stocke is turned onely vnto you / that your frendes with hole as∣sent haue offered you a wyfe of great substaunce, of noble blode, of excellent beautye, of gentyl ma ners, and fynally whiche berethe great loue towards you. That ye yet, this notwithstandyng, for some immoderate sorowe, or els some superstitious holynes haue so determyned to lyue a chast lyf, and neuer to marye, that nouther for the care of your stocke, nor loue of yssue, nor for any reque∣stes, prayers, or tearys of your frendes ye canbe plucked awaye from your purpose. But ye by myne aduyse shall chaunge thys mynde, and leuyng bachelershyp, a forme of lyuynge bothe barren and vnnaturall, shall gyue your selfe to moste holy wedlocke. In whiche mater I couet that ney∣ther ye loue of your frēdes which els ought to ouercō your mynde, nor myne authoryte any thynge shulde ayde my cause / if I shewe nat by clere reasons that this shal be for you bothe moste honeste, most profytable and moste plea∣saunt, yea what wyll ye say if (as this tyme requyre) also moste ne∣cessary? FOr fyrst of al / if thē regard of honestye moueth you / which with good men is hyghly consydered, what thyng is more honeste then matrimony, wher∣unto Christ hymselfe dyd greate honoure and worshype, whiche vouche saued nat onely to be pre∣sent with his mother at the ma∣riages, but also consecrated ye ma riage feste with the fyrst fruetz of his myracles? What is more holy then that which ye creatour of all thynges hath ordeyned, copeled, sanctifyed? whiche dame nature her selfe hathe enacted? What is more laudable than hit, whyche who reprehendeth / is condemna∣ble of heresy? So honorable is matrimony, as is the name of he∣retyke slaunderous. What is a thyng of more equite, then to ren dre that to the posterite / whiche we our selfes receyued of oure auncestrye? What acte on the con trarye syde is done with les con∣sideration, than vnder the zele of holynes to flee yt, as vnholy & vn godly, which god the well and fa ther of all holynes wolde haue counted most holy? What thynge is farder from all humanite / than man to abhorre from the lawes of mānes estate? What is a more vn kynde acte than to denye that to your yongers, whiche if ye toke nat of your elders, ye could nat be he that myght denye? Now if we requyre ye Authour of matrymo∣ny, The Author of ma∣trimo∣nie. it was founded and ordeyned nat of Lycurgus, nat of Moses, nat of Solon, but of the hyghe & myghty worker of all thinges, of hym it was also praysed / enhone∣sted and consecrate. For at the be Man fyrste created / forthe with was co∣puled with a wyfe. gynnyng when he had made man of ye slyme of ye erthe he thought yt his lyfe shulde be vtterly mysera∣ble and vnplesaunt, if he ioyned nat Eue a cōpagnion vnto hym. Wherfore he brought forthe the wyfe nat of the erthe, as he dyd mā, but out of the rybbes of Adā, wherby it is to be vnderstād that nothynge ought, to be more dere to vs then ye wyfe, nothyng more conioyned / nothynge more faste glued vnto vs. The selfe same After ye flode of Noye. god after the flode / when he was at one agayne with mankynde enacted (as we rede in scripture) the law of ma∣trimo∣ny renu ed. this lawe fyrst, nat that we shuld loue bachelarshyp / but to crease / to multiply / to replenyshe ye erth. But howe coulde that be, onles men wolde gyue theyr labour to wedlocke? And leste we shulde here fynd cauellations / allegyng the liberte of the old law of Mo∣ses, or the necessite of that season / I pray you what meaneth yt sen∣tense repeted also in the new law of Christ / ratifyed and confirmed by Chrystes owne mouthe? For this cause (sayth he) shall man leue Math. xix. father and mother and styck to his wyfe. What thynge is more holy than the natural loue of the chyld to his father? And yet the feythe of wedlocke is preferred aboue it By whose authorite? by goddes. At what tyme? when nat only the olde law floryshed / but also when the newe lawe of Christ began to sprynge. The father is forsaken / the mother is forsaken / and the wyfe is stycked to. The son (in ye Ciuile lawe) emancipate / that is to saye enfranchysed & out of his fathers bondes / begynneth to be his owne man & at lybertye. The son, in the same lawe, abdicate / that is to saye forsaken and dys∣herited of his father / ceaseth to be his son. But only deth vndo wed locke, if yet yt deth vndo it. Now syr if ye other sacramētes of Chri∣stes chyrch be had in greate vene ratiō, who seeth nat yt moch wor∣shype ought to be gyuen to this, which was both ordeyned of god, & fyrst of all other? And the other in erth, this in paradise / the other for remedy / this for solas / ye other were put to in helpe of nature, which was fallen, only this was gyuen to nature at the fyrst crea∣tion. If we count the lawes holy which be institute of men, shall nat the lawe of wedlocke be most holy whiche we haue receyued of hym, of whom we haue receyued lyfe? and which began in maner euen at one tyme with mankind? To be short / because he wold con ferme this lawe by sum example / when he was a yonge man / and bydden (as sayd is) to the brydale, he cam thyther gladly with his mother, and nat contended with so doyng, dyd also greate honour to the feste with hys wonderfull worke / makyng none other wher the prosperous cōmencemēt and beginning of his myracles? Why A confu∣tatiō. than (ye wyll say) dyd Christ him selfe absteyne from wedlocke? As thoughe ther be nat very many thynges in Christe / whyche we ought rather to maruayle at, thā folowe. He was borne without carnal father / he {pro}ceded without payne of his mother, he arose frō dethe to lyue when the sepulcre was closed, what is nat in hym aboue nature? Let such thynges be appropriate to hym. Let vs (lyuynge within the lawe of na∣ture) wonder & prayse ye thynges that be aboue nature / but folowe those workes yt be for our capa∣cite. But he wolde be borne of a virgyn. Truth it is, of a virgyn / but yet wedded. A virgyn to his mother becam hym yt was god, but yt she was wedded, she signy∣fied vnto vs what we ought to do Uirginite be cam her whiche (by the dyuyne inspiratiō of the holy ghost) beyng pure & immaculate brought forthe hym whiche was most pure & vnspotted / but yet Io¦seph was her husbande, whiche thyng setteth forth vnto vs the cō mendation of the lawes of wed∣locke. How coulde he more com∣mend wedlocke, then whā he wyl¦lyng to declare ye preuy & wonder¦full coniunction of the diuyne na∣ture with the humane body and soule, and wyllyng to declare his ineffable & eternall loue towarde his chyrch (that is to say, the com∣pany of Christian people) calleth hymselfe the brydegrome and the chyrch his spouse? Greate (sayth Paule) is the mystery of matrymo∣ny: To the Ephesi¦ans the v. Cha. in Christe and in the chyche. If ther had ben any cople in erth more holy, if there had be any bonde of loue and concorde more religiously to be kept, than wed∣locke / vndoutedly he had fetched his similytude from thens. What lyke thyng do ye euer reade, in all scripture of bachelershyp? Hono∣rable wedlocke and the immaculat bryde bed is spoken of. Bacheler∣shype is nat ones named. Nowe The law of the Iwes syr, Moses law abhorreth baren wedlocke, and therfore we reade that some were put out of the co∣mynalte for the same cause. And why so? suerly because they ly∣uyng vnprofytably to the comon wele, & for there owne syngular auayle, dyd nat multyply the peo ple with any issue. If thā the law dāneth baren matrymony muche more it dāneth bachelers. If the infirmyte of nature escapeth nat punyshment, certes the frowarde wyll shall nat eschape. If they were punished whose nature say led to ther wyll / what haue they deserued / whych wyl nat so moch as put to theyr good wyll, that they be nat barren? The lawes of the Hebrues gaue this honou∣re to matrymonye / that he that maryed a new wyfe, shuld nat be compelled that yere to goo forthe to the batel. The cite is in greate ieopardy if ther be not men of ar∣mes to defende it, but nedes it must decay if there be nat wedded men, by whom the youth cōtynu∣ally faylynge may be supplyed. Also the lawes of ye Romans pu∣nyshed The law of ti mar them that were bachelars in remouyng them from all pro∣motions of the cyte. But such as had encreased with chyldren the commune weale / to them they or∣deyned a reward openly to be gy∣uen, as it were for theyr wel deset uynge. The lawe of the. iii. chyl∣derne is a sufficyēt proue for this mater. for I wyll nat here re∣herse all ye reste. Lycurgus made The law of the La cedemo∣nians. a lawe that they whyche maryed nat wyues, shuld in somer season be dryuen from the enterludes & other syghtes, and in wynter go about the market place all naked and curse them selues, sayng they suffred iuste punyshmēt, because they wolde nat obey the lawes. Nowe wyll ye know how much matrymonye was set by in olde tyme? Consyder the punyshment for ye defoyling of it. The Grekes The ba∣tel of Troy. ones thought it expedyent to re∣uenge the breche of matrymonye by contynuall warres enduryng the space of. x. yeres. Further∣more by the lawes nat onely of the Romaynes / but also of the Hebrues and other nacyons / ad∣uowterers sholde lose ther lyues. The thefe was delyuered by pa∣ynge. iiii. tymes so muche as he The law of the ro mans had stolen / the syn of aduowtrye was punyshed with the axe. Also amonge the Hebrues he was sto∣ned to deth with the peoples han The law of the Iwes. des whych desyled that, without whyche the people shulde nat be. And the rigor of theyr lawes nat contented therwith / suffered also that he whyche was found in ad∣uowtre shuld be put to deth with out iudgement / with out lawes / gyuyng that libertye to the grefe of ye wedded men, whiche vnneth is graūted to hym yt in ieoperdye of lyfe defendeth hymselfe. Dout∣les wedlocke muste nedes seme a ryght holy thyng whych defyled can nat be repurged without mā nes blode / & the reuengyng wher of / is neyther cōpelled to abyde ye lawes nor the iudge / ye whiche se∣uerite & rigour of law is neyther in murdre nor i treson. But what stand we alday in wryttē lawes? This is the lawe of nature / nat grauen in tables of bras, but in∣wardly fyxed i our hartes, which who wyll nat obey, he is nat so much as to be estemed a mā much les a good cytizen. For if (as the Stoikes, men of sharpe iudge∣mentes The Stoikes do dyspute) to lyue wel is nothynge els, but to folowe the guyde of nature / what thing is so agreable to nature as matrymo∣ny? For nothynge is so naturally gyuē nouther to man, nor yet to any other kynd of brute bestes as that euery one shuld preserue his kynd frō destructiō & by propaga tion of posterytye to make it as it were immortall, whych without carnall copulatiō (as euery man knoweth) can nat be brought to pas. And it semeth a foule shame dum bestes to obey ye lawes of na ture, & men (after the maner of gy auntes) to byd batell agaynst na∣ture, whose worke if we wyll be hold with yees nat dasselling, we shall perceyue yt her wyll is that ther be in euery kynde of thynges a certeyn spyce of wedlocke. For I omytte to speake of trees, in A certier Kynde of wedloc∣ke i trees whom yet by ye authoryte of Pli∣nie wedlocke is founde with so manyfeste diuersyte of the male & female, that if the male tree shulde nat with hys boughes lye vpō ye female trees that stande aboute hym couetyng as it were a med∣lyng to gether, they shulde abyde baren and fruteles. I holde my In precy ous sto∣nes. peace of pretious stones, i whych the same author wryteth (but nat he alone) that ther is founde both male & female. I pray you hath nat god so knyte all thynges to gether with certeyn bondes, that one thynge doth neade an others help? What thynk ye to the heuen whych turneth about with cōty∣nual mouyng? I pray you whyle it maketh the erthe leynge vnder neth, whych is mother of al / with sundry kynd of thynges fruteful, pouring seed (as it were) vpon it / doth it nat thoffice of an husbād? But to renne through eche thing were ouer longe. Nowe, to what purpose haue we spoken thys? Suerly, that ye may vnderstand, by suche naturall commyxtions, euery thynge to haue his beynge and continuance, without which althynges to be dyssolued / to pe∣ryshe / & to fall away. It is feyned A fabule & the ex∣position therof. by the olde & wyse poetes (whose study was to couer the preceptes of philosophye vnder mystycall fabuls) that gyauntes the sonnes of the erthe, hauynge feete lyke serpentes, dyd caste mountaynes vpon montaynes that reached vp to heuen, and so standynge vpon them warred agaynst the goddes. What sygnifieth this fable? Su∣erly that certeyne vngodly per∣sones / wylde / and of an vngentle nature dyd greatly abhorre from matrimonyall concord / and ther∣fore they were caste downe hede∣longe with Iuppiters thunder bolt / that is to saye / they vtterly decayed and cam to nought, sythe they eschued the thynge, wherby mankynd is only preserued. But the selfe same poetes haue feyned that Drpheus beyng a poete and a mynstrell dyd moue with the swete note of his musycall instru mēt ye hard rockes of stone. What meaned they hereby? Nothynge els, but that a wyse & an eloquent man dyd fyrst prohybet the stony men / and whyche lyued after the maner of wylde beastes / frome leyng at large / & brought them to the holy lawes of matrymonye. Wherfore it appereth euydently that who so euer is nat touched with desyer of wedlocke semeth to be no man, but a stone / an en∣nemy to nature / a rebelle to god / by his owne foly sekynge hys de∣cay and vndoynge. But goo to, sythe we be fallen into fabuls no thynge fabulous nor veyne / the same Drpheus whē he descended downe to hellys and ther moued Pluto lord of hell and the soules ther abydyng on suche wyse that he myght easely leade away with hym Euridice his wyfe / what other thynge suppose we that the poetes thought, than that they wold commend vnto vs the loue of wedlocke, whyche also in helle is counted holy and relygyous? Hereunto also belongethe, that the antyquite made Jupiter lord of wedlocke, and named hym for the same purpose Gamelium / & made Juno the lady of women in chyldbed, callyng her pronubam and Lucinam, Superstityous∣ly errynge (I graunt well) in the names of the goddes, but nat er∣rynge in this that they iudged matrimony a thyng holy & wor∣thy to be regarded of the goddes. Surely there haue bene dyuerse lawes / cerymonyes / and vsages among dyuerse peoples and na∣cions. But ther was neuer naci∣on so barbarous / so farre from al humanite / with whom the name of wedlocke hathe nat be recoun∣ted holy / hathe nat be recounted worshypfull. This the Thrasian this the Sarmate / this the man of Inde, this the Greke / this the Italion / this the Brytan furdest of all the worlde, or if ther be any further then they, haue had in hyghe reuerence. And why so? For of necessyte that thynge must nedes be cōmen, whyche the com∣men parent of all / hathe empryn∣ted, and so inwardly emprynted, that the sense and feelynge of it, hath nat onely perced ye turtyls / and the doues / but also the moste cruell wyld bestes. For the lyons be gentil and meke to theyr lyon∣nesses. The tygrees fyght for theyr whelpes. The asses stycke nat to renne thrugh fyers leynge in theyr waye for the sauegarde & defence of theyr fooles. And thys they call the law of nature which as it is most stronge, so it is most large. Wherfore lyke as he is no A simili∣tude. dilygent husband, which conten∣ted with the thynges present, ten∣dethe ful curiously the trees redy growen / but hathe lytle regarde outher of settyng or of graffyng / because yt of necessite within few yeres those orcheyardes (be they neuer so well kepte) must decaye and become desolate. So in lyke wyse he is to be iudged an vndy∣ligent cytizē in ye publyke weale, which cōtented with the cōpany present, hath no respecte nor con∣sideraciō to supply newe in place of the olde. Noman therfore haue ben counted a noble and worthy citizen, which hath nat bestowed his dilygence in begettyng chyl∣derne and bryngynge them ver∣tuously vp. Among the Hebrues & Persyans he was most hyghe∣ly commended, yt had moste plen∣ty of wyues, as thoughe the con∣tre were most bound to hym, that with most chyldern had enryched it. Do ye studye to be more holy then was Abraham? He shuld ne∣uer haue ben called Pater multa∣rum gentium that is to say / the Father of many peoples / and that of goddes owne mouthe, if he had fledde the company of hys wyfe. Do ye labour to be reputed more religious thā Iacob? He stycked nat to bye his wyfe Rachel with so longe apprentyshode and bon∣dage. Be ye wyser than Solo∣mon? But what a flocke of wy∣ues keapte he at home? Be ye chaster then Socrates? Whyche suffered at home in hys house Xantippe that wayward woman nat only (as he was wont to geste hym selfe) because he myght lerne pacyence at home, but because he wolde seme nat to halt in thoffyce of nature. For he a man (whome the dyuine answere of Apollo on∣ly iudged wyse) vnderstode full wel, that vnder thys lawe & con∣dition he was begotten, to thys he was borne / this he dyd owe to nature. For if it haue bene well sayde of the olde phylosophers / if it haue bene nat without cause cō fermed of oure dyuines, if it haue bene ryghtly euery where pro∣nounced as a prouerbe, that god A pro∣verbe. nor nature haue made no thynge frustrate nor in vayne / why (I pray you) hath god geuē vs these membres? why these pryckes and prouocatiōs? why hath he added the power of begettynge, if ba∣chelarshyp be taken for a prayse? yf one wold gyue you a pretious gyfte, as a bowe / a garment / or aswerde, ye shuld seme vnworthy the thyng that ye haue receyued, if outher ye wolde nat, or ye could nat vse it. Where as all other thynges be ordeyned by nature with moste hygh reason, it is nat lykely that she slumbered & slepte in makyng only this pryue mem bre. Nor I here nat hym whiche A confu∣tation. wyll saye vnto me that / that foule ychynge and pryckes of carnall lust haue come nat of nature, but of syn. What is more onlyke the trowth? As though matrymony (whose offyce can nat be executed without these pryckes) was nat before syn. Moreouer in other bestes I praye you from whens commeth those pryckes and pro∣uocations? of nature, or of synne? wonder it is if nat of nature. And as touchyng the fowlnes / surely we make that by our imaginaciō to be fowle, which of the selfe na∣ture is fayre and holy. Els, if we wolde weygh the thynge, nat by the opynyon of the people, but by the very nature, howe is it les fowle (after ye maner of wylde bestes) to eate / to chaw / to dygest, empte the bely, thā to vse the law full & permytted plesure of the bo dy? But vertue (ye say) is to be obeyed rather than nature. As thoughe / that is to be called ver∣tue whyche repugneth with na∣ture, from whens if vertue haue nat his fyrste begynnynge, certes it can nat be it, whyche may with excercyse and lernynge be made perfecte. But the apostles lyfe de∣lyteth you, for they also folowed bachelarshyp, and exhorted other to the same. Lette thapostolycall men folowe thapostles, whyche (because there offyce is to teche & instructe the people) can nat both satisfye theyr flock & theyr wyfes, if they shuld haue any. How be it that thappostles also had wyues, it is euidently clere. Let vs graūt bachelarshyp to ye bishops. What do ye folowe the appostes forme of lyuynge, beynge so farre from the offyce of an apostle, syth ye be a man bothe temporall and also without offyce? It is lycenced them to be without wyues, to the entent they may the better attend to begette the more chylderne to Christ. Let this be ye pryuilege of prestes & relygyous men, whych (as it appere) haue succeded the Essenes forme of lyuyng whych damned holy matrymony. Your estate requireth otherwyse. But Chryst hymselfe (ye wyl say) haue pronounced them blessed whyche Mat. 19. haue gelded thē selfes for the kyng dom of god. I reiecte nat the au∣thoryte, but I wyl expound Chri stes meanynge. Fyrste of all, I thynk this sayng of Chryst to ap∣perteine especially to those times when it was expediēt to be moste redy & lose frō all wordly bussy∣nesses. Then was the tyme that they shulde fle & ren hyther & thy∣ther through all landes, the perse cutoure was at hande on euerye syde. But now such is the state of thynges & tymes, that no where ye may fynd the purenes and per fection of maners les spotted and contaminate, than amonge wed∣ded persons. Let the swarmes of monkes, fryers, chanons, & nun∣nys auaunce theyr professyon as moch as them lust. Let them bost as moch as they wyll, theyr cery∣monyes & dysguysed cotes (wher by they be chefely knowen from the tēporall) suerly the most holy kynd of lyfe is wedlocke puerly & chastly kept. Forthermore nat he onely geldeth hymselfe which ly∣ueth without a wyfe, but he why che chastly & holyly doth thoffyce of wedlocke. And wold god they were trewly chaste, so many as cloke theyr vyces vnder the glo∣ryous tytle of chastite and castra tyon, whyche vnder the shadowe of chastyte doo more fowly rage in fylthy and bestely abhomyna∣tion. For I am ashamed, so helpe me god, here to reken vp, in to what shamefull abhominatyons they ofte tymes falle, whyche doo thus repugne agaynste nature. To be shorte, Christ neuer com∣maunded bachelarshyp to none erthly persone, but he openly for∣byddethe deuorcement. Suerly He thyn∣kethe yt expedyēt for pre∣stes to haue wy ues. me thynke, he shulde be nat the worste counsellour for ye cōmune weale (cōsyderyng the fashyons & manners of men) whyche wolde graunt also the prestes & relygy∣ous persons lycence to mary, na∣mely sythe ther is euery where so greate a multytude of prestes, of which (alas) how few lyue a chast lyfe? How moch better were it to tourne theyr cōcubyns into wy∣ues, so that those whome they haue nowe with greate infamye, and with an vnquyet conscyence, they myght then haue openlye with an honeste fame, and beget chylderne whom they may loue as trewly legytymate, and bryng them godly vp, so that nother the father shall be ashamed of them, nor they of ther father. And this (I trow) the officyals of byshops shulde haue procured long a go, but that greater gaynes aryse by the concubyns, then shuld by the wyues. But virgynyte (ye wyll A confu∣taryon. say) is a dyuyne thynge, an ange∣lycall thyng. Trewthe it is, but, on the contrarye syde, wedlocke is an humane thynge. I nowe speke to a man beynge my selfe a man. A cōmēdable thyng, certes, is virgynite, but yet so that this prayse be nat transferred to ouer many, whyche commendation if euery man commenly wyl begyn to vsurpe, what can be sayde or thought more hurtfull and more {per}nycious than virginyte? More ouer thoughe in other men vir∣gynyte shuld moste of all deserue prayse, yet suerly i you it can nat lacke blame, in whome it nowe standeth to preserue youre no∣ble stocke, worthy of an immor∣tal contynuāce. Fynally he is but a very lytle of, from the prayse of virgynite, whyche kepeth purely the law of wedlocke, and whyche hath a wyfe to the cntent to beget chylderne, and nat to satysfy hys wanton luste. Yf the brother, in the law of Moses, be commaun∣ded The sues lawe. to rayse the seade of his bro∣ther, whych dyed without yssue, wyll ye suffre the hope of your whole lygnage to be vtterly ex∣tynte, namely syth it is returned to you only? Nor I am nat so ig∣norāt but yt I know welynoygh that the praises of virginite haue ben rehersed, and celebrate with great volumes of sum of our olde fathers. Among whom Hierome Hierome so auaūceth it, yt in maner he des∣piseth wedlocke & was prouoked of the byshoppes that were of the trew opinyō to rechaūt & synge a newe song. But let this heate be graunted to those tymes. Howe I wolde wysh those yt thus euery where without dyscretion do ex∣horte the youthe (nat yet knowen to them selfes) to bachelarshyp and vyrgynyte, to bestowe theyr labour in descryuynge the forme of chaste & pure matrimony. But yet they whyche ar so well plea∣sed with virginite be nat dysplea sed with the warres agaynste the Turkes whyche passe vs so farre in numbre, whose iudgement if it be ryght, it shall folowe that it be chefcly thought ryght & holy, busyly to beget chylderne & sup∣plye youthe suffycyent for the vse of the warres. Except perchaūce they thynke to prepare gonnes, weapōnys, shyppes to ye warrrs, & thynke lytle neade of men. The same do alow to slee wt the swerd the parentes of infideles, to the in tent that theyr chylderne myght be baptysed, yea vnknowyng al∣so. If this be trewe, howe gentyl ler a dede were it to brynge the same to effecte with the offyce of intermaryinge, eche with other. No nation is so cruel that abhor reth nat the murdre of infauntes. Lawes of princes in maner with lyke rigoure punyshe them that cause that, which is conceyued in the womā to com forth deed, and them that make them baren with medycynes. Why so? Forther is smal diuersyte betwyxt hym that murdereth that whyche begynne to be borne, and hym whych pro∣cureth that nothyng can be borne Thys that in your body eyther dryeth vp, or with ye great daun∣ger of your helth putryfyeth and corrupteth, whyche in your slepe falleth away, had ben a man if ye were a man your selfe. The olde lawe of the Iewes curseth hym whych when he is commaunded to lye with his brothers wyfe yt is deade, casteth his seade on the erth that nothyng shuld be engen¦gred, and is iudged vnworthy lyfe, whyche enuyeth lyfe to the frute yt is to be borne. But howe lytle from hym differ they, which haue enioyned themselfes perpe∣tuall barrennesse? Do they nat seme to kyl so many mē, as shuld haue ben borne, if they had gyuē theyr labour to the begettynge of chylderne? I pray you if a manne haue a pece of groūd rancke of na ture, whyche vntylled, he suffreth to be contynually barren, is nat this man punyshable by ye Ciuile lawe, bycause it is for the profete of the commuue wele that euery man tendeth well his owne? Yf he be punyshed whych neglecteth his grounde whych (be hit neuer so well tyld) bryng forth nothyng els than wheate / or beanes / or pese, what punyshment is he wor thy whyche refuseth to tylle that groūd which tylled beareth men? And in tyllage of the erthe is re∣quyred a longe and paynefull la∣bour, here the short tyllage is al∣so entysed with a pleasure / as it wer a reward prepared therfore. Wherfore if the sense of nature, if Aepiloge honestye / if naturall affectyon / if deuotion / if gentelnes / if vertue any thynge moue you, why ab∣horre ye from that whych god or∣deyneth, nature enacteth, reason entyseth / the scryptures bothe of god and man prayse / the lawes commaūde, the whole cōsent of al natyons approue / to whyche the ensample of euery good man pro uoketh? That if the most parte of thynges (yea whyche be also byt∣ter) ar of a good mā to be desyred for none other purpose, but by∣cause they be honeste, matrimony doutles is chefely to be desyred wherof a man may dout whether it hath more honesty thā pleasure For what thynge is sweter, then with her to lyue, with whome ye may be most streyghtly copuled, nat onely in ye beneuolence of the mynd, but also in the cōiunction of ye body. Yf a greate delectation of mynde be taken of the beneuo∣lence of our other kynsmen, sythe it is an especyall swetnes to haue one with whom ye may commu∣nycate the secrete affectyons of your mynde, with whom ye may speake euen as it were with your owne selfe, whom ye may sauely truste, whyche supposethe your chaunces to be his, what felycyte (thynke ye) haue the coniunction of man and wyfe, than whych no thynge in the vnyuersall worlde may be founde outher greater or fermer? For with our other fren∣des we be conioyned onely with the beneuolence of myndes, with our wyf we be copuled with most hyghe loue, with permyxtyon of bodyes, with the confederate bād of the sacramēt, and fynally with the felaweshyp of all chaunces. Furthermore in other frēdshyps, howe greate symulation is ther? howe greate falsyte? Yea they, whome we iudge ouer best fren∣des, lyke as the swalous flee awaye, when somer is gone, so they forsake vs, when fortune tur neth her whele. And somtyme the frescher frende caste out the olde. We here of fewe, whose fydelyte endure tyll theyr lyues end. The wyues loue is with no falsite cor rupted, with no symulation ob∣scured, with no chauuce of thyn∣ges mynyshed, fynally with deth only (nay nat with deth neyther) with drawen. She, the loue of her parentes / she, the loue of her systers / she, the loue of her bre∣therne despyseth for the loue of you, her onely respecte is to you, of you she hangeth / with you she coueteth to dye. Haue ye ryches? ther is one yt shall saue it / ther is one yt shall encrease it. Haue ye none? ther is one that may seke it yf ye haue wealth / your felycyte is doubled / if aduersyte, ther shal be one whych may conforte you, whych may syt by your syde, whi∣che may serue you / which may co uet your greffe to be hers. Do ye iudge any pleasure to be cōpared with this so great a coniunctiō? Yf ye tary at home ther is at hand whyche shall dryue away ye tedy∣ousnes of solytary beyng. Yf frō home / ye haue one that shall kysse you whē ye departe / long for you whē ye be absent, receyue you ioy ously whē ye returne. A swete cō∣paygnyon of youth / a kynd solas of age. By nature yea any felaw∣shyp is delectable to mā, as whō nature hath created to beneuolēce and frendshyp. Thys felawshyp then howe shall it nat be moste swete, in whyche euery thynge is comune to them bothe? And con∣trarily, if we se the sauage bestes also abhorre solytarye lyuynge & delyted in felawshyp, in my mynd he is nat onys to be supposed a man, whych abhorreth frō this fe lawshyp most honest & plesaūt of all. For what is more hatefull thē yt man which (as though he were borne onely to hymself) lyueth for hymselfe, seketh for hym selfe / spa reth for hymself / doth cost to hym selfe, loueth no persone, is loued of no persone? Shall nat suche monstre be adiudged worthy to be caste out of all mens compa∣nye into the mydde see with Cy∣mon the Athenyense, whyche be∣cause he fledde all mens com∣paygny, was called Misanthro∣pus that is to say hateman? Ney ther dare I here propound vnto pou those plesures whyche (wher as they be naturally moste swete to man) yet (I can nat tell how (of the greate wyttes they be dyssem bled, rather than despysed. Albe it, who can be borne with so rigo rous a dysposytion (I wyll nat saye dumppyshe and dastardly) whyche maye nat be taken with suche kynde of pleasurs, namely if he maye attayne them without the offense of god & mā / without the losse of his good name? Cer∣tes I wold cal hym no man but a playne stone. Albeit, that plesure of bodyes is the leste parte of the goddes that wedlock hathe. But ymagyn that ye can contempne this, as vnworthy tor a mā (how be it without these we deserue nat onys the name of a man) let it be put (if ye wyll) a monge the most base commodytes of wedlocke / nowe syr what can be more amia ble then chaste loue / nay what more holy & honest? There accres seth by the meanes a swete flocke of alyesses / ther is dubled the nū∣bre of parentes / of bretherne / of systerne / of neuewes. For nature can gyue one only mother / one only father. By wedlocke, an other father / an other mother is goten, whiche (because they haue cōmitted theyr owne fleshe vnto you) can nat but loue you moste tenderly. Nowe syr, how hyghly wyl ye esteame this thyng, when your fayer wyfe shall make you a father with a fayer chyld? When sum litle yong babe shall play in your halle whiche shall resemble you & your wyfe? Which with a myld lyspyng, or amyable stam-(merynge shal cal you dade. Now adde, vn to your wyfes loue, ye bond more strong then any adamāte, which nat dethe hym selfe can braste a sundre. Oh how blessed (sayth Flaccus) be they Horace. whom ye fast knot of wedlocke doth tey whose stedfast loue by no pleit cā starte Tyll only dethe them tweyne do parte. Ye haue them that may delyght your age / yt may close your eyes / yt may do thoffyce of the buryals / in whōe ye may seme regenerate / whome beynge a lyue, ye shalbe thought nat to haue dyed. Your gooddes which ye haue goten go nat to straūg heyres. Thus, whē ye ar passyng out of the worlde, & haue fully executed all to gether, yet nat dethe hym selfe can seme sharpe nor bytter vnto you. Age must crepe vpon vs all / whether we wyll or nat. By thys polecye nature hath prouided that in out chylderne & neuewes we may be renewed & florysh fresh agayne. For who cā bere age heuyly whē in hys sonne he beholdethe his owne vysage that he hymselfe bare whā he was yong? Deth is p̄pared for all. But by this only waye the prouydence of nature assayethe (as it were) a certayne immortalite, whyll she thus ma∣keth one thynge to yssue out of an other (lyke as a yong plante whi∣che is cut of, from ye tree sprigeth freshly vp) nor he semethe nat to be vtterly quēched, which dyeth, leuynge issue behynd. BUt I know well ynoughe The refu∣tation of the incō∣modities of marya ge. what among these, ye mur mure against me. A blessed thing is wedlocke, if al proue acording to the desire. But what if a way∣ward wyfe chaūceth? What if an vnchaste / what if vnnatural chyl∣derne? There wyll renne in your mynd thexamples of those whom wedlocke haue brought to vtter destruction. Heape vp as muche as ye can, but yet these be ye vices of men & nat of wedlocke. Beleue me, an euyll wyfe is nat wont to chaunce, but to euyll husbondes. Put thys vnto it / that it lyeth in you to chuse out a good one. But what if after the mariages she be mard? Of an euyll husbande (I wyll well) a good wyfe may be mard. but of a good / the euyll is wont to be refourmed & mended. We blame wyues falsly. No man (if ye gyue any credence to me) had euer a shrewe to his wyfe, but thrughe hys owne defaute. And of good parētes comūly be borne lyke chylderne. Howbeit the chyl derne also (howe so euer they be borne) communly do proue suche, as they be formed and fashoned in ther bryngyng vp. Nowe syr / I see no cause why ye shuld feare ielowsye. Thys is the syknes of folyshe louers. The chaste & law∣full loue knoweth no ielowsye. What do ye tragedes cum to your mynde? This aduouterous wo∣man stroke in sūder her husbond with an axe. This poysoned him. That woman with her hatefull maners did dryue her husbond to deth. Why rather do nat Cornelia wyfe to Ciberius Graccus cum to your remembraunce? Why do nat Alcestis so good a wyfe of nat so good an husbond? Why do stat outher Iulia wyfe of Pompei{us} or Portia the wyfe of Cato renne in your mynd? Why do nat Arte∣misea worthy eternall memorie? Why do nat Hypsicratea wyfe to Mithridates kynge of Pontus? Why com nat into your mynde yt most gentle behauiour of Tertia Aemilia ye wyfe of Scipio Afri∣canus? Why do nat ye faythfulnes of Turia? Why do nat Lucretia and Lentula cum in mynd? Why do nat Arria so hyghly commen∣ded of Plinie? Why do nat other innumerable, whose honest and chaste lyuynge / and faythfulnes towarde theyr husbandes coulde nat be altered nor corrupted nat by dethe? A rare byrd in erthe (ye say) is an honest woman. And ymagine ye agayne youre selfe worthy to haue a rare wyfe. A good woman (sayth ye wyse mā) is a great felicite. Be bold to hope oon worthy for yor maners. And very muche (as touchynge thys mater) lyeth in the fashonynge of her & in ye behauyng of your selfe towardes her whome ye chose. But sweter (ye wyll say) is liber∣te. Who so euer taketh a wyfe, taketh a payre of fetters whiche nothyng saue only deth can shake of. What can be swete to a man a lone? If libertie be swete, it were best (by myne aduyse) to take a cōpaygnion with whom ye may part this so plesaūt a thing. How beit, what is more free than this bondage, wher eyther is so bond to other that neyther wolde be enfraūchysed? Is nat euery man bound to his frende? Yet no man complayneth that hys liberty is take away. But ye feare leste if Orbitas dethe shuld take away your chyl∣derne ye shulde fall in to sorowe. Yf ye fere to be chylderneles, for this very cause ye ought to mary a wyfe whiche only may be the cause that ye be nat chyldernles. But what serche ye out so dily∣gently (nay so narouly and curi∣ously) al the incomodities of ma∣trimony, as who shulde say the sengyll lyfe had no incommodie at all? As who shulde saye, ther were any lyfe of man that is nat subiecte to al the chaunces of for∣tune. He must get hym out of the world which wyl bere no incom∣modite. That if ye wyll haue re∣specte to the lyfe in heuen, thys lyfe of man is to be sayd a dethe / & no lyfe. But if ye kepe your mind within ye boūdes of mans estate / nothyng is neyther sauffer, ney∣ther quieter, neyther pleasaūter, neyther amiablear, neyther hap∣pyer, than ye wedded lyfe. Marke the thyng by ye ende. Howe many se ye, whiche haue onys assayed wedlocke, that go nat gredely to it agayne. Dyd nat my frende Mauricius (whose excellent pru dēce is nat vnknowne vnto you) after the deth of hys wyfe whom he so singularly loued, marye the next monethe after a newe wyfe? Nat so greatly for thimpaciencie of hys luste, but he thought hys lyfe no lyfe without a wyfe, a swete company on of al thynges. Dothe nat Iouius our frende nowe wooe his fourth wyfe? So he loued them when they lyued yt he semed comfortles. So, when one dyed he hated to be a wydo∣wer, as thoughe he fayntly had loued them. But what reason we of honestie & plesauntnes, when nat only profete entysethe but al∣so necessite constrayneth to wed∣locke? Take matrimony awaye, and within fewe yeres mankynd shalbe vtterly gone. Xerxes kyng of Persea when he beheld out of an hyghe tower the great multi∣tude of men he could nat refrayne weapynge, bycause yt of so many thousandes of men, within thre score yeres none shulde be lefte a lyue. Why the thynge that he vn∣derstode of hys armye, do nat we cōsidre of al mankind? Wedlocke taken away, who one, of so many regions, prouinces, realmes, ci∣ties, townes, within an hūdreth yeres shalbe lefte alyue? Go we nowe and auaūce bachelarshyp, whiche bryngeth mankynd to de∣struction. What pestilence, what plage, can be sent on man eyther frome heuen or frome helle more hurtful? What of any flode can be feared more daungerous? What can be loked for, more heuy and greuous, though yt fyer of Phae∣ton shulde cum agayne whan all the worlde was destroyed with fyar, And yet (for al that) in suche trobelous sesons many are wont to be lefte alyue, but by bachelar∣shyp, suerly, nothing can be lefte. We se what a route of diseases, how many casualtyes, dayly and nyghtly lye in wayght vpon the fewenes of men. Howe many do the pestylence take away? Howe many do ye see swalo we vp? How many do batell consume. For I wyll nat speke of these quotydi∣ane dethes. Dethe flyeth aboute euery Where, he ronneth, he ca∣ryeth, he hasteth toquenche man∣kynd, and do we yet auaunce ba∣chelarshyp & flee wedlocke? On∣les perchaunce the lyfe of the Es∣sens and Dupolitans (whiche do dampne wedlocke) do please vs, whose pestilente sectes be multy∣plyed and encreased with vngra∣cious people neuer faylyng. Do we loke that god wyll geue vs ye same vertue that he hath geuen (as they saye) to the bees, so that without the cōpaynie of woman we myght be greate with chyld, & gather with our mouthes sedes of posterite out of the flowers? Do we requyre that lyke as the poetes fayne yt Minerua yssued out of Jupiters braynes, so in lyke maner chylderne shuld leape out of our hedys? Or (to be short) that accordyng to the olde fabuls, men shuld sprynge out of ye erthe, out of stones throwen forth, out of hard trunkes of trees? Out of the lappe of ye erth many thynges do sprynge without our laboure. Lytle plantes sprynge vp often∣tymes vnder the shadowe of theyr mother. But vnto man nature hathe gyuen one only way of de∣ryuyng yssue, whiche is, that by the mutuall laboure of man and woman mankynd shulde be pre∣serued, whiche if men wolde flee as ye do, truly these thynges which ye so hyghly auaūce shuld nat be. Ye auaunce bachelarshyp, ye magnifie virginite. But ney∣ther bachelars neyther virgyns shulde be if ye take away the vse of wedlocke. Why then is virgi∣nite preferred? Why is it in so hyghe reputacion, if it be the de∣struction of man? It was com∣mended / but for a time, and but in fewe, for it pleased god to she we to men a certayne token, and as it were a representacion of the heuenly lyfe where they neyther marye nor be geuen in mariage. Mat. 22. But for an example a fewe be suf∣ficient, a multitude is nat profy∣table. For lyke as nat al groūdes A symyly tude. (be they neuer so ranke) be sowen to the sustenaūce of man / but part is let a lone / part dyght to ye plea∣sure and feedyng of the eyes. For the very copie and plentie of the thyng in so muche arable ground suffreth sum parte to be lefte bar∣ren and fruteles. But if none at al were sowen, who seeth nat but that we muste returne to ye frute of trees wherwith they lyued in olde tyme before the inuencion of tyllage. So bachelarshyp in so greate a multitude of men / in a fewe (I graunt) is commēdable, in all, a thynge greatly to be dis∣praysed. But admyte yt in other men virginite had ye name of an hyghe vertue, yet in you suerly it shuld be vitious. For other men shal seme, to haue entēded a pure∣nes of lyuyng / ye shalbe iudged a trayterous murderoure of your lygnage, whiche, when ye myght haue maynteined by honest wed∣locke, ye haue suffred to peryshe by foule bachelarshyp. Admyt it lawfull, out of a greate numbre of chylderne to offer one virgyne to god. The vplandyshe men whiche dwell in the coūtree offer to god the fyrst of theyr frute / nat theyr whole croppe. But ye, must remembre that ye only be lefte the laste / and the leuynges of your stocke. And I pray you what di∣uersite is there whether ye slee or refuse to saue hym which may by you only be saued & easly saued? But the example of your syster A vio∣lation prouoketh you to chastite. Nay, for this very cause only, ye ought moste chefely to eschue bachelar∣shyp. For now ye vnderstand that the hope (which before was com∣mune to you bothe) of preseruing your stocke is reuolued and caste whole vpon your backe. Let us pardone the frayle kynde of the woman / let vs pardon the vndes∣crete age. The mayde ouercomen with sorow did a mys. Thrughe the entysmētes of folyshe women and folyshe fryars she hathe caste her selfe hedlong. Ye beyng elder muste nedes remembre that ye be a man. She wold nedes dye with her auncestres, but your laboure must be that they dye nat. Your syster hath withdrawen her selfe of her dutye, remembre now that ye ought to fulfyll the partes of two. The doughtars of Loth stycked nat to lye wt theyr father, iudgyng it better to mayntayne they? lygnage by vnlawfull and abhominable inceste than to suf∣fre it clene to fal awaye. And wyl nat ye then by matrimony which is, honest, holy, chaste, without offence, with hygh plesure mayn tayne your stocke, which shal els be vtterly extyncte? UUherfore let vs suffre them to folowe the lyfe of Hippo∣lytus, The cō clusiou. let them (I say) embrace bachelarshyp, whiche eyther can be husbandes but fathers can be none, or whose bare lyuynge is nat able to brynge vp chylderne / or whose stocke may be maintey∣ned by other, or suerly is suche, that better it were for the cōmune weale to be quenshed, than mayn teyned. But ye whā (wytnessyng the physician a man neyther vn∣lerned nor no lyar) ye seme by your nature very apte to engen∣dre muche posterite, whē ye haue greate enheritaūce, commynge also of a stocke, so good, so noble, that without greate synne and ye great hurte of the cōmune weale it can nat be quenched, further∣more sythe your age is iusty and floryshynge, nor ye lacke nat the beautie of ye body, and when ther is offered you a wyfe, so lusty a mayde, so well borne as may be, thaste, sobre, demure, godly, ha∣uyng an aungels face / with fayre landes, when your frendes be∣seche you, your kynred weape, your affinite cal on / your natyue coūtree requireth / the very deade corses of your auncestres rysyng out of theyr graues obteste the same of you, do ye yet tary, do ye yet thynke vpon bachelarshyp? Yf a thyng scase honest shulde be required of you / yf an hard thing, yet eyther the requestes of your frendes, eyther the loue of your stocke ought to ouercum your mynd. Howe muche then, more ryght and conuenicnt is it, that the teares of your frendes / the affection of your coūtree / the na∣turall loue of youre auncestres ought to obteyne yt of you, wher∣unto goddes lawes and mannys exhorte / nature pricketh / reason leadethe / honestie allurethe / so many cōmodities {pro}uoke / necessi¦te also cōstreyneth? But nowe we haue brought forthe argumentes abundantly ynoughe. I truste longe ago (throughe myne ad∣uertysmēt) ye haue chaunged your purpose / and applyed your mynd to holsom∣mer counselles. Fare ye well.
A00378.P4	An exhortation to the diligent studye of scripture, made by Erasmus Roterodamus. And tra[n]slated in to inglissh. An exposition in to the seventh chaptre of the first pistle to the Corinthians	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Roy, William, fl. 1527-1531, attributed name.", "Luther, Martin, 1483-1546. aut" ]	[1529]	In the londe of Hesse. M.D.xxix. xx daye Iunij. By my Hans Luft [i.e. J. Hoochstraten],	[At Malborow [i.e. Antwerp] :	eng	[ "Bible. -- N.T. -- Corinthians, 1st VII -- Commentaries -- Early works to 1800." ]	LActantius Firmianus / Christen Reader (who∣se eloquēce sanct Hie∣rome doth greatlie ava∣unce) endeveringe hym silf to defende and ma∣yntayne the chasten fa∣yth and religion / against the craftye and vnfaithfull gentles / did wi∣she and desyre with fervent affection to at∣tayne the eloquence next vnto Tullyes / co∣uninge it an hygh presumptyou (as I thin∣ke) yf he shuld have desyred equall. How be yt I truely / yf that wisshes coulde eny thin∣ge avaylle / at the leste while I exhorte and entyse all mortall men vnto the most holye and holsome studye of Christian wisdome / and pure Philosopye / wold hartelye desy∣re an other manner of eloquence to be gevē vnto me / thē ever cicero had / all though not so gloriouslie painted & coloured as his was yet truely of more power & efficacite / yee soch a vehemēt persuasion & strength of eloquēce wold I desyre / as ye fables of old poetes ha∣ve noted in mercurius / whō they fained (as it had bene with a rodde of inchuntemēt / & a melodious harpe) to cast mē en to a sodē & oblivious slepe / & againe to reyse thē at his awne pleasure / depressīge some (yt are allec∣ted with his hevēly armonye) in to ye depthe of plutos īpery. And brīgīge thē againe out of all veacions Other soch as they ascribed to Amphion & Orpheus / for they imagine that ye one with his armonious harpe dyd move the stiffe stones. And that the other made to folow hī the insensible trees. Other soch as the fren∣shmen applye to Hercules Ogmius fainī∣ge hat he leadeth aboute all men with hys godly eloquēce as it were with certen smale chaynes which are tied vnto his tonge and runne thorow every mannes ceres. Other soch as the dooinge old age did attribute vnto marsyas. O els truly (because we wyll not be longe in repetynge fables) soch as Alibiades hath graunted vnto Socrates. And the old comedye vnto pericles / whiche maye not onlye entyse and delite the ceres with a shorte and corruptible delectacion or pleasure. But also maye leve perpetuall pri∣kes and instigacyons in the mindes of the hearers / which may ravysshe and transfor∣me them / and lve them in an other mynde then they were before. The noble musicyon Timotheus (as we rade) with his proporci∣oned armonye was wont to enflame Alex∣ander the great conquerour with a fervent desyre to warre. And there have bene in tymes paste / that have counted nothinge of more power and efficacite then thenchaun∣tementes / which the Grekes calle epodas. Now yf there be eny soch kind of enchaun∣tement or charme. Yf there be eny strenght in mus ad armonye. Yf there be eny ple∣asant persuasion / which hath power to al∣lecte mannes mind in to here sentence / the same at this ceasn / wold I gladly obtaine to thentent that I might persuade vnto all men that thinge which is most holsome ād most profitable vnto them. All though it we¦re better / yee and more convenient to desyre that Christ him silfe (whos cause I entrea∣te) wold so tempre the stringes of oure in∣strument / that this songe may prosperousl entyse and mov / the mindes of all mē. For this porp ewe nede but lytle the painted argumen and coloured conclusions of ye Rhetorins / for nothinge so surely can garnisshe and performe that / that we desy∣re as the truthe it silf / which whē it is most plaine and simple / is of most vehemen f∣ficacite in persuading. Nether do I coune it best at this tyme to revocat and call to memorye the sorowfull complain to (all th∣ough it be not new yet alas it is to ue / and I thinke it could never be more iutlye ve∣refied then at this present tyme) that syth with soch great diligence all mennes invē∣cyons are studyed and commended / yet on∣ly this immortall fontayne of Christes pure philosophye / is despysed and mocked of so many / yee and cheflye of them whiche pro∣fesse to be the heddes and examples of the Christen / few there are that seke these hol∣some springes of helthe / And yet they that seke them / do so vnfruetfully loke vpon them Adding their awne glosses and opinions that they seame rather to troble and defile these springes of liffe / then to drinke of thē swetely / that they might have in them silf floddes of livīge water / rūninge in to ever∣lastinge liffe / which both shuld be to the glo¦rye of god / and profitte of the Christen. We se that in all other sciences which by mannes polycy have bene invented / there is no misterye so darke and secrete / but that the quyckenes of oure witte hath attayned it / there is nothinge so harde / but that di∣ligent labour hath subdued it vnto him. how chaūceth it thē yt we embrace not / with faythfull hartes (as it is convenient) this pure philosophy / syth we professe the holy name of Christ? Platos adherentes / Pitha∣goras scholars: The Academikes / Stokes Epicures. The fautores of Aristotle and disciples of Diogenes / know grownd∣ly yee and by harte / the traditions of their awne secte / And fight most fersly for them Redye rather to dye / thē to forsake their pa∣trone and author. And why do not we moch more geve oure mindes and studyes / vnto oure master and prince Christ / who wold not count it a foule thinge / yce and a great re∣buke to him that professeth Aristotles phi∣losophye / if he be ignorant what his ma∣ster iudgeth / concerninge the cawses of the thunder / of the raynbow / of the erthqua∣kes / And of soch othernaturall causes? which though they were knowne or vn∣knowne / Make not thē that laboure to kno∣we them happye nor vnhappye. And shulde we which are so many wayes consecrated / and with so manye sacramētes bownde vn∣to christ: thinke it no shame awhitte / to be ig∣norant in his scripture and doctrine / which geve vs moste sure comforte and felicite? And which are the anker of the soule both sure and stable / preservinge vs from peris∣shinge in all tempestes of temptation? How be it / for what entent vse we this com¦parison / sith it is extreme madnes to com∣pare Christ with Zeno and Aristotle / and his hevenlye doctrine / with their tri felinge tra∣ditions. Let them fayne and imagyne vnto the captaynes of their secte as moch as they may / ye as moch as they will. Yet trulye. Only this master ād teacher / came from he∣ven / which alone could teach sure thinges / beinge the everlastinge wisdom af the father which alone hath taught holsom thinges / beinge the fundation of all mannes helthe: which alone hath fulilled to the vttermost poynte / al that he hath taught: and which a∣lone may parforme / what so ever he hath promised. Yf any thinge had bene brought from the chaldes or the Aegiptions / we wold the more gredelye desyre to know it / be cause it came farre / and from a strange contrye (yee it is the more deare and pre∣cious that comethe from a farre) And we are often times so grevouslye vexed aboute the dreame and phantasye of a folyssh felow (not only with small profute / but also with great losse of time) that it is shame to reher∣se it. I wonder yt this desire doth not likwisse ticle and entyse the Christen hartes / which know wel ynough (as the thinge is in dede) that this holsome doctrine came not from Aegipte or Syria. But from the very heven and sete of god. Why do we not thinke with oure selves on this maner / It must nedes be a new and mervelous kind of learninge / syth that god him silf which was immortall / be∣came a naturall man and mortall / descendin∣ge from the right hand of his father / in to this wretched worlde / to teach it vnto vs / It muste nedes be a highe and excellēt thin¦ge / and no trifle / which that hevenlye and mervelous master came o teach openlye. Why do we not go aboute to know / serch o trye out with a godly curiosyte / this fru∣etfull Philosophe? Sith that this kind of wisdome beinge so profounde and inscruta∣ble that vtterlye it damneth & confoundeth as folyssh all the wisdome of this world May be gadrd out of so small bokes out of moste pure springes / And that with moch lesse laboure / thē the doctrine of Ari∣stotle out of so many brawlinge and conten∣tious bokes / Or of soch infinite commen∣taryes which do so moch dissent / Be sides the incōperable frute which nedeth not he∣re to be spoken of. Nether is it nedefull that thou be clogged with so many irxome and ba belinge sciences / The meanes to this phi¦losophye are easy and at hand / do only thy diligence to bringe a godly and redy minde / cheflye endewed with plaine and pure faithe Be only desyrous to be instructe / and cōfir∣mable to this meake doctrine / And thou hast moch profited. Thy master and instructor (that is the sprete of god) will not from th be absent / which is never more gladly pre∣sent with eny / then with simple and playne hartes. Mennes doctrines and traditions (be sydes the promessinge of false felicite) do confounde many mēnes wittes / and ma¦ke them clene to despayre be cause they are so darke / craftye / and cōtentious / But this de∣lectable doctrine doth applye her silf equal∣lye of all men submittinge her silf vnto vs / while we are childer / temperinge her tune after oure capacyte / feadinge vs with milke / forberinge / norisshinge / sufferinge / and do∣inge all thinges / vntill we may encreasse / & wex greater in Christ / And contrarywisse it is not so lowe and depressed vnto the weake but it is as high and mervelous to the par∣fecte / Yee y• more thou wadest in the tresurs of this sciēce / the farther thou arte from at∣tayninge her mageste. To the childer she is lowe and playne / and to greatter / she sea∣meth aboue all capacite. She refuseth no a∣ge / no kinde / no fortune / no state and condi∣tion. In so moch that the sonne is not more comen and indifferent to all men / then this doctrine of Christe. She forbeddeth no man at all: Except he abstayne willinglye / envy∣inge his awne profitte. And trulye I do gre¦atly dissent from those men / whiche wold not that the scripture of Christ shuld be trā∣slated in to all tonges / that it might be re∣ade diligently of the private and seculare men and women / Other as though Christ had taught soch darke and insensible thin∣ges / that they could scante be vnderstonde of a few divines. Or els as though the pithe and substance of the christen religion consi∣sted chefly in this / yt it be not knowne. Par∣aventure it were moste expedient that the co∣uncels of kinges shuld be kept secret / but Christ wold that his councelles and misteri∣es shuld be sprede abrode as moch as is pos¦sible. I wold desire that all women shuld re∣ade the gospell and Paules epistles / and I wold to god they were translated in to the tonges of all men / So that they might not only be read / and knowne / of the scotes and yryshmen / But also of the Turkes and sar∣racenes / Truly it is one degre to good livī∣ge / ye ye first (I had almoste sayde the chef∣fe) to have a litle sight in ye scripture / though it be bt a grosse knowledge / ād not yet cō∣sūmatte) Be it in case that some wold laugh at it / yee and that some shuld erre and be deceaved) I wold to god / ye plowmā wold singe a texte of the scripture at his plowbe∣me / And that the wever at his lowme / with this wold drive away the tediousnes of ty∣me. I wold the wayfaringe man with this pastyme / wold expelle the werynes of his iorney. And to be shorte I wold that all the communication of the christen shuld be of the scripture / for in a maner soch are we oure selves / as oure daylye tales are. Let every man prospere / and attayne tha he may / And declare effectuously his mind vnto his neghburre / Let not hī that cometh behinde envye the foremoste / Let also the formoste allecte him that foloweth / ever exhortinge him not despayre. Why do we applye only to certayne the professiō / / which is indifferent and comen to all men? Ne∣ther trluy is it mee (syth that baptime is eqully comē vnto all Christen men / wher∣in consisteth the first profession of the chri∣sten religion. Sith other sacramentes are not private / and to conclude. Sith the rewarde of immortalite partaineth indyffe∣rently vnto all men / that only the doctrine shuld be banisshed from the seculare / and possessed only of a few whom the comunalte call devines / or religious parsons. And yet I wold that hese (allthough they be but a small company in comparison to the hole numbre which bere the name of Christ and are called Christen) I wold (I saye) desyre with all myn harte / that they were in dede soch as they are called / for I am a frayde that a man may fynde some amonge the di∣vines whiche are far vnworthy their na∣me and title / that is to saye / which spea∣ke wordly thinges and not godly: yee and amonge the religious whiche professe the poverte of Christ And to despise the worl∣de / thou shalt finde more wordlye pleasure and vanyte / then in all the world be sydes. Hym do I counte a true divine which not with craftye and sotle reasons. But that in harte / countenance / eyes / and lyffe doth te∣ach / to despyse riches. And that a Christen ought not to put confidence in the sucker / and helpe of this world: But only hole to hange on heven. Not to avenge iniurye. To pray for them that say evyll by vs. To do good agaynst evyll. That all good men shuld be loved and norisshed indifferent∣ly / as the membres of one bodye. That evyll men yf they can not be reformed and brou∣ght in to a good ordre ought to be suffered. That they whiche are despoyled of theyr goodes / and put from their poessions And morne in this world / are verye blyssed and not to be lamented. That death is to be desyred of the Christen / syth it is nothinge elles / But a goynge to immortalyte. Yf eny man beynge enspired with the holy goste do prechand teach these and soch other thin∣ges / If eny man exhorte / entyse / and bol∣den his neghbore vnto these thinges / he y a very and true devine / though he be a we∣ver / yee though he dygge and delve. But he that accomplissheth ād fulfylleth these thī∣ges in his liffe and maners / he verely is a great doctor. Paraventure another whiche is not Christen shall more subtyllye dispu∣te / by what maner the Angelles vnder∣stond: How be it to persuade and exhor∣te / that we may here lyve pure and imma∣culate from all vices and iniquites. And to lede an angelles liffe / that is the office and deutye of a Christen and devine. If eny man wold obiecte / and say that these are grosse / and vnsavery thinges. To hym wold I none other wysse answere. But that Christ chefly hath taught these thinges. And that the Apostles to these have vs exhorted. This learninge and doctrine be it never so vnsaverye hath brought vs forthe so many good christen / and so thike swarmes of fa∣ithfull martyrs. This vnlearned (as they cal¦le it) philosophy / hath subdued vnder her la∣wes the most noble princes so many king∣doms / so many nations: whiche thinge no kinges power. Nother learninge of the phi∣losophers was ever able to bringe to passe: Nother will I resist thē but that they maye dispute their profounde and sotle questions (yf it please them) amonge the more perfecte / how be it the rude multitude of the christen may be comforted / be cause truly thappost∣les did never teach soch thinges. Whether they knewe them or no I wold other men shuld iudge. But truly yf that the princes for their parte wold remembre them selves / and go aboute to fulfyll with purenes of lyvinge / this humble and rude learninge (as they call it) If the prechers in their sermones wold avaunce this doctrine / exhortinge all men vnto it / and not to their awne phanta∣syes ād imaginacions. If scolemasters wold instructe their chyldren rather with thys symple scyence then with the wittye tradi∣cyons of aristotle and averroys. Then shuld the Christente be more at quyetnes. And not be disturbed wyth soch perpetuall stormes of dissentyon and warre. Then shuld thy vnreasonable desyre of avarice / which ap∣peteth riches insatiablye whether it be ri∣ght or wronge / be somedealle aswaged / ād cease of his rage. Then shulde these conten∣tious pleatinges / which now in all thinges admixte them selveshave an ende. For no man wold resiste evyll / and to be shorte. Then shuld we not differ only in title and certen ceremonyes from the hethen and vn∣faythfull. But rather in the pure conversa∣tion of our liffe. And no doute in these thre degrees of men / that is to saye. In princes ād officers which are in their stede. In bis∣shopes and other prestes which are their vi∣cars. And in them that bringe vpe the ten∣der youth / which are formed ād reformed even as their master entyseth them Doth chefly consiste the hole power other to en∣creasse the christian religion. Or elles to re∣store it againe which hath longe bene in de∣caye. Now yf these wold a whyle seclude theyr awne private busynesse and lyfte vp∣pe their hartes with a pure entent vnto chri∣ste seakynge only hys glorye / and the profyte of theyr neghbore / we shulde se¦verely wyth in few yeares / a true and godly kinde of Christen springe vp in eve∣rye place / which wold not only in ceremo∣nies / dispitions / and titles professe the na∣me of Christ. But in their very harte ād true cōversatiō of levinge. By this armure shuld we moch soner prevaile agaynst the vnfa∣ythfull / and ennymyes of Christ / then with strenghte violence / and threatteninges. Let vs ioyne to gedder all armyes / powers / and might of swerde / yet is there nothinge strō∣ger thē the trueth. We can not calle eny mā a platoniste / vnles he have reade the workes of plato. Yet call we them Christen / yee and devines / which never have reade the scrip∣ture of Christ. Christ sayeth / he that loveth me doth kepe my sainges / this is the know∣lege and marke whiche he hath prescribed. Therfore yf we be true Christen men in ou∣re hartes / yf we beleve vnfanedly that he was sent downe frō heven to teach vs soch thinges as the wisdome of ye philosophers could never attayne If faythfully we truste or loke for soch thinges of him / as no word∣ly prince (be he never so rich) can geve vnto vs: why have we eny thinge in more reverē∣ce and authorite / then his scripture / worde / and promisse / which he lefte here among vs to be oure consolacyon? Why recounte we eny thinge of gravite or wisdom / which dis∣senteth frō his doctrine? Why in this hevēly and misicall learninge do we countre / and discant runnīge more at ryote / Thē the co∣men and porophane intevretors / in the cy∣ville lawe / or bofes of Phisike? Wyndinge oure selves in it as in a tryfelinge game / or atter of smalle substance / commentyng / ossinge and wrstinge it even as it comet to oure tonges ende. We apply and drawe / this hevenly and vnspotted doctrine vnto oure liffe. And measure it after our yne conversation accordinge vnto the maner of the lesbes which bende their rule to the fa∣cyon of their stone or tymbre / And cut no their stone and imbe to the rule. And be¦cause we will not be sene ignorāte in any thī∣ge / but rather that we have reade and know moch / we do (I dare not saye) corrupte the∣se frutefull springes / but that no man can de¦nye we appropriatie vnto a few men that thinge which Christ wold have most comē. And this kinde of philosophye doth rather consist in the affectes of the minde / then in sorle reasons. It is a liffe rather then a dis∣putacyon. It is an inspiracion rather then a science. And rather a new transformacion / then a reasoninge. It is a seldome thinge to be a well learned man / but it i lefull forc very man to be a true christē. It is lefull for every mā to lyve a godly lyffe / yee and I da∣re be bold to say it is lefull for everye ma to be a pure divine. Now doth every māne mynd incline vnto that whiche is holesome and expedient for his nature. And what o∣ther thinge ys thys doctrine of Christ whi∣che he calleth the new regeneracyon / But a rest orynge or reparynge of oure nature whi∣che in hys fyrst creacyon was good? A mā may finde verye many thinges in the gent∣les bokes / which are areable vnto this doc¦trine. All though no mā hath shewed it so ab¦solutely. Nether yet with soche efficacite as christ him silf / for there was never soch a rude and grosse secte of philosopye / whiche did teach that mānes felicite rested on mo∣nye / there was none so shamles to affirme ye the cheffe pointe & ground of goodnes con∣sisted in this wordly honoure and pleasurs The stoikes did knowledge that no mā might worthely be called wisse excepte he were a good ād vertuous lyver / nether that enythī∣ge was verelye good and honest / but only vertue. And that nothinge was evill and to be abhorred. But only vice and sinne / So∣crates (as plato maketh mention) did teach by many reasons / that iniurye ought not to be avenged with iniurye. Be taught also yt sith the soule is immortall / they are not to be morned for which departe hence / yf they ha∣ve leved well / be cause they are gone in to a more prosperous liffe. Finally he taught ād exhorted all men to subdue the affections of their bodyes. And to applye their soules to the contemplacyon of those thinges / whiche truly are immortall / all though they be not sene with these bodelye eyes. Aristotle wri∣teth in hys politikes that there can nothin∣ge be so swete and delycyous to man But that at somtyme yt doth displease hym on∣ly vertue excepte. The Epicure graunteth that there can be nothinge delectable and pleasante in this liffe except the mynde and conscience frō whence all pleasure springe be clere / and with out grutche of sinne / be¦sydes that there have bene some / that have fulfylled a great parte of thys doctrine. And chely of all Gocrates / Siogenes / ād Ep∣ictetus / how be it sith / Christ him silfe hath both taught and also done these thinges mo¦re consummatly then eny other / ys yt not a mervelous thinge that these thinges are not onlye vnknowen of them which professe the name of Christ. But also to be despised of them / yee and to be made a laughinge stoc∣ke? Yf there be eny thinge that goethe more nere to Christianite / let vs then disanulle these thinges / ād folow them. But sith the∣re is no nother thinge that can make a true Christen man / Why then do we recounte this immortall doctrine more abrogate and out of vse then the bokes of Moyses? The first poynte of Christianite is to knowe what Christ hath taught. The next is to do there after and to fulfyll it as nygh as god gveth vs grace / Nether thynke I that eny man wyll co∣unte hym silfe a faythfull Chrysten / be∣cause he can despute wyth a craftye / and tedious perplexite of wordes / of rela∣tyons / quiddityes / and formalites / But in that he knowledgeth and expresseth in de∣de those thinges which Christ both taught and accomplisshed. Nether speake I thy to discommende their studye & labour / whi∣che have exercysed their wittes in these sotle invencyons (for I wold offend no man) But rather be cause I beleve (as the matter is in deade) that the very pure and naturall phy∣losophe of Christ / can be gathered out so frutefully of no place / as out of the Gost∣pels and epistles of the apostle / in whiche yf a man will studye devoutelye attendinge m ore to prayer / thē arguinge) desynnge ra∣ther to be made a new mā then to be armed with scriptures vnto contentiō / he with out doute shall finde / that there is nothinge pertayninge vnto mannes felicyte / other cl∣les vnto eny operacion exedient vnto thi presente liffe. But it is declared / discussed / and absolutely touched. Yf we go aboute to lerne eny thinge / werfore shall an other ma∣ster and instructor more please vs then christ him silf? Yf we requyre a rule and forme to lyve after / why do we rather embrace an other example then the very first copy and patrone whyche is christe hymsilfe? If we desyre an holesome medycyne agaynst the grevous and noysome / lustes or apptytes / of oure myndes. Why seake we not here the most frtefull remedye? If we appee to quycken and refresshe with readinge / oure dull and fayntinge mynde. I pray the whe∣re shall we fynde soch quycke and firye spar∣kyls? If we covete to withdrawe oure min∣des frō the redious cares of this liffe / why seake we eny other delectable pastymes? why had we lever lerne the wisdom of Christes doctryne out of mēnes bokes / then of christ him silfe? Whyche in thys scripture doth chefly performe that thinge whiche he pro∣mysed vnto s when he sayd / that he wold conynew with vs vnto the ende of worlde. For in thys hys testament he speaketh / bre∣theth / ād lyveth amōge vs / in a maner mo∣re effectuallye / then when hys bodye wa presently conversante in this worlde. The Iewes nether sawe n hearde so moch. As thou mayst dayly both here and se in the scripture of Christe / there wanteth nothyn∣ge / but that thou bringe the heares and eyes of fayth where with he maye be harde and perceaved. What a mervelous worlde ys thys? We kepe the letters which are writ∣ten from oure frynde. We kysse them / and ere them aboute with vs. We reade them over twyse or thryse: And how many thou∣sandes are there amonge the Christen why∣che are extemed of greate litterature / And yet have not once in their lyvs Read ove he Gosple and Epistles of the Apostle. Mahumete adherētes are all well instru∣cte in their awne secte / And the Iewes vn∣to this daye even from their tender age stu∣dye diligently their Moses / Why do not we soch honour vnto Christe embrasinge his preceptes which bringe eternall liffe? They that professe saynt Benedictes insti∣tution (which is a rule both made of a mā that was but of small learninge and also wryten vnto the seculare / rude / ād vnlear∣ned) observe their example / lerne it by har∣te / and drinke it in to their hartes. Saynt Austyns adherentes are not ignorant in their rule / Saynt Franciskes fryers do know observe / and avaunce their patrones precep¦tes / yee and carye them aboute with them whether so ever they go Insomoche that they thinke not them selves in savete excep∣te their boke be with them. Why set they mo∣re by their rule which was writen of a man then the hole Christente by the holy scriptu∣re / which Christ did equallye preach vnto all men / which we have all professed in bap∣time? And to conclude / which is most holy amoge all other doctrines / and none to be compared with it / all though thou hepe sex hundreth to gedder / and I wold to god y• as Paule did write that the lawe of Moses had no glorye in comparison to the glorye of the gospell that succeded after it / that even so the evangelyes ād epistles were extemed of the Christen so holy or hadde in soch re∣verence / that the doctrynes o men in respe∣cte of them might scame nothinge holye / I am cōtēte that everye mā avaunce his doc∣tor at his awne pleasure / let thē extolle Al∣barte / Alexander / Saynt Thomas / Aegi∣dius / Richarde / and Occam / I will dimi∣nysshe no manes fame no glorye / Nother yet resiste and reprove the olde maner of stu∣dye / Let them be wittye / sotle / And in a ma¦ner above capacyte or angelic all / yet trulye must they nedes knowledge that these are most true / vndouted / and frutefull. Paule and saynte Iohan will that we iudge the spretes of prophetes whether they are of god or not / and Saynt Augustyne readinge all other mennes bokes with iudgement / requi∣rethe none nother authoryte to his bokys On¦ly in the scripture when he can not attayne a thinge / he submitteth him sylf vnto it / And oure doctor (which is Christ) was not alowed by the scoles of devines / but of the hevenly father his awne and goodly voyce beringe wytnes / and that twyse / first at Io∣dane as he was baptised / & after in his trās¦figuratiō on the mounte thabor / sayeinge / This is my welbeloved sonne in whom I am pleased / heare you him O this sure au∣horyte: which (as they saye) hath no cōtra∣dictiō / what signifieth this / heare you him: Trulye that he is only the true teacher and instructore / and that we ought only to be his disciples. Now let every man with their hole affectiō prayse their authores as moch as they will / yet was this voyce with out naye only spoken of Christ oure savyoure / vpon whom descended the holy gost in ly∣kenesse of a dove which did confirme the te∣stimonye of the hevenly father. Wyth this prete was Peter endued vnto whom the high shepard Christ / committed his shepe once / twyse yee thryse to be fed & noryssed / meaninge trulye no nother thinge but that he shuld instructe them / with the hevenly fode of Christian doctrine. In Paule / Christ se∣med in a maner new borne agayne / whom he him silf called a chosen wessel / ād a pu∣re peacher of his name and glorye. Saynt Iohan expressed in his learninge that thin∣ge whiche he had souked or dronke out of the holye fontayne of Christs boosome. What like thinke is there in dun (I wold not you shuld thinke that I speake it of en∣nye) what like thinge is there in saynt Th∣mas? how be it I commende this mannes olinesse / Ind mervell at the sole wit and iudgement of the other. Why do we not all applye oure diligente studye in these greate authors / I meane Christ / Peter / Paule / and Iohan? Why bere we not aboute these in ou∣re bosomes? Why have we them not ever in oure handes? Why do we not hūte / seke / ād serch oute these thinges with a curious di∣ligence? Why geve we a greater portion of oure liffe to the studye of Averrois / then to the Evāgely of Christ? why do we (in a ma∣ner) consvine al oure age in the decrees of men / and vayne opinions which are so con∣trarye and dissentinge amōge them selves? Be it in case they be greate devines that made soche constutions yet notwithstādin∣ge only in Christes worde consisteth the exer¦cyse / and invrance / of him which before god is reputed for a greate devine. It is mete that we all which have professed the name of Christ (at the leste if we have promised with mind ād harte) that we be instructe with the docryne of Christ / beinge yet tender infan∣tes in oure parentes armes / and wanton childn at oure nurses tete / for it is emprē∣ted most depe / And cleveth most surely / which the rude and vnformed shelle of oure soule do the first receave and learne. I wold oure first and vnformed speache shuld soun / de of Christe / I wolde oure ignorāte child∣hed shuld be enformed with Christes evā∣elye / and to thē I wold Christ shuld be so swetely taught / ye they might be enflamed to love him / And that after they shuld procede by a litle and a litle crepinge by the grovnde vntyll that by insensible incrementes they springe vp to be strōge in Christ. Other mē∣nes traditions are soche / that many repen∣te them selves because they have spente so moch studye and labour vpon them. And of∣ten it chaunceth that they which have moste manfully fought thorow all their liffe even vnto the death / to defende mennes doctri∣nes and decrees / Yet in the poynte of dethe have caste awaye their shilde / and have cle∣ne dissented from their authors secte. But blissed is he whom death assayleth / if his harte be hole occupied in this holesome do∣ctrine. Let vs therfore all with fervent desy∣re thriste after these sprituall spriges / Let vs embrace them. Let vs be studiously conver∣sante with thē. Let vs kysse these swete wor∣des of Christ with a pure affection Let vs be new tranformed into them for soche are ou∣re maners as oure studyes be yee (and to be shorte) let vs dye in them he that can not at∣tayne them (but who is he that can not if he will him silf) yet at the leste let him submit∣te him silfe vnto thē recountinge thē very ho¦ly / & as ye storehouse / or tresurye / of god∣des awne mide frō whēce cometh furthe all goodnes. If a mā wold shew vs a steppe of Christes foote / Good lorde / how wold we knele and worshuppe it? And why do we nor rather honoure his qwycke and lyvelye ima¦ge which is most expresslye contayned in these bokes? If a man wold bringe vnto vs Christes cooe whether wold we not runne hedlynge that we might once kisse it? How be it if thou bringe oute his coote / sherte / shoes / ād all his hous olde stuffe / yet is the∣re nothinge that doth more truly and expres∣sly represente Christe / then the gospels and epistles. We garnisshe or adorne an image of wod or stone with gold and precious stones for the love of Christe. But why are not the∣se thinges rather garnisshed with gold and gemmes / yce and more preciously / yf so eny thinge can be more precious then they / syth they represent moch more presentlye Christ vnto vs / then eny ymage cā do? As for yma¦ges / what thinge can they expresse but the fi∣gure of his bodye? yf they expresse that. But the evangely doth represent and expresse the qwicke and levinge ymage of his most ho∣ly minde / yee and Christe him silf speakin∣ge / healinge / deyenge / rysinge agayne / and to conclude all partes of him. In so moch that thou couldeste not so playne and frutefullye see him / All though he were presente before thy bodlye eyes. THe cause why the a∣postle did write this presente chapter was this. The Corinthiās whiche dyd receave the doctrine of Christe ād so did become his servantes / and specy∣ally they whiche before had folowed ye Ie∣wes wayes / did observe both the Euangely / and also the lawe of Moses. Now hadde Moses commaunded that every man shul∣de be maried. So that a man by the lawe of matrimony shulde be associate and kepe company with a womā / ād the womā with a man To lyve severall or single was thē cō∣dempned / as a state baren and vnfrutefull. The cause was this. God hadde promysed in the olde testamente that Christe shulde descende of the seede of Abrahā. Now did no body yet knowe what parsones were the seede that shulde begette him. It was ther∣fore necessaryly required that the Hebrues all / which were Iewes shulde be coniugate in mariage for honore ād love of this seede / and to engendre children vntill the advente and cominge of Christe. For this cause didde the Corinthyans de∣maunde / whether they were bounde to kepe the aforesayde lawe? And whethere yt was efulle for them to abyde ād lyve vnmaryed / when they had love and desyer vnto chasti∣te? And moste specially for so moche as by reasone of the euangely many other lawes were cassate / and anulled / and put vnto mā¦nes libertie to kepe them / or elles not to ke∣pe them. Their feble and weyke conscien∣ces cowde vnnethes leave the lawe of Mo∣ses / where vnto they hadde so longe time ād many ages bene accustomed. Vnto this doth sainte Paule here make them answeare saing that this is not only lefulle / but also good and profitable / yf so a man mindeth to lyve chaste / and hath love and delyte to the same. Not with standinge he doth here intrate of this mater both diligently and also warely / xtynge and intermedlinge all wayes matrimony. ¶Consider well the wordes / and beholde howe shortly he breaketh of / making digres∣sion from his firste sentence. Yt is sayeth he good / yf a man do not touche a woman. But in this he doth nother bydde / ne for∣bidde eny man so for to do / but incontinent he hyeth hym vnto matrimony. As yf he dyd feare soche a good thinge to be rare ād vnwonte / and that in tyme cominge wol∣de turne and be chaunged into fornicacyon. Afferminge that for love of avoydinge for∣nicacyon every man ought to have his wife Therfore this is his firste sentence or con∣clusion. That whosoever in him silfe doth not fele this godly ād good thinge I mea∣ne chastite: but doth fele and perceave in∣continency / Vnto him (I saye) is here com∣maundemente gyven / that he be maryed. And this commaundemēte oughteste thou to recave as the commaundement of God and not of man. Then here of doth folowe that no parsone may make a vowe or pro∣myse to lyve chaste and single. And that no parson is bounde to kepe and performe eny suche vowe once made / but rather to fordo vnkepe and breake them. When in him silfe he doth not fynde nor fele this precyous and goodly gyfte of chastite / but knoweth him sile prone to luste and incontinencye. For suche a vowe is playnly made againste this commaundemente. But againste the com∣maundemente of God may no vowe be ma∣de therfore yf eny suche vowe be made / he that shall observe and kpe t ys dam∣nabyll / yee and by the lawe of god all redye condemned. This thouchynge of women have some parsones diffined ād compased moche stra∣ytly. So yt they dare not touche a womans hande nor skynne. Moreover they have fo∣unde and imagined many both statutes ād ceremonyes / by whiche they might kepe thē selves from the company of women. So yt they shulde nother se nor heare them / sup∣posinge that by suche meanys they have ma¦de royall provision to lyve chaste / ād vnma∣ryed. And thus they that fyrste dydde byld monasteryes and abbyes thought that yon∣ge men myght be kepte pure & chaste / yf they ware absente from yonge women / and lyke∣wyse yonge womē from mē. But vnto what prefe and how fortunatly that thynge hath come to passe / and what place thrby hath bene geven to Sathan / it were horrible both to be spoken / and also to be hearde of. Suche parsones be as men are wonte to saye comonly more blinde then a betle. They wene that chastyte maye be dryvē in to a mā by outwarde meanes. When not whithstā∣ding / this hygh and hevenly gifte muste springe out from the inner partes of the har¦te. For all yf yt be manifestly knowne that lu∣ste is inflammed when man and woman do come to gether / Yet have they therfore not made all gates so royall a provision a∣gaynste luste / as they pretende / in that they are kepte separate from women / ād the wo∣men from men / for what avayleth me to see no woman / ne heare / nother yet touche hyr? yf my herte swymme fulle of them? yf in th∣ought it cleveth vn to them both daye and nyght? Yf it ymagine and purpose more fyl∣thines / then eny man is bolde to do? And what doth it profite to sperre and close in a yonge woman / that she can have no liberte nother to see ne heare a yonge man / when hyr harte with out ceasinge doth morne and sygh after suche one both dayes and nygh∣tes? The harte muste be geven vnto chastite. Elles all our enforsemente labour and dili∣gence shall be vnto vs grevous and payn∣full as helle and other like tormētes. Wher∣fore this saying of Paule muste nedes be vn∣derstande in sorete and in harte / on this wi∣se. That he shall be sayed not to touche a wo¦man / which with desyre of his harte / and with his awne poper wille doth outwardly kepe his body from women. And not he that is compelled outwardly to abstaine or kepe from women / inwardly in harte being fulle of luste and love towardes them. But suche are dissemblrs ād hypocrites / who∣se clennes and chastite glistereth before the worlde / but afore god it is loste and damna∣ble / yee it is doble lecherye / for saynte pau∣les saynge is frely spretuall. Wherfore it re∣quireth a fre sprete / ād in a fre sprete it mu∣ste be takē & receaved. But hypocrytes recea∣ve yt grudginly / making therof a dedde let∣ter / & a grevous lawe / that dyveth ād cōpe∣lleth thē. And so they make dānable & fay∣ned chastite by outwarde shunnīge & avoidī∣ge frō womē dolorous & paynfulle. Marke now whatkyn soulesleers they be whch so entise and provoke folisshe youth to vowe outwarde chastie causinge and compellin∣ge them to norisshe with in them inwardly hydden malyce and evyll / takinge no cōsy∣deraciō with them selves / whether the par∣sones whom they thus do entyse and move be lyke wise with harte and desyer sturred vnto the same / that ys to wytt vnto chastite or single livinge. But the more harde and paynfull yt ys to man / the more noble and precious do they wene that yt ys before god lyke wyse as yt ys wonte to be in other exte¦rio: hurtes / dāmages / and vexaciōs of ye bo∣dy. And they do not see yt this evill of stray∣ned and vnwill full cōtinēcy / & exterior pay∣ne or grefe of the body be no lesse differente then heven and erthe. For as touchinge other evilles / and gresis they may be endured and suffered wyth a meri conscience wyth out synne / and they do payne the body only But this evill and troble ys subiecte and in dawnger of sinne. Be cause yt can in no wy¦se be endured with a mery conscience. For yt ys synne and vnright wisnes in yt selfe Wherfore this evill of vnwilfull chastite can by no medicine be holpen and healed / onles when a man ys ridde from dawnger ofsinne. Whiche can be by no nother waies then by the healpe and remedy of mariage. But other exterior grefes or trobles concer¦ninge mānes body maye be holpen by pa∣cience / allthough a man be never ridde from them. And in this maner willeth sainte Pau∣le that saieng to be vnderstande. Yt ys good for a man not to touche a woman &c. So that this worde / good / be not vnderstande ne spoken of merite and deservinge before god. As though an vnmaried bodye were better a fore hym thā one yt ys maried lyke as before time sainte Hierome hath this tex¦te expowned. For yt concerneth only faith / and no dede or worke. And yt ys spoken of temporalle tranquillite / and quietnesse of this life. Whiche a single or vnmaried par∣sone hath before one that ys wedded and ma¦ried For one that ys single shall be quite and free from all miseries / vexacion / and drud∣gery / that befalle in wedloke or mariage. And for to telle yow shortly yt ys a ioyful∣le lovely precious and goodly gifte (yf so a man hath yt verily given him) to yve wyth a gladde harte and mynde syngle and chaste. But Paule hym sylfe shall here after excellētly descrybe vnto yow what he entendeth by suche goodnesse. For yt was not syttyng for him that so dyd com∣mende virginite and syngle livynge / to lea∣ve them with out consolacyon / whych there vnto were geven with their very mynde ād wyll. Neverthelesse thys muste yow gravnte me / that a wyfe and maryed woman maye be better afore god thean a vyrgyn. All be yt she in hyr state do suffer many paynes to∣bles and adversytes / and the virgyn or may¦de hath moche ioye and tranquillyte / passyn¦ge hyr age in reste and quyetnes. Therfore thys ys the sentēce or meanin∣ge of Paule / Yt ys good for a man not to touche a woman. Nother ys yt ny offense now in the tyme of the newe testamente to lyve with out a wyfe and chyldre / as yt was in the tyme of the olde testamente / but yt is good as here wytnesseth Paule for a mā not to touche a woman. That ys to saye. A man vnto whom ys gevē of god / that he cā glad∣ly with hys very harte and wylle abyde syn∣gle / the same man may leade a quyet lyfe. Thys doth reporte the comō proverbes / that mē vse to speake. Suche as be thes / Be thou maryed o fole (doth on saye vnto an other) and thy ioye shall shortly have an ende. Al∣so / maryage ys a shorte ioye and a longe so∣rowe / and suche other lyke. Whyche all do well agree with this place of Paule / Yt is good for a man not to touche a woman. Therfore dyd Moses also commawnde in the lawe that a man newly maryed shulde be quyte and fre from all publike charges by the space of an whole yeare / yt he myght have ioye and make mery with hys wyfe / no¦ther shulde he be called to goo in warfare / nother to beare eny charge or office. As thou¦gh Moses shuld saye / he shall lyve a yeare in gladnesse / and after he shall suffer troble sorowe and angwysshe. But yf yt be not gevē a man to lyve with his very harte and mynde chaste or vnmary¦ed. Yt is better for hym to take a wyfe to be hys cōpanyon. Ye there is no thynge elles at all lefte or remayninge / that maye ease ād healpe the / excepte honest ād chaste matri∣mony. Wherfore where it ys not geven a mā to enioye and vse the cōmodytes of syngle livinge and chastite. It is necessarye to geve him silf vnto the troble / payes / and vexa∣tions of mariage. For it ys alwaye better to leade a miserable or sory lyfe with out sinne in mariage / then to lyve ioyfully in the fou∣le sinne of lecherye vnmaryed. But there is no body that wille gladly put them selves into suche paynes and sorinesse. And ther∣fore doth well nygh every man for his par∣te abhorre wedlocke. Wherfore it is a co∣mon vsed by worde. He muste be hardye that shall mary a wyfe. And with out fayle he had nede to be very hardye Nother ys the∣re / eny parsone that leveth more blessydly or quietly then a pure christian / whiche beyng ledde and gyded by faith can so fassion him sylfe agayne trobles and stormy seasons of aduersyte / that he doth no whit complayne / nother crye / ne blaspheme god and his wor∣de: Lyke as do the mad and blindewise men of this worlde. Thus doth saynte Paule here meane in this place / when he so sodenly after the cō∣mendacion and prayse of chastite returneth vnto mariage sayeng / but to avoyde fornica∣tion / lett every man haue hys wife / and lett every woman haue hyr husbāde. What doth he entende in that he sayeth / but to avoyde fornicaciō? No thinge verily elles / but whe∣re as suche maner quietnes ys not / that a man can willingly lyve chaste / that then he shulde wayte after no thinge more surely to folowe or to come / then fornicacion and le∣cherye. Wherfore yf the gyfte of chastite do lacke / yt ys better to be with out the pleasure and profytes of chastyte / ād to gyve hym sel∣fe vnto the miseryes / trobles / and paynes of matrimony / for avoydīge of synne. For yt ys allwayes more profitable to have payne gre∣fe / and yrkesumnes / wth out synne / then to have synne with out pane / greve and yke∣sumnes. Yee thē to have synne ioyntly to ge∣ther with thes thre. Take heade here vn to the wordes of Pau∣le / whiche doth not hopethat moche casti∣te shulde be in the Corinthians. Chastite tru∣ly ys a right good thinge / yf so luste and incontinency maketh not chastite so vul∣gare and commone a thinge for all parso∣nis as we have hetherto vsed to do / and as yet we do / but all amisse. But he will that vniuersally all men be coniugate in matri∣mony. And yet not with standinge he being indued and inspired with te sprete of good did wythout dowte knowe more parfitely the natue / disposition / powre and inclina∣cion of man then all the Bishopes that hath bene sith his time whiche hath stro∣yed fordone and lett this godly institucion and ordinance. So that this saieng of sain∣te Paule with them doth bere no place. But in this do they now raile and Bble in pulpites. Yt ys lawfulle for some men to have wifes / and for some yt ys not lawful∣le. Thus do they chawnge the latin worde. Quisqzin to quidam / that ys to saye every man in to some man. But as concerninge this thinge you shall see more plenteously here vnder. Saynt Paule now procedeth forthe ¶ Paule in this place doth instructe them that are coupled in matrimony how and in what maner they on both paryes shulde be ordred / ād demeane themselves in their sta∣te of wedlocke / which he doth here calle due beneuolence. It is truly a thinge due / but not with standinge it ought to be willingly do∣ne and performed. In that he sayeth it is due / he telleth the cause why God doth per∣mitte vnto matrimony / and pardone that / which elles from with out it / he doth pu∣nisshe and condemne. For in this pointe is matrimony closed in the lawes of love / that nother the māne the wife hath power of their awne body / but the one ys bownde to serve ye other by ye lawe of love. Whch thinge in fornication and ad∣voutry hath no place / where as nother par∣tye hath power apō ye other / nother ys ye one bownde ne oweth ony thinge vnto ye other but bothe of thē do seke their awne pleasu¦res. Wherfore also soch vnclene & dishone∣ste love ys contrary vnto god. Yt is verily greate sayeng / that nother partye hath po¦wer ouer their awne body. So that yf at any tyme luste and concupiscence doth tēp∣te them the one ys then bownde to assent and folowe the desyer of the other / ād not to geve them sylves vnto eny other. In thys dothe manifestly appeare howe that advou∣trye ys the greateste thefte and robberye of all that ys in the worlde. For who so ever doth commite yt / geveth hys lively body / where apō he hath no power vnto an other: and taketh also a waye a lively bodye wher apon he lyke wyse hath no power. More over Paules wordes be here ma∣nyfeste / and do not nede moche exposicion. Nother dare I now here serche ye pryvetyes of maryage / to wryte of thē ny vnhonest or vnclene thynge. A ryght Christian shall he∣re knowe by him sylfe / how yt shall become hym to ordre behaue hym sylfe measurably. Nother maketh it eny matter how so ever a wicked & vngdly body be enflamed & rage Some olde men have vsed this Paganes by worde. He that burneth overmoche in love / is made an adoutrer in his awne wy∣fe. But by cawse it is a paganes sayenge / carnall and lecherous parsones careth not moche therfore. And I saye verely that it is contrary vn to the truthe / for no man doth committe advoutry in his awne wyfe / ex∣cepte he other refuse to have hyr / or elles to vse hir as his wife. And I thinke that this matter can not be better discussed ād entrated of / then it is here of Paule / whiche affirmeth that mari∣age is only savegarde and remedy againe lecherye. Wherfore that parsone which v∣seth it / to avoyde and do awaye fornication I dare suerly saye that he hath Paule for his advocate and defender. Herof may I iust∣ly gather that it standeth not well to gehter nother is it Christes learninge that the mā and the wife (lyke as we see vsed in some places) shulde abide separate ne come to gether after the example of Toby vntill the thirde night. I do admitte that every man maye vse e same maner / if so he please with the assent of his wife: but to thinke that he is bounde therto So that yf he do folowe it / he doth a meritorious dede: or elles if he leave it vn∣done / or do contrary wyse / that ys to saye / if he do vse his wyfe before that thyrde ni∣ght / he shulde therfore synne / and do amis∣se. Then I saye this man in very dede thin∣keth evyll and doth amisse. Not bycause he dyd vse hys wyfe contrary to suche a folishe gyse as ys before shewed: but for that he hath a wronge enformed conscience. And finally soche thoughtes / and opinions or yginacyons or scrupulous and voyde of ryght beleve / and coming of a conscience evyll encombred / or as Paule sayeth in the first pistle to Timothe .uij. Marked with an hote yeron. For yf the example of Thoby be of suche greate authorite and power / why shall not the example of Iacob the Patriarke be of more / whyche did touche / and knowe Lya his wife in ye firste nyght? This ought ther∣fore to be fre / and in mannys lyberty. They dote and playe the foles / that in these mat∣ters do laye snarys and make lawes or bon∣des. The wyfe hath power over the husban∣de / but over hyr awne body she hath none. And lyke wyse ys yt of the husbande. Here ought men therfore to stinte of their statutes & ordināces makīge: for a better ordināce thē this can none be brought / ye mē with out eny respecte of soche time shall vse ther wifes (ly¦ke as god permitteth) accordīge as they like and have necessite / forthermore they have ex¦empte certen dayes as those whiche we do calle vygilles ād holy evyns / also women conceaved with childe. I grawnte well that yt were moche profitable and necessary that in all thinges were none excesse / or eny thinge done vn∣mesurably: Yet nevertelesse ought he not to be made eny vrgente lawe that shul∣de binde men of necessyte to refrayne. And these wordes of Paule ought to be lefte true which doth afferme that nother partye hath power over their awne bodye / other in this / or yet in eny other daye how so ever god sen∣deth it. And by this waye hath sainte Paule entēded to oppresse & put downe fornicatiō / and to cut awaye all occasions of the same. O what a multitude of lawes doth this lit∣le sayenge of Paule fordo and anulle / when he sayeth that nother party hath power over their awne bodyes? Yee I saye to you more over that it can not suffer nor abyde any la∣we. For how shall eny man by eny lawe for∣bidde me from that body that is geven me both by the lawe / ād also by power divine? The graunte of god is more than the com∣maundementes or lawes of all men. That whiche he hath geven & graunted me / ought not sainte Peter pulle fro me / ād moche les∣se oure holy father / which (I put it to youre iudgemēt) how rightewesly he reioyseth ād clepeth him selfe Peters successor / ād vicar / and how directly he foloweth his steppes or learninge. ¶That Paule had ut lytell truste at all in the Corinthians / that they shulde lyve chaste the cause was this / he did knowe the devill / his snaris / and sculkewatche / and also the weakenesse or frailte of the flesshe. Here you se that maryed folkes are so mightely knit∣te and coniugate to gether that one ought not to absente or wythdrawe thē selves frō the other with out they both consente. No not for cause of fastinge nor of prayer. So yt he had rather prayer and fastinge to be lette passe and vndone / then one of then shulde absente their bodyes from the other. Prayer vndowetedly is an hygh and a precyous de¦de. Neverthelesse it muste of dutye geve pla∣ce vnto this / which (as it doth seame) is so le a dede. And al this doth cause ye lawe of love in whiche they be coupled and ioyned: fastinge and prayer owght to be here vnder∣stande of fastinge and prayer that are taken ordrely and distinctely after dutye requyred in maryage / as when the husbande and the wyfe after they have ben conversante the o∣ne with the other and have had to do to ge∣ther accordinge after the covrse of nature / then do ordeyne with agreabille consente to geve them selves .iij.iiij.vj. or .xiiij. dayes vnto prayer and abstihence. Like as also every parsone maye for himselve take apō thē suche fastinge for to chastyse y• body Ellys hey that ar maryed / as well as other chri∣tian people be bounde by the tenor of the E∣uangely vnto fastinge & to prayer / for Chri∣ste spake indifferently vnto all people. That they shulde praye continually with out ces∣singe. This fastinge is mesurabyll vsage of meates ād drinkes. And prayer is a criyng sigh / desyer / and morninge. That in our englisshe texte we do here re¦de / withdrawe not yowe selves one from an other / it sowndeth rather after the Greke and laten examples / if it shulde be translate worde for worde: defraude you not or decea∣ve you not one an other. Neverthelesse our englisshe texte doth right well and expres∣sely shewe the sense and meaninge of this place / lyke as it doth excellently well of all other poyntes. For a man or a woman that is maryed for avoyding of fornicacyon hath no power over their awne bodyes. But the wife hath power over the body of hyr husbā¦de / and like wise hath the man the same po∣wer over his wife. So that yf the one shulde withdrawe them selves from the other / de∣niyng them their bodyes to vse accordinge to naturall vsage / permitted vnto mariage / it is vndouted that they shulde so defraude them / and do them wronge. Also this naturall vsage of my body is before called due benevolence that Paule litell before biddeth every man to geve vnto his wife. Yf I therfore shulde wythdrawe me or denie it. I shulde wythdrawe that is my dutye to geve. And that were no thinge elles but fraude ād deceate. So that you ha∣ve here clerely shewed before youre eyes that suche wythdrawing is very fraude / and no thinge elles. This have I shewed you / that you shulde not lacke eny knowledge other of this place or yet of eny other / yt I by the gra∣ce of god can helpe you vnto. And moreover to blanke and confownde oure pharisees & enimies of the trueth. Whiche yf they ones heare that I do interprete this place other wyse then it standeth writtē in the englisshe translacyon of the testamente / shulde paravē∣ture beginne to rayle / sklaunder / and speake evyll (as it is not vnlyke but they will / for suche both is and ever hath bene their natu∣re and demeaner) of me / and of the good mā which did it translate saiynge. Loe they contrary themselves on an other / how mad therfore ar ye to beleve them? Therfore lesse yt you shulde be trobled by suche deceavable reasons and argumētes I have shewed you by reasons manyfeste / & authorite sufficient that we do not vary / ne contrary one an other. But that he vsing this worde wyth∣drawe / doth both well interprete or trans∣late / and by so translatynge also notably and playnly doth expounde what is natural∣ly signified by the greke and laten examples which if they were translate in to englisshe / worde for worde shulde be as I haue tolde you before thus moche to saye: efraude you not on an other. And this fraude is whē a mā withdraweth hī frō his wife / or the wi∣fe from hir husbande. What the causes of this fraude or with∣drawing might be / can I not shewe you so well / as they that have had experience. Ne∣verthelesse I can lightly beleve that there be diverse causes / as is sitting for that state / which is ordeyned for the time of troble ād adversite / and not only for time of pleasure / and prosperite. In this state doth ofte times aryse anger / variance and debate. And other whils doth here in raigne chosen or ange∣licast holinesse (as sainte Paule calleth it) & devocion. But Paule doth here shewe only one cause / why ye one partie maye withdra∣we them from the other for a seasone. And other more like as I ought not to put / so al∣so ought none other man. The cause which sainte Paule sheweth / is that two maryed persones maye consente to abide severalle a fewe dayes the one from the other to tame and chastise their flesshe by speciall or singular ceremonies as fastin∣ge and fervente prayer / specially if so at eny time neade doth require / for stronge and mighty prayer requireth stronge and migh∣ty abstinence or fastynge. Not wih stan∣dinge Paule leaveth this free and put∣teth it vnto mannes wille and liberte. No∣ther doth he therof ordeyne or make eny la∣we / but dimitteth it vnto the consente of thē both. Wherfor no man ought to enforse and compelle mē vnto this fastinge and prayer by lawes / as they have afore time hether to bene wont to do / he doth nowe take for hī. ii states of chastite. The state of widowes / the state of wedded persones / and the state of maydes or virgines. And so consequently doth shewe / what is necessary in themto be knowen saiene. ¶Before he speaketh after the maner of a cōmaundemente savenge / for to advoyde fornicacyon lett every mā have his wife. &c And let a man geve vnto the wife due bene¦volence. Howe therfor doth he in this place saye that he speaketh thes thinges not of commaundemente / but of fauour? With out doute he willeth mariage to be a free thinge so that no man shulde be compelled to binde himselfe there vnto / lyke as they dyd in the tyme of the olde testamēte. Wherfore he cō∣mawndeth no man to be maried / but graun∣teth yt / vnto every man that lusteth to be ma∣ried. But when hey be onys coupled in ma∣riage / he geveth commawndemēte that they do thē geve the one vnto ye other due beneuo∣lēce. Moreover where as ys not the gyfe of grace that thou mayste frely geve the vnto matrimony / or not gyve the / that ys to saye when thou canste not leve purely vnmaryed and that both in mynde and body / then ys matrimony vnto the cōmawnded / yee and more then commawnded. But what meaneth he in that he sayeth I wolde that all mē were as I my sylfe am. Ys not thys spoken agaynste matrimony / as though he wolde have no body coniuga∣te in the bōde of matrimony? He wyssheth verely yt the precyous gyfte of chastite were geven vnto every body / that they might be voyde of the toblesome and sory ares an∣gvysshe & vexaciōs of maryage / and intēde gladly with their free mynde / and all stu∣dy vnto god only and vnto hys worde: whyche gyfte was gevē vnto hym. Ys there any parsone that wolde not wysshe vnto eve∣ry man thys gyfte? For christyan charite wyssheth vnto all mē all good thinges both of this worlde presente / and good thynges of the worlde to come And yt hath none as∣sygned or certē mee & bownde of well do∣yng ād of well wysshīge. All be yt the thī∣ge whiche yt wyssheth do seme vnpossyble. Wherfore in ye .ix. chapyter of the pystle vn∣to the Romanes he wissheth to be cursyd from Christe for hys betherne. But every man (sayeth he) hath hys proper gyfte of god / one after thys maner / an other after that. Here he knowledgeth that hys wysshe and desyer can not be fulfylled / ād that god wylle not geve vnto every man thys gyfte. And thys texte wolde I that thou shul∣deste put & laye vp for store in the inner par∣yes of thyne harte. Yt comprehendeth many thinges / and commendeth matrimony no lesse then chastyte. For yf a man compare maryage with chastyte. Chastyte veryly ys a more excellene gifte. Neverthelesse matri∣mony (as in this passage sheweth saynte Paule (ys the gyfe of god lyke as ys chasti∣te. The man also ys more excellēte then the woman / neverthelesse she ys the worke and creature of god / as well as he ys. Before god all thinges be lyke and equalle / whiche notwith standyng yf they be cōpared to ge∣ther the one with the other / they be differen∣te and vnlyke. What so ever thinge god dyd make / ye same doth calle him their maker lor¦de & creator. Nother doth one thīge calle & name hym so more excellētly then an other / be yt lytle thinge / or ellys greate. Evē so ar ly∣ke in value before hī matrimony & virgini / for eyther other of them / ys the gifte ād crea¦ture of god / all though the on excelleth ād surmounteth the other / yf so a man doth la∣ye them to gether and conferre thē betwyx∣te them selves. By this doth clearly appere howe abho∣minably they do sinne / whiche make nonnes swelle in pryde / when they babble that ther holy religyon is more precious before god than matrimony / and they faine that every Nonne shall have a croune / or a garlende of golde and precious stones / and soch like o∣ther I can not telle what prerogatives and dignites do they dreame that nonnes shall have above other parsones. Thorow whiche lyes do they make suche folke proude / arro∣gante / wicked and vnfaythfulle / and to put mor truste in their dedes and ceremonies / then they put faith in Christe and in goddes grace / so dispisyng matrimony as a thinge many miles before the sight of god more ba¦se / and lesse in valewe then chastite. And they do calle thē selves the faithfull spōses of oure savioure Iesu Christ / ye they be the sponses of Satan / In that they do vse cha∣stite not vnto the entente / vnto the whiche only yt was ordend / that is to witte / not that a man shulde be the mor excellent or bet∣ter before god: but that it maketh thē ye mo∣re redy & more apte to the study & love of the worde of god / & learninge her of thē doth matrimonie. Forasmoche therfore as both of them is the gifte of god. And matrimony is as a cō∣mone gifte geven vnto many. But chastite is a singular and an vnwonte gifte graunted vnto very fewe. Yt is here in shewed that every mā ought to examine him slfe / whe∣ther he fyndeth whith in him / this cōmone and vulgare or ellis this selde and singu∣lare giste. But bicause sainte Paule doth he∣re manifesly conclude that chastite is a gif∣te of god / yt shall be necessaryfor vs to kno∣wledge that it ys not our power. And ther∣fore cā no man nother promise ner vowe it / ne kepe it. For I cā not promise the goodes and giftes of god / onles he before hath ge∣ven them vnto me: or elles I be certen of his promesse / that he wylle geve them vnto me / lyke as Hieremy was certen and assured. Therfore we rede none exāple at all / of eny vowe in the scripture / excepte in these thīges whiche were geven vs afore or ellis sone af∣ter shulde be geven / as it is shewed Nume∣ri .xxx. of howses / lādes / money / catelle / ab∣stinence / and other chastisinges or discipli∣nes of our bodyes? Therfore seyng yt we be endtyne this pla¦ce / wher Paule doth so largely prayse & cō∣mende matrimony / and calleth it the gifte of god / we wyll entreate of it the more am∣ply and tary the longer in yt / entendinge to declare yow howe that matrimony ys of all other the moste hyghest relygion and moste spretuall estate / And more over to prove vnto yow suerly and clerely that the sectes of all them / whom men vse to calle relygious / and of all manner shavelynges are falsely called spretuall ordres. But ma∣trimony ys (as they saye) a seculre and an vnholy estate. How be yt that sayeng or cal∣lynge ought to be chunged and turned So that matrimony ought to be called (lyke as in very dede it ys) a ryght spretuall esta∣te / And other ordres shulde (even as veryly they ar) be called wordly and seculare estates They have brought vp nothynge elles in the worlde then perverse abusyons of names and wordes / wherwyth they have anoynted mennes mouthes / and begyled all the worl∣de: in suche wyse that yt / whyche ys secular shall be called spretuall / & a spretuall thin∣ge muste be called secular. Fyrste yow shall knowe that yt were profy∣table and nedefull that nothynge were cal∣led after the name of the sprete / excepte on∣ly the inner lyfe of fayth / whiche ys in the harte / where as the sprete hth rule and do∣minyon. Neverthelesse for bycause that thin∣ge ys also called spretuall / whiche ys out∣wardly wrought / & done by ye sprete of fayth in ye mēbres of ye body / we shall here not on¦ly see / but also (as a mā wolde saye) manifest¦ly feale with our hādes / yt matrimony ought moste rightwisly of all other be called a spre¦tuall estate. And ye other ordres shulde be called secular wordly laye (as they vse to sa∣ye) ād vnholy estates. I speake of these ordres and religious parsones / which have suffered thēselves to be called ād magnifyed by thys name spretuall vn tylle thys daye. But they whyche walke in the ryght waye by fayth ā ar truly spretuall / these have the very state of contynencye. Moreover thys can no mā de∣nye that the workes / dedes / goodes / & pos∣sessions of them whiche ar called spreual be lyke wyse exteryo / temporalle / transito∣ry and corporalle / as be the workes / & other thynges of the maryed persones. For they be done in lyke wyse by the body and membres or instrumētes of the same / as be the thyn∣ges afore sayde whyche belonge vnto them that ar maryed. For what so ever thynge ys done by the body / and lymmes / or instrumē∣tes of yt / muste nedes be corporall and exte∣rior / yee ād the couselles or thoughtes of y• harte ought by reasō of these soche ouwar∣de & corporalle dedes both be in very dede & also be called corporalle. But yf yt be cō∣venyēt yt eny state shuld be called spretualle some other gretter thīge ys there vnto requi¦syte / thē soche exterir dedes & ceremonies That is to wit faith in harte whiche doth come of the sprete / and maketh all thinge that is in man / as welle with out as with in spretualle. Consyder also now our holy religions / whiche before time vntill now have ben fa∣mous and magnifyed / and thou shalt fin∣de / firste that they be in the bste wise so∣red ād provided for / as cōcerninge thinges necessary vnto their levīge Beside forth they ar assured of their rentes / and revenues of meate / drinke / clothes / beddinge / houses / ād of all other thinges / and that moste plente∣ously / goten vnto their handes by other mē∣nes swete & labore / ye broughte home vnto them / and put afore their nose. So that they nother be / ne wylle be in eny doute or perille / as concerninge for these thinges. No parso∣ne is thus spretualle ne mindeth for to be / ex¦cept he knowe before that he shulde have abū¦dantly / of all these thinges / and all his lyfe lōge. O lorde god what an vnnumerable mul¦titude / and thronge is ther in cloysters / and also amonges prystes that seke and appete this / that is to saye to lyve welthyly asely / without labor in ydelnes (and as they calle it) to live like a gentilman / ye to live fylbly∣es and bely beste / farcinge their hyde and stuffinge their paunches. What other thinge elles is this / then to seke that state / wherin is no labore / and not t have nede to lifte ones their yes vp in to heven / to loke after their daily bredde / ne to truste in god that he shulde norisshe ād fea∣de them? I wille telle yow at one worde / faith in hese estates and condicions of men hath no place ne space / ne tyme / ne worke / ne vse or exercise. For they be drouned in plē¦te and abundance of possssions and worl∣dely goodes. Nother ys there eny confidē∣ce of thinges whiche ar hoped for / but a certen holding faste and assurance of thin∣ges presente. But if thou shale mary a wife / and be coniugate in matrimony. The fyrste tenta∣tion (wher with thou are incontinente assay¦led) ys how thow shalte nowe maintene thy wife and bringe vp thy childre? this assau∣te of tentation endureth all thy life longe. So that mariage of the awne nature is so∣che a thinge / that doth both teache and also driveth the to have respecte / and loke vnto the grace of god / and in manner enforseth the vnto faith. And thus in matri∣mony we do see / that if fayth be wantinge that it is an harde paynfulle / and a misera∣ble state / fulle of care angwisshe and labore. And cōtrary wise how moche the lesse faith the noble estates spretualle (as they vse to calle them) hath / the more ioyfulle ād bles∣sed dayes do they leade or live. For they ha∣e royally provided for their belly / & have no nede to loke vnto the hande of god nor aby∣de his goodnesse. Shewe me therfore whether of these states ought of right to be called spretualle. Thin∣ke you no that this in which men have ne∣de of faith / and in whiche faith knoweth hir workes / & hath hir dayly exercise & hath cau¦se to truste in god / accordinge to the sentence of yt .ciij. psalme / where is sayde in this wise The eyes of all do truste in ye lorde / ād thou doest geve them meate in time convenient. Thou openeste thy hande ād fyllest every ly∣vinge creature with thy blessinge? Therfore only matrimony hath these cau∣ses / occasions / & exrcises to truste vnto god Nother can oure spretualle estates be knowē by eny of thē / for they be so stablisshed fo∣unded / & fensed / yt they cā vtterly fele none of these occasions. And thus have they dri∣ven out fayth / & stopped vp all holes / or cre∣ues / yt t maye in no wise come in vnto thē. Is it not therfore a wicked presumpciō to bo¦ste thē selves to be spretualle / & to avaunce their states to be in likewise spetualle / in whiche no with standing of their wne na∣ture cā verely not e yt leste droppe of faith? So that the sprete add suche spretuall states hath no more agremente / then Christe and Beliall / the daye and the night / the sprete ād the flesshe / faith and our senses or reason / for where faith is not / ne place nor ccasyon of the same / there can the sprete not be / but all muste nedes be carnalle / worldely and corporalle / lyke as by experience is manifest∣ly shwed in oure religious folke. Agayne∣warde they defame matrimony as a worl∣dely secular and carnalle thinge. And they do not marke / that it was so ordened of god that it shulde as who wolde saye in maner bringe one halfe by compulsion / and vio∣lence vnto the sprete and faith. So that co∣monly there muste nedes be a pure sprete / where as is a good / and posperous marya∣ge. For that whiche is the worke or creature of god is so ordeyned / that it muste procede in faith and exercise or inunge the same. which is in sffāce of troble & advrsitees But that which is founde / or made by man hath alwaye proserous fortune and suc∣cession by cause yt is wyth out faith. For suche appeteth alwaye to be certen & in assu∣rance of thinges there vnto belonginge. Firste doest thou thus here in see yt matri∣mony is of soche nature / and properte yt it in maner straineth / enforseth / & driveth one vn¦to the inwarde and moste spretuall worke / that is to wit faith / for no worke is hygher / more inwarde / ād more spretualle then faith. It resteth and hangeth apon the pure and bare worde of God / and is delivered quyte from all thinge / that is not the levinge wor∣de of Christ Iesu. But ther can be no thynge higher or more inner nother in heven / ne in¦erth then the worde of God / whiche is ve∣rely even God him silfe. Contrary wise these spretuall estates of their awne nature be soche that they allure a man vnto welthe and pleasures / and cau∣se him to spende him silfe all to gether aboute the getinge of temporalle and exteri∣or thinges / yt as partaininge for his body he maye lacke nothinge. And thus he re∣fuseth plainly to be spretuall / excepte he mi∣ght have abundance of outwarde thinges / and be of them assured / lesse he shulde at ny¦time misture / and have nede of faith or tru∣ste in god. So that thou muste plainly con∣fesse that this spretuall estate of the awne kinde / and nature doth belonge vnto erthly / seculare / and worldely thinges / and that i ought to be reckened amonges them. Yee ād that therto it is verely an heten thinge / if it be conferred wyth matrimony. And againe warde that matrimony is verely an hevenly spetuall / and godly estate compared vnto this whiche men ar wonte to calle spretu∣alle. But I speake precysely that matrimony is soche a thinge of his awne kinde & natu∣re / for many persones do not vs it right & ac¦cordingly in faith / ād for bicause of vnbilefe they do turne that / whiche is good to be vn¦to them selves evill. Contrary wise it is not npossible that a man thorow the benefite and goodnesse of faith maye rightly / & wel∣le vse an estate that is called spretualle. And by their faith to chaunge that whiche is e∣vill to be vnto them good. But yet for this better or worse vsage can not matrimony be called eille / nor the spretualle estate be cal∣led good / for faith maketh all thinges good yee evē verydeth & all misse happes But vn∣belefe or vngodlines causeth all thīges to be evyll yee both the lyfe and also god him sel∣fe. Of the vsage and mysusage of estates do I now nothinge speake / but of naturalle kin¦de and proparte that are in estates / conclu∣dinge and afferminge. That matrimony is as golde. But the spretulle estates as do∣unge: by cause that the firste promoteth / & bringeth one to faith / & the other vnto vnbe∣lefe or wickednesse / furthermore matrimony doth not only governe the herte / or inwarde partes of man before god by faith / but also the body outwardly by dedes. So that it re¦quireth both faith and also workes / making povisiō both for ye body & for ye soule orderī∣ge thē both well and vertuously / matrimony (I saye) is of soche an inclinacyō / that of the awne nature i requireth labore and sweate / and to be maintened by hande warke / and is there vnto properly ledde or inclined by the wode of God / written in the .iij. chapte of Genesis / in this forme. In the sweat of thy vysage shalte thou eate thy brede. That they which in it ar coupled muste nedes put them selves in perilles and daungers / and abide lokinge whether their labour come wel to passe or no. They muste also many times take hurte and losse / suffering many thinges in their wife childre and householde or fa∣milye. But who is he that can reckene vp all the paines / laboures and sweate of their face? So that truly as the body in wedloc∣ke is occupied and exercised with labore / ca∣re / study / paynes / travayle and misery: In ly∣ke wise muste the harte be occupied and ex∣ercysed with faith / knoweng alwayes that these thinges be godly cominge of God / ād are to him ioyfulle & pleasante. But our spre¦tualty (which they so calle) is more sleth∣fulle / then Asses of Archadye and do not live by their awne laboure / nor do eny whitte exercyse their body / sufferinge other mennys laboure to be turned in to their profite fedin∣ge & pamperinge their gutte of other men∣nys sweate and laboure / not willinge to take ony losse or disprofite in their awne goo¦des. So that here doth appere no sweate of their face. But it fareth by them / accordin∣ge as yt ys wrytten in the Psalme .lxxij. They be not in the laboure of men / ād shall not be scurged or suffer payne wyth men. And therfore ar they cloyed wyth pryde / and overwhelmed with iniquite and wic∣kednesse &c. And allthough they be ofte in their prayers and syngynge / doyng their spretuall workes (so verely wyll they hve them called) yet do no suche workes help or profite vnto the exercyse of the body. And all be it these thynges all were done so well as is possible: yet were it vncerten whe∣there they hulde be plesante vnto God / or no. But contrary wyse for somoche as they have not the worde of God to confime thē / god can not be pleased in them. Thou wilte here obiecte againste me: No parsone shall then by this sentence abyde single or chaste: but every man shall con∣tracte matrimony whyche thynge shulde be contrary vnto this texte of Paule. I wol¦de that all men were / as I my silfe am? To this I make answere / that I dyd now speake of the spretualle estates compared vnto matrimony / and not of syngle lyvin∣ge or chastite. A spretualle (as they calle yt) estate is profitable vnto no thinge at all: but very nawgh and moste damnable. And yt were better that no body shulde be so spretuall / but every man to be maryed. More over syngle and chaste lyvynge be an other maner thynge then a spretualle estate. Of spretuall estates doth Paule here speake no thinge at all: But he speaketh of true chastite / for no estate (I reporte me vnto yow) ys more vnchaste ne more pro∣ne vnto wantonnes lecherye / or fornyca∣cyon / then is this whiche we calle ecclesi∣astike or spretualle / as experience doth now a dayes over moche shewe. But if so be that some of them do lyve chaste / yet not wyth standinge they do not vse chastite accordī∣ge vnto the ordinaūce ād rule of Paule. So that it can not be that chastite / wherof sain∣te Paule doth here make mencyon / for they of chastite do make avaunsemente of merite / excellencye / and dignite or worthynesse be∣fore god and man. But saint Paule maketh it an easinesse / & quietnesse / wherby one may the morceasely / lightly and quietly / serve in the worde of God / gevinge more hede or at∣tendance vnto ye same. So that finally in le∣arninge therof he maye growe / and be moe¦sted faste in faithe. ¶Of this maye you well gather / that Pau¦le was ones maryed and had a wife / for in this passage when he sayeth: I saye vnto the vnmaried and widdowes / he speaketh only of widdowhode / differringe to treate of vir∣gines vntylle a litle here vnder / where as he entreateth only and distinctly both of them / and of their estate / life as here he doth spe∣ake only of widdowers widdowes & of their estate / amonges whō he reckeneth him silfe. But in the treatise of virginite he maketh of him silfe no mencyon / ne countth hym silfe amonge thē. How be it many do we∣ne that ge did continue a virgen / accordin∣ge as is writtē in the .ix. chapter of his fir∣ste pisile vnto the Corinthiās. Have not we (sayth Paule) power to leade aboute a sister to wife as wele as other apostles / and as the bretherne of the lorde and Cephas? Other only I and Barnabas have not power this to do? But this doth not prove that Paule did alwaye lyve single / but moche more do∣th it rather shewe that he had a wife / yet for all that wolde not he leade hir aboute with him as the other apostles did leade aboute their wyfes. So that by this texte only / he shewed plainly vnto our vnderstandinge / yt he now was as an other widdower with out a wife / and yet neverthelesse he had po∣wer lafully to take one. Moreover it is rygh credible that he had a wife. For the Iewes (amōges whō Pau∣le did lyve / & was brought vp frō his birth) dyd abhorre and recounte no thinge worse thē chastite or single lyving / with out a spe∣ciall privilede or exempyon And yet as it is testified Philippens .ii. he did continue lyving amōge them with out any faute / that man coude countrolle him for or fynd in him. For this purpose doth that also well serv whiche ys writen in the .iiii. to the Philip∣pyans / where he sayeth / e and I beseche ye faythfulle yoocke fellwe helpe the women / whiche laboure with me in the gospelle. This yoocke felowe hath many vnderstan∣de to be Paules wyfe / and that not with out iuste causes. Syng that he maketh no men∣cion of hy: name / And also no man ellys wonte so to speake / callynge a woman his naturalle and faithfulle maried mate or fellow / that in greke ys called syzyge gnesie which ys to saye naturalle / o very wyfe ye beareth the same yoocke / & hath made with hym a specyall covenaunte or cōtracte abo∣ve other / lyke as they do yt ar knytte i ma∣trimony / onles she were his lawfull wiffe ād spouse / ād here vnto hyr he committeth & betaketh the ure to helpe other womē. Ac∣cordinge therfore vnto this igure or maner of speakinge muste we saye. Other that Pau∣les wyfe was decessed? Or elles that by cō¦sente of them bothe he dyd leve and departe from hyr for a season / lesse e shulde leade hyr aboute with him (as is shewed .j. Corin. ix) & that in matrimony he dyd so lyve cha∣ste. But howe so ever this was / whether his wife was dedde / or elles by hyr minde and wylle she lefte him for a seasone for ye gospel∣les sake / yet is this vndoutedly true / yt he dyd live like a wyddower / whiche a fore tyme had bene maryed. But vnto what conclusi¦on this mater shall now bringe vs / I bese∣che yow lett vs diligently see. Some be so farforth brought / that they ar enfoced o knowledge. That prystes and bisshoppes maye be sacred in matrimony / & they whiche are maried maye be pristes ād lefully use the office of them / Bycause y te∣stimony of scripture they see that for ye most parte all the apostles and all the bysshopes whiche were their successores were maryed But then they seke howe they shall save ād defende themselves / saying: We reade that before they were chosē aparte and segrega∣te vnto the office of Apostles / bisshoppes / & pristes / that they were maried But yf any of thē were their vnto called afore they we∣re maried. Of thē do we not reade that af∣terwarde they dyd mary / And therfore is it not lefulle fo prystes now a dayes to mary Vnto suche disputers shall this place gyve sufficient knowledge. Fyrste. Seyng that vow do confesse and graunte that maryed olke be made bishop∣pes and prystes / and that they so not only be but also may be: Because the example of the apostles doth so both teache and requyre. What maner men then are yow / that wyll now a dayes no maried body admitte vnto the office of a pryste? Yow do not only de∣bar from prystehode thē that wylle marie / & there vnto be disposed / but thē also whiche allredy have wifes and be maried. Whiche thynge notwithstādyng doth clerely repug∣ne agaynest Christe ād his Apostles / And moeover agaynste saynte Paule: all be yt he hī sylfe had lyved syngle & vnmaryed. For he sayeth that he ought to be chosen for to be a bysshoppe / that ys the husbande of one wy∣fe / & that hath hys chyldre buxum & obediēt. I beseche yow / telle me. whome shall we be∣leve to have more wysdome and holynesse / yow? or elles Chryste? Chryste dyd chose vn∣to hym prystes and apostles that were ma∣ryed / and them doth he afterwarde also cō∣ferme by the teachinge of hys apostles. But soche do yow refuse and disprove. Wherfo∣re other Chryste muste be both a fole ād vn∣ryghtewes. Or you youre selves muste be Antychristes and deceavers. Furthemore welbeloved yf so you had lefte hys parte vn∣to vs free. That accordyge vnto the exam∣ple of the Apostles / maryed men myght ha∣ve ben made prystes / and had not besyde∣forth ordeyned or decreed / That it ys not le∣fulle for prystes to marye. Men shulde not so moche have sryvē in the matter ne so grette peryll shulde therof have folowed. For then shulde many yt be coupled in maryage ha∣ve taken and receaved prystehode / and a gre∣te sorte shulde have fyrste tryed and knowen matrimony. So that there shulde not have bene so many whoremēgers ād lecherours. But nowe you make thys pretense and co∣loure: That yow dyd never rede / that pry∣stes dyd marye wyfes / and also do remove and put awaye vniuersally all maryage frō pstes. Contrary vnto god / vnto nature / vn∣to reason / and vnto ryght / only of presump∣tion with out all maner of cause. So that yow do fylle and replenisshe all he worlde with whordome / & fonicacyon. Why thr∣fore have not yow duly nother redde ne cō∣sydered thys texte afore rehersed / taken out of the .ix. chayter of ye fyrste pystle vnto the Corynthyane? Ys not in yt playnly noted ād shewed. That a pryste may laufully be take hym sylfe vno matrimony? Fo be yt in case that Paule was then other a vyrgē or elles a wyddower. Yet notwythstandyng he sayeth that yt was lafll and yght fo him to lea∣de a bute a wyfe. But saye vnto me I bese∣che yow / was not Paule then an Apostle / a bysshoppe / and a pryste? I am suer tat yow can not shewe ne saye the cōtrary. Wy thē ys he so bolde to saye that he hath power / & authoryte to marye. Y thē the hygheste sta∣te / that ys to wi of Apostles do permitte / and suffer a maryed man so stylle to abyde / or elles afterwarde (yf so he hath no wyfe be∣fore) to mary and tae one. Wy do not also the lower degre or estate of prystes permit∣te / and alowe the same? Moreover seyng that saynte Paule doth li∣ a widdower / and yet wyll not be forfēded from power to marye a wife / ne have yt ta∣ken a waye from hym / he is verely after the popes lawe digamus. All be it he recketh not therfore: And to be digamus by the Po∣pes lawe is a thinge so hydeous and dete∣stable / that all though a man so beyng were with out a wife / yet shulde he not be admitted for to be a pryste. Finally diga∣mus betokeneth hī / that hath had two wi∣fes. Suche in the olde testamente were those called / that had two wyfes at ones / or to ge∣ther. But the canon lawe / whiche is made by the pope / and his clyentes hath transla∣te this worde in to an other significacyon. And hath made thre maner of digamus. The fyrste ys yf a man by processe of tyme be twise maried / all be yt other eche of the wo¦men / whom he did mary were maydens or vergyns. Secondly yf a man doth mary but ones / yf so she whome he maried were a wid¦dowe. Thyrdely yf a man do mary one / that hath ben defloured in stedde of a mayde. And these be all of the pope called diga∣mi / Nother may any man after the deth of suche wifes be promoted (as they are wonte to calle y) vnto the ordres of prystehode. But yf one had corrupte / ād defyled an hū∣dreth other menys wifes / and had depry∣ved an hundreth maydes of their vergini∣te / and besyde that shulde also kepe with him or mayntene an hundreth harlottes or concubines / he moughte yet in the beste wise both be made / and ther to well abyde or continue a priste. Soche an holy thynge is their pristehode. There is no sinne / ne no myschefe in all the worlde so greate ne so di∣verse and manifolde that can let a mā from pristhode / excepte only divine ād godly ma∣trimony. Whiche not withstandynge they both do calle and confesse to be a sacramē∣te / and worke / or creature of god. And thus maye not that only / whiche is the worke or creature of god stande with their pristehode. Therfore shewe me now / yf so thou cāsie / how soche abhominable presumpcyon of makynge soche wicked tradicyōs and lawes can agree with the doctrine or learninge of Paule Whiche is a widdower / and yet by lawfulle authoryte and power wylle ma∣ry a wyfe. And not only beynge so con∣tente / he geveth therto power by this texte (whiche we do now ītreate of) vnto all both widdowers & widdowes / to do the same no man excepte nother priste / ne laye mā. what other answere may we here make / then that soche folke by these vngracyous constitucy∣ons (whiche so apertly ād shame fully do ra¦ge agaynste ye worde of god) wolde make vs in vnderstandinge lyke a stocke or a blocke? And make vs beleve that whordome / ad∣outry / and fornicacion were better then wedlocke or matrimony? O gracyous lorde onles thy mercy were so greate / as scriptu∣re therof doth make reporte / that is to saye / infinite / & vnmesurable / how couldeste thou that art so mighty rightwys / & pure of iud∣gement abyde or suffer this / ād suche other like wicked presumpsyon and boldenes / so∣che stinking whoredome / and vnclennes? What other thinge is here sought / thē that the creature / ordināce / ād worke of god shul¦de be discommended and reproved. And yt vnto whordome shulde be made an opē cā∣pe / free passage / and space to over runne all the worlde? Like as now a dayes (a lacke for pyte) we do see with oure yes And as Daniel did prophecy of the kingdome of Antichriste Yt shall not be touched with regarde or ca∣re of women / as who shulde saye: the regar∣de of whores shall only in it bere rometh. For asmoche therfore as they be compel∣led to knowledge that the apostles even af∣ter their apostlesshippe did abyde styll and continue in matrimony I wolde faine kno∣we why that prystes do not mary? Or elles wherfore they maye not mary? Is maryage suche a devillysshe thinge / if so yt be begon∣ne after pristehode / and so godly if it go b∣ore the same? Muste it suffer suche altera∣cyon for goyng before / and cominge after? Verely all reason muste knowledge / ād every man (as is sayde comonly) muste nedes fele at hys fyngers endes / yt what so ever thin∣ge may be godly with pryste hode and after it / ye very same maye be well begūne in pri∣stehode / and before it. Moreover this maye right well be called a shamefull iuggkynge and a sore deceavable colour / that matrimo∣ny shulde be called ād preached to be a godly thinge (as in very dede it is) and graunted of them to be an holy sacramente / and yet may not be admitted that a godly thinge & sacramente shulde have place with our pry∣stes O miserable ād blynde blyndenes / that men not only can not be made beleve that suche thinges be very tryfles / and delusyons but also yt they be broughte in mynde to iud∣ge that maner of lyvynge to be of all other moste excellente and beste / howe myghtever this thinge have come to passe / onles ye wra∣the of god had thus punisshed the worlde / and plaged it with blindenesse? Let vs therfore abyde here by Paule / whi∣che in no wise shall deceave vs. He doth or∣deyne that widdowers maye lefully marye wifes whether they be prystes / or no: besyde forthe that all maner widdowers or vnma∣ryed men may mary wifes. So that it shul∣de nother hurte ne hynder vnto pristehode yf one maryed a widdowe. Nor any whit hel∣pe and further / yf he marye a mayde / and vyrgen. For there ought to be no suche res∣pecte of parsons concerninge this purpose. But all soche thinges amonges christē mē ought to be free / and in their electyon to take whether they luste / other mayde / or widdo∣we to be their laufule wifes / with out any domage or preiudice in any thinge / ād this thinge (that is to witte yt pristes have autho¦rite to mary wifes / like as have all other mē ād yt with out any respecte of parsones / whe¦ther they be maydēs or elles widdowes) doth sainte Paule sufficiently cōfirme / & approve in this / y• he writeth this pistle not vnto laye¦men only (as they are wonte to calle thē) but vnto yt bisshopes also / & prestes & generally vnto the all christē mē of Corinthe. And by∣cause he doth separate none estate / ne parso∣ne: yt shall not be lefulle for vs to applye and appointe his worde vnto laye mē only / nor yet vnto any other certen estate or parsone. Sainte Paule truly did knowe fulle well both by the doctrine / & also by ye ordinaūce of Christe / yt nother ye worke of god might be letted / or forbiddē / ne his creature fordone & destroyed. Now is mā verely the creature / & worke of god / made or create to begette chil¦dre / ād to multiplye his seade / as appereth Gene. i. For asmoche therfore as god which is alway cōstante / like minded / & with out a∣ny alterayō made man at the beginnīge in this wise / ād so wolde him cōtinually for to be. Thinke you surely yt it pleaseth hī not now nother for love of pristehode / no nor for love of his euāgely (which is of all other thin∣ges moste precyous) to make of a mā a stoc¦ke or a stone. Nother to lette the worke or o∣peracyō of mānes nature whiche of god ar naturally in thē implanted. But what other thinge is it to saye / when a priste is forbiddē to mary / then that a mā shulde not be a mā And yt the creature or worke of god shulde esse / bycause of humayne presumpcyon ād lawes. Only God whiche did thus create man / maye these thinges in him altere and chaunge thorow his giftes and grace. But free wille with all his powers & enforsemē∣tes be here very nothinge ne can any thinge do. Therfor sayeth Paule. ¶It is good verely to abide as Paule did / but in continente he addeth wherfore it is not good ād yt it is better to cōtracte matri∣mony / then to abyde in widdowhode or vn∣maryed. And Paule doth here shewe forth all at ones all the causes of matrimony / and seteth abounde to mesure or enclose all the glory of castite / when he sayeth: But and yf they can not abstayne / lette them marye. This is as moche to saye. Ne∣cessite compelleth the to mary againe. How excellently so ever therfore chastyte be pray∣sed / and how noble so ever the gifte therof be / yet necessite causeth that very fewe do there vnto attaine / for they can not abstaine and abyde chaste / for all be it yt we are chri∣sten / havinge the sprete of god by faith: yet is not the worke and creature of god in vs stroyed and taken awaye from vs / that thou muste cesse to be a woman / and I a mā. No¦ther doth the sorete bereve from the body his inclinacyon and naturalle workes / but that it may eate / drinke / slepe / disgeste / and dis∣geftyon avoyde / like as the body of an other man. In lyke wise doth not the sprete take awaye from man ne frome woman their shappes / their lymmes / or membres / their seade / ne their frute and operacyon / for a christen mā∣nes body muste aswelle norisshe seade / be∣gette childre / and multiplye / as the body of other men of byrdes and of all bestes / and lyvely thinges. Vnto the whiche purpose it also was create. As ys shewed Genesis .i. So that man of necessite muste appete na∣turally a woman / and the woman a mā / on∣les god wonderfully by a singular & excel∣lent gyfte do holde them therfro and dely∣ver them. And thus meaneth Paule here in this place / when he sayeth: But yf he cā not abstaine / let him mary. As though he shulde saye. Vnto whom god hath not geven a sin∣gular grace / but leaveth in his body the na∣ture and disposicion of the same: It is good for him / ye it is necessary that he do mary / forsakinge both verginite and also wyddo∣whede / furthermore it is not the mynde of god to make a principalle and singular gifte comon vnto many / but wolde that maryage shulde be comon to eche body: like as he dyd ones ordene and create yt / he wille not take awaye his creature from every man / ne lette the operacyon of the same. Moreover a Christen man is sprete and flesshe. By reason of the sprete he neadeth not of matrimony. But bycause his flesshe hath communion & felishippe with the cor∣rupte flesshe in Adam and Eve / & so is ful∣le of luste and concupiscence / for this disea∣se and malady hath he truly neade of matri∣mony: and by his awne strenght / or power can he not be with out them / for his flesshe rageth / burneth / ād breadeth seade / as we∣le as doth the flesshe of eny other parsone. Where as by matrimony / as by a medicine there vnto moche necessary and behovable he doth not ease / helpe / quenche / and repres∣se yt / for in the .iij. chapter of Genesi. he she∣weth clerely before oure face / what thinge he wolde suffer in man / when he did not on∣ly not take away the blessinge of multipli∣cacion /but rather dyd alowe and confer∣me yt. When notwithstādinge he dyd kno∣we full well / that suche blessynge coulde not be fulfylled and performed of nature (that was corrupte and fulle of concupiscence) whith out synne. But that matrimony is comenly had in disdayne as a thinge that is cause of many myseries / paynes / troble / and hevynes / and so yōge people are thereby persuaded to de∣cline there fro vnto vnwylfull chastite: yt ys a reason vnprofitable ād of no value / but pe∣visshe ād moche synfulle. Nother have they so made good the cause of their chastite. For necessite doth alwaye prevēte and stoppe out this forechaste or provisiō. Whiche sa∣yeth that yt nother is / ne yet cā so be. For no mā cā grounde or set him selfe faste in heven: Accordinge as here doth affirme saynte Pau¦le: he that can not abstayne (sayeth he) / lett him mary. Agayne warde that matrimony is hyghly commended as a thinge that is hevynly and godly & moste fulle of all good¦nes. This is lyke wysse a reasone of smalle effecte / ād prevayleth not. Forthere is no mā o elles very fewe that wolde be moved with these good thinges that come of yt / to geve their selves there vnto. Nature alwaye abhor¦reth labore & sweate / inseparable cōpaniōs of honeste mariage. There be also very many other causes of m¦ryage. Some do mary for love of mony ād worldly goodes. A greate sorte doth falle there to for curiosyte to satisfye their appe∣tite and pleasure that they have to attempte all thinges. Some do be take thē there vnto for to gette thē hyres. Sainte Paule she∣weth only on cause / and that is necessite. It is therfore called necessite / for nature muste nedes have an yssue / and go forthe / that it maye encrease and be multiplyed. But thys wille not god admitte with out matrimony Therfore hath every man neade to go there vnto / necessite so requiringe ād constreyni∣ge him to do / yf so he wille here before God passe his lyve with a good conscience. And were it not that this necessyte did thus byn∣de / wreste / and dryve me / I wote not truly what matrimony the other causes shulde make & stablisshe. Namely curiosite / whiche at y• firste moveth these foles with lightenese to begine soche an erneste sobre godly ād ne∣cessary estate / wherin doth sone come vnto them the thinge / whiche they sought. But what meaneth he by this yt he sayeth it is better to mary thē to burne? Every mā no faile that with out mariage & a specialle grace at tēpteth to lyve single or chaste kno∣weth right well what this sayeng is & what it doth meane. Nother doth he here touche ny secrete or prevy thīges: but he speketh of yt comō & manifeste experiēce & felīge yt al mē hath / which with out matrimony or singular grace do labore to lyve chaste or vn∣maryed / for he doth attribute burninge vn∣to all parsones / that with out the hygh and singular gifte of chastite do lyve vnmaryed and chaste. Nother doth he teache any re∣medy therfore excepte only the copulacyon of matrimony. All beyt they vse to calle so∣che burninge prevy troble and affliction. Whiche proverbe shulde not have bene so vulgare or comone / yf so it had ben a uery secrete or prevy evill. Nother is it ony doute but these also vnto whom is geven the gifte of chastite / do some time feale luste or pric∣kinge / & be there with tempted: but by cau∣se yt passeth / and shortely perisfheth / therfor ys not soche a thinge in them called a bur∣ninge / Generally burninge ys a fervore he∣ate / tikillinge / preckinge / and yt chenge of the flesshe / whiche restith not / ne blinneh of boi¦linge or raginge / and ys a daily inclinacion or dispocision other to a woman or to a man whiche ys in every body / where ys not desi∣er and love vnto chastite. So that ther be founde so veri fewe that lacketh this boilin∣ge and burninge in the flesshe / as there be fe¦we that hath this soveraine gifte of chastite geven them of god. But wyth this burnin∣ge ar some pained hardly / some more softe∣ly or easely / Some be so sore tormented / that they are faine to poure out and shede their nature / Whiche all do belonge vn to matrimony. In so moche that I dare be bol∣de to saye / Where as ys nowe one chaste / there ought more then an hondred thousan∣de to live maried. Thou canste here in have no better coun∣celle geven the / then that thou shuldeste fo∣lowe and laye before the / the example of saint Hierome / whiche extollinge chastite with moste high / but moste perillous laudes ād comendacion: Neverthelesshe he confes∣sheth that he coulde not tame his flessh no∣ther by any fastinge / ne yet praiers. So that chastite was vn to him more than any man can saie harde and painfulle. O how moche blessed time did he lose in flesshely thougtes He was of that opinion that he thought chastite might be goten by oure power and strength / & indged yt to be comone vn to all mē. Beholde this holy man being thus infi∣red wih heate & burnīe of ye flesshe / ought to have maryed a wife. Here now seist thou what a thinge it is to burne. He was in ye nombre of them that belonged vnto matri∣mony / and he did iniury vnto him silfe / whi¦che attempted many thinges / that he shulde not be maryed. Many of thes examples shalt thou fynde in a oke called de Vitis Patrum. Therfor this is the conclusion of sainte Paule. Where as is not this surmoun∣tinge / principalle / rare / ād singular gifte of god / there of necessite muste be other bur∣ninge / or elles matrimony: Now is it mo∣che better to be ioyned in maryag / then to burne. Bycause that burninge a though non evill dede shulde therof ensue / yet not with standinge it is frustrate & vaine chasti∣te / for so moche as it is not kepte with delite ād love / but with greate yrkesomnes / wery∣nesse / grudginly / by enforsemēt / ād vnwil∣lingly. So that before god it is estemed evē as incontinencye and vnchastite Where ye herte is vncleane / whē the body by violēce so cā not be. What availeth it therfore tho∣ught thou keptiste by greate painfulle & vn∣pleasante laboure vaine & vncleane clēnes? Yt were moche better for the / yf thou were clerely maryed / ād so to be voide or with out this ioye or pleasure as they take it for to be and wene that it is / but all amisse / for all be / it that in matrimony also is both afliction / paine / troble ād angwisshe / yet not withstā∣dinge maye a man geve him vnto all these / and sometyme have pleasure and quietenesse But where as lacketh a soveraine grace wi∣th out matrimony / yt can not be that thou maiste geve thy minde vnto chastite / ād ly∣ve therin merely or in quietenesse. Consider also now I beseche the / how madde teachers and rulers they be / whiche ōpelle youth every where in all cloyster vnto chastite / teachinge ye chastite the more harde & painfulle it is for them / & the more that it standeth againe there minde / ye mo∣re excellente and better it is for them. All be it yt with other thinges thou maiste thus playe and daly / here notwithstandinge thou muste do otherwise with chastite / for it can not be wylfulle / where as ys not redy pesente a singulare grace. Any other thin∣ge may be wilfulle thorow faith. These mā∣ner of men do after the fassyon of the Ie∣wes / whiche offeringe there childre vnto Moloch dyd burne them in the fyer. So that me seameth that Paule for this cause dyd vse thys worde burnynge / that he wol∣de touche and signifye this abhominacyon. For what is it elles to close and shute vp a yonge parsone all hys lyve longe with su∣che a burninge other in cloysres / or yet el∣les where / then to offer or consecrate them vnto the devylle for honor / that he shall be constrayned so to kepe miserable and dam∣nable chatite? I am here compelled for cause of suche teachers and rulers to shewe yow of a thin¦ge / whyche I hearde ones tolde of an ho∣neste and a sadde man / to thentente that suche rude and blynde hedes / yf so they wylle / maye feale evē with their hande how nwisyly they governe and rule One of thei faculte whiche was a preacher did at a time declare and telle in an open audience / that a man whiche wolde please god / muste begin∣ne to chastise himsilfe suerl And for an ex∣ample he brought forth out of the boke cal∣led de Vitis patrum one Simeon whiche did stande an whole yere apon an high pil∣ler on his one fote continually praying with out interrupcion / vntille that wormes did brede in his fote / whiche all when they felle downe were chaunged in to precious stones Likewise (saide he) muste thou also punisshe and chastise thy silfe / yf so thou luste to ser¦ve god. Soche manner of folisshe trifles & toies becometh well soche a folisshe prea∣cher. Whiche with out doute Satan did then ymagine for to moke and begile Chri∣sten people / To thentente that he myght for do and destroye the miracles of holy men / whiche in yt time were wrought. As though they all did saver of soche pevisshe mochage and triflinge. Beside forthe this mocker or trifeler toke also for his purpose a yonge childe that wen∣te to grammer scole (for so ys yt comonly sene that as men are wonte to saie / one foole ma∣keth ten other) whiche after a singulare wi∣se studing to serve god kepte in his vrine that he might so paine and punisshe him silf. In the fourte daie by cause he had made no wa∣ter / he began to falle sicke / And whan he coul¦de of no body be persuaded to pisse and ma∣ke water / he minded so to die / vn tille god by inspiracion did put in the minde of a crten persone / that he shulde praise him in his en∣tente or interprise and comforte hm as one that hadde done well and veruosly. (For as saieth Solomon so muste men speake with fooles in their matter) How beit quod he men saie that thou doest yt for a vaine glory / But yf ye doe so / then y yt nothinge worthe. Whan he had ones hear∣de this / he forsoke & gave over his purpose sayeng / Seyng they do thus saye and inter¦prete the matter in thys wyse / I wille ra∣ther do any thinge / thē performe that / whi∣che I have begunne. This ys truly a rud & grosse foly / But yet ought we not to set ly∣ght their by / or vtterly despyse yt. For in yt hath god shewed as I sayde before what le∣arninge soche preachers and rulers do tea∣che. Therfore wyll I entreate of yt in thys place somewhat the more largely. Yt fareth veryly thus (lyke as the scriptre and all ex∣perience do shewe) that this lyfe / whyche man leadeth here in the erthe ys miserable / wretched / and wofulle. What so ever state thou shall hoese / or take the vnto / ye though yt seame never so blssyd and godly. And yet ys ther none so wretched or wofulle but yf a mā by precepte shulde be compelled to kepe in his vrine or his disgestiō / he wolde doute∣lesse rather hoese to do any other thinge / then to take vpon hym to do eny soche im¦possibilite. But bycause no body y cōpel∣led vnto this I meane to kepe in his vrine or disgestiō. No man verely doth consyder and esteme how profitable and precious a thinge yt is to avoyde them from hym. And yet in the meane season they marke and bewayle the misery of their estates / whiche not with standinge is ten tymes lesse / then the wo and misery afore sayde / yf so they shulde be compared to gether. In lyke condicion standeth yt with this burninge. For they that are knitte in maryage be at libertye. They maye quenche that whi∣che burneth them / nother take they thought or care for that payne and misery (lyke as a woman whiche after that she is delyuered / thinketh moche other wise then when she was in travelinge). Nother do they af∣terwarde note or regarde any thinge savinge the troble and sorynesse of their condicion. For lyke as a good thinge when yt is pre∣sente is not regarded / evē so an evylle wh yt is paste is no more remembrede. But they whiche yet do abide in soche heate or burnin¦ge / and do never hope from yt to be ridde & delevered / what other thinge elles can they do / then skorne and counte for fooles them / that are wedded? And yet neverthelesse they groone and complayne of this whiche doth so vexe them. They are thus compelled to ke∣pe that / whiche ought not to be kepte / & that also in vayne / and to lose all their harde and paynfulle laboures. Whiche thinge of all other ys moste miserable & soroufulle. How moche soner shulde they suffer and bere all the burdones and vexaciōs of mariage / thē soche burninge? And to telle yow shortly. Sory mariage is better then sory chastite. And an harde or paynfulle mariage is bet∣ter then harde or paynfulle chastite. The rea¦son hereof ys not far to be sought / for so∣che chastite perissheth & i of non effecte: but soche mariage doth profite helpe & is moche frutefulle And this do I speake of ye burnī∣ge of thē / yt cōtinue chaste / of which be very fewe. The greate multitude do not suffer this heate / ne cōtinue chaste / but laboure by all me¦anes to be delivered frō it. Of whiche thinge I wille now no thinge write. But so sone as they yt lyve vnmaried be here of ridde / doth their cōsciēce tormēte & cōdēne thē / whiche amōges all other paines is moste intolle∣rabl / & wretchidfull And thus doth ye mat¦ter in cōclusion come to passe: yt they whiche without a singular grace / do lyve single & vn∣maried / for ye more parte be so pained & tro∣bled yt evē with their body they falle vnto ri∣baudry & sinne of lechery. But the other fewe do lyve outwardly chaste / and inwarde be¦rybaudes or lechers. So that ye firste are in∣daunger of damnacyon / & the other muste nedes live a sory miserable & vnprofitable life And where be nowe both seculare ād al∣so ecclesiasticalle rulers and oficers / that shulde consider in their hartes and loke apō thes tormentes of wofulle ād wretched sou¦les? But they them selves by there dayly cō∣pulsion and requestes do promote and helpe forth the liynge sprte of erroure to multiplye dayly thes evilles. ¶ Hetherto hath he spoken of widdowers and widdowes. In whom of both partyes the one may lfully be with out the other / ye man with out a womā / ād contrary wise / ye it is profitable that they so be / yf they cā ly∣e severalle a lone. But this can not be per∣mitted in maryed folkes / for the worde of god byndeth them to lyve in company to ge∣ther. But that they that ar vnmaryed and widdowes shulde continue vnwedded / it is nother commaunded of God / ne forbidden: but is a pure and holsome councelle of the apostle. And it is graunted them frelye afo∣re god other to mary agayne / or elles to a∣byde in widdowhode. The aposile permitteth divorsemente vn∣to the man / and vnto the wyfe / but vpon this condicyon / that they both afterwarde do abyde sole and vnmaryed. In whiche thīe he doth both disanulle y• lawe of Mo¦ses / by the whiche a man might put a waye his wife / whn he was wery of her / or dyd hate her / and mary an other. And when she was separate might ma∣ry with an oher / in the .xxiii. chapyter of Deuteronomy. Wherfore allthough Mo∣ses gave soche a lawe vnto the Iewes which were stubbrne / frowarde / styffe minded / & of hthē cōdiciōs / yet ys yt not lefulle so for chistē people to do And therfore doth Chri∣ste also him silfe disnulle the same lawe in the .xix. chapter of Mathew. For in the olde testamente were lawes that did not only c̄∣cerne the sprete / but y• also regarded world∣ly policye and civile oderinge of the comōs In somoche as god did governe and gyde that same people both spretually and also bodyly. In like maner as many thinges be ordened in the Emperres lawe / which not with standinge be not lefulle / for a christen man to vse / soche as these are to withstande or put awaye violence violently / to sue or ke∣pe plee / and other like. Lawes wherby male factores are chaste∣ned ād let from there purpose be moche dif∣ferente from those by whiche the good peo∣ple be instructe and ruled. In lyke manner was this lawe institute to punysshe eyll doer / ād to stoppe their puroses / lesse they haply shulde kylle their wifes / do that were elles worse. But Christen people mu∣ste be hartely good (so that soche lawe is not necessary for them) and kepe stylle their wi∣fes / so longe as they shall lyve. But where right Christen folke are not / there at this houre is yet this lawe nedefull to be vsed / that shulde pardone and permitte vnto them or to departe fram their wyfes / after the gyse of paynemes / and to mary other / lesse by dissencyon in levinge to gether / they shul∣de twyse purchase selle / that is to wyt both in this lyfe presente / and in the other folo∣wing. But yet ought soche parsones makīg so divorse knowe / yt they in so lyvynge wea¦e no lnger christē people / but paynemys in a damnable estate. The Apostle doth speake here of one cau∣se of dyvorsemente / that ys to wytte anger. When the husbande and wyfe can not cō∣pany to gether and lyve in agremēte or v∣nite / but are letted and / pulled awaye both from prayer and all other good dede thorow meanes of hate and anger. This doth the texte manifestly shewe / when he sa∣yeth / Lett them be recōcyled / ād lett thē aby∣de to gether vnseparate. But yf they wylle not be reconcyled / but wyll be separate / lett them abyde vnmaryed. Where now reconcy∣lynge ys commaundded / there dowelesse ys anger and debate shewed to be. But soche dyvorsement truly doth the Apostle dissem∣blinge or twinkelinge / at mennes infirmite permitte / when .ij. parsones can not to ge∣ther agree with in them selves. Elles truly one hadde neade to have borne an others burden / and not to departe a sondre in any wyse. And this certes ys the cause why he denieth vnto them that are yvorsed and separate / after that to mary with ny other parsone / to thentente that they shulde so ha∣e occasyon to be reconcyled againe the one vnto the other and come agayne to gether. Yee in yt he bindeth & cōpelleth thē to love newe eche other and kepe company agayne For asmoche as parhappes the gifte of cha∣stite is not gyven them. But what yf the one will not love agai∣ne / or have tonement with the other / and will algate be separate / and the other ar∣tye not havynge power to abstayne or abyde chaste shulde e enforced to chose hym wyfe for his mate / what shall thy parso∣ne do / may not e lefully mary with an other wyfe? To that I make answere thu syng yes doutlesse may he / for seynge that he is not cōmaūded to abyde chaste / nother hath the gifte of chastie gyven him / and beside fothe his mate vnto whom he was before maryed will no voytsave to be aone with him / and love him againe / but taketh awaye from him hir body / whiche he can not be with out. Thes thinges thus layde to gether and well estemed / you shall knowe that god wille not binde him to that thinge / whiche excedeth his ower / for the presumpyon o ledenesse of the other partye. And he m∣ste do in like wise as his maryed fellow were decessed. Specially synge that he did not fuse to be reconciled and brought to ato∣nemente. Againe the whiche whether so e∣ver arye do withstande / the same ought to abyde vnwedde / all be it the other do after mary againe. As here doth afferme Paule saiy. ¶Whē sainte paule recordeth that this par¦te is not his saiyng / but y• saiyng of y• lorde / he sheweth yt it is not cōmaūded of god to do other this or elles that / for he divideth his sayenge from the worde or sayeng of God. So that the sayinge of god is a precepte and cōmavndemente / but his / is a counsell. Mo¦re over his entente is to saye thus. To the remnaunte / that is to wit / where raigneth no debate and brawlinge betwyxte maryed mates. As whē two ar coupled in matrimo∣ny. Of whiche the one is a christian / & the other havinge no knowlege of christe (like as it was comonly sene when fayth was at the firste tyme preached amonges the gentilles that one shulde turne him vnto Christe / and an other turne frō him) All be it that in this case a Christen parsone may departe from one that is not Christen. Yet neverthelesse the councelle of the apostle is that soche shulde not departe. Inasmoche as his ma∣ryed mate whyche ys not Christen doth accepte hym and ys contente wyth hym And doth not let him to coūterfette and ex∣presse Christe in maner of lyvinge / nother cō¦strayneth hym to lyve wyckedly or to abiure Christe. This doth Paule signifye in this worde yf she consente or be contente to dwelle with him &c. That is to saye if an infidele or vn∣belever be contente / ād will dwelle with him that hah maryed her / and wille suffer hyr to do all that pertayneth vnto a christen bo∣dy / for matrimony is but a corporalle and an outwarde thinge whiche doth nother hurte ne helpe / nother doth hinder ne further fa∣ith: And in whiche the one may be a christi∣an / and the other an infidele. As well as o∣ne that is sworne vnto Christe maye eate / drī¦ke / bye / selle / ād occupye with a payneme / a Iewe or a Turke in all manner exterior thī∣ges. Like as vyn now a dayes one maye be a erfecte and devoute Christian and the o∣ther a wicked and famed or false Christyan. So that matrimony for cause of byleve or vn byleve ought not to be broken & fordone. But yf an infidele wolde not suffer hys maryed mate to abyde Christian / or to lyve a Christian lyfe / but wolde persecute and lett her. There were it conveniente tyme y• a chri¦sten body shulde vse the sentence of Christe / whiche saith in the .x chapter of Mathew: He that loveth his wife or childre more thē me / is not worthy of me. Here beginneth di∣orsemēte. Yf so divorsemente be / other mu∣ste reconcylynge / ād attonemente be made / or elles the parsone which refuseth reconci∣linge muste abyde vnmaried and sole. So y• yet vnto the parsone which disyreth to have peace & atonemente shall not be denied au∣thorite afterwarde to mary an other / as ys specifyed before / for Christe whiche ys the spouse of the soule muste be greater / and be∣re more rome then the corporalle spouse. Yf therfore the one wille not suffer y• other to a∣byde & lyv to gether with y• eteralle spou∣se of the soule / Here may a Christen parsone forsake hir firste corporalle spouse / and take an other whiche will suffer Christe the eter∣nalle spouse abyde to gether with him. So is it likewise cōveniēt & necessary to be vsed now in these dayes. If y• husbande will teache and enforse his wife to do thefte / ad∣outry / or any other vngracyousnes againste god. In these is y• same cause ād reasone of divorsemēte / that is spoken of before. So y• excepte they be reconciled and come to an onemente / she maye lefully mary an other husbande. And in like case might also the man do / yf so his wife dyd instance him to vill / and wolde not elles e contente to vse him quietly for hir husbande. Of this groun∣de and principle cometh / that advoutry ma∣keth divorse / and geveth power vnto y• other parsone that lyveth truly accordinge to the ordinaunce of wedlocke to be maryed a new to an other / for it was cōmaūded in y• lawe / Deuterono .xiij. That every mā shulde accuse his wife / brother / and moste assured frynde (that moved him to synne agaynste God) a¦fore the iudge / that they myght be slayne. But in the new testamente (where corporalle¦deth and slaughter bereth no rome) it is suffi∣cient to forsake them and departe awaye frō them. Of this is gathered. That those be wicked examples. In whiche we do fynde that certen maryed womē by consente of the∣ir husbandes (whiche had bene impisoned) were defloured ād viciate / to thentente that they I meane the husbandes thoow soche a vyle dede shulde be delyvered. The precep∣te and worde of god ought to have bene ob¦served and kepte / all though the husbande or wife / body ād goodes / shulde have peris∣shed. Nother hath eny man authoryte to geve hys wyfe leave to cōmyte advoutry. ¶This is spoken after the propertye of the hebrew speche / and accordinge after Paules manner of speakinge. That vnto the pure a∣re all thinges pure / as he saieth Titi. i. And Roma. viij. All thinge worketh for ye beste to to christen people and to thē that love God So that this is his sentēce. A christiā ma∣ryed shall have no nede to make divorsemē∣te. For there is no thinge to let thē / but that they maye abide with infideles / that are as∣sociate to them in maryage / and also beget∣te ād bringe vp vnbelevinge childe. The re∣asō why is / where his maryed fellow doth not compelle him to forsake and renounce christian lyvinge / fayth is so mighty a thin∣ge that no hurte can be to it / ne to the pos∣sessioners therof by lyvinge or company ke∣ping with infideles and vnbelevers. And it is all one vnto them whether the thinge be holy or vnholy / pure or elles vnpure / yt they do vse / for even very deth whiche is of all thinges moste hydeous and terrible is vnto them thorow faith an holy & a precyons thī∣ge faith doth vse all thinges well and ac∣cordingly / whether they be good or elles e∣vill / excepte only vnbileve ād the frutes ther of / for they as strayte as a lyne be contrary vnto faith / and thruste it out of place. Elles what so ever doth not expelle faith ād put it out of place / is by reason of the same fayth harmelesse / pure / clene / holy / profitable ād holsome: So that faith may company with them / vse them / and finally continue with them with out any hurte or ieoperde / that maye vnto it thorow them befalle for onles it were thus: No parsone might ever lyve christiā / for he muste nedes abide & passe the covrse of his lyfe in ye middes of vnbelevīge evill & wicked people, But whē he foloweth not their manners / but doth ryghtly vse thē / he may well lyve by them / and amōges thē / that by his good behavore and diligēce they finally maye be striken with remorse & com∣puncciō of minde & become godly & christiā In this ys all the worlde vnto a true chri∣stian nothinge but holynesse / purenesse / pro∣fite / and goodnesse. Contrary wyse / All the whole worlde ys vnto an vnbelever or an in fydele vnholynesse / vnclennesse / hurte & de∣structiō / yee evē god hī silfe with all his vni¦uersalle goodnesse. As Davyd writeth in ye xvij. psalme sayng: Thou shalte with holy be holy / and thou with the good and innocen∣te shalte be innocēte and good. And with the chosen shalte thou be chosen / and with the perverse and weywarde shalte thou be wey∣warde. And whyr for holy folkes and sain¦tes / that is to saye belevinge persones do holyly and blessydly vse all thinges. But the vnholy and vnbelevinge or infideles do dis∣merite or deserve the contrary / that ys to saye they misuse / make vnclene / and defyle them selves in all thinges vniuersally / ād that al∣waye. For they can vse no thinge well or ho¦lyly / that yt shall profite them vnto blysse. Thus be also infātes holy & clene / allthough they have not yet receaved baptisme Not bi∣cause they be in their awne persone clene ād holy. Of whiche holinesse or clēnesse ys he∣re of Paule made no mencion: But bycause they be clene ād holy to the. For thy holyne∣se and clēnesse may lyve to gether with the and bringe them vp / with out defylinge thē as though both soche childre and yow tha are their parentes were / holy or clene. For in this wise entendeth here Paule to saye / yf a chrysten body shulde happly have childre with an infidele / whiche chyldre were gro∣wen vnto yeres of discrecion (as in that ty∣me was often sene) ād they wolde not assen∣te to be yet baptised ne become the servantes of Chryste. Then for so moche as no persone ought to be cōstrayned vnto fayth / but there vnto to be drawen of god thorow preachin∣ge of the evāgely. Nother of ye fryndes shul∣de therfore purpose in their minde to forsake their childre / ne denye ād take from thē fat∣therly or motherly love and kyndenesse / whi∣che they also do owe vnto them / as though they dyd synne and defyle thē sylves by aby∣dinge with their vnbelevinge childre. But bodyly they owe to be presente with them / overseyng / rulyng / and nurtringe them as well as they were moste holy christianes / fo they are not vnclene (sayth Paule) but holy & pure. That is to saye / Thy fayth maye so be well occupied & exercised aboute thē / that yt shall yet abyde both holy & pur. Lyke wyse shulde mē also do nowe a dayes / & at all ti∣mes Yf their childrē wolde not receave ye euā¦gely / they ought not therfor to be refused & ca¦ste awaie / but thou shulde take diligēte kepe & make provision for them / as well as yf they were moste faythfulle or Christian. Their faith commended vnto god / so longe as in other pointes they were buxum / and behaved thē honestly in worldly and outwar / de thinges. For the outwarde dedes like as the parētes may evē so are they also bounde to let and inhbite with punisshinētes: But vnbeleve & inwarde evilles. Nother can ony parsone let / ne by chastysemente refraine ex∣cepte god onley. So that this texte of sainte Paule remayneth stylle a mighty and valy∣ant defense for vs / teachinge that all thin∣ges be holy and pure to thē that beleve / and have faith. ¶In this place Paule delyvereth ād setteth quyte a christian maryed parsone gevinge sen¦tence for him / that when his maried mate being an infidele or an vnbelevīge body will departe or elles will not graunte ye he shall folowe Christe. Then doth he geve him liber∣tye to mary againe with an other. And that Paule doth here speake of maryed mate / be∣ing an infidele or payneme / the same ought to be vnderstande also of fayned or false christian. That yf one maryed mate wolde eforce the other to wickednesse and misbe∣lve / ne suffer him in lyvinge to folowe chri¦ste: Thē the parsone thus eville enforced shul¦de stande lose / and at libertye to mary with whome he liked. Whiche thinge onles chri∣stes lawe did allowe to belefulle. A christi∣an shulde be faine to folowe his maried cō∣panyon being an infidele or misbelever: Or elles againste his minde to abyde chaste vn¦to greate perille of his soule / his nature the∣re againste repininge / and all the powers of the same. But this doth Paule here denie sayenge. That vnto soche is not a brother or a sister in subiectiō / ne thraulde. as though he shul∣de saye: Vnto other parsones o in othere cau¦ses / where as man and wife do abyde to ge¦ther with rendringe one an other due bene∣volence of matrimony and soche other thin∣ges lyke is the one bounde vnto the other / & nother hath power of them selves. But whe¦re as the one wille straine the other vnto wic¦ked and vngodly lyvinge / or elles they wille departe a sondre / In soche poyntes is not a christen body bounde ne compelled to aby∣de with soche mates eny longer. If then he standeth not bounde / then is he ridde & dis∣patched. And if he be ridde and dispatched he maye thē lefully mary with an other. As though the parsone whiche is coupled vnto him in mariage were decessed. But what yf the secōde mariage dyd not by chaunce hym well / so that the one wol∣de compelle the other / the husbande his wife or contrary wyse / to lyve vngodly / ād after the fassyon of paynemis / vntylle that he shulde come vnto .iij. or .iiij. maryages / shulde yt be lefulle then for a manne so ofte to marye a new wyfe as his olde were soche one as I have spoke of before? so yt he had stylle lyvinge ten wives or elles more that had lefte and forsaken hym? And agayne warde shall yt be lefulle for a woman so to have ten or elles more husbandes livinge / which are departed and gone frome her? I make answere / We maye not stoppe saynte Paules mouthe / ne stryve againste thē y• lu∣ste to vse (so ofte as nede requyreth) his tea∣chinge. His wordes are manifeste: That a brother or a syster ys free from the onde or lawe of mariage / yf the other partye whi∣che with them ys maried wylle nedes de∣parte / or consente no lenger to tary with thē And he doth not saye that this thinge ma∣ye be ones done: but he putteth vnto oure libertye ye thīge / other to departe or elles to abide so ofte as soche a thinge befalleth. For he wylle have no persone put in ieoperde of incontinencie or fornicacion / that he shulde be therin intretayned and intrapped tho∣row an other bodyes / presumpcyō and lew∣enesse? What is that? Ought not a Christē body to tary for other ye cominge agayne of his maried fellowe / or elles hyr discesse / ly∣ke as vnto this daye hath bene observed in comone vsage / & also cōmaunded by ye Po∣pes lawes? I answere vnto that / yf soche one please to tary / yt resteth in his good wil∣le: for seyng yt ye apostle doth here sette him quite & at liberte / he hath no nede to abyde for his fyrste mate ony lenger: but he maye chaunge his estate & take an other / yf so he lyke / & yt by ye authorite & power of god And wolde to god yt ye cominalte of christē peo∣ple had vsed this teachinge of Paule / or el∣les yt they wolde yet cause yt to be brought in vsage / when so ever yt chaunseth yt ye mā or ye wife rūneth awaye / & doth forake the one an other: wherof doth afterwarde ary∣se excedīge moche fornicaciō & synne This thīge hath ye wrecchedde lawes of the pope moche holpē forth / & promoted / whiche bi¦deth one maried persone vtterly to abyde o∣ther y• cominge againe / or elles ye decesse of ye other yt was his mate / & now departed ād gone from him And yt vnder ye payne (o pe∣sūcion / o shamelesse boldenes) of everla∣stinge dānacion / whiche (yf yt after he do ma¦ry) he shall rūne in to. And thus by meanes of these vngracious lawes hath y• pope kepte thraulde & put in subiectiō chrystē bretherne & systers for ye presumpcion & trespasse of o∣ther / yt were / their maried cōpaniōs / & with out all maner of causes hath caste thē in to of fornicacyon. But what yf the partye that wēte awaye alledgeth that afterwarde he wille amende his lyfe / shall they then be receaved ād ta∣ken in to cōpanye againe? I saye vnto that yf so the partye whiche did abyde and dyd / not beginne fyrste to departe doth continue in the estate that he was in before / ād hath not in the meane seasone maryed with an o∣ther / he maye then receave his firste mate / whiche he was ioyned vnto afore / but dyd departe from him / & not only he maye thus do / but also he ought to be coūcelled so for to do / that they maye love eche other againe and companie to gether / lyke as they did at the firste. But if in the meane space he shall parhappes be maried vnto an other / then ye partye whiche did forsake hyr maryed cō∣panion muste vtterly with out excepcyon be put awaye / ne ever after be receaved a∣gayne. And vnto this purpose serveth well that is writē of Moses Deuteronom ii. xxiiij If a man be maryed or take a wiffe / to whō he casteth no favoure be cause she hathe some deformite / he shall write a libell of divorse∣ment and geve it her in here awne handes / and so shall let here departe from his house And when she is departed and hath mary∣ed an other husbande / yf he also hate here and will geve her a lybell of dyvorsemente / and so demysse her from his house / or els dye: Yet may not her first husbande receave her agayne for his wife lyke wyse ought al∣so a man to do in this case / to the ende that suche runnynge a waye or departinge maye be reproved and condempned. For doutlesse yf yt were so done all soche dy∣vorse and departinge of maryed couples / shulde consequētly be a bated / dymynisshed / and lefte. But now when the Pope hath opened awaye for soche runners / ād defendeth their runninge and lewdenesse / gevynge them le∣ave and auhorite to come agayne and clai∣me their fyrste maryed mate / what mervai∣le ys yt / yf the worlde be fulle of broken for¦lorne and desolate maryages / yee and reple∣te wyth fornycacyon? Which Sathan hath sought and studyed to bringe a boute tho∣row these lawes. But yf both partyes be fo∣unde culpable in soche runnynge a waye or departinge: Then yt ys right / that eche of them do forgyve other their offenses / and be reconcyled / and dwelle agayne to gether And this doctrine of Paule extendeth so farre / that yt comprehendeth all manner of dyvorsemente. As when the husbande and his wife departeth a sodre the one frō the other not only bycause of Christian fa∣ith / but also for what soever other cause / be yt other for anger or elles for any other dis∣pleasure. So that in all soche thinges the causer of dyvorse ought other to reconcyle hym vnto his maryed mate / or elles abyde vnmaryed: and then the partye whiche is in∣nocente and fautlesse beyng dysmyssed and sette free / shall have power / yf so his mate wille not be pacifyed and come to agre∣mente to chaunge his estate / and ma∣ry with an other. For this is vtterly a wyc∣ked / vngodly / and hethen maner that mari∣ed folkes shuld be separate / and goo awaye the one from the other / for cause of anger or elles of any other fylthy & vncleane thin∣ge / and wylle not rather suffer and take par¦te to gether of good and evylle / of swete & of sower / lyke as they are boūde to do. Wher¦fore soche maried people be verely hethen ād infideles. God (sayth he) hath called vs in peace / that is to saye / that we shulde spende oure ly¦fe in reaste and peace. So that a Christyan husbande / or a Christian wife ought not to stryve for cause of faith or vnbyleve / nor yet departe / or go awaye: Yf that the vnbeleer wille not violently pulle the awaye frō god∣lynesse. But every parsone ought to be suffe∣red to abyde in their awne beleve. The cau∣se therof referryd vnto God. For vnto fayth no man nother can / ne ought to enforce and straine an other. Only god muste drawe mē ther vnto by his grace. And it is requisyte that we do teache / exhorte / ād praye forthe same / but cōpelle any parsone we maye not Wherfor a Christian & belevinge body ought to lyve peasably with his maryed compani∣on beynge an infidele / or of misbeleve as touchinge the exteriordedes of matrimony and not to dystroble him nother with thre∣tennniges / departinge / ne persecucyon. For God is not causer of stryfe / but of peace As is testifyed Roma .xv. and also in ye .xiiij chapter of this pistle. Therfore doth he not teache stryfe and discorde / but kepeth & pre∣serveth vs all vnto peace. Now sainte Pau∣le procedeth forthe. ¶ That is to saye / ye ought therfore to kepe mutuall peace one with an other in matrimo¦ny / ād yt also with your wives or husbandes being infideles (whē they withstāde not / ne let you to byleve and folowe christe) & not to manace / thretne / drive & enforse thē vnto fa∣ith. For it is not in your power / ne your dede yt one may come or turne to ye faith of christe ut yt cometh of god only. Seynge therfore you do not knowe whether god will save thē thorow meanes of yow / or elles not / yow shall nourisshe peace betwyxte your selves / nother shall the husbande at eny tyme com∣pell his wife beynge an infidele or misbele∣ver vnto the right fayth of christe / or elles stryve with hyr for cause of the same: Nea christian wife shall for it contende or braule with hyr husbande beynge an infidele. But yf it shall please god thorow yow to save thē / he there vnto shall hele and ayde yow dea∣linge his grace ād giftes vnto to yow / whi∣che are to soche an effecte belonginge. This seameth vnto me the very minde and mea∣ninge of Paule in this place: That he wolde have no parsone enforced other to ye faith or godlines / but one maryed mate to lye qui∣etly and in eace with an other / vntille the tyme God shall chaunge and converte vnto him by vs / whome he shall please. Whiche thinge teacheth well sainte Peter in the .ij. chapter of his firste pistle. Thus muste we do with a maryed mate that is an infidele or misbelever / his evyll li∣vynge of vs muste peaseably be sufferyd / no∣ther ought we to constraine him vnto fayth and godlynes / but cureously bringe him the¦re vnto with softe entreatinge and tranquil∣lite / for paraventure thou art vnworthy that any parsone thorow the shulde come vnto goodnes / or waxe better: But yf thou be worthy god of hys good wille shall gravnte gyve the to do it. In the maene season thou ar suer that thou mayste lefully lyve with a maryed mate / yee and that though he be an infidele so longe as thou doest not folowe his vnbylefe or infidelyte / and evyll lyvin∣ge / ne doest there vnto consente / and suffe∣reste not thy silfe to be compelled of him to any vngodlines. But doest endure soche wickednesse and iniury of thy maryed per∣tyner (even as we muste suffer them of all y• worlde / and of Satan him silfe) enreatinge him with mylde wordes and peaseable ly∣vinge / vntille that god shall lende him gra∣ce to repente him slfe and so be converted. ¶This is the conclusion & summe of this parte of matrimony. In which he entendeth to saye thus: Faith and christianite is so free a thinge that it is bounde to none estate / but is preferred / ruleth / and reygneth in thē all and over them all. Wherfor a man neadeth to chose none estate for to come vnto blysse. But in what so ever estate / and condicyon / the evangly or fayth shall fynde the in / be thou no adouted but that thou maiste be saved in the same. Therfore that thou shul∣deste forsake wedlocke and kepe separate thy silfe from a maryed mate / for cause of faith or salvacyon / it is not nedefulle. And contrary wise that thou shuldeste be coupled in matrimony other with a christiā / or elles with an infidele for cause of faith or salvacyon / is also not nedefulle. And to tel∣le yow at ones in fewe wordes. Yf thou be weddid other with a christiā / or elles with an infidele / thou art therfore nother saved ne condempned. Or yf thou be vnmaryed / thou art lyke wise therfore nother saved ne condempned. For all these thinges are he∣re free and indifferent. But when thou shal¦te be a Christian / and so lyve / then shalte thou be saved / and yf thou be not a chri∣stian / but an vnbelever or an infidele / thou shalte then be damned. So do I ordeyne in all congregacyons / that is to saye amonges all Christen parso∣nes / where I do preache the Evangely. For I do not teache yt they shulde forsake the∣ir estates / and make troble or debate / but yt they shulde in them continue / and passe the course of their lyfe in peace. Marke here well / & hou maiste now see that Paule doth leve here none estate blessed / excepte the esta∣te only of christianite or of a christen body. All other doth he make free. That of them selves they nother make for salvacion ne et fordānaciō: but all they thorow faith be hol¦some / and thorow vnbylefe hurtefulle or no∣ysome / ād that even when they be beste kep∣te. What cā now oure monkes / nōnes / fre∣res / & suche other cloysterers here saye? whi¦che do magnifye / boste / & coūte their estates as ye gretteste estates of slvaciō above this moste singulare estate of faith and Christia∣nite? They be all vndouted vtterly damna∣ble / excepte they be lefte free and in mennys eleccyon. So that folkes cōsciences vnto thē be not bounde / & that they be observed / not to thentente that thorow thē mē shulde pur∣chase blysse: but inconvenient age to inv or exercyse the body. As in tyme comynge yf so god please I shall shew more largely. ¶ Here doth he gather to gether certen ex∣amples of his conclusion aforesayde / that is to witte ye every māne walke acordinge after his callinge. The irste exāple is of a Iewe / & of a Gētille. And this is ye meanīge therof If so thou be circūcided & art vnder ye lawe / thou shuldeste not deme that to be tressse & sinne / so that thou therfore woldeste go frō yt / for fayth doth as well excelle circuncisiō as it doth all other lawes. So that thou maiste lawfully be other circuncided / or el∣les vncircuncided. Nother doest thou nede other of them vnto salvacyon / but eche of thē is lyke wyse free forthe to lyve in. And to mary or elles to lyve vnmaryed nother is necessaryly vnto the requisyte: but both esta∣tes are vnto the free / and in thy choyse to ta¦ke wheth er of thē thoulykeste. In lyke ma∣ner yf thou art a Gentylle vncircuncided / and with out the lawe of Moses / thou shul¦deste not thynke / that it is wronge and vn∣lawulle for the so to abyde stylle / or elles that thou oughteste to be circumyded: but it is free for the to lyve as thou doest con∣cerninge these estates / and soche other / and to vse whether of them both shall please the Only faith maketh the ryghtewes / whiche also only doth fulfylle the lawes of god. These .ij. sayinges let not a man take vn∣circuncision / and let him not be circuncised / ought not to be so vnderstande as though Paule dyd forbydde both circuncysion and vncircuncision. For who can observe or ke∣pe both to gether. He shulde then do con∣traryate to be circuncysed / and also vncircū∣cised. And he him silfe doth heresaye yt cir∣cuncision is no thinge. Which sentēce shul¦de be contrary vnto this that he sayeth / let him not chose to be vncircūcided / for yf he ought not to take vncircucision or be vncir¦cuncided / he ought then to be circuncided. How may then circuncision be no thinge? And by this meanes / this saiyng vncircun∣cision is no thinge shulde repugne with that he sayeth. Let him not be circuncided / for yf he ought not to be circuncided / he muste thē chose vncircuncision / how therfore shall vn∣circuncision be no thinge? But yow muste vnderstande that he doth not here inhibite / and forfende the estate of circuncision o el∣les of vncircuncision whiche be corporalle and exterior thinges: but he forbideth in thē necessyte / cōpulsiō / & cōsciēce making / & wil∣leth thē to be free & īdiffrēte / & nother good ne badde / lefulle ne vnlefulle in them seles: but that they be according after they ar vsed and lyke as the parsones which have thē & do lyve in them. So then shulde not a man chose to be vncircuncided as though of ne∣cessite he ste not lyve circuncised. Nother cōtrary wise so to take circuncision / as thou∣gh by necessite he were so bounde to do No∣ther of these is worthy of blisse And yet both of them may be suffered with out any charge and grefe of conscience. So that to be bor∣ne a Iewe or elles a Gentille that is to saye circūcided or elles vncircūcided doth nother helpe a man to god ne lette him from God. But this cometh only of fayth and vnby∣leve. Accordinge vnto this ought also be sa∣yed vnto owr people. To be wedded is no∣thinge / and to be vnwedded ys nothinge / To be maried with an infidele or mis belever is no thige / Also to be maried with a chri∣stiā is no thīge. He yt is maried / let hī aby∣de maried / he yt ys vnmaried let hī not desy∣er mariage. That is to saye / let hym not suf∣fre his consciēce to be greved / as thowgh he ought other to lyve maried / or elles that he ought to abyde vnmaried. Moreover to be a monke or a frere ys no thinge / Also to be a laye man ys nothynge: To be a pry∣ste ys nothinge. And to be a monke ys lyke wyse nothīge. He therfore that ys a laye mā let hym not be a mōke / And he that is a mō∣ke let hym not be a laye man: That is to saye let him not thinke that he hath necessite to be the one / or elles the other er make ony stic∣kinge or gradge in conscience by cause he ys this or that: but let him abyde the mā / that he ys / and in the same estate. So that yet ys fayth do remayne pure & sure. For whe∣re as fayth cā not persever there necessite bī∣deth as well a monke to departe as an o∣ther man / whiche is called awaye and with drawen from Chryste by his wicked maried fellow. But here may the Iewes make obiection and laye agaynste Paule. Sayest thou that circumcision is nothinge worthe / but that the commaundemente of god is all to ge∣ther. Circumcysion ys straytly commaunded vnto vs of god: how then doest thou saye yt yt ys no thinge? This ys a longer matter / then yt I cā nowe (accordyng as yt is wor∣thy) speake of. but I have of yt sufficient∣ly wrytten in other places. Notwithstandin∣ge have ye yet now agayne my minde in fe∣we wordes. All the lawes of Moses were wryttē ād gevē vntylle the comīge of chri∣ste / he at hys comynge ought both to tea∣che and also to geve or deale vnto his servantes fayth and love. Where as they be / all the commaundementes and la∣wes are fulfylled abrogate and made free. So that after the cominge of Chryste no cō∣maundemente ys any lenger necessary / on∣les yt concerne fayth and love. Therfore where love shall requyre / I shall suffer to be circūcyded / elles I shall let yt passe. Where charite shall requyre anger / there am I bū∣de to be angry / elles I shall forbere and ex∣chue yt. Where charyte shall demaunde to sweare / there muste one sweare / elles shall I abstayne from sweayge. And so muste be done in all preceptes / lawes / and com∣maundementes / both goddes and mannes. What charyte ys / and howe that yt seketh the profyte & pleasure of oure neyghbore ād also what fayth ys / hath ben many tymes shewed in other places. ¶ He doth here repete agayne his conclu∣syon / puttyng an other example concernin∣ge the same of a servante and a free man. In that tyme many were as one wolde saye not their awne men / lyke as nowe a dayes in cer∣ten places besome that hath no power over their awne body / and are comonly called bō∣de men or flaves / Thes Paule doth here cal¦le servantes: Therfore as in matrimony the one partie ought to vse them sylfes vnto the other / wher as also ys power taken a waye from them over their awne body / evyn so ought also thrawldes and bonde men v∣se them to warde their lorde or master / in whose power they are as concerninge their bodyes / and are as yt is vsually sayde their lordes very good and possession. But yet he that is called in this state sayeth the Apostle let thym not care for yt: That ys to saye / It hyndereth hym not from god∣linesse / ne letteth in him Christian fayth. No∣ther he therfore neade to runne from his lor∣de or master: but ys bounde to dwelle stille with him / whether he be a Christiā or elles n infidele / godly or elles vngodly / onles he wylle drawe him a waye from Christe ād cō∣pelle him to folow nawghty livinge. For thē is yt not vnlefulle for him to departe ād py∣ke him a waie to thērēt he maye the better li∣ve and woke tha shall be for his salvacion And all that ys spoken a litylle before of a Christian or faythfulle persone / how that he shulde bere hym in wedlocke to warde his mate beyng a misbelever or an infydele / the same ought to be repetyd / and sayde agayne here in this place / for the behavore of a chri∣stian servante to warde his lorde beyng an infidele. And what soever he doth speake he¦re of him / that hath no power over hys aw∣ne body: The same ought also to be vnder∣stande of all prentyses / iournymen / hande∣maydes / women servātes / hyerd men / attor∣nayes / labourers / and generally of all ser∣ante / touchinge the accomplisshemente of their masters commaundemente. Ye and of all promyses / covenantes / bargenys / ād of all manner wayes / by whiche any persone maye in any wise be boūde vnto an other For in these all / and soche other muste they per∣forme their office / service / dutye / and pro∣mise / whether the other partye be Chrystian or ethen good or evyll / godly or elles vn∣godly / so lōge as they go not aboute to pul∣le vs from the faith of Christe / ne spoile vs of Christian livinge. For al soche states are free / ne ony whitte wyth standing christia∣nite. As yf the kynge of Pole or Hungary had made a leage with the Turke / they were vndouted bounde to performe yt / and saye as Paule doth here teache: god hath called vs in peace. ¶Not so that thou shalte pyke the from thy master or lorde prively / and runne awaye. But that thou shuldeste not vnderstande the saying of Paule / in whiche he byddeth that every persone do abyde in the same sta∣te / wherin he is called / as though thou my∣ghtest not have power over thyne awne bo∣dy / yf so thy master or lorde dyd wittyngly and willingly make the free ād gyve the ma∣numission. Saynte Paule wille here instru∣cte thy conscience / that thou mayste knowe how both estates are free / whether thou be a servāte / and thraulde in body vnto an other persone / or elles a free man and vnthraulde. And thys purposeth he / to thentēe he shul∣de not stoppe the from libertye and fredo∣me / yf so thou mayste come ther by with fa∣vore of thy lorde and master. So that yt shulde be all one / as touchinge vnto thy cō∣science / whether thou be a servante & thraul¦de / or elles at libertye and free. Yf god and hys honor do so suffer and allowe yt. For Chrystiā fayth doth not invade and violēt∣ly take awaye other mennys goodes / but caueth vs to performe all covenantes and dutyes / ye rather then fayle to do all that we can or maye / even for them that we be not bounde ne beholdyng vnto (excepte by the lawe of love) and to them that have no po∣wer over vs. ¶Thys ys no more to saye / but that yt y all one thīge afore god whether thou be bō∣de or elles a freman: Lyke as circumcysyon and vncyrcumcysion are all one thynge. Nother of them doth let thy fayth and sal∣vacyon: As though I shulde saye / In fayth yt ys all one mater whether thou be poore / or elles ryche / a yonge man or an olde / fay∣er or foule / lettred or vnlettred / a laye man or elles a spretuall (as ys wonte to be sayde) whyte or elles blacke For he yt is called being poore is a fore god ryche. And he yt ys called ionge man is aunciēt in the syght of god. And he that, is called beyng foule and mis∣se favored / is a fore god fayer ād beautyful∣le. And he that is called beyng vnlerned / is afore God right coninge and well lerned. And be that is called beyng a laye man / ys before god a pryste. All this is bycause that fayth doth make vs all afore god egalle and lyke. Ne doth yt suffere division of states or persones to be of any value. In lyke wyse al∣so here when he sayeth: he that is called in the lorde beyng a seruante is the lordes free∣man. This is asmoche to saye / that he is no lesse recounted a fore god / then yf be were free / and no servante. Contrary wise / he that ys called beyng free / is Chistes servante / yt is to saye / he is no better then a servante. Here cometh well in place that Paule saieth Gala. iij. Here is nother Iewe / ne Greke / nother bonde / no fre / ther ys nother man ne womā for all are one thinge in Chryste Ie∣su / ye Chryste ys all and the whole in all thīges. We have all one fayth / one god / one inherytance / and all thinges are egalle ād lyke. Thus mayeste thou cōclude / he that is called beyng a mā / is afore god as a wo∣man / and she that is called beyng a woman is before god as a man. Wherfore this wor∣de Christes servante in this place can not be spoken of service that is done to chryste / but yt signifieth a servante that is here set vnder mē in this worlde. Whiche for so moche as he also belongeth vnto Christe and lyveth nder hym ys of like reputacion vnto god as yf he were free. Ye he ys even chrystes propre servante / in that he serveth hys ma∣ster diligently / and faythfully for Christes sake and acordynge vnto his commaunde∣mente. ¶What meaneth he b this? he hath shewed before / that servātes ought to abyde in their states / wherin they are called. And yet doth he here forfende / that we shulde be ser∣vantes. But ye shall knowe that he doth he∣re some what breke of / and make a litle d∣gression from his fyrste mater / gevinge as yt were a generalle proverbe or feate sentē∣ce agaynste all humayne lawes and tradici∣ons. So that not with stādinge this digres∣sion ys so pety / that yt is in manner no di∣gression. For he taketh occasion vnto the sa∣me of that which is spoken immediatly be∣fore He sheweth before what libertye is gra∣unted bi the doctrine of Chryste vnto Chry∣stianes as concerninge for matrimony / ād howe that fayth maketh all states ād thin∣ges egalle. Whiche libertye & egalnesse cau∣sed by faith / mennys tradicions do destro∣ye / and avoydinge libertie do combre men∣nes consciences bryngynge them in to a strayte. For he that teacheth that a Chri∣sten body maye not mary with an vnchri∣styan and so dwelle to gether (whiche thin∣ge the Popes lawes are not adouted to do) the same letteth and fordoeth thys lybertye that is here ordeyned and spoken of by Pau∣le / and causeth that people do rather obeye them / then God or elles his worde. And thys doth Paule in thys place calle servyce of men / when he sayeth / be not the servan∣tes of men. In so doyng thynke the people / that they be the servantes of God / and do obeye serve and honore him. When not with standynge they attendinge and folowyn∣ge the doctryne of men are made only the servantes of men. The same wyse did they that preached / that Christen men ought to be circumcyded / wherby they dyd infrynge / and spoyle ex∣cedynge many men of spretuall liberty / whi∣che false teachers he doth myghtely impro∣ve and blame in all his Epistles / for the mo¦re parte: but specyally in that whyche he wri∣teth vnto the Galatyans / and in that he wri∣teth vnto the Romayns. Thus dyd thys blyssed Apostle alwaye dylygently and fy∣ersly fyght for the mayntenance of Chri∣styan lybertye agaynste the snares / trap∣pes / bondage / and imprysonmente that Iesus is Christ and beleve in thy harte that god hath reysed bī frō deth thou shalt be saved. Where by confession is mean∣te witnessinge in wordes ād dedes outwar∣dely / lyke as in harte we do truly byleve of god / and his wordes inwardly. Besyde for∣th in all other thinges he geveth the liber∣tie that after thine awne wille thou mayste do all thinges with out all ieoparde of cō∣science. In so moche that he careth no thin¦ge at all / as concerninge for him silfe / all though thou diddest forsake thy wyfe / run∣ne fro they lorde or master / and shuldest br¦ake all manner covenantes that thou maki∣ste with all men. For what avayleth it hym yf thou doest this thinge or yt / or elles do∣est omitte and leave them vndone? But for so moche as thou art he∣rein boūde vnto thy neghbore / vnder who∣se power / and dominyon thou art put / God wille not that by his lybertye thou shuldeste invade and spoyle an other mannys goodes But he wille that thou shalte kepe covenā∣tes / and promyses that are made with thy neghbore / for all be it that as belonginge vn∣to him silfe he taketh smalle regarde for so∣che thinges / not withstandinge he doth yet care for thy neghbores sake. And that is his meaninge when he sayeth. Before god. As though he shulde saye / Afore man or afore thy neghbore I do not make or sette the free For I will not spoyle him and takethe a∣waye frō him whiche art hys proper goodes & possession / vtill ye time that evē he hī silfe shall make the free. But before me art thou dymissed and made free. So yt thou canste not perisshe or be dāned / what so ever thin∣ge thou shalt outwardly other do / or elles le∣ave vn one. Marke therfore this liberte wel & divide it accordingly So that thou vnder∣stādeste ȳ matter to go otherwise be twixte god / & the then it goeth betwixte y• / & thy ne∣ghbore / for in the firste parte y• is to saye bet∣wixte god & the is libertye: but in the secōde that is betwixte y• and thy neghbore is none. God gyveth the this libertye in thyne awne goodes / but not in ye goodes of thy neghbor There is it necessary for the to make division be twixte thy goodes and thy neghbore. For this cause maye not a mā forsake his wife / for his awne body is not his awne / but it be longeth vnto his wife / & is hers. And con∣trary wise as cōcerninge of ye womā. In like māner also a bonde mā / or a servāte hath no power over his awne body / but is vnder the power & authorite of his sovereine or master God as cōcernīge for to his awne silfe wol∣de not great ly care / if a mā did forsake his wi¦fe / for ye body is not bounde vnto god / but is gevē of hī to mā frely vnto ye vse of all exteri¦or thinges. But inwardely in ye harte is mā bounde to God Bargaynes and promyses made vnto men ought to be vniversally ac∣complisshed. The very conclusion herof is That we owe nothinge vnto any man / sa∣ving love only / and thorow love to be ser∣visable vnto oure neghbore. Where loe is / it ruleth / ād claymeth by authorite (with out all ieoparde of conscience or of synne befo∣re god) to eate to dinke to be clothed with all manner of garmentes / to vse this / or elles that manner of lyvinge indifferently / savin∣ge where they shulde hurte my neghbore and be againste his profyte. Againste god in so∣che manner of thinges can not one offende / but thou maiste againste thy neghbore / on∣les thou dost vse them ryght. Moreover yt by this worde / callynge / is not here signifi∣ed the state in whyche every man ys calld / And as yt ys vsually sayde. Matrymony ys thy callynge / Thy callynge ys prysteho∣de / and forth in rewe of other. Every man hath hys proper callynge of God. Of soche callynge doth not Paule speake here / but he noteth the Evangelike callyge / that is by the Evangely. So that thys sentence / Abyde in ye callinge rin thou art called is thus moche to saye. In what so ever state ye evāgely shall take ye & what so ever māner mā yt it shall finde the. Se yt in ye same thou doest abide. Yf it calle y• being maried / cōti∣nue so stille / abidinge in ye same callynge or state / wherin yt dyd fynde the. If it called the being a servante / abyde in the servyce in whiche thou warte called. What? Yf then yt shall take me in a syn∣fulle state / shall I so stille abyde ād remay∣ne? I answeare: yf thou be in faith and cha¦rite / that is to saye yf thou be in the callin∣ge of the Evangely. Do what shalle please the. Do thou then synne hardely: But by what wayes shalte thou can sinne / yf thou have faith ād charite? For by faith we mu∣ste please and serve God / and by charite ou∣re neghbore. Therfore it cā not be / that thou shalte be called in a synfulle state / and the∣re in remayne / for yf thou doest so remayne / other thou art not yet called / or elles thou haste not recaved thy callinge / for this cal∣linge doutlesse causeth that thou muste de∣parte from out of a synfulle state in to an o∣ther / that is synles and doth altre the in so∣che wyse that thou canste after do no more synne / all though thou shuldeste abyde in th firste state. And all be it that thou be then clerely on all parties free a fore god / yet a fo∣re men muste thou by charite be every bodyes servante. Here doest thou see thē agayne / that cloy∣sters and monasteryes which are now a da∣yes do fight agayne right and equyte / for they binde them selves vnto god in exterior thinges / in whiche they be clerely free / and so do they strive againste god / faith / libertye / and goddes ordinaunce. And agayne war∣de wherin they ought to be bounde / and be srviable vnto every man by charite / there do they make them selves free / and wille vse libertye. So that they will not be servyable ne profite any mā / but them selves. In whi∣che manner of doing they resiste / and with stande the truthe. O what weywarde / and disordered ordres be these / whiche wil∣le perverte / and destroye all the ordinances and lawes of god / desyringe to be fee in y• they stande bounde and to be bounde where they stande free. And yet not withstanding they clayme of presumpyon to have thrones or seates of excellente honoure in hevē / dys∣dayninge the places ordeyned for other co∣mone Christen people. Ye they shalle occu∣pye seates that are apointed for them in the deppe dongone of helle which so doth ma∣ke of hevenly libertye develisshe bonda∣ge / & of corporalle servitute cursed lybertye. ¶We have hether to harde matrimony plē¦teously magnifyed and praysed / let vs nowe heare the paynes and trobles therof / & of the dignite and honor of virginite. This wil∣le I here note vnto yow fyrste / onles yt had bene saynte Paule that here doth entreate theof / yt myght greve men that he ys so∣che a spare prayser therof / and that he doth so slenderly commende yt. Fyrste he sayeth that yt ys not commaunded of god / no mo∣re than ys matrimony / that ys to saye / yt ys lefte of god free for every persone. And in that ys taken awaye the honor / whiche oure greate preachers have ther vnto a fore thys tyme attributed. For where ys no comma∣undemente / there ys lefte before god nother meryte ne mede / but a sole libertye. Yt ys of lyke estymacion afore god / and all on mat∣ter whether thou be a virgyne or no virgi∣ne. And as he shewed before: He that ys cal¦led beyng a servante ys the lodes freman. Lyke wise maye be sayde here: She yt is cal∣led beyng a mayde is before god a wife And she that is called beyng a wyfe / ys before god a mayde. For all these thinges before god are all one nother ys there any differen∣ce of persones / ne meryte of dedes / but only fayth whiche ys egalle and lyke in all / and by all thinges. Paule bycause that virginite is a dere ād a precious thinge and of greate authorite in the erthe spake thys by the holy goost / to thē¦tent that no man for ye preeminence and so∣veraynte of the state shulde iudge hym sylfe better and more excellente before god then an other symple chysten body: but hat he shulde cōtinue pure in fayth which doth ma∣ke vs all egalle in the syght of god. For he corrupte ature of man can not abyde / as a man wolde saye to be vntwynded ād to be counted nothinge in value a fore god / and therfore the more excellente that hyr worke shall be / the more excellente reioyseth she to appeare. Wherfore she is so blynded with the goodly glysteringe of virginite. Seyng that there ys no thinge more of pryce / n mo¦re glorified apon erth. That she demeth no state to be so soverayne as yt. And so proce∣ding she thynketh in hyrmide suerly that ly∣ke as in the worlde a virgyne doth exclle a maryed body / even so shall yt be in heven. Here in have yow both vttered / and al∣so overthrowen the dyvelyshe doctrine of the braynles and dotynge doctores or prea∣chers of the devyll whyche do forge syn∣gular coronettes for nonnes and all vir∣ginnes in heven / callinge them the spou∣ses of Chryste. As though other Chrystyan people were not the spouses of Chryste. myserable and folysshe youth hearynge thys lewde preachinge runneth who maye fasteste covetyng to fylle and replenisshe he∣ven with vyrgines and the spouses of Chri∣ste. In the meane season Christian faith ys forgotten and not cared for / but suppressed and quenchidde. Whiche notwithstandin∣ge all only doth finally obtayne this crow∣ne / and maketh the spouses of Christe. But knowe thou well this / and be thou suer that of soche crowned vyrgines (that truste in these doctrines / and by reason of soche opi∣nions do shewe and pretende virginite / dys∣pysinge / or slenderly regardinge this doctri¦ne of Paule) is not so moche as one founde pure or remayninge a virgine / and fynally that ys a vyrgyne or elles the spouse of Christe. Furthermore he sayeth accordinge after his faythfulle and trusty advysemente that virginite is good for this presente necessite. This is the firste cōmendacyon that Paule bringeth of virginite. And here mayste thou see what goodnesse Paule did meane of before in the beginnīge of this chapter / whē he sayede / yt is good for a man not to tou∣che a woman. For he wrytteth not here one worde of merite / mede / or rewarde that we shall have in heven. But he spake of transitory goodnes ād cō∣modites of this lyfe / as here after we shalle see more often. This is then a good cause to continue in virginite and to eschue mariage whiche is fulle of troble and miseries. That alwaye over the shulders of a Christian bo∣dy hangeth redy for love of the Evangely persecucyon / and he is every houre as men are wonte to saye sette as it were betwixte ye hāmer & ye stethy so yt he must put in ieoparde hys goodes / his fryndes / & his lyfe other to be dryven & taken awaye / or elles to be slay∣ne. And this doth Paule here calle presente necessite. But now where I beseche yow shall one canne finde so moche as one virgine in all the cloysteres of the Popes kingdome (for in soche doth he principallye reygne) yt lyveth a virgine for soche a cause? For then posses∣sions / lyfe / and companye be made so sure / and safe by so many and so grete pryvyled∣ges / and authoritees both of kinges / Em∣peroures / and of Popes that never a fore vn¦to this daye was any people in the worlde more safe / or more sure. So that every man muste nedes knowledge & graunte that these do not lyve virgynes for cause of necessite / or of any ieoparde / but only for love of sy∣kernesse / assurance / and savetye / and that no necessite shulde ever touche ne assayle them. Whiche thinge is cleane cōtrarye vnto the cause alledged here of Paule / for yf every∣where in cloysteres & monasteries necessite / and persecuciō shulde be loked for / ye shulde se expressely that where as now are redy byl∣ded a thousande and a thousande cloysters / shulde vnnethes be one stocke or studde But what shall I nede tarye any longer aboute to declare yow this. It is playnly set a fore the eyes of all mē / what necessyte and perylle cloysteres / their god the pope / with all his officers / mynisters / clyentes / and accessari∣es do suffer / other in body / or in goodes. They be all in a grosse sume swyne and so∣wes that are masted / pampered / and fedde delicately. But thou wylte here obiecte agaynste me Maried people ought to be in perylle and necessite for the euangely / as well as virgi∣nes or vnmaried persones. For as the euan∣gely ys vnto all people comone / so muste al∣so the crosse and persecucion be. For Abrahā was in necessite ād to gether also withhim his wife Sara / whiche when he had forsa∣ken hys father and hys goodes or substance was caused to be alwaye put in ieoparde of deth? I make answere. Yet for all that doth not Paule commaunde that any persone fo cause of that necessite shulde te bounde to abyde syngle and vnmaried. But he sayeth ye yt is good and profitable so to abyde. Thys necessite that Paule doth here speake of is a comone thynge. But virgyns be in better ca∣se to abyde ād endure yt then are maryed fol∣kes. For yf Abrahā had ben without hys wi¦fe Sara / he shulde have had lesse / troble la∣bore / and care / and shulde in cōclusyon have escapyd with more ease the perylles and ieo∣perdes yt he was in. A virgyne is onl one body / & hath no nede to care for ony other. But maried folkes do abyde to gether & are ioyned the one vnto the other. Here in ys moche troble care thought & studye lyke as / experience doth abundantly shewe. But at this thynge I thynke many wylle be displea¦sed / frowne / and waxe angry syng that they so longe tyme have causelesse kepte chastite / & yet before god shall be no better then all other. But in so doyng you shalle see yt they be y• olisshe virgines whiche dyd spylle their oyle / by cause yt they dyd lyve & cōtinue vir∣gines not of pure Christian minde / but for love of mede / rewarde / excellēcy / honor / and glorye And they do not reckē that yt is good so to abyde virgines as Paule doth here saye & meane yt ys good / but they deame yt they shall obtayne therby some good tinge in the lyfe cominge. And thus have they made of their virgīite marchādise / yt they shall there by have lucre & winninge before god / & wyl∣le not be cōtēte with ye trāsitory goodes that do come of chastite & eternalle inheritance purchased by fayth. Wherfore soche muste here with be neades offended ād displeased For besyde yt they shalbe disapoynted of the preeminence that they loked to have had in heven / yt was also very revous / payn fulle / ād laborous for them to kepe this cha∣stite vaine and damnable. ¶ Here haste thou both that it is no synne to mary / ne yet to lyve vnmaried. The Apo / +stle entendeth principally to informe mēnes consciences / and afterwarde to shewe what is moste expedient & beste for people in this worlde. And wherfore to lyve vnmaried ys good / he doth here describe with wordes of greate gravite sayng: Maried folke muste ha¦ve troble in the flesshe. And this is the crye / & noyse / that all the worlde doth make / spea∣ke / and wryte of / touchinge matrimony / that no man whiche loveth to lyve at ease & ple∣sure maye gyve him silfe to be maried / for in it is moche troble vexacyon / miserye / evyll dayes / ād adversite Which all they that are virgines & vnmaried do not feale / & be with out. But I that am as yet vnexperte. And that have had none experiēce of matrimony not her wille / ne yet can / here reherse ād rec∣ken ye paynes / grefe / and laboures / that ther¦of come. Neverthelesse I gyve here credence vnto Paule. And of scripture I have lerned .ij. tri∣bulacions of mariage. The firste is whē god spake vnto Adam. Genesis .iij. sayge. In the sweate of thy vysage shale thou ate thy bre¦de / and with the penury or barennes of the erthe shalte thou noisshe the in the dayes of thy life. There was misery put apō mankīde to mayntene & norisshe both him silfe & his wife. Here is faith assayled sharpely / & put vnto no lytill plūge For what a grevous bur∣don do they bere when they be pinched and wrōge with penury? Beside what a vexaciō is it for thē to beholde the misfortunes that be falle both vnto thēselves / & also vnto the∣ir householde & family / with the iopardye yt they do dayly stande in / of losinge both go∣des & cattelle? Finally what angwisshe do they suffer / seing & feling the wilenesse / and falsshede of mē amonges whō they are cō∣pelled to lyve & company with? Thus muste he humble hīsilfe moste louly / keping hī qui¦et & stille / & brouke or disgeste doune many evill vexacions / and that principally because he is bounde in wedlocke with a wife / whi∣che thinges all he shulde lytelle or nothin∣ge nede to regarde / yf so he were loose & sto∣de free. Forthermore the womānes myserye and affliction is to bere childer / to be dely∣vered of them in paine / and to bringe them vp in laboure and travayle / to reste or slepe litelle in the night / to be strayte and harde vnto hir silfe / and to forsake all hir felicite or pleasure. Whiche thinge she shulde have no nede to do / yf she hadde lyved a mayde. And this beside all experience dyd God him silfe shewe vnto Eve in the .iij. chapter of Genesis sayng: In payne shalte thou be∣re and bringe forth children. The other tri∣bulacyon of maryage is / that sainte Peter touched sayng: That a woman is weacke & a bryttelle vesselle. So that the hsbande muste fuffer / and forbere many thinges in hyr: yf so they wille lyve in reste and concor∣de. For faute of this we see that ioyfull / ma∣trimony (in whiche peace doth reygne and love) is a seldome founde thinge. Agayne warde the woman ought to be subiecte and obedient vnto hir husbande / as thou seyse Genesis .iij. to go forth after him / to abyde and be with him whersoever it shall please o like him. So that she muste nedes many tymes brydelle and breake hir awne wille. If beside forthe thou desireste to knowe of other incōmodites / & troble yt is in mati∣mony / thou maiste yf so thou wilte axe of thē yt have assayed it / or elles assaye it thy sil∣fe. I suppose verely yt these .ij. be wond'fulle greate tribulaciōs. And the more greate / by people be chaste in by mennys tradycy∣ons. That thys ys here the mynde of Paule / confermeth well the other parte of hys pro∣verbe / whē he sayeth yow be dearly bought. In whych he sygnyfyeth Christe / that with hys precyous blode hath redemyd and de∣lyvered vs from all synnes and lawes / as is clerely shewed in hys Epistle o the Gala∣thyans .v. chapter. Now was thys byeng ād redempcyon done not after the worldely fassyon. Nother be here made leages and covenantes / soche as are betwyxte men: soche as be betwyxte the servante and the master / the wyfe and hyr husbande. All so∣che bargeynes doth he let stande stille / wil∣linge that they shulde be kepte / and obser∣ved. But this redempcyon ys done in∣wardlye by the spete in mennys conscy∣ences: So that no lawe can eny longer bin∣de vs or kepe vs bounde: But here are we all in all wyse franke ād free. Afore we were kepte bounde and locked in sinne: but now are all sinnes fordone / broken / & destroyed. But yet all bondage or lybertye exterior doth stille abyde and remayne / and is nother sin∣ne ne goodnes or merite: but a certē exteryor ordre of thinges in due frame and proporciō of troble and solace / payne ād ioye / lyke a all other exterior and outwarde thinges be. In whiche on both sydes we maye lefully passe thorow oure lyfe wyth out sinne. here doth he now the thirde tyme repete his conclusion of christian lybertye. That all ex∣terior thinges before god are free / and that a Christen body maye vse them accordinge af∣ter his appetite or pleasure / other levinge thē or elles takinge them. And he addeth expres¦sely / before god. That is to saye as concernī∣ge vnto thy silfe and vnto God. For thou doest not honor vnto god in this that thou art coupled in matrimony / or elles that thou abydeste vnmaryed / that thou art a servant / or elles that thou art a freman. In that thou art made this thinge or that / or elles doest eate this meate or yt. On the other syde thou doest not displease him / nother doest thou sinne yf any of these thinges thou shalte do awaye and leave dndone. And to telle yow shortly. Thou oweste nothinge vnto god / but fayth and confession / when I bere / saye confession. I meane not that whysperinge of synnes in to ye prystes eare / whiche is cal∣led auricular confession / ne yet the confessiō of thy sinnes vnto god / but I meane as sain∣te Paule doth Roma. x. sayēge: Yf thou shalt knowledge or confesse with thy mouth / that cause they cōprehēde in thē many other. But yet is all this nother sinne ne offense before god / but only a tēporalle incōmodite / vexa∣cion / & misery the which he muste nedes fe∣le / ye other lusteth or elles by necessite is en∣forsed to be ioyned in matrimony. And wi∣th out doute ye apostle hath therfore here tou¦ched these greves / & vexacions of matrimo¦ny / lesse ony parsone shulde for cause of thē dispise ye state / as though it pleased not god or in which god could not be served. Like as vnto this daye oure false prophetes have bē wont to do. Whiche have in maner put all worshuppinge of god / & good dedes / out of this state / callynge maryed people / secular¦laye / worldely / yee and the very worlde yt silse / and other that lyve vnmaryed / but yet not all chaste spretuall ecclesiasticalle / and the churche. As though they only were spre∣tualle & the churche. And the maryed were not so / but the cōtrary / yee they calle the vn∣maried the knightes of god / god dys servan∣tes / the spouse of god & soche other names which it is pitye to se howe farre they be di∣sagreyng frō their dedes & cōdicions. What elles is this then in so avauncinge thēselves in yt they be vnmaried to teache that in ma∣riage mē can not be lyke? Ne do the same that they do beyng vnmaried. Therfore Paule lesse the virgines & vnma∣ried shulde by his saing take occasion so to rouse & magnifye thē silfes vnto the disho∣nor of mariage / doth here mervelously tēper & modifie his wordes saing. Sche shall ha¦ve troble in their flesshe. Marke how expre∣sly he speaketh saieng troble in flesshe / not in sprete. For troble of ye sprete is sinne & evyll conscience. But troble of flesshe is exterior paine / grefe / woo / & vexacion: And yt Paule after the māner of the hebrew speache doth here calle the flesshe / we do calle the body. So that troble of the flesshe is as moche to sae as troble of ye bodye. I meane not that it is in the body as a disease / or malady ys in the body. But that troble is in these / thin¦ges whiche we daily occupye / vse / ād be cō∣versante with / and in all that belongeth vn∣to the body / as are our wife / chyldre / house∣holde / house / lande / cattelle / and other mo∣vable goodes / and all māner matters or bu∣synes that we have to do with men in this vngracyos worlde. A man therfore vnto whom is geven the gifte of chastite hath nede to kepe in and re∣fraine his curiosite / ād beware of matrimo∣ny / and not to put him silfe in soche troble / and miserye. Onles necessite doth compelle him / like wise as Sainte Paule doth faith∣fully here geve councell and alwayes ought the same to be stille geven. For it is a very greate and excellente fredom and libertye to be vnmaried / exempte from moche ād many cares / troble / miserie / and vexacyons. Whi∣che libertye Paule doth forbydde or envye no parsone sayng. But I gladly do favore you. Beholde yt this is to preache virginite truly / not to bringe forthe and alledge the ex¦cellentcy therof / and mede or deservinge be¦fore god: but to cōmende the tranquillite & quiete / that therby doth come in this worl∣de. For a man shall fynde some that of curi∣osyte only and rasshenes are copuled in ma∣trimony with out all necessyte / that elles myght well have bene with out maryage. Whiche being vncompelled do stryve / wre∣styll / and lboure to gette and obtayne my∣sery. When they have yt thus once purchased and obtayned / they be then truly not vnrigh∣te wey dealte with all / but served acordīgly ¶This is a comone rule for all christē po∣p that they shulde kepe and observe there everlastinge goodes and treasure / which they do possesse in faith: and that they might de∣spise and take light regarde of this life. So that they be not drouned over depe in love or pleasures / care / or fylthynes therof / & that they shulde here lyve / and order thē silfe as palmers or pilgrymes of the worlde vsinge all thinges while they be in this shorte pas∣sege of lyfe presente / not for voluptuousnes and pleasure / but as is required of necessi∣te. And this is to have a wife as though I had hir not yf with desyer of mīde I had rather wante and be with out hir. Neverthe¦lesse by cause of avoydynge synne / she is vn∣to me necessary / & I have nede of hir. But he that seketh in hir not only necessite / but also pleasure and volupte this man shall ri∣ghtewesly be sayde not to have a a wife: but to be possessed and had of a wife. The same wise ought a christē man to do in all other thinges: that is to wyt only case supporte / and succurr with them his necessite / & not to folow his appetite / pleasure / and volup∣te or & pāre / & fede in thē his olde adame ¶Here is shewed an other cōmodite & pro¦fite yt cometh of chastite in this worlde. That they maye ye more intētively care & study to do godly thinges & goddes service I meane not in reding / soundīge of organes / & singī∣ge / like as now a dayes supersticious / religi∣ous & cloisterers are wōte to do amōges whō is al y• very service & honor of god suppressed & quēchidde: But that by a blisshed quietnes¦se a mā may sticke harde & geve diligēte at∣tēdāce dayly vnto ye worde of god in redinge prayng / & alwayes talkinge therof / & finally in preachīge it: accordinge as paule doth ex∣horte .i. Timo. iiii. for a parsone yt is maried cā not geve hī silfe therevnto wholy: but ys distracte therfore & divided / yt is to saye: he hath nede to spēde a grete parte of his lyfe so to order hī silfe yt he may acordīgly live with his wife: and is like as Martha was / com∣bred & intāgled with many charges / & moche bussynesse. A maide or an vnmaried body is not distracte & so divided in to diverse char∣ges or cares / but she may wholy geve hir sil∣fe vnto godly and divine thinges: Yet doth not the apostle intende to dam∣ne matrimony / though here he saye yt a ma∣ried parsone doth not only take care for the worlde: but also that he ys in a maner divi∣ded from god / and endureth moche care: So that he can not continually praye / study / or speake the worde of god. For all though truly soche a parsones care & laboure be not evill Neverthelesse it had ben more profitable for him yf he had abydden loose and free both as concerning for prayer / and also for trea∣tinge and speakinge the worde of god / fur∣thermore in vtteringe the worde of God he maye do proite / and conforte many mē / yee all christendome. So this ought to be even a very mighty ād an excellente cause to pluc∣ke backe every parsone that hath the gifte of chastite from maryynge. But oure spretualle people whiche nother knoweth the wayes to praye e yet teacheth ye worde of god / but on∣ly do tormēte thēselves after the forme of mē¦nis statutes & tradiciōs shulde do better / thē they have done before time ye / & that not a lit¦le better / yf they were maried. And whiles they do now mūbylle / houle & singe in chir∣ches / they did diligētly enforme / nurtre / or∣dre / & rule their wife & their childre that they shulde live according to the instituciō of god declared in ye scriptures / & so provide yt they might have meate / drinke / ād clotinge aco∣dinge for the necessite of their body. ¶That is to saye I do not cōmaūde chasti∣te / but I leave it vnto your libertie: nother do I s councelle it to be receaved / yt you ught to be ashamed / if you do chose to e maried rather then to lyve chaste and vnmaried. For I wille have no parsone ītangled there wi∣th / or bounde ther to. I do only saye & affer∣me ye virginite is a free / a good / ād a pro∣fitable thinge. Be that wille & can take yt maye take it / & lyve therin. Here do yow see that in this mater ought to be layed no trap¦pe ne snare: ne no mā ought to be vnto cha∣stite strayned & enforced nother by cōmaū∣demētes or lawes / ne yet by vowes & promi∣ses. Now is this a suer mater / y• these wor∣des ar witē of Paule vnto ll Christē peo∣ple of Corinthe vniversally / & not only to the vnletred or laye. And yet he alledgeth no mede nor merite of virginite before god / but only yt it is good & profitable for people livī∣ge in ye worlde / & this only doth he prayse ād commende in it / as you have largely hearde shewed before. ¶This is a moche wonderfulle texte / that a man may gyve his virgyne or his mayde to be maryed only for avoydinge shame or skornīge wich do therof growe / yt in some co∣untrees yt hath be thought vncomly / yf a man shulde kepe hys virgyne vnmaried over longe / or beyonde tyme of mariage. Behol∣de here as saynte Paule wolde have every persone in thys poynte free / and to do that shulde be good and profitable for them. He sayeth therfore yf so nede requyre / That is to saye / yf it cā be none other wyse / and the manner of yowr cowntry be so / and the cu∣stome doth with yow so requyre that yt be shame for a man to reteyne and kepe hys vyrgine vntylle she waxe aged / let hym then do what he lyketh. Let hym bestowe hyr in mariage / or elles let hī dyspice & set nawgh∣te by shame. And thus to teache ys verely not to esteme excedingly of virginite / ne to re¦counteyt over gretly deare and precious. For the Apostle doth here yve leave vnto a mā to bestowe and put forth his vyrgine to be maried for love of avoydinge a lytle shame or skornīge. I wene he was ygnorāt of gol∣den dyames and crownes / whiche god is boūde to gyve vnto y• merite of virginite / lyke as oure masteres do faine / & have ymagīed ¶A lytelle before whē he sayde: yf any mā thinke yt yt is vncomly for his virgē. &c. And also in this place whē he sayeth. Neverthe∣lesse he yt purposeth & hath decreed in his harte y• he wylle kepe his virgē / yow muste vnderstāde yt h speaketh of parētes / fryndes & of tutores in whose warde and custody the vyrgēs be. In whiche thinge is signify∣ed yt mēnys chyldre ought not of their aw∣ne rasshe mīdes to binde thē other vnto ma∣riage / or yet vnto syngle lyving ād chastite. But yt these persones vnder whose tuicion & authorite they be put ought to bestowe thē in mariage / or elles to reteyne & kepe thē ther∣fro. But yf so be y• soche do lacke / or elles ta∣ke no kepe or regarde of thē / then maye they do as they lyke. And that he doth here speake & bringe in / of the power of his aw∣ne wyll / yt ought to be so vnderstāde / that no mā hath power to reteyne & kepe his vir∣gine frō mariage against hyr wylle. For whē she will not / thē hath he no power over his awne wylle. In lyke māner yf any other cau¦se were that he shulde of other men be enfo¦ced to put hyr forth and bestowe hyr in mariage / as in example yf he shulde be ashamede that his virgen were over mo∣che growen in age / or elles that he shulde be constrayned of his frendes / or of some ru∣lers to cause hyr to be mryed. In all soche causes ought he not to attempte any thynge agaynste hyr wylle. ¶Here agayne is expressely shewed au∣thoryte and power geven vnto fathers / and mothers / tutors / & fryndes over their chyl∣dre / and over them / whiche are committed vnto ther protection / and custody. That the chyldre with out the wylle or consente of their parētes / and of other whyche have cu∣re over them / maye nether marye or elles aby¦de vnmaryed / furthermore yt / hath bene suf¦ficiently expounded vnto yow before that this welle / and better / whiche he doth hre speake of / and that ys also spoken of before in this prsente chapiter ought to be vnder∣stonde of goodnesse in tis worlde. So that yow shall knowe matrimony to be good / yt ys to saye with out synne / acceptable vto god and free for every persone / But yet cha∣styte / and syngle lyvīge is more quyet / & hath more liberty. ¶Thys place doth he also reherse Rom. vij and therof he maketh a spretualle allegory / whyche he doth here omitte / and leave out / but there he declareth yt largely. The ende & conclusyon of this chapiter ys: That ma∣trimony in the syght of the worlde ys a bō∣de and thraulde thynge: but befoe god yt ys ryght franke and free. Lyke as he sayde befo∣re of a servante / that h ys free a fore god / all be yt that before the worlde he hath no power over his awne body. But syngle and vnmaryed folke be free both before god / and also the worlde / and holden captyue of no man. Therfore he calleth the state of sohe letter / or more blessyd / then ys the state of thē whiche are maried: Not bycause of co∣myng to eternalle salvacion and blysse / whe∣re vnto fayth only ys good ād precious / bet∣ter and more precyous acordīge vnto y• me∣sure therof / but touchinge vnto this presente lyfe and cause of yt / for so moche as in cha∣stite and syngle lyving ys lesse / busynesse / care / charge / ieoparde / & laboure. Therfore grosse and contente of this chapter is: It is good not to mary / excepte necessite constra∣neth and causeth the contrary. And there is necessite where as god hath not gevē the no∣ble gifte of chastite / for no man ne womā is create vnto chastite: but all ar create / & made to engrendre and begette yssue / and to suffer the troble / and myseries of wedlocke / as ys shewed Genesis .ij. & .iij. But yf any parsone maye be reckened / and nombrede from out of this necessite / that all mankinde is create vn¦to him hath not nother lawe ne vowe nor yet any purpose of minde exempte therfroe / but the grace of God only / and his marve∣lous hande / or power. By whiche yf man be not made continent and chaste. I do not denye / but they maye begynne to live cha∣ste: but it shall never come to a good ef∣fecte and ende. Wherfor they playe the cru∣elle tyrannes and soule murderers / that do barre in and shutte youth vp in cloysters / the∣re keping them in by vyolence / As though chastite did consiste in oure power / when not withstandinge they both thinke and also in themselves fele the cōtrary. And so they bī∣ge other to that / whiche they did never tou∣che so moche as with one of their fingers / nor yet cā though they wolde never so fame It is shortely sayde / Be chaste. But why thē art thou o fornicator? It is a gaye mater you may be suer. Thou shalte farse / and stuffe thy body with delicate meates & drinkes / in soch a manner that yt shalbe a mayne draffe sac∣ke or swylle belly / and then put or enioyne me to faste all the dayes of my life / and to kepe abstinencye. Finally vnto them that be aentyfe and wylling to heare / have I in thys treatyse sayde / and written sufficient: But as concerninge them that haue no luste but disdayne to heare / what cā or elles maye men saye? I beseche god to illumine them / and lende vnto them his lyght / or elles to lette and forbydde them that (as a fore thys they have done) here after they maye no len∣ger slee and murdre mennys soules.
A00380.P4	An exposicyon of the .xv. psalme made by mayster Erasmus of Rotherdame in whiche is full purely declared the pure and clene behauoure that ought to be in the pure churche of Chryst which is the multytude of all trewe chrysten people	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	1537]	J. Waylande,	[London :	eng	[ "Bible. -- O.T. -- Psalms -- Criticism, interpretation, etc. -- Early works to 1800." ]	FOr so moche as there is one onely way vn∣to saluacyon, & life e∣ternall / whiche is to know god, & to obeye his comaūdemētes. The prophete in the psalme goyng nexte before, dyd bewayle & lamente more, than blynde madnes of men / amonges whome were founde so fewe / whi∣che ioyfully and gladly wolde re∣ceyue or embrace the gentle, and redely offered mercye of our crea∣tour and redemer. But contrarye wyse, all they for ye more parte be∣ynge corrupte with theyr owne lustes and concupiscences, were so broughte into a peruerse mynde, that in theyr harte they wolde say: there is no god. And out of this fountayne of wycked persuasyon which they had of god / dyd spryng all maner of myscheuous dedes done towarde our neighbour. No∣ther can any man loue his neyghbour with herte and mynde, whic dothe nat loue god.Unbl∣f is the ro o al sche∣ou de∣ds lke as aithe is the ro∣ o cha∣. And no ma dothe loue his neyghbour verely / except he doth loue him for goddes sake. From fayth, as from the rote do sprynge the workes of charyte. Who soeuer therfore spekynge or talkynge with hym selfe / doth saye in hart that there is no god (for as∣moch as he hath an hart, full wyckedly & noughtely corrupte / from whēs doth procede his speche wit all other his fautes or doynges) the same dothe breathe nothyng vpon his neyghboure but moos Psal. xiiifoule stynche / suche as dothe issue out of sepulchres or graues / no∣thynge but fraude and disceyte, & the venyme of adders / whiche an other psalme doth calle incurableDeutero xxxii. From this corrupte harte dothe procede all leudenesse of mysche∣uous wordes / all bytternes of de∣tractyon or backebytynge / from whiche princyples & begynnynges do men go forth, vntyll they come vnto the lust or desyre of blode she∣dynge / whiche is the vttermoste poynt, or buttell of rancoure & ha∣tered / accordyng to that saynge of Iohū:i. Io. iii. He that hateth his brother, is a murtherer or manqueller. For all thoughe he dothe nat alwayes actuall murther / whiche doth hate or beare rancoure / yet natwithstā∣dynge in that,To hate oure ne∣yghbour is mur∣thr. he folowyng his yre or wrathe dothe studye to harme his neyghboure / he dothe in that approche to murther / and in that so farforthe as in hym is, he is an homicyde or murtherer. For lyke as accordynge to the testymony of Iohn̄Iohn̄. iii. / no greater ioy is vnto god∣lye people / than whan they do se many men come to y• knowlege of the uthe / & to walke in the waye of he veryte euangelycall: Euen so is no dolour or grefe to thē more bytter & payneful,The mos byt¦te dlour of a rue chrysten / is to se his neigh¦bour a¦ke in ig∣oraūce. than whan they do cōsyder in the great multytude of mē so grosse ignoraūce / so great contempte of god moste benygne & gacyous / so great lacke of charyte to our neyghbours / and contrary∣wyse to se in so fewe men, any signe or semblaunce to appere of verye fayth and true charyte. Nother do the Epicures only say in theyr hart there is no god / but that I can nat speke without greuous syghes & doloure / we may fynde men innu∣merable amonge the christyane, whiche in theyr hart do saye, there is no god. And wolde god there were no hrysten people, whiche wolde vomyte or thruste forth such deuelysshe and wycked sayenges amonges the christyanes. But for because we shulde lette passe suche monstrous and wōderfull wycked wordes / we wyll touche thynges more vsuall, and cōmen, or fami∣lyare. Tey whiche haue no loue or regarde of spirituall thynges / but do all coueyte & gape after ry∣ches / worldly honoures, excesse, or lechery, and suche lyke volutes / in sekynge to gette these thynges / outher by ryght or wronge / by per∣iurye, brybery, and thefte / or suche other lyke feates or craftes: which whan they haue obtayned suche thynges, do thynke them selues blessyd or happye / and whan they do lose them, be redy to blaspheme bothe god and his sayntes. Do nat suche also shewe them selues to say in theyr harte:Titus. i. there is no god? In mouth they do professe god / but in deades they do renye hym. Of such is so great a multytude & plentye / and contrarye wyse of those which shulde truely drede god, is so great Psalme. xiii.scarcyte yt the prophete doth bryng forth god lokynge out of heauen whether any creature at all shulde be in the earth hauynge vnderstā∣dynge and requirynge or sekynge after god / and in beholdynge with his eyes from aboue all mākynde / he founde none, except one whiche is Chryste Iesus / with whome be they, natwithstandynge all ioyntly recounted & nombred / who soeuer y faythe and charyte be made one with hym.Ergo they whi¦c o trut in good wor¦ks as thy calle th do nat please god. For no creature syth the worlde was fyrste made, dyd euer please god / excepte the same hathe put his confydence in the free and mere mercy of god offered vnto all men through Christ. For although dyuers haue be saued vnder the lawe of nature / and many vnder the lawe of Moyses / and yet more vnder the lawe of the gospell / yet saluacyon or sauetie, is nat proper∣ly due, ne to be ascrybed vnto any lawe / but al onely vnto the mercye of god throughe Chryst.the chur∣che of Chr was ur sthe the bgyn∣nge of the worl∣de. From the very begynnynge of ye worlde was the church or cōgregacion of right∣wyse men, whiche is the bodye of Chryste / and euen from that tyme, was the euangely or gospell / that is to say remissyon of synnes reue∣led of god from heuen throughe ye mere and free mercye of god for Chrystes sake / & euen from ye tyme also was grace, whiche throughe faythe dyd purefye the hartes of men / althoughe by Chryste incar∣nate,Actes. xv and by the prechynge of the apostelles / it was than the more largely spredde abrode / and dyd also shyne ye more clerely. So that than it appered full true, that the apostell Paule doth so often incul∣cate or repete: very ryghtwysenes doth come vnto no man by ye lawe,Rom̄. iii. or by workes of the lawe / but by faythe and confydence in Chryste But all men had nat fayth, by whche they shulde beclyppe and embrase the grace offered. Lyke as also nowe a dayes all though ther be fl many which do professe faith wt theyr mouthe / yet be there rygh fewe whiche do beare true fayth in harte / the be I saye ryght fewe, yf so they be compared with those, which outher be alyantes from the gospell / or els with a pharisacall mynde do the gospel admytte and receyue. This paucyte and smalle nombre of true faythfull people, dyd Esay see and bewayle,Esay. lii. Paule alledgynge the place of his sayde prophecye, which is thus:Roma. x. O lorde who haue beleued oure wordes? And that whiche Chryste yet aby∣dynge in the earth, dyd saye to his discyples in this wyse.Luke. xii. Feare you nat o lytle flocke, for the kyngdo∣me of god is your or dothe {per}tayne to you / the same may euen nowe be sayd of those whiche haue verely fastened all theyr confydence in Chryste. yet natwithstandynge in the same full fewe ryght christya∣nes / all thynges be weake, inchoa∣te or begonne and vnperfytte (I mought also saye) vnpure. After that, therfore this oure prophete Dauid had bewayled so great a paucyte and smalle nombre of in∣nocente people / and that contrary¦wyse, there is so great a turbe or multytude of vnryghtwyse & wyc∣ked people / And where as he also dyd se, yt there is no hope of sauetie but in the tabernacle of god, and in the holy mountayne, whiche is the church or cōgregacyon / In whiche no man is graūted to abyde or rest, excepte he be throughe faythe im∣planted in ye body of Chryst / which same, Chryst dothe crye vnto vs in the gospell saynge:Mat. xi. Come vnto me all ye which do labour and be greued or burdened / and I shall eas & refresshe you. He consyderyng the impuryte & fylthynes of men where as is requyred synguler & {per}fyte puryte, yf we shulde be made one with Christ, and so abyde with hym in the house of god / the sayde prophete I tell you with full great feare & care, dothe thus crye to the father: O lorde who shall abyd in thy tabernacle, or who shal rest in thy holy mountayne? Therfore after the playne & moste vulgare sence / the tabernacle which Moyses by the cōmaundement of god had made,Erodi. xl was at Hierusalem in mounte Syon / vntyll Salomon by the worde of god dyd buylde a iii. of kin¦ges. vi.newe in the same place / the passyng ryche noble & famous temple that was had in a reuerence euen of the hethen people & panymes. There also was the regall palace of Da∣uid. And as ye iewes dyd boste thē selues to be the chyldre or posteryte of Abraham and of Dauid / euen so had they a peculyer reioyse and glorye for the cytie of Hierusalem / by whiche as by an holy thynge they dyd swere as we may {per}ceyue by the gospell.Matth. v. They were proude and holy mynded for the temple & the aulter whiche were in the cytie / wherof dyd come that checke gy∣uen to thē by ye prophete Ieremye: The temple of the lord / the temple of ye lorde / ye temple of the lorde. &c.Ieremie. vii. There dyd they beleue god to dwel there dyd they recken he shulde be worshypped & odoured / that there he wold be prayed vnto / that there he wolde be offered vnto, and pace∣fyed with sacrifyces / that there the lawe ought to be inquyred and the questyons of the lawe / there was the propicyatorye,Erody. xxvi. Hbrues ix. out of whiche god dyd gyue and shewe forth dy∣uyne oracles or answeres / ther were the tables written vpon wit the fynger of god. There was Aarons rodde, & the arke of the testa∣ment / the holy table / the potte o Manna / the cherubym There was sanctum sanctorum / that is to say, the holyest of all holy / in to whiche no man mought entre, excepte the hye preest onely / and yet mought he nat that do, but ones in ye yere. Of these thynges before shewed, dyd aryse pryde and presumpcyon in the people of the iewes / wherby they also contempned and dispysed all other nacyons. Fynally they had the temple in suche great re∣uerence / that they dyd obiecte it a∣gaynste Chryste, for a cryme moost horryble and outragyous that he sayd:Iohn̄. ii. vndo or distroy you this tem∣ple / and I in .iii. dayes shall rayse it vp agayne / wherby he dyd co∣uertly signyfye, that he shulde be sayne of the iewes / and within .iii. a, he sulde reuyue or lyue a∣gayne. Therfore after my mynde this psalme after ye lytterall sence / doth peulyerly belonge to the le∣uytes and preestes / Whose duetye was to abyde and reaste in the tem¦ple, to whiche they were deputed minysers. Of these was requyred hye and perfyte puryte and syngu∣ler sanctemonye or holynes / but whiche the cōmen sorte of ye iewes dyd yet thynke to consyste in exte∣ryor ceremonyes.Theiues do recken holynesse to cōsiste ī ceremo∣nyes. Concernynge which holynes, they had holy con∣secracyon, & often locyons or was∣shynges of the heed / of the handes & also of theyr garmentes. It was was nat lefull for the preestes to be present at a buryall / nor to touche a deed caryone / nor to eate propha∣ne or vnhalowed breed / nor to vy∣syteMat. xii. theyr wyues and chyldren / nor to moue theyr fote out of the tem∣ple, in especyall vpon those dayes in whiche they dyd minyster in th temple / leste they shulde gette o take some impurite or vnclennes But all these thynges were no∣thynge els / but shadowes and fy∣gures of thynges farre more excel∣lent and precyous. For our true Dauid) to whome promyse was made, that his kyngdome shulde be enlarged euen vnto ye vttermost costes and marches of the worlde / which kyngdome shulde cōtynewe so longe as the sonne or mone / and to whome is gyuen al power,Psalme. lxxi. both in heuen and in earth),Matthe. xxviii. is Chryste anointed nat wt the oyle of prestes / but with grace celestyall,Psalme. liiii. ouer and aboue all the chyldren of men. His regall palace is the churche or con∣gregacyon, whiche the lorde hym selfe dothe otherwhyles call the kyngdome of heuen. His imperye or dominyon, is the lyberte of the spiryte. The tabernacles is the con¦gregacyon of all true beleuynge people in all or euery nacyon. Hie∣rusalem is yt mystycall cytie, which saynt Iohn̄ dyd se in the reuela∣cyon .xxi. beynge buylde of lyuely stones / Chryst beyng the heed cor∣ner stone.ii. Peter ii. The holy mountayne is ye sublymyte or hyghnes of ye doc∣tryne euangelycall / and the inuio∣lable veryte, vpon which the buyl∣dynge of the temple dothe leane & is grounded vpon. Of whiche is also thus mencyoned in an other psalme:Psalme C.xxiiii he that trusteth in the lord / shall as the mounte Syon, neuer be moued / whiche abydeth in Ie∣rusalem. The prophete therfore cō∣templatynge with spirituall eyes / the wonderfull maiestye and sanc∣tymonye or holynes of the church / whiche holynes the fygures of the olde lawe before shewed with other lyke dyd signefye / by the glorye of whiche churche also those thynge whiche dyd appere very gloryou to the iewes, were obscured & darkened / & after the interpretacyo of Paule,ii. Corin. iii. were made without glorye. The same prophete also, seyn yt there is no mortall mā which ca abyde pure in the house of god, and offre to god lacrefyce acceptable he tournynge to the father or he∣uen doth crye thus: O lorde who shall abyde in thy tabernacle, or reste in thy holy mountayne? The tue knowlege of god is drawen and coarted in to a very strayte or narowe angle of the worlde. The other nacyons do worshyppe for god, stockes and stones / they do sa∣crefyce vnto deuelles / after whose luste and pleasure, they be drawen as oxen by the nose vnto all kynde of myschefe. And amonge the selfe same nacyons or people, whome thou haste chosen aparte to the / whome thou haste excited or called by so many wōders and myracles to the knowelege of thy maiestye / whome thou haste by so mauy be∣nefites prouoked to loue the / who∣me thou haste fensyd with so many preceptes and cōmaundementes / whome thou haste instructe by so many prophetes / amonges ye same people is none that accordynglye dothe worshyppe the. They haue one god in theyr mouthe / but in theyr harte haue they many god∣des. Whyles one dothe serue yre, enuye, and desyre of vengeaunce / another serueth auaryce / and some ambicyon & pryde. And they which do appere to thē selues excellently iuste or ryghtwyse for obseruynge the lawe / do nat yet obserue that whiche is the heed of the lawe. For who doth loue ye with all his hart, with all his mynde, & with all his power / & his neyghboure as hym selfe? Thus thy lawe (where as of it selfe, it is good) doth come euyll to passe with them, turnynge them to euyll / nother doth it pacefye the, but prouoke the to angre / nother doth it see quyte, or dismysse them foūde gyltye or fautye / but it doth accuse & condempne them. A great sorte of men dothe worshyppe the after the cōmaūdementes of men / & with ceremonyes, they do walke in thy temple, they do kylle sacre∣fyces / they do offer oblacions.worshyp¦pynge of god fter ns com¦maunde∣mentes & remo∣nes is neare re∣bked & in the gos¦pell such is called als wor¦shyppe. Actes. vii and .xvii. God th nat abide in tēples or chur∣ches ma∣de with h̄de no∣ther re∣quyreth he to be there wor¦shypped more thā in other places. But thou whome all the whole worlde doth nat comprehende arte nat in∣closed in temples, or edifyces made with mannes hande / nother doste thou regarde suche worshyppers, whiche do worshyppe the with in walles buylded by the scyence of worke men. But for so moche as thou arte the hye and full parfyte truth or veryte / thou doste requyre true worshyppers, whiche shulde adoure or worshippe the in spiryte and veryte. Thy soule or mynde dothe abhorre our sabbote dayes & holy dayes of the newe mone / and thou doste requyre no sacrefyce forIohn̄. iiii Isaye. i. synne / nother haste thou any nede of our good dedes / we do sacrefyce to ye of thyne owne.Psalme. xxxix. But thou doste deteste & defye the sacrefyce of them whose handes be full of blode.Psalme. xv. The blode of gotes or of calues,Isay. i. can purge no man from synnes. Thou arte parfyte & doste requyre thyn∣ges parfyte.Hbrues x. But the lawe dothe brynge no man to perfectyon. All the whole nature of man is vtterly infecte and poysoned, euen frome the very rote throughe the vyce or synne of our fyrst parentes.ii. Corin. v. I per∣ceyue that thou doste lothe and dis∣dāyneApocal. xxi. olde thynges / thou doste re∣quyre all newe thinges / thou doste renewe the temple / thou doste re∣newe the lawe / thou doste renewe the rytes and the preesthode. But what preest is he so clene and im∣maculate / so in thy fauoure or ac∣ceptable, that he can reconsyle the to all men beynge angrye or dis∣pleased? Who shall abyde in this tabernacle, which dothe come from heuen? Who shal dwell in thy holy mountayne, vnto whiche no man coinuynate or defyled may ap∣proche? Who shall offre a sacrefyce so effectuall, that it can verely pu∣refye the hartes of men? To this feare & sollicytude of the prophete, doth the lorde make this answere: I do renye none of these thynges which thou haste tolde / thou sayste truthe, I in very dede do ordayne a newe tēple / I do requyre a newe sacrefyce / for I ws full a good whyle before of the olde. I wyll make a newe preest nat that is of ye earth earthly / but yt shall be from heuen heuenly / whiche shall make newe euery creature / nat doynge sacrefyce by course or often tymes / Hebrues vii. but which after one sacrefyce made shall remayne a preest for euer,Psalme. C.x. af∣ter ye ordre of Melchisedech / whom I wyll descrybe vnto the:Chryste described shortely accordīg to scrip∣ture. he shall walke in the earth amonges men / but he alone shall be without all spotte. He shall be conuersant with synners / but that he may iustefye them. He shall worke ryghtwyse∣nes, and do iustyce full parfytely / In suche wyse, that he onely may saye: who amonges you can accuse or rebuke me for synne?Ioh. viii. The de∣uyll which is an euyll speaker, and the prynce of this worlde shal come vnto hym / but he shal fynde no de∣faute in hym.Io. iiii. He shall speake truth in his harte / for he shall be the very truth it selfe. Nother shall he com∣mytte or do any gyle wt his tonge / for he shall speake nothynge, but yt he shall be commaunded of me to speake. Nother shall he flatter the wycked / nor yet fode or fede ye god∣ly with vaynes promyses: but he shall promyse remyssyon of synnes by fayth gyuen vnto hym / and he shall truely gyue it: he shall pro∣myse resurreccyon & lyfe eternall / and he shall performe it. And so moche shall he eschewe to do euyll vnto his neyghbour / that he wyll bestowe his owne lyfe euen for his enemyes / & for them shall he make intercessyon to me / of whome he shall be slayne.Iohn̄. iii. For he shall come nat to destroye or cause any to pe∣rysshe / but to preserue and saue: He shall come nat to iudge or con∣dempne / but to recōcyle & to make peace betwyxte god and man. No∣ther wyll he begynne to rebuke or sclaunder his neyghbours / whiche dyenge wyl crye for his most cruell tormntours or murtherers:Luk. xxiii. Fa∣ther forgyue them for they wote nat what they do / whiche also shall caste to the groūde the deuyll that is the accuser of mankynde in ma∣kyng hym domme and spechelesse / the obligacyon beyng anulled and made of none effecte / by whiche he intended accyon and accusacyon a∣gaynste all men.Coloss. i. And all thoughe he accordyng to his malyce by rea∣son wherof he dothe enuye the sa∣uetye and saluacyon of men / in so moche that he wyll fence and sette forth in armes or harnes all his power or armyes agaynste my preest / and wyll so declare all his gyles and trechery in bendyng his artyllarye agaynste me: yet shal he no whytte profyte or auayle / but he shall be broken to peaces and be brought to nought: Nother shall the rage or crueltye of the wycked worke any other thynge than that the victorye and glory of hym shall be y• more clerely knowen and ho∣noured / whome they dyd coueyte with great force but in al vayne to be extinte and vtterly abolysshed out of the mynde of men.Ieremye xi. And they by ye same shal purchase none other thynge to them selues than confu∣syon or shame euerlastynge & most greuous dethe or destruccyon. For this my preest whome I wyll or∣dayne Hebrues ii.chefe ruler in my newe tem∣ple and in my kyngdome shall by deth ouercome the author of deth / and by shamefull deth of the crosse he shall haue moste honorable try∣umphe of the spirytes or deuylles his aduersaryes. And partakers of this glorye shall he make all thē whiche fearynge to offende the fa∣ther wyll heare and obey my wel∣beloued sonne.Matth. xvii. In whome onely I shal haue so great pleasure and ly∣kynge that nothynge at all can of∣fende or displease me. He moreouer shall be in so great bothe fauour & auctoryte with me yt I wyll denye hym nothing. In the meane whyle it is ryght and true glorye to ouer∣come the worlde to ouercome the flesshe and to ouercome the deuyll. But lyke as the glory of my sonne shall in maner be hydde or vn∣knowen amonges men / whan he shall be in the shappe or semblaūce of a poore and humble or vyle ser∣uaunte / yea and of a synner / whan he shal be rebuked and reuyled ac∣cused condempned and put vpon a crosse: Euen so shall the glorye also of thē which do drede god be hydde and vtterly vnknowen amonges men by reason of infirmyte of the flesshe / or at the leaste it shal be ob∣scured and darkened. But whan he beynge nowe condempned and crucifyed betwyxte two theues shal come agayne in his maiestye with thousandes of aungelles vnnume∣rable / all godly people also rysyng together with hym vnto lyfe / and they whiche were partakers with hym of tribulacyons shall be also partakers with hym of glory: Thā shall ye wicked se whome they haue smytten and wounded: They shall than se them (whome before they haue cōculcate and troden downe) with theyr excellent bryghtnes to obscure or darken the clerenes of y• sonne / where as they them felues shall lamente and bewayle theyr owe madnes. These thynges ha∣ue I thought good to touche / for because I do se that of ye olde doc∣tours some haue applyed all this whole psalme vnto the persone of Chryst / to whome do full parfytly quadre and agree these wordes hy∣therto spoken. But the wordes fo∣lowynge do nat seme to accorde so well to his {per}son: Which sweareth to his neighbour and doth not dis∣ceyue hym / whiche hath nat gyuen forth his money to vsurye / & hathe nat taken brybes or rewardes vp∣on innocentes. Nother is it any great prayse nat to haue done those thynges / whiche without a great cryme cā nat be cōmytted or done / Suche as these be: to worke false∣hede by {per}iurye / to increase worldly substaunce by vsuryes / to be cor∣rupte with brybes / to condemne or to beare false wytnes against an innocente body. They whiche vsed to do suche thynges were recoūted euyll doers euen amonges the he∣then and myscreantes / & they were punysshed by the lawes:ii. questy∣ons mo∣ued. Agayne∣wrde they whiche dyd no suche thynges dyd nat receyue any pu∣blicke rewarde vsed to be gyuen to suche men as had done for the cō∣mune weale. But nothynge dothe appertayne to Christ but tht is of hye perfeccyon / and that surmoun∣teth all the prceptes of the lawe. Here aryseth vp also an other qutyon: wherfore in the discrybyng Chryst doth he recyte these forsay vyces more than other whiche al the lawe dothe condempne as ensample: whiche dothe not steal Eodi. xix.which doth nat kylle or slee / whi doth no aduoutrye or fornicacyo But these doubtes do prycke a somwhat trouble vs thoughe shuld applye this present place vnto the persone of Christ / but other vnto ye minysters of ye churc or els vnto euery membre of t churche. The explicacyon of the diffyculties dothe parhappes rquyre an hye or excellente wytte / that is well exercysed in holy scriptures / I natwithstandynge accordynge to my feblenes wyll shew forth my mynde or thought in suc wyse that no man shall be stoppe from sayeng his deuyse / yf he hat any better matter to brynge forth scripture doth in dyuers fassions structe vs to lerne vertue & god∣ynesse. Other whyle it doth kepe ye rdre of nature ī callyng vs backe yrste from vyces / & there after ex∣ortyng vs to vertues.what or∣dre or fas¦siōs scrip¦ture doth vse ī tea∣chinge or exhortīg. For to for∣ette euyll and vyces is naturally he fyrste and former thynge. And he seconde or nexte to that is to go nto goodnes and vertues / lyke as naturally fyrste is the thynge whiche is vnparfyte and (as the Apostle doth calle it) naturall / and there after that is parfyte and spi∣ytuall.i. Corin. xv. This ordre dothe here the piryte of god kepe whan he sayth:Psalme. xxxiiii. Auoyde or declyne from euyll and o good / seke peace & pursue ther∣after. In a lyke wyse dothe Esaye sayenge: Take ye awaye the euyll of your cogitacyons or thoughtes from my eyes / leaste you do per∣uersly / and learne you to do well.Esaye. i. Forthwith doth he ioyne thereun∣der the preceptes of charyte saye socour the nedy / do iudgement the fatherlesse chylde / defende t wydowe. &c. In lykewyse also iparable of the gospell:Matthe. xii. The hou is fyrste made cleane & afterwar cōmaunded to be anourned. Clens that is to say innocencye doth come by faythe and baptysme / the ornamētes be good workes. Such a lyke thyng is that also spoken by Paule:Romans iii. let vs caste away ye workes of darkenes / and let vs put on the armoure of lyght. Also Colossians iii: Nowe put you of all thynges wrathe. &c. This ordre is somtyme also tourned / that is to witte whee as those thynges be fyrst cōmaun∣ded whiche be parfyte / and those thynges after be forbydde that be contrarye. Of whiche sorte is this sayeng of Paule:Romans iii. So that we may walke honestly as in the day nat in fraunchynge or surfettynges & in dronkenes / nat in chambryng and vnclennes / nat in contencyon & en∣uyenge. And these fassyons be of∣ten tymes myxte or myngled toge∣ther as in the words of Chryste sayenge: Blesse hem which do per∣secute you / blesse & curse nat.Romas xii. Other whyles good thynges onely be cō∣maunded as for xample: Thou shalte loue thy lorde god with all thyne hart. &c.Matth xxii. And thy yghbour as thy selfe. The prohibytynge of euyll thynges doth rather agree to harde and obstynate people: the cō¦maundynge of good thynges is a∣greable to suche as be obdyent / & of theyr owne accorde inflamed to vertue and godlynes.Howe scripture dth tem∣pre dc∣tyne ac∣cordynge to the posicyōs of all mē In suche fassyons doth the scripture procure the helth of all persones / so that the parfyte maye therin fynde howe they shulde procede & go forwarde: And the weake or forgetfull may there also haue howe they shulde be refrayned & also admonysshed The rudenes or dulnes of oure nature in receuyng godly doc¦tryeThe rudenes & slouthe or dulne of mannes mynde is meruaylous And therfore the lawe of the .x. cō∣maundementes which were gyue vnto the grosse and rebellyous o obstynate people dothe contayne thre onely preceptes whiche do cō∣maunde thynges honeste and ver∣tuous / the other do prohibyte syn∣nes and enormyties: Thou shalte nat stele / thou shalt nat slee or kyll / thou shalte do no fornicacyon. &c. But so often as bothe these fassyōs be myngled to gether it moughte appere a thynge superfluous / ex∣cepte that our nature dyd requyre suche inculcacyons or repeticyons. For els whan the lorde had sayde: blesse you them which do persecute you / what nede he to adde blesse ye, but curse nat / except that he wolde the more deapely fasten the sayde lessone in the myndes of hys dysci∣ples? Therfore bothe these fassyōs of speche be eche one vnderstande in other.In chris∣tes pre∣ceptes is an affir∣matyue alway cō¦tayned in a negaty¦ue and a negatyue in an af∣irmaty∣ue. As whan ye scrypture doh bydde god to be loued aboue all thynges & our neyghboure as our selues / ye same doth vndoutedly for¦byd al thīges which do discorde wt y• loue of god & of our neyghbour / & those be thynges innumerable. Agayne whan the lawe dothe faye: Thou shalte nat kylle / it hath well and iustly cōmaunded all ye dedes of charite by which we cā helpe our neyghbour. Also whā it sayth: thou shalte nat do fornicacyon / it dothe bydde all thynges whiche do pre∣serue clennes / sobernes / laboures / fastyng / prayeng. &c. But thynges whiche be hydde & vnknowen doth nat ye rude or vnlerned people vn∣derstande. And therfore haue the prophetes Christ and the Apostles opened bnto vs those thinges whi∣che haue be spoken cōpendiously & couertly. Therfore ī this psalme is {pro}powned & set forth in a preposte∣rous ordre / fyrst ye cōtent & summe of {per}fyte religyon & godlynes / & thā for ye ruder sorte be the thynges ex∣pressed by name whiche be cōtrary to ye sayd descripcyon & image. For whā he sayth: he which doth entr wtout spotte & dothe worke ryght wysenes / he hath in ye same comprhēded al ryghtfulnes. For he whi∣che doth entre wtout spot doth cō∣mytte no vyce or synne / & agayne∣warde he doth omytte no vertue acordyng to ryght & his duetye. Ac∣cordyng to this intellygēce or vnderstādynge it is no faynte or febl prayse whā christ is denied to hau done any gyle wt his tonge. For s do we knowe hym alone to be suc one in whose wordes yt is to wytte Agaynste veretyes vnwryt∣ten.all ye whole canonicall scripture / eternall & vndoubted truth doth valyaūtly remayne wtout any spo or blemysshe of erroure. Whā he is denyed to haue done euyl vnto his neyghbour / we do vnderstāde that all his lyfe & his dethe was orday∣ned and ordered to the helthe of all men. Whan he is denyed to haue begōne any rebuke or ygnomynye agaynste his neyghbours / we per∣ceyue that he dyd make intercessy∣on vnto his father euen for ye wyc∣ked and open euyll doers. Whan he is denyed to haue deceyued his neyghbour by periurye / we be ad∣monysshed that what soeuer thing Chryste dyd euer promyse by his prophetes (for by thē dyd he speke) the same hathe he ryght faythfully {per}formed.Hebrues i. He hath promysed great thynges / and that be vnnethes redyble to any mannes capacyte / hat is howe god shulde come in esshe / that he by his dethe shulde edeme mankynde / that he shulde within thre dayes reuye agayne from deth / that he shuld ascende in to heauen / that he shulde come a∣gayne in glorye to iudge ye quyck and the deed / & to receyue his peo∣ple raysyd vnto lyfe to blessyd immortalyte. All these thinges for th most parte hath he all ready accoplysshed / and that is remaynyng wyll he perfourme in lyke fidelyte Whan he is reported that he dy nat lende or gyue forth his mone vnto vsurye / we vnderstande tha he was full pure from all earthl concupiscences / whiche was frel beneficyall to all men sekyng non outher profyte imperye or glory for so doynge: He dyd frely gyue he dyd heale frely the sycke / he dy frely redeme vs / and he be stowe frely hym selfe all whole / & all tha he had for our sakes:Matthe viii. he had nat this worlde wherupon to reste h Iohan. xviii.heed / he dyd professe hym and h kyngdome nat to be of this world / he sought nat his owne glorye / but the glorye of his father.Iohan. viii. So farre wyde was he from takyng rewar∣des agaynste innocentes yt he gaue hym selfe to be a ransome to rede∣me innocentes sufferynge deth for them that he shulde brynge them beynge reconsyled vnto lyfe euer∣lastyng. These thynges as they be surmountynge and passyng great / euen so dyd he onely perfourme & accomplysshe them / & therfore shal he neuer be moued.Hbrues xiii. For Iesus Chryst as sayth the Apostle yester¦day & to day he is all one for euer. And thus farforth haue I sayd cō∣cernynge the fyrst questyon which mought brynge ye reader in doubt / as if these cōmendacyons or pray∣ses were semynge vnmete and vn∣worthy for Chryst.The solucyon of the scon¦de questy¦on. Nowe is the o∣ther questyon to be soluted whiche is why the prophete dothe free and elyuer Chryste from these onely vyces / seynge hat he was all together free and quyte from all ma∣ner crymes or vyces? The prophet appereth by these forsayd poyntes to haue properly deuyded ye person of Christ from all other. But in th onely persone of chryst were many personages / as the personage of a kynge / of a preest / of a prophete / o a iudge / & of a doctour.In the only per¦sonage of Christ be many pe¦sonages cōprehē∣ded. Luke. xi. Christ is a prfyte kng. In a kyn whiche coulde bynde the strong one mencyoned of in the gospell entrynge in to his house violentl take away his goodes was requyred a power more than humayne angelicall. And therfore it is sayd Te malygner in his presence i broughte to noughte.Christ is passing hy preest In a pree whiche onely shulde purge & clen the spottes of all men was requyred a wonderfull clennes / which I can nat se founde in any man.hs. ii Psal. l. Fo we be all borne the chyldren of yre and wrathe / and accordynge to the testymonye of Dauid we be concey¦ued in synnes. The onely sonne of god dyd come without carnall co∣pulacyon in to the wombe of a vir∣gyne / and dyd nat by his entrance in to her defyle but consecrate her purenes or clennes. And suche as was his concepcyon and natiuyte / suche was also all his lyuyng. And this noteth the prophete saynge: And he worketh ryghtewysenes." But there was neuer any preest whose concepcyon & natiuyte hath be with out all spotte / or whose lyfe hath be by all maner wyse inconta∣minate. Aaron the hye and the fyrst preest of all dyd so procede frō his mother / yt he neaded circumsicyon / Eodi xxii. 1. of yn∣ges. ii. nother dyd he a lytle offēde god fo∣lowynge the furye of the people in makynge a goldynge calfe. Hly dyd synne by ouermoche cocke∣rynge or tenderynge his sonnes. Incredulyte was imputed & layde agaynste zachary ye father of Iohn̄ Luke. i.Baptyste / for which he was punis∣shed / the vsage of his tonge for a whyle taken away. But why do I recyte these? The very lawe dothe declare no mā to be without synne / Hebrues v.which therfore doth prescrybe a sa∣crefyce that ye preest ought to offre for his owne synne. I wyll here let passe to mencyon of the false pro∣phetes / For amonges the holy and cōmendable prophetes was neuer any pure frome all spotte or ble∣mysshe.Isay. vi. For Isaye dyd nede of a quycke cole / which shulde purefy his lyppes. There was none of th but that was ignoraunte in somethynge / nother was the spiryte of prophecye alwaye present wt them / & thoughe he were present, yet dyd he nat put them in remembraunce of all thynges. For a certayne pro∣phete doth complayne sayeng:iiii. of kī∣ges. iiii. God hath hydde from me this worde or thynge. To all was gyuen the gyft of prophecye accordyng to the pro∣porcyon or measure of theyr fayth:Coloss. but in onely Chryste dyd inhabyte the fulnes of the godhede corpo∣ally / nother was he admonysshed or taught in a dreame or visyon / but he brought with hym from the father the full parfyte knowlege of all thynges that be paste present & o come. To this pertayneth that is here sayd: He spake the truth in his harte / and wrought no gyle in his tonge. In a iudge is requyred parfyte knowlege of causes / inte∣gryte or parfyte ryghtfulnes / and a mynde vncorrupte.Chryst is a syngu∣ler trewe iustyce or iudge. Iohn̄. v. The lorde doth reporte of him selfe in ye euan∣gely sayeng: The father doth iudge no man / but hath gyuen all iudge∣mente to the sonne / and in ye Crede is testefyed that he shall come to iudge the quycke and the deed. He onely dothe iudge truely & verely Luke. xviwhich doth nat iudge after the ouwarde shewe or apparēce but doth innerly se & beholde the hartes / & regardeth nat ye estates of any mē / knowynge no parcyalyte / but ren∣dreth vnto euery man accordyng to ye workes done in his body.Romans ii. ii. Corin. v. And accordyn to the sayenge of the gos∣pell they which in ye last iudgemen shal go about to wynne the fauou of the iudge by allegacyon of old familyaryte or acquoyntaunce o of workes exteryor / to suche shal be sayde:Luke. xiii I saye vnto you truely I knowe you nat. The same thynge all be welnye requyred ī a doctou or teacher / whiche be requisyte in a prophete.A prophe¦te is a doc¦toure or teacher. Chryst is an xcel∣lent doc∣tour. For a prophete is also a doctour or teacher / lyke as he whi∣che is a kyng is also a iudge. In a doctour whiche is a teacher be re∣quisyte wysdome fidelyte autho∣ryte / and lyuynge according to his doctryne or learnynge.Coloss. ii In onely Chryste was all fulnes of dyuyne sapyence or wysdome / he was both a faythfull and ryght prudent dis∣trybuter of mysteryes celestyall / which dyd bryng forth of his trea∣surye thynges bothe newe & olde. And as touchyng authorite it was neuer sayd absolutely of any other than of Chryste / whose wordes all were spryte & lyfe:The au∣thorite of chryst. heare you hym. Therfore ye {pro}phet doth recyte thoseIohn̄. vi. crymes or defautes chefely / which all ye {per}sonages before shewed & cō∣teynedMatthe xvii. in christ are wont to be sub∣get vnto & fautye of. So that all ye whole worlde shulde vnderstande that in conclusyon one man shulde come which shulde parfitly declare him selfe to be an innocēt kyng / a preest throughly & in all poyntes pure / a {pro}phete in al thinges iuste & true / a doctour or teacher teaching other men nothīg / which he hȳ selfe dyd nat in dedes {per}fourme a iudg vncorrupte.gayste vnwryt∣en vey∣ies and tradicy∣ons of men. So that there is nothynge yt we oughte to seke in thi lyfe without or besydes chryste. I is no nede to tell that to all men is knowen / yt is to wytte howe grea harme dyuers kinges do vnto me by reason of theyr power & cruelte / Whan they polle the people wit vnryghtfull exaccyons / whan the do breake good lawes and mak euyll / whā they moue vniust warres / whan they harken to tale bearers and promoters or false accusers / whā they rage and shewe ry∣goure to innocente and harmeless people / whā for money they do cō∣mytte or gyue offyces to men vn∣mete and vnworthye. But let vs leaue to speake of discommendable prynces and preestes of whiche is a passynge great nombre. With howe great and noble testimonyes of scrypture was Moyses anour∣ned / agaynst whome natwithstan∣dyng was obiecte the cryme of im∣piete and wyckednes / for becauseN. xx. whan the people dyd thurste after waters he dyd nat glorifye god / & therfore it was nat graunted hym to entre in to the lande of promyse / howe soeuer he be excused for kyl∣lynge the Egypcyan.Exodi. ii. Nother was it any small blotte in Aaron that he folowed the mynde of the peo∣ple requyryng ydolles or false god∣des to be made them.Exodi. xxxii. Dyd nat Da¦uid of whome remayneth this no∣ble testimonye of goddes worde (Iii. of yn¦ges. iii. haue founde a man occordynge to myne owne appetite & harte) ioyne a detestable cryme with his cruel∣nes that is to saye, adulterye with murther?i. of Pa∣lippo. xxvii. He was called a man of blode or blody man / and recounted vnworthy to buylde a tēple to the lorde.iii. of ki¦ges. ii. Salomon receyued an excel∣lent testimonye of scripture / but wt howe many crymes and outragy∣ous dedes dyd he obuscate and dymine that glory. Two ryght fa∣mous and soueraigne men haue I noted & shewed vnto you / the other do I nat mencyon of lesse I shulde be ouer prolixe and tedyous. But he whiche is our Dauid and very ryght kynge of Syon where as he had a kyngdome sempiternall and vncorruptible / yet natwithstāding accordynge to the prophecye of za∣charyezacharye ix. he came nat agaynst vs but for vs / nat with violence and ty∣ranny but with ryghtwysenes / no∣ther beynge an oppressor of ye peo∣ple but a sauyour / nother came he dredefully by reason of fearcenes or statelynes / but myldely & quiet∣ly syttynge vpon an asse. Nowe all though other shulde be broughte forth beyng neuer so moche lauda∣ble & cōmendable / & anourned wt the testymonyes of ryghtwysnes / yet they all beynge compared to Chryst be synners.Psal. l. Euery man is conceyued in iniquyte (of ye virgyn Mary do I gyue no sentēce) eueryyet was she saued by chryst & his deth Luke. . one is borne the chylde of yre and wrath / euery one doth beare about concupiscence beynge faste roted in y• nature of man / all though none other spotte shuld cōtamynate our lyfe. But of these wyll I make no longe rehersall / seyng it sufficyent yt I haue now shewed you ye vyces before named / vnto ye which many of those {per}sonages amonge y• iewes were subget & fautye of / which {per}so∣nages al we do fynde in christ hyly reuerēt & worshipful. This is here to be noted yt the argument of this psalme doth nat differre from y• ar∣gumēt or mater of y• psalme goyng before. For whā he there had recy∣ted howe mankynde was on eueryRomans iii. syde corrupte / and howe that godGala. iii. hadde concluded and compassed all thynges vnder synne to thentent that he shulde take mercy vpon all: He there also consyderyng that nother the lawe was sufficyē to pacefye so great wrathe of go conceyued agaynst vs (which law dyd rather prouoke the wrathe o Romans iii. & .iiii.god agaynste vs than pacefye o aswage it) nor that any sacrefyce prescrybed of Moyses were to thi sufficyent: But that we had nead of a newe kynge godly myghtye stronge which shulde do awaye th tyrannye of Satan / and that w had neade of a newe preest which shulde be voyde of all spottes tha so he shulde offer a sacrefyce farr more effectuall than was the blod of beastes / and yet he coulde fynd no suche preest amonges all mankynde / he beynge conuerted to go doth thus make exclamacyon: wh shal gyue saluacyon or helth to Israel of or from Syon? And he heareth answere agayne: whan ye lorde shall turne awaye the captiuyte of is people / Iacob shal reioyse and sraell shall be glad. In ye mounte of Syon as we haue shewed before was bothe the tabernacle and the ynges palace. In whiche bothe is signyfyed the church which is also called the kyngdome of heauen / & in to whiche who souer be admyt∣ed or chosen they be called by thei. Peter. ii. estymonye of saynt Peter an holy acyon & a royall preeshode. But what a captiuyte was that whiche dyd nat suffre the Israelytes to be lad and reioyse? For at that tyme he people of Israell whiche were Hebrues were captyue or ī seruitu∣ to no maner of men.Gala. iii. & .iiii. But it was a sore captiuyte to be vnder ye ma∣ediccyon of the lawe whiche was n harde scole mayster to the peo∣le wantyng the spryte.ii. Corin. iii. For where oeuer the spryte is nat / there also is no lybertie or franchyse. And where as the terrore of the law dothe manace vengeaunce ther is no pure gladnes of harte. Fo because therfore there was no ho∣pe of saluacyon in men the fathe dyd sende his only begotten sonn beynge more myghty than the deuyll beyng a tyrante / which shuld auerte & put awaye the captiuyt of his people delyuerynge or ma∣kynge vs fre by grace from ye ma∣lediccyon of the lawe. He sent hy beynge a preest full of efficacy Hbrues v.whiche makynge intercessyon fo his electe shuld be graciously her for loue of his reuerence and god¦lynes. And thus in conclusyon dy Iacob reioyse and Israell wa glad and ioyfull. Iacob & Israe be the names of one man / all be that here accordyng to the custom of scripture they be vsed for ye peple of Israell. Furthermore bote the wordes do signyfye a wrestler / for Iacob to the Hebrues is a sup∣planter / & Israell a stronge man towarde god. Iacob truely (as is contayned in the holy historye) dyd wrastle with Esau in his mothers belly.Genes. xxv. The same dyd also wrastle with the angell / for the whiche wrastlynge he obtayned the nameGenes. xxxii. of Israell. For I sayth he wyll nat let the departe excepte thou shalte blesse me. His brother beynge sup∣planted / he dyd obtayne his fa∣thers blessynge: He inforsynge the angell dyd purchase the blessynge of god. Nother oughte it to be thought any inconuenyence if a man be sayd to wrastle with god / seynge we do heare our sauyoure hym selfe sayenge in ye gospell thatMatthe. xi. the kyngdome of heuen doth suffre violence / and that men violently cōmynge to it do pulle it to them. The Samaritans and gentles or infydeles dyd russhe in to it before theyr tyme / & as a man wolde say the dors broken vp.Matth. x. For fyrst was the lorde sent vnto the loste shepe of the house of Israell. But wha vyolence is that by which ye kyng∣dome of heuen is with violence ouercome?The kīg¦dome of god how it is go∣tn with violence. It is fayth a thynge myghtye and importune / whiche in a maner doth wreste out frō god that no merytes do purchase or ob∣tayne. atthe. xv.Doth nat the womā of Ca∣nanye ī a maner appere to wrastle with the lorde Iesu / prouokynge hym with importune crye to heare to heare her / whan he pretended that he wolde nat.Of the omā of Canante wrase∣ling with chryst. Agayne whan she was dryuen from hym beynge called by the rebukefull name of a dogge / yet dyd she stylle craue for cromes naming her selfe a whelpe. Doth nat she than appere to saye with Iacob: I wyll nat let ye de{per}te except thou shalt blesse me? Forth∣with there after whā ye lorde sayth: O woman great is thy fayth be it vnto ye as thou wylte haue it / both it nat appere to be the worde or voyce of a mā ouercome in wrast∣lyng? Wyl ye thā heare howe puys∣sant pugnant and victoryous a thynge faith is?The pu∣ysance & vertue of fayth. Onely sayth he be∣leue for all thynges are possyble to hym yt beleueth.Marke. ix. But for to returne frō this digressyon to a shorte con∣clusion. Lyke as in ye psalme before ye prophete doth demaūde after the saluacion of mākynde sayeng who shal arise to helpe & remedy ye world beyng so desperate: In like fassyon doth he heare crye sayeng: O lorde who shal abyde ī thy tabernacle / or who shal reaste in thy holy moun∣tayne? In yt he nameth a taberna∣cle he requireth an hye preest / and whan he nameth a holy moūtayne he desyreth a kynge of more puis∣saūce thā is ye puissaūce of Satan / and he heareth answere made to hym of the sprite: he whiche entreth without spotte and dothe worke ryghtwysenes. By the which testi∣monye or prayse is signyfyed the persone of Christ which onely with out all excepcyon was pure & clene frō all blemyshe or spotte. Whose doctryne doth sauer of no vylenes or basenes / but as it dyd come frō heuen euen so doth it vtter & speke heuenly thynges.Mounte Syon wherof it is so de¦nomina∣te. Mounte Syon hath his denominacyon or name of speculacyon or beholdynge / In whiche who souer dothe reaste he beynge hyer than all thynges ter∣restryall or earthly doth beholde & desyre no thynges but celestyall. And he dyd nat only worke ryght∣wysenes which in all poyntes dyd accomplisshe the workes of his fa∣ther / but he also wrought ryght∣wysenes for vs and to vs. For vn∣to i. Corin. ivs saith ye Apostle was he made ryghtwysenes whiche nother had any of our owne / nother coulde haue any / in lykewyse as we can nowe also haue none of our owne or propre. Thus hytherto haue I applyed this psalme vnto the per∣sone of Chryste. Nother do they a∣mysse whiche do interprete this psalme of the lyfe heuenly. For in heauen also is bothe a temple and a tabernacle / in which without in∣intercessyon or cessynge is offered the sacrefyce of prayse and of than∣kes gyuyng / lyke as is sayd in an other psalme: Blessyd be they whi∣che do dwell in thy house O lorde / Psalme. lxxxiii. in worlde without ende shall they prayse the. The gospell also dothe make mencyon of tabernacles ad∣uertysyng vs that we shulde heare purchase vs fryndes with ye Mā∣monLuke. xvi of iniquyte whiche shulde re∣ceyue vs beyng destytute and suc∣courles in to euerlastynge taber∣nacles. There therfore is ye templ of god thorowly pure and wholy / there is y• mounte Syon in which the veyle taken awaye we shall se the glorye of god presently / there is the holy cytie of Hierusalem for there is fynally parfyte and true reaste. But in to this temple and in to this palace is none entrance or ingate by ceremonyes or the Popes Agaynste ceremo∣nyes and the po∣pes bul∣les. Matthe. xxv.bulles / but by a mynde pure∣fyed by faythe / hauynge no euyll cōscience / & by the dedes of charyte which done vnto our neyghbour / Chryste wylleth them to be impu∣ted done to hym. Natwithstādyng we at this tyme had leauer to in∣treate vpō and to declare the mo∣ralle The mo∣ral sence.sense / whiche all though it doth appeare ye more base or lowe / yet in my iudgement is it for vs most profitable. And thus the pro∣phete consyderynge the great ma∣iestye of the house of god / and the great purite of his church or cōgre∣gacyō / which ye lorde hym selfe dyd wasshe wt his blode to exhibyte & make it to hym selfe a spouse ha∣uynge nother spotte ne wryncle:Ephesi∣ans. v. And agayne warde he consideryng howe great the impuryte of man is / doth saye: O lorde who shall abyde in thy tabernacle / or who shall reaste in thy holy moūtayne? All though this place dothe pecu∣lyerly and properly belonge vnto them whiche be prelates in the churche of god whiche be appoyn∣ted to minystre the worde of god to the people / & to shyne or shewe lyght vnto them in puryte of ly∣uynge / all they natwithstandynge whiche by fayth & baptisme be ad∣mytted īto ye mistical body of christ do dwell in this tabernacle / & do in a maner offre vp thē selfes a sacre∣fyce liuyng acceptable & pleasynge god / & they reygnyng wt Christ doRomans xii. ouercme ye deuyll / as by cōtempte of thynges vyle and corruptyble they fynde reaste in hope of thyn∣ges heuenly and celestyall. This thynge in the meane waye is to b obserued and noted (all though i doth appere of smalle importance that this worde Entre in / i nat heare vsed as the contrarye t goynge out. Whiche worde hau yet deceyued some interpretyng that we be made immaculate by very entrynge / and that by baptysme we do entre into the church Nother is it wrytten Eselthei bu Porefetai which is to saye goyng passyng or walkīg lyke as it is dclared ī an other passage:Psalme. C.xviii. Blessy are they whiche be immaculate i the waye / whiche do walke in th lawe of the lorde.Erodi. xiiii. For after that w dyd forsake Egypte / and dyd leau or put of all our spottes in ye redd see / this is remaynyng that we d from henseforth walke pure & im∣maculate vntyll we do come vnto that blessyd lande / which god hath promysed to men perseuerynge in the loue of hym. To stande in the waye of the lorde is to go backe∣warde.To stāde in the waye of the lorde is to go backe∣warde / & yet is there acō¦mēdable stādyng. Philip. ii Paule dyd walke whihe forgettynge those thynges yt were left behynde hym dyd stretche hym selfe to those thynges whiche were before hym. Natwithstandynge some standyng is yet cōmendable. For so wryteth Paule sayenge: Stande ye in the faythe in whiche ye be called that is perseuer you / nat so that you shulde nat go for∣warde to thynges more parfyte / but that ye do nat fall backewarde to worse thynges. There is also a ronnynge in the waye of vertue & godlynes as is shewed in ye psal∣mes:Psalme. C.xviii. I haue ronne the waye of thy cōmaundemētes whan thou dyd∣dest dilate or comfort myne harte. And in the cantycles or balades o Salomon:canticles fyrst. we shall rōne in ye odr or swete sauoure of thy oyntementes. And yu Apostle sayth:i. Corin∣theos. i. So rōn that ye may obtayne. He walketh goeth forwarde. He stādeth whic perseuereth in goodnes beynge i readynes agaynste the assautes o sculkewatch of the deuyll. He dot ronne whiche wt great luste & courage / and wt stronge feruentness of the spryte is rauisshed to do th workes of fayth & godlynes. An lyke degrees be in the waye of th wycked. He is iudged blessed whiche doth nat walke in the waye o the wycked and vngodly.Psal. i. This i the fyrst degree to wyckednes an impiete: And doth nat stande or cōsyste in the way of synners / this i the seconde degree of men perseueryng in euyll: Nother doth sytte i in the chayre or seate of pestylence And this is ye thyrde degree of men whiche do glorye in all euyll thyn∣ges & vngracyousnes. The way of the wycked hath also a propre ron∣nynge:Isay. lix. The feate sayth he of them doth ronne vnto myschefe. Nowe is there a certayne vayne & turne∣sycke walkyng / of which the scrip∣ture doth mencyon sayenge:Psal. xi. The wycked do walke in a circuyte or ambage. For whan they be caryed about with desyres & cōcupiscence of vayne and transitory thynges / so that the more they gette or pur∣chase ye more they desyre & luste for / & whā they be caryed from one lust or desyre to an other / as from the y• loue of ryches to ambicyon & to ye desyre of honoures / or to worldly pleasures neuer fyndyng y• can sa∣tisfye or cōtent theyr mȳde / do they nat seme or appeare to be rolled or tourned vp set downe in a circuyte or cyrcle? Therfore who soeuer wyll walke pure and immaculate he muste walke within the taber∣nacle. For without the churche b euen those thynges maculate and foule whiche do appere bryght & clere. Bothe Heretykes & Scys∣matykes do faste / saye psalmes / gyue almes / lyue chaste / prea∣che the worde of god / and exercse suche other dedes whiche hau the shewe or semblaunce of vertue and godlynes. But all thes thynges for so moche as they b done without the tabernacle / the be nothynge els than spottes an blottes. And they whiche do sek very true reaste ought nat to departe from the holy mountayne o god in which is buylded the churche. The prophete hath in this on lyttelll verse as is sayde before cōprehēded vnyuersally all vertues He whiche entreth without spott & dothe worke ryghtwysenes. Th fyrst poynt is to wante al crymes and the secōde to anourne thy lyfe with good workes. The fyrste is wrought by fayth in ye lorde Iesn / the other is caused by charite whi∣che is the cōpanyon of pure fayth.Matth. xii. Nother is it surely accordynge to the parable of the gospell to leaue the house swepte and made clene / voyde or emptye / but it muste be anourned & garnysshed with dy∣uers stuffe and apparayle of good workes / leaste ye ende be worse thā the begynnynge. There be some whiche haue meruaylously extol∣led the vertue of faythe / nother be they ī this deceyued / they do iudge faythe to be of full hye value and power / but holy scripture do nat without a cause cōmende vnto vs full greatlye in dyuers and many places good workes. Scripture doth calle all synne spottes. Nowe do all spottyng remayne in ye hart / and out of suche spottynge in the harte as out of the rote do workes sprynge & aryse: There is the foun∣tayne of al our workes and dedes / the veyne wherof if it be syncere / i spryngeth forth fyrst in to ye tonge & so therafter in to workes. Such a veyne had he whiche sayde:Psalme. xliiii. My tonge hathe bolked out a good worke. But yf this veyne be īfect it bubbleth or boyleth out fyrst i to speche and wordes / and so fort in to workes pestiferous. And th murren or spottes of the harte d russhe out in none other wyse / thā the very pockes do floure & bugene out in to the skynne of them whiche haue the inner partes o theyr body infecte with euyll and noysome humoures. As for exam∣ple heresye is a foule spotte / and s is diffidencye a foule blotte / to hat our neyghbour is a foule thynge & the loue of money or of volupe is fylthy. Suche spottes whyle they lay hydde in the harte they do defyle him onely which hath them without infectynge of other / but they can nat abyde longe hydde. For whan the preuye euyll shal be faste roted it wyl breath out pesty∣lente speache / and breake forthe in to abhomynable dedes. There is also a spotte whiche we all haue taken of y• poysone of olde Adam. Fynally concupiscence whiche we feale innerly fastened and implā∣ted in our flesshe maye ryghtully be called a spotte.Euyden signes of cōcupys∣cence shewed euen ī in∣fantes. Of whiche con∣cupiscence we do se euen in some babes and infantes an euydent prynte or simylytude as the prynte of Enuye / of Wrath / & of vengea∣blenes. Whiche affeccyons whan they can nat expresse in wordes yet do they shewe them in why∣nynge / weapynge / & channyyng / or chatterynge / and in theyr fro∣warde coūtynaūce. So that saynt Augustyne was nat wtout a caus brought ī to doubtfulnes whethe that age of infancye was coinquy∣nate nat onely with y• synne called oryginall / but also with the synn whiche is called {per}sonall or actuall Seynge than it is thus some may thus make obieccyon howe may it "agre to vs, To entre without spot seynge that Iohn̄ the Euangelys spekynge of suche as be regenerat in Chryst doth playnly testefye:Howe chrysten men be potted & also with out spot¦tes. 1 Iohn̄. i. I we shal saye that we haue no synn we do deceyue our selues and th truth of god is nat in vs. Saynt Paule also doth crye out sayengeRomans vii. O wretched man that I am wh shall delyuer me from this body o deth? If synne be in vs howe sha we be called immaculate or with out spotte? Euen they whiche ryghtewyse haue spottes / for e shulde they nat crye vnto the fther:Matthe. vi. Forgyue vs our trespasse lyke as we forgyue them whiche haue trespassyd agaynste vs. Who is he whiche dothe nat often tymes and cōmenly offende god? Or who is he whiche at some tyme doth nat vexe & greue his neygh∣bour? But suche spottes whiche be in suche men dothe the flesshe that is so whyte as snowe of the immaculate lambe Iesus Chryste couer.Romans viii. For there is no dampna∣cyon to those persones whiche be in Iesu Chryste.Romans xiii. Nat in cham∣berynges (sayth the Aoostle) and in Lecherye or vnclennes / nat in surfettynges and dronkenes / And thus do you heare of spottes / but put ye on the lorde Iesu Chryste in which you may parceyue a coue for the spottes of mankynde. O our selues we be all spottye / but in Chryste we be immaculate and without spotte / yf so we abyde in hym. In the only per¦sonage of Christ be many pe¦sonages cōprehē∣ded. Luke. xi. Christ is a prfyte kng. A prophe¦te is a doc¦toure or teacher. Chryst is an xcel∣lent doc∣tour. Agaynste ceremo∣nyes and the po∣pes bul∣les. Matthe. xxv. To stāde in the waye of the lorde is to go backe∣warde / & yet is there acō¦mēdable stādyng. Philip. ii Howe chrysten men be potted & also with out spot¦tes. 1 Iohn̄. i. And the psalmyst doth reporte thē Psalme. xxxi.to be blessyd whose syn̄es be coue∣red / and to whome the lorde hath nat imputed or layde syn̄e to theyr charge. And nowe do I speke of ye synnes which by the infyrmyte of men can nat be auoyded. For Le∣cherye or vnclennes dronkenes & surfettynge or glotony with suche lyke crimynal synnes or outrages be ones couered in Baptysme / bu therafter do nat they agree with y• flesshe of the lambe immaculate. Who soeuer hath cōmytted a deedly synne / he hathe caste awaye th whyte garment or crysome which he dyd take in Baptysme / & hath put on the blacke vesture or gar∣ment of the deuyll / Natwithstan∣dynge yt they in whiche doth dwel the vertue and power of fayth d lyghtly retourne to theyr olde innocencye nat by Baptysme but b repentaunce. And excepte they d repent all though they do appeare to abyde in the tabernacle by pro∣fessyng of the catholyke fayth and cōmunyon of the sacramentes / yet in very dede they do nat abyde or dwell in ye tabernacle of the lorde. The ryghtewyse man therfore whiche doth abyde or dwell in the tabernacle of god and doth reaste in his holy mountayne / after that he hathe forsaken Egypte he doth nat cease / but the fyre or lyght of god shynynge before hym he doth alwaye walke beyng immaculate vnto perfeccyon vntyll yt he shall attayne & come vnto that stable & vnmouable blysse & felicyte / whi∣che is signyfyed by the fygure of the lande of beheste. It partay∣neth to innocēcye to hurte no mā. And charyte wyll be ready to pro∣fyte or helpe all men. And therfore it foloweth: And doth worke ry∣ghtwysenes."what ry∣ghtwyse¦nes doth signefye in scryp∣ture. Ryghtwysenes in the scripture is comenly thus vsed & taken / nat yt it shulde be one parte of the morall or cardynall vertues distyncte from prudence fortytude and temperance / but that it shulde be taken for all maner of good do∣ynge:Ezechiel. xviii. I shal saith he nat remembre al his ryghtwysenes. And in Esay:Isay. lviii. And ryghtwysenes shall go before thy face / where as a lytle before he had reckened vp the dedes of cha∣ryte towarde our neyghboure say∣ynge: Breake vnto the hongry thy bredde. &c. All the lyfe of Chryste what other thynge was it than bountefulnes and good doynge alwayes open and ready to helpe all men. So that it becommeth hym whiche hathe put on Chryste to folowe so farforth as he may so well the parfyte bountefulnes or good doynge of Chryste as hys perfyte innocencye / lyke as tea∣cheth saynt Iohn̄ sayenge:i. Iohn̄. ii he whi∣che sayth that he abydeth in Christ oughte to walke / lyke as Chryste walked. Thus hathe the prophe∣te in one verse comprehended the summe of all godlynes and ver∣tue / nowe dothe he dyscende vn∣to the kyndes of vertues and to the specyall names of vyces sayenge: whyche dothe speake truthe in his harte / whiche hathe wroughte no gyle or deceyte with hys tonge. The moost parte both of good and also of euyll wor∣kes is wroughte with the tonge. In the very mynde is also a tonge with whyche the mynde dothe speake to it selfe and to god. From the harte dothe procede lyfe and dethe. It skylleth therfore very moche what thynges euery man dothe speake with hym selfe in his harte. Nouther can he speake true thynges to his neyghboure / which doth lye or speke falsely vn∣to hym selfe in his owne harte / True thynges I saye nat onely whiche be contrarye to falseheed / but whiche be spoken symplye / sin∣cerely / and with harte and mynde. The Pharises whā they sayd vn∣to Chryst:Matthe. x.i. Myster we wote that thou teachet y• wye of god true∣ly and thou regardest no mannes estate. In this they sayde no false thynges yet dyd they nat speake true thynges / for somoche as they spake with a gyleful and disceyte∣full mynde. And Dauus in a pro∣phane or secular comedye doth worke disceyte in speakynge true thynges / whiche is a kynde of ly∣ynge most vngracyous or mysche∣uous.Truthe disceyte∣fullye or vntruely spokē is a kynde of lyynge most per∣nicyous. How mā begyleth him self with lies which he speaketh to hym selfe. In this wyse do many speke vnto them selues in theyr harte law ghynge or smylynge at theyr owne vyces / theyr conscyence yet repynynge. But deth approchyng doth vrter and bewray theyr false∣hede or lyenge. For than are they vexed and tormented and be fayne to cōfesse that they before haue nat spoken truely in theyr harte / but yt they haue wt flatery or fayre wor∣des disceyued them selues. Thus doth it vsually come to passe to su∣che as by pardones haue purcha∣sydAgaynste pardons remyssyon of all theyr synnes / or to suche as by defraudynge o good men by thefte and by brybery wyll seke y• iustefyenge as they call it of thynges gotten. But he whi∣che without fraude or dissymula∣cyon dothe speke the truthe in his hart / suche one euyn whan y• parell of deth dothe pynche hym obtay∣neth styll his former & olde hope or confydence. The folysshe man which hath vsed to say in his harte there is no god hath pernicyously spoken lyes vnto hym selfe.Psalme xiii. Also heretykes whiche do persuade vn∣to them selues false doctrynes / & vpon the same do promyse to them selues trāquillyte of mynde / suche do speake to them selues falseheed & lyes. To be shorte all they which do beheste to them selues any fely∣cyte in this lyfe / the same do nat speke the truth in theyr harte. The ryche mā mencyoned of in the gos∣pell dyd deceyue & lye to hym selfe sayeng:Luke. xii. Soule thou haste moche goodes enioye thou them many yeares longe / where as yet he was inforsyd in the same nyght to gyue vp the ghoste & to departe or dye: Who soeuer doth thynke or right∣fully iudge of ye artycles of ye fayth doth speke the truthe in his harte:Agaynste re wyll. Who soeuer doth knowledge that by his owne power he can do no∣thynge / but that all his helpe and supportacyon is of the free mercye of god: Who soeuer doth confesse or acknowledge his synne and with a syncere mynde dothe de∣syre the mery of the lorde / the sme doth speake the truth in his harte: Who soeuer dothe speake false thynges in his harte dothe deceyue hym selfe / but who souer dothe beare or worke disceyte or gyle in his tonge / he dothe dys∣ceyue his neyghboure. Agayne∣warde he which speaketh the truth in his harte dothe profyte hym selfe: And he which hath his tonge voyde of all gyle dothe edeye his neyghboure / So that the one fo∣loweth vpon the other. For howe shall he whiche lyeth to hym selfe in his harte speke true thynges to his neyghboure? And lyke as by this halfe verse: He whiche dothe speake the truthe in hys harte is excluded all errore all peruerse oppynyons / all euyll yea and also ydle thoughtes or co∣gitacyons All ydle∣nes is falsehede & vanyte.(for all thyng is false & vayne what soeuer is ydle) and a∣gaynewarde as by the same half verse be vnderstāde all godly opi∣nyons / all affeccyōs pure and vn∣corrupte / Euen so by ye other halfe verse, Whiche hath nat wrought gyle or deceyte in his tonge, is ex∣cluded euery worde which hurteth our neyghbour. All thynge is dis∣ceyte or gyle which doth hurte the soule. By the same particle is also excluded as I haue shewed euery vayne or ydle worde. For euery thynge whiche profyteth nat doth hurte.Matth. v. The lorde cōmaundeth that our cōmunycacyon shulde be yea yea and naye naye / that is to saye we shulde afferme nothynge but that is true / nor denye any thynge but that is false.olo. iiii And Paule dothe bydde that our speache shulde al∣wayes be wel fauoured & poudred ith salte.ol. iii. The same also byddeth that we shulde deceyue no mā with lyenge / but that we shulde speke y• ruthe amonges our selues and to all men. If it {per}tayneth to Christen purenes nat to disceyue y• infydels or myscreantes with disceytefull wordes / Is it nat than a shame to vs Chrysten people to se so fewe a∣monge vs whiche with harte do speke truely to our neyghbour? Is nat all the occupyenge of the peo∣ple abrode cōmonly full of fraude / disceyte / and lyenge? Howe many be there whiche for loue of a lytle lucre wyll nat blynde and begyle his neyghbour? Nother hath done euyll to his neyghbour. Passynge moche myschefe is wrought with the tonge / and from the speche of the tonge we do come to euyll de∣des / of whiche the tonge is the en∣tyser and procurer. Natwithstan∣dyng it is somwhat to abyde with in dceyuablenes wought by t tonge & nat to passe it. Thou has sclaundered thy neyghboure an woūded hym with thy tonge / add thou nt there vnto euyll doyng whiche is wrought with thy hād or wt other thy membres. It shul seme but a werisshe or fynte pray∣se / yt he hathe nat done euyll vnt his neyghboure / but as I hau shewed tofore one contrarye is t be vnderstande by an other.One con¦trary vn¦derstande by an o∣ther. So the ryghtwyse man which is repoted to haue done euyll to his ne∣yghbour is vnderstāde he whiche hath holpen his neyghboure with all maner of gentylues and honest dedes.In omyt¦tynge to helpe our neygh∣bour we do hurte hym. For he hath hurte his neighbour & done to hym euyll / who so euer hathe nat holpen hym & done hym good whan nede was / & that he so mought. Lyke as gyle or dis∣ceyte is also wrought wt the tonge / so often as charyte dothe requyre good doynge / and the same dothe nat her offyce in well doynge. As for example thou hearest thy ne∣yghbour to be sclaundered & thou oste holde thy peace or doste nat speke / thou hast in yt cōmitted gyle with thy tonge.By sy∣lence ke∣pyng we do often speke de∣ceyte a∣gaynste our ne∣yghbo. Thou seest thy frynde in errore & doste nat warne hym therof / disceyte is so cōmytted with thy tonge / & by sylence or nat speakynge thou speakest fraude and disceyte. In lyke wyse thou doste se thy neyghbour to be hurte and iniured / & thou (where as thou mayste) doste nat helpe hym / thou so doste to thy neyghbour wronge and iniurye. Also thou doste se thy neyghboure to be payned with nede and penurye / & thou doste nat socour hym whā yu haste wherwith to do it / in so leauyng hȳ vnsocou∣red yu hast spoyled & robbed him. It is thefte & robbery yt thou doste in leauing thy duety vndone. Behold nowe whether y• parcell folowyng doth agree to this sence or no? And he hath nat enterprised an sclaūder agaynst his neyghbours Thon doste appere to thy selfe innocente & harmelesse in that (wha other do brynge vp a rebuke o sclaunder vpon your neyghboure thou arte styll and doste kepe sylence.In howe many wayes a man doth sclaunder his neigh¦boure. But a ryghtwyse man is na onely ware leaste he shulde sclaunder or rebuke an other man / but h also wyll nat suffre or wynke at it yf an other man shall sclaunder a innocente. He that holdynge hi peace wyll wynke to se or heare hi brother infamed / the same doth cause and worke the infamye. H is nat onely infamed or sclaundre whiche is reuyled and ignomynyouslye spoken vpon / but also whsoeuer is moued or prouoked to d synne.They sclaunder men whi¦che do en¦se them to synne. They which do moue a ma to dronkennes / do go about to d great reproche & villanye to theyr frynde / and he whiche dothe nat mysproue or blame the entyser or mouer (whan it is oportunyte) in reuokynge or withdrawynge the man entysed or moued hath enter∣prysed to sclaūder his neyghbour. He whiche doth tempte a mayde to Lechery or vnclennes / doth cause great ignomynye and sclaunder. And he whiche in suche a case doth nat tell the man temptynge of his defaute / & doth nat helpe y• mayde beyng in parell or redy to fall with good counsayle / the same doth be∣gynne to sclaunder his neyghbour makynge hym selfe pertaker of an other mans cryme or trespasse. Some man wyl yet peraduenture thynke that forsomoche as ye world is full of men temptynge and pro∣uokynge to vyces / yf a ryghtwyse or iuste man shuld assaye to repre∣hende or admonysshe them all / he els coulde do nothing / & yet shulde he gette to hym selfe mortall hate & displeasure. But I answere that the qualyte of some persone dothe excuse our sylence.whan we shall be excused thoughe we do nat reprhēde synne in wordes The sonne of a man beynge yonge doth nat synne if he doth nat rebuke his father or mother / or if a chylde shulde kepe hym sylente before his elder / or if a subgette and man of lowe degree doth nat mysproue or reprehende a prince. The place also doth other whyle excuse our sylence. As no mā dothe reprehende the preacher in churches: and to reprehende one before many shuld rather chafe the mysdoer than correcte or amende hym / In especyall if in the same nombre be suche persones present / before whome it is nat expedyente that the authoryte of the man tres∣passynge be hyndered or dimynys∣shed / as if the chyldren of an hous∣holder or the subgettes of a prynce shulde be presente. The doctryne of the gospell doth also teache this moderacyon of reformynge or ad∣monicyon gyuyng / so that the fyrst admonicyon shulde wante testes / the secōde shulde admytte .ii. or .iii.Matthe xviii. and the thyrde shulde be presented before the church or congregacion. Generally where as appeareth no hope of amendement it is lefll to kepe sylēce. Intercessyon or prayer doth often tymes worke the same thynge that a rebuke shulde do or chydynge. Nowe is this kynde of reprehensyon or rebukynge graū∣tedRepre∣hēsion of synne by shewyng of doo in coūty∣naunce. to al men / to signyfye by heuy∣nes of countenaunce that he dothe nat cōmende those thynges which be done or sayd. Contrary wyse do they whiche with a mery cheare do heare a backebyter or sclaūderous body / whiche do reioyse in fowle or rybaldy ales / which do smyle vp∣on seruyle flatterers / or estynge byters. From suche maners dothe the ryghtwyse man full greatlye abhorre.Ecclesi∣asticus. xxviii. He dothe close his eares with thornes yt he shulde nat heare the wordes of men sclaunderynge or backebytyng theyr neyghbour. Many haue delyte in obtrectacyon or to heare backebyters countynge the vitupery or blame of other to be theyr laude and prayse. With suche be tale bearers set by whome the iuste and ryghtwyse man doth abhorre and defye. For in the pre∣sence of hym (as heare sayth y• pro∣phete) is the malygner brought to nought. It is extreme contempte to counte one for noughte or no∣thynge.what a maligner is. He is a malygner and en∣uyous persone whiche dothe nat suffre the honeste fame or name of his neyghbour / but in what soeuer wyse he can doth spotte or blotte it.A malyg¦ner is in dyuerse wayes broughte to nou∣ghte. Suche one is dyuers wayes brou∣ght to nought / as whan he outher is openly contemned / or whan he is chastysed for euyll spekynge / or els whan he is with holden frome that vyce by wholesome admoni∣cyon.whan a malgner is blessyd¦ly and for his welth brought to nou∣ghte. He is blessydly broughte to nought whiche of an euyll speaker is made a good speaker / of a repre∣hender or rebuker a prayser or cō∣mender / of an enuyous or malicy∣ous man gentle & innocent.A backe∣byter or euyll spe∣ker is a great pes¦tylence. But the iuste man for because he dothe knowe howe great a pestylence a backebyter or euyll speaker is in this life wyll whytesaue to gyue to such one none honour / but he doth flye from hym abhorrynge hym. The venyme (sayth he) of addersPsalme. xiii. is in theyr lyppes / theyr tethe be weapons and arowes / and theyrPsalme. lvi. tonge is a sharpe swearde / theyr mouthe is full of cursyd speache & bytternes / theyr wyne is the galle of dragons.Deter. xi. What thynge can be more horryble than suche a beaste? If at any tyme he loketh or spea∣keth fayre / he reacheth forthe the gall of dragons for wyne.A malyg¦ner is a beaste most hor∣ryble. If he onely dothe breathe vpon the / he breatheth poyson or venyme. If he byteth / his tethe be arowes dyp∣ped in venyme. If he smyteth with his tōge / he sleeth with a swearde. If he openeth his lyppes / he pow∣reth out ye venyme of aspes / or ra∣ther a poyson that is worse or mor hurtefull than ye venyme of aspes.The ve∣nym of a maligner is many wayes mo¦re hurte∣full than the ve∣nym of addrs. Psalme. C.x.x. The styngynge of an aspe or adde doth slee the body onely / but this venyme doth kylle the soule / wher∣fore the prophete beynge a frayde therof doth crye: Delyuer O lorde my soule from vngracious lyppes and from a gylefull tonge. He is a ferde of hys soule and nat of hys body. An aspe or adder all though he dothe slee with styngynge / yet doth he cause an easy deth and no∣thynge paynefull. For he that is tynged is broughte therby in to a leape / and that so without all ma∣ner of payne / that he doth dye with some fealynge of pleasure. But it is a deth most cruell that a sclaun∣derer doth cause. Whose venyme is thā the more sore and venymous / whan it is cloked with the coloure or apparence of amyte and bene∣uolence.The ve∣nym of a maligner is than moste ve¦nymous whan it is cloked with ap∣parēce of amyte. There be some whiche be∣fore one be louesome & flatteryng / but they powre out priuely beynge with other men deedly poysone. There wyll they make couenante for sylence to be kepte / whiche sy∣lenceThe ma∣lygner doth re∣quyre sy∣lence per¦uerse. they do vnwysely requyre of other / seynge they them selues can nat kepe it. They tell to one / and after to an other / and so often to one and to other that euery man doth knowe it / and there secrete huszynge & buszynge doth breake out in to a cōmen rumoure of the people. This vyce dyd scarcely ne∣uer so sore rage as in this our ag or tyme. All the worlde is full o obloquye / nouther be any bokes more desyrouslye redde than those which be full of raylynge or maly∣cyous wordes. And nowe do they eare away the prayse of eloquēce / which be nat afrayde to shote forth all maner rebukes or opprobrye a∣gaynste euery man. But the iuste man dothe recounte all suche for moste refuse parsones and abiectes supposynge them onely precyous whiche do feare the lorde.A ryght∣wyse mā wyll nat sclaunder hys ne∣yghbour but excu∣se hys. For who soeuer doth feare and drede ye lorde he wyll nat sclaunder or distayne his neyghbour for whome ye lorde dyd dye / but suche thynges as be doubtfull doth he interprete to the beste wyse / those thynges which be well doth he gently prayse / & those thinges which be more manyfestly euyll than that they can be excused doth he yet dimynysshe if by none other coloure / yet at ye leaste by the greatnes of the tēptacyon / sayeng thus if a like temptacyon had hap∣pened to vs we shuld haue synned more greuously. Now doth folowe ¶ Whiche sweareth to his neyghbour and doth nat disceyue hym. The ve∣nym of a maligner is many wayes mo¦re hurte∣full than the ve∣nym of addrs. Psalme. C.x.x. IT is a detestable cryme to dis∣ceyue men by periurye / whiche vyce to wante is no very greate prayse.Fidelyte of prom¦ses na holdn doth dis∣solue all good so∣ciete or e¦lyshippe But by this forsayd sayeng of the psalme is cōmended fydelyte in all promyses / without which all socyete or company in this worlde is broken and dissolued. And nowe a dayes be they takē for infamous persones whiche haue be conuycte of periurye. But if a man wolde narowly loke vpon the matter the veyle or couer of custome beynge put away he shall fynde the lyfe of chrysten pople / on euery syde ful of periuryes.The lyfe of christē mē is mo¦re full of periurye thā many do thinke it. The abbotte doth sweare to ye monkes. The monkes do sweare to the abbote. The bys∣shoppes do sweare to ye other cler∣gye. And the clergye is sworne a∣gaynewarde to the bysshoppe. The prynce dothe sweare to his subiec∣tes / and the subiectes be agayne∣warde sworne to ye prynce. He doth sweare whiche doth take an offyce or is made a ruler. And before tyme who soeuer was made a con∣sull or sheryffe dyd adde ouer and besydes his othe an horryble exe∣cracyon or curse sayeng: I do curse or gyue me and myne from god to the deuyll / if I shall wyttynglye disceyue you / or worke ay false∣hede. The iudge dothe sweare and so doth the testis cōmynge before hym. The deuyne doth sweare ta∣kynge the authoryte of a doctour / and so fynally doth a Notary / yea and the poore carpynter leaste I shulde further procede to make re∣hersall of all. Go thou nowe and consydre me what euery one dothe professe by his othe made / and also examyne whether they do {per}forme the thynges whiche they haue pro∣fessed or no / and I feare leaste thou shalte fynde many multytudes of false othes & periuryes.Euyl c∣stomes do make mē blynde in iugemēt. But vsage and custome doth cause that suche thinges be nat counted periuryes / only is he noted fautye of periurye which doth forsweare a thinge put to his custodye or credyte as be pledges and suche other / or whiche doth forsweare money lent to hym. Nowe all though there is made none othe betwyxte partyes / yet who so euer doth receyue any charge or offyce / the same doth se∣cretely sweare to his neyghboure / which charge excepte he shal faith∣fully performe he is nat all clere of periurye. As who soeuer shall tak vpō him to be a legate or embassa∣toure / or to defende and pleade a mater in the lawe / or to instructe youth in learnynge and good ma∣ners / y• same doth oblige hym selfe by a secrete othe in the takynge of any suche charge that he wyll do faythfully. A carpenter that coue∣naunteth vpon a pryce to buylde an house / all though there be none othe expressyd / yet is he bounde to perfourme it by the secrete lawe of his conscyence. A tayler whiche ta∣keth in hande to make a garment / or a goldesmyth which taketh vp∣on hym to make a cuppe / A carye or shypman whiche taketh in hād to cary or conuey marchandyse / i he doth cōmytte fraude or disceyte / he doth couple thefte with {per}iurye / all though suche maner or fourme of speche is nat had betwyxte you: wylte thou sweare to keape fidely∣te / and he answeareth ye wyll I sweare. Nother doth it skyll whe∣ther he doth adde this for more as∣suraunce: I do gyue me from god to the deuyll if I be nat faythfull. For he hath all ready gyuen hym selfe to the deuyll which wyttingly hath disceyued his neyghbour. I do knowe ye pykynge or pety thefte of myllers / & of caryers drynkyng out the wynes of other men. But in chrysten people oughte to be so great synceryte or prenes that a symple or syngle promyse shulde be so substanciall or weyghtye as a solempne othe. Nother ought we ccomplysshe to our neyghboure onely what soeuer thynge we do sweare / but to our enemyes also / & & to the myscreantes or infydeles / if so it be nat a thynge mischeuous r malycyous that thou haste pro∣mysed. Whiche hathe nat gyuen out his money to vsurye.Deuter xxiii. It was a detestable cryme in ye olde lawe if one iewe shuld lende a thynge t an other iewe intending to receyu more than the summe lent out. For it was graunted them to occupy vsurye with straūgers or alyātes But amonge chrysten people (whi∣che ought to be coupled one to an other with more strayte bandes of amyte than before tyme were th iewes) the worde or name of vsur is verely odyous and spyteful / b wolde god the thynge selfe were so spytefull detestable and abhorred The hethen Philosophers dyd also thynke vsurye to be a thinge detestable / for so moche as money t engēdre or gette money is a thing agaynste nature.Usurye hated of th hethē Phloso¦phers as a thynge contrary to nature But besydes tha kynde of vsurye whiche is cōmytted in the open face or syght of th worlde.Moche preuy v∣sury that is not so coūted of the doers Howe many bargaynes couetous craftes to gette luker subteltyes be there so nye approchynge and accordynge to vsurye yt they be many tymes more wyc∣ked and euyll than it? These do we than most chefely vse / whan neces∣syte doth pynche or greue our ne∣yghbour / and in suche a case as he oughte to be holpen or releaued frely and without any mede or mo∣ney.Agaynste īgrossers of corne. The husbande or ploughman is in nede / than wyl the ryche man or vsurer for a small summe of mo∣ney bargayne with hym / that he shal euery yeare delyuer to ye ryche vsurer so moche wheate as shall come of the husbandes landes / or so moche money as the wheate is worthe. Whan men do feare small increase or renuynge to come of fruyte and corne / or whan neade of thynges necessary doth come vpō / than they which haue corne in store wyll auaunce and set vp the pryce. He whiche dothe lende out a thou∣sande crownes in syluer / that he by the bargayne shulde receyue s moche in golde (whiche cōmonly is more in value) doth he nat manyfestly cōmytte vsurye?Agaynste auaūsers of the va¦lacyō in coynes for coue∣tousnes. From the whiche vsurye they be nat farre wyde which do procure the valua∣cyon of money to be outher dymi∣nysshed or els to be set vp or auaūsyd to thentente they may thero haue profyte and vauntage. Nou∣ther be they which do enforce they credytours to gyue them a quyttance testefyenge them fully payd and contented (whan they haue receyued but a pace of the whol summe) clere & free from the crym of vsurye. But suche false craftes of vsurye can I nowe nat recke vp. For they be infynyte / from th whiche all natwithstandynge h ought to be quyte and fre whiche wyll dwell in ye tabernacle of god Nowe if so it lyke you we may in∣terprete or declare further this place after the morall sence. Euery gyfte of god by whiche a man may helpe his neyghbour is money.By mo∣ney maye be vnder∣stande al giftes gy¦uen to vs of god. As in example to this man is gyuen ye gyfte of eloquence or langages / to that man is gyuen learnynge and faculte to iudge thynges ryghte∣fully / to some man is gyuen a feate or cōueyance to gouerne / some can well gyue counsayle / an other is in authoryte wt the people or lordes. He that with his gyfte gyuen of god doth frely and kyndely helpe his neyghbour is to be praysed by this testymonye of scripture: Whi∣che hath nat gyuen or lent out his money to vsurye.Matthe. xxv. But here ryseth a doubte sayeng that the seruaunt in the gospell is condempned / whi∣che dyd nat gyue the money lente hym to the vsurers / Howe doth it agree that he shulde heare be pray∣sed whiche hath nat gyuen out his money to vsurye and for vaūtage These thynges be no whytt rpugnante.Lauda∣ble vsury The lorde doth loue vsurye whiche doth brynge to hy lucre or vaūtage / but he doth he vsurye whiche the seruaunte doth gette or clayme to hym selfe. He whiche by the gyfte of eloquence or langages doth gather glorye and profyte to him selfe is ryghtwysely condempned / for the vauntage r lucre belongeth to hym which dy gyue or lende out the first stocke r lent money. But he whiche doth so distrybute ye worde of god that ma∣ny may be inflamed to the loue f god / and that in them god may e glorifyed / the same man doth execyse a laudable vsurye. And so is be sayde of other thynges. But the uste or rightwyse man which doh cōuert all y• gyftes of god vnto profyte of his neyghboure / for so moch as he doth knowe & acknow∣ledge ye very same poer or halyte by which he doth profyte othe to come of goddes bountefulnes & lyberalyte and to be his gyfte / he thervpon doth ndeuer himselfe to the beste of his power to bestowe well the lordes money / but in such wyse that he yet wyll seke therfore no prayse or worldly {pro}fyte to hym selfe / but he wyll gette & brynge all y• lucre or vaūtage to god / whiche dyd lende vnto him the fyrst stocke or sūme. Thou than wylt obiecte if we muste labour frely / than is nat ye workeman worthy of his reward or hyre? yea rather shal no mā haue a more plentuous rewarde than he whiche doth frely bestowe & deale abrode the gyftes of god.Howe this is to be vnder¦stande. He hath a gracyous and bountefull detter who soeuer doth gyue out or lende for vauntage to god.The workmā is wor∣thi of his hyre. 1. Timo. v. Further∣more this sentence of the Apostle the worke man is worthye of hys mede and hyre is nat spoken to those whiche do distrybute o deale abrode ye gyftes of god / bu Romans xv.to them which thorowe the distry∣bucyon or bestowyng of suche gyf∣tes be holpen.. Corint. ix. Such ought to gyue theyr carnall goodes to those of whome they do receyue spirituall goodes. But a faythfull steward and distrybuter shall take of the whome he hath profyted and don good to / and yet nat all thynges nor euery where / or in all places nor of all men.Howe a faythull stewarde shall re∣ceyue of whome worldlye liuynge / but with out requi¦ryng thē as duety. This is agaynste our bene∣ficed men whiche wyll sue in the lawe for tythes whē they yet prea∣che not. He shall suche thin∣ges nat requyre as duety / but he shall loke to receyue his mede or ¦warde of god / whose worke & busynes he doth. In lyke wyse as is to be supposed that saynt Paul dyd receyue or take at some tyme of some men some thynges / which were wyllyngly offered and gyuen i. Corin∣theos. ix.to hym / but of ye Corinthyans dy he receyue or take nothyng / and i ii. Corin. theos. xiis nat redde yt he requyred of an man any thynge at all. No man doth lesse in vayne bestowe goodwe do nat rede that Paule e∣uer requi¦red any temporal lyuynge for prea∣chyng doynge vpon his neyghbour / than he whiche is to them beneficyall frely without respecte of any mede or vauntage. Nowe do this thyng whiche foloweth appeare to be a smale prayse: Whiche hath taken no rewardes or brybes agaynste innocentes.He was abhomynable euen amonge the infydels whiche beyng corrupte with mede or with a brybe shulde condemne innocen∣tes / or whiche for money receyued shulde oppresse an innocente with false wytnes / or if an attourney in the lawe for loue of luker & vaun∣tage shulde defende a mysdoer a∣gaynste one whome he dyd knowe to be an innocente.Agaynste false wyt¦nes & at∣tourneys ī the lawe The playntyue in a matter of lawe sweareth his forged cause or cautell to be trewe / & his attourney sweareth to sup∣port or defende it faythfully. Whi∣che thynge wolde to god it shuld nat so often (as it is) be {per}ceyued a∣monge christen people. But this sentence of the texte dothe procede more largely.Tayng of brybes agaynste an īnocēt hath a lar¦ge intēde¦ment or sence. He doth take a brybe against an innocent who soeuer for loue of any cōmodyte or vauntag doth nat socour an innocēt whan or where as he may. As for ensam∣ple: If thou date se thy neighbour wronged / & thou for because of on man or other doste wynke at it / wylte nat cōsydre to ease or remedy it / than doste thou take a brybe agaynste an innocente. He that thu thynketh if I do supporte or ayd his man / he whiche oppressed him where as before he hath be to me eneficyall) wyll withdrawe hys hāde / and so wyll stoppe his maintenaūce of the ryght / than the pro∣fyte or vauntage whiche he was wonte to take / is a brybe taken agaynste an innocente. He that oth these thynges shall neuer be oued. It is sayd he that doth / at he whiche speaketh.atth. v. God doth bhorre them of whome he is ho∣oured with lyppes. The Pharyse dyd well knowe and per∣eue which was the hye and chefe omaundement in the lawe dothe heare of the lorde:Luke. x. Do this & thou shalte lyue. He therfore y• doth these thynges. Whiche thynges? Entre with out pot / worke that is ryght / speake the truthe in his harte & all the other thynges whiche he hath before recyted.Iames ii For they al do ioyne together / so yt if any is faylyng / all be marred. But what frute or {pro}fite shall fynally come to the worker or accōplysshe of th? He shall neuer be moued / of y• whiche wordes may be double intēdemēt or meanyng. That is he shal neuer be moued / or els if he be moued for a tyme he shal nat be moued eternlly or for euer but he shall aryse after fallyng and shall come agayne in fauoure with god. Lyke as he whiche trusteth in the lorde shall nat be asshamed for euer / al though that for a whyle he be shamed or put to shame before men: Euen so he whiche abydeth honestly in the tabernacle of y• lord and doth reste in his holy moun∣tayne / the same shall nat be remo∣ued for euer. Lyke as is testefyed in an other Psalme: He whiche trusteth in the lorde is as mount Syon / he shall nat be remoued which abydeth in Hierusalem.Psalme. C.xxiiii. Th cyte sayth Israell of our strength / the lorde shall be set in it the walle and the fortresse. This is the onely cyte of whiche the lorde spake say∣ynge?Matthe. xvi. And the gates of helle shall nat preuayle agaynste it.Thinges condēned by thys psalme. In this psalme is condempned all exteryor worshyppyng of god which is nat coupled with very deuocyon of the mynde / and al knowledge or lear∣nynge whiche is ioyned with cor∣rupte maners. Ieremye doth in∣treate this matter in the .vii. cha∣piter: Stande thou (sayth he) in the gate of the lordes house and prea∣che thou there this worde or mes∣sage: Heare the worde of the lorde al ye of Iuda / whiche do entre by these gates to honoure the lorde / Thus sayth the lorde of hostes the god of Israell / take you good wayes and folowe good coūsayles and I shall dwell with you in this place / trust you nat in false lyenge wordes sayeng heare is the temple of the lorde / the temple of ye lorde / the temple of the lorde / but rather amende your wayes & counsayles / if you wyll iudge ryght betwyxte man and his neyghbour / if ye wyll nat wronge the straunger the fa∣therlesse and the wydowe / if ye wyl nat shede innocente blode in this place if ye wyll nat go awaye after straūge goddes to your owne dis∣truccyon than wyll. I dwell with you in this place and in the lande that I gaue afore tyme to your fa∣thers for euer. And a litle therafter: what thynke ye y• this house whi∣che beareth my name / is a denn of theues? Thus se you as th lorde in these wordes lyke as in other folowynge doth conceyue indignacyō wt great stomake agains those which dyd put cōfydence in y tēple & in ye ceremonyes of the tem∣ple hauyng theyr mȳde & lyfe coinuynate wt sinfulnes.Agayste ceremoni¦al {per}sones Such do na purefye y• tēple / but rather they d pollute the temple. More playnly & sharpely doth Esaye handell this matter in the fyrst chapyter. There doth god in this wyse stomake th thynge agaynst those whiche wor∣shypped him with ceremonyes of y• tēple / where as els they lyued pol∣lutely: why offre you sayth he to me so many sacrefyces? I am ouer ful and wery of them I wold nat haue the burnte offerynges of wethers / and the fatnes of fedde beastes / and the blode of calues / and of lambes / and of gotes. Whan ye shulde come before me / who dyd requyre these thynges of youre handes / to thenten you shulde walke in my porches? Offe ye no more oblacyons thus to me in vayne / Incense is abomyna∣cyon to me / I may nat awaye with your newe mones / youre sabbotte dayes and suche solempne feastes my soule doth hate / your calendes and solempnytes they are to me paynefull and greuous. &c. Moughte nat the grosse people and rebellyous to god make an∣sweare agayne to this: What hath chaunsed the O lorde? Doste thou nowe saye: Who dydde are or requyre these thynges of youre handes? Where as the lawe which thou haste gyuen vs by Moyses doth so dilygentlye prescrybe and appoynte to vs all these thynges promysynge great benefytes to the obseruers / and thretenynge deth to the trāsgressers. Nowe doste tho saye that incense is to the abomyn¦cyon / whiche thou dyddest befor saye was a swete odoure. Now doth thy soule hate the feastefu dayes / in whiche before thou dyd∣dest reioyse to be presente. From whense cōmeth this so great mu∣tacyon and varyete in hym / whic onely abydeth immutable? Wha answeare shall god make to th mutterynge and rebellyous peo∣ple? I am (shal he saye) immutable / but ye do nat obserue those thyn∣ges whiche I haue commaunded / nouther haue I so prescrybed thes ryghtes or ceremonyes / that yo shulde put parfyte truste and con∣fydence of ryghtwysenes in them / but yt partely they shulde be signes by whiche you shulde be admonys∣shed / and partely thynges furthe∣rynge or promotynge vs to very vertue and holynes. Which if it be absent all other thinges be vayne / & to me be they so lytell pleasaūte / that they do prouoke me the more to wrathe.Romans vli. The lawe is spirytuall & doth requyre the workes of cha∣ryte to be done wt puryte of mȳde / which workes except they be ioyn∣tely added / let outwarde worshyp∣pynge and ceremonyes be kepte howe moche so euer you please / yet is the lawe vyolate and broken & all your doynge hypocrysye. What thynge than is it (wyll they saye) that thou chefely doste requyre of vs? Be you wasshed sayth he and made cleane.The say∣ynge of Isay ac∣cordyng to thys psalme of Dauid. This verely is the hynge whiche the psalme dothe heare say: Which doth eire with out spotte Take awaye your euyl thought as from my syght. Which thinge is thus spoken in ye psalme: Whiche doth speake the truthe in his hart. Seke to do ryght iudge∣mente / delyuer the oppressed / hele the orphlyne or fatherlsse to the ryght / defēde the ydowe. That psalme doth thus recorde: Whiche worketh ryghtwysenes or doth is ryghte. The same people in th lviii. chapy. of ye same {pro}phete dot mutter agaynst god sayeng. Wh fore haue we fasted & thou hast na beholdē it?Fastyng dyscōmē∣ded. Why haue we chastise our soules & thou hast nat knowe or regarded it? But what answear do they heare agayne of ye lorde? Is the fastynge saith he which I haue chosen of such a sorte yt a man for a day shuld chastyse hym selfe? Or to wrythe his heed about as a cy or rynge & to caste vpon hym lothe and asshes? Or call you thi fasting / & an acceptable day vnto ye lorde? What thynge therfore in ex∣ryor matters or doynges can b pleasaūt vnto god / if fastīg solēly done in sacke clothe & asshes dothe displease him?iii. of Kī∣ges. xxi. Or dyd nat ye Nyny∣ites Achab & other ful many turne the yre of god vnto mercye wt such fastyng?Fastyng whē and whereby it is mendble Fastyng therfore doth nat displease god / but thā finally doth it please him / if puryte of mȳde an∣nexed wt the dedes of charite be ad∣d therto. And therfore it folow∣eth: Dissolue thou ye bandes of ini∣quyte / lowse ye burdens whiche do oppresse or presse downe / let thē go re which are impotent & broken wt labours / & breke all charges / deale thy breed vnto ye hongry / ye nedy & way farynge men brynge into thy house / whan thou shalte se a na∣ed man couer hym / and dispyse hou nat thyne owne flesshe / tha shall thy lyght breake forth as the mornyng and thy health shall sone aryse / and ryghtwysenes shall go before thy face / & the glorye of the lorde shall couer the / than shalte thou praye and the lorde shall gra∣cyously heare the / thou shalte crye and he shall saye / lo I am present / for I thy god am a mercyful lorde. Of this sentence doth the prophete intreate largelye and with many wordes: The lorde is mercyfull / & therfore is he chefely delyted or pleased with the sacrefye of mer∣cyfull doynge. To this doth Christ exhorte in the gospel sayeng:Matt. v. Be ye parfyte lyke as your father is pa∣fyte. How or in what wyse parfyte?How we shall be {per}yte as our heuē¦ly father. In doynge good to all men with out excepcyon. And therfore is ad∣ded: whiche causeth his sonne to ryse vpon the good and vpon th euyll / and doth sende rayne vpo the iuste & vniuste men. The sa ryghtwysenes in thynges exteryor and haue sought to be recounted holy & vertuous before men rather than before god. Whose supersticy¦on the lorde dothe often & cōmonly reprehende in ye uangely. But we had nede dilygētly to forsee & take hede whether suche thynges do {per}∣tayne vnto vs or no / whiche al∣thoughe we offre or sacrifyce no beastes / yet haue we ceremonyes & rytes pretēdyng a wōderful shewe of holynes / to which men {per}happes do truste neglectyng & leauynge a parte puryte of mynde. Some do wt great coste anourne churches or ēples / founde aulters / edifye mo∣nasteryes or cloistersChurche buylders and foun¦ders of aulters & cloysters. / & yet do they nat gyue to theyr nedy neyghbour yt they owe to gyue / nother do they restore theyr euyl gotē goodes / nor chaūge theyr corrupt lyuyng / & yet hey reioyse ī thē seues / as though god were greatly beholden to thē for theyr good doynge / yea suche wyll cause them selues to be payn∣ted and theyr ymages to be grauen in the temples ascrybynge therto theyr names and tytles. But I feare leaste god wyll also saye vn∣to them: Who dyd requyre these thynges of yur handes that you shulde wake in my porches / I Isay. i.meane that ye sude occupye the temple and myne aulters with your tytles nams and ymages? Some do beleue that he hath got∣ten god by the fote / and that he is full godlye or holy if he do gyue money for masses to be songe or celebrate for hym in certayne pla∣ces / and vpon certayne prescrybed days. An other dothe beleue in lyke wyse that he is all so well sped if he do bestowe money that the morowe masse may be solemplye songe in the honour of oure Lady with the quers and the or∣gans goynge / and that an an∣temne be songe agayne at euen in the worshyppe of her with moost melodyous harmony of syngne men / of the organs and with ieoly¦iynglynge or chymynge of the bel∣les. If these thynges be done with myndes vnpurefyed / or with out mercye associate / is it nat to be doubted leaste they shal heare sayd agayne to them:Isay. i. And whan you shall crye vnto me I wyll nat gra∣cyouslye heare you? What than shall we neglecte and dyspyse exte∣ryor worshyppynge or ceremo∣monyes?Of et∣ror wor¦shppng god. Nay verely but we shall brynge it backe from supersticyon to ryghte holynes and deuocyon / from vnmeasurable excessyue and su{per}luous coste to a chrysten mea∣surablenes. Tha ought we pri∣cypally and aboue all thynges / cause that kynde of sacrefyces to be occupyed / which be to god prin∣cypally delycyous and pleasaunt. And whiche be those? A mynde through fayth and innocencye im∣maculate / and through charyte all redy to do good to all men.Matthe. xiii. These thynges sayeth the lorde shulde y do / and the other oughte nat to haue be omytted. What thynges than be those whiche we oughte to do accordynge to thys sayenge of this psalme: He that doth these thynges shall neuer be moued? These thynges be they whiche of them selues do commende vs to god / all thoughe the other with∣out our blame be nat with them ioyntely added. As for example. The churche hathe assygned or commaunded fastynge / and thou doste obserue it. But yet doste thou nat refrayne from voluptu∣ousnes / frome wrathe / but thou arte more ready than thou ware wonte to take vengeauce. Thus is thy fastynge displeasynge god which cryeth agaynst the: Thynke ye this fastynge pleaseth me? or that this is the fastynge whiche I haue chosen? Thou haste lefte vn∣done that thou oughtest do / and thou haste done the thynge whi∣che thou oughtest nat omytte. Thou doste celebrate masse but / thou arte at discencyon with thy neyghboure / knowe thou tha that thy sacrifyce or masse is dys∣pleasaunt to god. Thou cryeste to god mercye / mercye / mercye / but thou doste shewe no mercye to thy brother. Thou prayest that god wolde delyuer ye frome peryll / whan thou denyeste healpe vnto thy brother beyng in peryll. Ther∣fore so many of vs as do professe the name of Chryste and wll be recounted his membres that we may worthely abyde in his taber∣nacle / and that we may fynde reast in his holy mountayne / Lette vs caste awaye all malyce that we may walke in his syghte without spotte beynge of one accorde in the truthe and of one mynde. For there wanteth no spotte where as is dyscorde / nouther is there ve∣ryte in the harte where dyuersyte is of opynyons / nouther is in the tonge synceryte where as of doc∣tryne is dyuersyte. More ouer let vs dayly offe sacrefyces pea∣synge to hym / whiche hathe offe∣red hym selfe for vs / that we shulde verelye be a verye preest∣hode. And lette vs also fyghte strongely with the deuyll that we may verely be a royall generacion. Lette vs keape oure selues pure frome all corrupcyon or pollu∣cyons of the flesshe that we maye Be ye holy for I am holy the lorde your god.euitici. xi. i. Peter. Aaron him selfe was nat all only consecrate but all his gar∣mētes & al ye instrumētes or vessels of the temple. Nouther was any so presumptuous to applye any suche thynges to any occupyenge in his house / Howe moche more religy∣ously than and reuerently oughte we to be ware leaste we do violent∣ly or vnreuerently take awye any of those thynges (whiche be conse∣rate vnto the seruyce & worshyppe o od) vnto a prophane / vnholye and fylthy vsage.The ves∣ses & gar¦mētes of our tem∣ple. The vessels or implementes of our temple be all our membres / all the powers of our mynde. The garmētes be our dedes or workes by whiche we be anourned to ye glory of god.we be the precyous temple of god. Thou wondreste vpon and doste esteme holy a temple edifyed with whyte marble / glysterynge with golde & precyous stones. But thou arte a tēple more precious. Thou abydest religyously & deuoutly in a temple which ye bysshop hath consecrate or halowed wt vnccyon or oyle. But y• arte more holy & more consecrate. Thou art nat anoyted wt y• preys∣tes oyle. But what than? Nouther was christ euer anoynted wt Moy∣ses oyle / where as yet he is kyng of kynges / & a preest for euer.The oin∣tement with whi¦che we be halowed Thy crowne & hādes be nat anoynted wt oyle which is made of ye poticaries / but thou arte all whole & through∣ly anoynted wit the blode of he immaculate lambe Iesu Chryste. He is gracyously and blessedly a∣noynted whiche hathe hys harte anoynted with the vnccyon of the holy ghoste. And yet natwithstan∣dynge thou doste nat lacke extery∣or vnccyon. Thou arte anoynted in baptisme / thou arte anoynted in cōfirmacion. In the fyrst thou arte anoynted to be a preest & īto preest∣hode. And in ye secōde thou arte a∣noynted to warre & to be a warry∣our. In olde tyme men were bapty¦sed wt onely water.In olde tyme mē were bap¦tysed with wa¦ter onely. Psalme. C.iiii. The authoryte of ye fathers dyd adde therto oyle which they call chrisme. Our lorde doth crye by ye {pro}phete: Touche nat ye my christes yt is to saye myne a∣noynted. And Iohn̄ doth say:i. Iohn̄. ii The vnccyon of hȳ shal teache you of al thinges / where he speketh nat only of preestes / but of people which be secrate to christ. Let therfore eue∣ry one of vs se & take hede yt we be∣ynge pure may offe pure sacrefy∣ces / & beyng chaste may offre chaste sacrifices euery mā in his owe tē∣ple. What facrifyces (wyl you say) doste yu meane?Our sa∣crifyces ate sacrify∣sd. He y• in hȳ selfe hath quēched ye feruent heate or carnall luste of lechery / hath both sacrifised to god a precious gote / & also stry∣stryken Satan oure enemy with a deedly wounde. He that hathe dryuen out of his mynde the mocy¦ons of enuye hath offered to god a pleasaunte oblacyon. He that hath oppressed feruent and boylyng yre or wrath hath immolate a lyon. He that hath caste awaye foly & igno∣rance hath sacrifysed a shepe. He whiche in trouble and adfliccyons doth submytte hym selfe all whole to the wyll of god hathe offered a sacrefyce passynge acceptable. He that dothe refrayne petulancye or wantones doth offre a calfe. reiecteth fraude or deceyte takyg to hym simplicyte & playnes dothe sacrefyce a foxe. He whiche dothe correcte or reforme excesse in mea∣tes or drynke with sobernes and tēperance hath offered vp a swyne. He that forgetteth fosysshe pratte∣lynge or clatterynge hath sacrify∣sed a pye. So that in this maner of sacrifyces be all maner of beastes sacrifysed & offered / whether they haue the fygure or fassyon of any vyce / or els do resemble or repre∣sent any vertue. As he which doth lyue chaste with his laufull wyfe doth offre vp a couple of tyrtle do∣ues to the lord.The ma∣ryed ma is thae which oc¦cupyeth his onely lauull wyfe. He that doth syghe for desyre of lyfe heuenly and doth in all thynges loue simplicyte or playnes / ye same hath oferd vp a payre of pegyons.we ought to offre vp bohe vices sub¦dued and vertues obtained o god / & why. mattheu. v. For we ought to offre vp bothe vyces subdued and also vetues gotten to the lorde / thout whose ayde we can do no∣ the one ne the other. He which so doth leade his lyfe that men se∣ynge his good workes may glory∣fye the father whiche is in heauen / the same doth offre vp moste swete incense. Accordyng to the worde of Paule which is thus:ii. Cor. ii. we be a good auer to god in all places. Pure prayers also and geuynge of than∣kes do make to god a {per}fume more pleasante / than any incense myrhe and galbanus.salme. ix. There is a sacrifyce of prayse geuynge with which god doth loue to be honoured. There is a sacrifyce of mercye by which we do prouoke the mercy of the lorde. He that for chrystes sake dothe so∣cour helpe the nedy / or dothe forgyue the trespasser hath offered no vyle but a prcyous oblacyon to the lorde.phe. . olos. . And if accordynge to the admonicyon of the Apostle we do contynually syng with hymnes and songes spirytuall in our haes vnto ye lorde / this melody xcelle all other instrumentes of musycke. Let vs therfore cōtynu∣ally and alwayes sacrifice vnto the orde with suche sacrifyces / with uche perfumes / with suche obla∣yons / with suche songes / fyght∣nge also by his ayde and suppor∣yon agaynst Satan / that we may e transposed and remoued frome this tabernacle into the tabernacle The workmā is wor∣thi of his hyre. 1. Timo. v. In olde tyme mē were bap¦tysed with wa¦ter onely. Psalme. C.iiii. we ought to offre vp bohe vices sub¦dued and vertues obtained o god / & why. mattheu. v.
A00381.P4	A lytle treatise of the maner and forme of confession, made by the most excellent and famous clerke, M. Eras. of Roterdame	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1535?]	In Flete strete by Ioh[a]n Byddell, at the signe of our lady of Pitie, nexte to Flete bridge, for wyllyam Marshall],	[Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Confession -- Early works to 1800." ]	OUR frende Hillary bryngynge vnto me your letters, moste honorable prelate / full of a certayn rare and singular fauour and beneuo¦lence towarde me: dyd doubtles brynge vnto me very moche hila¦rite and gladnes. For asmoche therfore as it hath pleased you to let me haue knowlege and vn∣derstādyng, what thyng you do there in those parties, where you are abydyng: me thought it was my parte againe to prouide that you shulde not be ignoraunt, nor vnknowyng wherabout I occupied at yt tyme, wha yo lettre was delyuered vnto m Horace at what tyme his m was occupied about suche thyges as do apperteyne to lyuyng well, and vertuously, wryteth in this wyse:Li. j. epist. j. Condo et compono que mox depromere possim. I do (saythe he) gather and lay vp in my mynde holsome precep∣tes / whiche I may shortely here∣after vtter & expresse in my con∣uersation and lyuyng. But this sayde verse may I more ryght∣fully & truely vse & apply to my selfe / whiche was at yt tyme occu¦pied aboute suche thinges as do helpe vnto dyeng well, & makȳg of a good ende. For this is the chiefe and principall parte / and also the most ernest parte of phi∣losophie, and wysedome. This thynge albeit it ȳ it oughte to be the principall studie and bu¦synes of al men, all the tyme of theyr lyfe: yet are we the mooste {per}te of vs, I wote not after what facyon, moche of the propertie that the people of Phrigia were of / and we are not lightly amen∣ded nor made better / but by stro∣kes & punyshemēt. The payne and grefe of the raynes of the backe, hath in dede very ofte at other tymes payned me: but spe¦cially of al other tymes / it dyd so vexe & turment me in the moneth of Iuly laste passed / that there was none other remedy / but er∣nestely to thynke of departynge out of the worlde: but the same disease dyd so come vpon me a∣gayne at Christenmas / that not onely I was in dispayre of lyfe / but also I dyd desyre and wyshe to die: The stoone is a warpe & a churly e warner and teacher euyn more cruell also than dethe it selfe: but yet for all that herof I may thanke it / or rathe our lorde Iesu by it / that I do nowe diligently and hertely gyue hede and prouide, that dethe may not come vpon me, and take me vn∣prepared, and vnredy / although he do come so sodeynly, yt he shall not graunt me laysure and space to make cōfession at my last ende. A lytle treatise, wherupon I do at this tyme sende vnto you as ānexed to my letters wryten vn∣to you: with the whiche, yf you hal iudge your epistle to be well recompensed / I shall haue cause wherfore greatly to be glad and reioyce, for your good and fauo∣rable mynde borne toward me / I knowe right well that I shall deyned of Christe hym selfe / so that it in no wyse maye be put downe, or taken away by men: or els beinge broughte in of our fore fathers, and elders / it hath by lytle and lytle gathered suche strength, that the auctorite of it is as great / as yf it had ben in∣stituted of Christe / namely in as moche as y• auctorite of ye byshop of Rome, and the consent also of the christen people hath confir∣med the same. Furthermore, yf a man doth graunte that it hath ben instituted and ordeyned first of men / than whether it shulde be more expediēt and profitable, that it be lefte & do remayn styll / bicause of innumerable vtilities and profites / whiche we do se to come of it: or els it shulde be bet∣ter that it were taken awaye / for bicause of innumerable inconue∣nientes and harmes / whiche we do fynde by experience to ryse by the occasion of it / thrugh the de∣faute of them that do make con∣fession / and of them that here cō∣fession. But thou shalte loke for none of these thiges in this boke good reder / eyther bicause these thynges haue ben longe syns di∣ligently handled and treated of / by most connyng men: or els by¦cause I lyst not nowe in this vn¦quiete worlde,Prouerbe. & troublous state of tymes, to styrre suche botches or soores: neyther is it my pur∣pose and enente nowe to moue and styrre suche thynges / Prouerbe.as are not to be moued or styrred / but rather accordyng to the counsell of Plato, to ordre that well that is presente. For with howe so e∣uer many and great argumētes the one {per}te doth labour & stryue to proue this confession, not to haue ben instituted of our lorde Iesu him selfe / and that so great a burthen can not by any person beinge but a pure man, be layde vpon mens shulders: yet doubt¦les this thynge can not be deny∣ed, that he is sure, and safe from ieopardie, whiche hath made his confession well vnto an able and mete preeste. These men also, whiche do defende & mayntayne the opinions of Luther, do con∣fesse and graūte that this confes∣sion is holsome and profitable / & not to be dispised. But I lyke¦wyse as I can not by stronge ef∣fectuall testimonies of the scrip∣tures, & inuincible argumentes / force and constrayne them yt lyste to be styffe, and frowarde / for to graunt this confession (this con∣fession I meane, suche as it is, now vsed) to haue ben instituted of Christ, or els of the apostles: euyn so do I iudge it religiously for to be obserued and kepte of all good men / as a thynge at the least wyse broughte in of ye hedd and prelates of the churche / not without the inspiration of the holy ghoste / euyn vnto this pre∣sente condition and state: howe well other men do prouyde for them selues / whiche do teache that this confession is not of ne∣cessite, aduise them: but I for my parte, yf any deadely synne do combre and pricke my cōscience / durst not be bolde neyther to go to gods borde / neyther to loke after and abyde my dyenge day / onles I be reconsiled to god by a preest, accordȳg to ye most cōmen vsuall custome of the churche. Therfore in asmoche as this is certeyne & vndoubted,Howe the author oth esteme con∣fessiō / herof thou maye iudge good reder. that this confession is many wayes, and for many causes very profitable and holsome / yf bothe parties do theyr duetie: yt is to witte, both he, whiche by confession sechethe phisicke, & the helpe of his soule / and he also of whom counsell is asked / as of a ghostly leache or surgean: I haue thought it best somwhat in fewe word to shew and declare, by what meanes it may be broughte to passe / yt very moche frute may be taken of con¦fession / and very lytle hurtes or yuels admitted or receiued: whi¦che yuels or inconuenientes, we do se to aryse not so moche of the thynge it selfe, as of the defaute of men: Lyke wyse as there is nothynge welnere in the worlde so holy / nor so godly / nor (yf I may so say) so heuenly / that the corrupte maners of men do not turne to theyr owne harme and hurte. And verely those certeyn persones do greatly myslyke me, whiche go aboute to take away the thing that is good of it selfe / bicause of the defautes of men that mysuse it: where as a me∣decine and remedye were rather to be ministred and gyuen to the men so misusynge it. As many as yet hytherto haue treated and wryten of this mat∣ter of confession, I se that theyr most principall labour, and stu∣die hath ben to shewe the com∣men kyndes of synnes, both spe¦ciall, and general / and they haue only instructed and taughte the persone that maketh confession / and not also the hearer of con∣fession: albeit that this thynge was moste specially and princi∣pally to be done / namely these dayes / in whiche we do se, and sorowe religious men, and pree∣stes, for the mooste parte, to be fallen and cōmen to that poynt / that bothe in ignoraunce and in corrupte maners, they do well nere passe ye cōmen vnlerned lay people: I haue therfore in this worke studied and endeuoured my selfe to admonyshe both par∣ties / to thende, that whyles he that hereth / and he that maketh confession do both of them theyr parte and duetie. There may of this thynge, beinge of it selfe ve∣ry good / greatte and plentuous vtilite come vnto them bothe. Nowe moreouer, bicause there are some men / whiche do beleue,Diuers op∣nions con∣cernynge confession. that this confession was insti∣tuted and ordeyned of Christe? and some agayn there be / which do doubte therof: and some also ther be / which although it were instituted of men / yet do obserue it no lesse religiously & deuoutly / than yf Christe had instituted it with his owne mouthe: & some other agayn there be / whiche do suppose it to be in dede a thynge arbitrable (that is to say, not of necessite / but standynge in mans wyll and pleasure to do it, or leue it vndone) but yet they counsell (as I sayde) that it is not to be dispised / for asmoche as it is hol¦some and {pro}fitable. To all these persones haue I ordeyned this boke. From those men, whiche do say, and teache that it is arbi∣trable / I do playnly and vtterly disagree. And as for those, whi∣che do affirme, that it was insti∣tuted of mere and pure men / in this boke, I do neyther consente and agree vnto them / neyther I do repugne and stryue agaynste them: howe be it yet I am more enclinynge & leanyng towardes that parte / whiche beleueth it to haue ben instituted of Christe: and this sentence and opinion I shall also gladly maynteyne and defende / whan I shall be ons in∣structed and appoynted therfore with sufficient and due armour of scriptures and argumentes / lest I myght els chaūce to make the cause the worse, and hynder the matter / yf it shulde fortune me not to haue good spede / nor the thynge to come well to passe with me / whyles I went about to proue it. For it is no great bu¦synes or maystrye for a man to say or affirme a thynge: but it is a poynt ap{per}teynyng to a catho∣lique doctour, to proue ye thynge whiche he saythe / and to confute his aduersaries, by euidēt and o∣pen testimonies of ye scriptures. I remembre & folowe this say∣inge of Horace: he sat styll and wolde not medle / whiche feared lest the busynes shulde not frame well with hym / & that he shulde labour in vayne. For it is better to leaue the matter hole and vn∣touched, to other men: than by yuell handelynge of it, to brynge it in to more ieopardie. we ther∣fore leauyng that thyng to other men / whiche requireth an excel∣lent warriour: haue taken vnto our selfe the {per}te of a rascall soul∣diour, purposynge to shewe cer∣teyne thynges / by whiche it shall be broughte to passe / that more frute & profite may come of con∣fession. And to thende that this thynge may be ye more manyfest and clere / we shall fyrst shewe in fewe wordes,The diuisi∣on of this worke. howe great cōmo∣dities and {per}fites are in this con∣fession. Secōdaryly, how great a pestilēce or destruction of very vertue and godlynes doth aryse herof, by occasion amonge men. Thyrdly, by what meanes and wayes we may attayne the com¦modities / and by what meanes the discōmodities & harmes may be auoyded & eschewed. Fourth∣ly, we shall pursue and speake of other thynges / whiche do apper¦teyne to the office of hym that heareth confession / and of hym that maketh confession. whiche labour of myn, for asmoche as it dothe helpe no lesse to the profite of the hearers of confession, than of them yt do make cōfession: As I suppose, it is mete & accordȳg that both {per}ties do take it in good worthe / although the nature of the argumēt or mater shall cause certayne thynges to be broughte in / lytle lykynge or pleasaunt to mans iudgement. For it belon∣geth to phisicions, not so moche to speake pleasaunt & delectable thinges, as it doth to speake hol∣some and profitable thynges. The fyrste vtilite com∣mynge of confession.THe fyrst than & the chiefe vtilite yt cōmeth of shryft and confession of synnes (as I suppose) is this / that by none o∣ther meanes the pryde of mānes mynde is eyther better or more effectually and strongely abated and pulled down / and stubburn∣nesse or sturdynes agaynst god / (whiche, onles it be with great study and diligēce depressed and thruste downe / it doth in conclu∣sion auaunce and raise vp it selfe agaynst all thynge that is wor∣shypped or called god.2. Thessa. 2. For this hath ben and is the founteyne of all impiete and wyckednes / that we do thynke our selfe to be som what / whan in very dede we are nothyng. This pryde and pre∣sumption dyd cast downe Luci∣fer with his vnhappy company,Esai. 14. for yt he ascribed vnto hym selfe, that thynge / whiche he had frely receyued of gods goodnes: and being lyfte vp in mynde agaynst the maiestie of his creatour and maker / he was cast downe heed∣longe in to the lowest place / why¦les he goth aboute to wynne vn∣to hym selfe the hyghest: and he began to be moste abiecte & vyle of all creatures / after yt he ons had to moche lykȳg in hym selfe, & stode ouer moche in his owne cōceipte. And by his instigation and also ensample / the fyrste au∣thors and parētes of mankynd / whyles by tastynge the frute of the forboden tree,Genesis .3. they dyd couet to be made equall wt god / were dryuen out of Paradise. Lucifer was a certayne mynde / noble / immortal / bodyles / endued with gyftes / scantely able to be este∣med of vs: but yet for all this, bi¦cause he dyd not submyt & hum∣ble him selfe vnto him / of whom he had receyued what soeuer fe∣licite he had / and in comparyson vnto whom, he was nothynge: he fell, neuer after to be repayred or restored. Howe moche lesse than is it cōuenient or accordȳg, that man, beinge so farre in con∣dition and estate lower than an∣gels / shuld be proude / presump∣tuous / and stubburne agaynste god / of whom he was created and made / and without whom, nought he hath / nor noughte he may do? And yet this not wtstā∣dynge, this myscheuous vice is rooted in the myndes of men / & that wyly serpēt doth not ceasse, by this pestilent synne to drawe men vnto that place / wherunto he hym selfe is fallen downe. Lyke wyse as vnto wyckednes the fyrst degree, & the fyrst steppe was an hyghe proude mynde / & trustyng moche on it owne selfe: euyn so the fyrst degree or steppe vnto godlynes, shall be a mynde vtterly myslykynge it selfe / and submyttynge it selfe vnto god. Now can there not be any more submission, or humblyng & meke¦nynge of a man / than yt one man wyllyngly do caste downe hym selfe at the feete of another man / and do shewe & diclose vnto hym not onely his owne dedes / but also ye preuie & secrete thoughtes of his mynde / namely seing that certeyn of them are suche maner ones / that they may not be tolde and rehersed wtout great shame∣fastnes / and certeyne also of that kynd / that they are not without very great daunger & ieopardie of a mans lyfe, discouered & vt∣tered vnto hym / whiche eyther thrugh folyshenes / or dronken∣nes / or malyce / or syckenes / may at any tyme disclose that / which he hath herde. Besydes this, cōsydre this thyng also / of howe arrogant & proude myndes, cer∣teyne {per}sones be euyn by nature. Agayne, howe greatte pryde of mynde welthe & prosperite, doth cause and engēdre in some other men / as for exāple / in riche men / in beautiful and fayre persones / in prynces, or gouernours / in learned men / in hypocrytes / or those, whiche other wyse are ex∣cellent in dignitie amonge men. These persones no doubte of it must nedes do great violence to theyr owne mynd / whan for the feare of god / and for the loue of theyr owne soules helthe / they do lay away all pryde and hygh stomake / & do fall downe lowly and mekely at ye feete of a preest / being often tymes but a vile and an abiecte persone / and of no re∣putation in the syght and iudge∣ment of the worlde / & vnto hym as vnto a diuine and godly phi∣sicion, do vncouer and disclose al the corruption of theyr myndes / and all the boyles and soores of theyr conscience. But whyles a man doth in suche wyse humble and meken hym selfe afore man . Petri. 5God doth resist and withstande proude persones / but he neuer despised a contrite & a meke hum¦ble herte.Psal. 50. That herte that is con¦trite,A contrite herte. and broken with sorowe / is not lyfted vp / it doth not swel wt pryde. But yf thou do mengle with it the moystnes & liquore of teares / it wyll lyke moyst claye / or softe paast / that foloweth the hande of the workeman / in to what soeuer facyon or shape he lyste. And yf thou shalte haue humbled and mekened thy herte to god / it shall be no payne or grefe to the, for to submit & hum¦ble thy selfe to a preeste. In the cōmyttyng and doing of synne / thou wast proude, and disobedi∣ent agaynste god / and submitte∣dest thy selfe to the yoocke of the deuyll: and dothe it nowe greue the to submyt & humble thy selfe to the minister and vicar of god whan thou, beinge allured and begyled with the bayte of vices / dydest holde forthe thy necke vn¦to the halters and snares of the deuyll / than it was conuenient and semely for yt to haue remem∣bred pryde and hyghe stomake: and not here / where thou doste for a season humble & cast downe thy selfe / that thou mayste from helle be exalted and lyfted vp in to heuen. Yf any parte of thy bo¦dy haue a boyle, or a botche / thou submittest thy selfe vnto the sur∣gean, beinge a man / thou vnco∣uerest and makest bare vnto him euyn the moste secrete and priuie partes of thy body: And whan thy mynde is wounded with so many and sondry woūdes / doth it greue the for so lytle a whyle to submit thy selfe vnto the phi∣sician of ye soule?Similitud{is} For likewise as he yt dothe minister vnto a poore man / dothe not thynke in this wyse: howe vile and lowe a per∣sone is this, to whom I do ser∣uice: but he dothe rather thynke thus with hym selfe / howe high and honorable is he, for whose sake I do this seruice & benefite: euyn so, he that gothe vnto the preeste / let hym not consydre the condition and state of hym / as touchyng ye worlde / but let hym consydre how great and excellēt he is / whose steade the preest be∣reth / and howe great auctorite and power is gyuen to hym / far hygher than eyther the auctorite of kynge or emperour. Yf any begger can ease the of the feuer / woldest thou not, be thou neuer so ryche, and honorable / gladly kneele on thy knees vnto hym / to haue hym restore the vn∣to helthe? Yf thou were taken prysoner of rouers on the See: who is there of so lowe degree and estate / to whom thou wol∣dest not gladly fal downe on thy knees / yf thou kneweste that it lay in his power to delyuer the / and to restore the home agayne to thyne owne. Yf themperour, being greuously offēded and displeased with the / had assigned or appoynted any one of his cookes, eyther to pu∣nyshe the / or elles to restore the in to the princes fauour agayn: woldeste thou not gladdely falle downe at the cookes knees / and do what soeuer thīge euyn those that are mooste humble suppli∣auntes are wonte to do / not so moche reputynge, and consyde∣yng what maner persone he is / but howe moche he may do for the: and woldest yu not in that {per}∣sone of lowe estate, honour and worshyp the maiestie of thempe∣rour? Thou woldest falle wyl∣lyngly, and gladly submytte thy selfe vnto the rodde or wande of the officer / whiche myght turne or chaunge thyne estate / & make the of a mans bonde seruaunt / a mans free seruaunt: And doste thou here refuse and flee from the preestes hāde / which may make the of the deuyls bonde seruaūt / the sonne of god? To loose & de∣stroy thy soule, it dyd not greue the / to gyue thy selfe to be trodē vnder the foote of Satan: and to receyue helth agayne / disday∣nest thou to cōmit & betake thy selfe vnto a preeste? what a foly∣she maner of pryde is this, cōtra∣ry to all reason and ryght ordre? and what a peruerse and leude kynd of hūblenes or mekenes is this? whyles thou dost auaunce and lyfte vp thy selfe / thou arte ouerthrowen and caste downe. Yf thou wylte be exalted and en∣haunsed / there is no remedy, but thou must nedes cast downe thy selfe, and brynge thy selfe lowe. There is nothynge more hyghe than is god / but yet thou goest away from hym,Psal. 137. whan thou lyf∣test vp thy selfe / and arte hyghe by pryde: and thā thou drawest nere to hym / whan with ye lowly publicane thou doest wtdrawe & cast down thy selfe by mekenes.Luc. 18. Upon the hylles & mountaynes that be higher than the cloudes / god throweth lyghtnīge. Upon the lowe dales, he sendeth forthe the showres, & ryuers / that they may be freshe and grene wt moch grasse / & may be plētuous with moche frute. For this doubtles is it / wherfore ye scripture sayth,1. Petri. 5. to the humble & lowly persones he gyueth grace.Iacobi. 4. There are the cursed mountaynes of Gelboe / vpon whiche, neyther dewe nor rayne dothe lyghte. There are also moūtaynes / wherwith the lorde is delyted.Gene. 22. There was the mounte / vpon whiche Abraham made redy and wente aboute to offre vp his onely sonne in sacri∣fice.Exodi .19. et. 20. In a mounte also was the lawe gyuen. The moūte Syon is famous & greatly cōmended / whiche trusteth and putteth con¦fidēce in the lorde.Psal. 124. And there are mountaynes also / vnto whiche the godly men do lyfte vp theyr iyes / & fromwhens they do loke and wayte after helpe.Psal. 120. In the mountaynes also our lorde dyd often tymes make his prayers.Math. 17. On a moūteyn also he was trās∣figured.Actuum. x. On the moūte he went or styed vp to heuen. Therfore that yu mayste be made a mount or hylle pleasaūt vnto the lorde / cast downe the heyghte or toppe of thy herte / and be thou made a lowe valley or dale, that yu mayst receyue yt benediction & blessyng of ye lorde:Hebre. 9. and that all thystels and thornes / whiche the cursed grounde bryngeth forth, beinge clensed and ryd out / thou mayst plentuously brynge forth moche frute of vertues. Beleue me, whose soeuer mynde dothe vehe∣mētly & greatly refuse & grudge to submit and meken him selfe to a preeste / he hath not yet suffici∣ently humbled and caste downe his herte before god / nor he doth not yet hertely repent. Considre who he is, that thou hast offen∣ded. Consydre also, howe soore and greuous punyshement thou hast deserued. Consydre agayn, to what vnworthynes & shame thou haste caste downe thy selfe / thrugh cōmittyng of synne / and howe vnhonorable & foule thou hast made thy selfe in the syghte of god / of all sayntes & aungels / whyles thou, thy garmente and rynge cast away from the,Luc. 15. being shaken out from the felyship and company of the chyldrē & sonnes of god / arte made the seruaunt of the deuyll / the heyre of helle fyre / and doest thynke and reken that yu oughtest to be ashamed of any thynge / what soeuer it be / that may from so great vnwor∣thynes and vilenes, restore the a¦gayne in to so great felicite. Art thou ashamed to seme a synner? why arte thou not than by that reason aswell ashamed to seme a man? And yf thou haue respecte and regarde vnto shamefastnes, or honestie: it is more shame and dishonestie, not to be wyllyng to chaunge ye bondage, than it was to haue fallen in to it. Finally, let one shamefastenes dryue out another / lykewyse as one nayle is dryuen out with another.A rouerbe. Considre and bethynke the, whe¦ther of ye two is more tolerable / I meane ons to be ashamed here before one man: orels afterward to be ashamed in ye syght of god / and his aungelles / and of all the holy sayntes / whiche haue ben from the begynnȳg of ye worlde / & whiche shall be vntyll ye worl∣des ende. Consydre and thynke with thy selfe, what a theatre & multitude of lokers shalbe there / with what face darest thou ther beholde thy maker / thy redemer / and deliuerer: whom thou haste despised / notwithstandyng that he yd {pro}uoke the with so many benefites / dyd make the so great and royall promyses / & also dyd tolerate & suffre ye with so great pacience and gentilnes? howe shalte thou lyfte vp hyn yes, to loke vpon that most blessed fely∣shyp and company of the heuēly citezins: from whiche thou hast wylyngly of thyne owne mȳde, withdrawen thy selfe / and caste thy selfe in to a miserable & wret¦ched company? Yf yu dost thinke well vpon this dishonour / this rebuke / this ignominie / and this shame: thou woldest sone despise and make lyghte of this tempo∣rall & transitorie shame / whiche putteth away euerlastȳg rebuke and shame. Blessed are they, whose synnes ar couered or hyd,Psal. 31. for confession couereth & hydeth synnes: so yt nowe, neyther god doth remembre him, neyther the deuyll dothe knowe hym. And for asmoche as the hole man in seruynge synne / hath lyfted vp hym selfe by proude disobedience agaynst god: it is cōuenient and mete that he do humble & meken hym selfe euin in body also. And lykewyse as ye body often tymes doth gyue the occasion of doing synne: euen so oftē tymes eyther it dothe engendre & cause / or els dothe helpe and further the ver∣tue of the mynde. For this cause the gouernours & rulers of holy churche in olde tyme / not onely in the administration of the sa∣cramentes, and in the deuine ser∣uice: but also in ye castyng forth of them that were relapsed in to any haynous and odious crime / and in the receyuynge in agayne of them / whiche were purged & clensed by penaunce / dyd vse cer∣tayne visible rites & ceremonies, to thentent that both the people shulde be feared awaye from do∣inge synne / and also that they / whiche yet were not soorye for their synnes / shulde be prouoked vnto repentaunce and amende∣mēt / and that they, whose repen¦taunce was weyke, shulde be the more prouoked to horrour & ha∣tred of synnes. For ye imbecilite and weykenes of mānes mynde, nedeth many styrrynges and {pro}∣uocations to this, that it do con∣ceyue and gather in it selfe ye fyre of diuine charite / and that it do kepe it / and that beinge possessed of it, waxyng strōge / it be trans∣figured & trāsformed of ye same. In the olde tyme, thy were re∣preued & rebuked of the byshop / The sharpe penaūce en∣ioyned to synners in olde tyme. they were seperated & departed from the company and felyshyp of the christen flocke / and bare heeded & clothed in course sacke∣clothe / and besprincled wt ashes / they stode before y• churche por∣che / humbly besechyng and desi∣ryng of them that passed by / and that came in to ye churche, the suf¦frages & helpe of their prayers / there was enioyned vnto them fastynges / often drynkynge of water / slepyng on ye bare groūd / and other thīges mo, very harde and paynfull in dede to the affe∣ctions of man / but holsome and profitable both to them, whiche had regarde and mynde to the sa¦uynge of innocency / and also to them, which did suffre suche thin¦ges / to the purgyng & washynge awaye of theyr synnes. And of this sayde custome, there remay∣neth styll euyn yet at this day cer¦tayn tokens / namely in ye church of Rome.The maner at Rome. For certeyne mennes shoulders are made bare, and na∣ked, & without the churche they are beaten with a rodde, other whyles euyn vntyll the bloude do folowe / and that a very great nombre and multitute of people lokyng on: but yet onely the pe∣nitentiarie dothe knowe, what offence, or cryme ye penitent hath cōmytted / sauyng onely, that all men do iudge & deme some hay∣nous offence to haue bene cōmit∣ted. But what tyme the charite waxed colde, & wyckednes came in a floote: the heedes & prelates of the churche, hauynge respecte vnto mans imbecilite & weyke∣nes, dyd release the greattest {per}te of the shame, & of the payne: lest they myghte alienate and turne many men away from the fayth of ye church, yf they dyd vse their auctorite toward all men. But it is our part to recompence and make vp that, whiche is abated and taken awaye of bodely cere∣monies, with humblenes & low¦lynes of mynde, & with cōtrition & sorow of the herte. The more remysse & slacke that ye correction and chastisement of the churche, that was in olde tyme, is made toward vs: so moche the lesse we ought to be fauourable toward our owne selues. It is graūted vnto vs, that we may (only a cer∣teyne fewe kyndes excepted) be purged & clensed by secrete cōfes∣sion, wtout any losse or empayrīg of our honestie & good fame, frō all maner offences & crymes, be they neuer so hainous & greuo{us}. But we muste take hede and be∣ware, that this myldenes & gen∣tilnes of the churche, do not tea∣che vs to hate oure synnes but sclenderly and smally / for those synnes may not seeme smalle or sleyghte to euery one / of whiche is due the eternall payne of the fyre of helle. Therfore this vn∣profitable, yea pernicious shame fastnes, is to be caste away / and this folyshe and wycked pride, is to be shaken of. For what ma∣ner a thynge is it to drede the cō∣science or knowlege of one man / and not to drede and feare ye iyes of god / whiche seeth & beholdeth all thynges? it is doubtles a pe∣uyshe and a madde pryde. The secōde vtilite com∣myng of cō¦fession.THe seconde vtilite or pro∣fite yt cōmeth of cōfession, is that ther are very many men / whiche eyther by reason of age / or els for lacke of knowlege, do not perceyue the quātite of theyr offences: but thrugh errour and mystakyng, do iudge that thyng to be none offence at all, whiche is a deadely synne / and contrary wyse agayne, do suppose & wene that to be a greuous synne, whi∣che is not so. Or yf they do per∣ceyue ye quātite of theyr offence: yet are they so combred & entan∣gled / that they wote not howe to rydde out them selues / whiche thynge happeneth and chaūseth in many cases of matrimony / of vowes / of restitution / and suche other lyke / in whiche cases some tyme euyn well lerned diuines, & lawyers also are in perplexite & doubt. Here in this poynt there is not onely nede of absolution / but also ye mater requireth a man that is vertuous and well consci¦enced / & besides y•, wel instructed & skylled in ye knowlege of holy scriptures / & also in ye knowlege of both laws. Furthermore, like wise as in ye bodies of men there are certeine feuers, yt are not per∣ceyued / but by so moche they are the more {per}ilous: euen so are ther often tymes in ye myndes of men also certeyne secrete vices, eyther not espied & {per}ceyued / or elles de∣ceyuyng men wt the visour & face of godlynes. Here in this thīge the preest doth helpe / as it were a cōnyng phisicion: & by tokens and coniectures, gatheryng the vnknowen disease & syckenes of the mynde, dothe reuoke the {per}tie from errour. Agayne, he confor∣teth & encourageth hym, that is afraide in vayne, wher ther was no ieo{per}die. Moreouer, those that are wrapped & entangled in per∣plexe & doubtfull euyls, he doth with wise lerned & faythful coū∣sels vnwrap them, & set theyr cō∣sciēce at rest: shewīg vnto them ye way, by which they may shake of the vice, whiche either cleeth toughly, & is lothe to go away / by the reason of natural inclina∣on: or els often tymes amonge hath recourse, by the reason of longe custome & familiarite. For in no maner diseases are ye phisi∣cions put to more busynes, & la∣bours, for to fynde ye remedy by their cōning: than in those, whi∣che thrughe longe {pro}cesse & conti∣nuance of tyme, are becōmen fa∣milier: in so moche yt they are vt¦terly in dispaire / & do rather pro∣myse mitigation & aswagement of the disease than ye heling of it: as for exāple in the fallyng sycke¦nes, being ons rooted & of longe continuaunce, in the gowte / or in the stoone, yf it be in aged men. But in the diseases & syckenesses of the mynde / that is to wete, in vices / no mā ought at any tyme to despayre of helthe,An spiritu∣all diseases, let no man dispayre to be healed, be they ne∣uer so great seinge that Christ dyd clense and make hole both the lepers / Luc. 17. and the woman that had so many yeres ben com¦bred and diseased with fluxe and issue of bloude / and also dyd set vpright vpon his feete,Luc. 8. the man beinge diseased with the palsay / whiche had lyen bedreden so ma¦ny yeres.Marc. 2. Finally, dyd cal agayn and restore to lyfe lazare / which had lyen deed foure dayes in his graue.Iohn̄. 11. Furthermore, this thīge also dothe a connynge & a trusty phisicion cause, that he may by certayne tokens and signes, per∣ceyue and knowe afore the sicke∣nes and disease of the body, that is towardes hym / and with no great busynes auoyde and kepe it of in the cōmyng / where as yf it had ons entred in him and had gotten ye victory, he shulde scace∣ly be able to dryue it away with excedynge great labour. Euyn the same dothe a wyse & a trustie phisicion and leche of the soule / whan he perceyueth euident ieo∣pardie of any vice and spirituall disease cōmyng towarde: he gy∣ueth monition & warnyng ther∣of / & sheweth by what meanes it may be auoyded & eschewed. And this thyng is neuer done in better or more cōuenient season, than in sacramentall confession. THis vtilite,The thyrde vtilite which I wyl nowe speake of / it shal be at euery mans free choyse / whe∣ther he wyll make it ye thyrde vti¦lite / or elles ioyne it to the nexte ordre / and it is this / that ye preest in confession doth remedy & cure two of the moste greattest vices that can be / of whiche, the one is pestilent securite or rechelesnes / or els (whiche is yet more pesti∣lente than this) reioysynge and bostynge of synnes: the other is moche more perilous than they bothe / despaire of the mercy of god / wherof the fyrst author and begynner was Cain / and ye coun¦terfeter was Iudas,Genesis. 2. Math. 27. yt betrayed our lorde. There are certeyn syn¦nes / whiche haue a secrete pryde and reioysyng in them: as for ex¦ample, the defylyng of fayre and beautifull damosels / or the ouer cōmyng of noble & riche wyues / or the lesynge of a great somme of money at ye diese / or ye shrewde and euyl handlyng of a mannes enemy & foo / or the outragious expense done in makȳg of a feast or banket. These thīges certeyn men do so confesse, and in suche wie shryue them selues of them, that not onely they are not asha∣med of ye offences that they haue done: but also do rather booste them, as noble & glorious actes. The preeste, whan he shall per∣ceyue this in his ghostly chylde / shal labour and go aboute by all maner meanes, to caste out this folyshe pryde, & reioysynge from the mynde of hym, that maketh his confession / and by shewynge vnto hym the shamefulnes and foulenes of the synne / in stede of that pestilent pride & reioysyng / to bryng in to his mynd holsome shame & sorowe. Contrary wyse agayne there are certeyn synnes of that kynde and sorte / that the very iudgement of nature dothe abhorre them / & that he whiche hath cōmitted them, dothe con∣dempne and hate his owne selfe: as for exāple / kyllynge of father or mother / babeslaughter / won∣derous & abhomynable kyndes of lechery / suche as are not to be named / cōmen theftes & robbe∣ries / whiche are done without any maner sleyght or crafte / poy¦sonynge / collusion with wicked spirites / blasphemy agaīst god / and suche other lyke to these. Genesis. 2. Math. 27. The greuous enormitie of these sayde offences and crymes, doth otherwhyles brynge a man in to desperation / whiche is the most greuous and sorest offēce yt may be, of all other.Desperatiō is the most greuous of∣fence of all other. For that man se∣meth lesse to offende god / whiche is made negligent and careles, thrugh ouermoche boldnes and trust vpō his goodnes: than he, whiche despayrynge of forgyue∣nes of his synnes, dothe denye god to be good and mercyfull / whan he is euyn very mercy it selfe / and dothe denye hym also to be true of his promesse / whan he hath promysed without any exception, to forgyue the synner, that is penitent and sory / which promesse doubtles he wyll fulyl and performe, yf he be true, And finally denyeth hym to be omni∣potent & almyghty / as thoughe there were some offence or synne of man / whiche he were not able to remedy and heale. Here ther∣fore in this case, the preeste shall leaue nothyng vnspoken, wher∣by he may conforte and reyre vp the {per}sone beinge thus out of con¦forte, and despayrynge of hym selfe, vnto hope of forgyuenes / & also wherby he may, after that he hath brought him to yt poynt / so confirme and establyshe hym / that he do not fall downe agayn in to the same. The fourth vilite.ANd ther are some {per}sones also, whose myndes ar so weyke, and feble / that they dare not hope, nor, {pro}myse vnto them selues forgyuenes / no, not euyn of small and lyghte offences / nor can haue their cōscience at quiete & rest: excepte by the preest suche solempne & cōmen accustomed ce¦remonies be enioyned them / to the whiche absolucion is gyuen. Nowe do I suppose and wene it to be a poynt of christen huma¦nite, to beare, & apply our selues vnto ye infirmite and weykenes euyn of suche maner persones, vntyll they growe vp vnto the firmite of more stronge mynde: wherunto it shall be mete & con∣uenient often tymes amonge to styrre and exhort them. I haue knowen certeyn {per}sons / whiche coulde not {per}swade vnto them selues, that they were assoy¦led from theyr synnes, except the preeste dyd witnesse and recorde the same by his owne hāde wry∣tynge. Besydes this, very many men do scrupulously & carefully cōfesse them selues euyn of those thynges, whiche amonge venial synnes are of least weyghte / yea and somtyme euyn of those thyn¦ges, whiche are very tryfles: as of pollutions in the nyght tyme, whiche chaunce to come thrugh no vicious occasion / but onely of naturall disposition of the body / neither hath any cōsent folowed or delectation in the same. Of which thing Iohn̄ Gerson hath wryten so diligently, yea and so specially, that he hath caused ma¦ny mens consciences, by reason therof, to be very scrupulous. Scrupulo∣site in say∣inge of ser∣uice, and prayers.In lykewise there are some men, which in saying of theyr orisons and prayers / do neuer satisfie theyr owne myndes / & they are greatly troubled euin with very small tryfles. And often tymes it happeneth / that to this weyke¦nes is ioyned also peruersite, & a froward wyll and mynde. They are onely carefull, and do take thought, whether they do playn¦ly and distinctly pronounce and sounde out the letters and sylla∣bles: but whether they do vnder¦stāde what they rede / or whether they do worshyp, and be styrred with the wordes of god, whiche they do sounde wt theyr mouthe, they are excedyngly careles / and hereof do take no kepe at all. Semblablye, they do so shryue them selues of sodeyn and fleing thoughtes / whiche do but as it were only touche lightly, & skym ouer the ouermost or vttermoste part and skyn of the mynde, and not synke or tary in it. I say they do so cōfesse these thoughtes, as yf they had certeynly or stedfast∣ly ben determined and purposed vpon that thynge, whiche came in to their mynde, or had also ful¦fylled it in very dede: whā other whyles suche thoughtes are of thinges euyn abhominable to be spoken of / as whan there happe¦neth to come in to a mans mynde a certeyne doubtfulnes of the ve∣rite and truthe of the scriptures, of the articles of the faythe / or els a thought of incest / or of mon¦struous formes or facyōs of ful∣fyllynge of fleshely luste or plea∣sure. To confesse these thynges rehersed, scrupulously and {per}ticu∣larly, it dothe bothe charge and ouerlade the hearer with thīges superfluous and nothynge nee∣full: and also dothe trouble the mynde of hym, that is confessed wt feare & dreade vnprofitably. They say it is a signe and token of a good mynde, there to feare synne, where no synne is. Admit that it be a signe of a good mȳde: yet certeynely it is no token of a a {per}fecte mynde. And albeit suche a thyng in yonge boyes, or wen∣ches, do betokē a nature or dispo¦sition mete to the lerning of ver∣tue and good lyfe: yet the same thynge in men is vnmete and vn¦profitable, yea pernicious also & hurtful / for that y• supersticious and superfluous fleinge & esche∣wynge of one vice dothe brynge a man in to another more gre∣uous & more weyghtie / whiche thyng we do se brought to passe in many men / by the subtilte and crafte of the deuyll. This peruer¦site and lerned mynde is to be re∣buked: and simple and vnlerned inirmite is to be instructed and taughte. It is a poynte of chri∣stian vertue and godlynes, to be sory for suche maner infirmities and fraylte of mannes nature: and to withstāde them asmoche as a man maye / and to laboure towardes more perfecte thīges. A man that is verely vertuous and godly / wyssheth & desyreth the perfecte integrite and clēnes of his bodye / whiche he hopeth to haue in the generall resurrec∣tion / and therfore he is sory, that his vessel is polluted and deiled with vnclene dreames: but it fo∣loweth not,Not euery thyng y• gre¦ueth a good & vertuous man is syn. bicause it greueth hym, and he is sory for it / that it is therfore strayghtways synne. For so a good vertuous man is greued also, and sory, that with hūgre / with thurst / wt slepinges / with faintnes or werynes of the body / he is fayne to breke vp the continuall feruour of prayer / he is sory for the rebellious motiōs of the membres agaȳst ye mynd / he soroweth, that the fleshe doth lust agaynst ye spirite. But these thynges are so farof from being synnes / yt they be rather mater & occasion of vertue / yf a man do stryue agaynst them to the vtter most of his power. whiche selfe same thyng, I do iudge for to be done to wardes them / whiche of lyke infirmite do often tymes re∣pete & reherse agayn the cōfession of one, & the same offences / both puttynge theyr owne selues to paynes, and disease / & also spen∣dynge in wast the preeftes tyme. In dede a man other whyles to folowe the myndes of suche per∣sones, it is a poynte of christen charite / but yet so, and in suche wyse, that by admonicion & coun¦sayle they be {pro}moted & brought forwarde vnto more {per}fecte thyn¦ges / and do lerne to loue, and to feare lesse. THe fyfthe vtilite is,The fyfthe vtilite. that for asmoche as ther is no remission or forgyuenes of syn∣nes / excepte there be a due & mete detestation and hatered, of the offences cōmitted / procedyng of the loue of god, & also an earnest, sure, and stedfast purpose to for∣beare and refrayne in tyme after to come, from all thynges, wher with god is offended and displea¦sed: to the attaynynge of these thynges, the meditation and re∣cordyng of confession to be made vnto man, helpeth not a lytle. For lykewise as he, whiche shall speake of any matter, and tell his tale before a iudge, doth more di∣ligently bethynke hym selfe / and more attentiuely considre & wey all the circūstances of the mater, than yf he dyd consydre it with∣out any suche care of speakynge it afore any man: euyn so he that studieth & bethynketh hym selfe, what he shal say vnto the preest / doth more depely considre ye gra∣uite & foulnes of his synnes / cal∣lynge to remēbraunce howe ofte he hath fallen agayne in them / and howe longe season he hath continued in his darkenes & fyl∣thynes of synne / and of howe great cōmodites and welthe he hath in ye meane whyle depriued and berefte his owne selfe, being out of the fauour of god / and de¦parted and seuered from the com¦munion and felyshyp of the hole misticall body of Christ / & bonde vnto the eternall punyshement of helle fyre. Of the attente and diligente consideration of these thinges, sprynge or ryse horrour and hatered of synnes, whiche somtyme is engendred, & taketh his originall begynnynge of the feare and drede of punyshement, and causeth desperation, onles it do go forwardes vnto hope of forgyuenes / thrugh the conside∣ration of the mercy of god / and thrughe confidence and truste in our lorde Iesu Christe / whiche hath ons suffred and made satis∣faction for the synnes of al men: vntyl that after seruile feare and drede do succede and folowe loue semely for a sonne / whiche is dis∣pleased and discōtented with his synnes, not for that y• they nowe do brynge a man to the fyre of helle: but for that that they do offende & myslyke the most good father, whiche hath done so mo∣che for vs. For yf the son, which vnfaynedly, and from the herte dothe loue his father & mother / wolde not, although there were no feare of punyshement at all / wittingly do that thyng, which myghte displease theyr myndes: howe moche more dothe he that loueth god, which is to be loued aboue all thīges / bothe hate his sinnes cōmitted in times passed / by which he hath displesed god / and also take hede and beware, that he do not cōmitte any suche lyke offence in tyme hereafter to come? This cōmodite & profyte therfore shuld moue and styrre a man to be shryuen vnto a preest, although confession were not ne∣cessary: howe moche more than is it to be embrased, if necessite do drawe vs vnto this vtilite? THe sixte vtilite is,The syxte vtilite. yt lyke wyse as the greatnes of sorowe engēdred and conceyued of the cōsideration & ponderyng of a mans offences and synnes / dothe purchace and obteyne the mercy of god, to the releasyng of the crymes and offences / & dothe make the purpose of absteynyng from synnes, in tyme commyng, the more firme and stable: euyn so doth shamefastnes to vncouer and disclose that is in his breeste vnto a man, take awaye a great parte of the payne / and holdeth a man backe, yt he shall not lyght¦ly fall agayne in to ye same offen∣ces. Lyke wyse as chyldrē with beatynge, and shame, are taught to beware, that they do not falle twyes in to one defalte. Nowe the most parte of men are weyke and feble / and prone and redy to cōmitte synne. And this shame∣fastnes is so greuous and payn∣full vnto men of gentle and hygh stomake / yt there are many men, whiche had rather dye, than ons to be shamed / were it not so, that either they dyd loue god / or elles dyd feare the fyre of helle. The seuēth vtilite.THe seuenth vtilite is, that for bicause (accordyng to the olde prouerbe) the principall parte, and the chefeste poynte of wysedome is, yt a man do knowe hym selfe: there is nothyng that dothe more cause this thynge / than dothe cōfession / whiche set∣teth the whole man often tymes forthe before his owne iyes / lea∣uynge none of all the secrete cor∣ners of his mynde vnshaken and vnsearched, whyles he dothe in∣wardly cōsidre to what thynges the cōmaundementes of god do call hym / and to what thynges he hym selfe is enclined / and by what occasions he doth fall in to synne.Psal. 1. what ye ve∣ry medita∣tion in the lawe of the lorde is. For this is the very medi¦tation and studye in the lawe of the lorde, that a mā do ordre and dispose him selfe vnto that estate of lyfe / in whiche he wold desyre to be, yf the laste day of his lyfe were nere at hande. THe eyghte vtilite,The eyght vtilite. is that he, which maketh his cō∣fession to a preeste / not onely is holpen by his counsayle, confort, and exhortation: but also by his prayer. For he prayeth and wys∣sheth to hym that is cōfessed, the grace of the holy ghost / & ghostly strength to resiste and withstāde the deuyll. And yf it be so, that the prayer of eche good man, who soeuer he be, is auaylable to the obteynyng of the grace & fauour of almyghty god: howe moche more than is the prayer of the preeste profitable and helpefull to the same? For doubtlesse this is it / whiche s. Iamis teacheth / that euen in this thynge also, the feruent prayer of a iuste persone is very moche worthe,Iacobi .. & of great strength. Here I entende not in the meane season to speake any thynge of the power and aucto∣rite of the keyes, wherof diuines haue so copiously & largely wry∣ten and taughte / that it nedeth not me to reherse it agayne. For as for what thynge attrition is,Attrition. & whether therof by the meanes of confession may be made cōtri∣tion / and whether cōfession doth cause and brynge to passe, yt the synne is forthewith forgyuen in the fyrst instaūte: I do leaue all this geare to be disputed & reaso¦ned of the subtile scotistes. THe nynthe vtilite is,The nynth vtilite. that lykewyse as by baptisme we are deliuered from the tyran∣ny of Satan, and beinge made the sonnes of god, are graffed in to the body of Christe, whiche is the churche / and are chosen in to so blessed a company or felyshyp of aungels / and of all those that are predestinate vnto the heuēly inheritaūce, in what soeuer part of the worlde they do lyfe / haue lyued / or shal lyue: euyn so by pe¦naunce are we duely restored a∣gayne in to the same societe and felyshyp. And albeit yt he, which hath of god receyued hatered of his sinnes / is deliuered from his gylte & offence: and thoughe we do graunt, yt the cōfession, which is made vnto a man / is not vtter¦ly necessary (whiche thīg certeyn men both in olde tyme dyd teche, & also some men nowe a days do teche, from whom yet I do glad¦ly & wyllyngly dissent & disagre) yet yt notwithstādyng,Despisynge of the vsual custome & tradition of the church: both disple∣seth god / & also causeth bretche of charite, and concorde. the despi∣synge of the publyke custome / whiche hath so many yeres cōti∣nually ben vsed / & the cōtumay and disobediēce agaynst the tra∣dition of ye churche / dothe bothe offende and displease god / & also dothe hurte the tranquilite and quietnes of the christen cōmen weale. This offence at the least wyse doth he auoyde & eschewe / whiche dothe confesse hym selfe vnto a preeste. Besydes this, al∣though he were before free from his synnes: yet neuertheles by cōfessiō in due forme made vnto a prest, is encreased moche light / & moche grace. which lucre and wynnīg, no mā yt is in very dede vertuous & godly, wyll dispise, & make lyght of. Moreouer, there be some men, whiche in the tyme of theyr helthe, haue, or rather in theyr owne iudgemēt do seme to haue, a careles & a quiet cōsciēce: but whan they are in extremes & lykely to die, they are otherwyse mynded / eyther bicause thā ye ieo¦perdy draweth more nere, either els bicause ye crafty tēpter the de¦uyll doth thā vse all his craftes, and subtylties agaynst them. Agaynst this trouble & vnquiet∣nes of cience / the most sure vn∣doubted remedy, is in cōuenient and due tyme faythfully & true∣ly to be confessed vnto a preeste. Last of all, the church wyll more gladly knowlege for her chylde, hym that dothe make confession to a preeste, than hym that dothe not: Lyke wyse as ye iewes dyd more gladly knowlege for one of them, hym whiche was circunci∣sed, than hym that was vncircū∣cised.Math. 3. Roma. 14. And this also is a parte of godlynes, a man to fulfylle all ryghtewysenes, and to eschewe offendynge of his brother / and (accordyng to s. Paules saying) to please all men in all poyntes.. Cor. 10. I wolde not speake these thīges for myn own cause, but for cause of them, which haue not yet sure¦ly, and vndoubtedly persuaded vnto them selues, that this con∣fession, as beinge instituted by men / is vtterly necessarye vnto soule helth.1. Cor. 2. A spirituall mā doth discerne and iudge all thynges / & hym selfe is iudged of no man / but (as ye cōmen sorte of men is, {pro}ne & enclynȳg to shake of theyr neckes, the yocke of the lorde) I se and perceyue, that the cōtempt and settynge at noughte of con∣fession, is a speciall & a principall steppe or stayre vnto paynymry and hethen maner of lyuynge / wherunto we do se many men nowe a dayes to fall agayne / vn¦der the false title & name of euan∣gelical libertie. Hitherto I haue rehersed & shewed the chiefe and principall vtilities and profites that do come of cōfession: which elles I do knowe to be innume∣rable. Nowe ye very place doth monyshe & put me in remēbrāce to say somwhat in fewe wordes, of the yuels or harmes, whiche ar sene to chaūce, by the occasion of confession / but thrugh the de∣faulte faulte of the men, rather than of the thynge selfe. Math. 3. Roma. 14. The fyrste iscōmodi∣te or harmeANd fyrst to begyn with all, this communication and shewyng of synnes amonge men, one of them to ano¦ther / dothe seme somwhat to cor¦rupte and infecte that naturall simplicite and innocēcy, suche as we do se to be in yonge boyes, & yonge wenches, that are not yet infected with ye corruptions and fylthes of this lyfe, a great parte of this innocēcy is not to knowe synne at all, and not so moche as ons to suspecte, or deme yt there be any men, whiche do cōmytte suche or suche offenses & synnes / whiche thȳg euyn those preestes are wonte to knowlege & graūt, whiche are wel lerned / & whiche by redynge of bookes, myghte knowe very many thynges: say∣inge, that they wold neuer haue suspected or demed suche abho∣minable sinnes to be cōmitted a∣mōge men / as they do here tolde to them other whyles in cōfessiō. But those synnes of al other are moste contagious, and do moste infecte, whiche do apperteyne vn¦to lechery, or to curious artes. For there are certeyne kyndes of lecherye / whiche no wyse man wolde to be rehersed or tolde be∣fore his sons, or his doughters / bicause that nature, euer whan occasion is gyuen / is redye & en∣clined to the experiēce and profe of yuell and vngratious thīges. wherfore the surer way is, to be ignoraunt of suche thynges, as nyghe as a man can. There are agayne vnlaufull craftes & scien¦ces / as witchcrafte / neograman¦tie / & suche other / whiche do en∣tyse and prouoke those persones that be curious, and ouermoche desirous of knowlege, vnto thex¦perience and prouynge of them. And there is gyuen cōmenly by nature to the most parte of men, a vicious and lewde curiosite / ty¦clynge the mynde with lust & de∣syre of knowlege. And preestes are men often tymes yonge / and some tymes also leude & nough∣tie: or at ye least wyse weyke and frayle. The mynde of suche men is corrupted by hearyng ye won∣derfull offences of other men: & are often tymes moued & styrred to do the same thynges / whiche they haue lerned to haue ben cō∣mitted and done of other men. And this canker or pestilēce spre∣deth it selfe yet more abrode: as often tymes as ye preestes (whi∣che thynge hapneth amonge) do reherse & report afore other men that thynge, whiche they haue herde in confession / in dede not namynge the persones / yea, and other whyles, not ons sparynge to tel euyn ye names of them also. But though they do neuer so mo¦che forbeare to name the persone: yet ye thyng it selfe that is tolde / often tymes dothe infecte & poy∣son the hearer. Howe be it yet, those men do more greuo{us} offēce, whiche do reporte thīges, suche as ar at no tyme to be spoken, in open sermones or preachynges. Therfore the temporall officers and rulers / suche as are wyse / & do couet yt the citie be vncorrup∣ted / whan they do execution of dethe vpon a malefactour / they do alwayes pronounce & declare all the offences and crymes com∣mitted by ye sayd malefactours / bicause it is not expedient for eue¦ry maner man to knowe, yt there are some men, whiche do cōmitte suche offences or crymes. Many yeres ago, whā I beinge than a very yonge boye, was a∣bydynge in Dauentrie / I herde certeyne harlots / wherof great plentie was there at that tyme / reioysynge and shewynge them selues glad eche to other, yt they gaue theyr mȳdes to their owne louers: bicause the curate hadde sayd in his sermon / that certeyn pastors had cōfessed them selues, that they had vsed them selues not very chastly towardes theyr flocke / of whiche they had cure & charge. And it was than Iu∣bilee. what more folyshe curate coulde there be than this / which neyther constrayned by any ne∣cessite / no nor yet prouoked ther∣vnto by any vtilite / dyd bable forthe this thynge amonge the people / by reason wherof hoore∣mongers and adulterers shulde flatter them selues / and haue the more lyking in theyr owne vices & synnes. Of late dayes also, a certeyn gray frere sayd openly in his sermon / in a worshypfull owne / that yf ye olde lawe were yet styll remaynyng / by whiche, women, which had cōmitted ad∣ultery, shulde be stoned to dethe: an hole moūtaigne made of sto∣nes heaped together, wolde not suffise to ye stonīg of those, yt were worthy to be stoned to dethe. THe secōde yuell or harme is cosyn to this afore re∣hersed,The secōde yuell. yt many men by ye reason hereof, do flatter theyr owne vi∣ces, that is to witte, by the com∣parison or worse vices: as for example / whan he whiche is all together defiled with horedoms & adulteries, semeth to hym selfe pure & fautles / whan he lerneth by hearyng of confession, ye foule kindes of lechery, cōmitted with fendes, or with brute beastes: or els whan he dothe get knowlege and perceyuyng, that suche men are laden wt great sinnes, whom he dyd suppose & beleue to haue ben connynge men / sad / and ver∣tuous. For suche is the nature, and disposicion of men: yt euery man dothe gladly exaggerate, & make ery heynous other mens defaultes / and dothe extenuate and make very lyghte maters of his owne offences. I herde ones a certeyne diuine, whiche loued well the company of vnchast women, reporte, yt he herde ons a certeyn man / which had the rule & gouernaunce ouer certeyne nunnes / saye to hym in confession / that hym selfe had de¦fyled .CC. virgins. By ye reason herof, he that reported this tale, dyd so flatter hym selfe / & thynke his owne offences lyghte / and in a maner to be none offence at all: that as it appered by hym / he wolde neuer purpose or go about to exercise and vse chastite. THe thyrde discōmodite & harme is,The thyrde yuell. that this con∣fession causeth many preestes to be more proude & hygh mynded / whom god wolde to be fathers, and not lordes. Now he is lorde ouer another man / whiche kno∣weth his secrete counsels & priui¦ties. Neyther can that man but feare / whiche hath disclosed his owne secretes to another man: and cōmēly he doth despise / whi∣che knoweth any suche secretes of another mannes. It semeth therfore, that by confession is ta∣ken awaye libertie and fredome from christē men: amōge whom Christe wolde not yt there shulde be any dominion / and also that charite and loue is quēched: for who soeuer feareth, hateth: and scarcely can yt man loue, whiche knoweth any foule & shamefull thynge by another man. At the least wyse, doubtles he doth lesse regarde hym, for asmoche as he hath a weapon, wherwt he may vndo / destroy / and make afrayde the persone that hath confessed suche thinges vnto hym. And in case that the preeste be more ver∣tuous, than that he wyll abuse the knowlege of suche secretes: yet for all that there do happen many thynges often tymes by chaunce, whiche are taken in to suspicion. So by the reason ther of it cōmeth to passe, that ther is no sincere or faythfull rendshyp betwene hym that maketh con∣fession / and hym yt heareth it. THe fourthe yuell or hurte is,The fouth yuell. that the partie, which maketh confession / often tymes doth happen vpō yuell & lewdly disposed preestes / whiche vnder the pretence and cloke of confes∣sion, do cōmitte synnes, not to be spoken or rehersed: and in steade of leaches or phisiciōs / are made eyther felowes and parteners / or els maysters and teachers / or els disciples and learners of fyl∣thynes and vice. wolde god I myght seme to haue wryten this in vayne and without cause / and that we dyd not euery where se & here so many examples herof / whiche neyther I do remembre without sorowe / neyther can re∣herse without shamfastnes. The fyfthe yuell.THe .v. discommoditie and harme is, that this con∣fession bryngeth many men in to ieopardie of theyr good fame, & of theyr lyfe / by the meanes of certen preestes / very laueshe & li∣berall of tonge / & whiche do not kepe closse / but bable out what soeuer they do here in confession. And what mēbre of man is there more slypper than is the tonge? whom shal a man fynde / whiche wyll not by occasion, vtter any thynge to his frende in counsell / to whom he dare shewe asmoche as hath ben shewed to him selfe? bicause I wyll not speake of ma∣ny persones / whiche are endued with suche naturall disposition / that they shuld brast / onles they dyd blabbe out that, which hath ben shewed vnto them of truste. wolde god this defaute were on∣ly restyng in women. Here I do not doubte / but vnto euery man ouer many examples do come to mynde and rememraūce / from the rehersal of whiche, I do wyl¦lyngly and gladly forbeare. Besyd this, though we do graūt the preest to be sobre and closse of tonge: yet for all yt, often tymes hatred & debate sodeinly rysyng, breaketh the barres or rayles of silence: somtime dronkēnes also dothe the same / whiche causeth the thynge that was secrete and hydde in the hette, to swymme & flete aboue in the tonge. Finally syckenes or frenesy sodeynly ry∣sen, breaketh this silence / whiche thyng, I my selfe, whan I was yonge, dyd knowe to haue chaū∣sed in a certeyne curate: whiche whā he was waxen hoote in his sermon / dyd by name vtter and disclose the synnes of many wo∣men. And thexamples are not selde or gesome of them / whom it hath cost theyr lyues / the wor∣des that they haue spoken to the preeste in counsell, or confession. Nowe are there also certeyne ca∣ses excepted / in whiche it is lau∣full to vtter & bewray hym, that made his confession. But vnto these cases certeyn mē do impute and blame what soeuer thynge doth moue or styrre them to blab out ye secretes shewed vnto them. Some other men do thīke, that they do not offende / so that they forbeare ye names: though they do slaunder and defame an hole house / or an hole college, or com∣pany. And yet who coulde be cō∣tent, or take paciētly, to here his citie, or his countrey besprent or spotted with infamie? But how many men haue I herde reporte at feastes and bankettes, afore al maner men that were present, what they haue lerned by ye con∣fession of certeyn {per}sones, beinge than deceassed: thynkynge that they myghte do that thynge lau∣fully / albeit that no man beinge alyue wolde be cōtented that his owne memorie shuld be infamed & sclaūdered amonge them that shulde come after hym? Laste of all, princes do otherwhyles require of preestes / and compell them by othe to vtter & bewraye the doer of the cryme. But I, as I wolde greately cōmende and alowe it, yf ye preest, not bewray¦inge the man, coulde prouide for the saluegard of ye cōmen weale: so wolde I not take or accompt hym for periured,Nota. thoughe he so do swere that he is ignoraunte / whan he is demaunded of suche thynges / wherof he oughte not to be demaunded. Nowe it se∣meth a cruell thynge, and agaȳst all humanite, to expose and set forth any mā vnto this so great ieopardie: namely seing yt there are so many examples of them, that be in ieopardie by the reason hereof. Moreouer, this burden of confession dothe seme not on∣ly to charge and greue sore hym that maketh confession: but also the preest that heareth cōfession. For though I do passe ouer, and speake no worde, howe greuous and howe paynfull a thyng it is to a good and well lerned preest, to spende so moche tyme in hea∣rynge the fylthes and synnes of mans lyfe / otherwhyles (as I haue sayd) euyn with the ieopar¦die of his own integrite, chastite or clennes / and to suffre & abyde the stynkyng & vnholsome brea∣thes of them that sauour & smell of garlycke / or which be infected with syckenes and disease / name¦ly, seinge that many are diseased and combred with lepry / whiche are not yet kepte aparte, or with the frenche pockes / whiche is a spice or kynde of lepry / conside∣rynge there is no way more sure and vndoubted to take infection by / than by takyng in the brethe of the persone diseased: so that besydes the payn and grefe, ther is not a lytle ieo{per}die also ioyned therunto. I say, though I passe ouer this, yet howe harde & how sore a thīg is it, yt a curate, being a man yonge of age / and in his flowers / and profitable to the cōmen weale, for his lernynge & vertuous maners, is compelled and dryuen vnto this necessite / that yf he be called, he muste at mydnyght entre in to the cham∣bre, where he that is sycke of the pestilēce hath empted his belye / hath {per}braked / or elles where he dothe sweate / is bathed / is an∣noynted / is seared / which is dis∣eased with the frenche pockes / & muste be fayne to remayne and continue styll this ieopardie, vn∣tyll the persone so diseased, haue fynyshed & made an ende of his cōfession. Neither is it sufficient that he hath gone ones: but he is sente for / and called agayne & agayne / as often tymes as the persone lyinge at the poynte of dethe / and nowe past his wittes dothe saye, that he dyd forget, I wote not what. For these cau∣ses diuines do deduce and make an argument, that this cōfession was institute of men, and not of Christe.Actuum. 15. For seinge that Peter, the chief of ye apostles dyd iudge and thynke it not reasonable nor mete to lay vpon the gētyles the yocke of the lawe of Moyses / whiche neyther them selues, nor their fathers were able to beare: it myght seme a very cruel thȳg / yf men shuld haue layde this bur¦den of confession vpon mennes neckes / whiche alone is a more heuy and paynfull burden, than was all the whole lawe of Moy¦ses / with the ceremonies wherof saynt Peter dyd iudge & thynkeActuum. 15. that the gentiles were not to be charged & laden / yea & dyd exone rate / discharge / & vnlade / euyn the iewes also of ye same / whan brotherly charite dothe seme ra∣ther to moue and exhorte vs here vnto / that asmoche as we maye, one of vs shulde lyghten or ease the burdens of an other.Math. 19. Christ dyd not cōpell or bynde any man to kepe hym selfe single / and to lyue soole without a wyfe: and shulde one man bynde another man to so paynfull a thynge / as is this confession.1. Cor. 7. Paule appli∣inge hym selfe to the infirmite & weykenes of men, dothe remitte and release somwhat of the pre∣cepte of ye lorde: and howe than (say they) shuld they be so bolde / whiche are not to be lykened or compared vnto Paule / to lay on suche a burdē vpō mens neckes / ouer and beyonde the precept of the lorde? namely confession, be∣inge as it is nowe a dayes, so in∣tricate & made comberous with doubtes and scruples inuented by men: that scarcely any man doth departe from ye preest with a quiete and restfull conscience. THe syxte discōmoditie is,The syxthe yuell. that this vncoueryng or disclosyng of the secrete offences committed / yea and euyn of the thoughtes also / semeth to teache boldnes & vnchamfastnes. For after yt men haue ons or twyse so ouercome shamefastnes / that they dare confesse suche thynges vnto a preest: they are by so mo∣che made ye more bolde to do and cōmitte what soeuer they lyste.At this po be the prest{is} Now is shamefastnes the chiefe keper of innocēcy. And there are certeyne vices of that kynde and sorte: that the rehersall of them dothe welnere infecte / than doth the doinge or actuall cōmittyng of them. The seuēth yuell.THe seuenth discōmoditie is, that this rehersall of secrete crymes and offences doth brynge many weyke and feble {per}∣sones into desperation / and cer∣teyn persones also in to frenesy: where as principally we shulde studie and go aboute / that the synner myghte take truste and courage of Christes promyses / and that he myght loue, rather than feare. For who soeuer shall not haue cōceyued this affection and mynde towarde god / yt man dothe make his confession all in vayne? But the ouermoche care¦full and scrupulous rehersal and rekenyng vp of the generall and speciall kyndes of synnes / and of the circūstaunces aggreuyng the offence / and drawyng it in to another kynde / dothe call away the mynde from loue towardes god / and engendreth hatred and desperation: namely seinge that certeyne men haue entāgled and enwrapped this busynes of con∣fession with so many snares and grynnes, yt a man can not lyght∣ly fynde one that dothe departe and go awaye from the preeste with his conscience vtterly qui∣ete and at reste. This discōmoditie or yuel chaū∣seth moste specially in chyldren / women / and aged folke / & suche as be by nature of a timorous & a fearefull mȳde: of which sorte I do knowe many one. And thā is there more ieopardye also / whan suche persones do happen vpon a sharpe and a chydynge ghostly father. The eyght yuell.THe eyghte discōmodite is this, Ther ar other some ouer bolde, and yt trust to moche / which whan they haue thought and ben purposed eyther nothīg at all / or els very sleyghtly, of the chaūgyng of theyr lyfe / neyther haue they cōceiued in their mynd a serious and ernest detestation & hatred of theyr lyfe afore led: do yet reken and thynke this to be sufficient for them selues / yf they reherse vnto ye preeste what they haue done. And yf he do {pro}∣noūce the absolution. But there is nothynge more pestilent and perylous, than this confidence and trust. And there wante not preestes / whiche do flatter suche maner {per}sones / or at ye least wyse do wynke at thē / & let as though they sawe them not / and all by∣cause they loue better, & set more by the lucre / which cōfession and the rehersal of synnes doth brȳg vnto them: than they do loue or set by the helth of soules, whiche is brought or caused thrugh loue towardes god / whiche loue dry∣ueth awaye all supersticion and feare. And herof it cōmeth, that we do here so many men, after that they are comen from ye pest / bourde and ieste in this wyse: I am free & quite delyuered from this burthen / I haue caste it all together in the fryers hoode. Suche maner persones are to be reuoked & called backe from such maner confidence and truste. THe nynthe yuel or harme is,The nynth yuell. that the exaction and bynynge of men to make this confession / semeth to gyue vnto many men an occasion of hypo∣crysye. For albeit yt it is a very onles he be in lernynge / in ryght¦nes of mynde / and wysedome / but most specially aboue al other thinges,The preeste oughte not to come to here confes∣sions: but beinge very able ther∣fore / & also wih great reuerence & due prepa∣ation. in vertue / able and mete therfore. And though he had in other thinges / & at other tymes / any carnall & worldly affectiōs: yet at suche tyme as he is aboute to here confession / he oughte to take vnto hym selfe, the persone of a preest / and not to haue any thyng afore his iyes / but god a∣lone: whose steade he doth after a certeyne maner, there represent or beare. For yf they, whose lyfe is fylthy and vnclene / yet whan they come to receyue ye sacramēt of the blessed body and bloude of Christe / do preapre them selues, that they may not come vnwor∣thy to it: euyn lykewyse oughte he, yt is about to here confession / to prepare his mynde vnto this, so earnest, and so holy a thynge / lest playinge the yuell phisicion / he do both encreace the spiritual disease & syckenes of his neygh∣bour / and also do prouoke the wrathe and indignation of god agaynst hym selfe / and eyther of them departe from other, worse than they were whan they came together. But nowe a dayes for the most parte / fylthy / & coue¦tous preestes / vnlerned / lyghte / blabbes / and some also madde brayned / & some tyme also dron∣ken / for a lytle vgracious lucre, do offre & preasse in them selues vnto this so great a busynes. And a great part of the defaulte & blame hereof, is in ye byshops: whose parte and office it was, diligētly to take hede & prouide / that vnworthy and vnable per∣sones were not so cōmenly recey∣ued to the ordre of preesthode. For it is better to haue a fewe preestes,Better few prestes and good: than many ey∣ther vnpro∣fitable, or els noisom. beinge mete and able / than a flocke of suche as are vn∣profitable / bycause I wyll not saye, noysome or hurtefull. But farre moste diligently of all, they ought to haue prouided, that no cure or charge of any flocke, were cōmitted to one, yt were not mete therfore. The same admonition is gyuen vnto the prouincialles & chiefe fathers of ye gray freers / and of the blacke fryers / whiche specially of all other, are wonte to take in hande this office and busynes: yea otherwhyles also do prease in them selues / whiche that they haue gotten place / it was longe of the excedynge and notable ouersyght rechelesnes of the {per}sones, and other pastours. For this office is not to be depu∣ted and assigned to euery mane man. Nowe a dayes we do se none more gredye and desyrous to here confessions / than yonge prestes / or suche as be vnlerned / or els be lewde of theyr conuer∣sation and lyuyng. For suche as are wyse and vertuous,Good pree∣stes, & suche as are wise are lothe to here confes∣syons / but whan they must nedes. as often as they be drawen vnto this bu∣synes: they do declare well y∣noughe, that they wolde not do it, except either charite dyd moue them / or els the auctorite of their superiour / or the necessite of the office & charge taken vpon them, dyd constrayne and dryue them therunto. Consydre & loke well about, what maner {per}sones those are / whiche make so excedynge moche a do / & do so greatly rage, yf any man speake any thyng of the auoydyng and eschewyng of the supersticiousnes of makynge confession: & thou shalte se, that they are hungrye felowes / coue∣tous / gyuen all to the bellye / yea some of them also fylthy / and ab¦hominable: whose ryotousnes / couetousnes / & voluptuousnes / yf confession dyd not maynteyn and vpholde: they coulde neuer cry out in suche wyse as they do. A wel ordred cōmon welth, doth not admitte or receiue euery ma∣ner leche or phisicion to cure the bodies of men: and to cure the soules of men / is it ynoughe to haue a hode / or a shauen crown? Temporall iudgementes of vile thīges, are not done, but of them that are sobre / and fastyng: and vnto this busynes do they come from feastes / dronken / and redy to slepe. It was therfore the {per}te and duetie of the byshops / or els also of the heed officers & rulers / to chose out suche persones / as are mete to take this office vpon them / bothe in age / in lyuyng / in lernynge / in trustynes / in wyse∣dome / in myldnes: and on the o∣ther syde, to kepe from it suche as are vnprofitable, and vnmete therfore / or yf they haue made a defalte, sharply to punishe them. And he, whiche purposeth and is aboute to be confessed, oughte also to prouide for hym selfe in this matier / that he do chose an able ghostly father / and that he do not lyghtely chaunge hym / whom he hath founde & proued to be good. In the syckenes or disease of the body / we do loke a∣boute to get an able & a connyng phisicion or leche: And do we in the sickenes of ye soule take what maner one soeuer he be? Name∣ly seing that it hath ben knowen certeyn tymes by experiēce / that curious laye men haue disguysed them selues lyke preestes / and so herde the confession of suche as they desyred? And suche as haue not yet any iudgemente in this matier / eyther by the reason of youth / or for lacke of knowlege: they oughte to be holpen by the wysedome of theyr parētes, and of theyr teachers / & to be shewed vnto whom it shall be most expe∣dient for them to make theyr con¦fession. But now a man may se many men / whiche purposely do chose vnto them selues ye worste ghostly father yt they can fynde: to thentente that they may with lytle a do, be rydde and deliuered of this hatefull busynes. Suche maner of confession is no confes∣sion: And not moche more frute or profite do they take of confes∣sion /whiche lyghtely, and as of custome do go vnto the preeste. He that purposeth, and is about warde to be confessed / let hym re∣membre and thinke that he goth aboute a great thynge / and most serious & ernestfull of all other: and let hym so studie to confesse hym selfe / as yf he wolde neuer make confession agayne.Cōfesse the ones: as yf thou wol∣dest neuer cō¦fesse againe For pe¦naūce is as it were another bap∣tisme. Nowe, no man dothe re∣ceyue baptisme, but wt this pur∣pose and promyse / that he wyll neuer do or cōmitte that thyng / wherfore he shuld agayn be bap∣tised. So lykewyse, though by¦cause of the weykenes & fraylte of mannes nature / those {per}sones be not reiected & refused / whiche often tymes fallyng agayne / do retourne vnto the medicine and remedy of penaunce: yet for all that, he that receyueth & taketh open penaunce,what minde & purpose yt penitente oughte to haue. oughte to be of this mynde and purpose / that he had leuer ten tymes suffre dethe, thā ons to cōmit the same offen∣ces agayne / for whiche he dothe nowe wayle and sorowe. In old tyme, in very many chur¦ches / those persones were not re¦ceyued to open penaunce / which after they had ons done penaūce were relapsed and fallen agayn. So desirous is the churche, that there shulde be no recidination & retournȳg agayn vnto synne / yf it myght be. And herin lykewise as in very many other thynges / the care of mē is all out of ordre.The prepo∣sterous and disordered care of mē / as concer∣nynge ma∣kyng of con¦fession. They do very carefully trouble and busye them selues, that they may faythfully and truely reken and nombre vp theyr offences & synnes vnto the preest / and that they do not leaue out any special kynde, nor ouerhyp any circum∣staunce: (and in dede these thyn∣ges they oughte not to leaue vn∣done) but whyles theyr myndes are all together occupied in these thȳges / that thyng is neglected and not regarded / whiche is the principall poynte of all the hole busynes. Fyrste of all therfore they ought to confesse theyr syn∣nes vnto god.Fyrste and principally confesse the to god. But it is a very harde thyng to cōfesse vnto god / whiche heareth not but ye voyce of the herte. whiche thynge yf it be ons done,It is no small nor easy thing to confesse the to god. than it is an easy thynge to make confession vnto the preeste. That former parte therfore of this busynes is to be handled with so great study and diligence, as it alone were suffi∣cient. The principall poynte of this parte is / that a man do in∣wardly, and from ye herte roote / conceyue a lothe and hatred of synnes / not of one or two, but of all thynges that do offende and displease god: and that not for feare of vengeaūce and punyshe∣ment to be done either by god or by man / but of free loue toward god.Nota. For that man, which doth so farre forthe hate his synnes / that he wold fall to them again / yf he myghte be vnpunyshed for them: that man, I say, shall not escape the fyer of helle. And he, whiche doth so abhorre and hate dronkēnes / that yet neuertheles he gyueth his mynde to vnlaw∣full loues:He that ha¦teth synnes for ye loue of god, hateth all synnes. doubtles he doth not hate synne, for the loue of god: for elles he wolde lykewyse also haue hated, what soeuer thynge doth offende and displease hym. Besydes this, yt purpose of chaū∣gynge and amendynge the lyfe, is neyther stable / neyther fute∣full: onles it do sprynge & come forthe of the loue of god. Nowe it lyethe not in a synners power to gyue vnto hym selfe this affec¦tion & mynde / it is the free gyfte of god: but yet it is to be desired of hym wt teares / with prayers / with almes dedes / & with other vertuous and godly workes. It is expedient other whyles to be∣seche and desyre the intercession of good and vertuous men vnto god for hym. And in case that it be not forthwith graunted, that is desyred: yet must he not ther∣fore ceasse & leaue from his good begynnynges and purposes. God often tymes dothe differre and put of his gyftes,God other∣whyles dif∣ferreth his gyftes to ye more aduā∣tage of the receyuer. to thētent that he may gyue them more ha∣bundantly: he is beninge and li∣berall / and he gyueth his graces & benefites freely: but he gyueth them not to ydle & recheles folke. Therfore that man, whiche of the consideration of his lyfe syn¦fully, and fylthyly afore ledde / & of the feare and drede of the fyer of helle / doth conceyue & gather in his mynde some detestation & hatered of his synnes: let hym not forthwith runne to ye preest / but let hym continue in wepyng and sorowynge / and by prayers Luc. 11.let him seke / let him aske / let him knocke / vntyll he shall perceyue and fele another kynde of feare ioyned with a sure stedfaste pur∣pose of chaungyng his lyfe / and with loue wel hopyng / whan he shall feele this spirite / whiche Paule calleth the spirite of the sonnes: let hym beware / that he do not ascribe any parte hereof vnto him selfe / but let him know¦lege it to be the free gyfte of god: and castȳg hym selfe at his feete, let hym gyue thākes to his boun¦tie and goodnes / prayinge and besechynge hym, that he wyll ac∣cordynge to his goodnes, graūt that thynge, whiche he hath fre∣ly gyuen to cōtinue and always to encreace & waxe more & more. And let hym not so truste to his own purpose, yt he do thīke hym selfe able of his owne strengthe to absteyne and refrayne from synnes / but with great drede let hym desyre & call for the heuenly helpe / that the same wyll vouch∣safe to establyshe and helpe for∣warde the purpose / which gaue it. But this purpose dothe not onely contayne the eschewynge of synnes: but also of all thyn∣ges, by whiche he was wonte to be tempted & prouoked to synne. whan a man is ons comen vnto this poynte / than is he restored agayn to the churche / than is he made of the deuylles slaue, the son of god / than is he free from synne / and (as it is to be hoped) free from payne also / yf his so∣rowe for his synnes / & his loue to wardes god shal haue ben ve∣ry great. Howe lytle a thynge than is this, that remayneth be∣hynde / yf thou do compare it to that is gone before? He that is verely ashamed of him selfe afore god / he shalbe the lesse ashamed afore man: but one shamfasnes shall dryue out another shame∣fastnes / & one sorowe shal dryue out another sorowe / likewyse as one nayle dryeth out another.Prouerbe. Neyther shall be greued faythe∣fully and truely to discouer vnto the preest these thynges / whiche he shall not tell but ons / namely yf he do remembre & thynke that he dothe speake vnto god by the preeste.Merueso{us} good and wyse coun∣sayle. And it shall be a wyse poynte / that euery man do euery day examine his owne cōscience / and confesse hym hertely and vn∣faynedly to god, renewynge his purpose: or yf he may not haue laysure to do this for busynes / at the leaste wyse, let hym do it ons in a weke / with a purpose to go to the preest / assone as tyme and occasion shall offre it selfe / onles the weykenes of his cōscience be so great, that he can not be quiet, onles he shryue hym selfe forthe∣with vnto a preeste. I wyll not here serche & discusse, how moche men ought to regarde and set by those snares / wherwith certeyne men haue entangled this confes∣sion: I meane of the power of the preest / to whom cōfession is made / of the cases reserued of the cēsures. But yet I wold wysshe for the trāquilite and rest of con∣sciences / that byshops / & popes / to whom soeuer they dyd gyue auctorite to here confession / that vnto the same they wolde gyue auctoritie to assoyle from all syn∣nes / of what soeuer kynde / or what soeuer greatnes they shall be of / and also power to release all maner censures / onely in the courte of conscience. Finally, to dispense in al suche cases / in whi¦he the perplexite ryseth of the cōstitutions of men / as for exāple / in matrimonie, whiche is made betwene kynnesfolke in those de∣grees / whiche are not excluded by the deuine scripture from li∣bertie and power to cōtracte ma¦trimonie the one with the other / or betwene those that are ioyned together by spirituall cognation or kyndred. Also to dispēce with vowes / namely yf ye offence that is cōmitted, be cōmitted thrughe errour or mystakynge / and not thrughe malyce. And in other thinges also, auctorite to release the cōmen lawe, for greatte and weyghty causes. For who shall better perceyue / whether it be ex∣pediēt, that this thyng be done / than he, to whom all the whole lyfe of the mā hath ben disclosed and made open? But this thyng myghte be done by a more redye and shorter waye / yf the popes wolde now for necessary causes, abrogate & adnulle certeyne con∣stitutions / whiche in olde tyme they brought in for good and de∣uoute causes: and also yf they wolde declare, with whiche con∣stitutions they wyll men to be boūde vnto synne / and wt which not, (yf it be so, that a man may bynd vnto any synne.) For who¦soeuer haue power and auctorite vtterly to abrogate and adnulle the constitution: the same also haue power to cause, that it shall not bynde to synne / onles there be ioyned also therunto a stub∣burne and disobedient malyce. But as longe as thinges stande in this state, that they be in / I wolde counsell and aduise euery man to chose a preest / whiche be∣syde lernynge and vertue, hath also laufull auctoritie / that no scrupule or grudge do remayne in his mynde / wherfore he shuld nede afterward to make his con¦fession agayne. But that auxite and precise diligence in rehersing and declaryng all maner circum¦staūces,Ouermoch precise and scrupulous rehersall of synnes, is not to be a∣lowed. I do not greatly alowe: for asmoche as that, whiche is rehersed concernyng this matier in the mayster of the sentence / is welnere euery whyt taken out of the worke / whiche is entitled, De vera et falsa penitētia:The worke De uera et falsa peni∣tentia, is falsely ascri¦bed to saint Augustine. whi∣che worke, it is euidētly knowen to be falsely and wrongfully fa∣thered vpon saynt Augustine. Lykewise I do not alowe the o∣uermoche feare of them, whiche, as thoughe vnder euery stone a venemous scorpion dyd slepe / as it is sayd in the {pro}uerbe:Prouerbe. do make euery offēce a deed syn. Of whi¦che sorte I also knewe a certeyn persone many yeres ago / whiche fastyng ye day before / had about supper tyme eatē some lytle thīg that had suger in it. And whan he stode at the aulter, prepayred and made redy to synge masse be¦fore the people / & the chiefe lorde of that place, whiche than was present / and by washynge of his mouth, had perceyued some tast of a crumme of suger / which (as I gesse) had stycked fast in a hol∣lowe tothe: he came in all y• hast vnto me, being very carefull and hafe deade for feare / and asked me counsell / whether he oughte to do masse: I laughed at ye wey¦kenes of the man / & bad hym be not afrayde / but go to do masse boldely. And suche maner scru∣pules and doubtes, do cōmenly ryse and sprynge of constitutiōs made by men. For it is constitu∣ted & ordeyned by men, (and yet not but well,) yt the preest shalbe fastynge, whan he dothe masse. By the reason herof certeyn men are wonderously troubled and a∣mased in theyr myndes / yf why∣les they wasshe theyr mouthes / it fortune a litle droppe of water to go downe in to their throtes / and eyther they do absteyn from doinge of masse / or elles they do masse, with a fearefull and vn∣restfull cōscience. But this was not the mynde & entent of them / whiche made that constitution / that yf any man {per}happes mini∣stryng vnto a sycke man / had ta∣sted his mete afore hym / & why∣les he doth spytte it out agayne / somwhat happened to go down in to his stomake: that he shulde therfore absteyne from doinge masse / as thoughe he had broken his faste. Here some men wyll say it is a poynt of godly mīdes / euyn ther also to feare syn / wher no syn is. I here it, and I holde wel with it / but yet a man al his lyfe tyme to do none other but feare: it may seme no lesse mon∣struous, than yf a man shulde al¦ways continue stylle a chylde or an infante. I had leuer yt a man were supersticiously deuoute and holy / than boldely & licenciously wycked & synfull. But we se it happen most cōmenly, that those persones / which in suche maner thynges as this is, are moste su∣perstitious & feareful: in weigh∣tier thȳges are merueylously ne∣gligent & recheles. Howe many men haue I my selfe knowen / whiche durst not haue ben bolde to do masse / yf they had thrughe vnwares, tasted any lytle quan∣tite of gynger, to put awaye the wambelynge of the stomacke? and yet the same persones were neuer a whyt affrayde to go to ye aulter for to do masse / hauȳge in theyr brest great hatred toward theyr neighbour / and purpose to be reuēged vpon hym? But true charite, whiche dilateth and en∣largeth the mynde / & sure & sted∣fast hope & trust cōceyued towar¦des Christ: dothe asely and sone put awaye all suche maner scru∣pules & grudges. In lyke ma∣ner certen men do vexe & trouble them selues aboute ye maner and study or labour of ye pparation, whiche those men do say, ought to be most diligent & {per}fecte / that desyre & wyll to glory, not in the fleshe onely / but also in the cōsci∣ences of mē. Therfore moderate & mesurable pparation of men / accordīg to their power, I wyll with a good wyll alowe, & holde well withall, so that they haue perfecte hatred of theyr synnes / and a sure and stedfaste purpose to chaūge theyr lyfe in to better. But yet for all this, ye man shall be lesse troubled aboute the pre∣paration / whiche shall haue ac∣customed hym selfe (accordynge to my counsell) euery daye, or at the least, ons euery weke, by ser∣chynge his owne lyfe, to cōfesse hym selfe vnto god.Confession ought to be as compen∣dious and shorte as is possible. And this thynge he oughte to studie and mynde / yt maketh his cōfession: that he do make it as compendi∣ous and short, as he can possible / that he do not lade the eares of the preest with thīges superflu∣ous, and more than nedeth. This thynge shalbe broughte to passe / yf he do reherse only suche thynges, whiche not wtout good cause, do charge and gyue the cō∣science: of whiche sorte are suche synnes / as be either wtout doubt deadely / or elles are vehemently suspected, to be deadely synnes. And yet are not veniall synnes to be made lyghte of / specially in thexamynyng and amendyng of our lyfe.Ueniall syn¦nes are not to be made lyghte of. For they, yf they be ne∣glected and not taken hede of / do bryng men vnto greatter and more wayghty offences: & they (yf we do gyue credence to saynt Augustine) beinge receyued and tet in by lytle & lytle, of one syde and other / do incōclusion drēche the shyppe of the conscience / no lesse than dothe an horrible great wawe / whiche sodēly ouerwhel∣meth the shyppe. There are cer∣teyne persones / whiche of con∣fession do make a cōmunication or talkyng / bablynge in ye meane season of euery maner thynges: and this defaulte haue peuyshe women specially, whiche haue a delyte and pleasure, at the leaste this waye, to cōmune and talke with men / and to poure it out in to theyr bosomes / yf they be any thyng myscontented and angry towardes theyr husbandes / or theyr neyghbours. I haue know∣en certen persones / that do con¦fesse them by a confessionall / and that a very lōge one / which they had lerned without boke {per}fectly by hert. Out of it they do reherse and reken vp, not what offences they haue done: but all the offen¦ces that possible might haue ben done. Than whiche thyng, there is none more peuyshe, after myn opinion and iugement: neyther doth it become the preeste / either to demaunde any thynge / or to mengle & brynge in any thynge there / but onely that, whiche be∣longethe to penaunce: neyther dothe it become the partie that maketh confession, to speake any thynge elles, but of that onely. Nowe what tales are tolde se∣cretely / and what cōmunication is hadde vnder the name of con∣fession amonge many persones: it is more cōmēly knowen, than is expedient. Certeyne do exce∣dyngly cōmende & praise it,Often ma∣kynge of ge¦nerall con∣fession. often tymes amōge to make cōfession / and that generall: and they do counsell men to iterate cōfession / be it for neuer so slayght a cause: from whom I do greatly dissent and disagre. I do reken & iudge it a great thyng / yf a man do ons faythfully and truely open and disclose his crymes and offences vnto the preest / and doth wasshe them awaye with the showre of teares: thoughe he do not waxe olde in perpetuall and continual sorow & mournyng / but takyng courage & good truste / do merely and cherefully buckle & prepare hym selfe vnto thexercise of a bet¦ter lyfe. And yf it chaūce hym to fall agayne vnto synne / let hym onely reherse those thinges vnto the preeste / whiche he hath com∣mitted and done / sythe the tyme that he was laste confessed. For els confession is made a thyng of custome, rather than of remedy: and the thyng begynneth also to lyke and please some men / which of it selfe is vnplesaūt, I meane, to trouble and styrre ofte in the dyrte and myre of synnes: and in ye meane season shamefastnes, whiche (as I haue sayde) is the moste surest keper of innocencye is forgetten / and by lytle & lytle layde a parte.Some men if they haue affection to a thīg / they haue neuer inough of it Suche is the na∣ture and condition of some men / that in that thynge / whiche they haue begonne to lyke and caste a mynd vnto / they are neuer satis∣fied, nor haue ynoughe. Lyke wyse as in olde tyme it semed a deuoute thynge and well done / that euery day some cōmemora∣tion were made of the blessed vir¦gine and mother / whiche can ne∣uer be praysed ynoughe. There was sayde in the honour of her,Anthem of our lady. an antheme euery euenynge / but a very short one. The same now a days in some places is longer / and done bothe wt more pompe / and also with more company, & resorte of people / than is ye euen∣songe / whiche is taught and gy∣uen vnto vs of the olde auncient fathers. Neyther coulde all this yet satisfie, or content them: but they haue put to besyd this, the knollynge of a belle in the mor∣nynge / and yt for reason & skyll / bicause they say,Knollynge to Aues. it is vncerteyne and doubtfull / whether Gabriel dyd grete our blessed lady earlye in the breake of the day / or els in the euētyte. This was thought a substāciall & a weyghtie cause. Afterward was added also ma∣tens / prime / and houres / propre to the blessed virgin:Lady ma∣tens / prime and hours. as though it were but lytle prayse to her / that her sonne is dayly praysed. And these are saide in many places, before the seruice of the day: lest the sonne myghte elles seme not to gyue place & preeminence to his mother. And yet is not al this neither ynough.Antheme & collet of our lady in the latter grace The grace, that is sayde after dyner or sou∣per / dothe not contente and lyke them: onles many speciall pray∣ers therin be gyuen to the blessed virgine. who wolde not saye, that these thīges were sufficiēt? Yet haue they added lady masse in the mornynge / whiche is son∣gen in prycked songe / namely in Englande / & not without play∣inge vpon the organes:Ladies masse in pricked songe. bicause I wyll not speake in the meane season of chapelles in the chur∣ches / that are proprely and speci¦ally dedicated vnto her / nor of the pompe of ymages,Chapelles and ymag{is} of our lady. made in the honour of her. Some men wyl here say paraduenture vnto me / for what entente & purpose speakest yu these thȳges? Uerely to shewe, that many thynges / whiche sprange of good begyn∣ninges: are thrugh the affectiōs of men, caryed forthe & growen paste measure. The same thyng semeth to haue happened, and to haue come to passe in confession. ¶Fyrste,Confession ons in the lyfe. it semed a thynge com∣mendable & well done / to make confession ons in the lyfe. After that, it was commaunded to be made euery yere ons.Confession ons in the lyfe. All this se∣med mesurable ynough. Than began it to be exacted and requi∣red of men twyes in the lente / be¦sydes the cōmaundement of the churche.Confession twyes in the lente. And ther are some men also / whiche do dispute / that a man ought to make confession a∣gayne, as often tymes as he fal∣leth agayne in to synne. Some agayne are there / whiche do re∣quire, that a man shulde reken a∣gayne a freshe, al the synnes that they haue done al their lyfe tyme before / yf it haue fortuned hym, thrugh forgetfulnes / to ouerhyp and leaue out any synne vntold / oneles he do come agayne to the same preeste, vnto whom he had made his cōfession before. There are inuented and deuysed dyuers and sundry causes of repetynge confession / neyther is there any ende of makynge confession. The preest, whan he is aboute to do masse: he maketh his confes∣sion ones or twyes to a preeste. Agayne, when he cōmeth down from the alter: he maketh cōfes∣sion, the, {pro}heme and fyrst begyn∣nyng of the masse. This semeth to be done bicause of the people. Agayne, after that the gospell is redde,The mane in Italie. the maner is in Italie / & paraduenture in some other na∣tiōs also / that the paryshe preest doth tourne hym selfe to the peo∣ple / and in steade of declaryng of the gospell / {pro}noūseth the cōmen fourme of confession, and of ab∣solution. And accordyng to the olde maner and custome / whan men are aboute to entre in to the churche / they are sprincled with holy water. The same thyng is done agayn to them, whan they do departe from the churche. And this is also a certeyne ma∣ner of confession. Besydes this, the sacramente of the bodye and bloude of Christe, is not gyuen to lay people / except they be shry¦uen before. Agayne, whan they klene nowe downe before the al∣ter / confession is required & cal∣led for of them: at whiche tyme it were better,Nota. that the preest dyd say some thynge vnto them, that myght kendle ye mȳdes of them, that are houseled / in to the loue of hym / whose body and bloude they do receyue. Finally, whan a man is in ieopardie and lyke to dye: howe often tymes is con∣fession offered to hym? And whā the very ghoste and breathe is e∣uyn nowe passynge forthe at his lyppes: there is present eyther a preeste, or a fryer / whiche dothe aske, whether he hath forgotten any thyng: and whā he is nowe deade / than is the absolution pro¦nounsed to hym. Let no man thynke, that these thynges are spoken to the despite and hatred of confession:Nota. but at that tyme a¦nother songe were more mete to be songen / of the loue of Iesu Christe towardes mankynde / of hope and trust towardes his goodnes / of the promyses of the gospell / of ye miseries and wretchednesses of this lyfe / & of the ioyes of the he∣uenly lyfe. The forme and maner of cōfession.BUt thou {per}auenture, good reder, dost loke, that I shulde teache the some forme or ma¦ner of makyng cōfes∣sion / whiche yu myghtest folowe / to reherse all thy synnes, so as yu oughtest to do, vnto the preeste. For this vse very many mē haue made lytle bookes / and certeyne haue also put forthe bokes in the vulgare & cōmen langage / reke∣nynge vp what soeuer syn either is cōmitted / or may possibly be cōmitted amonge men. As I do not denye it to be well done, that suche bokes be redde of men that are stronge, by reason of age / & experience of the worlde: so in my iudgement it is ieopardously done, yt they are sparpled abrode amonge the cōmune people. And moche lyke defaulte do the preestes cōmitte / whiche do of al maner men demaūde questions, concernyng all maner vices: ha∣uynge no regarde or respecte vn∣to the sexe / vnto the age / or vnto the disposition of the persone / whom they haue in handlynge. And saynt Thomas hath wry∣ten moste copiously and largely of the genealogies of vertues, & of vices. But we do now wryte these thynges principally & most specially for lay men. And ther∣fore a more symple, and a more playne waye and maner is to be soughte. The knowlege of the crede or belefe, and of the cōmaū¦dementes of god, is necessary to lyuynge well: althoughe there were no necessite at all of makȳg confession to any man. These thynges the {per}sones and curates oughte ons a yere, breuely and plainly do teache vnto y• people: and also by lytle bokes made out in to the vulgare tonge, to prynt them fast in the myndes of them. Howe be it often tymes to here sermones & preachynges,Hearynge of sermons. dothe greatly prepare a man to make a good cōfession / eyther to god / or to man. To the same also doth helpe greatly the redyng of holy bookes.Redyng of holy bokes Nowe the heed of all the cōmaundementes is faythe / which worketh by loue. Of loue there is two sortes: the loue of god / and the loue of thy neygh∣bour. Thse thynges knowen / euery man shall easely and sone perceyue / where he hath declined and swarued from those thīges / whiche belonge vnto fayth, and charite. And faythe oughte not to be lyghte,Faythe. or fletynge onely in the lyppes: but inwardly & depe¦ly rooted faste in the herte / that there may with the mouthe con∣fession & knowlegynge be made,Roma .10. to helth & saluation. This fayth consisteth & standeth principally in this / that we do beleue, what so euer thyng the diuine scriptu∣res / receyued by the consent o al christē people / do eyther tell and reherse to haue ben done in times passed / or elles do promyse for to be done in tyme herafter to come / or elles do cōmaunde to be done: and that all the whole hope and truste of this present lyfe / and of the lyfe to come / be set in god. But how many thousandes are there of them / that haue profes∣sed the name of Christe / whiche do eyther mystrust / or els doubt of the rysyng agayne of the bo∣dies: and some aso of the im∣mortalite of soules? And we do se the moste parte of men / namely of those yt are pree∣minent and excellent in honours and dignities / to lyue after suche maner & facyon / that either they do seme not to beleue ye holy scrip¦ture / or elles not to thynke of it. whiche persones, yf they dyd of∣ten tymes amonge ernestly exa∣myne them selues: they shulde fynde & {per}ceyue them selues to be far away from the office & duetie of a christen made. But this is the foūtayne of all synnes. And to haue ben negligent & recheles in this behalfe: is euyn it selfe a great & weyghty offēce or crime. Of whiche thynge, the cōmen sorte of christen men toutchethe nothynge at all / supposyng it to be sufficiēt, yf they do reherse and reken vp theyr dronkēnes / theyr adulteries / theyr theftes / or rob∣beries. we oughte to pray mo∣che more busily and continually,we oughte moch more effectually to desire the encrease of our faythe / than any temporall cōmodities that god wyll encrease faythe in vs: than that he wyll gyue vs helthe of bodye / or that he wyll graunte vs plentie of corne and vitayles. And y• sparke of fayth is oftē tymes amōge to be quike∣ned with other exercises & passe∣tymes / as with the study of holy scripture / with ye cōmunication of good & vertuous men / with holy & deuoute meditations and thoughtes. Certeyne men do confesse, that they do not beleue the crede & symbole of the fayth. Suche cōfession is no sacramen∣tall confession / onles it be made for this purpose, that either they may be taught of the preest, and be conuerted to the fayth: or els that they maye by some maner meanes make satisfaction to the churche. To haue doubted of ye faythe / or to beleue but coldely and fayntly / is a matter of con∣fession: not to be without beleue. These two therfore are the two principall squiers or rules / by whiche we muste trie & examyne all the maner and facyon of our lyuynge:Faythe and charite are the two ru∣les / by whi∣che all our actes are to be tried and examined. I meane, faythe / and charite. And the same two are al¦so the fountaynes / out of which issueth or sprīgeth euery worke, that is pleasaunt and acceptable to god: whiche two foūtaynes / yf either they be corrupted / or els be vtterly wantyng: euyn those thynges / whiche seme to be ver∣tuous, ar vices:what soe∣uer spryn∣geth of pure faythe and true charite can be no synne neither can that thyng be syn / what so euer spryn¦geth and cōmeth forthe of pure faythe, & true charite: although it haue the semblaunce and appa¦raūce of synne. Contrary wyse, these persones, are vtterly voyde of faythe, and charite: all theyr lyfe is none other thynge / than one continuall synne (yf I maye so say.) But the cōmen sorte, and moste parte of men, beinge occu∣pied & busyed aboute ye bowes, and the leues / taketh no hede of the rootes: where as bothe the fyrste / and also the most diligent searche and examination, ought to be made aboute the rootes. There are some mē / which haue set vp a marke vnto them selues, eyther ryches / or worldly glory / or dignite amonge men: & euery man for thētent to hyt his owne marke / do many thynges in ap∣paraunce vertuous and godly: they do gyue ames: they buylde monasteries: they do fyghte for theyr countrey. But whether wt suche maner good dedes, they do displease god, let other men lke: without doubte, they wynne no fauour or thanke of god. Nota.Contrary wyse, those persones, whiche beinge illuminated and lyghtned by faythe / & brennyng in charite / do directe all the ope∣ratiōs & workes of theyr lyfe to these markes / I meane, faythe / and charite: euyn also, whā they do refreshe and conforte theyr bo¦dies with meate & drynke / whan they do refreshe theyr myndes wt sporte and playe / finally, whan they do slepe: they do wynne or get the fauour of Christe vnto them selues. And there be also founde certeine men / whiche are naturally of suche disposition / that they do helpe no man herte∣ly / but they do measure all thyn∣ges by theyr owne profites and aduauntages: and yet they do seme free and voyde from great and haynous offences / that is to say / they are no dronkardes / nor whoremongers. They do pray, and are very diligente & deuoute in gods seruice. what nede ma∣ny wordes? bothe they thynke them selues holy / & so also they are reputed of other men. There is none other disease of ye mynde more incurable, than is this: and therfore by so moche the more a wyse & discrete gostly father oughte to gyue a diligent mynde to the healynge of suche maner persones: and they do all in vayne flatter them selues / and stande in theyr owne conceypte / as thoughe they loued god for hym selfe / whan eyther they do not loue theyr neyghbour at all / or yf they do loue hym / they do not loue hym for gods sake / but for theyr owne profites sake. Of these two fountaynes,Princes & prelates. specially princes and prelates are to be en∣fourmed and taught / whiche do nothīg well, onles they do beare theyr office, and vse theyr aucto∣rite to ye honour of god, and the profyte of the cōmen weale. Faythe therfore driueth awaye, and putteth by all those lewde ex¦cusations, whiche the malicious crafte & subtilte of men is wonte to inuente and deuyse. Yf I do gyue any thyng to poore folkes / I shall wante and lacke my selfe. Yf I shall exercise and vse byeng and sellyng, and myne occupatiō or craft, without fraude or gyle / in the stede of gaynes / I shal su∣steyne and beare damage & losse. Suche maner men do playnely mystruste these promyses of al∣myghty god.Couetous mē mistrust gods pro∣myses. Caste thy care and thought vpon the lorde / and he shall nouryshe the.Psal. 54. I haue not sene a ryght wyse man forsaken.Psal. 36. And fyrst of all seche you ye kyng¦dome of god:Math. 6. & all these thinges shall be added & gyuen vnto you. Do they suppose yt god is a lyar / that he wyll not performe those thynges / whiche he hath promy∣sed? Or elles do they wene, that he is impotent, and vnable / that he may not performe his, pmyse? Or els do they trowe / that he is recheles / that he doth not mynde the care of his seruauntes? This same faythe shall conforte vertuous men / yf the kyndnes of men do not recompence theyr benefites / nor shewe kyndenes agayne / accordyng to theyr de∣seruynges. God is faythfull / & true of his promesse: to whom they haue lente theyr benefites / he shall rendre and restore them theyr owne stocke, whiche they haue layde forthe, with inestima¦ble encreace and aduātage. But it is cōmenly sene / that those per¦sones / whiche allege suche excu∣ses / do lese and caste away very many thīges, in reuell and ryot / in fleshely luste / and in dysynge & cardynge: to whom euyn that lucre & gaynes also is loste, whi∣che they myghte haue gotten / yf they dyd not loue ydlenes / better than they do lucre & aduantage. Suche maner of men doubtles are shameles: yf they do say, on∣les I dyd vse fraude and guyle / I coulde not lyue.Charite. Nowe cha∣rite or loue stretcheth it selfe (as it was sayde before) vnto two thynges / that is to wit / to god / & to thy neyghbour. Here offre them selues vnto vs, thre {per}sons / the father / the sonne / and ye holy ghoste / beinge all thre one god / whiche is to be loued aboue all thynges / bothe visible and inui∣sible. But he loueth not god / who soeuer mystrusteth his pro∣myses / who soeuer setteth nou∣ghte by his cōmaundementes / who soeuer maketh any thynge egall vnto hym / or pferreth any thing before hym / that is to say / who soeuer loueth his life better than hym / and who soeuer doth feare lesse to offende & displease hym / than he dothe to dye euyn a thousande tymes. The {per}sone of oure neyghboure stretchethe farre and broode. Here it is to be consydered / whether we haue done our duetie, yt we are boūde to do / to our wyues / to our pa∣rentes / to our chyldren / to our teachers / to our scholemaisters / to our pastors or curates / to the prince / to ye heede officers / to our kynsfolkes / to our frendes / and to those that haue done vs good / breuely, to all christen men. Moreouer / eche man is neygh∣boure to his owne selfe / and no man is more greuously, & more sore hurted / than of hym selfe. Thou haste hurte and appayred thy neyghbours good name: Confesse y• of it. But thou haste blabbed out thyne owne rebuke and shame / eyther thrugh dron∣kennes / or els thrughe lyghtnes of tonge: wepe, & be sory for it. Thou haste two maner wayes hurte thy neyghbour / that is to wit / thou haste hurte thy selfe / and thou hast also hurte hym / to whom yu haste blabbed it forthe. He that wyll diligently bethinke hym selfe of all these thynges: he shall soone call it to remem∣braunce / yf he haue doone any thynge worthy repentaunce. And this thynge shall helpe his remembraunce well / yf he reken with hym selfe,A maner & way to hel∣pe remem∣braunce. in what places he hath ben conuersaunte & aby∣dyng in ye meane season / in what businesses or maters he hath ben occupied / and amonge whom he hath lyued and companed. For so by that meane, one thing shall euer brynge another to mynde. There are some men / whiche e∣uyn of theyr owne selues do fet∣che places (as they call them) of makynge confession. For euery synne, either it is cōmitted by the mynde / or elles by some of the fyue senses, or wittes. Unto the mynd do ap{per}tein / fayth / & loue / toward god, & our neyghbour: and the vices contrarye to these / namely those spiritual vices / en∣uie hatered / wrathe / and desyre of vengeaunce / pryde / hypocry∣sye / yuel wyll / and malyce. And albeit yt euery synne yssueth and cōmeth forthe from the foūteyne and spring of the herte: yet that notwithstandyng those synnes / whiche apperteyne to glotenye / and riotousnes / to lechery / to vi∣olence / and to doinge iniury, are referred to the senses, and to the membres of the body. The iyes do cōmitte many offences & syn∣nes / and many also do the eares cōmit / many the bellye / and the throte / many the handes / but of all other mēbres / the tonge doth cōmitte moste. For what soeuer synnes are done of all the mem∣bres, in diuers & sundry maners and facyons / and all those offen∣ces dothe the tonge alone cōmit. The tonge casteth forth blasphe¦miesThe offen∣ces cōmit∣ted with the tonge. against god / ye tonge backe byteth and speaketh yuell of the neyghbour / the tonge departeth and breaketh in sundre amiable peace, and cōcorde / and styrreth vp cruell and deadely bataylles or warres. The tonge ioyneth and bryngeth together foule and synfull louers / and plucketh in sundre holy and vertuous loues and frendeshyppes. The tonge with flaterynge / with backeby∣tynge / and sclaunderynge / with fylthy and rybauldous cōmuni∣cation / dothe infecte and poyson pure & clene myndes. The tonge without eyther swerde, or poy∣son / kylleth and sleeth bothe bro∣ther and frēde. what nedeth me to make many wordes? This tonge teacheth heresies / and of of christen men maketh antichri∣stes and aduersaries to Christe. These thȳges I suppose are suf¦ficient for lay men to thexamina¦tion of theyr consciēce: so yt they do knowe the cōmen crede / & the sūme or effecte of the doctrine of the gospel. Now, yt I may adde somwhat (rather for cause to put men in remēbraūce, thā to teache them) vnto those thynges / whi∣haue ben very copiously & large∣ly taughte of diuines / cōcerning the circūstaunces of synnes / con¦cernynge omission, & restitution. They do syn, who soeuer, to thē∣tent yt they wolde knowe the {per}re∣ners & felowes of him yt maketh his cōfessiō / do enq̄re & demaūde of those circūstaūces,No man ought to dis¦crie another mannes of∣fences in cō¦fession, if he may other¦wyse do. wherby the {per}sons also may be knowē. And no man ought to vtter & disclose the synnes of other men to the preest: yf it may by any meanes be eschewed & auoided. For other whiles it can not be auoided / but thou must nedes vtter & bewray the {per}sone / as for exāple: Yf any woman haue lyen with her own father: Or yf any man haue pro¦uoked his prince to vniuste and wrongfull batayle. Here in this case, they do coūsell to seke suche a preest / whiche doth knowe ney¦ther of both {per}sones / or at y• least wyse, not the {per}tie / whiche thou woldest not to be discouered. Agayne, in those synnes / whiche are cōmitted thrugh fleshely lust, & lechery / certeyn men of a leche∣rous curiosite & desyre of know∣lege / do enquere, & demaūde such thīges, as ar not mete, nor ought to be demaūded. For likewise as he, which hath had carnalli to do wt a woman / doth very well and ryghte / to adde & shewe further / whether he hath cōmitted adul∣tery with another mānes wyfe / or els incest wt a nunne / or whor¦dome with a cōmon harlotte / or fornication wt a syngle woman / or elles rape with a virgin: euyn so it is nothynge nedefull to re∣herce and shewe al the formes or maners and facyons of doinge the fleshely acte / whiche doth not chaunge the kynde of the synne. But here oftētymes they do leue out the circunstaunces / whiche are more apperteinyng to ye pur∣pose / than are these cōmen circū∣staūces. They make a distinctiō and se{per}ation betwene adultery, and sengle fornicatiō:Single for∣nication in some cases / by reason of the circū¦staunces, is more gre∣uous offēce than adul∣tery. but often¦tymes by reasō of their circūstaū¦ces / fornicatiō is moch more dea¦dely offence / than adultery. For that man dothe lyghter offence / whiche by chaunce, thrugh occa∣sion falleth in adultery / thā doth he, whiche lyinge a longe season aboute an honeste and a symple virgin, comen of honest parētes / and purposed and appoynted to an honest mariage / and by longe cōtinuaūce wt malicious craftes and meanes / prouokyng & temp¦tyng her to folye / at the last doth defile her: & whan he hath done, afterward makyng his vaunte & boste of his synfull dede / bryn∣geth her in infamy, and an yuell name / and also maketh her com∣mon to other men. whiche thȳg to certeyne courtiers, semeth also a propre and a mery passetyme. Also that man doth lesse offence / whiche fyndynge a thynge by chaunce in a halowed place / ta∣keth it awaye secretely, whan he is in nede & necessite: than dothe he / whiche without any necessite or pouerte cōstraynyng hym / en∣treth in, in the nyghte tyme with weapon in to another mannes house / and robbeth the coffers of a lay man: or elles, whiche doth robbe a poore man / whiche had moche a do wt his bodely labour, to fynde his wyfe, and a greatte many children. Neyther is only consideration and respecte to be had of the tyme / of the persone / & of the place: but also a regard is to be had vnto ye malyce of the mynde / vnto the greatnes of the temptation. Furthermore, vnto howe many the hurte of one syn doth come / & how many do take harme therby / as for example. Yf one doth kyll a man / of whose coūsayles ye whole cōmon weale dyd hange: he dothe with this one synne hurte many men. Or yf one doth counsell and moue a prince vnto tyranny and cruelte. NOwe as touchynge ye syn of omission / and also trās∣gression / a greatte parte of men dothe esteme and iudge them by the constitutions of men / as for example.Omission & trāsgression Yf a man dyd not here masse on the sonday: or els dyd eate fleshe on the frydaye. But those omissiōs are more greuous and weyghtie / whiche are con∣trary to the cōmaundementes of god: as yf a man, whan he hath gotten and founde occasion to helpe, & succurre his neyghbour / haue nothynge regarded it / but lefte it vndone. Also he dothe more greuously offende & synne / whiche enuieth his neyghbour: than dothe he / whiche dothe not refrayne from eatynge of fleshe on the frydaye. And the omission is the more greuous / yf it be so, that the leanynge of the good dede vndone, be ioyned with ye great hurte of his neigh∣bour. For that man kylleth his neighbour / who soeuer seeth him in ieo{per}die of his lyfe: & whan he myght saue his lyfe, wyll not do it. Agayn, the omissiō is ye more greuous offence / whan malyce or wyckednes succedeth in to the place of the good worke / whiche he ought of duetie to haue done. As for an example.why ye son∣day was in¦stituted. The sonday was īstituted & ordened for this entent / that a man shulde by lay∣sure, hauīg rest from other bode¦ly occupations / examine & serche his owne conscience / & reconsile hym selfe to god: and that by de∣uoute contēplatiōs / by prayers / by heryng sermons / by holy and godly cōmunicatiōs / or by holy redīges / he shulde styrre vp cha∣rite and loue towardes god, and towardes his neyghbour. Here they do twyes offende / and do cōmitte double synne / whiche do spende and passe forthe ye whole daye / with folyshe playes / with whordome / with dronkennes / with rybauldous cōmunication, and fylthye tales / or els wt bral∣lynge also and fyghtynge. And with this synne do they specially and principally offende / whiche are highe aboue in auctorite or dignite / as princes / byshops / {per}∣sons / curates / abbottes / cōmen officers / and householders. For these persones rehersed / as they do not synne / but to the hurte of many men: euyn so they can not ceasse, & be slacke in doinge theyr office / but to the hurte of many men. For it is not sufficient and ynoughe for the Pope / Pope. yf he do not hym selfe styrre and rayse vp warres and bataylles betwene prynces: but also it shall be re∣kened in steade of a great synne to hym / excepte he haue studied and laboured to the vttermoste of his power, to allaye & ceasse the warres alredy rysen vp or be¦gonne.Prynces. So lykewyse it shall be layde to a princes charge / not on¦ly yf he do spoyle or oppresse the cōmon welthe: but also, yf he do not exclude vniuste officers, that ministre not iustice egally and in differētly / or suche as otherwyse are oppressours of the cōmen li∣bertie / whā it lyeth in his power to do it. But than it shall be dou∣ble synne: yf beinge corrupted either wt money / or wt some other affection / he shall bothe wittyng and ware therof / cōmit an heed office to a leude & a noughty per∣sone. So lykewyse the byshop doth double offence & syn / Byshop.yf not onely hym selfe be not diligent & busye to make his flocke better / but also by his yuell doctrine / or els by his leude and noughty ly∣uyng, doth make his flocke more corrupte: or els being corrupted with some croked affection / he doth wittingly cōmit the charge and ouersyghte of his flocke to an vnable and vnworthy {per}sone. In asmoche as these thȳges are thus / he that is a prince, or a bys∣shop, ought not to be ydle or ne∣gligent & recheles: but at euerye occasion to be diligent and busy to profite & do good. Howe be it euery man also, priuately and se∣uerally, oughte to do theyr ende∣uoire to the same / that yf they be able / they maye, whan occasion is offered / do good to their neigh¦bour / the riche man wt his good / the lerned lerned man with his auctorite / the eloquēt man with his eloquence, & good & goodly vtteraunce / the olde man with his reuerence / the gracious and welbeloued man wt his fauour / the yonge mā with his industrie and witty diligēce. Yonge men do shryue them of the frayes and braule / or of the whordome that they haue cōmitted: but they do speake neuer a worde, how that they haue suffered so moche of theyr youthe to passe awaye vn∣profitablye, and without frute / whan they had occasion to lerne those thynges / whiche myghte stāde them in steade all their lyfe tyme. In these thynges therfore a man may fynde often tymes fo¦lyshe iudgementes, and quite out of ordre / bothe of theyr {per}te that maketh confession / and also of theyrs, whiche do here cōfession. Yf a prince do confesse, yt he hath kylled a man wt his owne hāde: in dede he doth cōfesse a greuous cryme. For it becōmeth the lyfe of a prince to be in euery poynte inculpable, & blameles. But the same paraduenture doth not cō∣fesse and shryue him selfe / that by the reason of the bataylle / which he hath begon thrugh ambitious¦nes, or wrathe / so many innocen¦tes are slayne / so many men vn∣deseruynge it, were spoyled of theyr good. Finally, yt so many abhominable synnes, not to be named, are cōmitted and done. He cōfesseth it, yf haply he haue, contrary to ryghte, vsurped any mānes goodes: but he doth not confesse, that wittyngly he doth selle the office of Escheter / to a man, openly knowen for a rauenour, & extorsioner / and vnright wyse / by whom he knowethe well, yt innumerable people shall be spoyled, & robbed. Here it is to be considered / what is euery mānes propre office and duetie: and therof is ye synne of omission to be estemed. The peculier and propre office beongynge to a byshoppe is,The offyce & duetie pro¦perly belon¦gynge to a byshop. to feede his flocke with holy doctrine. But parad∣uenture he dothe neyther feede them hym selfe / neyther dothe gyue diligence to prouide yt they may haue able & mete pastours: but eyther for lucre, or els for fa∣uour / cōmitteth ye cure & charge of the soules, to vnworthy per∣sones. He passeth not vpon it to make confession herof: but cōfes∣seth hym selfe parauēture of his harlot / or of leauynge his euen∣songe vnsayde. Lykewyse the propre office & duetie of a prince is,The propr offyce of a prynce. to prouide that no wronge be done to any man / to maynteyne and vpholde the cōmen libertie and trāquilite. But here he, spea¦kynge no worde of so many and so haynous iniuries & wrōges / whiche are done by his cōmaun∣dement / or at ye least wyse by his negligence and ouersyghte / con∣fesseth, that he hath some day not herde masse / or els, that he hath lefte his matens / or euensonge / or some of the houres vnsayde. But these were not the peculier and propre defaltes and synnes of princes. For this maner is cropen in nowe a dayes in to the courtes of certeyne princes / that they do euery daye saye ouer the whole seruice of the day / as the preestes do: & in the meane tyme are sure, yt no man shall trouble them, nor breake them of theyr prayers. For who dare be so bold to trouble a prince / or speke to hym / whan he is occupied in his prayers? I do not discōmēd nor disalowe deuotion and holy¦nes in a prince (yf it be so, that de¦uotion and holynes doth stande in these thynges:) but I do dis∣prayse it / yf they trustȳg to these thynges / do neglecte and leaue vndone those thynges / whiche specially & proprely were apper∣teynynge to theyr office. There are so many wydowes / and so many fatherles children / whiche are oppressed wrongefully / and agaynst all lawe & ryghte: there are so many poore men / whiche do suffre many piteous and cruel wrōges. God is not angry nor myscontented with a prince / yf for suche causes he shal suffre his prayers to be troubled & broken of / yea euyn the hearynge of his masses also: For always, and in all thynges, mānes constitution oughte to gyue place to a more perfecte worke or dede of charite.Mānes cō∣stitution oughte to gyue place to a more perfecte worke of charite. Therfore the principall & chefest studie & care of the preest oughte to be / yt he may knowe in what state of lyfe he is, that makethe the confession. And for asmoche as he that is cōfessed, doth speake to god by the preest (as certeyne men haue sayde, and not amysse) there oughte to be ryghte iudge∣mentes, as beinge before god / whiche iudgeth all thinges after the affections of the myndes. But nowe the most parte of men do greatly esteme & make moche of these thynges / whiche are be∣longynge to the fleshe, and to the ceremonies: and very lytle or no thynge do regarde these thīges / whiche are belongynge to y• spi∣rite. Agayne, those thīges whi∣che are instituted and ordeyned by men / they do greately set by: but those thynges / whiche are cōmaūded of god / they neglecte, and make lyghte of them. For who dothe not execrate and ab∣horre it / yf a preeste go with his crowne vnshauen? But no man abhorreth it / yf he do fynde a preeste dronken, and fyghtynge in the stewes who dothe not haue a monke or fryer in abhomi¦natiō / yf he do weare a lay man∣nes garmente? But howe it is accompted and taken but for a play and passetyme / yf a monke / or a fryer / abyding in his habite / be a whoremayster / be dronken / doth subuerte other mēnes hou∣ses / doth exercise and occupy neo¦cromancy / and suche other artes magycke. It is taken and ac∣compted for an horrible ofence and synne / yf a preeste shule go to masse / or saye his matens / be∣inge not fastynge: But it is ac∣compted for a sleyghte mater, and for a very tryfle / yf a preeste do go to the aulter to do masse / his brother not beinge reconsi∣led / whom he hath offended and hurte. Though a cause coulde be shewed, whye and wherfore men do punyshe more greuously those thynges / whiche are more sleyghte, and of lesse weyghte: yet doubtles in confession there ought to be strayghte and ryght iudgementes. RestitutionNOwe ye very course of our speche hath brought vs to the mention of restitution / con∣cernyng whiche, I do not {pro}fesse or promyse / that I wyll teache any newe thynge: for asmoche as this matier hath ben treated and tossed of diuines in many & huge volumes. Only I wyll ad¦monyshe and gyue warnyng / in what point very many vnlerned men do amysse / & are ouerseen. Concernyng making restitution of money, or of a garment / they are wondersly carefull and trou∣bled in theyr conscience. But he, whiche with pestilent and poy∣soned communication hath cor∣rupted and venomed ye myndes of symple persones / he whiche with his venomous tonge hath takē away from his neighbour, quietnes and reste of mynde / he whiche with backebytynge and sclaunderous wordes, hath ap∣payred & hurte his neyghbours fame & good name. They whi∣che with leude and vngratious counsayles / haue prouoked and styrred vp princes / or the people vnto warres: these persones (I say) do thynke but lyghtely and sleyghtly of makyng restitution and satisfaction for ye hurte and damage, that they haue done: & yet for all that, many men do set more by theyr good name, than by theyr lyfe: neyther is there a∣ny thȳg, wherin restitution hath more conuenient place, & ought more to be made than here. But in these thynges (they saye) it is scarcelye possible at any tyme to make restitution. Uery trouthe it is / & therfore by so moche the more they oughte to labour and o aboute to make restitutiō as farre forthe as they may: & they ought alwayes to be sorye, that they can not make restitutiō per∣fectly, and to ye full. Nowe there are certeyne vnthrifty and leude courtiers,Courtiers. whiche thynke, yt they haue made a fayre and a goodly amendes to the mayden whom they haue defyled, yea and often tymes also after that they haue defyled her thē selues, haue made her cōmen to other: they thynke (I say) that they haue gayly re∣compensed the losse of her virgi∣nite, and honesty / if they do at the last bestow her vpon some felow in maryage, and gyue some lytle somme of money wt her: yea and in a maner they do thynke, that them selues ar worthy rewarde, for that the yonge damosell hath goten an husbande, what maner one soeuer he be. In dede she is maryed / but to a simple, and god wote what maner a {per}sone: whi∣che beinge a clene mayde / and of good name / shulde haue ben ma∣ryed to an honest & a worshypful {per}sone. Neyther dothe maryage wipe away the blotte of her yuel name. O goodly & propre satis∣faction & amendes: and yet some men trusting & being bolde here∣vpō, do cōtinue & holde on to cor∣rupte & defyle mo, one after ano∣ther. Howe be it euyn in those thīges also / which do only make vs poorer. Certeyn thynges are done so cōmenly, & euerywhere / yt by ye reasō of custome / they do not seme to be any thefte at all. And of this defaute cōmēly ar dispray¦sed al artificers and craftes men welnere / which haue ye hādeling and ordrīg of other mens stuffe: but specially and chiefly myllers,Myllers. and tayllers:Tayllers. in so moche that it is a prouerbe also cōmenly sayd / that euery man is a thefe in his owne occupation and crafte. But amonge those yt are of this sorte, they do mooste greuouslye syn / whiche do corrupte meates and drynkes / and the vitaylles ordeyned for the sustētation and nouryshement of mannes body / as for example.Uinteners. They whiche do corrupte and marre wyne / either by powryng water in to it / or els by puttȳg in alume / lyme / brym∣stone / salte / and suche other vn∣holsome thynges: for these per∣sones do not only steale a mānes goodes / but also they do myny∣she and hurte the helth of the bo∣dy / and they are not farre away from poysonynge of men. For how many sicknesses & diseases / howe many dethes do we se by experience to ryse and sprynge a∣mōge men of wynes corrupted? And yet for all that, this is ac∣compted but a playe and a iape. Neither do they begyle any man more gladly / than suche as were in no wyse to haue ben disceyued. For brotherly charite dothe re∣quire this / that ye equite & good conscience of the seller shulde suc¦cour & helpe suche byers / whiche for lacke of skyl & knowlege, can not certeynly iudge of the ware. But nowe a dayes, howe many shall a man fynde / whiche dothe not at euery occasion go aboute to get lucre, with fraude & gyle? And so though we do all lyue wt tearinge eche other in peces: yet do we for all yt thynke our selues christen men. And these thȳges, bicause they be tourned in to a cōmen custome, we do not so mo∣che as ones confesse at all: or yf we do confesse them, we reken it suficient and ynoughe, to haue tolde to the preeste what we do. Besyd this, who are more boūde to restitutions / than great ryche men, and mē of power? And yet to those men restitutiō semeth to apperteyne nothynge at all. They ronne to compositions.Cōpositiōs I do not condēpne nor disalowe what soeuer maner of remedye: But I feare me lest god wyl not ratifie and allowe many of the compositions, that are made a∣mōge men. They say, that they shulde not haue wherof to fynde theyr wyues and theyr children / yf they dyd restore all suche thin∣ges, as they haue wrōgfully ta∣ken away from other men. But by rauynes and extorsions, they were made great estates / & haue aduaunced and promoted theyr kynnesfolkes and frendes / they lyue gorgiously in pompe and su¦perfluite. If they be in very dede repentaunte and sorye for theyr offences and mysdedes: let them forsake and gyue ouer harmefull and damagefull dysynge and car¦dynge / and suche other ryotous gamynge: and in steade of ryot / excesse / and waste / let them exer∣cise frugalite, and temperaunce / let them exercise husbandrye / or some other honeste worke. By this meane it shall be brought to passe / that they shall haue, wher∣of they may make restitution. Let them teache and brynge vp theyr chyldren to the same thyn∣ges. whan they haue done all these thynges diligently, to the very vttermoste of theyr power: than that that shalbe wantynge vnto theyr goodes / the composi∣tion {per}aduēture shall supply and make vp. Certeyn men do thus excuse them selues / sayinge, that the parties are deed, whom they haue deceyued and beguyled of theyr goodes: yea but yet ye hey∣res of them are lyuynge. Other some agayne do say, that they do not knowe the {per}ties whom they haue robbed / but in ye meane sea∣son they do labour and go about to know them / and they suppose and beleue them selues to be safe and quite out of ieopardie / yf wt a lytle money they do purchace and bye iustifieng of their good.Iustifienge of yuel go∣ten goodes. Those persones that do iustifie yuel goten goodes / why do they not by the same reason aswell iu∣stify adultery and māslaughter? For a lytle money euyn those per¦sones also do compoūde & make theyr ende / whiche haue robbed churches or monasteries. Can than these persones also be ignoraunt / to whom they shuld make restitution? But they are affrayde to brynge them selues in to an yuell name. They ought than to haue feared this thyng / whan they wente aboute to do that myscheuous dede. Howe be it euyn here in this thyng also is some remedy: Let them make restitution by some suborned per¦sone / whom they knowe ryghte well to be faythfull and trustie. To conclude, yf we do receyue and allowe suche maner excusa∣tions: I do thynke and iudge it to be ye surer way / yt suche money be gyuen to poore folkes / rather than to cōmissaries. Moreouer, there are certeyne kyndes of ra∣uynes and theftes / whiche fewe men do confesse / so farre of is it,Certeyne kynd{is} of ra∣uynes and thefes whi¦che are no∣thynge re∣garded. that they do not thynke of ma∣kynge restitution. Suche thyn∣ges as I do meane / are specially and chiefely cōmitted in pactes / couenauntes / and bargaynes. I was presente at dyner / where a certeyne persone, one of ye com∣pany, dyd bost & make his vaūte, that he had solde an horse for .vj. aungell nobles / whiche he con∣fessed not to be worthe .vj. pence. Do not vinteners & tauerners euery where,Uynteners & tauerners nowe a dayes / to those yt can not skylle of wynes / selle one wyne for another: as wyne of altissiodore, or spanyshe wyne / for gascoigne wyne / or wyne of Louaine, in steade of Renyshe wyne / and small wyne vnmeasurably allayed with wa∣ter / for a full and pure wyne of it selfe? who amōge all these that thus done / hath any purpose or mynde of makynge restitution: albeit that it is very rauyne, and robbery that they do? Is it not accompted & taken now a days, for a play & a good sporte / to sell a dogges skynne,Skynners or furriers. for a skyn of some fyne and costly furre: or to sell clothe dyed wtout purple and vngrayned, for scarlet in grayn? who is he, yt of an vnskylled byer or chapman / wyll not get foure tymes ye price & value of ye thyng that he selleth, yf he can? I know what men of lawe do say / yt the seller is not bounde alwayes to make warrātyse, & to make good the defaulte of the thyng / which he hath solde? But yet suche {per}∣sons are not assoiled & quite by ye lawe of ye gospell / whiche sayth:Thob. 4. Math. 7. do not y• thyng to another man / whiche thou woldeste not to be done to thy selfe.Men of lawe. what aduocate or man of lawe dyd euer cōfesse / that thrugh his either negligēce, or els crafte / the sueter hath loste his possession?Souldiers and men of warre. what shall I say nowe of souldiours / whiche do excuse all maner of synne & mys∣chiefe, by the lawe of batayle or armes? But it is the lawe of the deuyll / and not of bataylle.The law of warre is ye lawe of the deuyll. Lykewise carters and shypmen / whiche haue taken vpō them the cariage of wynes from one place to another / Carters & Maryners. do as it were by a certeyn libertie and lawe of their owne / drawe out and drynke as moche as they lyste / and that of the best: and in steade of excellēt good wyne, do poure in noughty water: whā otherwhyles that / whiche is delyuered them, is ca∣ryed to a sicke & diseased persone. whiche of them doth cōfesse this as thefte? whiche of them thyn∣keth of makynge restitution? Bycause this sorte of men are harde necked / stubburne / & stur∣die / ye preest ought in confession, not only to admonyshe and gyue them counsell: but also sharpe∣ly to rebuke them / and vtterly to plucke out of theyr herte / which they are wont to allege for them selues. They saye, that it is the lawe or libertie of carters, & ma∣ryners, in vitaylles / and yt they do so all. But this lawe is wry∣ten in the tables of ye deuyll / and not amonge the lawes of Christ. And taylours haue also foūde a colour,Taylours. to excuse them selues. The stuffe (say they) is put forth to vs, that we shuld therof make an honest garment. Nowe, that wyll a good workeman, better make of foure yardes: than an vnconnynger workeman of mo yardes. The ouerplus therfore, that is spared and lefte, is the re∣warde of his connyng & crafte: and ye owner, yt putteth forth the garment to the makyng, is satis∣fied / contented / & pleased. After this facyon, no man shal hange a thefe / neither, if he, yt is pehed & ēdited, myght be his own iudge / & gyue ye sentence his owne sefe. Let hym yt put forthe ye stuffe, be asked the questiō / whether he do thīke & iudge him selfe satisfied? I passe ouer goldesmythes / and certeyne sellers of precious sto∣nes / whiche do corrupte ye stuffe that is betake them / wt mengling of other worse stuffe / & whiche dymynyshe of that, whiche they haue receyued / & whiche do selle coūterfait stones / in steade of ve¦ry natural pretious stones. And it is maruaile, yt here in this thīg euyn ye ciuile also do slepe: which do cōdēpne a poore thefe to ye ga∣lowes / which hath pyked out .v. grotes of a mās purse, retchelesly kept, & lyinge at large. In these thȳges, wherof more hurte & da∣mage cōmeth to ye cōmen welth: it were conuenient otherwhyles, to gyue some exāple, by the soore punyshement of one / wherby o∣ther may be feared awaye from doinge of the lyke. As for suche thinges as do happen in the cor∣rupting & the valuing of coines / bicause they do ap{per}teyne to prin¦ces and rulers, I wyll saye no∣thing at this tyme. In our boke of a christen prince, we haue tou∣ched somwhat concernynge this matter. I come nowe to them / whiche do let forth theyr worke or labour,Laborers y• worke by y• daye, or by the weke. according to the quan¦tite and measure of the tyme. These persones do not thynke, that they do cōmit thefte / yf they do fynyshe the worke that they haue taken in hande foure dayes space / whiche they myghte haue made an ende of in one day: and in the meane while, they be fedde with another mānes meate / and take theyr whole wages for eue∣ry daye / accordynge to promyse and couenaūt. Neyther do they thynke that they make any lye / whan they do promyse that they wyll do that thyng / whiche they do not perfourme. And how do they (trowe you) excuse their lea∣syng? This is a poynt (say they) of our occupatiō & crafte. Naye, it belōgeth to theyr occupation, truely and faythfully to do that thynge / whiche theyr crafte pro∣myseth to be done / and not to lye or steale. But yet poticaries and phisions do more greuously of∣fende / thanPoticaries & phisiciōs. do these {per}sones now rehersed / which haue a prouerbe amonge them, quid pro quo, one thynge for another. They do o∣therwhyles sell this thynge, for that thȳg / they do minister stuffe that is rotten, and without any vertue or strengthe / yea & nowe hurtfull / in steade of remedy and helpefull medecine. The byer asketh for rebarbarum / and they do gyue hym rebarbarum aboue fortye yeres olde. There is no spice / no gumme / not onely there is no roote / none herbe / of so du∣rable and vertue and strengthe / but in longe processe of tyme, the vertue of it wyll be quite gone & lost. But they do say / yf we dyd not mengle olde stuffe and newe together / & so vtter the one with the other / we shulde els be starke beggers / & myghte famyshe, for all our occupatiō. I say, it were euyn better also to die / than vnto thy sicke brother (whom yu ough¦test euyn freely without money to succour) for to ministre that thyng, whiche shall augmēt and encrease his disease / yea or para∣uēture also be cause of his dethe. The defaulte & offence of the po∣ticaries, redoūdeth also to ye phi∣sicions. And here in this thynge it were ryghte & accordyng, that the cōmen officers & gouernours of ye cities, or cōmen weales, dyd theyr diligent cure and busynes. Charite byddeth, yt in the tyme of necessite & nede, we shulde suc∣cour & releue our poore and nedy brother. And yet certeyn men do thynke them selues to be good christians: whiche do enhaūce & augment ye price of theyr wares / accordyng to ye greatnes of their brothers necessite. Some man hath a pome granate / whiche {per}∣auēture stode not him in an halfe peny / his neyghbour lieth sycke, and is in ieo{per}die of his lyfe / and there wyll none be gotten any where els: here yt pome granate is holden at .xl.d. & for lesse it shal not be solde. So likewise certeyn men do lay vp corne / to thentēt, yt if ther fortune a penury & scar∣cite of corne to come / they maye sell for foure tymes or ten tymes the value: and they do not per∣ceyue, that this is very rauyne. I haue set forth these fewe thyn∣ges for cause of example: other thȳges the wyse reder shall gesse and gather of hym selfe. I wyl make an ende, had I fyrst spoken two or thre wordes con∣cernynge satisfaction.Satisfactiō cōmenly cal¦led penaūce There be two maners of satis∣faction / that is to witte, open sa∣tisfaction / and priuate or secrete satisfaction. In open satisfac∣tion, I wold that this auctorite shulde be cōmitted vnto the pree∣stes / to whom soeuer auctorite is cōmitted to here mens confes∣sions / that they myghte accor∣dynge to the circumstaūces mo∣derate and measure the sayde sa∣tisfaction or penaunce / or also yf nede so require / euyn to turne it in to priuate & secrete satisfactiō. For yf the fathers / whiche dyd institute and ordeyne open satis∣factions / do graunte this aucto∣rite to ye ordinarye byshops / that they may accordynge to the qua∣lite of the {per}sone / either augment or diminishe ye payne enioyned: why shulde not the same power & auctorite be cōmitted to them / whiche in the thyng farre moste paynfull of all other / do beare & fulfyll ye byshops rownes? And yf they be not able nor mete for the office & charge cōmitted vnto them / than the defaulte & blame therof redoundeth to ye byshops. And in ye satisfactiōs or paynes,The preeste enioynyng secrete pe∣naunce ou∣ght to haue the propre∣tie of a con∣nyng phisi∣tion. which are secretely enioyned / the preeste ought to coūtrefayte and folowe connyng phisicions, whi¦che do not prescribe and appoynt euery maner medecine to euery maner man / but yt onely, whiche they do knowe to be most profi∣table & helpful / accordyng to the nature of the disease / & accordȳg to the qualite of the {per}sone: in so moche yt euen in one & ye same dis∣ease / they do prescribe one mede∣cine to hym yt is strōge / and ano∣ther medecine to hym yt is weyke & feble / another maner medecine to hym that is broughte vp after this facion / than to hym that is brought vppe other wyse. Yea moreouer, somtyme euyn in the same kynde of sickenes and dis∣ease / and to the same persone / they do minister one medecine in his youthe / & another sondry me¦decine in his age. But nowe a dayes a great {per}te of preestes do prescribe & enioyne nothyng els / but certeyne prayers & orisons. Rede (say they) the psalme, Mise¦rere mei deus / with the collecte, Deus cui {pro}priū est misereri. &c. Besydes yt, the Antheme, Salue regina / with the collecte, Cōcede nos famulos tuos. &c. Also the psalme, De {pro}fundis, for al chri∣sten soules / wt the collecte, Fideli¦um deus omnium cōditor. And I do not yet disprayse & disalow these thinges, I do knowe that the merite of obedience is great: but yet they do moche / which do prescribe, & enioyn suche prayers as haue speciall remedye & helpe agaynst that vice & yuel / thrugh whiche they perceyue the maker of the confession to stande moste in ieo{per}die. Of whiche kynde & sorte, there haue ben certeyn psal¦mes shewed of our forefathers: as specially mete to obteyne this thyng, or yt thynge. And it shall not be vnprofitable, in the steade of prayers, to prescribe & appoint vnto some persones, the redyng of suche a worke / whiche may en¦gendre hatred of the syn / wher∣with he yt maketh cōfession is en∣cōbred & enfected: as for exāple. Yf any man be enfected with the u{per}stition of ye hethen paynyms / or els be leanynge & affectionate towarde the ceremonies of the Iewes / and hath no good opi∣nion of ye christen faythe / eyther for lacke of knowlege / or els be∣inge corrupted with the redynge of poetes, or philosophers: let hym be bydden to bestowe euery day one houre or two in redynge of Lactance / and in redynge of those bookes / whiche Origene / Tertullian / Cipriane / Chriso∣stome / or suche other, haue lefte writen agaīst hethen paynyms / agaynst ye iewes / or agaȳst here∣tikes. For it is vnneth possible / but that he, whiche hath ons at∣tētly redde ye bokes of Origene / writen agaȳst Celsus / shall haue better opinion of Christes most holy doctrine. There are diuerse bokes of holy fathers / writen of the prayse of chastite / of the dis∣prayse of backebytyng & sclaun∣dre / of the information & instru∣tion of religious men, & clerkes / of kepyng of wydowhed / of the office & duetie of byshops / of the office & duetie of a prince & gouer¦nour / of ye holynes of matrimo∣nie / of vnite and concorde / and of other inumerable / either vertues or vices: of whiche workes, yt re∣dyng is to be ēioyned vnto euery man / whiche may moste remedy & heale the vice, wherwt he that is cōfessed, is encombred & holden. But he is in the meane season to be admonyshed & coūsailed / that he do rede it attētly / with a pure and perfecte purpose & desyre to amende his lyfe. But generally to yonge men / whiche for ye most parte, are in ieopardie to be loste thrugh ydlenes: it shall be expe∣dient to enioyne certeyn labours of study. And I do not greatly cōmende those ghostly fathers / whiche vnto {per}sones, being yet of tender age / which hath a certeyn wantōnes belonging vnto it, do {per}scribe fastȳges, or watchinges,It is not very com∣mendable to enioyne moche fa∣stynge or suche lyke paynes to very yonge folkes. or other labours / whiche do be∣take and deliuer a weyke & sykly body vnto greater age. Youthe or the fyrst age, is moche better a¦mended by reuerence of theyr el∣ders, and by honest occupacions. To those that are ryche, it is wel done to cōmannde & enioyne libe¦ralite toward poore folkes: but I thȳke yt they ought to be admo¦nyshed & coūsailed, yt they do not bestowe liberalite amysse. It is not to be discōmēded, if any man do bielde or founde a chapell / an altare / a monasterye / a schole / a college / or any other suche lyke thing: but yet ye most holy dedes of almesse of all,The beste and moste holy kynd of almes. are these / which do succurre & releue ye {per}sent nede of the neighbours: & whiche do as it were vanyshe out of syght betwene the fyngers of ye gyuer, and of the receyuer / & the glorie and prayse wherof is lost amōge mē: but is so moche ye more sae before god. And they, whose age and the qualite and state of their body shall seme to require this, that fastīges shulde be enioyned vnto thē: are to be warned here∣of also / that (yf they be of habi∣lite) that thynge, whiche they do spare & saue by absteynyng from meate / they do gyue it forthe to those, that are poore and nedye. There are some, whiche do en∣ioyn pilgrimages in to coūtres / as for exāple: that some man ha¦uīg on his body a cote of maylle, and beggyng his lyuyng all the way, shall go to Rome / or visite saynt Peters churche / or go to Hierusalē / or to saynt Iames in Compostella. whiche kynde of penaunce, I wyll not verely disa¦lowe. But it is not well done, to enioyne suche thynges as these,It is not wel done to enioyne far pilgrimag{is} to them, which may yuell be for∣borne at home. vnto them, whiche haue at home wyfe & chyldren / to whom ye ab∣sence of them shuld be either pain¦full, or ponderous & daūgerfull. And ther is daunger & ieopardie also, in cōmaūdyng suche thīges to yōge men / or to women being of yt age / that for the kepynge of their chastite & honestie / it shulde be more expedient for them to a∣byde & tary styl at home. Suche maner pains or penaūce as this, is more cōuenient & settyng to be enioyned of the temporall & laye officers. For it is very lyke vnto those punyshemētes / whan they do beate a man wt roddes / whan they cut of a mans hande / or els do cut of a pece of his eare / or do put out his yies / or do bore a hole thrugh his tōge / or marke hym in ye forhed, or in ye hāde / wt a brē∣nīg whote iyerne. Neither were those solēpne paynes moche vn∣lyke to these / whiche the churche was wonte in ye olde tyme opēly to enioyn & cōmaūde: wherwith they dyd not so moche make satis∣factiō to god, as they dyd to mē: Albeit yt they made satisfaction euyn to god also. Howe be it yet euyn ye tēporall officer also in my iudgemēt, shuld do moche better and wisely / if he dyd chastice and punyshe certeyn kyndes of theft,A polytyke way to pu∣nishe certen malefac∣tours / by temporall punishemēt wt the iniunction & cōmaundyng of worke & labours, to ye behofe and profite of the cōmen weale: and so lykewyse of other offēces, beinge in dede greuous & weygh¦tie: but yet not so weyghty, that they ought to be punyshed with dethe / namely amonge christen men. Me thīke (I say) this were a moche better way / thā to bren them with an whote iyern / or els to mayheme thē. As we do rede, that in ye old tyme,The maner vsed in olde tyme. the dettours / whiche were not able to pay / be∣ing in bondes / dyd labour to the vse & behofe of theyr creditours: and other agayn beinge boūden, dyd dygge & delue in the feldes / or dyd hewe tymbre. And there be some also of them / which can some syttyng occupation: suche it were mete to kepe at worke in prisone. This maner & kynde of punyshement, is profitable two maner of ways. For both it doth amēde, but not destroy the male∣factours: and also it is {pro}fitable and aduaūtagefull to the cōmen weale / or els to hym, which was hurte & damaged by theyr offēce and trespas. To certeyn {per}sones the preest shal cōmaunde and en∣ioyn, yt they shall hertely forgyue hym / of whō they haue ben hurt or offended / and yt they shall go about to ouercome yuelnes with goodnes / {pro}uokyng hym to loue and frendshyp, wt curtesy & gētle word / & wt benefites & kyndnes. If the preest can not obteyn this thyng of them, at the least wyse let them graūt to cast out of their brest all desyre & lust to be reuen∣ged / and that they wyll no more remēbre the iniurie & displeasure done to them. This maner and kynde of satisfaction, hath our lorde Iesus hym selfe shewed vn¦to vs: Likewise as ye holy scrip∣ture of god hath cōmaunded vn∣to vs almes dedes. The preeste therfor shal haue always respect herunto / yt yf he do enioyne an payn or labour: that the labour or trauaile be ioyned wt a worke or dede of charite: and that it be suche maner of labour / whiche shall not excedyngly hurte & hyn¦dre the helth of the body: so that by reason of it, the body myghte be the lesse able & apte to execute and do the misteries & seruices of the mynde / but only whiche may kepe vnder & subdue ye wanton∣nes of the fleshe. Here I lyst no to stryue wt them / whiche do say that satisfaction doth not apper∣teyne or belonge to penaūce or re¦pentaunce. Only god (say they) doth forgyue sȳnes / & to whom soeuer he hath forgyuen ye gylte or offence / to ye same he hath for∣gyuen also the payne or punyshe¦ment. For by charite & by ye holy ghost, is losed yt gylte or bond of synne: whiche ons losed, there resteth no more behynde / but on∣ly yt he go forward, and encreace more & more in charite. For this (say they) is the only satisfaction afore god. And of these thinges they do gather & conclude / yt not the popes {per}dons can release any paynes / but onely those, whiche man hath enioyned / or whiche man myght enioyn: & yet not so moche as those neyther / onles it be for great & weyghtie causes. I, as I wyl not vtterly cōdēpne the popes dispensations or relax¦ations:It is a su∣rer way to hope full e¦mission of synnes, of charite and the mercye of god: thā of any par¦dons gyuen by man. so I do thynke it ye more surer way, to hope full remission & forgyuenes of synnes / of cha∣rite, & of ye mercy of Christ / than of any bulles, or wrytīges made by any mā. Yf charite be away, what doth the bulle profite or a∣uayle? Yf a mā haue charite suf∣ficiēt / than is ye bulle su{per}fluous / & more than nedeth. Yf charite be diminute & vn{per}fect in any {per}te (they say) that it can not be {per}do∣ned of the pope / which belōgeth only to god.Thee is no¦thyng foūde in the holy scriptures concernyng pardones / nor yet in the olde doctours As cōcernyng par∣dons, holy scripture doth teache nothyng at all / no nor yet in the old aunciēt doctors of ye churche. The diuines of later tyme, haue always cōcernyng this matier / bothe varied in their opinions & sentences: & also haue spoken ve¦ry doubtfully. But what these mē do affirme auise them selues: but this is vndoubted / that we haue the bulle of gospell,Luc. 7. Many synnes are forgyuen her / bicause she hath loued moche. Nowe yf any man do thynke, yt these thyn∣ges also are not to be neglected and despised: I wyll not stryue with hym / so that he do not vpō boldnes & trust in them, neglecte and lytle regarde those thynges, whiche vndoubtedly are chiefe & principall. Of these thynges, which we haue disputed & sayd / I thynke it is euident and open ynough / by what meanes suche yuels or harmes may be auoided and eschewed / whiche by the oc∣casion of confession are wont to happen / partely thrughe the de∣fault of them that here cōfession / and partly of them that do make theyr cōfession: howe be it yet for theyr cause / which are more sym¦ple / I shall not stycke nor be gre∣ued, after a more playne and fa∣miliar maner, to applie vnto eue¦ry one of the sayde yuelles theyr owne {pro}pre remedies. Suche is the worlde, that there is nothīg, whiche is not some maner waye viciated and corrupted. Remedy a∣gaynste the fyrste yuell.The fyrst yuel therfor or harme that cōmeth of confession, shall lesse hurte / yf the diligent solici∣tude and care of ye byshops / and of other / to whom that charge belongeth / dyd prouide & se here in this thyng / that ye power and auctorite to here cōfessiōs, shulde not rashely, and vndiscretely be cōmitted to euery maner preest:what ma∣ner {per}sones they ought to be, whi∣che shulde here confes∣sions. but onely to men well stryken in age / and whose vertue & good lyuyng is well knowen: besides this, beinge sobre / well aduised / and close of tōge. And those pree¦stes are to be rebuked / whiche on theyr ale bēche do clatter & bable for theyr pleasure / what soeuer thynge they haue herde in secrete confessions. Yf any thynge shall require counsell / there ought cō∣munication to be made secretely / with wyse / sad / and well lerned men. In lyke maner those also are to be reproued / whiche in o∣pen sermones do bable forthe of the misteries and priuities of cō∣fessions / suche thynges as were better to be kepte in, & not to be spoken at al. And the preest yt he∣reth cōfessions / shall be more safe from ieo{per}die of takyng harme: yf he do come to his office & busy¦nes beinge sobre & well aduised, and armed before wt prayer / and also with feare and drede. Also yf he do demaūde and aske que∣stions no further, thā is nedefull to ye knowelege of the cryme and offence. Nowe as touchyng to hym that maketh confession / al be it that there is peryll and ieo∣pardie otherwhyles to hym, by reason of the rehersal & vtteryng of his offēce: yet doubtles there is more greatte and more often ieo{per}die to hym, of the ignorance and lacke of knowelege of his synnes. And therfore a wise and faythefull minister and seruaunt of god, shall so ordre and tempre all thynges: that neyther he shal enfecte ye myndes of symple and weyke persones / neyther suffre any thyng to be vnknowē / whi∣che beinge not knowen, coulde not be eschewed, or healed. And in shewynge the remedye a∣gaynst the fyrste yuell / we haue also shewed the remedye agaynst the seconde yuell / that is to wit / the silēce and vertuousnes of the preeste.Remedy a∣gaynst the secōde yuell. For a godly and a very pastor, is not by the reason herof prouoked to flatter his owne vi∣ces: but rather to the drede and loue of god / and to praye more feruently, & to watche diligently for the flocke of ye lorde: whyles he doth se & perceyue in to what mōstruous vices & synnes those men do fall / that eyther thrughe ignoraūce / or els thrugh malice / haue ons shaken of the yocke of the lorde: whiche thynge they shuld not haue done / yf ye pastor, hauyng cure and charge of theyr soules / had done his diligence / by teachynge / counsaylynge / re∣bukyng / and besechyng of them. For els neyther ought ye crymes & offēces of them to be bublished and openly pronounsed and de∣clared: whiche for vnlauful mix¦tures, or curyous artes / or for o∣ther abhominable offences / are punyshed accordyng to ye lawes. The thyrde yuell or harme,Remedy a∣gaynst the thyrde yuel. for asmoche as it dothe chaunce or come but thrugh ye defalte of the preestes: it is to be remedyed by settyng suche preestes to here cō∣fessions / which wyl rather wepe and sorowe at the yuels or vices of men / than take any pryde or hyghe mynde by reason therof: Lykewyse as blessed Paule doth wytnes and recorde,2. Corin. 12. that hym selfe was {pro}uoked to mourninge and sorowe / for that there were certeyne {per}sons amonge the Co∣rinthians, whiche dyd deserue sharpe and sore correction and re¦bukynge. And otherwhyles the sinnes and vngratiousnes of the people do reboūde backe vnto the prestes heedes: bicause they dyd not wt suche diligence as became them, teache and shewe vnto the people ye ryght & straight wayes and pathes of the lorde. Suche maner pastours, whan they do remembre in theyr myndes, that the lorde shall requyre his sheepe of the sheperdes hāde: it is more conuenient and accordynge, that they be styrred and prouoked to repentaūce, than to pryde. what soeuer offence and sinne hath any tyme ben cōmitted amōge all the hole multitude of men / the same may be cōmitted & done of euery one of vs, who soeuer he be: and yf we haue any of vs not cōmit∣ted this synne, or that synne / we haue cause to thāke the goodnes of god therfore, & not to ascribe it to our owne strēgth and power. Therfore the cōmen nature and condition of man ought to bowe them downewardes vnto com∣passion or pyte: and not to lyfte them vp to pryde & high mynde. He is no mete preest,A preeste shulde haue fatherly af∣fection tow¦ardes his flocke. which doth not beare fatherly affection to∣wardes his flocke. Now what father is there, which is made by so moche the prowder towardes his sonne / bicause his sonne is taken and holden with some gre∣uous and sore disease: and dothe not rather, beinge very sad and sorowful in his herte / make hast to get hym remedy? And yf men haue so greatte desyre and delyte towardes libertie: let them also haue lyke desyre & delite toward innocencye. That man, whiche kepeth & mainteineth his heith: vpon hym the phisicion or leche hath no power and auctoritie at all. And yf thrughe thyne owne defaulte thou arte fallen in to spi¦rituall syckenes & disease: thou muste fyrste of all labour & gyue diligēce / that thou mayst be free afore god. Finally, lykewyse as in the disease and syckenes of the body, thou doiste chose the phisi∣cion or surgeon / whiche shall not vpbrayde the with thy disease / but whiche shall remedye & heale it: do euyn the same lykewye in chosynge of the preeste / whiche shall be thy ghostly leache. The whiche do alledge the .iiij. discōmodie or yuell / what thyng do they elles / but onely shewe,Remedye agaynst the fourthe di∣cōmodite. that there are certeyne yuell and noughtye preestes? wolde god we myghte denie that to be true. But phisicke or leache crafte is not therfore taken away / bicause there are foūde certeyn yuel and noughtye phisiciōs & surgeons: But so moche the more diligēt {pro}∣uision is to be made, yt there may be good phisicions & surgeons. So moche ye more circunspecte yu oughtest to be in chosyng hym, to whom yu wylte betake thy sele for o be cured & holpen. Finally, it is the office and duetie of the bys∣shops, so to hādle suche preestes / whiche do abuse the sacramētes vnto fylthynes and synne: that all other shulde take example to beware by them. Remedye for the .v. dis¦cōmoditie.As touchyng the fyfthe discom¦moditie / what other thynge shal I say: than that seldome chaun∣ces are nowe to be taken in to an example / wherupon to gyue ge∣neral sentence? For howe many men haue we knowen / whiche by the reason of a feuer, or of a franesy, hath vttered and disclo∣sed secrete priuities? And who a¦gayne is so madde / as to gyue credence to a frantyke persone? Besydes that, euyn here also, it shal be a good helpe and remedy, the chosynge out of an able and mete ghostely father / wherof I haue so often tymes spoken here¦tofore. Last of all, yf the cryme be suche / that the discoueryng of it myghte put the in ieopardie of thy yte / and yf thou doste also mystrust thyn owne curate, and the pestes nere home: thou mayst go somwhere from home / wher thou mayste make thy confession to hym that knoweth the not / nor thou hym / eyther chaūgyng thy clothes / or elles in the darke Finally, thou oughtest more to loue and set by the helth and saue garde of thy soule / than of thy body. To haue thy body cured and made whole / thou dost other whyles shewe vnto the bodelye leache thy disease / whiche came of some haynous offence, & mys∣cheuous dede, worthye deathe: and art thou affrayd here, where thy soule is to be cured? Let this be an answere to hym that ma∣keth confession. Nowe as con∣cernyng the preestes that do here confession / I do graunt and con¦fesse it to be a greatte and a oore thynge / with euident ieopardie of their lyues, to visite them that are sycke of the pestilence / or of suche like disease: but yu oughtest to remēbre, that they haue taken an hygh office / and a sore charge vpon them selues. And yf they wyll be good pastours or herdes∣men:Iohn̄ .10. they oughte for the helhe and saluation of theyr flocke / to put euyn theyr lyues also in ieo∣pardie / namely, whan the soules of theyr flocke are in peryll and ieopardie. It is a very excellent & great worke that they do: but they do it for an excellent & high rewarde. And they maye also in the meane season, arme and fence them selues before with remedi∣es, agaynst the contagiousnes or infection. For they are not con∣strayned and compelled to tempt god.Deutero. 6. And yf it be so, yt the preest is necessarye and nedefull to the people / and dothe cōmitte or be∣take hym selfe with full truste to god: he shall not dye before his day / but god shal fulfyll this his owne {pro}myse.Marc. 16. And yf they shall haue dronke any deadely thyng, it shall not hurte them. Uery many of them dare go vn∣to hym that lyeth sycke of the pe∣stilence / for a thyng yt is bequest to them: and be they affrayde to come nere hym / whan his soule is in ieopardie and peryll? And this thynge shall be a poynte of ciuilite and good maner also in the people / to make the place, in to whiche the preest shalbe recey∣ued, very cleane / and with fyre and fumigations, to make it as lytle ieopardous & contagious, as may be.yse coun∣ayle. There is also ano∣ther kynde of remedye / yf at all suche tymes as the pestilēce doth reigne soore / euery man whyles he is in helthe / do ones in a weke confesse hym selfe, & be houseled:In the olde tyme, they were house led wekely. (whiche thyng in the olde tyme, the moste parte of men dyd euyn in holsome tyme / whan no cōta∣gious sickenes dyd reigne at all) and after cōfession made, do with greatte study and diligence take hede and beware, that they do not fall agayne in to deadly syn∣nes: whiche is no verye harde thing to do, with the helpe of the grace of Christ. By this mea∣nes shal it come to passe, that nei∣ther the preeste shalbe put in ieo∣pardye of his lyfe: and yet the o∣ther partie shall be safe, and out of daūger / yf eyther sodeyn dea∣the / or elles any suche dissease / whiche for the contagiousnes of it, is to be auoyded and shonned, shall fortune to take hym. Agayne, euyn this thynge also shall be very profitable herunto:Chefe hope of saluatiō, is to be put in charite, & in the mer∣cy of god. yf we do put the chiefe and prin∣cipall truste of helthe and salua∣tion / in charite, and in the mercy of god / rather than in the reher∣synge or reckenynge vppe of our synnes / namely, whan deathe is nere at hande. Nowe to say somwhat concer∣nyng the syxte yuell / who soeuer by the rehersyng of their synnes,Remedy a∣gaynste the syxte yuell. do lerne to be bolde, and to forget shamefastnes: those persons are not yet verely & truely penitente and sorye for theyr offences and synnes. To suche the preeste oughte to declare and lay before them / what he is, whome they haue offended / and how great is the filthynes & ouglynes of syn: that ye oftener they do fall again in to syn / so moche more & more they maye be ashamed of them selues. And they ar also to be ad∣monished and tolde / that confes∣sion without contrition of herte auayleth nothyng: whiche con∣trition, yf it haue ones possessed the mynde, it shall bothe brynge shamfastnes, and also put away shamfastnes: it shal bryng sham¦fastnes / causyng hym to be asha∣med of ye filthynes of his synnes in the syght of God: & it shal put away shamfastnes, yt he shal not through shamefastnes hyde and kepe in yt thing, which is cured & healed by openyng & disclosyng. Remedy a∣gaynst the seuēth yuel.Unto the seuenth, thus it is to be answered, yt many moo are in ieopardy of confidence and ouer moche trust / by reason of negle∣ctyng and not regardynge theyr synnes: than are in ieopardie of desperation, by the reason of exa¦mination and serchyng of theyr sinnes: and the preest hath more busynes & labour to brynge men away from confidence and pre∣sumption, vnto the feare & drede of god / than he hath to call them backe from desperation. There is a meane therfore betwene bo∣the / that there be due & sufficient examination of the synnes and offēces / but not ouermoche care∣full & scrupulous: And yf there be any anxietie and scrupulosite / there foloweth after it / that doth also recompence it: high and per¦fecte trāquilitie & quietnes of cō∣sciēce / after ye charite & loue haue begonne to dryue out feare. For feare without charite & hope, en∣gendre and cause desperation. Against the viij. yuell.The remedye of the eyghte dis∣cōmodite, I haue all redy suffici∣ently shewed. Remedy a∣gaynste the ix. yuell.Nowe as touchyng the nynthe discommoditie and harme, I do graunt, that of the two yuelles / the lesse & lyghter is, to absteyne from receyuynge the sacrament of the altare. Yf the mynde be in certeyn and stedfaste desyre and purpose to synne deadely / so that a man do wrestle and stryue to the vttermoste of his power / a∣gaynste suche affection and de∣syre or purpose / and can not yet caste it forthe of his mynde. For elles vtterly and all together to absteyne and forbeare from the sacramentes and misteries: is a degree and steppe toward pay∣nymry, and ye maner of lyuynge of hethen people. As touchynge confession / there is not the same reason & skylle: that is, as tou∣chyng to the sacrament of the al∣tare. Neyther dothe that man seme vtterly vnpenitent / whiche gothe vnto the preeste with this mynde & purpose / not to deceyue or mocke: but partely to obeye the churche / and partely to then∣tent that he may by this way cō∣ceiue and gather more {per}fecte ha∣tred of his synnes / which he can not yet of him selfe so hate, as he ought to do. For euyn this also is a certeyne spice and kynde of repentaūce: a man to be displea∣sed and myscontente with hym selfe therfore / bicause he is not re¦pentaunt and sorowfull for his synnes. And it happeneth often tymes / that he, which cōmeth to the preest / beinge but coldly and sclenderly repentaunt and sory: yet whiles he maketh his confes∣sion / doth conceyue iust and lau∣full hatered of his offences and synnes. This cōmemoration therfore and rehersall of the dis∣cōmodities and harmes, yt come by the occasion of confession / is not made of vs, to thentent that we shulde abhorre & withdrawe our mynde from makyng confes∣sion: but to thende that we may make confesson with more frute and profyte commynge therof vnto vs. THese are the thȳges, most good and honourable fa∣ther / whiche me thought beste to be admonished and taughte con∣cernynge confession / besydes the traditiōs of olde diuines / to then¦tent that cōfession might be very frutefull and profitable: whiche cōfession shal seme vnto any man to be ioyned with peryll and ieo∣pardie: Let hym cōsider and bethȳke hym wel, how moche more ieopardous thynge it is to beare aboute an vnclene conscience. Yf it shall seme paynefull and gre∣uous: let hym remembre and cō∣sidre howe great tranquilite and quietnes of mynde dothe ensue and folowe of this bitter medi∣cine. And let hym so moche the more diligently take hede and be∣ware, that he do not agayne so ordre hym felfe, that he shall nede to receyue and deuoure suche a bytter pylle very ofte. But let hym so make his confession ons, that he nede neuer after to make confession agayne / & that it may be sufficient to be ashamed ones for euer, afore man. That man shall not lyghtly fall agayn in to deedly synne / whiche shall haue ones inwardly and hertely con∣ceyued in his mynde, hatered of all his synnes. This holy and godly purpose, god shall helpe and brynge forwarde / yf so be, that we wyll knowlege it to be his benefite, what soeuer hath al¦redy chaunsed to vs: and yf tru∣stynge to his ayde, rather than to our owne myghte & strength / we do enforce our selues, and en∣deuer dayly more and more to amende our lyuyng / and to waxe better and better / vntyll that we may growe vp in to a {per}fecte mā / in to the measure of the fulnes of Iesu Christe.Ephe. 4.
A00384.P4	The praise of folie. = Moriæ encomium a booke made in latine by that great clerke Erasmus Roterodame. Englisshed by sir Thomas Chaloner knight.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Chaloner, Thomas, Sir, 1521-1565." ]	Anno. M.D.XLIX. [1549]	In Fletestrete in the house of Thomas Berthelet],	[Imprinted at London :	eng	[ "Folly -- Early works to 1800." ]	HOwe so euermen commonly talke of me (as pardie I am not ignoraunt what lewde reportes go on FOLIE, yea euen among{is} those that are veriest foo∣les of all) yet that I am she, I onely (I saie) who through myne influence do gladde both the Godd{is} and men, by this it maie appeare sufficiently: that as soone as I came forth to saie my mynd afore this your so no∣table assemblie,A fooles presence sterreth laughter. by and by all your lokes began to clere vp: vnbendyng the frounyng of your browes, & laugh∣yng vpon me with so merie a countinaunce, as by my trouth me semeth euin, that all ye (whom I see here present) doe fare as if ye were well whitled, and tho∣roughly moysted with the Nectar wine of the Homeri∣call Godd{is}, not without a porcion of the iuyce of that meruaillous herbe Nepenthes, whiche hath force to put sadnesse and melancholie from the herte: Where as before ye satte all heauie, and glommyng, as if ye had come lately from Trophonius caue, or sainct Patrikes purgatorie. But lyke as whan Phebus displaieth his golden bright raies vppon the earth, or whan after a sharpe stormie wynter, the new primetyde flourissheth with his caulme sweete Westerne wynd{is}, than (loe) a new lykenesse, a newe hewe, and a newe youthe (as it were) retourneth vnto all thynges: Euen so, as soone as I appeared, ye all beganne to loke vp lustily. So, what thyng theis cunnyng Rhetoriciens for all theyr longe, and forepenned oracions can hardly bringe about (I meane to driue care, and pensiuenesse out of the hea∣rers myndes) that haue I with my onely loke, and pre∣sence accomplisshed. And now ye shall wite, to what eutent at this tyme, in this so straunge an apparell, I am come foorthe among{is} you: vpon condicion ye will not thinke muche to bestowe on me your eares a while.To trifuls better eare geuen, then to grauer mattis. I meane not those eares that ye carie with you to ser∣mons, but those ye geue to plaiers, to iesters, and to foo∣les. Yea those (hardly) wherwith my friende Midas whilom herkened to the rurall god Pan, in preferryng his rusticall songe, before Apollos farre fyner Melo∣die. For I purpose a season to become a Sophiste, mi∣stake me not I praie you, as if I saied Sophistrer, su∣che as now a daies driue into childers head{is}, certaine tangled trifuls, with more than womens stubbournesse and skoldyng in their disputacions. But I meane the other, who to the ende they myght shonne that presum∣ptuous name of Sophi or wysemen, did rather take v∣pon them to be called Sophistes: Whose study and pro∣fession it was, to aduaunce, and set foorth in theyr wri∣tyng{is} the praises bothe of the Godd{is}, and of men also, suche as were famous and worthies here in earth. Ye shall heare therfore the praise set foorth, not of Hercu∣les, nor yet of Solon, but rather of myne owne selfe, That is to saie of Folie. In whiche poinct, a strawe for all these cankerd philosophers, and sages, who saie it is a moste outragious folie and presumpcion, for one to praise hym selfe. For truly let them make it as foo∣lisshe a parte as they lyste, so longe as they can not de∣nie it to be congruent. And what (I praie you) maie be more apt or better sittyng, than dame Foly to praise hir selfe, and be hir owne trumpet? For who can liue∣lier descriue me then I my selfe? Unles perhaps some be better acquainted with me, then I my selfe am. Not¦withstandynge, euen this myselfepraise (as me se∣meth) I maie well take vpō me with a more shamefast grace, than to do as commenly theis great, and learned men vse, who suborne some glosyng oratour,Oratours and poetes or vayne spoken poete, hyred also for mede, to dilate and blaste foorth their praises, or (rightlier to saie) peincted lies. And yet shall one of those shamefast, maidenly men not sticke than to dsplaie his pecockes fethers, and rowse hym selfe, whyles suche shameles flaterers dooe goe a∣bout to make him, being a man lesse worth thā naught, coequall yet vnto the Gods, in blasonnyng hym for a paragonne, and absolute example of all maner vertues, from which he knoweth hym selfe to be as farre wyde, as from hence to the man in the moone. Namely whi∣les those glorious glosers woulde decke the crow with other burds fethers, or peyne theim to washe awaie a Morions blackenesse, or labour of a sely fly to make an Elephant. For shorte, I folowe in this poincte the common prouerbe, whiche saieth, that he maie rightly praise hym selfe, whom none other bodie will. All be it to saie the trueth, I can not but meruaile at mens ingratitude (shuld I call it) or negligence? that where with one assent they all so frankely dooe obserue me, and gladly peruse my commoditees, yet hath not one of theim, now so many reuolucions of yeres passed, vnder taken with some thankefull oracion to set foorthe the praises of me Folie, where as some of theym haue not wanted, who with solemne styles, and muche losse of slepe and candell, shewed at lest theyr folie, what e∣uer theyr mattier was, in commendacion, some of this notable tyranne, some of that, some in praise of the fe∣uer quartane, others in settyng foorth what commo∣ditees be in a flie, in baldnesse, or suche lyke hatefull thyng{is}. But at my hand, ye shall heare an vnaduised, and sodeine tale tolde, thoughe so muche perhaps the truer, Whiche I woulde not ye shoulde thynke were saied of me for a colour, to aduaunce therby the rype∣nesse of my witte, as commonly these learned men do. Who puttyng foorthe (as ye knowe) some boke more than whole .xxx. wynters had in cullyng,The vaine glorie of larned mē. ye and that sometymes none of their owne doyng, will sweare yet, that they made it but for a recreacion of theyr grauer studies, or rather as fast as penne coulde renne. For truly it hath euer best lyked me to speake streight what so euer laie on my tongues ende. But this, to the ende ye loke not for it, I doe warne ye of afore hande, that I in no wyse will, accordyng to these common Sophi∣sters and Rhetoriciens maner, go about to shew by dif∣finicion what I am, and muche lesse vse any diuision: In as muche as I holde bothe the one, and the other for vnluckie tokens, either to comprehende hir vnder a certaine ende, or limite, whose influence stretcheth so vniuersally, orels to diuide hir, in whose obseruaunce all men dooe so wholy consent. And yet I can not tell to what purpose it shoulde serue, to represent a certaine shadow, or image of my selfe, where as presently ye maie discerne me with your eies. For I am here (as ye see) the distributrix and dealer of all felicitee, na∣med in Greeke, in Latine Stultitia, in Englishe Folie. But aye, what neded me to vtter thus muche? as if I bare not signes enough in my face, and coun∣tinance, what maner person I am: Or as if some one contendyng that I were Minerua, or Sophia, myght not straight with my onely loke be confuted, though I helde my talke, whiche is no liyng myrrour of the min∣des disposicion. For in me (ye must thynke) is no place for settyng of colours as I can not saie one thyng, and thynke an other: but on all sydes I dooe resemble my selfe.Folie dis∣sembled. So that not so muche as they can dissemble me, who take vpon theim most semblant of wysedome, and walke lyke Asses in Lyons skynnes. That althoughe they counterfeite what they can, yet on some syde their longe eares pearyng foorth, dooe discouer them to come of Midas progenie. The vnkyndest kynde of men li∣uyng, who beyng in deede the verie standerd bearers of my bande, woulde seeme yet afore folke to be so asha∣med of my name, as not seldome they cast it in others teethe for a great reproche. Suche men therfore, that in deede are archdoltes, and woulde be taken yet for sa∣ges and philosophers, maie I not aptelie calle theim foolelosophers? For as in this behalfe I haue thought good to borowe a littell of the Rethoriciens of these daies,Obscur and affe∣tacion of writers who plainely thynke theim selfes demygod{is}, if lyke horsleches thei can shew two tongues, I meane to mingle their writing{is} with word{is} sought out of strange langages, as if it were alonely thyng for theim to pou∣dre theyr bokes with ynkehorne termes, although per∣chaunce as vnaptly applied, as a gold rynge in a sowes nose. That and if they want suche farre fetched voca∣bles, than serche they out of some rotten Pamphlet foure or fyue disused woord{is} of antiquitee, therewith to darken the sence vnto the reader, to the ende, that who so vnderstandeth theim, maie repute hym selfe for more cunnyng, and litterate: and who so dooeth not, shall s muche the rather yet esteeme it to be some high mattier, because it passeth his learnyng. For this is truely not the least of my pleasant propretees, to make men euer sette moste store by straunge and outlandisshe thyng{is}. So that some be of suche a vaingloriousnesse, as whan they can least skyll therof, yet will they flire, and nodde the head at it, and (as the Asse doeth) wagge theyr eares, to make others beleue that they are depely seen sherin. And this, is thus. But now I retourne to my mattier. Ye haue hearde my name than (O my friend{is}) what addicion shall I geue you? What? but my most foolisshe friend{is}. For by what more manerly surname maye the Goddesse Folie calle hir seruaunt{is}, and alies? But now seyng all folk{is} know not of what lynage I am descended, so healpe me the Muses as I entende to declare the same vnto you.Folies fa∣ther. My father ther∣fore was neyther Chaos, nor Orcus, nor Saturnus, nor any other of that olde and rustie race of Gods, but Plutus the golden god of riches, and the onely syre of Gods and men, though Hesiodus, Homere, yea and Iupiter hym selfe stande neuer so stifly against me. At whose onely becke as aforetymes, so now also bothe holy, and vnholy thyng{is} be tourned topset turuie. At whose ar∣bitrement, warre, peace, kyngdomes, counsailes, iudge∣ment{is}, assemblees, mariages, couenaunt{is}, leagues, la∣wes, sciences, games, earnest mattiers (my breath fai∣leth me) to be short,The force of money. all publike, and priuate doyng{is} of men are administred. Without whose ayde, the whole route of the poeticall Godd{is}, yea I will saie further, those that be the chosen Godd{is} should either not be at all, or liue els with a messe of sklendre chere: That whom so he is agreued with, Pallas is not able to pro∣tecte hym. And who so hath hym on his syde, maie (if it lyke hym) efie Iupiter, with all his thunder. And suche a father (loe) dooe I glorie in. Who nei∣ther begatte me of his braine,Folies mo∣ther. as Iupiter did that vna∣miable, skowlyng Goddesse Pallas, but of Youthe, a Nymph aboue all others most fayre, and goodly. Nei∣ther was he (I warrant you) at the tyme of my beget∣tyng clogged with the heauie yoke of wedlocke, wher∣in Vulcane that lymphault smithe was borne, but ra∣ther mixed in loue (as my Homere saieth) whiche I take to be a copulacion not a little more pleasant than the other is. Further, to the ende that ye mistake no¦thyng, I dooe ye to wite that Plutus begatte me not in his olde daies, whan he was blynde, and skarce able to goe for age, and goutinesse, as the poete Aristophanes descriueth hym: but in his prime yeres, whan as yet he was sounde, and full of hote bloudde, but muche fuller of Nectar drinke, whiche sittyng at bourde with the o∣ther Godd{is}, he had sipped than by chaunce somewhat more than enough. Nowe and if ye loke to be instru∣cted also of my byrth place, in so muche as now a daies men thynke how the countrey where one is borne doeth not a little impote toward{is} his nobilitee, ye shall vn∣derstande that I was brought foorth neither in flotyng Delos, as Apollo, nor among{is} the wauing seas, where Venus toke hir beginnyng, nor yet in holow rockes vnder grounde, as was the great god Iupiter, but euen amidd{is} the Iland{is},Folies byrth place. whiche of their synguler fertilitee and fruitefulnesse, are called Fortunatae, where as all thyng{is} grow vnsowed and vntilled. In whiche iles neither labour, nor age, nor any maner sickenesse rei∣gneth, nor in the field{is} there dooe either Nettles, Thi∣stles, Mallowes, Brambles, Cockle, or suche lyke bag∣age grow,Hereby is ment that those whi∣che ar born to moste wealth proue ma∣ny times most fooles but in steede therof Gylofloures, Roses, Li∣lies, Basile, Uiolett{is}, and suche swete smellyng herbes, as whilom grew in Adonis gardeins, dooe on all sides satisfie bothe the sente, and the sight. Thus borne in these delites, I beganne not my life with teares, but straightwaies smyled sweetely on my mother, an eui∣dent argument and token of good lucke as these byrth∣lotters saie. Further as concernyng my bringynge vp, I am not enuious that Iupiter the great god had a gote to his fostresse,Folies nourses. seyng two so pleasant Nymphes, as Dronkennes daughter vnto Bacchus, & Rudenes the daughter of Pan were my nourses. Whom ye maie se here also among{is} my other women and handmaides a∣bout me.Folies hād maides. Whose names in case ye liste to know, I am verie well content to reherse theim vnto you. For this mayde truely, whom ye maie beholde with browes vp∣cast, lokyng euer as if she wondred at somethyng, is called Selfloue. This next hir that fareth as if she fli∣red vpon you, and clappeth hir hand{is} together, is Adu∣lacion. This slouggerd, and drowsie head, is named Obliuion. This than that leaneth on hir elbowes, clas∣pyng hir hand{is} togethers, is called Lythernes. This besydes hir with the Rose garlande on hir head, and all to perfumed with sweete sauours, is cleped voluptu∣ousnes. This with the rollyng and vnstedfaste eies, is Madnes. This other with the slicke skinne, and fayre fedde bodie, is called Delicacie. As for these two Godd{is}, whiche ye maie see also in the felowship of my other traine, the one is named Belichere, the o∣ther Soundslepe. Now if ye aske me, what stede these stande me to? I aunsweare, that throughe the trustie ayde of such a bande as this is, I subdue all the world vnder my dominion, bearyng empire ouer emperours theim selues. Ye haue heard me thus declare vnto you my lynage,Folies di∣uine ope∣racion. my educacion, and my familie. but least now I myght causelesse seme to challenge the name of a Goddesse, herken ye therfore attentiuely, with how great commoditees I endue bothe godd{is} and men, and how largely my power stretcheth. For and if a certaine autour wrote not muche amisse, how this was proprely the office of a God, to do benefite to mortall men: further, if suche haue woorthily ben ascribed to the senate of the gods, as were fyrst inuentours of wyne, of corne, and suche lye commoditees for your liuyng: why shoulde not I than rightfully be taken, and set tofore theim all, who onely am the geuer of all thyng{is}, to all men? For fyrst (I axe) what maie be sweter or more dearer vnto you, than is your life? but the originall springe, and planta∣cion of the same, whom shoulde ye thanke for, but me onely? In as muche as neither the speare of Pallas, ne yet the shielde of Iupiter called Aegis, is it, that en∣gendreth mankynde: but the selfe Iupiter, father of the Godd{is}: and kynge of kyng{is}, who with his onely becke, can shake all heauen, must laie downe his threforked thunder, and also his grimme countinaunce, wherwith whan hym listeth he can make all the Godd{is} to tremble, yea and lyke a plaier must disguise hym selfe into an other per∣sonage, in case he woulde dooe the thyng, that almost he alwaies practiseth (whiche is) to gette children. A∣gaine, among{is} mortall men, the Stoikes, counte theim selues to be next the Godd{is} in perfection.Wysdome and graui∣tee in chil∣dren get∣tyng serue not to pur∣pose. But bringe me one, admitte he be foure, or fiue, or (if you list) six hundred tymes a Stoike, and yet must he laie downe, if not his longe berde, betokenyng wisedome, whiche natheles gotes haue also, at least (I saie) laie asyde his graue, and frounyng loke, he must caulme, and ex∣plane his forehead, he must caste awaie those his yron∣like lessons, and precept{is} of doctrine, it is I, it is I (be∣leue me) whom that wise and sage Stoike muste haue recourse vnto, in case he wolde be a father. And why shoulde I not commen more familiarly with you, ac∣cordyng to my custome? I praie you, is it the head? the face? the breast? the handes? or the eares? which part{is} of the body are named honest, that engendre gods, and men? I trow no. Naie, it is euin that selie mem∣bre, so fonde, and foolisshe, as maie not without laugh∣ter be spoken of, whiche is the onely planter of man∣kynde. That, is the onely fountaine, whens all thyn∣ges receiue life, a great deale sooner than from Pytha∣goras quaternion. As concernyng the vse wherof, who is he (suppose ye) woulde take in his mouthe the snaf∣fle of wedlocke,Mariage, to procede of Folie. if (accordyng as these wisemen are wonte to dooe) he shoulde fyrste caste and recken with hym selfe he discommoditees of that trade of life? Or what woman wolde yelde vnto a man, if she either knew, or thought vpon the perillous throwes of child∣bearyng, or trauaile of their bringyng vp? That and if ye owe your liues to wedlocke, and wedlocke ye owe to my damoisell Madnes, now ye maie soone gesse, what ye owe, and shoulde referre to me. Than, who is she, that after one assaie, woulde eftesoones venter childebearyng, e were it not throughe the encourage∣ment of Obliuion. No not Venus hir selfe (what euer Lucretius writeth) will denie, but that hir might in en∣gendrure remaigueth voyde, and of small effect, with∣out thaccesse of mine ayde. So that to conclude, I saie how of this my dronken and ridiculous game, are pro∣create (omittyng vulgare folke) bothe graue philoso∣phers, whom suche succede now, as ye call monk{is}, and purpre princis, and holy priest{is}, and thrise holy bishop∣pes, at ones, all the whole route of the Poeticall Gods, so swarmyng, as skarce all heauen is able to conteine thē, be it neuer so large of roume.Folie grounde of the cōmo∣ditees of mans life. But take it hardly for nothyng that ye owe thus vnto me the verie fountaine, and springe of your lyfe, in case what euer other com∣moditees ye haue therin, I dooe not proue theim also to procede of my goodnesse. For as touchyng this life here, maie it woorthily be called a life (I praie you) if ye take pleasure and delight awaie? dooe you nodde vpon me? well saied: I wyst there was none of you all so wyse, or rather so foolysshe, naie wyse sooner, as wolde be of any other opinion. How be it, euen these sage Stoikes dooe not in deede, so greatly despise plea∣sure, as outwardly thei dissemble, and afore folk{is} doe baite hir with a thousande repreues, to none other en∣tent (I warrante you) saue that whan others are ra∣ted therfro, thei than maie more at libertee enioie hir, But I wolde thei shulde tell me, what any part of this life there is, not heauie, not vnpleasant, not vrkesome, not vnsauourie, vnles ye put Pleasure, that is to saie, the Saulce of Folie vnto it? for proufe wherof as I could alleage the sufficient auctoritee of Sophocles, whose noble sentence in my fauour, is neuer enough praised, where he saieth, that In knowyng least, the blisfulst lyfe is ledde. So I am content yet for your better instruction, to disclose euery thyng more particularly vnto you. And fyrst,Infancie, foolisshe. who is he but will confesse Childhode, the fyrst age of man, to be most gracious and acceptable vn∣to all folk{is}? for els, what is it in younge babes that we dooe kysse so, we doe colle so, we dooe cherisshe so, that a verie enemie is moued to spare and succour this age, vnles it be the allurement of Folie? whiche, na∣tures circumspection, euin purposedly, hath adioigned to children, to the ende that with some reputacion of pleasure, thei might supple the trauaile of theyr brin∣gers vp, and prouoke the beneuolence of suche as tende vnto theim. The next age than that succedeth hereto, I meane Youthe,Youthe. how acceptable (I praie you) is it to all folk{is}? how is eche enelined to it? how willyng∣ly dooeth euery wight set it forwarde? how diligently dooe all men put to theyr healpyng hand{is}: And wher∣of (trow ye) procedeth this grace of Youthe, but of me onely? through whose benefite, a younge man know∣eth least, and therfore taketh least thought. Take me for a lier, vnles as soone as be waxeth elder, beginnyng throughe experience and disciplines to sauour of Man∣hode, than in continent the floure of his beautie decai∣eth, his myrth fadethe, his grace waxeth colde, his strength diminissheth, so that the farther, and farther he is retired from me, the lesse, and lesse he liueth, vntill at last, tedious olde age dooe crepe vpon hym, not onely vrkesome to others, but hatefull also to him selfe: whi∣che Olde age (on my conscience) no mortall man wold endure to byde out, if I againe takyng compassion at theyr so great labours and encombrances, did not som∣what releue the same. That like as these good{is} of the poetes, are wont with some transformacion or likenesse tournyng, to succour men readie to perisshe, so I also (that in me lyeth) dooe reuoke suche aged men as are at deathes dore, and next the pitte, backe againe vnto childhode? Wherupon, not causeles, folk{is} call theim twyse children.Returne of olde age to Childhode. Now and if some woulde aske me how I dooe transforme theim so, I will not hyde so muche as that from you. For I bringe them to the fountaine of my mayden Obliuion, called Lethes, whiche sprin∣geth in the Isles fortunate (for as for the other that ren∣neth through the fieldes Elisi{is}, is but a small branche of this former) to the ende that as soone as they there haue dronken longe forgetfulnesse of thing{is} passed, thei maie, by little and little, wasshyng awaie all the trou∣bles and carefulnesses of the mynde, become chilhisshe agayne. But some perhaps will obiecte to me, and saie, that suche olde men dooe dote now, and are paste theyr witt{is}. Yea, be as be maie, yet this is euin the plaine recourse vnto childbode. For is the same ought els (suppose you) than dotage, or ignorance? is it ought els in children that deliteth you, than their indiscreci∣on? For who is he that wolde not eschew, and abhorre, no lesse then a monster, a child being endued with man∣lyke reason and capacitee? Wherunto accordeth this common prouerbe, I hate the childe, whose witte ripeneth before the tyme. Or who wold gladly susteine to haunt, or kepe company with that olde man, who vnto his so longe practise, and experience in thyng{is}, had added al∣so lyke quicknesse of the mynde, and lyke sharpnesse of discourse? Conclude therfore, that old age doteth tho∣rough my benefite, and yet ye see howe these my good dotard{is}, shall in the meane whyle rest vacant and dis∣charged of all suche cares and anxieties, wherwith wisemen of fressher sprites are wrongen continually, & in the meane whyle become cherisshers eche of other,Dotage in elde men. by neyghbourly gossippyng togethers, and table plaie, felyng no maner tediousnesse of this life, whiche skarce a liuelier age suffreth, yea and sometyme learne againe to spell a, m, o, as the olde man of Plautus dooeth, most wretched, in case one yntch of sound witte remai∣ned in theim, and yet through my procurement, moste happy, beyng also deare, and welcome to theyr friend{is}, among{is} other respect{is}, for this, that commonly they are verie pleasant in company, and merily bespoken. For in Homer ye maie reade, howe out of Nestors mouthe there flowed woordes sweeter than honie, wheras Achilles langage byted bitter. In Homer also, olde men leaning ouer Troie walles put foorthe a swetedelyuerid voyce. As to whiche regarde, theirs maie be preferred before the verie grace of infancie, whiche sure is muche gracious, but yet partly disgraced, when it lacketh speache, and chattyng, that are euin the chiefest recreacions of mans life. Adde hereto, that olde age ioyeth muche in chil∣dren, and children lykewyse will euer bee about olde∣folk{is}. Suche is nature, in couplyng lyke, and lyke together, for what other thing is there vnlike betwix them? saue that Elde, is fuller of wrincles, and noumbreth more yeeres? Els,Olde men like childrē. their white heares, their totheles iawes, lesse proporcion of theyr bodies, mylklongyng, fum∣blyng in the mouthe, chattyng, fondnesse, forgetful∣nesse, rechelousnesse, for briefe, all other condicions be of one degree, so that the nearer men aproche to olde age, the nearer retourne thei to the forme of childhode, till at laste, euin lyke children, no tediousnesse of life, nor sence of death felt, they depart out of this worlde. Can any of you compare now the other godd{is} transfor∣macions, with this of myne? who what thei dooe i waie of displeasure, me listeth not to reherse: But whom they moste fauour, and are pleased with, them (trow I) thei are wont to chaunge into trees, into fou∣les, into grashoppers, ye or sometyme into serpent{is}, as if it were not a certaine kynde of perisshyng to be alte∣red so into a new lykenesse: wheras I reduce the selfe same man, to the best, and most pleasaunt parte of all his lyfe. That and if men had the grace to forbeare quite from medlyng with wisedome, leadyng foorth all theyr lyfe in my seruice, now (I wene) there shoulde be no olde age at all, but rather they shoulde enioie a moste happie, and continuall youthe.Study and businesse hast for∣warde age. For see you not (I praie you) how these wysemen, who are geuen to philosophie, or some suche ernest and graue studie, dooe for the most parte waxe hore, before they be fully yonge men? whiche vndoubtedly cometh of cares, and inces∣sant sharpe trauailyng of the braine, by little and little sokyng vp the liuely iuyce of the sprites: wheras my fooles on the other side, be slicke, and smothe skinned, yea and well trussed together, lyke hoglyng{is} of Acarna∣nia: suche as neuer shoulde fele (I warrant you) any discommoditee of age, ne were it not that sometyme by chaunce, theie infected with the contagious company of wysemen. Suche is the lotte of mans life, suffryng nothyng on all part{is} to be blisfull. And here I maie bringe in the approued auctoritee of the prouerbe, whi∣che affirmeth Folie to be the onely lynke, that staieth fletyng youthe, and kepeth of combrous age. Lyke as not causeles men saie by the Brabanters, that wheras yeres make other people the wyser, they, the lenger thei lyue, are rooted the deper in folie. Yet for all that, where fynde you any nacion more iocunde, or meter for the cōmen trade of liuing, or that lesse feleth ages weight, than this dooeth? To whom as in countrey, so also in maners are my Hollanders next neighbours. For why shoulde I sticke to call them myne? Seeyng thei take my parte so ernestly, as therby thei haue gotten theim my name for an addicion, so little wherof thei ar asha∣med, as they passe not to boste theim selues in it. Let theim that will now goe,Folie the prorger and delaie of age. and seke out, Medea, Cir∣ces, Venus, Aurora, or I wote neuer what maner fountaine, to haue theyr youthe restored, wheras I one∣ly am she that maie, and vse to dooe it. It is I that haue that meruailous iuyce, wherewith Memnous daughter proroged the youthe of hir graundsire Titho∣nus. I am that Venus, through whose fauour Phaon waxed yonge againe, whom therfore Sappho so much loued. Mine be those herbes, if any suche be, and mine be those charmes, and myne is that fountaine, that not onely calle youthe backe againe, ones beyng vanisshed, but also (whiche is more desyrable) dooeth conserue it euerlastyng. That and if ye all dooe subscribe to this opinion, how nothyng is more pleasaunt than youthe, and nothing more cumbresome than age, now (I trow) ye perceiue how muche ye are beholdyng to me, seeyng I vpholde to you so great a weale, so great an euill ex∣cluded. But what speake I yet of mortall men? ser∣che ye (hardly) all heauen, and who that list than scorne be my name, in case he finde any of the godd{is} not crab∣bed, and dispisable, vnles my influence dooe commend hym. For why is my cosyn Bacchus euer lyke a strip∣lyng, and fayre busshed?Folie com∣maundeth the Gods also. Forsouth because like a wit∣les and dronken compaignion, passyng his time in ban∣kett{is}, daunces, and places, he hath neuer thus muche to doe with Pallas goddesse of wysedome. Finally, so little setteo he to be holden wyse, as the obseruaunce that he requireth at mens hand{is} is naught but mayga∣mes, shrouyng{is}, and suche lyke fantsies. Neither is he offended with the prouerbe, callyng hym a foole, as, Foolissher than Morychus. For thei call hym Morychus because vplandisshe hobbes in sport are wont at bring∣yng home of haruest, to besmere his image sette before temple dores, with muste, & grene fygges. And (lord) with what iestes the writers of the olde Comedies doe taunt hym? O fonde God (saie thei) and woorthy who shoulde issue out of the grine of Iupiter: Yet who woulde not rather chose, if choise were offred, to bee suche a foole, and popie as he is, beyng euer merie conceited, euer younglyke, euer prouokyng men to laughter with his sporte and pleasantnesse, than Iupiter hym selfe, withall his depe dissembled chere, lokyng so sternly, as ge∣ueth terrour to the godd{is} also? Or Pan, who with his sodaine fraiment{is} and tumult{is}, bringeth age ouer all thyng{is}? Or Vulcanus the lymphault smithe, full of smoke and embres, euer filthie with the toyle that he endureth in his forge? Orels Pallas my great aduer∣sarie, beyng so muche redoubted because she beareth speare, and shielde: who euer sheweth a payre of skou∣lyng eies? But why (I praie you) is Cupide alwaies lyke a yonge boie? why? but that he is a trifler, nei∣ther doyng, nor thynkyng any wyse acte, I warrant you. Why hath Venus also hir beautie euer alyke flou∣risshyng? why? but that she is sybbe vnto me? euin as hir visage resembleth my fathers colour, for Homer nameth hir golden Aphroditis. So, she is euer smilyng, if we credite the poet{is}, or theyr coūterfaitours the pein∣ters. Moreouer, what god head didde the Romaines woorship euer more religiously, than that of Flora the mother of all pleasures and solasses? How be it on the othersyde, who so woulde narowlier serche, and consi∣der the maner of liuyng, euin of those sowre and glom∣myng gods, either out of Homer, or other poet{is}, he shuld finde them (no faile) as foolishe, and dissolute, as these. For what nedeth me to allege meaner Godd{is} Folies? whan all ye haue at your fingers end{is}, howe great a louer thundring Iupiter is? Also how graue Dame Di∣ane forgettyng womanhode, dooeth naught but hounte all daie longe, visityng by start{is} yet hir sweete herte Endymion? But as for me, I had leuer thei shoulde heare theyr fault{is} tolde theim of Momus the god of Rephrehension, at whose hand{is} so many tymes thei haue ben taunted. Sauyng, that not longe agone thei threw downe him and Atis, headlong togethers to the earth, because that euer with his wyse sawes and ad∣monicions he semed out of season to farre against their felicitee. Poore Momus therefore wandreth aboute lyke a vacabound, in as muche as no mortall man will gladly vouchesaue hym herbourough, for feare of Iupi∣ters displeasure, muche lesse that he can be receiued into princ{is} courtes,Flatery fa∣milier in princis courtes. for there my Adulacion beareth the swinge, who agreeth no more with Momus, than lam∣bes dooe with the woulfe. So that synce he is ones remo∣ued, the godd{is} aboue maie now muche franklier, and at more libertee plaie theyr pageaunt{is}, leadyng foorth an ea∣sie lyfe (as Homer saieth) wheras no countroller dare call theim to accoumpte. For (Lorde) the sporte that Priapus the great tooled god maketh them? what pa∣styme haue thei at Mercurius, with his theft, and iug∣gling. Not so muche as Vulcane, but whan the gods are sette at bankette, he plaieth the iester, now with his lymphaultyng, nowe with his skoffyng, and nowe with his ouerthwarte woord{is}, to prouoke theim all to laughter. Than cometh Silenus that horeheadded lo∣uer, treadyng the hornepipe, with Poliphemus boi∣steously stampyng, and the Nymphes trippyng bare∣footed, The Satyres halfe gotes dauncyng the Antikes, And Pan with his oten flute singyng some rurall songe, doeth wonderously delite them, as whom, at that time, they had rather heare, than the Muses theim selues: chiefely, whan thei beginne to be throughly chafed with theyr Nectar drinke but what shuld I tell you of that the godd{is} doe after suche compotacions? thyng{is} so foo∣lisshe, as I my selfe can scant refreine from laughter. It is best therfore that herein I remembre Harpocra∣res for his silence, lest some euisdropper god, doe her∣ken me blabbyng foorth suche thyng{is} of theim, as not Momus hym selfe spake euer vnpunisshed. So now it is tyme, that (folowyng Homers example) I leaue the godd{is} aboue, and make returne to the earth, to dis∣cusse, how nothyng here is either gladsome, or desira∣ble,Foly natu∣rall to man kynde. vnlesse the same begin at me. For fyrst, ye se with how great prouidence, Nature the foundresse of man∣kynde hath forcast, that no where, in any part of mans lyfe the saulce of Folie shulde be wanted. For if wise∣dome, accordyng to the Stoikes diffinicion, is naught els, than to be ruled by reason: and folie, to be ledde as affection will. Consider now (I praie you) how muche more Affecti∣on, than Reason, Iupiter hath put in men, to the ende theyr lyfe shulde not altogethers be heauy, and vnplea∣sant. As if ye shoulde compare an ounce to a pounde. Furthermore, he shutte vp Reason within the narowe compasse of mans head, leauyng all the rest of the bo∣die to affections: settyng also, two most violent tyran∣nes against hir, that is to saie, Anger, raignyng in the fortresse of the hert: and concupiscence, whiche euin to the lowest part of the bealy, dooeth occupie a large possession. Against these two so stronge champions, how muche Reason maie resiste, the commen trade of mens lyues declareth sufficiently. That wheras Rea∣son, as muche as lieth in hir, dooeth crie against them, uin till she be hoarse, alleageyng what honestie will, & requireth, yet daigne not thei to obey, but muche more furiously done repyne at hir, till at last she also, beyng weried, is faine to yelde for vanquisshed. But in so muche as to man, borne to gouerne, and rule, Iupiter thought it meate to distribute Reason somewhat in a larger assise, to the ende yet he myght partly alaie the excesse, he called me (as he is wont) among{is} the other godd{is} to counsaile:Iupiter cal¦led Folie to coūsail. and by and by I gaue hym aduise lyke my selfe, that a woman shoulde be associate vnto hym.Folie of women. A creature (god knoweth) bothe foolisshe, and vnwittie, but natheles pleasaunt, and gracious. To the ende that throughe daiely company, and dwellyng together, she with hir Folie myght relesse, and make doulcet the sadnesse of mans courage. For where Pla∣to semeth to doubte, whether he shoulde putte a woman a∣mong{is} reasonable, or vnreasonable creatures, it was no more, but to shew and expresse the notable Folie of that sexe: So that if any woman studieth to be counted wyse, she dooeth naught els but labour to be twyse foolishe, as if ye wold force a cowe against hir nature to scape through a hoope. For the fault is doubled, whan so euer one against kind, woulde counterfaite a glosse of vertue, to writhe the mynde otherwyse than of nature it plieth. Accordyng as the greke prouerbe saieth, An ape, is an ape, be she clo∣thed in purpre, so a woman is a woman (that is to saie) a foole, what so euer parte she plaie. Yet I thinke not that women are so verie fooles, to be angrie with me herefore,What cō∣moditees women haue by Folie, that I beyng Folie hir selfe, and a woman al∣so, doe arrect Folie vnto theim. For and if they waie all thyng{is} indifferently, they shall soone perceiue, how muche I am to be thanked, that for many respect{is} thei are farre happier, than men be. Fyrst, for theyr beau∣ties sake, beautie (I saie) whiche not without good cause is had in so great price by theim, as vnder whose shielde and protection, they doe exercise tyrannie, yea ouer tyrannes theim self{is}. For els, whence cometh to men that sternes of their visages, roughnesse of skinne, and thickenesse of theyr beardes, beyng a verie repre∣sentacion of oldnesse, sauyng of the excesse, or rather disease of wisedome? wheras women with their smoth chekes, small voices, and fiue skinnes, dooe euer shew a certaine youthlikenesse. Againe, what is it in this life that women sooner coueite, than to be belyked of men? Tende not (trow ye) to this effect, so many their attyres? so many peinctyng{is}, so many bathyng{is}? so many heare curlyng{is}, so many glisshes? so many per∣fumes? so many waies of nyce simpring, nycer smi∣lyng, nycest goyng, be it but on an yntch of lether, and all to sette theim selfes foorth to the shewe? Further, what greatter priuilege haue women ouer men, than their foolisshenesse? For what is it, that men permitte not as leafull, or at least to be borne with, in women? but vnder what other title, than of delectacion? But how dooe they delite men, sauyng with their Folie? This to be true, can not be denied, who so will consi∣der with hym selfe, what fonde talke and deuises, a man is faine to fynde out, as often as he entendeth to take fruicion and pleasure of a woman. And thus I haue declared you from what springe the first and chie∣fest recreacion of this your life is deriued.Foly of fea les and bankettes. But yet some persons there be, namely olde men, rather good maltwormes, than women haunters, who contrarie to my supposicion will putte theyr greatest felicitee in ti∣pling, and good fate. As touchyng whiche poincte, I referre it to others iudgement if any feast or banket be made in the right kynde, vnles women are at the same. But of this I am sure, how without the sauice of Fo∣lie, no banket can be to the somme. In sort that there want one, who with his owne, or counterfaite Folie, maie sturre the gest{is} to laughter, than straight is some iester, or other madde knaue sent for, with his bald and foolisshe skoffes, to put awaie the sadde stylnesse of the feast. For els, what booted so many ionkett{is}, sweete meates, and daintries to balace the belie withal, vnles the eies, the eares, and the whole mind, were also fedde with laughter, sporte, and merie conceites? But of all suche knackes I am the onely deuisour, like as this, that now is solemnely taken vp at bankettes, to chose a kynge by lottes, to plaie at tables, to bringe good lucke, to quasse about the bourde, to synge carosses; with suche like obseruan∣ces, was neuer ordeigned by the seuin sages of Grece, but throughe myne inuencion, for the conseruacion, and a∣uaile of mankynde. Yet marke you the nature of all suche deuises, and ye shall see, that the more folie they smell of, the more they dooe profite the life of mortall men. Whiche life, in case it be ouerwaied with sad∣nesse, than sure it scantly deserueth the name of lyfe. And sadde must it nedes be, vules with some kynde of pastyme ye wype awaie tediousnesse, nexte cosyn to the other.Folie an∣our of friendship; Now some perchaunce there are, who little will esteeme this kynde of pleasure also, but rather rest wholy on the league and acquaiutance of one frend with an other. Affirmyng friendship to be the onely thyng, whiche shoulde be sought and embraced before all the other commodities of your lyfe, beyng (saie they) so necessarie, and behouablr, as neither ayre, not fyre, nor water maie be more requisite vnto men and therto so appropriately annexed, as the sonnes heate maie as soone as friendship be spared among{is} you: and besydes this so honest a thynge (if honestie as you thinke make ought to purpose) as not the philosophers theim selues dooe sticke to put friendship euin among{is} the chiefest weales of this lyfe. But what will ye saie now, if I can proue my selfe to be bothe croppe, & roote, of this so great a benefite? Proue it to you (I saie) neither with Barbara, nor Celerent, nor any su∣che Dialectical quaynt subtiltes, but euiu of the plai∣nest and bluntest facion, poyncte you to it, as it were with my finger? Fyrst therfore whan you see a man flatter, dissemble, or wynke at his friend{is} fault{is}, yea, and sometyme owe fauour, or rather wonder at some great vices of his, takyng theim for vertues: doe you not count hym (I praie you) next sybbe to a foole? What if an other take some deformitee that his sēman hath, for a great grace, or a father, whose childe is squynt eied, cal∣leth hym natheles his pretie pinkeied boie, is not this (trow ye) plaine folie?Folie the glew of friendship. Let sages crie againe and againe, that it is folie, yet this same folie is the glew that soul∣dreth, and interteigneth friend{is} together. I speake of mortall men, of whom none lyueth without some fault{is}. So that, he maie well be holden for the best, that is combred with the smallest. Wheras among{is} these Godd{is} of wysedome, either no friendship can fa∣sten at all, or if it doe, yet is it but a frounyng, and an vnpleasaunt friendship, and suche, as taketh place a∣mong{is} verie few of theim. for it were to sore to saie a∣mong{is} none, seyng the most part of men doe ouershote theim selues: yea, if I saied all, I might abyde by it, so many sundrie waies is euery wight subiect vnto Fo∣lie. And friendship is neuer properly knitte, but be∣tweene men of egall estate and condicion. That ad∣mitte sometyme a maner amitie is so kyndled betweene these wysemen: god knoweth yet how short a life, and continuance it shall be of, namely among{is} so waywardWaiward¦nesse in friendship. faultfinders, as commenly suche sages are, beyng euer readie to fynde an hole, and castyng as sharpe an eie v∣pon theyr friendes faultes, as an Egle doeth vpon hir praie. But (Lorde) for all that how poreblinde are they in theyr owne? not ones loking backe at the sachell hang∣yng behynde theim. In as muche than as the na∣ture of men is suche, that no witte maie be founde, not lymed with some great vices, in case ye adde therto the diuersnesse bothe of mens inclinacions, and ages, toge∣ther with so many ouersightes, so many errours, and chaungyng chaunces, as this mortall lyfe is disposed to, now I see not how the fruite of friendships plea∣sauntnesse shulde one halfe howre be conferued betwene so narow discussers of thyng{is}, vnles the remedie of for∣bearyngForbea∣ryng. one an other, whiche also in Greeke, is as muche to saie, as Folie were added for a staie and maintenance of the same. But what saie ye? Cupide hym selfe the god of all loue and friendship,The god of loue blind. is he not blynde? to whom as oftentimes not fayre thyng{is} seeme fayre, so lykewyse among{is} you he bringeth to passe, that eche dooeth thynke his owne burde fayrest, and lyke will e∣uer eleue to lyke. Now though we see, howe com∣menly these thing{is} are doen, and commenly laughed to shorne, yet such fondnesse is it that souldreth, & holdeth a pleasaunt felowship of life atwixe you. Further, what I haue saied by friendship, muche more maie I saie by mariage. Whiche is to saie, an inseparable coniun∣ction of man and woman. But (Lorde) what diuorsemen∣tes, or inconuenienc{is} worse than diuorsement{is} woulde not commenly happen, in case their daiely societee, and dwellyng togethers, were not now with flaterie, now with daliance, now with sport, with forbearyng, with errour, with dissemblyng (all of my garde I warrant you) boeth propped vp, and nourisshed? Good lorde, how few spowsailes shoulde goe thorough, in case the wower wisely afore hand did boult out, what wanton part{is} the tender, and to his semyng, shamefast mayden hath plaied longe afore he knew hit? Further, how few mariages ones solemnised, shuld continue in force: vnles the most part of the wiues pageant{is} were cloked, either through hir husbandes negligence, or doltisshe∣nesse? All this, and woorthily, is arrected to Folie. Yet dooeth this folie make the wyfe to be cherisshed of hir husbande, the husband lykewise of his wife, their hous to be quiete, and thaffinitee betwene theyr friend{is} to remaine. The cokeholde witolde, or what other name ye list to geue hym, is laught to scorne, whan with his lippes he sucketh in the teares of his scant honest wife. Yea good enough. How muche better shall he finde it to be deceiued so, than thoroughe ielousie to frette hym selfe, and set all thyng{is} on a rore. For short conclu∣sion (I saie) so muche lacketh that any maner friend∣ship, societie of life,No socie∣tee of life without Folie. or companiyng together, maie with out myne accesse be pleasant, or longe lifed, as not the people woulde longe beare theyr ruler, nor a seruaunt his maister, a mayde hir mastres, a scholer his teacher, a friende his friende, the husbande his wyfe, a lender the hirer, a chamberfelow his chāberfelow, nor a bourd∣mate, his bourdmate, vnles by turnes atwixe them sel∣ues thei shuld sometime erre, sometime flatter, someti∣mes wincke for the nones, & now & than coumfort theyr bittred tast with some hony of foolisshenesse. These thyng{is} (I wote well) seme right meruailous vnto you, but geue me leaue a little, and ye shall heare further. I praie you, can he loue any bodie,None acce¦ptable to hym selfe without Folie. that loueth not hym selfe? can he agree with any body, that discordeth with hym selfe? Maie he please others, that is displeasant, and tedious to hym selfe? But settyng me asyde, so muche lacketh, that any man can abide or beare what o∣thers dooe, as ye shall see hym fallout with hym selfe, mislyke what so euer he dooeth, and be his owne ha∣ter. For nature not in few poinct{is} rather a stepdame than a mother, hath graffed this euill propretie in mens head{is}, namely theirs that are skilfuller, that euer they despise what qualitee is theyr owne, and sette more by that they see in others. Wherby it commes to passe, that all the giftes, and graces, of this lyfe, are quite lorne and defaced. For what auaileth beautee? beau∣tie (I saie) the verie chiefest gifte that the immortall Godd{is} dooe geue here, if he that hath it, reketh not of it? Or what auaileth youthe? If it be drowned with the leuaine of hore sadnesse. Finally in any maner trade of life, what can a man goe about to dooe seme∣ly, and with a good grace, either by hym selfe or afore others (as in derde, to expresse and set a thyng foorth liuely, is not onely the chiefest poincte of cunnyng, but also the verie head of any thyng put in vre) if this my damoisell SelfloueSelfloue. be not his aduauncer, whom woor∣thily I holde therfore in steede of my syster: so busely she trauaileth to my behalfe in euery place. And what can be more foly, than one to lyke hym selfe, & stand in his owne conceite? but than againe, what thyng can be propre, or becommyng, or well dooen, in case the doer of the same mislyketh him selfe in it? So that take a∣waie this saulce of Selflikyng, which is euin the verie relesse of mans life and doynges, and by and by ye shal see the Oratour cold in his mattier, the Musicin mis∣lyked withall his discant, the Plaier hissed out of the place, the Poete and his muses laught to skorne, the Peincter and his art naught set by, the Phisicien for all his medicines walke an hungred, briefely, this set a syde, he that semed beautifull Nireus, shall appeare to be more vglie and misfauoured than Thersites, in stede of fayre Phaon, as hore aud wrincled as Nestor was, for Minerua, a sowe (as the prouerbe saieth) for an eloquent speaker, the fowlest stammerer in a countrey, and for a courtlyke felow, the rudest hobbe that maie be piked from the plough. So behouable is it (loe) that euery man dooe clappe hym selfe on the backe, and with some flattrie be commendable to hym selfe, ere he can be commended of others. Finally wheras it is the greattest parte of felicitee, for a man to desyre to bee, as he is in deede, that dooeth Selfloue procure you by a redier waie. For no man, how euer vile he be, will so dispayre in hym selfe,Eacheman through Folie stan∣deth in self∣conceite. as vtterly to mislyke either his witte, his kynred, dwellyng place, occupacion, or coun∣trey. As an Irissheman woulde not chaunge his naci∣on with an Italian, nor a Turke with an Athenyen, nor yet a Tartar with the verie Iles of Fortune: whi∣che so beyng, how singuler than is natures prouidence (trow ye) in so great varieree of thyng{is}, to make them all yet of a lyke proporcion? as to whom she hath been somewhat skarce in other giftes, there she putteth a lit∣tle more selflikyng, but this I spake not verie circum∣spectly, seeyng the same selflikyng, maie woorthily be esteemed for the greattest gifte of all.Foly auto of all noble actes and artes Here nowe I recke not much, to passe ouer vntouched, how no ma∣ner acte, or noble deede was euer attempted, nor any arte or science inuented, other, than of whiche I might fully be holden first author.Warre. For as touching warre, the verie head and springe of all great enterprises, whi∣che so commenly ar praised, and enrolled by historiens, is it not (trow ye) a foolisshe practise, to beginne suche variaunce, as euer bothe parties receiue more domage then profite by? (for of those that leaue theyr carkasses in the fielde, as did the Megarensiens, neuer counte is made) But yet, whan armies ioigne together, and trū∣pett{is} blow vp blouddy notes, to what stede I praie you can these good father Sages serue? who soked vp with longe studie, leane, and colde of bloudde, maie scantly draw theyr wynde? Naie than must fatte and Iustie bloudd{is} doe the feate, hauyng boldnesse with the most, and witte with the lest vnles perchaunce some would chose suche a souldiour as was Demosthenes, who fo∣lowyng Archilocus the poetes rede, scarse lookynge his enemies in the face, threw downe his shielde and tanne awaie, as cowardly a warriour, as he was a wyse oratour. But Counsaile in warres (saie they) is of great importaunce, and as for that I sticke not muche, that counsaile in a capitaine is requisite, so it be war∣lyke, and not philosophicall. For commenly thei that bringe any valiant feate to passe, are good blouddes, ven∣turers, compaignions, swasshes, dispatchers, bankrowtes, with suche lyke, and none of these Philosophers candel wasters. Who how vnmete thei be to serue for any commen af∣faire, or purpose among{is} men, we maie be taught by the example of Socrates hym selfe, the onely wiseman, but vnwysely iudged by Apollos oracle. That wher∣as on a tyme he went about to haue saied his minde in a certaine mattier to the commens of Athenes, he lefte of sodeinly, beyng all to laught to scorne. How be it this Socrates, as in one poinct (me semeth) was not all wyde, in that he wolde not take vpon hym the name of a wyseman, but rather ascribed the same vnto god onely, and thought it best for a wyseman not to busie him selfe or medle with matters of the commen weale, vnles perhaps he myght haue saied more rightly, that who so woulde be taken among{is} the noumbre of men, shoulde not medle to muche with wysedome. For I pray you, what draue Socrates vpon his araignment, to drinke poyson, for the death he was condempned to, sa∣uyng onely that his excellent, that his goodly qualitee of wysedome? Because, whiles whole daies together he trifled out the tyme, in disputacions vpon the cloudes, v∣pon Idees, and by geometrie peyned hym selfe to meate a flies fecte, discussyng also how a gnatte, beyng so little a vermine, myght yelde so great a sounde, he neuer applied hym selfe to learne thyng{is} perteignyng to this commen trade of lyfe. But now cometh Plato his disciple to defende his maister at the barre: a gaie Aduocate (I promyse you) who beyng offended with the noyse of the people throungyng about hym, coulde scante make an ende of the fyrst clause of his tale. And what saie you by Theophrastus? who takyng vpon hym to speake vnto a great assemblie,Wysemen dastards, either to fyght, or speake in a prease, as soone as he stode vppe, by and by coulde saie neuer a woorde, as if he had seen a woulfe at vnwares: and how shuld he than haue encouraged soul∣diours to fight? Or els Isocrates? Who of a certaine naturall timorousnesse, durst neuer afore audience open his lippes? Marcus Tullius, the father of Romaine eloquence, euer with an vnsemely tremblyng began his oracions, as it were a sobbyng childe, whiche Quinti∣lian enterpreteth to be the signe of a ware and wyse Oratour, who pondred well the waightinesse of his mattier. But whan he saieth so, dooeth he not plainely confesse, wisedome to be an obstacle against any bolde feate. For what will suche shrimpys she bodies dooe (trow ye) whan it cometh to handstrokes, that are almost dead for feare, whan they striue but with bare woord{is}? And yet af∣ter all this (on godd{is} name) is that woorthy sawe of Plato muche commended, how those commen weales most happily shoulde flourishe, that were gouerned by philosophers, or whose gouernours applied them selfes to philosophie. No no, if ye loke in histories, ye shall fynde, no rulers were eue∣more pestilent to a commen weale, than if the same at a∣ny tyme fell into the hand{is} of suche one, as was geuen to any scet of philosophie. For proufe wherof, I al∣leage vnto you the two Catons, thone wherof, with his headie and frantike accusacions, disturbed greatly the quiete of Rome citee: the other, in goyng about o∣uer wysely to protecte the same, did vtterly subuert it. And ioigne ye hardly to theim bothe Brutus and Cas∣sius, with the two Gracchi, yea and Cicero hym selfe, for as pestilent a citesein among{is} the Romains, as De∣mosthenes was to the Atheniens commen weale. Lykewyse, whattrowye by Marcus Aurelius? I ad∣mitte he was a good emperour, and yet coulde I wrest that praise also from hym, because his to muche philo∣sophership made hym odious and hatefull to the peo∣ple. But admitte (I saie) he was good, yet truly more peruicious was he to the commen weale, in leauyng so vngracious an ympe, as Comodus was, for successour in his state, than euer he was profitable throughe his owne good wealdyng of the same.Wisemēs children commenly ooles. For commenly this kynde of men, that are bookisshe, and geue theim self{is} to suche peuisshe disciplines, like as in other thin∣ges, so also in childer gettyng haue very ill lucke, as if nature of pietie (I wene) prouided that this plage, this disease (I saie) of wisedome, should not sprede o∣uer largely among{is} men. So Cicero had a soonne, farre vnlyke hym in condicions. And Socrates, that wise wiseman had children, lyker to theyr mother than their father, As one writeth merily, that is to saie, thei were fooles. Now though these wysemen be as vnapte for all publike offices and affaires,Wysemen vnfitte for any functi∣on of this life. as an asse is to fynger an harpe, yet myght it soso be abidden, if thei were not also as vntowarde in any priuate dutie perteignyng to this life. For bidde ones one of these sages to diner, and either with his silent glommyng, or his darke and eluisshe problemes he will trouble all the bourde. De∣syre hym to take hand{is} in a bralle, ye will safe a Camell daunceth. Bringe hym to a Mydsomer watche, or a stage plaie, and euin with his verie looke he will seeme to disdeine the peoples pastyme, so that wise dan Ca∣to must be faine to auoide the place, because he can not forbeare his frownyng. Let hym lyght on a knotte of good com∣pany talkyng merily, and by and by euery might hold{is} his peace. If he must bie any thyng, make a bargaine, or briefely doe ought of those thyng{is}, without whiche this commen life can not be ledde, then sooner will ye take hym for a blocke, than a reasonable creature. So muche lacketh (oe) that he may stande his countrei, or his friend{is} in profitable steede, who neither is skilled in thyng{is} daiely enured, and muche differeth from the commen opinion, and maners of the other people. Per consequent wherof,Wysdome bredeth ha∣tred. he must nedes deserue theyr hatred and displeasure, through the great diuersitee of liuyn∣ges, and disposicions at wixe theim. For and if ye list to iudge indifferently, is there ought doen here among{is} mortall men not full of foly, bothe by fooles, and afore fooles? So that if one onely wight woulde take v∣pon hym to kicke against all the rest, him wolde I ad∣uyse, that (as Timon did) he shuld shrincke into some desert, there to enioie his wysedome to hym selfe. But to returne to my former purpose (I axe you) what maner charme it was,Folie the founder of states and commen weales. that enduced those auncient sto∣y, woodden, and rude men in the world{is} fyrste age (as poet{is} feigue) dispersed so a brode, to lyue together in citees, but onely AdulacionAdulacion. or glosyng speche? For what dooe poetes els signifie by that sweetetuned harpe of Amphion and Orpheus? What thyng also reuoked the comminaltee of Rome, rebellyng against the Senate, to agreement? was it any Philosophicall oracion? No for∣south. What than? Euin a foolisshe Aesopes fable fei∣gned of the beasie, and the other lymmes of mans bodie. Lyke as Themistocles perswaded the Atheniens by his tale of the foxe and the hedgehogge: Coulde a∣ny wyse mans oracion (trow ye) haue enduced those wylde and Saluage Spaniard{is} to suche a conformitee, and obedience, as did Sertorius theyr wylie capitaine, vnder colour of Religion, and that deuise of his white hynde? Or as Licurgus allured the Spartanes through the example shewed theim of the two dogg{is}? with al∣so that other fonde deuise of Sertorius makynge two horse tailes to be plucked at? I let passe Minos, and Numa, eache of whom with feigned fayrie inuencions bleared the grosse multitudes eies: For ye must thinke that suche lyke toies as these, are the liueliest and most pithie perswasions, that the myghtie madbeast the commu∣naltee can be moued with: Wheras hitherto was ne∣uer citee or commen weale, that woulde be gouerned by Platos or Aristotles lawes, no more than any nacion hath folowed those glorious rules and institutes of liuyng, that Socrates set foorth. But I praie you, what pro∣uoked bothe the Decians willingly to bequethe thē sel∣fes to the Infernall Gods? And likewise egged Quint Curtius to cast hym selfe into the great caue and swa∣lowe of the grounde, that whilom opened in the mar∣catsteede of Rome,Mainglory sauyng onely Vainglorie? Vain∣glorie (I saie) that moste faire, and sweete bayted Mermaide, but (lord) how wonderously yet condemned by these sages? For what can be a more fonde part (saie they) than ambiciously, as in commen weales is vsed, A man to goe, and faune on hym, and hym, for their voi∣ces? or with makyng commen giftes and distribucions to bie the peoples fauour? hyghly magnifiyng him selfe, whan the people crieth a larges on hym? Whan also like a pageant, or specta∣cle prepared for the peoples eies, he rides about in triumph, crow∣ned with sawrer? hauyng his image for a memorie of the facte sette vp in the marcatsteede, with muche curious entitlyng of his names, surnames, bynames, and office names, besides the immor∣tall, and godlie honours, that are therupon decreed, to so meane and poore a caitiue as he is, least deseruyng thē, as not seldome the veriest tirannes that euer reigned, haue natheles with publike ce∣remonies been cannonised into the noumbre of the gods. These are thyng{is} as foolisshe as can be, to laugh wherat one Democritus suffisethe not. And yet, euin of this spring of Vainglorie come all your woorthy conquerours a∣ctes, and famous feates, which with the style of so ma∣ny eloquent writers are extolled vp to heauen. This verie branche of Folie buildeth citees, foundeth states, headrulers, religions, counsaile mates, iudgement{is}, and briefely all the deedes & life of mortall men, is naught els than a certaine great plaie of Folie. How what I haue saied hereby,Foly inuen tresse of sci¦ences. aswell I maie saie by artes and sciences. For whatels hath prouoked mens witt{is} to seke out and disclose to their posteriours so many good∣ly disciplines (as they take theim) sauyng onely an ar∣dent thurst of glorie? Suche is the apetite of foolish men, with so great trauailes, watchyng, and sweetyng at the browes, to recouer a little, I worre nere what Fame, whiche either is nothyng, or nothyng is more vaine than it. But in the meane while, ye ought to conne me thanke, for suche, and so many commoditees, as they haue found out toward{is} the better state of your lyfe. And that (whiche is most sweete of all) ye dooe peruse the fruite of other mens madnesse: Than sir, seyng I haue this chalenged vnto me the praise of for∣titude, and of industriousnesse, what if I claime Pru∣dence also?rie pru∣dence to come of fo∣e, perhaps some will saie, as soone myght I goe about to mingle fyre and water. But for all that I hope to bringe it to passe, if as hitherto you haue dooen, ye vouchesaue me your eares, and atten∣tiuenesse. And fyrst of all, if Prudence consisteth in longe practise and experience of thyng{is}. vnto whether of these maie the honour of that name better square? Either to this wyseman, who partly for shame, and partly for dastardnesse of herte, attempteth nothyng, or els that foole, whom neither shame, beyng shameles, nor petill, beyng reckeles, maie feare from prouyng any thyng. A wyseman report{is} hym selfe to his bokes, and there learneth naught but mere triflyng distincti∣ons of woord{is}. A toole in ieopardyng, and goyng presently where thyng{is} are to be knowne,Fooles iudge right lier than wisemen. gathereth (vnles I am deceiued) the perfect true prudence. Whi∣che Homer seemeth, notwithstandyng his blindnesse to haue seen, whan he saied thus, A foole knoweth the thyng, that is ones dooen. For there be two stronge let∣tes against suche knowlage of thyng{is} to be gathered, that is to saie, shame and dreade: shame, that cast{is} a mist before mens mynd{is}: and dreade, that shewyng the perti∣les, discounsaileth men from ventryng any enterprises. But I Folie maie, and am wonte to wype those lettes cleane awaie. Yea, few men consider, how many ways els it auaileth to blousshe at nothyng, and dare doe e∣uery thyng. But now (loe) and if ye take prudence after the rate, as whan it testeth in iudgement and dis∣course of thyng{is}, herken ye (I praie you) howe farre they are wyde therof, who dooe make it their chiefest profession. For fyrst it is not vnknowen, how all hu∣maine thyng{is} lyke the Silenes or duble images of Ascibia∣des, haue two faces muche vnlyke and dissemblable,The S∣nes of Al∣cibiades. that what outwardly seemed death, yet lokyng within ye shulde fynde it lyfe: and on the other side what se∣med life, to be death: what fayre, to be foule: what riche, beggerly: what cunnyng, rude: what stronge, feable: what noble, vile: what gladsome, sadde: what happie, vnlucky: what friendly, vnfriendly: what health some, noysome. Briefely the Silene ones beyng vndone and disclosed, ye shall fynde all thyng{is} tourned into a new semblance. If these woord{is} to some seme spoken to clerkly, goe to, I will expounde theim more plainely. I praie you, who is he that confesseth not a prince to be bothe riche, and a great lorde? but set case he hath no good qualitees of the mynde, nor with all those goodd{is} he hath, can be satisfied: now is he not ri∣che, but poorst than the poorest. Than againe admit he begeuin to sundrie vices: now is he no lorde, but more subiecte than a seruaunt: and after this rate maie ye skanne also the others. But this is enough for exem∣ple. Now it maie be, ye muse what I meane here∣by, but geue me leaue yet a little further. If one at a solemne stage plaie, woulde take vpon hym to plucke of the plaiers garmentes, whiles they were saiyng theyr partes, and so disciphre vnto the lokers on, the true and natiue faces of eche of the plaiers, shoulde he not (trow ye) marre all the mattier? and well deserue for a madman to be peltid out of the place with stones? ye shoulde see yet straightwaies a new transmutacion in thyng{is}: that who before plaied the woman, shoulde than appeare to be a man: who seemed youth, should, shew his hore heares: who countrefaited the kynge, shulde tourne to a rascall, and who plaied god almigh∣tie,Errour a∣uailyng. shulde become a cobler as he was before. Yet take awaie this errour, and as soone take awaie all toge∣thers, in as muche as the feignyng and counterfaityng is it, that so delighteth the beholders. So likewise, all this life of mortall men,This world a stage play of Folie. what is it els, but a cer∣taine kynde of stage plaie? wheras men come foorthe disguised one in one arraie, an other in an other, eche plaiyng his parte, till at last the maker of the plaie, or bokebearer causeth theim to auoyde the skaffolde, and yet sometyme maketh one man come in, two or three tymes, with sundrie partes and apparae, as who be∣fore represented a kynge, beyng clothed alt purpre, hauyng no more but shyfted hym selfe a little, shoulde shew hym selfe againe lyke an woobegon myser. And all this is dooen vnder a certaine veile or shadow, whi∣che taken awaie ones, the plaie can no more be plaied. Here nowe if one of these wisemen, come (A wee) from heauen, did sodeinly appeare, and saie, frowe euin this great prince, whom all men honor as their god and soueraigne, deserueth skarce to be called man, seyng like the brute beastes, be is trained by affections, and is none other than a seruaunt of the basest sort, seyng willyngly he obeith so many, and so vise vices his maisters. Or than againe, woulde bidde some other, who mourned for his fathers or friendes decease, rather to laughe, and he merie, because suche diyng to this worlde is the beginnyng of a better life, wheras this here, is but a maner death as it were. Furthermore, wolde call an other gloriyng in his armes and aun∣estrie, bothe a villaine, and a bastarde, because he is so many discentes disalied from vertue, whiche is the onely roote of true nobilitee. And in suche lyke sorte woulde raile vpon all the rest. I praie you, what shulde he preuaile ther∣by, but make men take him for frantike & distraught? For surely as nothing can be more foolisshe than wise∣dome out of place, so is nothyng more fonde than pru∣dence out of season. And dooeth he not out of season (trow ye) that plieth not him selfe as the world goeth? nor will not take the market as it ryseth? nor at least remembre the law of quassyng, Other drinke thy drinke, or rise, and goe thy waie? On the other side, it is a ve∣rie wysemans part to coueite to know nothyng beyond his band{is}, and either as the whole multitude of other men dooe, to dissemble gladly, or to erre, and be decei∣ued with the most. But euin this is Foly (saie thei). And in good faieth I will not muche denie it, vpon con∣dicion againe they graunt me, that to dissemble, or erre so, is the right plaiyng of the pageant{is} of this life. But (Lorde) a thing now is come to my remembrance, shall I speake it, or kepe it in? and why shulde I kepe it in, syns it is truer than trueth it selfe? but it is best for me in so waightie a mattier as it is, to praie the Muses in myne ayde, whom poetes call vppon oftenti∣mes for the veriest trifles they write. Come ye bithes therfore a little ye oues daughters,Folie the guide vnto Sapience. whiles I proue that no man can attaine vnto that excellent. Sapience, the verie castell (as they name it) of felicitee, vnles I Fo∣lie be theyr guide aud leader. Inprimis, I take it for all readie granted, that all the affections of man, pertaine vnto Folie. In as muche as philosophers put this distinction betwene a myseman, and a foole, that the one is ledde by reason,The disse∣tence be∣twene a foole and a wyseman. the other by sensualitee. and therfore dooe the Stoikes seclude all affections from a wyseman, as so many diseases of the mynde. But that notwithstandyng, these affections are not onely sette in steede of pilott{is} to suche as woulde recouer the porte of wysedome, but also in any acte of vertue, are lyke certaine prick{is}, or incitacions prouokyng a man to dooe well. How euer in this poinct the Archestoike Seneca strongly againsaieth me, who in no wyse will a wyseman shoulde haue any maner affection in hym, but whan he taketh that away, he leaueth man, no man, but rather a newfounde god without bodily sence, such as neuer was, nor neuer shall be. Yea, to speake plain∣ier, he dooeth naught els than fourme a stone image of a man, without fealyng, or any maner inclinacion per∣teinyng to a man in deede. Let the Stoikes therfore (if they list) take theyr wyseman to theim selfes, and make muche on hym alone, or (if they thynke good) go and dwell with hym in Platos citee, or in the lande of Fairie, or Vtopia. For whiche of you woulde not lothe, and blisse you from the company of suche mance a man, as were mortified, and benummed in all those sensis and vnderstandynges, that naturally other men are ledde by? that had no affections reignyng in him? nor woulde no more bee ster∣red with loue, or compassion, than if he were a flint stone? that in nothyng could euershoote him selfe, but rather lyke Argus see, and cast all thynges to the vttermost? Forgeue no man? be one∣ly pleased with hym selfe?The descri∣pcion of a wyseman. esteeme him selfe onely to be riche? onely to be a kynge? onely to be a freeman? briefly, onely all thynges, but in his owne conceite onely? that cared for no frien∣des? friende him selfe to no man? Wolde not sticke to defie the Gods? and what so euer is dooen of other men in this present life, to laugh at it and dispise it, as a verie madnesse? Yet suche a maner quaynt beaste is this complete wyseman of theirs. I praie you, if the choice went by voyces, what citee woulde haue suche a gouernour? What ar∣mie suche a capitaine? naie what woman wolde desire suche an husbande? or who woulde bydde suche a gest to his house? or what seruaunt pike hym out, or con∣tinue with a maister of so monstruous condicions? On the other syde, who woulde not sooner preferre any one chosen euin amonges the thickest of the people? who beyng a foole, could aptly either gouerne, or obey foo∣les, please the myndes of suche as be lyke vnto hym, whiche is the moste parte, be treatable to his wyfe, gladly seen of his friendes, mearie in companie, and lastly woulde thinke nothyng vnbecomyng hym, that other men vse commenly to dooe. But I wene, ye be werie now of this theyr wyseman, as I, for my part, was a good whyle agoe. Let vs passe therfore ouer to some other mattier. Admitte than, some one,Onely Fo∣lie releueth the mise∣ries of this lyfe. (as the Poetes feigne by Iupiter) shulde out of an high high place behold and see in how many miseries mans life is wrapped, how wretched and vile his byrthe is, how harde his bringyng vp, how weake and pewlyng his childhode, how trauailsome his youthe, how hea∣uy his age, and last how feareful his death were. Fur∣ther, duryng all his lyfe, what band{is} of sickenesses doe assaile hym, what narow chaunc{is} hange ouer his head, what displeasures come vpon hym, how in all thyng{is} he fyndeth more galle than hony, besydes the miuries whiche one of you scourgeth an other withall, as po∣uertee, enprisonment, worldely shame, rebukyng, rac∣kyng, gyle, treason, sklaunder, discencion, disceite (but now I goe about to tell the grauell of the sea) that for what offenc{is} men deserued suche miseries, or what god beyng theyr heauie lorde, condemned theim to leade theyr ly∣ues so pestred and plonged in the same, ye shall perdon me, from expressing, as not leeful for me at this present to vtter vnto you. but who so shoulde (I saie) consi∣der all these thynges accordyngly, myght it not moue hym to approue the example, and deede of the virgins of Milesia, be it neuer so piteous to reherse? For ye shall vnderstande, that willyngly, vppon no apparent cause why, they all hunge theim selues. But see∣yng we chaunce to speake of voluntarie death, I axe you, who were those, that for tediousnesse of this life, did rathest preuent death with theyr owne handes? Were thei not suche as bordred nearest vpon wisedome? among{is} whom (to let passe Diogenes, Xenocrates, Ca∣to, Cassius, Brutus, and suche lyke) Chiron, the wyse Centaure, hauyng graunt of the godd{is}, to liue euer (so lykyng hym) in theyr state of immortalitee, woulde none of it, but chose rather to die. Ye maie see ther∣fore what inconuenience shulde ensue, if men were com∣menly wise. So that we had nede of a new Promethe∣us, a new mowld, and a new earth, to make men of, vnles I partly through ignorance, partly through vn∣reckefulnesse, not seeldome through obliuion of peines passed, sometyme through hope of better fortune, yea and now and than sauouryng theyr bittred taste with a little hony of pleasure, did not in so manyfolde euill{is} releue and succour theim. In sort, that lothe they are to die yet,Olde men desyrous to liue yet. though the fatall spyndell of theyr lyfe be∣yng tonne out and expyred, Charons bote hath more than quarter ebbe taried for their passage hence. So that how lesse cause they haue, why they shoulde lyue, yet so muche leefer is life vnto theim, not that they fele any combraunce of the same. For it procedeth of my goodnesse (I warrant you) that commenly ye see olde men, of so hore and tremblyng age, as scant the figure of a man remaineth vnto theim, beyng bothe fumblers, dotardes, totheles, griselles, bald, (or rather to descriue them by Aristophanes termes) Nastie, crokebackt, wrincled, to∣theshaken, and lame of their best limme (whiche for womanhode name not) so desyrous yet of life, and so coltishe, as some one of theim will die his white heares, and shaue hym selfe twise a daie: an other will decke his bald crowne with a peruke: an other sette new tethe in his head, ta∣ken perhaps out of some hogg{is} chappes: an other fall in loue with some yonge pyg{is}nie, vsyng more fondnesse in suche kynde of daliaunce than any youngman wold. For as touchyng suche Deathes dettours, and veraie Graueporers, as euin at theyr last cast wedde younge wenches vndowed, but meter to serue other mens tur∣nes than theyrs, that is a thyng so commenly had in vse, as in a maner now it is arrected for a great praise and charitable kyndnesse vnto theim. But this is no∣thyng, in comparison of the pleasant spectacle, whiche ye maie haue at many of these old women,Oldwomē who beyng neuer so muche palled with longe age, yea and so car∣caslyke, as if they had lately come from deathes Court, will euer yet haue this prouerbe in their mouthes (life is life) still plaie the wantons, and still be tuppyng. Or at lest hyre some younge Phaon for mede to dooe the thyng, still daube theyr lither chekes with peiutyng, neuer goe from the glasse, shew out theyr flaggie and pendant dugg{is}, prouoke theyr staie nature with hote re∣storitiues, sitte vp at bankettes, daunce galid{is} write loueletters. &c. These thynges are mocked commenly, for the greattest folies (without question) that maie be. But yet dooe these my oldgurles not a little lyke theim selues herein, takyng it for a singuler and onely delight, as if they swamme vp to the chinnes in a sea of hony, wherin who but I doeth vphold them? and yet these deinty wisemen for all theyr scornefulnes, I woulde they shoulde no more but perpend thus with them selues, whither it be better through suche folie to lede a sugred life, or elles standyng euer vppon narow poynct{is} of wysedome, to seke (as a man woulde saie) an halter to hange withall? For how so euer suche foo∣lisshe pranckes are thought to brede an euill name, I praie you, what mattier is that to my fooles, who ey∣ther feele not what the inconuenience of an ill report meaneth, or if thei fele it can so little set by it, and ease∣ly passe it ouer? If a Mylstone fall vpon thy head, that is an euill in deede; but as for shame, reproche, losse of reputacion, or euill speche, these maie do the as muche hurt as thou felist theim: that and if thou felist theim not, than are they no euils at all. For what hurteth the, the proples hissing, as longe as thou clappest thy selfe on the backe? yet who hath the grace to do so vnlesse I Folie do arme him therto? But now (me think{is}) I haue the philoso∣phers ones more in my toppe. For that is (saie they) euin the greattest miserie of all, to be blinded so with Folie, to erre so, to be deceiued so, to be ignorant so. Naie verilier, that is it to be a man. And yet I see not why thei shuld call you miserable therfore, in as muche as ye be borne so, ye be ordeigned so, and made so, and such is the com∣men destiney lotted to euery of you. For nothyng maie proprely be called miserableMyserable it is not that agreth with Na∣ture. that agreeth with the kind it cometh of, vnles perchaunce some woulde thynke a mans nature were to be lamented, because he can not flie as burdes dooe, nor goe on all foure as other bea∣stes dooe, nor fence hym with his hornes as bulles doe. But than by lyke argument, why call they not a faire horse miserable: because he neuer learned grammer? or eateth no rostmeate? or els a buile vnhappie, because he is not shapen to throw the barre? Ergo, as an horse, who can not his grammer, is not wretched, no more a man for his Folie is myserable, because it agreeth so aptly with his nature. But ones againe these cluishe Sophistrers heaue at me. The knowlage (saie they) of disciplines, is peculierly geuin to man, throughe helpe wherof, what he lacketh b nature, he maie supplie with his witte and learnyng. A gaie mattier, as who saieth nature, which in gnatt{is}, yea and in herbes, and trees, hath so diligent∣ly dooen bir parte, in man onely shoulde haue shewed hir selfe defectiue, and a niggard, where through he ne∣ded to make recourse for ayde vnto disciplines. Whi∣che disciplines Theutus that dismall sprite,Discipli∣nes vnpro∣fitable or rather hurt ful to man. who neuer willed good to mankynde, did fyrst fynde out, for your vtter destruction, so little auailyng towardes felicitee, as rather thei dooe hynder you from it, for whiche pur∣pose they were chiefely ordeined, as Plato verie ele∣gantly induceth that wyse Aegyptien kynge to argue, disputyng vpon the fyrst inuencion of writyng. So therfore, sciences came in fyrst, with the residue of the plages of mans lyfe, and founde out by the verie same authours, who lykewise are authours of all mischiefe, that is to saie, by diuelles: wherupon also they haue their name grounded. for Daemon, signifieth cunnyng, or a knower. But the good simple people of the olde golden worlde, without any disciplines at all, liued onely as Nature taught, and instincted theim. For what neded thei any grammer, whan all the world vsed but one speche? whiche made also to none other purpose, saue that one myght vnderstande an other? Or wherto serued Logike, whan no controuersie of woordes myght make a double meanyng? Or, what place had Rhetorike, whan none contended with o∣thers? Or to what effect stode Law, seeyng as yet euill maners reigned not, wherupon good lawes (no doubt) were fyrst grounded? Further, they were more religious, and godly, than with an vngodly curiositee to ensearche the secret{is} of Nature, the uantitee of the sterres, theyr courses, or influences, or the hydden cau∣ses of thyng{is}, supposyng it against godd{is} forbode, that they beyng mortall and erthly men, shoulde struggle to know beyonde theyr degrees. Muche lesse that euer any suche madnesse came in theyr braines, as ones to thynke vpon the inquirey of thyng{is} set aboue the ster∣res. But whan by little and little the purenesse of the golden age decaced, than were scienc{is} inuented (as I saied) by wicked sprites, but right fewe as yet, and practised by as few. Than afterward{is}, the superstici∣on of the Chaldees, and idle newfanglednesse of the Grekes added (I wene) more than six hundred others, beyng mere vexacions of mens braines, in so muche as Grammer alone, is hable to kepe a man taske whiles he liueth. And yet (loe) euin among{is} suche sciences, those we see had in most price, than draw nearest to the commen sence and capacitee of all men (that is to saie) to Folie. For as for Diuines, they maie well enough walke an hungred: Mathematicall professours blowe theyr nayles: Astronomers are laught to scorne: So∣phistrers are naught set by: Onely a Phisicion (as Homer saieth) is more woorth than twentie of the rest. Yea and commenly the rassher, the vncunnynger, & lesse cir∣cumspect the vndertaker of any of those vsuall scienc{is} is, the more yet is he regarded & allowed euin amonges great men also. Lyke as Phisike, accordyng as ma∣ny now a daies dooe wrest it, is naught els than a mem∣bre of Adulacion, as well as Rhetorike: Next place wherunto is geuin to Ciuilians and Lawiers: but I am in doubt, whether it be the seconde, or the fyrst, by the rules and statutes of the vniuerfitee: of whose profession as I will saie nothyng, so other men are went with one consent to haue it in derision, as a cer∣taine kynde of Asselyke philosophie: but yet these Asseheades be they, that rule all the rost, and enlarge their possessions, wheras a Diuine in the meane while lookyng ouer all his bookes of diuinitee, can hardly pyke hym out a radisshe roote for his diner, doyng bat∣taile continually with gnatt{is} and lyse. And therfore lyke as sciences are the more happie, and auailable, the nearer affinitee they haue with Folie. So are those men most happie, who altogethers maie abstaine from medlyng with any sciences, and folow Nature onely for theyr guide and maistres, who in no parte of hir is lame, or insufficient, as longe as it suffiseth vs to kepe our selues within hir band{is}. For Nature abhorreth counterfeityng,Thynges without arte the morehappe¦ly flourish. and farre more towardly doeth it flou∣risshe, that with least arte and cure is tended to. For see you not how among{is} brute beastes, and burdes al∣so, those lyue most wealthily, that haue least to dooe with disciplines? nor are subiect to any others gouern∣ment, sauyng Natures? The verie Bees (trow ye) how happy and merueilous is theyr propretee? and yet (pardic) they haue not all theyr senses. What house∣wright by Geometrie founde euer out suche maner buildyng, as theyr commes are of? What Philoso∣pher did euer fourme suche a commen weale as theyrs is? Contrary, an horse because he draweth nerest to mans sense, and is conuersant among{is} men, is ther∣fore pertaker also of suche miseries as men are subiecte to. As who not seeldome, whiles he is ashamed to be ouer ronne for the belle, dooeth ryre hym selfe, and in battaile whiles he seketh victorie, dooeth oftentymes draw his gutt{is} after hym. Besydes the snafles and bitt{is}, he is broken with, the spurres he is gyrded with, the stables enprisonment he is hampred with, the whip∣pes he is lasshed with, the cogill{is} he is asted with, the halters he is tyed with, the ryders he is laden with, and briefly, all that tragedie of his bondage, whiche willingly in a maner he toke vpon him (if we geue cre∣dite to Aesopes fables) whiles (as these valiaunt men dooe) his desyre was to be wroken on the hart his ene∣mie. Now bow muche leefer is the life of these pret∣tie small burd{is}? who onely as Nature pricketh theim, lyue from hande to mouthe, in depe quietnesse, as long as men will let theim alone? That and if they for∣tune to be taken, and made to syng in a cage, yet (lord) how muche they want than of theyr natiue grace, and properuesse? So farre more liuely ye shall fynde it, that ra∣ther nature induceth, than that arte constreigneth. I can ne∣uer therfore fully commende Pythagoras,Pythago∣ras coun∣ted any brute crea∣ture to be happier than man. who whan vnder diuerse bodies and likenesses he had ben all thin∣ges, a Philosopher, a man, a woman, a kynge, a priuate per∣son, a fisshe, an horse, a frogge, yea (I wene) a sponge also, iudged yet no kynde of creature more miserable than man, because all the reste were content to liue as Na∣ture had limitted theim. Onely man woulde preasse to passe his band{is}. Yea and therfore among{is} men, he preferred also the Ideote, and simple vulgars, before other learned and reputed persons. So Grillus (I thynke) was better aduised, than Vlisses, for all his deepe witte, in that he had rather grunt still in the stie, beyng changed into a hogge through Circes sorceries, than waifaryng with hym, to suffre so many wretched, and greenous chaunces. In whiche poinct I take it, that Homer also the father of fables, dooeth consent with me: that where in many places he calleth all mortall men bothe wofull, and wret∣ched. and than againe speakyng of Vlisses, the exem∣ple (as he makes hym) of a perfite wyseman, geueth hym the addicion of sighyng, or pensiue, whiche in no place ye fynde attributed to Paris, or Aiax, or A∣chilles. But wherfore trow ye dooeth he so? Saue for that Vlisses beyng double, and craftie, vsed Pallas aduyse in all his procedyng{is}, and was ouerwyse, as he that toke the fadest drifte he myght from Natures course. Wherfore lyke as among{is} mortall men they are fardest remoued from blisfulnesse, that geue theim selues to the studie of wysedome, yea, twyse foolishe in this, that beyng borne men, they woulde possiblie if they could, vsurpe the state of the immortall Gods, and (as poetes feigne the Geantes did) with theyr engins of sciences moue warre against Nature. So thei on the other syde seeme least miserable, and wretched, who drawe nearest to the bluntnesse of brute beastes, and attempte nothyng beyonde mans degree. For proufe wher∣of I will not blinde you with these Stoikes Syllogis∣mes, but rather induce you by some familiar exemple. And by the faieth ye owe to the immortall godd{is}, maie any thyng to an indifferent considrer be deemed more happie, and blisfull, than is this kynde of men,Naturall oles the happiest of all men. whom commenly ye call fooles, doltes, ideotes, and paches? by most fayre and goodly names as I take theim? Per∣aduenture I moue a thyng without purpose, and verie fonde at the fyrst syght, but ere I haue dooen, ye will graunt I haue cause to saie it. Seeyng fyrst suche ideotes are free, and exempt from all feare of death, whiche feare is no small corrosiue, to a mind that min∣deth it I warrant you. Lyke as they fele not what a twitching turment it is, to haue a grudged conscience, and shrinke as little at these old wiues tales of sprites, of diuell{is}, of hobgoblyne and the fayries, neither mour∣nyng to theim selues for feare of euill{is} and aduersitees impendyng, nor braggyng ouermuche vpon hope of a∣ny good lucke commyng. To be briefe, they are not tawed, nor plucht a sunder with a thousande thousand cares, wherwith other men are oppressed. Thei blushe at nothyng, they doubt nothyng, they coueite no digni∣tee, they enuie o mans fortune, they loue not pera∣mours: and lastly if they be veraie brute Naturalles, now they sinne not, as doctours doe affirme. Here, I woulde my Maisters of sapience, naie rather Maister fooles, shoulde repute with theim selues, how on all sy∣des theyr myndes are vexed continually. Yea lette theim but gather to accompt, to what a noumbre of discommoditees, inconueniences, and difficulties the state of theyr lyfe is endebted, and so they shall soone summe vp, from howe many, and howe great euill{is} I haue subtraied these my sele paches. Who not onely them selues are euer mery, plaiyng, singyng, and laugh∣yng: but also what euer they dooe, are prouokers of o∣thers lykewyse to pleasure, sport, and laughter, as who saieth, ordeined herefore by the godd{is} of theyr be∣euolence, to recreate the sadnesse of mens lyues. That wheras diuerse among{is} them selues are diuersly enclined, yet dooe all men generally with one assent owe fauour to these poore fooles, coueit them, fede thē, stroke them embrace them, yea so muche lacketh that a∣uy wight of reason will do them any great iniurie, as the verie wildbeast{is} (experience teacheth) haue been seen to spare and forbeare from hurtyng of theim, tho∣rough a certaine naturall sense of theyr innocencie. For suche Naturals are holy, and consecrate vnto the godd{is}, specially to me: and not without cause therfore dooe folke so esteme theim. Lyke as many great lor∣des there be,Great lor∣des delite in fooles. who set so muche by theim, as scant they can eate theyr meate, or byde a minute without theim, cherisshyng them (by iysse) a little better, than thei are went to dooe these frounyng philosophers. A few of whi∣che sort also for honours sake, and furniture of theyr courte, they vouchesaue to enterteine. But why they vse to make more of the other, I thynke it soone ges∣sed, and ought not to be meruailed at. For these wai∣warde wysemen neuer come foorth but with admonici∣ons, and boke lessons, yea and throughe confidence of theyr learnyng, are not sometyme ashamed to saie the trouth: wheras my fooles supplie a farre more graci∣ous and acceptable office, to delite men with theyr plai∣yng, daliyng, fonde talke, and deuises. Yea and a∣boue all this, haue a meruailous propretee, in that they onely are plainsaiers, and south speakers. And what is more laudable (at least as outwardely ye commende it) than plainesse of speche? For although Alcibia∣des prouerbe in Plato ascribeth trouth to children and dron∣kennes, yet maie all the praise therof be chiefly appen∣ded to me, as Euripides can well testifie, who wrote thus: A foole speaketh like a foole (id est) plainely. For what soeuer he hath in his thought, that sheweth he al∣so in his countinaunce, and expresseth it in his talke. Wheras these wisemen are thei, that ar double tounged, as the aforesaied Euripides telleth vs, with the one of whiche they speake the trueth, with the other, thyng{is} mete for the tyme and audience. Theyr propretee it is to chaunge blacke into white, and out of one mouthe to blow bothe hote and colde: and thynke vnhappeliest in their hert{is}, whan they speake smotheliest with their toung{is}. How be it me seemeth that princ{is}, how e∣uer the haboundant felicitee of theyr estate is wont to ase meane folk{is} etes, maie yet as to this respecte be counted right miserable, because they want, of whom to here the trouthe, and are faiue therefore to take flattrers for their friend{is}. But some will saie, trouth maie not at all tymes be spoken, and therfore are these wysemen so eschewed, because without respecte they speake frankly. Now so it is in deede, trueth (for the most part) is hatefull to princ{is}. And yet we see, that of fooles oftetymes,True talke of fooles vnpuni∣shed. not onely true tales, but e∣uin open rebukes are with pleasure declared. That what woorde comyng out of a wisemans mouthe were an hangyng mattier, the same yet spoken by a foole shall muche delight euin hym that is touched therwith. Suche a liuely grace to content men hath veritee, as longe as it be mixed with naught els that maie offende. But without offence to dooe the same the godd{is} haue graunted to fooles onely.Women delite in fooles. And so in a maner vppon lyke causes, haue women lyke pleasure in theim, in as muche as naturally the Feminine Sexe is bended all to pleasure, and trifles. That what so euer they do with these fooles, although sometyme (maie chaunce) it be past sporte, yet haue they the easie to expounde it to be nothyng but a plaiyng toy, or a thing to make daliance, as euer women be redie witted to tourne and excuse the mattier. But now to retourne to my purpose, my I∣deotes hauyng thus ledde foorth theyr tyme, in muche triumphe, and solace, at last without any feare or sense of death, dooe passe hence the right waie to paradise, there also to disporte theyr quiet and innocent soules in continuall plaie. Now goe to if ye list, and conferre any wyseman of theym all, with these my symple, and least regarded fooles, as touchyng theyr state of blisfulnesse. Or rather let vs draw on the other side, for a comparison betwixe theim, the extract of a man of wisedome. For exemples sake, a caitiue (so I maie call hym) that hath worne out all his childhode,The image of an abso∣lute wise∣man. and youthfull yeres in learnyng of disciplines, hauyng lost so the swetest part of his life in continuall watches, ca∣res, and trauailes, nor in all the residew that euer ta∣sted one dramme of pleasure, beyng euer niggardly, e∣uer poore, melancholike, and frounyng: as harde and wrongfull to hym selfe, as insupportable and odious to others, pale, meigre, sikely, and blereyed, wasted a∣waie with elde, and horenes, whiche his owne wilfull studie auaunced to him before his tyme: yea and before his tyme postyng (as it were) out of life, although it skilleth not how soone he dieth, who neuer yet liued. And this (loe) is that goodly image of theyr wyseman. But ones againe these Philosophers, or verelier (Soike frogges dooe crocke at me), For nothyng (saie thei) is more miserable than madnesse: but a notable folie is nexte sybbe vnto madnesse, or ratber madnesse it selfe. For what is mad∣nesse els, sauyng a generall errour and abusion of the mynde? Tusshe, tusshe, these calues are euer in a wronge boxe: but let vs proue yet, by the Muses leaue, how we can refelle this Syllogisme of theyrs, whiche (in deede) thei haue subtilly knit togethers, but as in Plato, So∣crates teacheth vs, to deuide one venus into two, and one Cupide, into two Cupides. So lykewise these Logiciens, if they had dooen right, shulde haue deuided or distin∣gued one kinde of madnesse from an other. In as mu∣che as euery madnesse,Euery er∣rour of the mynde is not mad∣nesse. is not straight therfore misera∣ble. For than Horace wolde not haue saied, Is it not a swete, and pleasaunt madnesse that deceiueth me? Nor Plato likewyse woulde haue put the rauyng of poetes, prophetes, and louers, amonges the principall weales, and benefites of this life. Nor yet the prophetesse in Virgise woulde haue called the longe wandryng, and peregrinacion of Aeneas, a madde labour. But ye must vnderstande, that there be two kyndes of mad∣nesse.Two kyn∣des of mad∣nesse. One is that rage, whiche the Furies of hell, beyng punisshers of the wicked, doe bringe with them, as often as thei graffe, and fasten in the mind{is} of mor∣tall men, either feruente desyre of an vniust reuenge∣ment, or vnsaciate couetousnesse of golde, or cursed and vnleefull loue, or parent slaughter, or treason, with su∣che other plages sent by the iust iudgement of the gods, for the punisshyng of misdooers. Or whan those Fu∣ries do trouble, and vexe the giltie conscience of a man, with the pricke of dredefull furiousnesse. But there is an other kynde of madnesse, farre vnlike the former, whiche procedeth from me wholy, and most is to be em∣braced. As often as a certaine pleasant rauing, or er∣rour of the mynde, deliuereth the herte of that man, whom it possesseth, from all wonted carefulnesse, & ren∣dreth it dyuers waies, muche recreated with new de∣lectacion. Now this saied Errour of the mynde, as a speciall iewel, and benefite of the godd{is}, was wisshed after, euin of Cicero hym selfe, in a certaine epistle he wrote to Atticus, to the ende he might haue no sense, nor vn∣derstandyng of so great euils, as at those daies oppressed his coun∣trey. Lykewyse Argiuus, he whom Horace writeth of, iudged not muche amysse. Who this faroorth ra∣ued, that whole daies togethers he woulde sitte alone in the Theatre (a place where the commen plaies were plaied) laughyng, and clappyng his handes, and re∣ioysyng muche to hym selfe, because hym seemed veri∣ly that some excellent Tragedies were in plaiyng there, wheras in deede he sawe nothyng at all. Whan yet for all that as to other respect{is}, he behaued hym selfe wysely enough, beyng welbeloued of his friend{is}, gen∣till to his wyfe, and easie to his seruant{is}, without fal∣lyng in any rage with theim, whan he founde a backe faulset set in his wyne vessell. Now whan his kins∣folkes procurement, geuyng hym medecines therfore, had healed his disease, and restored hym to his former wittes, marke ye, how he fell out with theim, in bla∣myng their thanklesse and double diligence. Ye haue slaine, and not saued me; ô my friendes (quod he) in wrestyng my pleasure from me in this sort, and by force bereuyn gme suche a most delectable errour of my mynde. And well mought thou saie it (good Argiue). For it was thei that raued, and had more nede than thou of Elleborus to purge theim, who toke in hand to driue and expell out of the, so pleasaunt, and happie a madnesse, in stede of a great disease, as thei toke it. How be it, I am in doubte yet, whether euery Errour of the mynde and senses, deserueth to bee called madnesse.Euery er∣rour is not madnesse. For if one that is andblynde woulde take an asse, for a moyle, or an other praise a rime of Robyn hode, for as excellent a makyng, as Troilus of Chaucer, yet shoulde they not straight∣waies be counted madde therfore. But he that not onely erreth in his senses, but is deceiued also in iudge∣ment of the mynde, and that extraordinarely, and of custome, he (I saie) maie well be bolden madde, and out of his right mynde. As if some man so often as he heard an asse rore, did perswade hym selfe, he heard meruailous chauntyng of the Chapell: or a poore cai∣iue borne of beggers, beleued he were Cresus the rich kynge of Lidia. And yet, cum this platte kynde of madnesse, so it tende (as for the most part it dooeth) vn∣to pleasure, than bringeth it no small delectacion, as well to theim that are deteined therwith, as those also that perceiue it to be in others, hauyng theim selues no espece therof. For this maner madnesse is largelier sprede abrode, thau most folke wene it is. But in the meane while one madde man mocketh an other, and not seeldome you shall see the more madman, the lowdelier laugh the lesse to scorne. Yet for all that, so muche is eche of theim the more happie,No ma voyde of madnesse. the more dyuers waies he is deceiued, so in his owne foolisshe iudgement, as long as he continueth still in that kind of madnesse, that is peculier to me, whiche surely is so largely deuided, as I doubt whether of the whole multitude of mortall mn, ye can pyke me out one onely, who at all tymes maie auant him selfe to do wisely, and not to be grudged with some spece of madnesse. Albeit this is the dif∣ference, that who so seeth a Goorde, and beleueth it is a woman, hym doe men geue the name of a madde man, because few are accustomed to erre so outtakyngly. But whan we see an husbande take his wyfe, in whom he hath many Coparteners, to be chaster yet than euer was Penelope, muche reioysyng in his good happe, but right happely mistakyng the mattier, hym nowe dooeth no man call madde, because that maried men are commenly disposed to suche diseases.Folie of hunters. Muche after whiche rate do such folkes also raue pleasantly, as pre∣ferre huntyng before all other pastimes, protesting what an incredible pleasure thei cōceiue, so often as thei here that foule musike, which a horne maketh, beyng touted in, or the howlyng of a meny of dogg{is}. yea I thynke the verie stenche of the houndes kenuell, senteth muske vnto theyr noses. For as touchyng the death of a deare, or other wilde beast, ye know your selues, what ceremonies they vse about the same. Euery poore man maie cutte out an oxe, or a shepe, wheras suche benai∣son maie not be dismembred but of a gentilman: who bareheadded, and set on knees, with a knife prepared proprely to that vse, (for euery kynde of knife is not allowable) also with certaine iestures, cuttes a sunder certaine partes of the wildbeast, in a certaine order ve∣rie circumstantly. Whiche duryng, the standers by, not speakyng a worde, behold it solemnly, as if it were some holy Misterie, hauyng seen the like yet more than a hundred tymes before. Than (sir) whose happe it be to eate parte of the flesshe, marie he thynkes verily to be made therby halfe a gentilman. So therfore wheras these hunters through continuall chasyng and catyng of theyr venerie, gaine nothyng, but in a maner dooe them selfes also degenerate into wilde and saluage propretees, ye maie see yet, how through this errour of mine, thei repute theyr lyues ledde in more than prince∣ly pleasure. And lykewyse, are not they most mad∣ly, but natheles pleasantly occupied,Builders. that wholy sette theyr study on buildyng? to set vp, and plucke downe againe, now square, now rounde, now of this cast, now of that, neuer makyng ende, till brought at last therby to extreme pouertee, they haue not so muche lefte them as a cotage, where to put in theyr head{is}, nor one crosse of comfort, to bie theim breadde withall. But what therof? forsouth a few yeres haue they spent yet, in great wanhope, and pleasure. Not farre vnlyke these Alcumistes, or multipliers,Multipli∣ers, who by theyr newfound se∣crete science, go about to chaunge metall into metall, serchyng bothe by sea and by lande, a certaine Quin∣tessence. These men are so enticed by an hope they haue to bringe theyr feate to passe, as neither labour, nor cost maie withdraw theim from the same, but witti∣ly euer they dooe deuise some new thyng, wherwith to begyle theim selues againe, till at last, hauyng spent all they could make, there remaineth not to theim so mu∣che siluer, as wherwith to bie bechen coles for their fornace. Natheles they leaue not to dreame still of wonderous pleasant inuencions, encourageyng others, as muche as in theim lieth, to the same trade of felici∣tee. That whan at last all hope forsaketh theim, yet haue they this prouerbe in theyr mouthes, in steede of a great comfort and recompence, Saiyng, how in hiegh en∣terprises, euin the good wyll alone is sufficient. And than (loe) in theyr excuse, accuse they the shortnesse of mans life, whiche suffiseth not for the great waight of so depe a cunnyng to be fully serched out. Moreouer these dyse plaiers,Dyse plai∣ers, though I doubt whether theyr mad∣nesse be foolisshe, or furious, yet surely it is a foolissh, and ridiculous sight, to beholde many of theim so ge∣uin to the plaie, that as soone as they but here ones the sounde of the dysespringyng vpon the boorde. (Lorde) how by and by theyr hertes beginne to lepe and throbbe in theyr belies. Further, through a certaine suckling hope of gaine, hauyng made shipwrcke of all theyr good{is}, whan theyr shippe strikes vpon the Dyserocke, (a daunger farre more perilous, than is the race of Bri∣taine) theim selues hardely escaryng in theyr hose and theyr doublet{is}, yet sooner will they begyle theyr owne brother, than hym that nycked theim of theyr money, lest els perchaunce they might be counted foule game∣sters. Yea, and beyng olde now, and almost blinde, yet plaie they still with glasen eres: and lastly hauyng theyr fyngers so knobbed with the goute, as rendreth them impotent, yet hyre thei some other to cast the dyse for them. In whiche kinde of madnesse (I wen) thei myght passe theyr tymes right pleasantly, if it did not for the most part burst into a rage, and so pertaine ra∣ther to the Furies of hell, than to me. But those men (no question) are wholy of my retinew, that put theyr sole delyte in tellyng or hearyng of these feigned mi∣racles,lnuentors of old wy∣ues tales and fei∣gned mira∣cles, or verilier monstrous lies, beyng neuer satisfied therwith, as whan they feigne certaine terrible tales of gostes, sprites, fairies, and dinels, with thousande su∣che other old wyues inuencions, whiche the further thei sounde from trueth, are the gladlier beleued, and more pleasantly dooe fede mens eares. For surely suche fables are not onely doulcet to passe the tyme withall, but gainfull also to theyr practisers, suche as perdoners and limittours be. Than againe next neyghbours to these, are suche as haue a foolisshe, but yet a pleasant perswa∣sion to theim selues, that what daie thei see a woodden or a peincted image of the geant saincte Christopher, no nuschaunce shall betide theim. Or if thei grete the grauen image of saincte Barbara, with some praier pre∣scribed for that vse, they can not but retourne hurte∣lesse from the warres. Or if vpon the sondaies they woorship saincte Erasmus, with certaine tapers and Paternosters, thei shall in short space become riche men. For what speake I of others, who with feigned Per∣dones,Perdones, and remissions of sinnes dooe pleasantly flattre theim selues, takyng vpon theim to measure the space and continuance of soules abode in Purgatorie, as it were by houreglasses, settyng out, bothe the yeres, the monthes, the des, the houres, and the lest minutes, without missyng, as if they had cast it by Algrysme? Or what of those, that vnder confidence of certaine Magike praiers, and charmelyke Rosaries,Rosares, whiche some deuoute deceiuour inuented fyrste, either for his pleasure, or his profyte, dooe promyse theim selues all gladde thyng{is}, richesse, honour, pleasure, good fare, longe health, lenger life, greene age, yea, and the next seate in heauen to ged almightie, whiche seate yet by theyr willes thei wolde not possesse to timely, I meane, that whan the pleasures of this life haue lefte theim muche against theyr willes, yea holdyng theim backe as it were by the teeth, than are thei at last content, to haue those heauenly ioies succede in the others places. And here now I maie bringe in the foolisshe wanhope (imagine we) of some vsurer, or man of warre, or cor∣rupte iudge, who castyng foorth one halfpenie of all his euill gotten good{is}, will straight thynke that the whole hoorde of his former mislife, is at ones forgeuin hym, and that his periuries, his lecheries, his drunkennes∣ses, braulyng{is}, deceit{is}, trumperies, and treasons, whi∣che infinitely he by all his life committed, are therby as vpon a Quit{is} est redeemed, yea and so redeemed, as it maie be leefull for hym, therupon to retourne a freshe to a new worlde of vices. Further, how foolisshe, naie rather how happie are those good soules? whiche in saiyng daily the .vii. verses pyked out of the whole Psaltier, beleeue they can not mysse of too too great a good tourne at godd{is} handes? Whiche verses (it is saied) Sainct Bernard learned fyrst of a certaine mery conceited diuell, yet lenger tounged, than craftie, for the poore wretche let Sainct Bernard begyle hym. But as for the verses, beyng in deede so balde, and nothyng correspondent to the braue title they beare, as welnere I my selfe am ashamed of theim, yet are they allowed, not onely of the people, but also of my great presidentes of religion. Moreouer,Supersti∣cious wor∣shipping of sainctes, sauoureth it not of the same saulce (trow ye) whan euerie countrey chalengeth a seuerall sainct for theyr patrone, assignyng further to eche sainct a peculier cure and office, with also sundrie waies of woorshippynge? as, this sainct helpeth for the totheache: that socoureth in childbyrth: she restoreth stolne good{is}: an other aydeth shipmen in tempestes: an other taketh charge of husband mens hogges: and so of the rest: for to longe were it to reherse all. Than some sainct{is} there be, that are generally sued to for many thynges: among{is} whom chiefely is the virgin mother of god: in whom vulgar folke haue an especiall confidence, yea almost more thā in hir sonne.Uulgar folke praie not to sain¦ctes for wysedome. But what is it (I praie you) that men make peticion for vnto these sainct{is}? sauyng for thyn∣ges perteinyng rather to Folie, than ought els? Or a∣mong{is} so many peincted tables, images of waxe, and other offring{is}, wherwith all the walles, and roofes of some pylgrimage chapels are decked, in token of daun∣gers escaped, sawe ye euer any man yet escape folie, or made one heare the wyser? Some one (perchaunce) was saued from drowning: an other striken through with a pot gonne, recouered: an other, whiles bothe partes were together by the eares, no lesse happely, than manfully, fledde from the battaile: an other, beyng hanged on the galowes, through the fauour of some sainct, good maister to thenes, brake the haulter and ranne his waie, to the ende he myght ones more helpe to dis∣charge suche, as are ouercharged with theyr money bagg{is}: An other, breakyng prison escaped: An other in spyte of the phisicion waxed whole of his longe botched sickenesse: An other, that dranke two sortes of poyson at ones, through the conflict of theyr contrarie operacions, beyng driuen into a laxe, founde theim rather medicinable, than deadly, vnto hym, full sore against his wiues will, who lost bother hir labour and cost a∣bout it: An other, whan his carte ouertourned, brought his hor∣ses home in sauetie: An other, beyng passhed with the fall of an house, lost not (thankes be to the sainct) his life: An other, founde a bedde with a mans wyfe, had the grace yet to shifte from hir husbande. But none of all these (I warrant you) yeldeth thank{is} for his folie laied asyde. So sweete a thyng is it, to be cumbred with no wysedome, as men had rather axe perdone of any other thyng, than that. But how am I entred thus farre, into this Sea of supersticions? That if I had an hundred tounges, as ma∣ny mouthes, and a voyce therto of yron, yet coulde I neuer des∣iue halfe the kyndes of fooles, nor recken vp halfe the names of theyr folies. So swarmeth on all sydes the life of chri∣sten men, with this blindnesse: whiche natheles prie∣stes not onely dooe admitte gladly, but also set it for∣ward{is}, because they know well enough on whiche side theyr breade is buttred. But now, if some one of these cumbrous wysemen shoulde ryse vp, and saie (and saie truely) thou shalt neuer die ill, as longe as thou li∣uest well: Thou redeemest thy synnes, in case to one halfpennie geuin to the poore, thou addest repentaunce of thy misdeedes, to∣gether with teares, praier, and fastyng: and changest all the trade of thy syfe: this sainct will helpe the, if thou liuest as he did. These aduertisementes, and suche semblable, if this wyseman (I saie) shoulde barke vnto the people: See than straight from howe sweete a felicitee, into howe great a trouble and confusion, he shoulde plucke backe the myndes of mortall men. To this college doe thei also pertaine,Funerall ompes. who by theyr liue daies, dooe seriously enacte, with what pompe and ordre they woulde be bu∣ried. So farfoorth as by tale also they expresse the noumbre of the torches, tapers, mourners, priestes, and orders of friers to synge at theyr funerall{is}: And than, how many hyred for money must lament and howle for theim. As who saieth, any maner sense of this specta∣cle shoulde redounde vnto the deade. Or as if they, shoulde blusshe and be ashamed, vnles the corps were woorshipfully enterred, with none other desyre in this poyncte, than if beyng made maiors or sheriues they shoulde ordeine a midsomer syght. And truely, make I neuer so muche haste, yet I can not passe ouer in si∣lence those pecockes, whiche in deede are nothyng dif∣ferent from the poorest coblers that clowte shoone, and yet vnder a vaine title of nobilitee doe wondersly stand in theyr owne conceites. One of theim bring{is} his pe∣tigrew from Aeneas, an other from Brutus, an other from Arthur: They shew the grauen and peincted ar∣mes of theyr auncestours: they speake of theyr graund∣fathers, great graundfathers, belgraundfathers, and great bel∣graundfathers, wheras they theim selues stand lyke bloc∣kes, in a maner lesse worth, than those peincted signes, whiche they glorie in. And yet, through this sweete perswasion of Selflykyng, they leade a golden life: namely since suche there want not, as verie fooles as the other, that haue these kynde of calues in veneraci∣on, as if they were godd{is}. But what speake I now of one, or two exemples? as though this Selflykyng made not most men, manifoldly, by wonderous meanes, most happie in theyr owne opinion: as whan one fow∣ler than any marmoset,Euery wight ly∣keth beste hym selfe. thynk{is} hym selfe to be goodlier than Absalon. Or some other, as soone as he can draw three lynes with a compasse, takes hym selfe to be as good in Geometrie as euer was Euclides. An o∣ther lyke an asse to the harpe, though he syng no better than a Gynee cocke, weneth yet to be Hermogenes, that excellent musicien. Than againe, this (no faile) is a sweete kynde of madnesse, whiche we see in diues fooles, who what euer qualitee theyr friendes, or ser∣uauntes haue, dooe glorie as muche therin, as if they coulde dooe it theim selues. Not muche vnlike that wealthie richeman, whom Seneke writeth of, Who takyng vpon hym to tell a tale, had euer his seruaunt{is} at hand to prompt him where he missed: and beyng him selfe so feble, as scantly he coulde stande on his legg{is}, woulde not feare yet vpon confidence of so many pou∣dredbefe lubbers, as he fedde at home, to make a mache with any man at footeball. Furthermore I thynke in nedelesse for me,Gradua∣tes of ar∣tes. to touche any whit these graduates of artes, and sciences. Seyng that Self loue is alto∣gethers so muche theyr alie, as any of theim will soo∣ner be driuen from the enheritance his father lefte him, than geue place in cunnyng to any others: but chiefely these Syngyng men, Sophistrers, Rhetoriciens, and poetes dooe excell therin: among{is} whom, the vncunnynger, the more lyketh hym selfe, and the franklier bosteth what he can dooe. And lyke setuce, lyke lippes: for the balder the thing be, the more are men wont to be in loue with it: as commenly the woorst thyng{is} are best fante∣sied, because (as afore I saied) the most parte of men are subiecte vnto Folie. And therfore, if so be that a man the vncunnynger he is, the deeper yet standeth in his owne conceite, and is of moste men the more acce∣pted, now I see not to what entent he shoulde rather coueite the true and perfite knowlage of the thyng that he professeth, whiche fyrst shoulde cost hym longe labour and expence before he atteine it, and beyng ones had, should make hym the lesse vnderstanded, the more fearefull to misse in vttryng of it, and lastly commen∣ded of a farre fewer noumbre, because most mens rude∣nesse can not reche to the fines of the same. Moreouer, wee see how nature as in singular men,The com∣men self li∣kyng of eche Naci∣on. so also in eche Nacion, and almost in eche citee, hath graffed a certaine commen selflikyng. And so it commes to passe, that Englisshemen peculierly before all other thyng{is}, dooe vindicate vnto theim faire shape of the bodie, musike, and well farsed tables. Scottes, dooe bost theim sel∣ues in theyr nobilitee, and nerenesse of bloudde to their prince, not a little also flattryng theim selues in theyr Duns doctrine. Frenchemen, woulde be counted ci∣uile, and curteis of maners. Parisiens, all other na∣mes set asyde, desyre yet that the science of Theologi be peculierly annexed to theyr vniuersitee. Italians, a∣boue all men count theim selues learned in humanitee and eloquence, chiefely gloriyng in this, that among{is} all other nacions, they be not Barbarous. In whiche kynde of felicitee the Romains are principall, who e∣uin yet, dreame pleasauntly of the triumphes of theyr olde Rome. Venecians, put great confidence in their nobilitee. Grekes, as authours of all sciences, doe magnifie theim selues in so many famous men, as whi∣lom flourished in theyr countrey. Turkes, and all that frothe of the verie Barbariens, wolde be commended yet euin for theyr religion, laughyng christen men to scorne, as rather full of supersticions. But muche more sweetely are the Iewes deceiued, who constantly loke yet after theyr Messias, and euin till this daie stande obstinately by theyr Moyses law. Hispanierdes, wolde be taken for good men of warre. Allemaignes, dooe faune vpon theim selues for theyr talnesse, and knowlage in artmagike. Thus, as it were to longe to repete all, so you see (I trow) how muche this arro∣gance of Self loue dooeth delite all men, in all places. With whom in a maner hir syster Adulacion may com∣pare. For Self loue is naught els, but whan a man fauneth on hym selfe. Whiche if thou dooest to an o∣ther, than is it Adulacion, or flaterie. But now a daies Flaterie (on gods name) is taken for a vite fault, but of suche as are moued rather with the name,Flaterie a most requi∣site and commodi∣ous thyng to mans conuersa∣cion. than with the thyng it selfe. They thinke how faieth, may euill ioygne with flaterie, whiche to be otherwyse, we maie learne through the exemple of brute beastes. For what can be more faunyng, and flattryng to a man, than a dogge? but than againe, what is more faiethful? What is fuller of daliance than a squyrell? but than againe what is lesse hurtfull? Unlesse perchaunce ye will saie, that Lyons, Tygres, or Leoperd{is} are meter for mans recreacion. How be it there is in deede a certaine kynde of flaterie, wherby some traitours and deceitfull villaines, dooe traine simple folkes oftenty∣mes to theyr vndoyng. But this Adulacion of myne procedeth wholy from a certaine gentilnesse, and easie whitenesse (as it were) of a friendly good will, and draweth muche nearer to a vertue, than dooeth hir con∣trarie, that is to saie, a roughe plainesse, or vnmanerly crab∣bednesse, to beare with no man. This Adulacion encou∣rageth a weake sprite, comforteth one droupyng in sad∣nesse, quickeneth a langwisshyng thought, wakeneth a dulle head, reiseth vp a sicke mynde, mollifieth a stub∣bourne hert, getteth loue, and ones gotten, reteineth it still, enticeth children with a good wil to lerne their bo∣kes, gladdeth olde folkes, teacheth, and admonissheth princ{is} of theyr duities, vnder coulour of praise, with∣out offendyng, briefely, it maketh that eche man to him selfe is bothe dearer, and more acceptable: whiche ef∣fect maie well be taken for the chiefest membre of feli∣citee. And what can be more faunyng, than whan one man praiseth an other? lyke moyles clawyng eche others backe? Or what nedeth me to alleage vnto you, how this flaterie supplieth a great good porcion of that fa∣mous Eloquence, greatter percell of Philike, & greatest of Poetrie? at ones, that she is euin the verie hony, and conserue of mans societee and companiyng togethers? But Philosophers saie it is a miserable thyng to be begy∣led, and erre so. Naie, most miserable is it (I saie) not to erre,Mans life dependeth vpon opi∣nions of thynges, and not to be deceiued. For too too are thei de∣ceiued, who wene that mans felicitee consisteth in thin∣ges selfe, and not rather in the opinion how the same are taken. In as muche as in all humaine thynges, there is so great darkenesse and diuersnesse, as nothyng maie be clerely knowne out, nor discouered: lyke as truely was affirmed by my Academicall philosophers, the lest arrogant a∣monges all theyr Sectes. Or if that ought maie be knowen, the same yet not seeldome disauaileth to the gladsomenesse and pleasure of the lyfe. Lastly, so is mans mynde framed, as muche more it deliteth in thyn∣ges to the shew, than in suche as are in deede. Wher∣of who so list to haue a liuely prouffe, let hym no more but goe to a sermon, wherin if ought be saied grauely, and to the mattier, he shall see straight all the audience, other slepe, or gaspe, or be vrkesome. But and if the skreker (the preacher I woulde haue saied) falleth out of his purpose, as commenly their vsage is, into some tale of Gesta Romanorū, or suche lyke, than by and by they lift vp their head{is}, they stande vp, and geue good care. Also if any sainct among{is} other, semeth rathest to be newfounde or poeticall, admitte it be sainct Bran∣don, saint Christophre, or sainct Barbara, the same yet shall ye see more deuoutly woorshipped, and vowed to of the people, than Peter, or Paule, yea or Christ hym selfe. But these mattiers perteine not to this place. Consider you therfore, how muche lesse costeth the ac∣quirey of this felicitee, whiche dependeth on the sem∣blance and opinion of a thyng, as if it were had, than that other of the thyng selfe, beyng had in deede, whi∣che be it of neuer so small value and estimacion, as Grammer, yet you see how longe a man must sweate ere he gette it, wheras the semblaunce of the same ye maie easelie conceiue, and come by, through your owne perswasion: and yet shall that conceipte as muche, or more auaile you toward{is} felicitee. For admitte that one eateth stinkyng saltfisshe, wherof some other could scant byde the smelle, and yet to his mouthe it tasteth sweeter than a partrich, now (I praie you) what dif∣ference is there, as touchyng the felicitee he taketh therin? Or an other abhorred to eate of a Carpe, or some other delicate kynde of fisshe, did that any thyng hyndre the blisfull state of his life? If a man hath a wyfe as vglie as maie be, who yet in his conceipt maie compare in beautie with Venus, is it not all one now vnto hym, as if she were fayre in deede? If he that beholdeth a table daubed with a little durt and redde Okre, did perswade hym selfe it were a pece of Apel∣les or Hans Holbyns peinctyng, is he not happier (trow ye) than some other, who at great price haue bought some of those woorkmens woork{is}? and peraduenture take lesse pleasure in regardyng of the same, than he dooeth of his? I know a gentilman, that presented his new wedded wife with certaine counterfeict stones set in ring{is}, perswadyng hir (as he could dooe finely e∣nough) that not onely they were true, and orient, but also of great value. Now I praie you, what skil∣led that to hir? Seyng she contented bothe hir eies and fantesie with those counterfeict{is}, kepyng them for a great treasure, wheras the housbande in the meane season bothe spared cost, and toke pleasure at his wy∣nes errour, who natheles conned him as great thanke, as if they had been right iewels. Is there any diffe∣rence (trow ye) betweene suche as Plato feigneth sittyng in a caue vnder the grounde, to see nothyng but shadowes and repre∣sentacions of thynges, so that they dooe coueite naught els, and content theim selues therwith, and that wyseman, he imagineth shoulde come out of the caue, and so see verie thynges as they are in deede? That and if Micillus in Lucians dialogues had euermore dreamed that his golden & riche dreame, than neded he not to haue wisshed for any other felici∣tee. Conclude therfore, that no difference is betwene a thyng it selfe, and the opinion or semblaunce of the same: or if there be, than are my fooles yet in the hap∣pier trade. Fyrst because theyr felicitee costeth theim as little as can be, as onely an easy perswasion and be∣lefe that they haue, or can dooe a thyng. Nexte than, for that they eniie theyr felicitee in commen with ma∣ny others, and pardie ye knowe, how vnpleasaunt the possession of any weale is, without felowship, as if a man dwelled without company in the fayrest platte of the whole earth. Wherunto I maie lyken these wise∣men. For who is he that knoweth not how scarce the are to fynde, in case ye fynde any at all? In deede the Grekes in so many hundred yeres coulde pyke out but seun of theim: and yet if ye siphte those well, I rey my selfe, and ye fynde one halfe, yea or the thyrde part of a wiseman among{is} theim all. Therfore, if amon∣ges many commoditees whiche my cosyn Bacchus doth endue you with,Drunken∣nesse. this (and woorthily) is reputed the chiefest, that throughe drunkennesse he wypeth all cares, and anxietees from the mynde, but for a season onely, (for as soone as one hath slept a while vpon his drinke, and tempred so his braines, than returne in post haste his former trou∣bles and vexacions). How farre more ample, and re∣die than is my benefite of Folie vnto you?Folie a cō∣tinuall drunken∣nesse. whan tho∣rough a continuall drunkennesse (as it were) I reple∣nishe your mynd{is}, with muche ioie, delite, and pleasure, yea and that so easelie brought about? Whiche bene∣fite of myne I dooe distribute to all men, wheras o∣ther Godd{is} gyftes are deriued sundrely vpon sundrie men. Pardie, these noble and fine wiues that are ha∣ble to resolue sadnesse, and make men plucke vp theyr stomakes, dooe not grow in euerie place. Few haue the gyfte of beautie through Venus fauour. Fewer haue eloquence at Mercuries hand{is}. Hercules maketh not all men riche. Iupiter graunteth not kyngdomes to euery bodie. Oftentymes Mars fauoureth neither partie. Many retourne discomforted from Apollos oracle. Not seeldome Ioues thunder destroieth men: and Phebus launceth his arowes of plage amonges you. Neptunus drowneth more folk{is} than he saueth (for what shoulde I speake of these Veïoues, Pluto∣nes, Ates, Peynes, Feuers, and suche other, not god∣des, but rather helhound{is} and turmentours vnto you). But I Folie am she,Folies po∣wer embra∣ceth all men. that egally dooe comprehende all men vnder the compasse of my so great a good gifte. And loke not yet to be praide vnto, nor am not angrie, nor seke amend{is}, whan any parte of my sacrifice is misdoen, or ouerslipped. Nor I mingle not heauen and earth together, if any one biddyng the other Godd{is} to a sacrifice banket, leaueth me onely behynd, and allow∣eth me not my porcion of the smoke, and sauour of the burnt offryng{is}. For of the other Godd{is} in this poinct suche is the morositee and ceremoniousnesse, as in a ma∣ner it is easier, yea and lesse perill for a man to let them alone, than to medle with theyr rites, and obseruaunc{is}. Lyke as some men there be, so waywarde of nature, and so testie, as better it were not to vse theyr compa∣ny, than to claime any acquaintance of theim. But no man (saie they) maketh sacrifice vnto folie, nor buildeth hir a temple. Now surely I meruaile not a little, (as afore I saied) at suche ingratitude of men. But yet of my gentilnesse I take this also in good part. Albeit to saie the trouth I fynde no want therof at all. For why shoulde I requyre, either frankensence, or leuained meale, or a gote, or a hogge for my sacrifice? Wheras all mortall men, in euerie region, doe yelde me that woorshippyng, whiche euin by these scripture doctours is wonte to be moste approued? Unlesse perchaunce I shoulde enuie Diana, because hir altars ar besprent with mans bloud. Naie, I thinke my selfe to be than moste amplie, and religiously woorshipped, whan euerie where, all men beare me (as they dooe) in theyr hert{is},How men woorship Folie. expresse me in theyr maners, and represent me in theyr lyuyng. Whi∣che kynde of woorshippyng is not verie rife, no not a∣mong{is} Christians. For what a noumbre of theim see we, to set tapers afore the virgin mother of God: and that at noone daies whan lest nede is? But than a∣gaine, how few of theim goe about to folow hir stepp{is} either in chasnesse of life, sobrenesse of maners, or loue of heauenly thyng{is}? For so shulde sainct{is} most digne∣ly be woorshipped. Moreouer, why shoulde I fynde lacke of a temple,All the worlde a temple to Folie. seeyng all this worlde is in maner of a temple most goodly (as I take it) vnto me? And as for priest{is} of my law, and other ministers of my re∣ligion, I am sure I want none in any place, wheras men want not. Than, I am not altogether so foolish, to demaunde any grauen or peincted images represen∣tyng me,Grauen & Peincted i∣mages. whiche rather shoulde derogate than aduance myne honour wheras oftentymes I see many dot{is}, and fattehedd{is} woorshippe suche stock{is}, instede of the sainct{is} theim selues, wherby I might chance to be ser∣ued, as they that are thruste out of theyr roumes, by theyr deputies. But I take it, that so many imag{is} are erected in my name, as there be liuyng men, bea∣ryng the liuely representacion and image of me about theim, will they, or will they not. Wherfore, I haue no cause to be agreeued with the other Godd{is}, though they be woorshipped sundrely, in sundrie partes of the earth: and that at tymes of the yere prefixed. As Phe∣bus in the Isle of Rhodes, Venus in Cypres, Iuno at Argos, Minerua at Athenes, Iupiter in Olympus, Neptunus at Tarentum: and Priapus at Lampsacum, Wheras all the worlde vniuersally offreth me daie by daie farre dearer, and more digne sacrific{is}, than theirs are. That and if I seme to some folk{is}, to haue spo∣ken these woord{is} more stoutly, than truely, goe to, let vs but view a little, and consider the veraie lyues, and doyng{is} of men, and so it shall manifestly appeare, how muche thei are endebted vnto me, and how muche I am made of, bothe of hiegh and low degrees. Yet I entend not to accoumpt euery mans life, for that were an end∣lesse labour, but a certaine onely of the moste notable, wherby ye maie easely gesse, what the rest are. For what nede I to alleage vulgar people? who altoge∣thers (without any question) aperteine to my bande?The com∣men life of men full of Folie. So many veines of Folie they abounde in, and so many new mynes they dooe fresshe and fresshe seke out, as a thousand suche as Democritus was, shulde not suffice to laughe at theim, although yet those verie laughers had nede of an other Democritus to laugh theim also to scorne. Yea, and it passeth, to see what sporte and passetyme the Godd{is} theim selues haue, at suche Folie of these elie mortall men. For as for the forenoone, and sobre houres of the daie, those the Godd{is} spende in counsaile mattiers, and hearyng of mens vowes, and supplicacions. But after diuer oues, whan they haue drunken merily of theyr Nectar, and list not to treate on ernest affayres, than whiche syde of heauen bendeth most toward{is} the earth,How the Gods out of heauen beholde mens folies in earth. there sitte they, and intentiue∣ly beholde what mortall men dooe: and surely no spe∣ctacle can be more pleasaunt vnto theim. Good lorde, what a Theatre is this worlde? how many, and diuers are the pageantes that fooles plaie therin? For I also not seeldome am wont to sitte amonges the Godd{is} to marke mens dooyng{is}. One man see they redie to die for loue of a woman, and the lesse he is beloued, the more hotely to pursue hir. An other marieth the good{is}, not the wydow. He sett{is} his wife to sale. An other ielous wretche lyke Argus, kepeth his in mewe. This man mourneth, and lorde, what folies saieth he, and dooeth he, hyryng also some plaiers (as it were) to wepe and howle for the nones. An other, what so e∣uer he can rape and rende, slingeth it into his bealy gutte, whan not longe after he woulde gladly skamble for a pece of biskette. An other putt{is} all his delite in slepe, and slouth. There be some suche also, as busie them selues busely in other mens businesse, not lokyng ones how theyr owne goeth. Some coumpt theim sel∣ues riche men, in borowyng of Peter to clothe Paule, whan soone after they fynde not one fardyng left, wherwith to blisse them. An other think{is} nothyng better, than liuyng hym selfe wretchedly, to make Iohn̄ his sonne riche. This man for a little lucre, and that also incer∣taine, skymmeth all the seas committyng his life to the waues and the wyndes, whiche no money maie restore to hym, ones beyng forlorne. He had rather seke him riches in the warres, than slepe in a whole skynne at home. There be some, that in pliyng, and geuyng at∣tendaunce on olde men childerlesse, wene to become ri∣che through executourship. Suche want not also, that in wowyng of these wealthy olde trott{is}, thynke to speede sooner of their purpose. Either of whiche than surely make most pastyme to the Godd{is} theyr be∣holders, whan of those that they goe about to traine, they also are trained, and bayted with crafte for craft. But aboue all others, vsurersUsurer, are a kynde of men most foolisshe and filthy, whose trade and occupacion be∣yng in deede the vlest that can be, and therto handled by them after as vile a maner, with liyng, forswearing, bribyng, begylyng, and shiftyng, yet coumpt they them selues to be head men of theyr parisshes, because they weare hoopes, and goldryng{is} on theyr fyngers. And no meruaile, whan these blinde minions, these friers, can so faunyngly vpholde theim in their sermons to the people, callyng theim worshipfull, and venerande mai∣sters, in hope that some porcion of those euill gotten good{is}, maie somewhat in compensacion of theyr golden glosyng, fall vnto theyr couent. You shall see againe some others so muche geuin to Pythagoras secte, (who wolde haue all thynges amonges friendes to be in commen) that what so euer they fynde liyng at large, with as free a conscience they will take it, as if it came to theim by inheritaunce. There be some also, who onely with wisshyng and wouldyng are riche in theyr owne faute∣sie, as whan they imagine certaine sweete dreames of gladde thynges to befall theim, whiche they take suffi∣cient for theyr whole felicitee. Many reioyse to be holden richmen abrode, liuing at home with an Orenge, or an Oynion. This skapethrifte, throweth his good{is} against the walles. That pennie father, skrapeth it togethers, bothe by God, and by the diuell. He, is driuen through ambicion, to seke fauour at hym, and hym. He, is no medlar, but sitt{is} by his owne fyre at home. Many fooles, tangle theim selues in the law, and can neuer gette out of it, but holde and shoue on bothe sydes, onely to make fate these adiournyng iudges, and Ambidexter Aduocates. This man lo∣keth for a new worlde. That man compasseth some depe drifte in his head. Some one hath an especiall deuocion to goe to Ierusalem, to Rome, or to sainct Iames in Galice, leuyng his wife and children succour∣lesse in the meane while at home. Briefely, if one (as Menippus did) lokyng out of the moone, behelde from thence the innumerable tumult{is}, and businesses of mortall men, he shoulde thynke verily he saw a me∣ny of flies,Mortall men com∣pared to a meny of flies. or gnattes, braulyng, fightyng, begilyng, robbyng, plaiyng, liuyng wantonly, borne, bredde vp, decaiyng, and di∣yng: So that it is scant beleuable, what commocions, and what Tragedies, are sterred vp, by so littell, and so short liued a vermyn as this man is. For sometimes a small storme of warre, or pestilence, swopeth awaie and dispacheth many thousandes of theim togethers. But I were plainely moste foole of all, and woorthy whom Democritus, with many laughters shuld poinct to scorne, if I toke vpon me to tell vppe all the fort{is} of vulgar peoples Folie and madnesse:The folie of those that are counted of the wiser forte. and not rather tourne me to those, who among{is} you, haue a certaine reputacion of wisedome. Suche as compasse no meane thynges, but aspire euer to a certaine preeminence in knowlage and cunnyng aboue others. Amonges whom GramariansGramari∣ans, and scholemaisters seme to be right notable. A kynde of men (doubtlesse) most misera∣ble, most slauelike, and most contemptuus, vnlesse I did mitigate and releue the discommoditees of theyr most wretched profession, with a certaine swete bayte of madnesse. For surely these Grammerteachers are not pestred with one, or two euils, but rather with centum grauamina. As who euer in theyr scholes, their scholes, saied I? naie rather in their Chapitre houses, session places, or bucheris, beyng alwaies bare, hungrie, & slouenly, do wast theim selues awaie with continuall trauailes a∣mong{is} a meny of boies, waxe death with noyse and cri∣yng, kyll theim selues with stenche and filthinesse. And yet through my benefite, they coumpt no men like theim selues. So lordely a thyng they take it, whan their feare their feareful flocke, with a thretenyng voice and countenaunce. So princely an execucion, to teare the poore boyes arses with roddes, and ferules, plai∣yng the tourmentours, and termagant{is} amonges them, muche lyke the asse wrapped in a lyons skynne. But yet, whiles they are thus occupied, that their filthinesse se∣meth more than clennesse vnto theim, that stenche, and fyslyng, smelleth ambre grise, that bondage of bon∣dages is taken by theim for a kyngdome: So farfurth as they wolde not chaunge theyr tyrannisshe estate, nei∣ther with Phalaris nor Dionysius. But farre more blisfull yet be they, throughe a certaine conceipt they haue taken of a newe trade in teachyng, eche therin fo∣lowyng his owne deuise. That wheras they put in to childerns heades, naught but mere trifles, and fonde rules of theyr owne, yet (Lorde) what Palaemon, or what Donate will not they dispise, in regarde of them selues. But (thanked be God) they fynde the mea∣nes yet, by what crafte I can not tell, to make the foo∣lisshe mothers, and ignoraunt fathers beleue, that they are suche in deede, as they hoste theim selues to be. Adde also hereunto, this kynde of delite they haue, as often as any of theim chaunceth in some olde boke to fynde out the name of Anchises mother, or some other Latine woorde not commenly vsed, as Bubsequa, Boui∣nator, Manticulator, or diggeth vp some gobbet of an olde stone grauen with Romaine or greke letters some∣what defaced, (Lorde) than what exultacion, what tri∣umphes, what commendacions make they of it? as if they had wonne all Afrike, or taken the great citee of Babylon. What thynke you also, whan they sette vp and shew abrode theyr versis? versis (god knoweth) most balde, and foolisshe, but neuer the more faile thei of some as verie asses as they, who will hieghly com∣mende the same: whiche putteth theim in suche a flusshe, as plainly they beleeue they haue recouered Virgiles owne vaine in poetrie. But this is the swee∣test poincte of all, to see theim flatter, and praise eche o∣ther, clawyng theim selues by courses. That and if (as is possible enough) it chanceth one of them to stum∣ble at some woorde, and an other beyng more aduised than he to take hym with the maner, (Oh Hercules) what Tragedies, what Disputacions, what Inuecti∣ues are tossed than and retossed betwixe theim? Let neuer grammarian be my friende, if I lie ought herein. I know a certaine learned man, beyng bothe a Grecian, and a Latiniste, a Geometricien, a philosopher, and a phisicien, yea a kyng{is} phisicion, now almost .lx. yeres old, who set∣tyng all other thyng{is} a parte, hath whole twentie ye∣res togethers, gone about the makyng of a new Gram∣mer: estemyng hym selfe right happie, if he maie yet liue so longe, as to sette a perfite rule and distinction betweene the eight partes of speche: whiche hitherto none of the Greke, nor Latine grammarians could ful∣ly bringe to passe: As who saieth, it were deadly sinne, if one make a Coniunction a distinction perteinyng to the nature of Aduerbes. And for this cause, thoughe alreadie there be as many Grammers, as Grammer-teachers, naie me, for my friende Aldus alone hath more than fiue times set out a grāmer, yet ouerslippeth he no grammerboke, be it neuer so tedious, and barba∣rously written, whiche he lketh not ouer, and sercheth throughly, enuiyng any man that in this kynde shoulde goe one ace beyonde hym, as if he feared lest some other might take the glorie hereof from him, and so his twen∣tie yeres labours shoulde be spent in vaine. Now whe∣ther call you this a madnesse, or a Folie? For as to me it skilleth not, so ye confesse it to procede all of my good∣nesse, that these poore wight{is}, these Grammarians, and Scholemaisters, who els shulde be as wretched as wret∣chednesse it selfe, wene yet they are mounted into suche a felicitee, as gladly they woulde not chaunge liues, nor estates,Poetes. no not with the riche kynges of Persia. Poe∣tes are somewhat lesse beholding vnto me, notwithstan∣dyng, euin by theyr profession they shew theim selues to be of my secte, a free kynde of men, that lyke peincters maie feigne what they list, whose studie tendeth naught els, than to fede fooles eares with mere trifles and foo∣lisshe fables. And yet it is a wonderous thyng to see, how through fame therof, they wene to be made immor∣tall, and Gods pees, promisyng others also like im∣mortalitee therby. To this order more than to any o∣ther, bothe Selfloue, and Adulacion are anexed fa∣miliarly, and of no kynde of men am I obserued more plainly, nor more constantly. Moreouer Oratours, and Rhetoriciens,Rhetorici∣ens. notwithstandyng that a littel they seeme to swarue from me, cleuyng to the philosophers, yet I can proue theim also to be of my faction, as well by other argumentes, as by this, that in the preceptes of theyr arte, amonges diuers other trifles, they haue written so largely and exactly, how to prouoke laughter in an audience, and of the cast, or meanes of scoffyng: So far∣furth as he what so euer he was, that wrote the boke of Rhetorike to Herennius, maketh folie also to be a mem∣bre and parcell of Rhetorike. And Quintilian, the verie headman of this ordre, in his boke of the institucion of an Oratour, hath made one chapitre all of laughterster∣ryng, lenger I wene than is Homers Iliade. yea, so muche dooe Rhetoriciens attribute to foolisshenesse, as oftentymes what obiection by no argument{is} maie be re∣felled, the same yet with some laughyng and scoffyng conceit{is}, thei wolde haue shifted of. Unlesse perchance, ye will saie, that folie hath naught to doe therin, whan with suche taunt{is} and meritourned aunswers, they pro∣uoke men to laughter, yea and that by rules and prece∣ptes geuin therof for the nones. Of this grape are suche also as in makyng and publisshyng of new bo∣kes,Compiers of new bo∣kes. doe fisshe for a praise and glorie. These men as generally they are muche bounden vnto me, so in espe∣ciall are suche of theim, as dooe blotte theyr papers with merest trifles. For as for those that take vpon theim to write cunnyngly to the iudgement of a fewe, and care not what learned men loke vpon theyr doyng{is}, theim take I to be rather miserable, than blisfull, se∣yng how continually thei are faine to writhe their wit∣tes in and out, in puttyng to, in chaungyng, in blottyng out, in laiyng theyr woorke aside, in oueruewyng it a∣gaine, in shewyng it to some for a prouffe, and yet ke∣pyng it in theyr hand{is} whole nyne yeres togethers, so that they are neuer satisfied with theim selues, whiles they goe about to purchase so vaine a rewarde as praise is, yea and that geuin theim by a few, onely so dearely bought with many night{is} labors, and losse of slepe, the sweetest thyng that can be, and with so many trauai∣les, and beatyng of theyr braines about it: besides the hurt thei susteine in their bodies, decaie of beautie, mar∣ryng of theyr eiesight, or also blindnesse, together with pouertee, enuie, forbearyng of pleasures, vntimely age, hasted death, and suche like disaduantages, whiche na∣theles these wisemen sticke not at, so they maie haue theyr writyng{is} allowed at one or two of these blereied bokewormes hand{is}. But my Scribes on the other side, haue not a little more commoditee and pleasure of their folie. Wheras takyng no great leysure in pennyng of theyr mattier, naie rather what so euer toie lighteth in their head, or falleth in their thought, be it but theyr dreame, they doe put the same straight in writyng, with small dispence or none, sauyng waste of paper? know∣yng (I warrant you) what will come of it, that the fon∣der the trifles be, whiche thei entreate of, the more com∣mendacion shall thei gette of most men, fooles as thei & vnlearned. And what maistrie is it for them to set light store by two or three of those learned mens repriues, if so be yet they rede theyr woorkes? Or what auai∣leth theim, so few wysemens allowaunce? where so great a multitude of fooles on the other syde will dis∣alow it. That in case thei haue the feate to set furth other mens doyng{is} for theyr owne, and can be conten∣ted to beare the name of that, whiche others toke the peines about, marie sir than I thynke they haue good skille: for though it chaunce theim at laste to be taken with the maner, yet for a season thei maie kepe theyr re∣putacion. And it is a pleasure to marke how muche these men esteeme theim selues, whan they are praised so of the people, and whan they are poincted out in a great company, as, this is the wonderous felow ye here of: and whan in euery bokebynders shoppe theyr woorkes are set to the sale, and whan they rede theyr names, sur∣names, and bynames, set in the fyrst frunt{is} of euery boke, whiche titles also they dooe counterfeicte, and tourne into some contrarie language, as strange as maie be de∣uised. Yet, I praie you, whan all is dooen, what be they els but names? and how few shall know those na∣mes, hauyng regard to the world{is} wydenesse? and how many lesse commende theim? namely suche diuersitee beyng in iudgement{is}: yea among{is} vnlearned men al∣so? But what saie you to this, that not feeldome they feigne those names, or borow theim out of olde Atours? for one of theim ioyeth to be named Telema∣chus, an other Stelenus, or Laertes, he Polycrates, he Thrasymachus, and suche lyke. So that now it skil∣leth not how they entitle theyr bookes, for by as good reason myght they call it a goorde, or a radisshe roote, or name it A, or B, as philosophers dooe by theyrs. But this is the best sporte of all, to see theim present eche others with epistles, with verses, and with mattiers of praise, sent from fooles, to fooles: and from asses, to asses. Here, he in his iudgement is as good a Poete as Al∣caeus was, and hym doeth he likewyse compare to Cal∣limachus. The one is holden for more eloquent than Tullius Cicero: that other, for better learned than Pla∣to. Yea and not seeldome leuyng this fayre plaie, thei fall to foule,The foo∣lisshe con∣tencion a∣monges lerned me. in sekyng theim out some aduersaries, to the ende that in contendyng togethers, theyr fame maie be the wyder blowne abrode. In the meane tyme, one learned man taketh his parte, an other taketh his, ill at last bothe the Capitaines hauyng buckled man∣fully togethers, wolde be taken for Victours, and both part{is} pretende to Triumph therfore. These thynges of wysemen are counted to be mere folies, as in deede thei are, who can denie it? But yet there while through my benefire they lede a pleasaunt and glorious life, as not willyng to chaunge theyr Triumphes, skarcely (I beleue) with those of the Scipions. How be it, su∣che as are learned in deede, are not a little also behol∣dyng vnto me, whiles with great pleasure they maie laugh at the other, and take fruicion of their madnesse, whiche they can not againe saie, vnlesse they be to vn∣kinde, and the veriest chorles of all. Next these now,Lawiers of Ciuile and canon. Ciuilians, and Canonistes chalenge no meane place a∣mong{is} learned men. And who than they stande depe∣lier in Selflikyng? For whiles continually thei turne, and retourne Sisyphus stone in rehersyng vp an hun∣dred lawes and Paragraphes all with a breath, it skil∣leth not howe littell to purpose, and whiles they adde glose vpon glose, and opinions vpon opinions, they make as though theyr law science were most hard, and difficult to be atteined to. So what so euer is hardly dooen, that they recken straight to be moste excellent. And ioigne we (hardily) to theim these Sophistrers and Logiciens,Logiciens. beyng a race of men more kackeling than a me∣ny of dawes: eche of whom in bablyng maie compare with tenne women chosen for the nones, and farre more happie shoulde be, in case they were onely bablers, and not skold{is} also: in sorte that oftentymes for the moone shyne in the water, they striue whole daies together, and with to muche arguyng, lette the trueth of the mattier slippe by theim. Natheles through Selflikyng they are bathed all in felicitee, so that armed onely with three Syllogismes, they dare boldly prouoke any man, as well assured that thei wil neuer geue ouer, though Sten∣tor hym selfe were matched against theim. Nexte theim come these Philoso∣phers,Philoso∣phers. venerable for theyr longe beard{is}, and clokes downe to the feete, protestyng theim selues onely to haue knowlage and wysedome, wheras other men stande for no more than Ciphres in Algorisme. But (lorde) how sweetely doe they raue in theyr owne opinion: whan constauntly they affirme there be world{is} innumerable? Or whan they take vpon theim to measure the sonne, the moone, the plane∣tes and theyr compasses, as it were by ynchemeale, or drawne with a line: Or whan they expounde the causes of thunder, of wyndes, of eclipses, and suche other in∣explicable thyng{is}, nothyng doubtyng, as if they had crepte into natures bosome, or were of counsaile with the Godd{is}. And yet dooeth nature lowdely laughe theim to scorne, with all theyr coniectures: coniectures I saie, and no certaine knowlage, whiche appereth by this, that one secte of theim agreeth not with an other, but rather contendeth togethers vpon euery little thing. And yet these men, who in deede know nothing, wil take vpon them to know all thyng. Yea wheras they know not theim selues, nor see not oftentymes a pitte, or a stone liyng in theyr waie, either for poreblyndnesse, or because theyr witte is not at home, yet make thei theyr auaunt to see and perceiue plainely theyr Idees, theyr vniuersals, formes separate, fyrst mattiers, quidditees, and Ec∣ceites, thynges so subtile, and so fine, as not Lynceus hym selfe could espie theim out, though it be saied how he could see through a stone walle. But than chiefe∣ly doe these Philosophers disdeigne other vulgar peo∣ple, as often as with triquetre, and tetragon circles, or with suche lyke Mathematical figures, drawne one vpon an other, and entangled in maner of a mase, with letters also set as it were in order of battaile, and with liues drawne hither and thither, they dooe cast a miste before simple folk{is} eies.Astrono∣mers. And suche there want not also of this kynde of men, that take vpon theim by lo∣kyng on the sterres, and planetes, to tell vs aforehand, what shall happen and betide a hundred yeres after. Declaryng by theyr Prognosticacions, the successe of certeine wonderous accident{is}, straunger than any wy∣che crafte, or artmagike. yet suche is their happe, to fynde out men, who of theyr singular grosnesse geue credence also to this their so plaine illusion. Now hauyng reached thus farre, and comen to the place of doctours of diuinitee, I stande in doubt whether I maie speake of theim,Doctours of diuinite or rather passe theim ouer, and not urre at all theyr pacience, beyng a neste of men so crabbed and waspelyke, lest els perchaunce thei shulde all at ones fall vpon me with sixe hundred conclusions, driuyng me to rec; that in case I refused so to doe, than wolde they by and by denounce me for an heretike. For that is the thunderbolt, wherwithall they threten suche, as stande not best in theyr fauour. But surely although none other sorte of men dooe with lesse good will than these, acknowlage my goodnesse vnto theim: Yet can I proue these Doctours also to be more than one or two waies in my daunger, beyng so propped vp with theyr owne Arrogance and Selflikyng, as if thei dwelled among{is} the sterres, or loked downe from aloft, and in a maner toke compassion vppon other seely men lyke wourmes crepyng by the grounde. Namely whiles thei are hedged in on all sides, with suche a gard of Magistral diffinicions, conclusions, corollaries, ex∣plicite and implicite proposicions, with so many star∣tyng holes, as not Vulcanes nett{is} were hable so fastly to holde theim, but they wolde wynde theim selues out againe with Distinctions, wherwith thei carue al knot∣tes asunder, as smothely as a rasour dooeth the heares of a mans beard. Suche a noumbre of newfounde monstrous termes haue they thicke and threefolde in∣uented. Also whiles thei expounde the secrett{is} of scri∣pture at theyr pleasure, disputyng how the worlde was fyrst create, and proporcioned, by what chanels sinne was de∣riued into Adams posteritee,The foo∣lisshe que∣stions or hole do∣ctours. what waies, by what measure, and in how short space Christ was complete in the wombe of Marie the virgin: And how in the sacrament of the altare, the acci∣dentes of breade and wyne, remaine whan the substance is goen: but these questions are for euerie young beginner. O∣ther haue thei more mete for great and illuminate doctours, whiche if at any tyme in disputacions or talkyng after diner they doe stumble vpon, straight thei shake of theyr slepie noddyng, and doe rowse theim self{is}. As, whe∣ther any instant was in the generacion of god the secounde per∣son? whether in Christ there be more filiacions than one? whe∣ther this proposicion be possible? God the father, hateth the sonne, or whether Christ might possiblie haue taken to hym the likenesse of a woman, of a feende, of an asse, or of a goorde? Or how that goorde shoulde haue preached, doen miracles, or been anged on the crosse? Or what shoulde Peter haue consecrated, if he had consecrated what time Christes body hunge on the crosse? Or whether Christ beyng transformed so into a goorde, might at the same tyme be called man also? Or whether after the resurre∣ction it be leefull for men to eate or drinke? as who saith, pro∣uidyng for hungre and thurst afore hand. Innumera∣ble suche fine toyes haue they, muche more subtile than these, of Instantes, formalitees, quidditees and Ecceitees, whi∣che no man I beleue could espie out, vnlesse he were so clere eied, as to see out in a deepe depe darkenesse those thing{is} that be no where. I maie adde also here to their sentences or sawes, whiche are so estraunge and beyonde all expectacion, as the verie Stoikes sentences called Paradoxes, beyng compared to theyrs, seme grosse, and more than vulgar. (For exemple) Lesse sinne is it, (saie they) to slea a thousande men, than ones on a sondaie to clowte a poore mans shoe. Or rather shoulde we let all the worlde goe to wreke bothe with dogge and catte (as thei saie) than ones to make a lesyng, be the mattier neuer so lyght. Now againe, these theyr subtile subtilties, doe make yet more sub∣tile, through so many sortes of Scholemen as thei haue. So that easier you shall finde it to wind out of a mase, then out of their intricate names of Reales, Nominales, Thomistes, Albertistes, Occanistes and Dunsmen,The sectes of schole doctours. yet these be not all, but the principal onely. But turne you to whiche sect of thē ye will, and ye shall proue the same to be so cunnyng, so difficult, and so full of hiegh Mi∣steries, as I wene the apostles theim selues had nede to be enstructed by a new sprite, in case vpon these matters they were compelled to argue with this new kynde of doctours. Paule coulde expresse what faieth was: yet whan he saied thus, faieth is the substance of thynges to be hoped after, and an euidence of thynges not yet appearyng. This Diffinicion (saie they) was not Magistraliter (id¦est) doctour like sette foorth by hym. And, as Paule coulde verie well teache what was Charitee, so did he not yet (saie thei) halfe lyke a Logicien either diffine, or de∣uide the same, in the fyrst epistle, and .xiii. chapitte to the Corinthiens. The apostles likewyse did holily and deuoutly enough consecrate the sacrament of Chri∣stes bodie: and yet, who so had apposed them in termi∣nus à quo, and trminus ad quem, or in transubstancia∣cion, or by what meanes the selfe same body of God may be in di∣uers places at ones? or of the difference thei put nowe betweene Christes bodie as it is heauen, as it was on the crosse, and in the sacrament of the altare: Or at what instant the transubstancia∣cion is made, seyng the praier, by vertue wherof it is made, is e∣uer passyng ouer as it is on saiyng? These quaynt questions (wene I) the apostles woulde neuer haue soluted with lyke quickenesse of engin, as our Dunsmen doe bothe argue, and diffine the same. The apostles knew the virgin mother of Iesus but whiche of them did euer expounde so clerkly, how she was preserued from Originall sinne, as our doctours doe? Peter re∣ceiued heauen keies: yea receiued theim at his handes (saie they) that woulde neuer haue committed the same to one vn∣woorthie theim. Now whether he knew so muche or no, I can not tell: but this I am sure of, that he neuer touched this narow poinct, how it cometh to passe, that he also maie haue the keie of science, who hath no science at all. The apostles Baptized euery where, and yet thei neuer taught what is the formal, material, efficient, or finall cause of Baptisme: nor euer made mencion of the cha∣racter delible and indelible. The apostles praied, but praied in the sprite, folowyng that saiyng of the gos∣pell, God is a sprite, and who so woorship hym, must worship all in the sprite, and in truthe. But now it appeareth, that it was not than reueled vnto theim, how we ought with all one praier, and lyke reuerence, woorship an Image drawne perhaps with a cole on the wall, as if the same were Christ hym selfe. So it be made with .ii. blissing fyngers of the right hand streched out, and a ball in the other, with longe heare sheded and a coronet in maner of a platter vpon his noddle, decked with thre sonnebea∣mes. For who is he so pregnant witted, that might e∣uer grope out these misteries, vnles he had spent whole xxxvi. yeeres togethers in studiyng the Physicals and Vltramundans of Duns, and Aristotle? The apo∣stles also preached grace vnto the people: but yet they neuer made so narow distinction betwene gratia gratis data, and gratia gratificans. They exhorted men to good woork{is}, yet neuer put difference betwene opus o∣perans, and opus operatum. Thei bydde vs in many places kepe charitee: but neuer deuide the same into Charitas infusa, and Charitas operata, nor expeund not whether it be an accident, or a substance, a create, or an vncreate thyng. Thei dishort vs from sinne, but I renie my selfe, if euer they coulde cunningly difine, what that shoulde be, we call sinne? Unlesse thei were inspyred with the sprite of these Duns doctours. For I can neuer beleue, that Paule, vpon whose writyng we maie gesse what mynde the other apostles had therin, woulde euer so often haue reproued and condempned, such questions, disputacions, genealogies, and conflict{is} of woord{is} (as he calleth theim) in case him selfe had euer been instructed in theyr fine quidditees. Namely in as muche as all the contencions, and debates in ar∣guyng, whiche chaunced in his tyme, were but blunte, and verie grosse, in comparison of these twise syfted subtiltees, that our Maister doctours vse now a daies. How be it they can so muche theyr good, that where in any place they finde ought written by the apostles not formally, and Magistraliter, that they reproue not, but handsomely rather dooe interpretate it as best serueth for theyr purpose: bearyng (as who saieth) thus muche reuerence partly to the antiquitee, aud partly to the name of apostleship. And surely it were to muche to requyre so hiegh mattiers at the apostles handes, who neuer heard one worde therof mencioned by theyr mai∣ster Christ. But in case they take either Chryso∣stome, Basile, or Hierome with the lyke trippe, tha they take it sufficient for theim to subscribe, that they allow it not. And yet those ancient good fathers, ra∣ther through theyr holie life and miracles, than by any argumentes and Syllogismes, confuted bothe Etheni∣kes, and Philosophers, and Iewes, beyng bent of na∣ture to stubbournesse, yea and those also, neuer a one of whom were able to compasse and vnderstande the lest quodlibet of Duns. But now, haue ye any painem, or beretike, that will not geue place and yelde straight to so many fine fine argument{is} of our maister doctors? Unlesse he were so grosse, that he wiste not what they ment? or so shamelesse to hisse at theim? or rather fen∣sed with lyke armour? so that now they were matches, as if ye shulde set one enchaunter against an other, or an Olyuer for a Roland. For than the battaile were euer new to be∣ginue. And surely in my iudgement christen princes shoulde doe politikely, in stede of these bendes of grosse Lausknight{is}, who not seeldome (prouffe sheweth) dooe speede as well euill as better, to arme, and sende foorth all these baulyng Dunsmen, and stubbourne Occani∣stes, and inuincible Albertistes, together with the whole tablement of Sophistrers, against the Turkes and Sa∣rasius. They shoulde see (I thynke verily) a strange kynde of skyrmisshe, with suche a victorie as neuer was heard of. For who is he so colde herted, that would not straight be enflamed with theyr pregnant deuises? Or who is he so blunt, and restiue, that could not with theyr pickant spurres be quickened? Or who so clere sighted, that maie not with suche darke mistes as they cast, be blynded? But all this perchaunce ye wene I speake halfe in mocage. And truely no meruaile. Seeyng euin among{is} these Diuines ye shall fynde out some suche, as beyng institute in a better trade of lear∣nyng, dooe lothe, and abhorre suche riddles and So∣phistical trifles of these Dunsmen. Some other a∣gaine that dooe curse and detest the same, as a kinde of Sacrilege, estemyng it plaine wickednesse and impie∣tee, to speake so vnreuerently by so hiegh secretes of Scripture, whiche rather we shoulde haue in veneraci∣on, than after suche rate goe about to expounde theim, or with so prophane Ethnical problemes to dispute v∣pon theim, or arrogantly diffine theim, defilyng and bespottyng the maiestee of holy scripture with so cold, naie rather filthie woord{is} and sentences. But this notwithstandyng, the other coddes hedd{is} in the meane while stande moste pleasauntly in theyr owne grace, or verilier stroke theim selues on the head. So that oc∣cupiyng them selues bothe night{is} and daies, about these foolisshe toyes, they haue neuer thus muche leisure, ones to reade ouer the gospell, or Paules epistles: and yet in triflyng out the tyme thus in theyr scholes, they beleue verily it is they, that proppe vppe holy churche, whiche els shoulde goe to ruine, none otherwise with their Syllogismes, than poetes feigne that Atlas the geaunt susteigneth heauen vpon his shoulders. But now, how lordly is their felicitee (trow ye) whiles thei take vpon theim to forme and refourme holy scripture at their pleasure, as if it were a nose of waxe, or a Wel∣shemans hose? and whiles they woulde their conclusi∣ons, wherunto a certaine of some vniuersitee haue sub∣scribed, shoulde be holden for more than estatutes, yea more fyrme and inuiolable, than the bishop of Romes Decretals? And whiles also like iudges ouer the whole worlde, they call eche thyng to recantacion, that one heare bredth disagreeth from theyr explicite, and im∣plicite conclusions: Pronouncyng as if it came from a prophetes mouthe, how this proposicion is sklaunderous, this not reuerent, this smelleth of the fagote, this soundeth naught. So that now a daies, not Baptime, nor the gospell, nor Paule, ne Peter, nor Hierome, ne Augustine, nor yet Thomas of Alquyne, who is euin Aristotles heyre and one hand, are able to make a man christian, vnlesse these father bachelars of diuinitee, dooe vouchesaue to subscribe vnto the same. So narow and profounde iudgement haue thei, in discussyng of all maner doubt{is}. For who woulde euer haue thought hym to be of no ca∣tholyke belefe, that affyrmed these two saiyng{is}, ma∣tula putes, and matula ute: also ollae feruere, and ol∣lam feruere, to be bothe congruent, vnlesse these wise∣men had taught vs the contrarie? Or who els might euer haue ridde the churche from so great darkenesse of errours, whiche no man I thinke wold euer haue redde, or loked on, vnlesse they vnder the great seales of their vniuersitees, had in condemnyng discouered theim? But are they not most blisfull (trow ye) whiles they busie theim selues hereabout? and moreouer whiles they descriue and peinete vnto vs all thynges dooen in hell, so exactly as if many yeres they had seiourned in the diuels court? Or whiles as liketh theim they doe builde new heauens, addyng also one heauen set aboue all the other, most fayre and rowmie, least els perchance sainct{is} soules shoulde haue no elbowroome to walke, or bankette, or plaie at tenes also if theim listed. With these, and with two thousande suche other trifles, are theyr head{is} so stuffed, and swolne vppe, as not Iupiters head (trow I) was euer so pestred, what tyme be bo∣rowed Vucanes axe to hewe Pallas out of his braine. And therfore haue ye no meruaile at all, though at their Actes and Comencement{is} ye dooe see theim swadled in with so many cappes,The solēne weade of schole do∣ctours. coyus, and furde hodes as they weare, for els I thinke plainely theyr head{is} wolde riue asunder. One thyng, I my selfe am wonte to laugh at, so often as I here theim speake theyr barba∣rous brasse latine, wherin natheles they wolde be com∣pted most doctourlike. That whan they fumble it out in suche a sort, as none but fumblers as thei, may vnder∣stande theim, yet dooe they call it a certaine grace and finesse, whiche euerie body can not attaine vnto. For (saie they) it is not for the dignitee of holie writte, our profession, that we shoulde be compelled to folow any grammer rules: whiche surely (so beyng) is a great maiestee of these Duns doctours, if to theim onely it be lawfull to speake false latine. notwithstanding that many coblers and clowters can doe that as well as thei. Lastly now, they take theim selues in a maner for Gods peres, whan they are saluted solemnely by the name of maister doctours, or Magister noster: wherin thei wene lyke misterie to be included, as the Iewes saie there is in : and therfore they affyrme it to be a muche great offence, if one doe write, MAGISTER NOSTER otherwyse than with great letters, that and if ye tourne the woord{is}, saiyng noster Magister, in steede of Magister noster, than all at ones ye disorder the maiestee of the Theological name. Now next vnto the felicitee of these maister doctours, suche dooe aproche as people calle Religious men,Religious men. and Monkes, that is to saie, solitarie liuers, but by bothe names euill applied: seyng the greatest part of them are most farre from religion, and none so commenly shall you mete ro∣uyng abrode, euin in euery aehouse. Whose trade and obseruaunce surely were most miserable and abiect, vn∣lesse that I did many waies releue them. For though this kynde of men be commenly so abhorred, as euin to mete with theim at vnwares, or next a bodies risyng, it is taken for a signe of euill lucke all the daie after: yet (lorde) how they make theim selues to be more than Cherubyns. For fyrst they hold it a great holinesse, to medle so little with bookes, and learnyng, as scarce they know how to read theyr owne names. And whan they rore foorth (lyke a meny of asses) in theyr mona∣steries, a noumbre of psalmes not vnderstanded, than they wene verily to fede sainctes eares with a meruai∣lous melodie. Moreouer, some orders of them (name∣ly Friers) dooe take a pride in theyr beggerie in goyng from dore to dore to ae theyr breade with a great low∣yng voyce, pestryng men euery where, bothe in innes, in wagens, and in passengers, not a little (I promise you) to the hyndrance of other begsters. And thus (loe) the blinde minious, what with theyr gresinesse, doltisshe∣nesse, rudenesse, and shamelesse hangyng on men, dooe represent vnto vs (as theim selues saie) the life of the apostles. But is it not a comelinesse (trow ye) whan they dooe all thynges by certaine president{is} of theyr orders, muche lye Mathematicall rules, whiche in no wyse without offence, they maie alter, or swerue fro. As for example, how many wyndowes they muste make to theyr shooes? what colour, and noumbre of knottes goeth to their gurdelles? with what difference, and wherof must their wedes be made? of what breadth their lether thounges? how many bus∣shelfuls their couses? how many ynches longe, their notted heare? and how many houres for slepyng? Now who is he that se∣eth not how vnequall this equalitee of theyrs is, name∣ly in suche a diuersnesse of bodies, and disposicions? Yet vnder confidence of these trifles, they not onely set laie men as light as butterflies, but euin among{is} theim selues despise eche other. So that for all the aposto∣lyke charitee, whiche thei professe, ye shall not see them sticke to fall together by the eares, either for a gurdell of a contrary facion, or a garment somewhat of a brow∣ner or lighter colour. Yea, some of theim beyng of a straighter rule, are so sore punisshers of theyr flesshe, as outwardly they weare naught but sacke clothe, and inwardly no better than fine holland. Some others againe dare as soone touche poyson as money, neuer the more forbearyng from wyne, nor contrectacion of women. Finally all theyr delite is to accorde in no∣poinct as touchyng the rules of theyr religions. Nor they loke not how to resemble Christe, but sooner how among{is} theim selues to be dissemblable: estemyng fur∣ther a great parte of theyr felicitee to consiste in the na∣mes of theyr orders. For some of them reioise to be cal∣led grey friers, some white, these Colletes, thei Mi∣nors, other Obseruaunt{is}, other Crossed, some Bene∣dictines, some Bernardines, these Carmelites, those Augustines, these Guilhelmites, those Iacobites. &c. As who saieth it were to sklender a name for theim to be called bare Christians. Now againe moste part of theim are so geuin to their ceremonies, and tradicions of men, as maketh theim wene, that one heauen is not a condigne, and sufficient rewarde for so great merites of theyrs, little remembring that Christe nothyng re∣gardyng theyr supersticions, will onely call to accompt how they haue obserued his precept of charitee. Here one of theim (maie chance) will for his discharge shew foorth a trowgh stuffed full of all kynde of fisshe. An other, will poure foorth an hundred quarters of psalmes. An other, will noumbre vp millions of fastynges, castyng God in the tethe, that so often with eatyng but one meale a daie, his belie was nere burst. An other, will bringe foorth whole packes of ceremo∣nies, so many as scarce might be freyghted in .vij. great bulkes. An other, will make his auaunt, that whole .lx. yeeres toge∣thers he neuer touched money, but (at least) his handes were fen∣sed with two paire of gloues. An other, will shewe foorth his cowle, or scapularie so sweatie, and full of grese, as no mari∣ner would gladly put it on. An other, will saie that sins time of his nouiceship be neuer passed the andes of his cloyster, mu∣che like a sponge cleuyng euer to one place. An other, that he is hoarce with daiely singyng. An other, how through to muche solitarinesse, he is fallen into a benummednesse. An o∣ther, how his tounge throughe continuall silence hath loste his vse. But Christ iuterruptyng theyr Selfebostes, whi∣che els woulde neuer take ende, whence cometh (will he saie) this new race of Iewes, I dooe acknowlage but one lawe and rule for myne, wherof I here neuer a woorde spoken. For whilom plainly, and by no shadow of parables, I promised my fathers kyngdome not to Cowles, nor Rosaries, not set fastyng{is}, but rather to the woorkes of charitee: not I know none suche, as to muche know their owne good woorkes. These men woulde be coumpted holier than my selfe: let them dwell therfore if thei list in Pasquilles heauen. Or dooe they cause those to prepare a new heauen for theim, whose tradicions thei haue preferred be∣fore my preceptes. Now whan they here Christe saie thus, and see bothe carters, and ploughmen, preferred before theim, with what countenance (suppose ye) will one of theim beholde an other? Natheles in the meane tyme they are happie in theyr owne hope, not without my helpe largely employed on theim. Specially se∣yng for all they are dead (as they saie) to this worlde, no man dare yet contemne theim, and lest of all frers, in as muche as they are maisters of mens secretes by vertue of that thei call confession: whiche secret{is} thei coumpt it great sinne to discouer, vnlesse at some tymes hauyng tasted a little of the ale, thei thynke good to re∣create theim selues with sportyng tales a crasshe, one∣ly by coniectures and lykelihood{is} to poincte you to the thyng, suppressyng yet mens names of theyr modestie. That and if any man sterreth vp these hornett{is}, than in sermons to the people haue they a readie waie to wreke theyr tene, by touchyng theyr ennemies not directly, but in parables, so closely I warrant you, as no man could not perceiue theim, but if he perceiued nothyng at all. And neuer will they make an ende of barkyng till some fatte morsell be cast them, to stoppe their mouth{is}. But who in the meane while wolde not gladlier behold one of these frier preachers how they counterfeicte the Rhetoriciens in their sermons (lowsely god knoweth) but yet fetely folowyng those rules that Oratours leue written of the Arte of pronouncyng, than any stage plaier, or Italian pardoner? Good lorde, what straunge ie∣stures they frame? how they singe theyr woord{is}? how they caste theyr armes hither and thither? how they chaunge the copie of their conntenaunces? how they mingle all thyng{is} with outcries? whiche theyr saied arte in preachyng, conueied by one frier to an other, as it were from hande to hand, for a muche priuey thyng, all be it vnleefull for me to know, yet I shall make you a gesse at it as nere as I can.Preachers In the beginnyng therefore of theyr sermons, they vse some Inuocacion, but that they borow of the Poetes. Than admitte theyr Theme reune on charitee, they fetche theyr pro∣heme from Nilus the great riuer in Aegypt. Or en∣tenyong to exprunde the misterie of the crosse, they be∣ginne aptly with Beel the dragon of Babylon. Or dis∣putyng of fastyng, they fetche theyr race from the .xii. signes of the Zodiake. Or purposyng to speake of faieth, they make a longe preamble how a circle in Geo∣metrie maie be made quadrate.A madd tae of a preacher. I my selfe heard ones a solemne lowre, (I crie you mercie) a solemne learned man I shoulde haue saied, who in his sermon, before a great assemblie, takyng vpon him to declare the mistery of the Trinitee, to the ende he myght bothe shew his learnyng to the people, and satisfie the eares of some doctours there present, toke a new fethe in his mattier. For what from letters, to sillables, and to dictions, and than the concordes betwene the Nowne and the Verbe, the Nowne adiectiue and Substantiue (diuers of the audience now meruailyng, and saiyng to theim selues, what the diuell ayleth he) at last he brought it to this passe, that he shewed the figure of the whole trinitee to be so exactly described and expressed in the rules of grammer, as no geometricien myght plainlier draw it with his finger in the duste. Whiche sermon the saied doctourlike doctour whole eyght monthes together so ernestly had sweatte about, as vntill this daie he is as poreblinde as a be∣tle. And no meruaile, seyng he drew vp all the sharpe∣nesse of his eie sight, to the poinct of his engin: but for all that he nothyng forthinketh his blindnesse, rather takyng the same for to chepe a price of suche a glorie as he wanne therby. Lykewise, not longe agone I was present at the sermon of an other famous doctour, beyng almost .80. yeres old, and therto so doctourlike, as if Duns were new arisen in hym, who entendyng to disclose the misterie of the name of Iesu, with great sub∣tiltee shewed, how euin in the verie letters was as muche pithe included, and might be gathered therof. For wheras it is declinable but in three cases, as Iesus, Iesum, Iesu, that (saied he) was a manifest representacion of the Trinitee. Than because the fyrst terminacion of Iesus endeth in S, the secounde in M, the thyrde in V, thereby laie a right secrete misterie, in as muche (quod he) as the verie letters dooe declare that Iesus, is Summus, Medi∣us, and Vltimus, (that is) the fyrste, the middest, and the last. An other mistery he alleged farre more strange than these, diuidyng this woorde Iesus as it were by geometrie into two egall part{is}, leuyng S, in maner of a stickler in the middle: whiche letter in the He∣brews ABC, is W, and thei call it Syn. Now synne (quod he) in englisshe is as muche to saie as a deadly of∣fence against God. so hereby it appeared, that Iesus was the stick∣ler or mediatour, that toke on hym the synnes of this worlde. This so strange and farre fetched a beginnyng, all men did gape at so, chiefely the doctours there present, as little lacked that they were not chaunged throughe a∣stonnednesse into stones as poetes feigne by Niobes. wheras I for my parte through laughter, had almoste let goe a skape, as Priapus did for feare of the .li. wit∣ches Canidia, and Sagana, whan it chaunced hym to see their sorceries by night season: and who could haue blamed me if I hadde so dooen? For whan didde e∣uer Demosthenes or Cicero, vse the lyke farre fetche in any of theyr oracions? Thei toke that Proheme to be faultie, whiche hunge not apliablie with the reste of theyr matter: as who saieth, there be any man so grosse that euin of nature is not instructed to dooe so muche. But my doctours now adaies take their preamble (so they call it) to be most Rhetorical, whan it ioigneth lest with any other part of theyr Theme: whiche maketh the hearer, meruailyng at the estrangenesse of the deuise oftentymes to murtre to him selfe, now whither the diuell wilt thou. Thyrdly in stede of a narracion, they expounde somewhat of the gospell, but that very briefe∣ly, and shortely passed ouer, wheras they ought to en∣treate therof onely, all theyr sermon through. In the fourth place, fallyng as it were into a new mattier, thei moue some doctorall question, sometyme suche as toucheth neither heauen nor earth, whiche they take yet to serue muche to theyr purpose. And here (loe) they be∣ginne to spreade theyr armes, in allegyng auctoritees out of solemne doctours, subtile doctours, most subtile doctours, seraphicall doctours, holy doctours, irrefragable doctours, and suche other goodly bigge names of theyr Schole pillers. And here thei spowte out theyr Syllogismes, theyr ma∣iors, minors, and conclusion, theyr corollaries, and most balde supposicions, with suche other trifles be∣fore the rude people, as if they were in theyr most ruffe disputyng Pro, et contra in theyr Scholes. Re∣steth now the fifte Acte or parte, wherein it behoueth them to shew foorth all their cunnyng and profundiee. Here now (maie chaunce) they come foorth with some foolisshe tale taken out of Vitas patrum, or gesta Ro∣manorum, moralisyng the same bothe Allegorically, Tropologically, and Anegogically. And thus muche after this rate dooe they knitte vp all theyr Chimera, or straunge shapen beast, with sundrier sortes of formes and facions, than euer Horace described it, in the be∣giunyng of his boke De arte poetica. But they haue learned, I wotte neuer of whom, that the entrie and beginnyng of an oracion must be caulmely vttred without any lowde voyce, or exclamacion. So they therfore beginne theyr preambles so stilly, as scarce they can here theyr owne voices, perhaps because it a∣uaileth theim to speake somewhat, that none shoulde vnderstande. They haue heard also how criyng{is} out must sometymes be vsed to moue vppe mens affecti∣ons: and therfore speakyng a pretie while all stilly, e∣uin at a brunt they fall into a skrekyng keie, and fill mens eares with a criyng shrillenesse, where they haue least nede at all. Moreouer because they haue redde in Rhetorike bokes, that an Oracion shoulde some∣what kindle, aud waxe hote in processe of argument{is}, They, in euery part of theyr Sermons, the entrie into the same beyng somewhat more demurely pronounced, by and by dooe fall into a wonderous lowde chafyng voyce, be the mattier they entreate of neuer so colde, aud leaue of so, as if theyr brethes failed theim. Last∣ly hauyng vnderstode, that Rhetoriciens geue certaine precept{is} of laughter sterryng, they also peine theim sel∣ues to enterlace theyr Sermons with some mery con∣ceites: but (O the will of god) how full of grace be the same? and how aptly brought in theyr right places? as if an asse were set to plaie on a gyttarne. Sometymes also they fare as they woulde nippe folke with theyr quippies, but so finctly (god knoweth) as rather thei dooe ticle, than pynche depelier. But neuer dooe thei flatter more kyndly, than whan thei pretende to speake most frely, and without respecte. Finally all theyr cast in preachyng is suche, as a man wolde sweare thei had gone to schole with these Ceretans, suche as in I∣talie are wont in markette places standyng on stalles, or where thei maie be seen best, to preache vnto the people in commendacion of some pardone, feigned medecines, or suche lyke toyes of theyr owne inuencion, to gette money withall, and bleare the simples eies. Whiche Ceretans natheles doe farre passe theim in theyr grace: All be it (to speake indifferently) the one of theim is so lyke the other, as none will doubt, but either they haue learned at those, or those at these againe. But what nede these my frier preachers to passe theron? seeyng through my procurement thei neuer misse of suche, as in hearyng theim, beleue verily they heare Demosthenes, and Cireros matches:Merchan{us}tes and wo¦men. of whiche opinion chiefely be merchaunt{is}, and good wiues, whose eares and likyng, friers dooe wholy studie to satisfie. For merchauntes in case they be handsomely glosed, are wonte to geue theim in Commendum some porcion of theyr misgot∣ten good{is}, and women besides many other consideraci∣ons are specially enclined to theim, for that they are wont to poure into theyr bosomes what euer euill will they beare in theyr hertes against theyr husband{is}. Thus, ye consider (I trow) how muche this race of Religious men, is endebted vnto me, whan now with theyr Ceremonies and fonde fantesies of theyr owne, now with theyr baulyng and criyng out in pulpites, they dooe exercise a maner tyrannie among{is} men, and woulde be coumpted for more than Paules, or Antoni∣es. But seeyng they be suche iuglers, as can no lesse vnkyndely dissemble, and seeme not to acknowlage my benefites employed on theim, than they are otherwise craftilie counterfetctours of holinesse, I holde it best to speake no more of theim. For I longe sore a little now to treate of kynges and princes liues,Kynges & Princis. who most plainely and gentilmanly, as gentilmen dooe enter∣teine me. Wheras if thei considred well what belon∣geth to theyr estates, now I see not what life might be more carefull than theyrs, nor lesse to be desyred. For suche shall neuer thinke that a kyngdome shoulde either by vsurpacion, or any other wrongfull title be sought for, as dooe waie with theim selues, what a charge he susteigneth on his shoulders, that rightly will execute the office of a prince: who takyng vpon him the rule of thyng{is} dooeth now administer not his owne, but rather the affaires of many, wherby he shulde thinke of naught els but the commen weale: obseruyng iustly the lawes, wherof he is bothe founder, and ouerseer, to the ende his vprightnesse, and integritee maie be a president to his vnderrulers and officers, whan either beyng iuste and vertuous, like a blisfull sterre of lucky aspecte he maie bringe bothe health and coumfort to all his subie∣ctes, or otherwyse, lyke a pestilent Comete, be theyr ruine and destruction. In as muche as meaner mennes vices be not so muche marked, nor so largely diuuged. But a prince is set in that place, whereas if he wrie him selfe neuer so little from that becometh hym, straight waies the infection of the exemple crepeth contagious∣ly to many men. Besydes that, how muche more the height of a princ{is} fortune maie be a meanes to peruert hym from the right trade, either through pleasure, li∣bertee, adulacion, or delicatenesse, so muche the ware∣lier shoulde he resist theim, watchyng diligently, lest at any tyme beyng seduced, he dooe swerue from his dui∣tee. And lastly (omittyng treasons, hatred{is}, and other perill{is} or dreades, wherwith a prince is infested) if he remembre how the dome also of the heighest, and most rightfull kyng of all, hangeth ouer his head, who soone after will call hym to accoumpte for the least faulte he hath doen, yea and that the narowlier, the greater state he had committed to hym: These thyng{is} (I saie) and many like hereto, if a prince do perpende wel, (and perpende theim he must nedes if he hath wisedome) I beleue surely he shoulde take his slepe and fode, with lesse gladnesse, than a farre meaner person dooeth. But now, how many princ{is} haue you, whiche through my procurement, remittyng all care and charge hereof to the godd{is}, dooe for the most parte onely tende theyr owne pleasure? So that admitte we feigne now the image of some one prince, suche as not seeldome hath been, a man (for exemple) vnskilled in the lawes, ene∣mie in a maner to the commen weale, geuin onely to his peculier profite, addicted all to voluptuousnesse, an ha∣ter of learnyng, an hater of libertee, and of the trueth, caryng nothyng lesse than for the aduauncement of his countrey, but rather appliyng all thyng{is} to his owne pleasse and commoditee. And now (on gods name) geue hym a chayne about his necke,The appa∣raile of a prince. for token that all vertues woulde agreablie be euchayned in hym: geue hym also a crowne frette with perle and stone, in signe he ought to excelle others in all princely vertues: than a sceptre in his hand betokennyng iustice with an vpright mynde on all sydes: lastly a Robe of purpre, whiche si∣gnifieth zeale and feruent affection towarde his subie∣ctes: This maner apparaile (I saie) if that prince shulde duely conferre with his liuyng, I wene he wold be ashamed to weare it, fearyng lest some fine expositor myght tourne all his pompe and solemuesse of royall robes into a derision: namely whan he hath no maner part of a prince in hym, sauyng-onely the clothyng. Now lykewyse what saie you to Courtiers?Courtiers. these mi∣nion gaibeseen gentilmen, who beyng for the most part as fawnyng, as seruile, as witlesse, and as abiect as can be deuised, woulde be taken yet among{is} all men for the principall. But although theyr pride in other poynct{is} excedeth, yet herein surely they shew a great modestee, whan beyng contented to haue theyr bodies outwardly garmsshed with golde, with gemmes, with silkes, and with other representacious of vertue and wysedome, they geue ouer the studie, and vse of the thyng{is} selfe to other men, not caryng how they leaue theyr myndes naked, without any apparaile of disci∣plines: reputyng theim selues moste happie, for that they haue learned the phrase of courte speche, at euery woorde to choppe in these goodly titles of honour, your noble grace, your royall hieghnesse, your excellent maiestee: and that theyr faces lyke visers will blusshe at no∣thyng: and finally that in bourdyng, and in flyryng, thei can flatter pleasauntly. For these be the qua∣litees they holde most mere for a kynde gentilman, and rufler of the courte. But nowe who so narowlier woulde approche, and enserche theyr trade of liuyng, shoulde fynde theim I warrant you, to be more blunte and vnwittie, than euer were the auncient people of Phoeacia, and thereto more dissolute than those wo∣wers were that desyred Penelopes in mariage. Spon∣si Penelopes,Sponsi Penelopes nebulones, Alemo. ye know what foloweth in the verse, whi∣che I had rather that Eccho (as she euer doeth the la∣ter woordes) shoulde declare vnto you, than I. These my hoglyng{is} slepe euery daie till midnoone, and hauyng euin yet theyr eies full of slepe, thei sende than for some huntyng chapleine, who whiles thei are in ma∣kyng ready, or rather risyug out of theyr bedd{is}, maie slynge theim vp a post masse. In the necke whereof commes theyr breakefast, and that scantly finisshed, go they to diner. After that to the dyse, to tables, to car∣des, or to boules, nowe with iesters, nowe with fooles, now with courtisanes, daunces, and daliaunc{is} to tri∣fle out the tyme, not without one, or two collacions a∣fore supper, and after supper theyr bankett{is} one vpon an other. And thus without felyng any tediousnesse of theyr life, thei passe easily ouer, bothe houres, daies, monthes, yeres, and whole ages. In sort that I my selfe am not seeldome throughe hauntyng with theim made the fatter, and gladly woulde neuer part compa∣ny, sauyng that sometyme seyng how amonges the da∣moysels and Madames of the court, they shew theim selues in theyr mastresses colours, and commenly dooe vaunt theim selues of that they haue not, or neuer did, I can not kepe my selfe from laughter. Moreouer se∣yng how among{is} those Nymphes and Madames, eche reputeth hir selfe the more woorthie of honour and e∣state, the longer taile she traineth after hir. Seeyng also how the gentilmen of the court dooe shoue one an other, aud prease for a shew of estimacion to be nexte theyr prince, as who saieth depeliest in his fauour. And seyng lastly how thei stande in theyr owne conceite, mu∣che estemyng theim selues, as the more worthy a cappe and reuerence, the greatter chaynes thei haue, as if thei desyred not onely to shew their richesse in wearyng thē, but also theyr strength of shoulders in bearyng theim. But now (on godd{is} halfe) lenger than of late daies, Pope holie fathers of Rome, Skarlet cardinals, and blessyng bishops,Cardinals bishops. haue not onely folowed the steppes of princes, as touchyng theyr pompe and magnificence, but dooen also what they can to surpasse theim. Yet surelie if a bishop perpended with hym selfe, what is ment by the linen rochet so purely of white that he wea∣reth? Mary that his liuyng likewise shoulde be nete, and cleane from any spotte of sinne:The appa∣raile of a bishop. Or if he thought thus, that his mytre beyng deuided so into two hornes, eche typpe wherof is with the lyke knobbe gathered to∣gether, were set for a figure of the perfect knowlage he ought to haue bothe in the olde and new Testament: Or if he wiste that the gloues on his hand{is} did signi∣fie, how he ought as purely, and without any soyle of woordlinesse to administer the sacrament{is}: Aud how his crossers staffe admonished him of the wakery charge he shoulde take ouer his flocke: And how his crosse borne before hym (be he an archebishop) pretended vi∣ctorie ouer all woordlie affections: These figures (I saie) and many lyke hereto, in case a bishop did con∣ster & conferre accordyngly, I beleue he could not chose but leade an heauie and carefull life: Yea but at these bais (I can tel you) thei take as little thought herefore, as all theyr thought is how they maie fayre fede theim selues, remittyng all care of theyr flocke vnto Christe, or rather resignyng the same to suche as they call their vicares, and Suffragans. In whiche case they remem∣bre little theyr name. For Episcopus, is as muche to saie, as a superintendent or wacheman, who vusly ten∣ded and toke hede to his charge and commission. How be it (in dede) as touchyng fisshyng for money, and heapyng vp of treasour bagg{is}, they furnisshe fully that theyr names importeth, and therin shew theim sel∣ues to be no blinde wachemen. Moreouer, if Cardinals likewise did consider (seyng thei chalenge to succede in the apostles places) how at theyr hand{is} also is requyred that sanctitee and perfection, that the apo∣stles were of: And further, how they are no lord{is}, but rather stewerd{is} and administratours of spirituall giftes and graces, for the whiche soone after they must duely and exactly render accoumpte:The appa∣raile of car¦dinals. Yea if they did but argue a whyle vnto theim selues vpon theyr gar∣ment{is}, and thinke thus: Pardie the whitenesse, and pure netenesse of this rochet I weare on, signifieth how I also shoulde leade a pure and ryght innocent life. This cramoysen gowe, whiche I haue vnderneth it, admonissheth me I shoulde be as feruently enflamed in the loue of god. This vtter robe also beyng so large and so longe trained, as suffiseth to ouerspred myne, the most reuerende fathers moyle, were she as lofty as any ca∣mell, doeth it not pretende, that charitee shulde abouisd, and be so largely spreadde in me, as I shoulde offre my selfe to helpe and releue all men? be it in teachyng, ex∣hortyng, coumfortyng, rebukyng, or aduerrisyng my e∣uen Christen: or be it in appeasyng of watres betwene countreis, or resistyng of wicked princ{is}, yea or in spen∣dyng of my bloudde for Christes sake, muche more my worldly good{is} with a gladde hert: How be it I see not by reason, what I shoulde dooe with worldly good{is}, I, that take vpon me wholy to imitate and represent the apostles, who like good soules went poorely aud bare∣footed. These thyng{is} (I saie) if Cardinals did con∣sider aud take well to hert, they wolde not gape so gre∣dily after that dignitee, naie willynglier woulde refuse it, or at lest, as did the Primitiue apostles, leade a tra∣uailsome and carefull life, in attendyng to their offices. Moreouer if these thrise holy fathers,Bishops of Rome. Popes of Rome and Christes vicares (as they name theim selues) did as eruestly folow the exemple of Christes life, in enbra∣cyng of pouertee, or peinefull teachyng of the people, or in bearyng of his crosse, and contempt of this world, or if they didde but thynke a while vppon the name of Pope, whiche they chalenge peculierly, and is as muche to saie, as father, or the title of most holy father, as thei ie to be called: Now I see not what men in all the world shuld (by right) liue in greatter carefulnesse and affliction then thei. Nor I see not vpon what hope the rankest Symoniakes of them might recken, if thei reked hereon, that all theyr good{is} and facultees were to scant to deale in bribes to the Cardinals for their voices: or hauyng ones purchased that roume with theyr pennie, wolde than so manfully defende and kepe it, bothe with swoorde, with poyson, and with all other efforce. Good lorde, howe many pleasures and commoditees shoulde wisedome at one plucke bereue theim, in case they did but ones loke hir in the face? Wisedome saied I? Naie if they had but one graine of that salt, wher∣of Christ maketh mencion in the gospell, they woulde not hoorde vp so huge heapes of golde, so hiegh moun∣taines of honours, so large dominions, so many marci∣all victories, so many offices, so many dispensacions, so many reuenues, so many taxes, so many perdones, nor kepe such a numbre of pampred horses, and slicke shorne moyles, nor holde suche a courte and garde about them, with infinite other solac{is}, to abound, or rather swimme in delices. Ye see (I trow) in these few woord{is}, how great a fayre, and in maner a sea of pleasur{is} and world∣ly welthinesse I haue set afore you. In place wher∣of is there any of you thinketh,Uertues apostolike. that Peters successours at these daies, wolde willyngly embrace fastyng, wat∣chyng, teares in vehement praier, daiely preachyng, stu∣diyng on the scripture, or sighyng at mens offences, with thousand other suche drerie troubles, whiche thei daiely shouldehtan be subiecte to? Or dooe you iudge peraduenture they coulde easily fynde in theyr hertes, that so many scriueners, so many registrers, so many notaries,The rable at Rome. so many aduocates, so many promoters, so many secretaries, so many moyleters, so many horseke∣pers, so many gentilmen of housholde, so many apple∣squyers, so many baudes, (I had almost spoken a sof∣ter woorde,Sodomie. but I feare me it wolde haue sounded har∣der to your eares) briefely so great a rablement of sun∣drie men as doe waie downe (I crie you mercy) I ment, dooe waite on the See of Rome, shoulde haue cause to crie out on theim, whan with the tourne of an hande through theyr conuersion to a sobrer course of liuyng, those myght well enough be driuen to die for hunger? specially seyng aboue the rigour and extremitee of such an heynous acte, a farre more detestable inconuenience shoulde folow, whan therby the princ{is} selfe, and pillers of the churche, yea the verie Lampes (on gods name) whiche light the worlde, shoulde be called backe againe to a bagge and a staffe? wheras els thei haue founde out so good a shyfte, and conueighance, what euer labour or toyle belongeth to theyr offices, to cast it wholy on Pe∣ter and Paules shoulders, who haue leysour enough to welde it, whiles they maie so good chepe reserue vnto theim selues all the pleasure and commoditees of the same? wherby it cometh to passe, and all through my drifte, that no kynde of men lyue more delicately, nor with lesse care than these holy fathers dooe. For as for Christ, he (thei thynke) maie easily enough be plea∣sed, so long as thei shew them selues like popes in their Misticall Pontificalibus, bolstred vp with ceremoni∣es, aud titles of blissednes, reuerendnes, and sanctitee, to blisse and curse whom thei liste: what for the rest, it is stale with theim, and out of vse at these daies to doe myracles: peynefull, to teache the people scholerlyke, to expounde scripture: to ydle a thyng, to praie: farre more milkesoplyke and womannisshe, to cast foorth tea∣res: vile, to be nedie: dishonourable, to be ouercome: and most vnsittyng for theim who scantly will admitte kyng{is} and emperours to the kyssyng of theyr feete: Finally it is an vnsauoury thyng, to die: and as re∣procheable, to be hanged on the crosse: So that refu∣syng to stande to any of these harde condicions, thei rest onely vpon feates of armes, with also those sugred and doulcet benedictions of theirs, mencioned by Paule, with a thousande wherof I wene they woulde parte more liberally, than with one pennie: and sticke hardi∣ly to theyr interdictions, suspencions, aggrauacions, redaggrauacions, anathemisacions, and peincted pictu∣res set vp in churches, representyng suche as thei note for cursed, or heretikes, with also that theyr dredefull thunderbolt of excommunicacion, the dynt wherof at theyr onely becke is hable to dyng downe sely soules a thousande myles beyonde the depest dongeon in hell: whiche thunderbolt they leuell yet against no men so vehemently, as against those, who through the diuelles instinction dooe go about to croppe Peters patrimonie:Peters pa∣trimonie, whiche (for all Peters owne woordes in the gospell, Lorde, we haue lefte all to folow the) they expounde to be landes, citees, taxes, customes, and dominions. For mainte∣naunce wherof whiles kyndled with the feruent zeale of Christ, they fight bothe with sworde, and with fyre, than they wene they dooe gaily, and apostolically defende Christes espouse the churche, in rebuttyng and manfully (as they saie) forchasyng of hir enemies. As who saieth, there be any enemies more pernicious to Christ{is} churche, than wicked bishops theim selues? who suf∣fre Christes name for lacke of theyr daiely remembring, to grow out of the peoples knowlage: & do binde Christ to certaine money lawes of theyr owne: and with wre∣sted gloses and exposicions dooe bastard him: and last∣ly through the abhominable president of theyr life doe eftesoones crucifie hym. In sort, that wheras Chri∣stes churche was fyrst founded vpon the bloudde of him hir autour, and reised vp with the bloudde of the apo∣stles, and enlarged with the bloud of so many martyrs: now, as though Christ were no Christ, or that he were not hable as before to conserue his chosen, they in hir defence dooe trie theyr quarels onely at the swoordes poincte. That wheras warre (to speake absolutely) is so cruell and despiteous a thyng, as rather it beco∣meth wilde beast{is}, than men, therto so furious and ra∣geyug, as the verie Poetes doe feigne, that the Furies of hell dooe let is slippe: also so pestilent a thyng, as draweth for traine all frothe and corrupcion of maners after it: Further so vniust a thyng, as for the moste parte is best executed by the veriest theues and distres∣sours that be: and lastly so vnchristian a thyng, as in no∣thyng accordeth with Christe. Yet dooe these my Ro∣myshe prelates, settyug all other thyng{is} a syde, onely studie and employe their tyme on warre. In whiche exercise ye shall see some of theim beyng so olde and wasted, that theyr bones rattle in theyr skinnes, so liue∣ly yet turmoylyng, and pronely bent therto, as if they were waxen younge againe: neyther sparyng for coste, nor weried through labours, ne any thyng grudged in mynde or agaste at it, though therby all lawes, religi∣on, peace, and tranquillitee in humaine thyng{is} be tour∣ned topsetturuie. For woorke they neuer so vngodly, yet faile they not of some glosers learned men, who in hope of promocion, will name and expounde this theyr open madnesse to bee a Zeale, to be a Pietie, to bee a Spirituall manhode in them, bringyng it by a new found meanes to passe, that now a man maie thrust his swoord into his brothers bealy, obseruyng neuerthelesse that loue and perfite charitee, whiche Christe byddeth eche Christian to owe an other. And truely I am as yet in doubte, whether bishops in Almaine haue geuin, or rather taken exemple hereat: seyng that somewhat plainelier, and without any obseruaunce at all, vsed either in their wede, or blissyng, with suche lyke ceremonies as bi∣shops woulde be knowen by, they dooe plainely shewe theim selues to be temporall princ{is}, in sort that in a ma∣ner they coumpt it vilitee for theim to yelde theyr vali∣aunt soules to God, any where els than in a foughten fielde. And now, dooe not syngle priestesPriestes, (trow ye) clinge as nere as they can to theyr prelates deuocion? for (loe) how warlyke bothe with swoordes, with sta∣nes, and with stones, yea and by the teeth also the good vicares can striue for theyr tytheright{is}? and how na∣rowly loke thei to finde in olde writte or in doctours, a∣ny sentence seruyng for theyr purpose, to geue terrour therby to theyr simple parissheners, yea and beare them downe, that thei ought to paie more than theyr tenthes limitted. But for all theyr diligence in that behalfe, they are as indiligent remembrers what is written in many places of scripture concernyng theyr duities, and what they on the other part ought to render and repaie vnto the people. No not theyr shauen crownes at lest can warne theim, howe priestes muste be free from all worldlinesse, to passe on nothyng els, sauyng heauenly treasure. But sooner at these daies my Iolie sir Iohns doe take it for a sufficient furniture of their roomes, as longe as they mumble ouer theyr portes seruice, thei care not how rasshely, whiche (on my faith) I wonder what god heareth, or vnderstandeth? seeyng they theim sel∣ues dooe almost neither heare, nor wote what they saie, whan onely with theyr lippes thei make a certaine bus∣zyng, no whitte procedyng from the hert. How be it (to saie the trouthe) it is a commen tatche naturally geuin to all men as well as priest{is}, to watche well for theyr owne lucre: for none is so vnskilfull, that in this poinct can not skanne the lawes to the vttermost. But in case there be any waight or charge thereon depen∣dyng, that the clergie hath politikely learned to cast on others shoulders. For like as princes are wont to ordeine vnder theim many Deputies and officers, who likewyse dooe substitute Subdeputies in theyr steedes, so dooeth the Clergie of theyr goodnesse and singuler modestee, remitte all care of holinesse to the laie people, and laie folke charge suche therwith as thei call Eccle∣siasticall or churchemen, as who saieth all maner Chri∣stians had not to dooe with the churche, or as if thei pro∣fessed no suche thyng by theyr fyrst vowe of Baptisme. Than againe priest{is} that are named Seculers, as dedi∣cate to the worlde and not to Christ, dooe laie all this burden on reguler priest{is}, who likewyse tourne it ouer to Religious men, and religious men of an easier rule commende the same to those of a straighter rule. But all with one assent dooe can theyr charge on Friers nec∣kes, who natheles finde a meanes yet to conueigh the same to monkes of the charterhouse, in whiche onely order, holinesse as in hir graue lyeth hydden, yea and so hyd∣den, as scant at any tyme she can be seen. Likewise holy fathers of Rome in tendre consideracion of the daiely businesse, wherwith thei are occupied about their money haruest, are faine to put bishops in trust with all other too too Apostolike labours. But bishops disdeigne not through humilitee to let persones supplie theyr roo∣mes: And persones like good felowes wolde theyr vi∣cares shoulde haue the dooyng therof: Than vicares sticke not to suffre friers to encroche vpon theim: And they againe make resignement therof, to suche as daie∣ly dooe shere the woulle of Christes poore flocke. But (hola) it is best for me to stoppe here, seyng I toke not vpon me to boult out the maner of bishops and prie∣stes liuynges now a daies: lest any man shoulde deme how I rather entended to ratle vp theyr vices, than to spredde myne owne praise,Folie exc∣seth hir el that she spe¦keth of the wicked & not of the good men. or lest ye myght mistake me, as if good and vertuous princ{is} were taunted of me, whi∣les foolisshely accordyng to my custome I dooe com∣ménde the wicked. Naie rather I haue touched thus muche, with few woordes, to the ende it maie appeare, how no mortall man can liue sweetely in ioie and plea∣sure, vnlesse he be a brother of my fraternitee, and haue me to his friende and good ladie. For els, who is he dare loke for good happe,Fortune ∣lied wit Folie. seeyng Fortune hir selfe, the guidresse of all worldly chaunces, is so muche bent on my syde, as euer for the moste parte she is heauie mai∣stresse, and contrarions to these wysemen, wheras t fooles on the other syde she dealeth hir giftes so large∣ly, as if she crammed the same into theyr mouthes whi∣les they are slepyng. Ye remembre (I trow) what is written of Timotheus that fortunate capitaine of the Atheniens, whose good happe and successe in thin∣ges gaue fyrst place to this prouerbe, Slepe he neuer so fast, his nette catcheth for hym. (For ye shall vnderstande, that of his continual prosperous fortune peincters toke occasion to pourtray his image slepyng, and fortune in the meane whiles throwyng into his nettes bothe citees and dominions.) And lykewyse this other prouerbe, The howlate flieth (wherby was ment, that lyke as Pal∣las, to whom the howlate is cousecrate, was wonte to geue good and happie successe to many of the Atheni∣ens purposes vnaduisedly enterprised: So likewyse that armie, whiche had Timotheus ones for capitaine, was euer victorious, though tenne to one it shulde haue chaunced otherwyse. But these prouerbes on the o∣ther side dooe make against wysemen, He was borne vn∣der an vnluckie moone, or vppon a crosse daie: Or, he hath Sians horse (whiche horse as writers dooe affyrme, had for his beautie dyuers maisters successiuely, who all at last had euill end.) Or, he hath gotten Tolosan golde, (the owners wherof spedde no better than the former) with many suche other prouerbes, whiche I holde it best to ouerpasse, lest ye thought I had robbed my friende E∣rasmus Adagies. To retourne therfore to my matter, I saie,Who they be that for∣ne ad∣auneth. that Fortune fauoureth men not of the most for∣cast, and loueth bolde hazardours, suche as refuse no chaunce of the dyse. But wysedome maketh men the warer, and more fearefull to auenture any thing. wher∣fore ye see daiely how these wysemen are euer pounded in beggery and necessitee, and fedde with smoke, leadyng foorth theyr tymes as vnregarded, vnestemed, and vn∣accepted.Fooles ob∣taine pro∣mocions before wise men. Wheras my fooles on the other syde dooe flow in richesse and promocions, and for short doe flou∣risshe on all sydes. For surely, and if ye coumpt it no small parcell of felicitee to stande in good grace with great men, and liue familiarly among{is} those my golden gods: now I see not what wisedome can auaile you, nay rather how it shoulde not muche disprofite you, seeyng they for the most parte beyng vnlerned, doe reproue ler∣nyng, as that they know not. Or if Rychesse be to be sought for, I praie you what gaine can the merchant haue, whan as wysedome biddeth, his conscience at a∣ny tyme shoulde stagger at a false othe, or beyng taken with a plaine lie, he did blusshe therat, or set but a bar∣ly corne by all those grudgeyng doubtes, that wysemen put vpon thefte and vserie. Moreouer, who so gapeth after spiritual dignitees and promocions, (as there be rauins enough that watche for suche carein) let hym thinke that an asse or a cowherde shall sooner be aduan∣ced to the same than any wyse, or learned man. Than in case thou estemest womens loue and daliaunce (whi∣che sure is one of the greatest part{is} of my plaie) Thei good podes are wholy addicted to fooles and trifletal∣kers, yea none otherwyse dooe abhorre and shone a wiseman, than thei woulde dooe a Skorpion. Briefe∣ly, who so euer they be, that entende to lyue frankely in feast and gladnesse, for the fyrste poincte will see well that Maister Sage be shutte out of the dores, and sooner let in any maner beast than him. Finally, what euer side ye tourne you to, be it to Prelates, to Princes, Iud∣ges, Rulers, friendes, or enemies, all thyng is gotten for money,Moneys force. whiche like as a wiseman despiseth, so I thinke it be, because he can not come by it, it standeth so farre from his reache, as if the foxe would eate no gra∣pes. Well, all be it there be no ende nor mea∣sure of my praises, yet it must behoue me at last to make an ende of my talke, I will leaue therfore. So that fyrst I maie briefely touche vnto you, how I want not of many great Autours, who with theyr writyng{is} and deedes also haue blasonned and set me foorth, lest elles perchaunce ye might iudge, that foolisshely I stande in myne owne conceite, or lawiers myght vse cauillacions against me, saiyng, I alleged no bokes for my prouffe. Goe to therfore, let vs allege somewhat for our selfe, and reherce vp as they dooe thyng{is} nothyng seruyng to the purpose.Folie pro∣eth hir praises by uctoritees out of . So fyrst I saie, that none will de∣nie this olde sawe to be true, how wheras the thyng selfe wanteth, there it is best at lest to countrefaict the same, wheru∣pon younge children that goe to schole, haue for one of theyr fyrst lessons this verse of Cato taught them, whi∣che saieth: It is most wysedome for a man in place to countre∣faicte Folie. Now therfore I praie you consider with your selues, how great a weale and benefite must Folie in deede be, wheras the countrefaictyng and shadowe onely of the same, deserueth so muche praise at learned men. Among{is} whom myne owne good Horace, as a fatte and fayre fedde hoglyng of Epicures herde, ad∣uiseth men to myngle Folie with their graue counsailes, (all be it the addicion he maketh of short Folie, was not all of the cunnyngest.) Also in an other place he saieth, It is a sweete thyng to be a foole whan place requyreth: And than againe he confesseth, he had rather be holden for a foole and an Ideote, than beyng wyse, to be barked at, and bytten of euerie bodie. And Homer likewyse, wheras in all condici∣ons he praiseth and commendeth Telemachus, yet in dyuers places he is wont to call hym childisshe and im∣prudent, whiche name these writers of Tragedies dooe gladly for a token of good lucke geue to boyes, and stripelyng{is}. But for Gods sake, what is els conteigned in Homers whole Poesie of the sacred boke called I∣lias, saue onely the contencious debates of foolisshe kynges, and foolisshe people? wherby it appeareth, that all the world is full of fooles, as Cicero saied rightly, in whiche so few woordes he gaue me as absolute and ample a praise,The worth full of foo les. as myght be. For who is he that knoweth not the value and goodnesse of a thyng to be the more acceptable, the largelier and more copiously that the same is spread in∣to all partes? But it maie be (ye will saie) that Chri∣sten men geue no credence to these painem autours:Auctori∣tees out of scripture for folie. in whiche case (if ye thinke so good) I am content to proppe vp, and found (as doctours saie) my praises vpon su∣che textes as for witnesse of the same I shall fetche out of holy scripture. Fyrst of all praiyng diuines of their lawfull fauour, that they will licence me so to dooe. Next than because I take a great charge in hand, and it were no good maner to call the Muses eftesoones from theyr fountaine of Helicon, to come backe so great a iourney as is from thence hither, namely for a mattier smally perteignyng to theyr facultee, peraduenture it were better wisshed of me, whiles I plaie the Doctresse of diuinitee, and passe through these brambles, that the soule of Duns woulde a little leue Sorbone College, aud enter into my brest, be he neuer so thornie, and ful∣ler of pricles than is any vrcheon, to departe againe whan I haue dooen ones, and if he list to the galowes. That woulde god I myght proprely take a new conute∣nance, and were cladde in a doctourlike apparaile: sa∣uyng I feare lest some of you woulde laie thefte to my charge, as though I had priuily pied our Maister dctors cunnyng out of theyr study deskes, because I can so mu∣che Diuinitee without boke. But haue ye no meruaile though my continuall and daiely conuersacion amonges doctours, maketh me to beare awaie some one woorde or other: seyng the fygtree image of Priapus coulde in pro∣cesse of tyme, as his maister redde Homer, marke and remembre some Greke vocables. And likewyse Lu∣cyans cocke throughe longe continuaunce and conuer∣syng among{is} men, did learne so perfectly theyr speche. But now (ou gods name) to our mattier: Salomon the Ecclesiaste writeth in his fyrste chapitre, that the noumbre of fooles is infinite. Now where he speaketh of an infinite noumbre, is it not as muche, as if he com∣prehended all men therin, sauyng onely a certaine, so few, as I can not tell if at any tyme they were seen at all? Muche more expressely dooeth Ieremie confesse the same: for eche man (saieth he) is made a foole in his owne wysedome: So onely vnto God he loweth wyse∣dome, and assigneth folie for peculier vnto all men. Than againe a little abou that, he would no man shuld glorie in his owne wysedome: and why so mine owne good Ieremie? Fosothe (will he saie) for that man ath no wysedome at all. But to retourne againe to the Eccle∣siaste. what ment he (trow ye) by his protestacion, when he lowdely cried out so, Vanitee of vanitees, and all is va∣nitee? what? but (as afore I saied) that this humaine life is naught but a certaine great plaie of Folie? con∣firming (as who saieth) that noble sentence of Cicero little afore recited, how all this world is full of fooles. More∣ouer, where the other wyse Ecclesiasticus saied, A foole changeth like the moone, but a wiseman abydeth in one state as the sonne? what signified he els hereby? but that mankynd is altogethers foolisshe, and God onely deserueth the name of wisedome. For ye shall vnderstand, that by the moone (accordyng to the exposicion of doctours) is fi∣gured mankynde: and by the sonne, whiche is the head and fountaine of all light, is ment god him selfe the fa∣ther, and originall of all sapience. Wherunto this ma∣keth greatly, that Christ hym selfe in the gospell, deni∣ed any man ought to be called good; sauyng god hym selfe. Now therfore if euery man that is not wyse, muste be holden for foolishe, aud who so euer is good, is wife al∣so, (accordyng as the Stoikes do affyrme) than per con∣sequeut ye must nedes confesse, that mortall men are al∣togethers wrapped in the bandes of Folie. Further∣more, Salomon in his .xxv. chapitre saieth: Folie ma∣keth fooles gladde: wherin he confesseth plainely, that no∣thyng in this life can be sweete or pleasant, vnlesse that folie yelde the same vnto you: and hereunto maketh that saieyng also: who exhorteth you to wysedome, exhor∣teth you to sorow: and in muche vnderstandyng, is muche indigna∣cion: and doeth not this noble preacher plainly confirme the same, saiyng in his .vii. chapitre: That the hert of a wyseman is wheras sorow is, and the hert of a foole wheras glad∣nesse is. Therfore Salomon thought it not sufficient to consume time about the knowlage of wysedome, vnlesse he further shoulde busie hym selfe to know me also. That in case ye smally beleue myue, marke I praie you his owne woord{is} in the fyrst chapitre: And I haue ap∣plied my hert (saieth he) to know wysedome and learnyng, and lykewyse to know errours and folie: wherin ye must note this well, how it maketh muche for my dignitee, that he putteth folie in the latter place, namely seyng the Ec∣clesiaste, or churche preacher wrote it, and pardie ye know how the church ordre willeth, that who so is first in dignitee, shall goe last in place, to the ende, that how euer in other poinctes, yet herein at lest he dooe obserue the precepte of the gospell. But folie to be farre more noble and excellent than wisedome, I wene I can proue you by witnesse of the Ecclesiasticus, who so euer was autour of that boke in the .xliiii. chapitre of the same: whose text surely I holde it not best to recite vnto you, before ye somewhat shall haue ayded the induction of myne argument, with aunswearyng handsomely vnto me, lyke as Plato introduceth those that dispute with Socrates to dooe. So fyrst I demaunde of you, what thyng{is} to your iudgement ought soonest to be kept close and hydden, other those that are precious and rare to be gotten, or other that are vile & dogchepe in euery place? dooe you holde your peace? Now surely how euer ye woulde dissemble, yet shall this olde greke prouerbe an∣sweare for you: the waterpotte is sette behynde euerie dore: the auctoritee of whiche prouerbe let none of you be so godly to refelle, seeyng Aristotle hym selfe, the god of our maister doctours doeth in many places recite it and in sadnesse I can not thynke, that any of you all is so madde, to leue golde or precious stones in the hiegh waie: naie rather ye laie theim vp in your most secrete closett{is}, and yet, that snot uffisyng, ye double locke them in the strongest coffers ye haue, wheras durt ye leue li∣yng still on the dunghill. Ergo, if that be hydden, that is more precious, and the other vile thyng{is} are left abrode as vntended to, is it not manifest now, that wise∣dome whiche he forbyddeth to be hydden, is farre more vile than folie, whiche muste accordyng to his rede be locked vp and kept as close as maie be? And now I am content to reherce you his owne woord{is}, (whiche are) Better is the man that hydeth his folie, than he who hydeth his wysedome. But what saie you to this that scripture at∣tributeth to fooles a certaine benignitee, and gentill whitenesse of nature, condemnyng wysemen for proude and despisours of all others saue theim selues? For so dooe I plainely take the meanyng of the Ecclesiaste in the .x. chapitre. But a foole (saieth he) that walketh in the strete, beyng hym selfe vnwise, supposeth all men to be fooles as he. Now is it not (I praie you) a signe of an ex∣cedyng gentilnesse in hym to make euery body his mat∣che and felow? that wheras none so base wil not meane¦ly stande yet in selfe reputacion, his curtesie is suche to dele euery man a fleese of his praise. Therfore Salo∣mon beyng so great a kynge, was naught ashamed of my name whan he saied in his .xxx. chapitre, I am most foole of all men: Nor Paule doctour of the gentiles thought scorne therof, when writing to the Corinthians he said: I speake it as vnwise, that I more than others. &c. as who saieth it were a great dishonour for him to be ouercome in folie. But here (loe) me thynk{is} I heare how I am hissed at by some of these greke professours, who study scripture in that tounge, and make as though other do∣ctours at these daies saw nothyng, nomore than crowes dooe whan their eies ar peckt out, whiles with certaine Annotacions of their owne, they goe about to duske mens eies as with smoke, among{is} whiche sorte of note∣makers, my friende Erasmus, whom often for honours sake and good will I dooe mencion, maie be counted the seconde, if not the fyrst. They (like enough) will re∣proue me, and (ô) what a foolisshe allegacion is this (will they saie)? and how mete a witnesse for dame Folie to bringe in? wheras the apostles meanyng is farre otherwyse, than she dreameth it to be: for in these woordes he wolde not be taken for more foole than other, but whan he had saied, They are ministers of Christ, and so am I also, to the ende yet he shuld not be holden for a vainglorious vaunter in that he made him selfe coequall with the other, he added as by correction, I more than other, signifi∣yng therby, how not onely he was matche to the other apostles, but somewhat also their superiour: whiche althoughe he woulde shoulde be taken for verie trueth, yet lest the arrogant auowyng therof might partly haue offended mens ares, he did first shelde the same with the pretexte of Folie, (saiyng) I speake it as the vnwyser, because he wist what priuilege fooles haue to speake trouthe without offence. Well, what euer Paule mente whan he wrote thus, I leaue hardly to theim to dispute : because I will ynglier dooe folow the auctoritee of other grosse and fatte doctours, who amonges vulgar folke, are in greatest reputacion, so farfoorth as a great part of learned men also had leuer (by god) for more suretie be deceiued with theim, than iudge vpon righter knowlage with these studiers of the scripture in the thre toung{is}. For no man setteth more by these smatterers in the Greke tounge, than thei wold do by as many chat∣teryng iaes: chiefely seyng that a certaine glorious do∣ctour, whose name I dooe suppresse for the nones,Nicola de Lyra. leste els these iaies woulde chatter this greke taunt against hym, An asse to the harpe, doeth in expoundyng bothe ma∣gistrally and theologically this selfe same texte from this poincte forwarde, I more than others, make it to be the head of a new sentence, puttyng also a new clefte and diuision in the same, whiche sure he coulde neuer haue dooen, without a wonderous conueighance of Lo∣gike. But for more plainesse I will repete vnto you his owne woordes, not onely in forme, but also in matter, (as scholemen saie): And this was his exposicion. I speake it as the more vnwise, that is to saie (quod he) in case I seeme vnwise vnto you because I doe coequall my selfe vnto the false apostles, than more vnwise will you coumpt me, in auaun∣cyng my selfe afore theim. Neuerthelesse this goodly e∣positour not muche bynethe that, as if he had forgotten him selfe, falleth quite into an other sense. But wher∣about goe I now? Shall I stande to one onely exem∣ple in my defence,Holy likened to a Cheuere skynne. seyng all doctours take it commenly for theyr priuilege, to streche out heauen (that is to saie) holy writte lyke a cheuerell skynne? Seyng also how in Paules epistles, the woord{is} of scripture fare as if they were of contrary senses, wheras beyng set in their right places, they doe varie neuer a dele, if we geue cre∣dite to Hierome. For whan Paule saw at Athenes an Altare dedicate to the Godd{is}, the entitlyng wherof he thought good to bringe in for a prouffe and corroboraci∣on of the Christen beleefe, leauyng all the rest that made against his purpose, he toke onely the two latter woor∣des of the same, (which were these) to the vnknowne god, yet in some parte he was content to chaunge theim to: for the whole superscripcion was set vp in this maner. To the gods of Asia, Euroa, and Africa, to the vnknowne, and estraunge Gods. So vpon this exemple of Paule I wene it procedeth, that commenly at these daies my faire broode of doctours do enterprise to nippe of here and there, foure or fiue woord{is} of the whole, yea and those some thyng altered and corrupted (if it stande theim vpon) to applie the same so botched together to theyr owne sense and commoditee, how euer that that goeth before, and that that foloweth, dooeth nothyng serue to purpose, or rather make cleae against them. Whiche their saied iugglyng they conueigh yet by so happie an vnshame∣fastnesse, as in this poinct Ciuilians haue cause often∣tymes to enuie doctours of diuinitee, whan now in Alle∣gacions nothyng makyng for the mattier, they bee so farre passed by theim. For I praie you (of friendship) tell me, what thyng maie be to harde for these doctours to bringe about? seeyng how that great aforesaied do∣ctour (I had almost blabbed foorth his name againe, but I feare me I tell you of the greke adage) coulde draw out of Lukes woordes, the construction of a sen∣tence nomore agreable vnto Christes meanyng therin, than fyre is with water? For Christe whan the immi∣nent daunger of his death aproched, what tyme, or ne∣uer, it becometh good seruaunt{is} most constantly to take theyr maisters part, and defende hym to theyr powers, as confederates in league dooe one for an other, to the ende yet he myght driue all confidence in suche maner defence out of his Apostles hert{is}, axed of theim, whe∣ther thei wanted ought, what tyme he sent theim foorth so bare∣ly without any maner prouision, not geuyng theim so muche as shoes to saue their feete from thornes and stones, nor yet a wallet to put their meate in? wherunto whan thei had aunswerd, that thei lacked nothyng: But now (quod he) who so of you hath a wallette, let him self it, and his bagge also, yea and who so hath not, make he sale at lest of his cote, to bie him a swoorde. Now wheras it is manifest enough, that all Christes doctrine pretendeth naught but mekenesse, pacience, and con∣tempte of this mortall lyfe, whiche of you perceiueth not, what he ment in this place? For I take it plainely that he saied thus, to geue his Ambassadours the Apo∣stles, the better courage, to the ende that they not one∣ly shoulde set no store by shoes, nor by vitailyng bagges, but should cast awaie theyr cotes also, the nemblier and more deliuerly to goe about theyr charge and commis∣sion of the gospell preachyng, prouidyng theim selues of naught els but onely a sworde, not that sworde that theues and murderers dooe occupie, but the swoorde of the sprite, beyng whetted all on Charitee, whose poinct perseth into the inwarde part{is} of mans hert, and cutteth all flesshely affections thence, so clene, as naught re∣maineth sauyng pietie, and ardent loue towardes god. But marke ye now (of felowship) how warlyke this famous doctour wresteth the plaine & clere sence here∣of. For by the swoorde (saieth he) is ment defence against persecucion: and by the wallette is vnderstode competent proui∣sion we shoulde make of thynges necessarie to liue withall. As who saieth, Christes mynde were chaunged, because hym seemed that he sent foorth his Ambassadours not halfe royally furnisshed, and therfore did recant here, and call backe his fyrst Instructions geuin theim. Or as if he had here forgotten those woordes, whiche afore he spake vnto theim with suche a vehemencie, ye shal be blissed whan ye be persecuted withall kynde of oultrage and tur∣ment, but make ye no resistence against those euisses ye shall suf∣fer: for blissed be the meke in sprite, not those that are fierce, and stubburne herted. Or as if it were quite out of his re∣membrauce, that in other places he likeneth them to spa∣rowes, and lilies, as touching the small care that thei shuld take for theyr liuyng. Now, so muche lacked that he would haue theim goe weponlesse, as rather thei shulde sell theyr cotes from theyr backes to bie the same: and sooner goe naked, than without a swoorde by theyr side. Moreouer lyke as vnder the name of Swoorde (as he expoundeth it) all maner of defence is conteigned, that maie re∣pell iniurie, and violence, so vnder the name of bagge, is compri∣sed what euer prouision is made to liue withall. And thus (loe) this depe expositour of Gods will and meanyng setteth foorth the apostles complete armed, with iaue∣lins, bowes and arowes, slinges, and haulfe hakes, to preache the gospell, and Christes crosse. Ladyng them moreouer with great males, and paniers well stuffed with vitailes, lest els perchaunce they might sometyme departe from theyr innes vndyned. No not so muche as this, myght any thyng moue this gaie learned man, that Christ hym selfe shortly after rebukyng Peter bid∣deth the swoorde shoulde be put vp againe, whiche afore he commaunded so ernestly to be bought: and that it neuer was hearbe how the apostles did at any tyme occupie sworde and buckler, to resist theyr aduersaries violence, whiche nathelesse they woulde not haue sticked to dooe, in case that Christes meanyng in these aforesaied woor∣des had been suche, as he expoundeth it to be. There is an other doctour likewyse of no lesse reputaci∣on than this former, but for honours sake I name hym not, who interpretyng a place of Abacuc the prophete, where he saieth, The skinnes of the lande of Madian shall be disparcled and torne asunder: nothing consideryng that the Prophete spake of the Mdianistes lodgeynges or tentes for the fielde, whiche were made of beastes skinnes, as aunciently men in warrefare vsed, writeth plainly, that Abacuc did prophecy there of the fleayng of Sainct Bar∣thelmeus skynne. I my selfe not longe agoe was present (as many times I am wont to be) at a cer∣taine disputacion, where dyuers doctours were assem∣bled. There whan one of them by chance had put forth a question, by what auctoritee of scripture heretikes ought soo∣ner to be coumptrolled by the fire, than confuted by argumentes? An other auncient father, that satte by hym, beyng so crabbed faced, as onely the complexion of his hangyng browes might tell you straight he was maister doctour, aunswerde in a great cholere, that Paule him selfe was the fyrst ordeigner of that lawe, wheras in one of his epistles it is redde, Haereticum hominem post vnam et alteram correptionem deuita (But I axe perdone at your delicate eares, because I can not otherwise than in the latine phrase expresse it vnto you) I exhorte you (saieth Paule) to deuite or shonne the company of heretikes, after you shall haue ones or twise reproued theim for their erro∣nius opinions. Now whan this doctour had thundred foorth this texte in a bigge voyce, makyng often repe∣ticion of this latine woorde (deuita) so that many mer∣uaed now what the diuell he ailed, at last he concluded, that heretikes muste be lifted de, vita, makyng two woordes therof, as who saieth lifted out of life. Many laughed at this his fine exposicion, and some there were yet, who toke the same for a verie Theologass inuencion. But wheras others (that notwithstandyng) beganne to replie, by and by rose vp an other muche so∣lemne and irrefragable doctour to take his part. And thus lieth the case (quod he) It is written, Suffer thou no misdooer to liue, now sins that euery heretike misdooeth, ergo thou must suffer no heretike on liue. This Syllogysme beyng thus trussed vp by hym, (lorde) how all the assi∣stence beganne to wonder at his wittinesse, thoroughly coufyrmyng his sentence, yea and that the sooner, seyng none of theim ad the witte or learnyng to consider, how that law was fyrste ordeined against lottemongers, enchaunters and sorcerers, suche as the Hebrews in theyr tounge name witches. For els why shoulde not for∣nicatours, and drunkardes by as good reason, be puni∣shed with the lyke peine of death? But I plaie the ve∣rie foole in goyng about to tell vnto you, all suche balde deuises of these furde hoodedmen, beyng in deede so in∣numerable, as woulde not (on my conscience) be com∣prehended in all the large volumes of Crisyppus, and Didymus, takyng hardly Fytzharbert{is} abregementes for aduantage. Onely my meanyng was, to aduertise you, that seing those diuine maister doctours durst take vpon theim to wrest and mistake scripture in suche sort, than muche more I must be borne with, beyng but a younge doctresse, and lyke a woman shotyng foorthe my bolte at the gainest, if sometyme maie chaunce I laie not all my allegacions fully by leuell. But now at last I lepe backe againe to sainct Paule, and Gladly (saieth he) ye dooe beare with vnwise men, (speakyng it by him selfe) also in an other place, receiue you me, as vnwise that I am: and further, I speake not this precisely as vpon gods precepte, but rather in mine owne vnwisedome. Than againe, we (saieth he) are become fooles for Christes sake: Dooe you here now how great praises of Foly this so great an au∣tour alleageth, yea and that more is, he plainely enioy∣gneth Folie vnto vs, for a thyng moste necessarie, and right, importyng to saluacion? For who so semeth (saieth he) to be wise amonges you, let him become a foole, to the ende he be wise in deede. How saie you my maisters, woulde ye any more euident prouffes than this, or an other ex∣emple also in Lukes gospell, where Iesus calleth the two disciples fooles, with whom he ioigned company by the waie? This in especiall maie be taken for a meruaile,These ar∣gumentes must be ta∣ken as spo∣ken by Fo∣lie, not that Erasmus ment so in deede. how Paule so great a diuine spareth not to attribute a maner foolisshenesse, yea vnto god also: where he saieth, what euer of god is foolisshe, is wyser yet than any thyng in men: in expoundyng of whiche texte Origene denieth it to be possible, that this foly maie be referred to the generall opinion of men vpon the same. As appeareth by this other text of Paule, to reason of the misteries of the crosse, is surely to suche as beleue it not and dooe perisshe in their peuersnesse, naught els but Folie. But aye, what ayleth me to seke so many textes of Scripture for witnesses of my woordes, seeyng Christ hym selfe in the psalier dooeth plainly speake thus vnto the father, Thou knowest myne vnwysedome? So, not without some cause and respecte we see in scripture, howe fooles and simple soules stande hieghly in Godd{is} fauour, whiche I take to be, that lyke as great princes haue wysemen in ielousie and suspicion, as Iulius Caesar had Brutus and also Cassius, wheras he nothyng helde hym selfe adradde of drunken Marke Anthony, and as Nero mistrusted Seneca, and Dionysius stode in doubte of Plato, wheras freely on the other syde they gaue them selues to the pleasant company of men, of a grosser and more simple capacitee: So in like rate dooeth Christe blame and reproue these worldly sages, who fully cleue and stande to theyr owne wysedome. This by Paules woord{is} is confyrmed, where he saieth, God hath chosen hym out those that the worlde reputed for fooles.By Folie in these pla¦ces is ment godly sym∣plicitee and by wyse∣dome a worldly o . And in an other place: God hath disposed to saue the worlde by foolish∣nesse, seyng that by wisedome it might not be conserued. Yea God him selfe doeth sufficiently confesse the same, wher∣as he crieth by the mouthe of the prophete, I shall con∣founde the wisedome of wisemen, and reproue the prudence of Sages: So Christ in an other place rendeth thank{is} vn∣to the father, that he had hidden the misterie of saluacion from wisemen, and disclosed thesame to youngelinges, (That is to saie) to fooles, (For so the Greke woorde signifieth.) And hereto serue the manyfolde nippes and tauntes, wherwith Christ in diuers places of the gospell, bayteth Pharisees, and Scribes, and Doctours of the law, ta∣kyng ernestly yet the part of simple and vnlearned fol∣kes. For is it not as muche to saie, Woo be vnto you, ye Scribes and Pharisees, as woo be vnto you, ye wisemen But where finde you that euer he charged either yong∣lynges, or women, or fisshers, with that so heauie a woorde? For it semeth proprely that he delited muche in theyr simplicitee, euin lyke as those kind{is} of dumme astes were most acceptable vnto hym, that were far∣dest remoued from all Forelike wylinesse. And ther∣fore chose he rathest to ryde on an asse, all be it (so plea∣syng hym) he myght as safely haue bestridden a Lyons backe. We reade also that the holy ghoste descended the lykenesse of a Culuer, and not of an Egle, or a Put∣tocke. And besydes this, scripture in many places ma∣keth mencion of hertes, of faunes, of lambes, and suche se∣ly beastes. Lyke as Christe dooeth call his elect and chosen by the name of Shepe, whiche beaste is of all o∣thers the vnwysest (witnesse this prouerbe of Aristo∣tle) his maners sauour of the shepe, or he hath shepishe condici∣ons: whiche quippie in waie of reproche is vsed against blockeheades of the verie sklendrest capacitee. And yet we see, how Christ professeth hym selfe to be the herde∣man of suche a flocke: Yea and that more is, delited hym selfe in the name of Lambe, that Iohn the Baptist gaue hym, whan he poincted hym thus to the people: Lo here the lambe of God: whiche ressemblaunce is lyke∣wyse cited in many places of the Apocalipse. Now all these textes that I haue alleaged, doe thei no plain∣ly testifie, that mortall men beyng ooles, are godly also? and that Christ hym selfe mindyng the relefe and redempci∣on of mankyndes folie, although he was the ineffable wisedome of the father, became yet a maner foole, wher∣as takyng mans nature vpon hym, he was founde bothe in fourme and habite lyke vnto other men. Euin as Paule saieth, he was made sinne also, to cure and heale the synnes of the worlde: to whiche sinnes yet it pleased him to ministre none other medecines, than the Folie of the crosse, by the handes of the Apostles, beyng grosse and vnskilled men: whom atheles he as diligently did per∣swade vnto foolisshenesse, as otherwyse he retired and dishorted theim from wysedome, in alluryng theim by exemples shewed vpon Children, vpon burdes of the ayre, and other thynges smallie sensed or no whitte, as whiche liue by no arte nor fordrifte, and likewyse in warnyng them to take no care how thei shoulde vse their woordes, whan thei were brought afore iudges and presidentes, and further in for∣biddyng theim to seke out the accoumpt of times, or the smallest momentes of times. To the ende (as who saieth) they shulde not leane to their owne prudence, but with whole thought and mynde depende on hym, remittyng all vn∣to his discrecion. Wherunto this also maie be applied, that god the Creatour and fyrst former of all thynges forbadde Adam vnder penaltee of death he shulde not taste of the fruite of the tree of Science or knowlage. As who saieth Science were the mere poyson to felicitee: Ac∣cordyng wherto, Paule also dooeth openly reproue sci∣ence for a thyng most hurtesome and pernicious,The ta∣sting of the fruite of the tree of knowlage brought in eath. seyng it puffeth vp the minde of man with selfe glorie: Lyke as sainct Ber∣nard also folowyng (as I take it) Paules saied opini∣on, expoundeth the hille, wheron Lucifer establisshed his seate, to be the hille of Science. And perchaunce it shoulde not be the feblest argument, to saie that fooles finde so mu∣che grace and fauour afore god, as to Folie onely is ge∣uin perdone and forgeuenesse of trespasses, wheras to wysedome not so muche as the leastiote is remitted. In sort that who so euer dooe axe at god forgeuenesse of theyr sinnes, although they wittyngly did committe the same, yet will they vse a certaine colour and pretext of Folie for theyr excuse. For so dooeth Aaron in the boke of Numbres (if I well remembre me) desire per∣done of the punisshement that his wiues faultes deserued, Saie∣yng, I praie the (O lorde) not to laie to our charge this sinne, whiche we haue foolisshelie committed. And so dooeth Saul praie Dauid to forgeue hym, For it appeareth (saied he) that I haue dooen foolisshely. Thau againe the selfe Da∣uid speaketh fayre and humbly to the lord, in this wise, But I praie the (O lorde) to perdone the iniquitee of thy ser∣uaunt, seyng we haue dooen foolisshely. As if he thought he shoulde obteine no mercie, vnlesse he had laide Folie and inconsidraunce to be. But what speake we of Da∣uid? knowyng how Christ the sonne of god hangyng on the crosse did in this wise make intercession for his enemies, Father, forgeue them, and laide none other excuse, than, for thei know not what thei dooe. So Paule in like maner writyng to Timothe saied, But herefore haue I ob∣teined the mercy of god, in as muche as ignorantly I offended in mine incredulitee. Now what is it to saie, I offended i∣gnorantly, but that, I did it through folie and not tho∣rough malice? or what other exposicion can ye make, of herefore haue I obteined mercie, than that els I shoulde not haue obteined it, not hauyng laide the wyte on Fo∣lie? And no lesse maketh for vs, that saiyng of Dauid in the Psaltier, Lorde, take not to herte the trespasses of my youth, and mine ignorauncies remembre not. Doe you marke now what two colours he bringeth in for his purgacion? that is to saie Youthe, whiche age I dooe euer accom∣pany, and ignorancies, speakyng it in the Plural num∣bre, to expresse therby the greatter copie and haboun∣bance of his Folie. Finally, as it were an endlesse la∣bour to tell you infinite suche exemples, so to knitte vp shortly, I saie in my conceite, that Christian Religion seemeth to haue a certaine sybship with simplicitee, and deuoute foolisshenesse,These wor¦des muste not be wre∣sted to any uill sense otherwise than the autour ent. in nothyng agreyng with world∣ly wysedome. But if ye axe me, as how? than doe no more but consider how children, old folkes, women, and fooles, are those among{is} others that shew theim selues deuoutest, and most enclined to churche seruice, and holy thyng{is}, reioysyng to be present therat, in sort that euer at Masse tyme ye shall see theim approche nerest vnto the altars, euin through a certaine instinction of natu∣rall selinesse prouokyng theim to god. Thinke also how the verie fyrst autours and founders of Christen Religion were as sharpe aduersaries of all Science, and men trustyng to theyr owne cunnyng, as otherwyse frendly embrasorus of simplicitee and plainesse. Lastly perpende ye thus, how no maner fooles are in apparence more ideotelike, than suche as are totally rauisshed, and enflamed with the ardent zeale of Christian charitee. So loueshly thei deale their goodes abrode, forgette all iniuries doen vnto theim, suffre theim selues to be deceiued, put no difference betwene friendes and foes, abhorre all pleasures and delites of the bodie, are fedde vp and made fatte with fastyng, watchyng, teares, labours, and despites, despise their owne life, end desire death aboue life, briefely seme to be so astonned and past all com∣men sensis, whiche men liue by, as if their soules dwelled not in those bodies thei beare about with theim, but rather in some o∣ther mansion place. Whiche straunge trade of theyrs I know not how to call, but well maie it to the commen iudgement of men, appeere to be a verie madnesse, or ra∣yng of the wittes. Meruaile ye the lesse therfore, that the apostles were iudged by the wicked Ethnikes to be drunkardes,Take thes woordes to be spo∣ken vnder the person of Folie. as if their heddes were ouercharged with new wine. And that Paule likewise was holden for madde, of Fe∣stus the president of Iurie, in these woordes, Thou rauest Paule, and muche learnyng of bokes hath turned the into a mad∣nesse. But seeyng I haue ones taken vpon me to plaie the dctresse, puttyng on a Lyons hide (as they saie) let me not sticke now to goe through withall, and to tea∣che you this also, that the selfe same felicitee, whiche Christians doe so hotely desyre,Foly spea∣keth. and by so many labours dooe seke for, is naught els than a certaine kynde of ra∣uyng, in the sprite, and godly foolisshenesse. Whiche woordes I would not ye should grate on, nor take them at the woorst, but rather note the thyng in deede as it li∣eth. For fyrst ye must thinke, how Christians in this poinct dooe fully agree with the opinion of Platos Se∣ctatours, how the soule of man beyng drowned and entangled in the fleshely bandes of the bodie, can not as being dusked with the grosenesse of the same, beholde and take fruicion of the fight of verie thynges as thei are in deede. Wherupon Plato defineth Philosophie to bee a meditacion or remembraunce of death, in as muche as it plucketh and retyreth the mind of man from visible and corporall thyng{is}, to those that are inuisible and ghostly. Whiche effect is in death al∣so. Therfore so longe as the soule within man doeth rightly and in due wyse peruse the Organs of the bo∣die, so longe is that man called sounde, and of good di∣screcion: but whan some of those bandes or conduite beyng ones perisshed, she dooeth busily labour to reco∣uer hir freedome, minding a certaine flight (as it were) and breakyng lose from that hir flesshely prison the bo∣die, by whiche struglyng the whole frame of the sensis, and inwarde powers is disioygned, you dooe holde him for madde and out of his right mynde: whiche passion if it come perhaps through infyrmitee, or faultinesse of any of those Organs, than dooe all men precisely a∣gree,Diuinitee rauers. that it is plaine Madnes: How be it we see that euin this kynde of rauers dooe sometyme also prophe∣cie of thyng{is} commyng, and sodeinly become knowers of tounges, and artes, whiche erste they neuer learned, shewyng to haue in theim I wote neuer what espece of new inspiracion and diuinitee: whiche vndoubtedly chan∣ceth, because the soule beyng somewhat enlarged, and made freer from the bodies yoke and contagiousnesse be∣ginneth a little to exercise and welde hir selfe accor∣dyng to the propretee of hir owne nature. And vpon like occasion many folke labouring in the extreme pang{is} of death, are muche subiect (as I take it) to somewhat like hereto, as often as if thei were rauished in a traūce, they dooe speake of certaine wonderous thyng{is} pertei∣gnyng to an other worlde. But and if the saied wandryng of the witt{is} dooe befalle a man for that he is right passyngly moued ad stirred vp with the loue of heauenly thyng{is}, I doubte now whether it maie be called the selfe same kynde of madnesse, yet sure it is so nere sybbe therto, as many men now a daies will doubt neuer a whitte to repute that his feruent affection to∣ward{is} god, for a verie dotage of the mynde. Namely seyng a smalle numbre of suche sely good soules as are deteigned therwith, dooe in all theyr deedes, and liuyng repine, and disagree from the whole bande of other mor∣tall men. Wherfore (I suppose) they are serued, as Plato feigneth, that one of those prisoners was, that satte bounden in a darke denne vnder grounde (as before I recited vn∣to you) wheras naught was seen els, sauyng shadowes and re∣presentacions of thinges. That where by chaunce the saied prisoner escaped out of the denne, and so commyng abrode into this worlde, saw verie thinges as thei were in deede, returning of good will to his felowes, to aduertise theim of the errour thei were in, he was no whitte beleeued of theim, but rather laught to scorne: For wheras he like a man of wisedome and experi∣ence seemed to pitie their madnesse and great blindnesse in mista∣kyng so of thynges, thei on the otherside did potte at him, and thrust him out of their companie, for a frantike foole. So fa∣reth it by the vulgar sorte of men, who commenly haue those thyng{is} in greatest price and admiracion,The diffe∣rence be∣twene worldly & goldly men. that are most sensuall and bodily, as whiche thei take to be one∣ly, and none other: wheras godd{is} folkes on the other part, what euer draweth nerest to the bodily vse, do the sooner therfore despise and set lyght by it, forsomuche as they are holy rauisshed aud geuin to the contempla∣cion of inuisible thyng{is}. For as worldlyng{is} haue ri∣chesse in best reputacion, next therto estemyng the weale of theyr bodies, and lest regardyng the profite of theyr soules, in case thei regarde it at all, for some of them be∣leue there is no soule, because they can not see it at the eie: So againe deuout persons put theyr whole confi∣dence in god, beyng the simplest and most pure thyng of all others, and secondly do chearishe that, that draweth nerest to hym, I meane the sprite, bestowyng no cost nor endance on their bodies, nor on pleasures belongyng to the same. But money of all thyng{is} they neglect, and set no store by, nomore than ye woulde dooe by thynges superfluous, or rather noysome. That and if (maie chaunce) at any time thei be enforsed to go about world∣ly affayres, I can tell you yet, that they doe it euil wil∣lyngly, and with a spyced stomake. So that (Paule saieth) thei haue goodes, as not hauyng goodes: and possesse theim, as not possessyng theim, by reason thei varie so muche from the vniuersall and vulgar sorte of men. For although the Senses haue all a certaine parentage ad kynneship with the body, yet be there of the same, some grosser in substaunce, as are fealyng, hearyng, seeyng, smel∣lyng, and tastyng: some againe more seuered and remo∣ued from the body, as is memorie, vnderstandyng, and free∣will. Now seeyng that the soule of man hath therin most strength and vigour, wherunto she moste applieth hir selfe, therfore it cometh to passe, that holy men, the force of whose sprites is wholy bent vpon thynges con∣templatiue, whiche are most distaunt and aliened from the grosser senses, dooe fare in the rest, as if they were benummed, or brute of iudgement, as domme beast{is} are. Wheras contrary the soules of vulgar people are most fe and pregnaunt in those grosse rude senses of the bo∣dy, beyng as blunt and dulle yet, in the other fiue pow∣ers of the witte. And herevpon (I thynke) it cometh,Saincte Bernard dranke oyle in stede of wyne. that some deuoute persones (as it is written of theim) did without apperceiuyng the difference, drinke lampe oyle in steede of wyne. So likewyse as conceruyng the affections of the minde, some of them be of faster league aud aliaunce to the body, as are flesshely luste, appetite to fode or slepe, yre, pride, and enuie, with suche other disor∣dinate mocios, wherwith holy men are euer at vnpea∣sible warre, but the vulgars not onely dooe not eschew, but rather embrace theim,Diuersitee of affecti∣ons. as supposyng they can not liue without them. Than againe, some other affecti∣ons are entredeux and indifferent to bothe partes, whi∣che we maie name Naturall, as the reuerence a man beareth towardes father and mother, the charinesse he hath ouer his chil∣dren, the loue he oweth to his kinnesfolkes and friendes, with suche lyke. Whiche saied Middle affections are had al∣so in some degree and price amonges commen people, though not so muche as the other. But holy men will struggle to race theim also out of theyr hert{is}, sauyng as farfoorth as they be ghostly, and make rather towar∣des the hieghest part of man, whiche is the Sprite, than any other flesshely appetites: by whiche conueighance they maie loue theyr parent{is} not as theyr parent{is}, (for what els begate thei sauyng theyr bodies? yet euin that also ought to be referred to god the maker of all thyn∣ges) but loue theim rather as good folkes, in whom the image of the sprite of god resplendissheth. Whiche saied ressemblance they call verie felicitee, as the great∣test good that maie he had, yea suche (thei saie) as one∣ly, and none other, shulde be beloued, required, and wi∣shed after. And so by this saied rule, dooe thei measure lykewyse all the other partes and duities of this life: wherby it cometh to passe, that what euer thyng is seen here presently at the eie, if so be thei doe not fully con∣temne the same, yet sure they sette muche lesse therby, than by other thynges, whiche maie not outwardly be seen. Yea thei saie also, that euin in the churche sacra∣mentes, and woorkes of charitee there maie be tried out bothe a ghostlinesse and a bodilinesse: As for exemple, In fastyng thei holde it not sufficient for a man to absteine from ea∣ting of flesshe, whiche vulgar folke suppose to be the entiere and perfect faste, vnlesse that he rebate somewhat also from his affe∣ctions, in geuyng lesse raines than before to his anger, or in cut∣tyng his prides combeshorter, or in lightnyng him selfe of his bo∣dily peize, to the ende his sprite maie the nemblier climbe vp to the gripe and fruicion of heauenly thinges. Likewise in how∣sell, and receiuyng of the sacrament, albeit (saie thei) the cere∣monies and circumstaunces vsed about the same, ought not to be neglected, yet must we take them of them selfe alone to be little auailable, or rather hartfull, vnlesse the other part, whiche is spi∣rituall, be added also therunto: that is to saie, the thyng it selfe, whiche by those outwarde signes is represented. For represen∣ted is the death of Christ therby, whiche death all Christen men are bounde to folow and expresse, bothe in dauntyng, fordooyng, and buriyng of all bodily affections, to the end thei maie rise a∣gaine, beyng restored to a new life, as vnited therby vnto Christ, and made all one amonges theim selues. These misteries are by godly and spiritual meaners scanned in this sort: but leude folke commenly do take the Msse sacrifice to be of none other effect, than as it were a certaine church seruice, wherin they fully did their duities, aslonge as they be present at it, standyng as nere the altare as thei maie, to here the woord{is} of the priest, or chauntyng of the quyre, with other lyke ceremonies and obseruaunc{is} vsed about the same. Now, not onely in these two poin∣ctes, whiche for exemples sake I haue set to fore you, but generally throughout all their liuyng, holy men wil flie from those thyng{is}, that sauour of the bodie, as be∣yng rapte and drawen vp to the other, that are ghostly and inuisible. Insomuche therfore as there is suche diuersitee and discencion in all poinctes betwene these two trades of men, it cometh to passe, that eche of them dooe take other for madde and distraught,Marke how Folie dalieth in hir wordes whiche are to be con∣strued to good sense or els to be but as a talke of Folie. notwithstan∣dyng (in my conceipte) that name maie rightlier be ap∣plied vnto holy men, than vulgar people: whiche ye shall plainlier perceiue why, as soone as I haue briefly (accordyng to my promyse) declared vnto you, how the finall mede and gwerdone, that Christen men dooe loke after, is naught els than a certaine sweete rauyng, and simple alienacion of the minde: wherin eftesoones I requyre you, not to be ouer scrupulous graters at the bare woord{is} without takyng the sense withall. Fyrst therfore ye must thinke, that Plato didde euin than dreame of suche a thyng, whan he wrote, that the passion and extreme rage of feruent louers was to be desired and embrased, as a thing aboue all o∣thers most blisfull: because that a vehement louer liueth not now in hym selfe, but rather in that that he loueth, so that the further & further a louers hert is distraught from him selfe, to dwell with the beloued, the more and more he reioyseth. And whan the minde seketh to wan∣der from the body, nor occupieth the powers of the same in the due vse, who will call this otherwyse than plaine madnesse? For els why dooe you vse commenly this phrase of speche? he is out of him selfe, and retourne man to thy selfe, and he is come againe to him selfe. It foloweth therfore, how muche more perfect, and the depelier su∣che loue is impressed, that so muche the greatter, and the blisfuller is the rage also. Whiche so beyng that soul{is} yet pinned within these bodily fold{is} maie smacke a little of suche a felicitee, consider ye than what a life the sainct{is} soules leade in heauen? whervnto the min∣des of godly persons dooe with suche feruencie aspyre? Seeyng there the sprite as vanquissher, and farre more puissaunt, shall wholy drawe vp, and conuert the body into hir owne nature: Whiche she maie dooe the easili∣er,Transfor∣macion of the body in the sprite seeyng euin in this life here, she had clensed and pu∣rified the same through fastynges and other deuout me∣ditacions, to be the meter and more apte to receiue su∣che a ghostly transformacion. And than againe, the sprite selfe shalbe meruailously rauisshed and soked vp by the farre more stronge and attractiue power of the hieghest sprite of all, whiche is God. So that now those holy men shalbe altogether transformed and alte∣rated, by none other meanes yet to so hiegh a degree in felicitee, sauyng onely because they as wholy beyng is∣sued out of theim selues, shall enioy and be participant of that vnspeakeable heauenly sweetenesse, procedyng from a pure and tight perfecte pleasure, throughe the myght of god, the greatest good of all, that rauissheth and attyreth all thyng{is} to it selfe. Now albeit this saied felicitee is than moste amply and absolutely enioi∣ed, whan the soules at the resurrection daie beyng re∣stored to theyr owne bodies,The life of good Chri∣stians a meditation of the life come. shall ioynctly receiue im∣mortalitee: yet inasmuche as the life of good Christians is naught els than a continuall meditacion or certaine shadow as it were of that life to come, it chanceth, that they yet liuyng, haue for theyr coumforte permission at sometymes to discerne a taste or sauour of that hieghest rewarde behight vnto theim: Whiche saied smacke or sente, be it but a little droppe in respecte of that large flowyng well of eternall felicitee, yet surely it surpas∣seth, and incomparablie excedeth all other bodily plea∣sures, yea although all the delices of all men were who∣ly ioigned and put in one. So muche (loe) are spiritu∣all thynges to be preferred before flesshely thinges, and the inuisible before the other visible. For this vndoub∣tedly is euin the very gwerdone that the Prophete pro∣myseth, Saiyng, was neuer mans eie sawe, nor eare heard, not thought of hert yet compassed, what, and how great felici∣tee god hath prepared vnto suche as dooe loue him. And this is Mary Magdalens porcion, whiche by chaunge of life shall not be plucked awaie, but rather be more per∣fitely confyrmed. Who so euer therefore haue suche grace (whiche sure is geuin to few) by theyr life tyme to tast of this saied felicitee, they are subiecte to a cer∣taine passion muche lyke vnto madnesse or witrauyng, whan rauisshed so in the sprite, or beyng in a traunce, thei dooe speake certaine thyng{is} not hangyng one with an other, nor after any earthly facion, but rather dooe put foorth a voyce they wote neuer what, muche lesse to be vnderstode of others: and sodeinely without any ap∣parent cause why, dooe chaunge the state of theyr coun∣tenaunces. For now shall ye see theim of glad chere, now of as sadde againe, now thei wepe, now thei laugh, now they sighe, for briefe, it is certaine that they are wholy distraught and rapte out of theim selues. In sort that whan a little after thei come againe to their former wittes,Godly men in a kynde of traunce. thei denie plainly thei wote where thei became, or whether thei were thā in theyr bodies, or out of theyr bodies, wakyng or slepyng: remembring also as little, either what they heard, saw, saied, or did than, sauyng as it were through a cloude, or by a dreame: but this thei know certainely, that whiles their mindes so roued and wandred, thei were most happie and blisfull, so that they lament and wepe at theyr retourne vnto theyr for∣mer senses, as who saieth, nothyng were leefer vnto theim than continually to raue ad be deteigned with suche a spece of madnesse. And this is but a certaine smacke or thinne taste of theyr blisse to come. But ones more forgettyng my selfe, I passe my boundes. Howbeit if ought shall seeme vnto you to haue been saied of me more knappisshely than became me, or with more word{is} than neded, thynke I praie you, that I was the spea∣ker, beyng bothe Folie, and a woman. Yet for all that remembre the Greeke prouerbe, that oftentimes a foole maie speake to purpose, vnlesse perchance ye thinke that this ma∣keth no whitte for women. I perceiue ye loke for an Epiloge or knotte of my tale, but than sure ye are verie fooles, if ye wene that I yet remembre what I haue spoken, after suche a rable∣ment of word{is} powred foorth. The old prouerbe saieth, I hate a talebearer from the boorde: But I saie, I hate hym that remem∣breth what he hath sayd. Fare ye well therfore, clappe your hand{is} in to∣ken of gladnesse, liue carelesse, and drinke all out, ye the trustie seruant{is} & solemne mi∣nisters of Folie.
A00386.P4	The paraphrase of Erasm[us] Roterdame vpon [the] epistle of sai[n]t Paule vnto his discyple Titus lately tra[n]slated into englysshe and fyrste a goodly prologue	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Cox, Leonard, fl. 1572." ]	[1534]	Imprented by Ioh[a]n Byddell in London in Fletestrete next to the Flete Brydge],	[[London] :	eng	[]	PAule the seruante of God and an Apostle of Ihesu Chryste: to preache the faythe of goddes electe / and ye knowlege of the truthe / whiche truthe is in seruyng god / in hope of eternall lyfe / whiche lyfe god that cannot lye / hathe promysed before ye worlde began / but hath at the tyme apointed opened his wordes by preachynge / whiche preachyng is cōmytted vnto me, by the commaundement god our sauyour, to Tytus his naturall sone in the comen faythe. Grace / mercye / and peace from god the father / and frome the lorde Iesu Christ our sauyour. For this cause left I y• in Crete, that thou sholdest pfourme that, which was lackyng and sholdest ordeyne senyours in euery Cytye as I apoynted ye / yf ony be suche as no man can complayn on / the husbond of one woman, hauing faythful chyldren / which are not sclaundered of ryot / neyther are dysobedyent. For a bysshop must be such as no man can complaine on as it becometh the ministre of god / not stubborne, not angrye / no dronkard / no fyghter / nor ge∣uē to filthy lucre / but herberous / one ye loueth goodnes / of honest behaueour / rygtuous, holy / tem∣perat / and suche as cleueth vnto the true worde of doctryne / that he may be able to exorte wt whol∣som learnynge / and to ymproue theym that saye agaynste it. For there are many disobedyent / and talkers of vanyte, and disceyuers of myndes, namely they of ye cir∣cumcisyon, whose mouthes must be stopped whiche peruert hole housses teachyng thinges which they ought not because of fylthy lucre. One beyng of them selues which was a poete of their owne, said. The Cretayns are alwaies liars, euill beastes, & slow bellies. This wytnes is true / wherfore rebuke theym sharpely / that they may be sounde in the faythe / and not takyng hede to iewes fables, and commaundementes of men, which turne from ye truth. Unto ye pur / are all thynges pure / but vnto theym that are defyled / and vnbeleuyng is nothing pure, but euen yt very mindes & cōscyences of them are deyled. They cōfesse yt they knowe god / but wt dedes thei deny him / & are abominable / and dysobedient / & vnto all good workes dyscomendable. BUt speake thou yt whiche becommeth holsome lear ninge / that the elder men be sobre, honest, dyscrete, sound. in the fayth in loue and patience And the elder women lyke wyse that they be in suche rayment / as becommeth holynes / not false ac¦cusars / not geuen to moche dryn kynge / but teachers of honeste thynges / yt they nurter the yong women for to loue theyr husban∣des / to loue theyr chyldren / to be of honeste behaueour chast / hus∣wyfely / good and obedient / vnto theyr owne husbandes, that the worde of god be not euyl spoken of. Yonge men lyke wyse exhorte that they be of honeste manets. Aboue all thynges shew thy selfe an insample of good workes in ye doctryne shewe vncorruptio / ho∣nesty & the holsom worde / which can not be rebuked / yt he whiche withstondeth may be asshamed / hauynge nothyng in you that he may dysprayse. The seruauntes exhort to be obedyent vnto theyr owne maysters / & to please in all thinges, not answeryng agayne, neyther be pyckers, but that they shewe all good faythfullnes that thei may do worship to ye doctrin of god our sauiour in all thȳges. For the grace of god yt bryngeth health vnto all men: hath apered and teacheth vs that we sholde denye vngodlynes / and worldly lustes, and that we shold lyue ho¦nestly, tyghtuously / and godly in this present world, lokynge for that blessed hope and gloryouse aperyng of the myghty god / and our sauyour Iesu Christ, which gaue hym selfe for vs / to redeme vs frome all vnryghtuousnes / & to pourdge vs a peculyer people vnto hym selfe / feruently geuen vnto good workes. These thyn∣ges speake / and exhorte, & rebuke with all cōmaundyng. Se that no man despyse the. WArne them that they submyt them selues to princes & suche as haue power ouer thē to obey theyr cōmaūdment / that they be prompte vnto all good workes, that they speake euyll of no man / yt they be no fyghters / but softe / shewynge all mekenes vnto all men / for we our selues also were in tymes past, vnwyse, dysobedyent / deceaued / in daun∣ger / to lustes and to dyuers ma∣ners of voluptuousnes / lyuynge in malycyousnes / and enuye, full of hate hatyng one another. But after that the kyndnes / and loue of our sauyour to manward ape∣red not of the dedes / of ryghtu∣ousnes whiche we wrought / but of his mercye he saued vs, by the fountayne of the newe byrthe & wt the renuyng of the holy goost / which he shed on vs aboūdantly thrughe Iesus Chryst our sauy∣our / yt we ons iustifyed by grace / sholde be heyres of eternall lyfe / thrugh hope. This is a true say∣enge. ¶ Of these thynges I wold thou sholdest certefy / that they which beleue god, myght be stodiouse to go forward in good workes. These thinges are good & profytable vnto men. Folyshe questyons and genealogyes and braulynges and stryfe aboute the lawe auoyde, for they are vnpro∣fytable / superfluous. A man that is ye auctor of fectes after ye fyrste & seconde admonysshyon auoyde hym / remembrynge that he that is suche is peruerted and syn̄eth / euen dampned by his own iudge mēt. when I shall send Artemas or Tichicus be dylygent to come to me vnto Nycopolys. For I haue determined there to winter. Bryng zenas ye lawyer & Apollos on theyr iorney dylygently / that nothyng be lackyng vnto them. And let oures also learne to excel in good workes as farforthe as nede requyreth / that they be not vnfrutfull. All that are with me salute the. Grete them that loue vs in the faythe. Grace be with you all. Amen. wryten frome Nicopolis a citie of Macedonia. I PAule my selfe the sworne seruant and obeyer / not of Moy¦ses lawe as I was ones / but of the law of god the father / and Embassa∣dour of his sone Iesu Chryst. Of the whyche myne Embassade or cōmissyon the hole effecte is this, that suche as god hathe electe to euangelycal helthe / them I shold exhorte and call / not to ye obser∣uacyon of ye olde lawe / or to put theyr trust in theyr workes / but I must moue thē to faith / which only openeth to all men ye entrȳg to euerlastynge lyfe / thrughe the free goodnes of Iesu Chryste. And my cōmyssyon is not to call them to faith onely / but also to ye knowleg of trueth which among the gentyles was ouerheaped & doluen in the imagynacyons and fayned Inuentyons of worldly wysdom. And among the iewes it was had in shadowes & wrap∣pinges of figures. I am enchar∣ged I say to call men to ye know∣lege of truthe / not that whiche ye phylosophers of this worlde do teache / dysputyng on the causes of naturall thynges / but to the knowlege of the truthe, whiche compendiously sheweth in what thynges true chrysten lyuyng is set / whose ende and rewarde is euerlastyng lyfe / folowyng after this shorte lyfe that we lede here in this worlde, which euerlastig lyfe all good and godly lyuers ought with ye more trust to hope for / in how so euer great tribula∣tions and euylles of this worlde they be. Fyrste by cause he yt pro∣mysed them this lyfe euerlasting was not a man that myght both be deceyuyd hym selfe, and also deceyue other / but it was god hȳselfe / which as it can not be cho∣sen / but he must nedes abyde styll god / so can nothynge surely pro∣cede from hym / but ye mere truth. And agayne bycause this that he promysed, he dyd not promyse it by chaunce, or nowe of late / but afore that the worlde was made it was fyxed & fully determyned by ye deuyne and vnchaungeable decre of his mynde to do yt which he now doeth. There is no newe thynge come to his purpose / but that thynge which for secrete cau¦ses onely knowen to the godhed he wolde haue hytherto couered and hyd / that wold he haue ope∣ned to all the world at this tyme whiche by his euerlastynge wys∣dome he had afore appoynted to this busynes. Nor he wolde not that there sholde be onely shewed to the Iewes a darke shadow of ye fygures of some blynde thyng and harde to be discussed / but his wyll is to haue a playne truth to be made open by ye open & playne preachynge of the gospell to all men, wtoute ony dyuersyte eyther of nation or tongue. This is the sum and hole effect of ye doctryne of the gospell / ye p̄chyng wherof I haue not takē vpō me of myne owne hed / but it was cōmytted to me and not by men / but by our sauyour god / who not onely cal∣led me to ye occupieng of an apt'es roume and offyce / but also he en∣ioyned it me / yea & so he charged me therwith / yt it was not lauful or free for me to say naye to that whiche he cōmaunded me to do / which wordes I haue spoken to thentent yt no man sholde thynke myn authorite to be yhgt / or els theyr authoryte / whome I haue put ony where i my stede. I ther∣fore ye same Paule beyng in suche authoryte do wryte this letter to Titus my true and naturall son / not by bodely generacyon but by the sede of faythe, which I haue so shed in to hym and in ye which he so well resembleth me / that I seme to be renewed in hym lyke as a father is in his owne natu∣rall son. To hym I whissh that there may come grace and peace from hym / from whome all very goodnes dothe come / that is to saye from god the father and his son Iesu Chryste ye onely author of our helth. For in suche ryches, as grace, & peace are, my desire is to haue my chyldren made ryche. But to speake now to the my son Tytus, syth I dyd knowe ryght well the nature of this Ilonde / and againe I dyd not doubt but that they had nede of a faythfull and dilygēt creanser or ouerseer / I haue for that cause lefte the in Crete as representyng myn own person, bycause that the busynes of the gospell calleth me to other places / yt suche thynges as haue there begō to be corrected by me / thou as my deputye maye make make an ende of thē. And because yt thou alone art not able to ouer∣loke so many cytyes as this He is replenysshed wt / yu shalt ordeyn in euery cytye an hedde preest or bysshop as I whē I depted dyd dyd the / But beware that thou admyt no man to so hye an offyce without greate dyscressyon / for he must be a very proued man to whome thou shalte betake this charge / and not all onelye of a knowen and testyfyed honestye / but also he must be clere from all supycyon of any maner of faute what so euer it be. Suche a bys∣shop or ouerseer to thent ēt that yu mayst ye better and surelyer those out / I wyll set hym forth by cer∣tayne sygnes / yea and in maner paynt hym to the. Yf thou know ony man to be of suche maners & that vpryght lyuyng / yt no faut can prouable be layde to hym. Yf ony man beyng content with one matrimony geue no token of vn∣chast lyuyng / if he haue chyldren so instructe and brought vp, that not onely in the knowlaigyng of Chrystes faythe / but also by the innocency of theyr lyuynge they shew them selfe to be chrystē mē / that is to saye not yll named for ryot, as ye cōmune sort of yonge men be / nor dysobedyent to theyr father and mother. For he that shall be counted worthye to be a bisshop must be so fer wyde from all vyce & besyde that fro ye suspi∣cyon of ony vyce / that he muste marke that he not onely kepe his owne honesty / but also of all his householde, for the fautes of the chyldren are wonte cōmunely to be reproched to the fathers & mo∣thers. Now what soeuer hurteth ye good name of a bysshop / it tur∣neth to ye sclaūder of the gospell of Chryste. It is necessary therfore yt he whiche in a maner stondeth in goddes stede / and to whome ye treasure of the teachyng of ye gos∣pell as to a chosen dispēser therof is commytted be in all poyntes without blame / and a great way from the vyces of theym whiche cōmunely here offycys / that they which be vnder hym, may be vn∣der him wyllyngly, and with all the hert in theyr body. He muste loke vpon nothyng but the soule helth of the flocke that is betaken to hym / he must study to amende and not to oppresse / to teache not to compell, to lede & not to draw / he muste perswade rather then callynge for dutye / he must ouer∣com more by benefites and suffe∣raunce / then by lordlynesse and hy spyryte. He that shall occupye this rome I say must not be stub∣berne / angry / nor hasty ī spe∣king / hich thinges men will sooner withdrawe theyr hertes then folow ony doctrine, he must also in ony wyse beware of coue∣tyse and gapynge after lucre for that thynge is vyle and pestylent in ony laye offycer, & moche more to be abhorred in a bisshop or ony spyrytuall man. For he that is infecte with the vyce of auaryce doth nothyng vpryghtly, and as of equyte it shold be done. A bys∣shop muste besyde these be sober, iust in innocency of lyfe, vertuo{us} and godly in the obseruacyon of Chrystes faythe and relygion of the gospell, not subiecte to ony yll affectiōs, but ferre aboue all such desyres by whiche the commune sorte of men are led vp & downe. But chefyly he must be a stedfast holder of the wordes of ye gospell, wherin he is bound to ell in∣structe / that he may teache suche as be ignorant in those thynges that {per}teyne to theyr soule helthe, & that he may with holsom doc∣tryne exhorte and call forwarde theym that are slow and repreue them yt speake agaynst the truth. I do not warne the of these thin∣ges causeles / for there be many waywarde parsons / brabelers & deceyuers of mennes myndes / which not geuyng an eere to the teaching of ye gospel, brȳg ī stede of it vayne & vnprofitable fables of ye iewes, wherby they may get them a name of lernyng among ye people, & wynnynge also. And by these fables they entise ye min∣des of some symple folke & begile them crawlyng vnder the colour of the gospell in to the mindes of theyr herars, in so moche y• many tymes they corrupte not one or two, but they ouert̄ne hole house∣holdes and kynredes, teachynge shamefull thynges / & far square from the verite of ye gospell. And yet for al yt they abuse the tytle of the gospell to the lucre / whiche vilanously they daily hunt after / wherfore se yt you rebuke theym sharply and shyt theyr mouthes. There be some of the gentyles yt be combred with this enormyty / but specyally yu shalt fynde them of this malitious secte, which be iewes cōuerted to Chryst, which vntruely teache the gospell / men∣glynge alwayes ther wt ye lawes of moyses, and wyll not leaue in ony wyse the false superstition of the iewes. And it is no meruaile to haue suche men foūd in Crete, that fede their belies with brabe∣lyng and naughty waies / sythen mani yeares agone Epimenides the poete, whiche was hym selfe a mā of Crete, did speke of them / which wordes were these, Men of Creete be alwayes lyars / yll beestes / & slothfull belyes which wytnes is so true yt it maye seme well ynoughe to be spokē of god¦des own mouthe. Be not they na¦tural lyers which fere not to dar¦ken the mooste clere lyght of the truth of the gospell with theyr fa¦bles. Be not they noyfull beastes whiche in euery place blow theyr venom on symple persones / that be not ware of them. Be not they slouthfull belyes, whiche had le∣uer by false doctrine to lyue in I∣delnes and rankly, then for ye de∣fence of the gospel to lyue in hun¦gre, & be shrewdly handled many tymes as we be? werfore rebuke suche naughty packes ernestly, yt they may amend / and leuyng the truste that they haue in the cere∣monyes of ye olde lawe / they mai¦geue theim selfe holy to the truth of ye gospell. And that they geue not theyr eeres to such vnthrifty tales of the Iewes / thrughe the whiche the preceptes of Chryste are let go / and constytutions of men are brought in / of the obser∣uations of new mones / of the ke¦pynges of the sabbot / of cyrcum∣cisyon / of wasshynges / of choyse of meates / of clothing, of certeine thȳges that may not be touched / of the house seuen dayes vnclene, & other lyke to these, whiche god for a tyme cōmaunded to be kept of ye Iewes / partly that that na∣cyon beyng rebell and vnweyldy to be ordered / myght be holden & kepte vnder by the multytude of preceptes or cōmaundementes / partely that these thynges shold be as shadowes of true thynges that were to come. But they are now vtterly of none effect so mo∣che yt yf ony man wyll contynew styll to obserue these thiges after the maner of ye Iewes / nothyng can turne them more from the ve¦rite of the gospell. For there is no nation yt more stubbernely doeth rebel agaist ye gospel / thā ye Iues doo / which can in no wyse leaue these folyshe tryfles. This meate (say they) is vncleane eate it not. This body is vncleene touche it not / hens awai with these dyuer sytees amonge Christen men / to whom as they be cleane / all thyn¦ges are clane / nor they sholde ab∣horre nothynge yt god hath made for ye vse of man. And as to them yt be pure christē men / nothing is impure or vnclene, so to ye Iewes whose mindes are filthy and vn∣clene, nothig is clene, not so moch as they that ye olde law suffereth and doth permyt as clene, for se∣ynge they mystrust hym whiche after the openyng of the gospell wold haue all these thynges not obserued after ye fleshly & litterall sence, but to be referred to the bu∣synesse of the soule. what thynge can be pure to them, whose mind are spotted & infecte wt mistrust / & their liuyng defyled with inor∣dinate wast / ambytion, couetise, and other vyces. They vpholde the lawe with to the & nayle / and yet they wote not what the lawe meaneth. They haue their p̄puce circūcysed / but ye mynd wtin is vn¦circūcised. They go i to ye tēple wt hōdes & fete wasshed, but ye soule & cōsciēce is vnwasshed. They ke¦pe their sabbot holy from bodely workes / but in the meane tyme / they haue theyr breste vnquyeted with hate, anger, simony / & other troubles of the soule. They fere to be contamynate yf they taste porke or pygge / but they thynke them selfes clene when they with gredy eeres here foule comunyca∣cion & bakbityng of other. They thynke them selfes fyled yf they touche ony caren / but yet thei ab∣horre not to touche a quene or sto¦len geare. They thynke it a foule synne yf they vse onye garmēt of lynen and wollen mengled togy∣ther / but they stōde not amysse in theyr owne conceyte when they haue theyr brest ouercouerd with so many foule vices. It is a great shame therfore to theym to boste them selfe that they alone knowe god seyng that they deny hym in theyr dedes more then ony other. Do they not deny him, whē they are so spotted with ye fylthyes of the soule, that they are to moste mē abhomynable, and when they be so weake, yea & deed in beleue, yt no man can handle theym. And fynally when in all dedes of true faythe and seruyce towarde god by which we sholde make god to be mercyfull to vs / they be farre wors then other men be. BUt let thē go with theyr fables / let ye naughtines of these men moue the nothynge at all / but for all them remembre thyne offyce and duty, and speke tho thynges that be in¦dede mete for the lernynge of the gospell / yt is to saye whiche may make vs cōmendable to god for our clene myndes and clene ma∣ners / & declare that we be the dy∣scyples of Chryst. But here per∣aduenture yu wylt aske me what thiges they be. Thou shalt war∣ne the elders and senyours of the people yt they be sobre / wachfull / & dylygent to all workes of ver∣tue / and that they ouercome the dulnes of theyr age wt the quike∣nes of faythe. warne them also y• they kepe grauyte and that they play not the foles lyke yong men vncomely in theyr olde age. And that they be of good and sad ma∣ners / yt the youth may haue them in reuerence and awe / & tem{per}ate them selfe that they be not way∣warde and soone an angred as ye cōmune sorte of olde men is / and wel commended of other & with out blame not onely for the inte∣gryte of theyr feythe / but also in doynge dedes of charyte / and in suffrynge of incōmodityes & try∣bulations, namely for the gospell of christ. On ye same maner thou shalt warne olde wemē that they go apparelled after suche maner as becometh theym that wyll be named chrysten folke / they must not blame the lyuynge of other / whiche faulte is peculyer to this sex and age. They muste not be geuen to ouermoche drynckynge of wyne / how be it y• vse of wyne must be permytted to age / so it be moderate. They must teche may¦dens & yong women honest thin¦ges / no nycenesse or other yll ma∣ners and so brynge them vp that they loue theyr owne husbondes and theyr children / and that they be sobre and chaste / and busy at home, and for to se theyr houses well ordered and playe the good housewyues. For this surely is ye chefest praise yt women can haue, to be knowen subiect & obedyent to their husbondes / that by theyr lewde maners the name of god, (whose relygeon they professe) be not sclaundred. For sythen we se ye wyues of myscreauntes or he∣then men to behaue theym selfe ryght womanly in these pointes belongyng to womanhod / what shall suche infydeles say if they se christsten women in ye layd poin∣tes worse then be theyr women whome as they are chrysten / so they ought a great deale to passe them in honestye & vertue. Now what thynge old women muste by thyne instruction teache yong maydens and yong wyues / that same shalte thou thy selfe teache yong men / exhortyng them to be sobre & moderate in theyr affecti∣ons / that ye heate of youth ouer∣throwe them not hedlynge in to viciousnes. And that thou mayst with more efficacie {per}swade these thynges. Fyrst of all be thou thy selfe to theym an exāple of honest dedes, and yt in all office of godly lyfe. For no man doeth sooner or easylyer pswade, then he whiche constantly doeth as he teacheth. Thou shalte therfore teache the youth thus, & in the meane space in teachynge lyue vprightly that thy lyfe be not corrupt with ony vyce / & kepe suche grauyte that it maye make theym to haue thy doctrine in reuerence & awe. And therfore so moderate all thy lyfe & wordes that there can nothing be founde in the / to be despysed & set at naught / so that not onelye they whiche be vnder thy loore / may obey the / but also they that were afore agaynste the gospell, may be a shamed of theyr yll say∣enge / when they shall se all thyn∣ges in the so without blame, that they whiche lye in wayte for the, and seke all ye occasyons thei can, to chop at the, can fynde nothyng wherby they cā iustly speake ony thyng agaynst y•. As concerning seruauntes exhorte theym to be obedyente to theyr maysters and dylygente to please theym in all thynges that not by the professi∣on of Christes religion they may seme to be made wors then they were afore / and therby may be∣gynne reproch to be geuen to the gospell / when it is al the frute of naughty parsons. Let them not therfore be full of excuses, and yll wylled to do theyr masters com∣maūdemētes, nor preny pykers / as the most sorte of yll seruantes be / that seynge they professe the gospell they declare them selfe in all seruyse to be don to theyr ma∣sters, faithful & true / yea though their masters do but litle deserue it of them. So that thrugh theyr honest maners thei may cōmend and set forth the doctryne of our sauyour god / yt by them mo men may be drawen to the folowyng of it / if men se suche as knowlege theym selfe to be christen men / to be therby more gentle and amy∣able in all theyr lyuynge. For in this thrugh ye gospel hath shined ye goodnes and gentelnes of god our sauyour not afore knowen. And it hathe not shyned onely to the iewes / but egaliy to all men, not that after we be delyuerd fro the burden of Moyses lawe / we sholde lyue after our owne wyll / but we be taught / that after that by baptysine y• fautes of our lyfe afore past be forgeuen vs / & that we sweryng to abide by Christes wordes haue ones renoūced and geuen vp the wycked relygyon & worshipping of ymages, of ydols and with theym also all worldly desyres / so that after we sholde lede our lyfe here in this worlde that it may appere verely yt we be regenerat or new borne in Christ, and made quyte other men then we were afore. And we whiche serued afore to wyckedness / to vnhappy dedes & dyuers affecti∣ōs / which euen as it were baites drew vs to vyllanye: must from hence forth kepe suche moderatiō that we be in no wyse trobled wt desyres of worldly thynges. Let vs shew in vs iustyce / yt as moch as is in vs, we do for euery man, and hurte no man / that we may now geue with a true professyon & hole lyfe to god suche worshyp as we gaue afore to deuyls. And though in the mean season we be punished with pouerte / barenes, sclaunder / chydynges / & dyuers other euylles / let vs not thynke that our good liuyng is baraine, nor let vs not therfore hunt after rewardes of this worlde / which be neyther in comparyson great / nor of no longe durance / but lette vs loke for that greate rewarde of euerlastyng lyfe that shal then chaunce when after yt this world is ended. In the which the mem∣bres of Chryste be yet busyed by afflyctions and sclaunders. God the father shall open in his wor∣shyppers in his glory & magnify∣cence / all theyr euylles ouercome not apperyng humble but glory∣ous and ferefull to wycked men. And to gither with ye father shall appere in ye same glorie the lord & sauyour Iesus Christ geuyng to his mēbres yt same euerlastīg life in ye which he now shineth, for he by cause yt no man shall mystrust his {pro}mise, wittingly & willingly came to his deth, & holy gaue him selfe to vs / yt he being fre from all synne wold redeme vs by yt pryce of his blode, from ye tyrāny of the deuill / to whō by our soule syn̄es we were subiecte. And after yt he had done away cleane our offen∣ces make to hȳ of vs a new & his own people, which after his own exāple shold despise all euilles & ye enticemētes of this world & his reward trod vnder fete, shold la∣boure to get the enherytaunce of euerlasting life, which cryst doth {pro}mise to all yt kepeth ye profession of the gospel truly & wt clenelyfe. THese thynges my Tyt{us} wiche be a greate deale wyde from the fabls of ye Iewes / speake them openly. Exhorte all people to fo∣low them & suche as bend away from them rebuke them with by authoryte / that such men as will not be perswaded by lerning, nor will not be moued by faire exhor∣tations, nor by sharpe & ernestful correction made to refrayne. For there be some fautes that muste be healed by seneryte. Here ther∣fore shewe forth the grauyte and authoryte of a bysshoppe and so behaue thy selfe / yt no man maye haue ony iust cause to despise the. Pryde and hawte countenaunce muste not be in the / but when so euer nede requyreth thou muste shewe thyne authoryte. Now as I wold haue that all seruauntes sholde be to theyr maysters, yea thoughe they be gentyles / euen suche by thy monycyon wolde I haue all christē men to be to theyr prynces and to suche as are hed offycers vnder them / though su∣che prices or rulers vnder whom they be, are thē selfe vncrystened. For this muste we in ony maner of wyse take hede vnto / that no man may by our maners, catche ony occasyon to alienat him selfe fro the gospell. But it wolde so chaunce yf they that be heddes & rulers shold perceyue that we by reason of the professyon that we haue taken / were more sedicyous and stately, and lesse obedyent to theyr cōmaundemētes. For they wolde anon ley that to the faute of the gospell / & so more wtdrawe theyr myndes fro the professyon therof. warne them therfore that beleue in Chryst / yt they be neuer the more for all that free fro the lawes & authorite of the kynges or prynces or other rulers vnder whose domyniō they be / but they muste the rather bycause they be chrysten men, be obedyente sub∣iectes / and gladly do as they be commaunded / and redy & prone to euery good worke / then men may se them do as they ought to do not beyng constrayned therto for feare of punyshment / but of theyr owne fre wyll. For yf the heddes do cōmaunde that which is ryghtfull / it is greate iniquite and a foule ensample to dysobey hym that is heed ouer all other. But agayne yf they cōmaunde & rule otherwyse then ryght is / yf they oppresse theyr subiectes to hardly / yf they call to fore upon theym: yet gentlenes & suffrance is more comely for no man thē ye folowers of Christe. what so euer they commaunde vs that is not agaynst ye very relygyon of god / we must therin gladly obey. Thei wyll peraduēture take away our goodes / what then? For theym groweth to vs a greate treasure of good vertuous lyuyng. They wil bannishe vs out of ye contrey. It maketh no matter / for Chryst is euery where redy to cōfort his seruātes. Here peraduēture some man wyll say / what & our pryn∣ces be hethen men and worshyp∣pars of Idolles / contamynate wt open vyces / enemyes to Chri∣stes faythe. They that be suche / be such to theyr owne harme and ieoperdy / it is not our parte to condempne them but to amende theym. And better they may be induced by obedyence / suffrance / and examples of good lyuynge / then by rebellyon / or opprobrio{us} sayenges. Let vs leue theym to their iudge / and let vs remembre what is syttynge for vs. Chryst dyd praye for them that blasphe∣myd him / so fer wide it is that he wolde gyue chek for chek / how is it then conuenyente that his discyples sholde be contumelious agaynste ony man as louers of stryfe and debate? But rather af∣ter the example of hym / whose name they do professe / they must be gentle / shewyng all myldenes not onely vnto honest men and suche as haue well deserued it / but also muste be obedyent vnto euery man. To good men bycau∣se they deserue it / to yll men that they amende / and agayne that they haue not a wors opynion of our beleue / yf they be prouoked and angred for a cause. Chrysten charyte suffreth all thynges / and in al thynges it hath good hope. And if there be ony such yll men / we must rather pytye them, then abhorre theym. And therfore we shall do more yf we call to remēbraunce that we were somtyme such as they be now. Let vs not refuse theym by cause they are yll lyuers, and wycked men / but let vs helpe ye best that we can / that they cease to be as they be▪ and be¦gynne to be lyke vs / who called vs from our blyndnesse? was it not ye free clemencie or swete gen¦tlenes of Chryst And that same gentlenes of chryste may chaūge such men whē he will. And how be it that we which of Iewes be made chrysten men, did not wor∣shyp Idolles / yet we were afore our conuersyon subiecte to great vices, beyng foles / iobedyent / er¦ryng / geuen to diuerse appetites & pleasures / ful of enui, ful of ma¦lice, grudgyng & hatīg one of an¦other. To these so great euylles we were subiecte euē vnder Moi∣ses lawe, but that now for foles & dulheddes we be made sobre & wyse / yt for rebelles we are meke and treatable / for men errynge / hauyng knowlege of the trueth / for the seruantes of desyres and voluptuousnes / the wyllynge ke¦pers of iustice, for malycio{us} / sim∣ple & curtes / for enuious / glad to do good / for haters, wel willyng to them that hate vs / this haue we not neyther by moyses lawe nor yet by our owne merites, but by yt free goodnes of god / by the which we coueyte that all yf it be possible sholde reioyce with vs in a cōmune welfare / and to all mē the verite of ye gospell may shyne, as it hath shined to vs. For afore lyke blynde men we were styll in darkenes as they, but now sens there is opened by the lyght of ye gospell / how great the goodnes and charyte of god (which is au∣tour of our helthe) is to all men / then at the last we gate true lyfe after that we had put away the darkenes of our lyfe that we led afore / not thrugh the obseruatiō of Moyses law / in whome was conteyned a maner of iustice▪ but yet of lytle efficacye to geue euer∣lastynge lyfe / but thrugh the free mercye of god. For by the holy fonte of baptysme we were rege∣nerat agayne & plāted in Chryst, and by his spirite being renewed we haue ceased to be carnall and begōne to be spirituall. Therfore what so euer we be / we are holy bounde to hym for it, which in to vs nothynge deseruynge it / shed aboundantly his spyryte / which the law coulde not geue. And by Iesu Chryste he shed his spyryte in to vs, by whō it hathe pleased him to geue vs all thynges / that we being purged by his benefite, frō our olde synnes shold enforce by good workes to be made apte to take ye enherytaūce of immor∣tall lyfe. Of ye which the doctrine of the gospell maketh vs to haue sure hope. Sens that we then were ones myserable / and by the onely aboundante mercy of god deleuered from synne now hope for the crowne of euerlasting lyfe we must haue pyty on other / and go aboute by all meanes that god also may haue mercye on theym. Let a chrysten bysshop in stede of iewes fables tel these thynges to the people, for they be certeyne & without doubte. There remay∣neth nothyng more for vs to do / but yt in our liuing we may remē∣bre ye benefyte of god and lyue ac∣cordyng to his pleasure / or elles the professyon of chrystendome & the gospell wyll nothyng auayle vs. wherfore I wyl that yu assure all men of these thynges whiche greatly longe to the purpose & cō¦fyrm thē therin also / yt thei which ones haue beleued ī god / yt by his free mercifulnes they haue ben re¦demed fro theyr synnes / & that he will gyue ye croūe of euerlastyng life to all them which by vertuo{us} and godly lyuyng do study to fo∣low as nere as thei are able Iesu Chryst / yt they I say which haue this beleue so lede ouer theyr lyfe that it maye seme accordynge to our professyō & not vnworthy so greate promyssys of god. Now they shall declare them selfe to be very christē men / not if they curse or say yll by ye gentyles & iewes / but yf they be beneficiall & gentle to all men / & by the affection that they haue to pyty / they reioyse to helpe euery body. For these thin∣ges shall not onely ornate & com∣mend ye professyon of the christen beleue / as thynges of theym selfe honest / but also {pro}fitable to draw other to Chryste & to helpe other whiche be oppressed with ony ca∣lamyte. The chefe poynt of chry∣stentye is to do good to all men / and by benefites wylde bestes be ouercome & made tame & gentle. Thou shalt therfore on this ma∣ner speke & preache of these thyn∣ges not makynge ony doubte as thei do which redacte all thinges in to questyons and seme to haue nothyng perfyghtly to them as∣sured / but teache them wt greate confydence of countenaūce with greate stedfastnes of wordes / yt all men may well perceyue & vn∣derstonde that yu art well assured of that whiche thou doest labour to perswade to other men / yt oute of these cōmeth ye frute of vertuo{us} lyuynge. But folysshe and vncō∣nynge questyons and tangled or intrycate genealogyes and con∣tencyous or brawlyng dysputa∣tions or rather warre vpō Moy∣ses law / whiche some folowyng the trade of iewes styrre vp and moue to get them therby a name & aduaūtage / cast them away as superfluous & vnprofytable to ye liuyng after ye gospell. For what hurteth it to good lyuynge yf I know not / why Moyses graue can no where be found / whether it be as ye iewes say that he shold be called vp agayne by magiciēs? How many yeres Matusale ly∣ued? what age Salamō was of, when he begat Roboam? why Moyses dyd forbed to eate the flesshe of swyne? why ye iewes do suppose that the blode of a wesell must with so greate care be pur∣ged / & other thynges they moue doubtes vpon, which be yet more folyshe then these. In the expoū∣dyng wherof what neadeth him to tary whiche hasteth to the re∣warde of good and vertuous ly∣uing. These thinges must rather be cut away then declared. And thei which professe them as excel∣lent thynges must be blamed and byd to holde theyr peace and not disputed with all. If thei erre by symplenes / when they are admo∣nysshed they wyll amend. But if they do amysse by stubberne and obstacle malyce / for a name or lu∣cre or ony other foule cause / then wyll they be redye also to defend as well false thynges as trwe. Such men when thou hast ones or twyse rebuked them / yf they cease not / exchew theym as men faccyous and incurable / lest they maye do more, when they be pro∣uoked / then they wolde yf they were let alone as men not regar∣ded / yea & left to / by such eggyng and styrryng of theym▪ it myght come to daūger / that such which cānot be amended, might by dys∣putations when thei are {pro}uoked draw theyr admonytour into ye same errour. And what auaileth it to geue ony more medycynes when there is no longar hope of recouerynge. An errour cōmyng but onely by the fragilite of man, is remedyed by one or two war∣nynges but malyce is icurable, and made wors, by putting to of ony remedyes. And therfore he yt beyng ones or twyse rebuked cō∣tine with neuertheles to bide stife in his opynyon / let hym alone in his froward mynde a man quite ouerturned and remedyles. Nor it neadeth not ye to labour to con∣dempne hym / sythen he is by his owne iudgement cōdempned. Yf he perische / he is lost & cast away by his owne faute. For he hathe no such bukler to hold afore him. I erred by ignorāce / no mā war∣ned me. For what can one do to a syk man / that wyll take no me∣dycyne / peraduēture yf he be des∣pysed & neglect / he wyll wex wy∣ser / yf he wyll not / yet the fewer that resorte to hym / ye fewer shall ye cōtagyousnes of his disease in∣fecte. I wold fayn haue you with me a few dayes. But I wold yt it sholde not be to the damages / of ye christē congregations in Crete whiche haue ben but of late con∣uerted to ye trew fayth, and ther∣fore they haue the more neade of a diligent hed / which may builde vpon the fundations now layed. Se therfore that thou mete with me at Nycopole / but not afore yt I send either Artemas or Ticht∣cus thyder to be there for ye in my stede, lest thy deptyng sholde leue Crete destytute & as an Orphe∣line. Thou shalt not nede to feare that I wolde in ye meane tyme go any where els & so thou sholdest lese thy laboure / For I am pur∣posed all this next winter to be at Nycopole which is a citie of the cōtre of Thrace. whē zeno which was sōtyme a {pro}fessour of Moy∣ses law / & now a noble preacher of ye gospell. And Apollo whiche is a mā greatly aproued in ye do∣ctryne of Chryst wyll depart frō thens bryng them forward with all the humanytye that maye be. And se they lak nothynge yt shall be necessarye for theyr iorney. Yf these offices of humanytie be do∣ne of the gentyles / that they will for good maners sake bring him forwarde yf he haue deserued it / and geue hym sufficiently at his de{per}tyng vitayles & other necesa∣ries to his iorney. I thȳke it very ryght that our men also / whiche knowlege them selfe to be christē men sholde lerne to vse suche gen∣tylnes / and to geue due thankes to them that haue well deserued them / not yt they sholde by theyr lyberalyte make them ryche / but yt they gyue them suche thynges as be necessarye for theyr liuyng, when nede shall be. For it is not conuenyent yt sythen they whiche be alyenat from Chryste / be yet taught of nature to geue thākes to them of whome they haue ben holpen with ony benefite: christē men sholde be baren and vnfrut∣full to them of whome they haue receiued ony good turne. As ma∣ny as be here with me cōmende them to the. Do thou againe cō∣mēd me there to as many as loue me not with no worldly affectiō, but with euangelycall & chrysten charyte / whiche the cōmune pro∣fessyon of fayth doth gēdre in vs. The fre benefycēce of goodnes of god be alwayes wt vs all. Amen.
A00387.P4	A playne and godly exposytion or declaratio[n] of the co[m]mune crede (which in the Latin tonge is called Symbolum Apostolorum) and of the. x. co[m]maundementes of goddes law, newly made and put forth by the famouse clarke, Mayster. Erasmus of Roterdame, at the requeste of the moste honorable lorde, Thomas Erle of wyltshyre: father to the moste gratious and vertuous Quene Anne wyf to our most gracyous soueraygne lorde kynge Henry the. viii. Cum priuilegio.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536.", "Marshall, William, fl. 1535." ]	1534]]	In Fletestrete: by me Robert Redman, dwellynge at the sygne of ye George, next to Saynt Dunstones churche [for William Marshall,	[Imprynted at London :	eng	[ "Creeds -- Early works to 1800.", "Ten commandments -- Early works to 1800." ]	I Sawe and perceued full wel moste honorable Erle / that of some perso∣nes I shold be accused of lewde boldnesse and pre∣sumptyon: yf I wold ta∣ke vpon me / to make any cōmentary or worke vpon the Crede named the Sym¦bole of the Apostels / after so many / and so famouse doctoures of the churche a∣monge whome Cipriane takynge this mater in hande fyrst of any Latyn man hath in suche wyse handeled it: that no man / that euer hathe folowed hym yet vntyll this day / hath ben able to ouerg¦te hym / or to come any thynge nere vn∣to hym. Agayn on the other parte / me thoughte I shold be accused of improby¦e and lewdenesse / yf I wold not fulfylle and accomplyshe your requeste / namely desyrynge so holy & so vertuose a thyng with a goode and godly affectyon / specy¦ally / seyn that you haue so well accep¦ted & taken in goode worth that my for∣mer seruyce rather than benefyghte do∣ne to you / in expoūdyng and declaryng the .xxii. psalme. And I do knowe also wel enough / that you do not requyre of me / to take this lytle laboure / for your owne cause: whiche do not nede any in∣structyon or informacyō of me. But you do desyre it for other more ignoraunte & vnlerned persones. And therfore I ha∣ue so handeled the thynge / that I haue shaped and ordred al myne oratyon and speche / after suche forme and maner as myght be moste mete and agreynge to the capacyte of those that are symple. Nether do I see or perceyue oy whitte at all / what laude or prayse I shall gete by this my laboure: except it be peraduē¦ture because that I haue spoken certay¦ne thynges somwhat after a playn / and homely perceyueable facyon / how be it as for prayse / I passe not vpon it. But wolde god / that the yonge Soldyers of the Chrystyan cheualry / may take as much frute & profyghte hereof: as bothe your oste honourable lordeshyppe / of your excellente Charyte and goodnes / doth desyre: and as I also / accordynge to suche lytle power as god hath lente me / haue endeuored my selfe / and geuen dylygence / that they sholde do. In the meane season / our lorde is to be prayed vnto / that he of his bounte & goodnesse yll supply that / where my power doth wante and fayle / & that he / whiche hath inspyred into you this deuoute and god¦ly affectyon towarde his relygyon and ayth / wyll vouchesaffe to sende prospe∣rous lucke & good ende / not in this thyn¦ge onely / but also in all other thynges / whiche of loue and ele toward{is} the ho∣noure of god / and furtheraunce of vert and good Christen lyuynge: you shall enterpryse or begynne: well moughte your honora∣ble lordeshyppe fare yeuen at Friburge / the yere of our lorde 1533 DISCIPLE. I Am and haue ben a great wh / le very desyr and sor lōgyn in my mynde: to be ascrybed and receiued into the company and fe¦lowshype of the chatholyke chur¦che / whiche is the howse of god / Out of the churche / whi¦che is the hou¦se of god / is no hope of sal¦uacyon. out of the wiche churche no man ought to ho∣pe the obtaynynge of euerlastyng helth and saluatyon. And therfore I beseche you / that of your charyte you wyll hel∣pe myn infancye: that I may be spedde of this my desyre and purpose. MA. If thou haue ben washed in the holy bathe of baptysme after due forme and maner than arte thou by the reason ther of / euē alredy admytted and receyued into the howseholde or company of the catholy∣ke churche. DIS. ye but this thynge was don vnknowyng to me / by my god fathers and godmother. But nowe / in as muche as god of his goodnesse hath graūted me to come vnto this age / whi¦che as it may be easyly corrupted to vy∣ce and vngracyousnes and erroure so is it (as I suppose) apte to receyue instru∣ctyon to vertu and good lyuyng & ryght beleffe / I thynke it to be ryghte and ac∣cordynge / both that I shuld fulfylle the promysse / that my surtes haue made vp on my hede: and also that I my selfe do prouyde & see for myne owne helth and sauegarde / & do myn owne besynes also in myn owne persone / & not all by other folke / wherfore I beseche and pray you / that you wyll euen so deale with me / as yf you dyd teache and informe a person hauynge no maner learnynge or know¦lege at all. MAG. Deare sone / that lorde / whiche hath inspyred this mynde into the: the same / of his goodnesse / shal promote and carye the forwarde vnto this / that thou dost desyre. DIS. Do I not nede than to haue an instructer & teacher? MAG. If ther wer no nede of an infourmer or teacher: than sholde chryst haue sayde all in vayn these wor∣des / to his apostles. Mat. 16. Go you & teache all natyons. But though thou haddest gotten syx hundreth teachers / to instru∣cte the / yet is it the lorde / that doth true¦ly & effectuosly teache this phylosophye and wysdom. For so it hath pleased god and hath lyked hym to geue his benefi∣tes and gyftes to one man: by another man. DI. why hath it lyked hym to do so? MAG. Fyrst / to thentent / that all pryde & arrogancye myght be exclu∣ded:why it ha plesed god to geue his bene fyght to one man by ano∣ther .ii. caus whiche / that spyryte the louer of meke an myld myndes: doth hate and abhorre / and secoundaryly / that thrugh doyng benefytes and good dedes / eche to other charyte and loue myght be pur¦chaced / encreaced / and nouryshed amon¦ge chrysten folke. And yet neuer the les neither may the doctour or teacher here chalenge ony whitte prayse to hymsel∣fe / yf he doth his offyce & duety neyther the dyscyple or learner to hymself yf he doth profyght and go forwarde. All the prayse / euery whitte of it: is due to god / whiche inwardly by his spyryte / bothe doth temper the organe / & instrumente of the eacher: and also doth transforme and chaunge the mynde of the learner. Let vs therefore both together beseche the lorde of his mercy / that by his inspi¦ration / both thou mayeste wisely aske & demaunde: & I also may frutefully and holsomely make aunswere vnto the. D. So be it. M. Go to now thā / & demaūd. D. That vnspeakeable beaute & fayrnes of the house of god / doth (as I sayd) mer¦uaylousy moue & styrre my mynde: and causeth me to be enamoured on it. But I pray you which is the way for a man to entre into it? MA. who so euer wyll entre into a howse: gothe to the gate. DI. Shew me the gate. M. Saynct Paule sheweth it / that heuenly doctour Hebr. 11.☞He that cometh to god (saythe he) must belyue. And in the .v. chapytre to th Romanes. By whome: we haue waye and entraunce thrugh fayth: into this grac.Hebr. 11. Agayn to the Hebrues: he sayth.Fayth is the dore / wherby we entre into the howse of god: that is the churche. without fayth it is vnpossyble to please god. The dore or the gate of fayth is a very low dore or gate / but af¦ter that one is entred ones with in it / it sheweth to hym the vnspeakable maie¦te of the power / of the wysdome / and of the goodnesse of god. Stoupe therefore and bowe downe thyn heade / that thou mayst be worthy to entre / and go in. DI. what is this / that you do saye? MAG. I meane Laye from the / and sette a parte all carnall witte or iudge∣mente / and the subtyle argumenes of mannes natural reason / that thou may¦ste symply and vndowtedly beleue / and geue credence / vnto what so euer thyng the authoryte of god hath taught vs to our helthe and saluacion / although to mannes reason and iudgemente / it doo seme neuer so muche false / folyshe: vnrea¦sonable / and vnpossyble. Mannes rea∣sonynge and argumentatyon: maye dy∣sceyue / the bodylye senses or wittes of man maye dysceyue / onely god / as he can not but be god: so can he neyther dyseyue / nether be dysceyued. DIS. what is faythe? MAGI. To defyne Faythe somewhat playne and famylya¦rly / to the that arte vnlearned:The ii. pryn∣cipal powers of man̄es sou¦le / vnderston∣dyng & wyll. There are two pryncypall powers of mannes soule: that is to witte: the vnderston∣dynge / and the wyll. By the power of vnderstondynge: we do iugde what is to be chosen / and by the wyll: we do desy¦re that thynge / whiche vnderstondynge or reason (which are both one) hath she¦wed vs for to be desyred. Both those .ii. partes hath ben corrupted thrugh the crime & offence of them / which were the fyrst parentes of all mankynde / that is to witte / Adam and Eue.Thrugh the offence of A∣dā and Eue both mannes vnderstōdyn∣ge & also his wyll are vicy¦ated and cor∣rupted. The contagy on of this euyll hath yssued from them / into all theyr posteryte and ofsprynge. And by the reason here of it is brought to passe / that both with our reason / as with a corrupte ye / we do wene & iudge thynges to be / which are not / or els not to be suche maner thynges / as they are in very dede / and also that with our cor∣rupted wylle (which thynge chaunceth oftentymes to sycke men) we do desyre noysome and deadly thynges / in the ste¦de of profytable and holsome thynges. Agaynst these .ii. euylls / the goodnes of god hath prouyded for vs / two remed{is} / that is to witte / Fayth / whiche puryfy∣eth and clenseth the hert that is to say / the mynde and reason / as beyng the foū¦tayne of the soule / and charyte / whiche strayghteneth & amendeth our croked & corrupte wyl.Two reme∣dies agaynste the aforesay∣de euyll faith whiche pur∣geth the hert & charite whi¦che straighte¦neth the cro∣ked wyll & ap¦petyte. Fayth as it were a lygh shynynge before vs in the darke dry∣ueth away all erroure / in those thynges specyally:¶Fayth. whiche do apertayne and be∣longe to helth and saluacyon.Charyte. Charyte putteth away croked and lewde affecty∣ons and desyrres / that we myghte desy¦re and folowe onely those thynges / whi¦che god hath prescrybed or cōmanded. Fayth iudgeth / and teacheth what is to be don.Charyte is the seruaunt of fayth. Charyte executeth the same in worke / as beynge the mynyster & ser∣uaunt of fayth.Faythe hath one iye. Cha∣rite hath .ii. But the iye of fayth is fyxed & sette fast pryncypally vpon god. charyte hath as it were two iyes / with the ryght iye it loketh stedfastly on god and the left iye it boweth or tourneth a syde towarde thy neyghboure / whils it loueth god / as beyng the most hyghe & perfyghte goodnes / aboue all thynges / and loueth the neyghboure / as beynge naturall cosen: for goddes sake.what faythe is. Faythe therefore / where of we doo speake / is a gyfte infused & putte into mānes myn∣de / of god / thrugh whiche man without any dowtefulnes doth beleue all those thynges to be most true / whiche so euer god hath taughte and promysed to vs / by the bokes of both testamētes / the old and the newe. This fayth stretcheth it self to thre maner tymes / that is / to the tyme / that is passed / to the time / that is preset / and to the tyme that is to come that is for to saye / fyrste it beleueth that the worlde was made by god / and what so euer thynge the holy diuine scripture maketh mētyon to haue ben don in olde tyme passed. Scondarely: that the worlde: and the churche is gouerned of the same: god euen this daye also. And laste of all / that all those thynges shall come to passe & be fulfylled: what so euer the sayde scryptures doth eyther promy¦se to good & vertuose men: or els doth thretten to wicked and vngodlye perso∣nes. All these thynges / we doo thorow the gyfte of fayth / farre more certaynly beleue: than we do those thyng{is} / whiche we do gather by argumētacyon & reaso¦nynge or els of which we haue sure per∣ceyuynge and konwleg by all our ow∣warde sences.Fayth is the most sure kowledge / that is ī this worlde. DIS. But in as muche as the bokes of holy scrypture haue co∣me to vs by men: where of than cometh that stedfast and sure persuasyon or be∣leffe. There is no man so wycked: as to thynke or iudge / that god may besuspe∣cted of falshd and vntruth / but it may be dowted / whether all those bokes ha∣ue bn wryten by the inspiratiō of god. MAG. Ueryly this certaynte ryseth of many causes:The causes mouīg vs to eue fast and sure credence to the holy scryptures of god. but pryncypally & chef∣ly of one: fyrste of all: it ryseth of natur∣all consente / for those thynges: whiche are taughte in those bokes: are a great parte of them / agreble to the naturall iudgement of reason / a certayne sparke wherof remayneth yet styll euen in men after the falle.Naturall. Consente. Secondaryly of the mer∣uaylouse wondres or myracles / by whi∣che both the olde and also the new testa∣mente hath ben geuen and taught.Miracles. For neyther haue suche wondres ben done euer at ony other tyme / or in ony other thynge: neyther euer ony man eyther durste / or coulde haue fayned lyke thyn∣ges vnto them besydes this of the mer∣uaylouse and wondrefull consente and agremente of all the thynges amonge them selffe and of eche with other. DI. Of whiche thynges? MAG. Of the fygures: and the prophecyes:The perfygh¦te argumente of the fygur∣es & prophecy¦es of the olde testamēt both among them selues & also with the new testamente. whiche proprely do appertayne and belonge to the olde testamente. Adde hereunto the truthe and euydence in the perfor∣mynge and fulfyllynge of those thyng{is} whiche the olde testamēte eyther hadde shadowed & signyfyed by figures: or els had promysed by the mouthe of the pro¦fetes. In the examynatyon of witnesse: thou knowest well / that the consente & agremente of the recordes amonge thē selues / is of great wayghte and greatly to be regarded. Compare that Chryste / whiche by many darke redles and fygu¦res is sygnyfyed & shadowed in the law of Moises / & whome so many Prophet{is} dyd promyse / and that at dyuerse & son∣dry tymes / with hym / whome the hysto¦ry of the Gospell doth sette forth playn¦ly afore oure iyes / as it were in a sca∣fold: and thou shalt see all thes thynges perfyghtly agree to gether. Ouer & be¦sydes this / Prophetes do meruaylously consente and agree amonge themselues one with another / where as among the phylosofers of the world / there is great stryfe and contraryete of dyuerse & son∣dry opynyons. Adde also to these thyn∣ges afore reherced / the constante and stedfaste consente and agremente of all tymes and of all natyons / & the faste cō¦spyration of them vnto this phylosofye hole with one mynde and accorde / for who euer wrote ony thynge / were he ne¦uer of o hyghe & excellente witte / whi∣che the whole world dyd so receyue / whi¦che the world dyd with so great cōstan∣cye and stedfastnes retayne & cleue vnto that so many thousand{is} of men / of chyl¦dren / of women / and of vyrgyns / nether with dyuerse & sondry kyndes of death / nether with tormentes / more fearefull than death / coulde be plucked away frō it / whose myndes the lyghte of Fayth had puryfyed? And this thynge is by so much the more meruaylouse and won∣derfull:The wonder¦full vertue & myght of the Christiane philosophie. for that this philosofye / as it we¦re a certayne sonne / dyd sodeynly shyne and geue lyghte thrugh out the whole worlde / and dyd ouercome and gete the vyctory / nether by the helpe of myghte and power / nether of ryches / nor of ony mannes crafte or polycye / nether fynal¦ly by ony worldly helpe or ayde / & also for that it hath hetherto agaynste the power of kyng{is} / agaynste worldly wys∣dome / agaynst heretykes beyng a thow¦sand maner wayes instructed & armed to impyete / and to be short agaynste all the engynes of the Deuyll / stande faste and sure / not able to be shakē / accordyn∣ge to the promysse of Chryst.Math. xvi. And the gates of helle shal not preuayle agaynst it. DIC. I perceyue now / some lyght to shyne euē to myn iyes also though be¦yng half blynd. But whiche is that chef and pryncypall thynge? MAG. Uery∣ly thou hast touched it allredy of thyne one accorde. DIS. Howe so? haue I touched it vnwares? MAG. For thou fealest and perceyuest (as thou sayeste) some lyghte to haue schyned in to the iyes of thyn harte. This is doutles the spyryte of Chryte:Fayth is cau¦sed pryncypal¦lye by the in∣syration of the holy gho∣ste. whiche hath now be gonne to shewe his effycacyte & strēgthe in thy harte: and as I hope and trste: shall fynysche and make perfyghte tha whiche it hath begonne. For this is the earnest peny or pledge of the dyuyne spy¦ryte: whiche by his secrete inspyratyon doth so confyrme strengthen: and estab∣leshe mannes mynde: that neyther the power of the deuylls: neyther aungells: neyther ony creature at all: is able to de¦parte it: and plucke it awaye from the the fayth and hope: whiche are in. Chry¦ste Iesu. Suche an affectyon: can no {per}∣suasyon of men gendre in our myndes: whiche is a very sure and vndowted token: that all these thynges are don & wrought frō aboue / by god. For no ma¦ner thyng doth sette the mynde of man at quyetnesse and reste: saue onely this phylosofye. DIS. O happy are they: whome it hathe chaunced to haue this gyfte. MAG. Let vs praye / & desyre i sure truste: and we shall haue it. DI. yt but whan you doo name the bokes of both testamentes: you do name & speake of a greatte (be cause I wyll not saye of an vnmeasurable) see / but what thynge do you aduyse me to learne: that am ye very ignoraūte / and more than an infaū¦te or babe in Chryst? MA. The world∣ly scyences inuented by men: haue (as thou knowest) theyr rudymētes & pryn∣cyples. So lykewise this heuenly phylo¦sophie also / hath certayne rudymentes and pryncyples or rules and instructy∣ons whiche are fyrste taughte to hym / that is a yonge beginner and learner in it. DIS. Whence shall I fetche these sayde rudymentes? MAG. you maye fynde them in the Symbole or Crede / whiche partely for the auctoryte of it / & partely for a dyfference from other sym¦boles:why the com¦mūe Crede i called the sim¦bole of the A¦postles. is called the Symbole or Crede of the apostles / and the olde authores doo otherwyles calle it the Rule of the fayth or beleffe. This is a speche breflye comprehendynge in fewe wordes / the summe of those thynges: whiche are ne∣cessarely to be beleued of all men vnto eternall saluacyon. This Symbole or Crede / in the olde tyme / they that were baptyzed whn they were growne in a∣ge: dyd recyte openly / euery man with his owne mouth (and ware than called Cathecumeni) afore that they were dop¦ped in the holsome water. DIS. why is it called the rule of fayth or beleffe.why the crede is called the rule of fayth MA. Because that accordynge to this styffe and stronge inflexyble squyere or rule of veryte and trouth: all the opyny¦ons of men are dyrected and corrected / & by it also all the erroures swaruyng & goynge awrye from the trouthe / bothe of hethē paynymes / of Iewes / and of he¦retikes: are straightened and amended / for the trouth of god is single / & alway∣es contayneth one / and vnmoueable / whiche sayth / Math. xxiiii. Heuen and erthe shall passe awaye / but my worde shall abyde and not passe awaye. DIS But what meaneth this worde Symbole? MA. Symbolum is a Greke worde / whiche cometh of the verbe Symuallo:The sygnifi∣catiōs of this greke worde symbolum. whiche signifieth the same that confero doth in the latyne tonge / that is / to brynge to¦gether. This worde symbolū:The fyrst sig¦nifiation of this worde symbolū. the Gre∣kes haue vsed many maner wayes / and in diuerse significations. For otherwhi¦les / they do calle symbolum / the seale or marke: which is emprynted on lettres / & vessels: to thentēt that they shold not be opened of suche as were not mete & cōue¦nyent. Sometyme agayn / they do calle symbolū a gage (whether it were mony or a ryng / or ony other thyng) that they gaue from thē / as many as were appoī∣ted / & had made {pro}myse to haue a cōmu∣ne bākette or feast together:The seconde signification to the assur¦aunce / that euery one of thē shold kepe his appoyntemēt / & no man withdraw: or absente hym selffe.The .ii. Besyd{is} this also / they do calle symbolū / the token / that is geuen betwen the spouse and the spou∣sesse / of theyr consente eche of them to other: to the ende / that neyther of them maye shrynke from theyr promysse and bargayn. And last of all / they calle sym∣bolum / that token or cognysaunce:The .iiii. whi¦che was geuen to the soldyers / as many as foughte vnder one and the same stan∣derde and bannere / whiche sometyme was a watcheworde / sometyme it was without wordes / and therfore of them it is called Symbolon Aphonon / id est / dumbe tokē / without ony voyce or soun¦de. And this was don to thende / that the soldyers whiche were all vnder one captayne: sholde knowe eche other / and that yf onye wolde attempte or goo a∣about to worke ony gyle or dysceyte: by this marke and token / they myght ha∣ue perceyuyng and knowledge of hym. D. These thyng{is} haue you spoken very plainly & clerely. But I desyre & long to here the conuenyence and agremente of the nam{is} (that is to say) why the Crede is called by this name symbolū or how this name agreeth to it.How all the .iiii. significa∣tions of sym∣bolū: do agre vnto the crede MAG. Thou seest / that in baptisme / the forehede of hym that is regenerat: is merked or sea¦led with the fygure of the crosse. And saynct Paule calleth the Corinthianes whiche had professed the gospell: The sealyng of a vessell or of an epystel. his epystle / not wrytē forsoth with ynke in parchemente: but in theyr hartes / with the spyryte / wiche spyryte is called the fynger of god.ii. Cor. iii. Luce. xi. ii. Cori. iiii. The mynde that is ones thus sealed and marked to god it is not lawfull to breake vp / or to open / to the deuyll. And the same Paule speaketh in this wise to the Corinthyans. We ha∣ue this treasure in earthen vessel{is}. The mynde therfore of man / thrugh baptys∣me: is made the vessell of the holy ghost whiche vessell is sealed or marked with the sygnete of fayth / ye moreouer Chry¦ste hath sealed it with his one bloode. And in the gospell. Luce. xiiii.our lorde compa∣reth the kyngdome of heuen / that is toThe gage be longyng to a cōmune feast or bankette. wytte / the grace of the gospell / vnto a wytte / the grace of the gospell / vnto a feaste royall / vnto whiche / all men of all nations are called. Now who so euer hath professed Chryste in baptysme: he hath geuen a gage / to come to this no∣ble feast / so that it is not lawful for hym now to starte backe.The tokē ge∣uen betwen the spouse the sposesse. Besyed this / we do rede oftentymes / that Chryste is called by the name of a spouse as the churche likewyse is called by the name of a spou¦se / as in the mystycall cantycle / and in the thyrde chapytour of Iohan / ye more ouer / the soule of ehe man in the profes¦syon of the Faythe: is wedded vnto Chryste her spouse / saynct Paule de∣clareth this / wrytynge to the Corin∣thyanes. ☞I haue maryed you to one husbande / that you shold shew your selues a chast virgine / to Chryst.ii. Cori. xi. Ther∣fore a token is geuen of bothe partyes / that it can not be lawful for either other at ony tyme to go about a dyuorcement Chryste geueth the earnest or pledge of his spirite. Man beleuynge with his harte to his iustificatyon / and confessin¦ge or knowledgyng with his mouth / to his helth and saluacyon: doth agayn of his part / geue a tokē or pledge / to Chry¦ste. Ephe. v. Great is the misterie (as sayncte Paule saith) of this mariage whiche is made / & knytte with a faste / & a sure vn¦lousable bonde / betwen Chryste and the churche. DI. I verely dyd wene euer vntyll this tyme / that onely vyrgins {pro}¦fessynge the religious lyfe / had ben wed¦ded to Chryste. MA. Forsoth they are agayn maried: raither than maried / & in the ordre of spouses: they are cheffe in preeminence / beynge so muche the more nere to the spouse: by howe muche they are more lyke vnto hym / but in baptis∣me: the soules euen of mariners also / & of carters / and of shomakers / are made the spousesses of Chryste.It is all one spirit that is geuen to all them that be∣leue in Chrest of what estat or degree soo euer they be. Poore & rych hygh & lowe / all are one in Christe. And it is all one and the same token / that is geuen to all men / as well to the vileste beggar as to the mightest kynge or prince that is. And of this thynge doutles / oughte those / that are abiectes and out castes / in the sighte of the worlde: to take a cer¦tayne godly pride: for that in such thyn∣ges whiche onely doth geue the verie true felicite / and whiche do make men truely excellēte / truly riche / truly migh∣ty and truly noble: they are egall and matches to kyng{is} and prynces / be they neuer so ryche and great of power. DI. you shewe here the meruailouse and wō¦derfull benignite and goodnesse of god. MAG. Whome can that moste meke and gentyl Lambe refuse or reiecte / whi¦che:Luc. xxiii. whan the theffe hangynge on the crosse dyd professe: forthwith dyd bydde hym to the brydall feaste / and of a synne full person and blaphemouse agaynste hymselfe: made hym parte taker with hym of his kyngdome? DIS. Forsoth all thynges agreeth meruailously well hetherto. MAG.The watche∣worde or the badge of sol∣diers in war∣re. Finally and laste of all / they whiche are newe borne agayn by the holy bathe of baptisme: they do professe the Euangelycall cheualrie or warre / and do become seruauntes and soldiers vnder the immortall captayne Iesu Chryste / and are boūden with his mylytare sacramentes / and do receyue the gyfte or rewarde of the spirite. So that it is a poynte of extreme vnfaithe∣fullnes / and also vnkyndenesse: to forsa∣ke this capitayne / and runne from hym to the tyraunte the deuille.who do forsa¦ke Christ thi capitayne. Nowe all they do forsake hym / not onely whiche do denye Chryste / and doo runne vnto the turke or to the Iewes: But also which with theyr hole herte & mynde are geuen to the worlde / & world¦ly cōmodytes and pleasures. For the ryghtuose man also falleth euen sēuen tymes in a daye. But he ryseth anone agayn by the quycknes and strength of fayth / whiche / lyke fyere doth alwayes laboure vpwarde vnto heuenly thyng{is}. DIS. Wolde god that spyryte wolde vouchesaffe to wryte in my herte / & to seale faste that / whiche he hath wryten: with a sure and an inuyolable Symbo∣le or seale. M. Wold god he wold vouche¦saffe to cōmytte to thy harte and myne that inestymable treasure: and that whi¦che he hath put & layde vp in our hert{is}: to make sure and defende with his seale or marke. DIS. But we must than of∣fre and geue to hym cleane parchemēte and a cleane vessell. MAG. ye & euen this thinge also shall he hymselfe graūt vnto vs / howe be it not without out owne helpe and workynge there vnto. DIS. O how happy and blessed a fea¦ste is that / whiche both in this worlde hath the ioye of a good and clerre consci¦ence: and from hence doth sende vs vnto the celestyall feaste? MAG. ye more∣ouer how happy and how blessed a ma∣ryadge is that: whiche maketh vs one with god / whome to cleue & stycke faste vnto: is moste hyghe & syngulare felycy¦te? D. But cheualry or warre is a name of laboure & trauayle. MA. No man is crouned saue onelye he whiche hath foughte lawfully. But the paynes that are to be taken in this worlde: are tran∣sytorye / and laste but a shorte while. The crowne or rewarde is euerlastyn¦ge / and shall neuer corrupte or fade.ii. Timo. ii. ii. Cori. iiii. i. Petri. v. fur∣thermore that laboure or trauayle that is here / the spyryte doth make dulcete & swete with so many solacyes and coum¦fortes: that all the resydue may be suf∣fred and endured not onely pacyently / but also gladly & cherefully.Iob.vii. This lyfe is a battayle: whether we wyll or not / we can not chose / but we muste warre eyther on goddes parte or els on the de∣uylles. They that warre on the deuyll{is} parte / Ioan. xii. whiche is called the prince of this world / do suffre more harde & more paynfull thynges / than do they / that warre on goddes parte. And Chrystes soldyers do ioye & reioyce no lesse / than they do / which do seche and hunte after swete and plesaunte thynges / bothe by londe and water:The cōpary∣son of the esta¦te of Christe sold yers and the deuy les werryes. but they ioye after an other maner or facion. Nay rather they onely are truly gladde and ioyfull / besy¦de this the stypende or wages / whiche these .ii. captaynes do paye to theyr sol∣dyers: are excedyngly farre vnlyke / and contrary the one to the other: that is to witte to triūphe eternally in heuē with theyr capitayne Chryste: and to be geuē to the euerlastynge fyere of helle with the tyraunte the deuille. DIS. yt is a meruailouse thynge than / that the com¦mune sorte of men do lede theyr lyfe af∣ter suche maner / as they do. MA. The cause thereof is / because manye men do pronounce the Symbole or Crede with theyr mouthe: and few doo beleue with theyr harte / or yf they doo beleue: they beleue but coldely and fayntly. D. But I haue a greatte whyle desyred to here the rudymentes and pryncyples of the heuenly philosophie.i. Corintio. i. MAG. Rudimen∣tes they are in dede / but that whiche is lowest thynge here: passeth and surmoū¦teth / farre all the hygheste poyntes of worldly wisdome. But because we do be¦ter and sooner perceyue those thynges / which we are gredy & very desyrouse to learne: therfore they that do teache hu∣manye disciplines / are wonte to cōmen¦de the sayde disciplines vnto theyr disci¦ples & hearers by dyuerse meanes / but principally because of the authoure / of the matter: of the fourme / & of the ende. D. I do not well perceyue that whiche you do saye. M. As for example / the sci∣ence of physike hath for the authorre of it:The authore of Phisieke. Hippocrates / & (yf we beleue poetes) Appollo / it treateth & is occupied about thynges / whiche do helpe or hurte the helthe of the body.The matter whereof it treateth. This is the mater or material cause of it / it stōdeth by know¦ledge of naturall thynges / & by expery∣mentes.The fourme. The finall cause or ende of it. Theauthour of the stoike philosophie. The mater. The forme. The ende, Thynke this to be the fourme / the ende of it is the helth of the body as farre forth as is graunted to man for to haue helth in this worlde. D. Thou ma¦kest here no mention of lucre. M. That peraduēture is the ende or pryck where vnto certaine physiciōs do laboure / but yet the ende of the arte or scyence: is the prosperouse helth of the body / lykewyse the Stoyke phylosophie hath for the au¦thoure of it: zeno / it treateth: what is vi¦re & what is vertue / it gathereth or con¦cludeth with Dialecticall reasons / it {pro}∣miseth trāquillite & quietnes of mynde: but in this lyfe onely / & it also false or di¦seytfull / for nothyng doth verily qete & set at reste the mynde of man: saue onely the grace of Chryste / which they dyd ne¦uer so much as ones dreame of.Nothīg quse¦teth the myn¦de of man: sa¦ue onelye the grace of Chri¦ste. The author The matter / The fourme / and the ende of the chrystē philosophie. But of this philosophye / of whiche thou begyn¦nest now to be a learner: the authoure is god / the matt: is vertuose lyfe / the four∣me: is the inspyratyon of the aeternall god / the ende: is the heuenly lyfe / naye rather to speake better: all these thyng{is} is god hym self. And zeno veryly in ma¦ny thynges both doth dysceyue and is dysceyued. And because he is dysceyued in the ende: it coulde not be chosen / but that he must nedes be dysceyued also in the meanes to the ende. But here where god is al in al: there can be none errour / no clowde / none ambyguyte or dowtful¦nes. He is the begynnyng: he is the pro¦gresse or myddle course / & he is the ende Seyng than / that we do fynd men / whi¦che do desyre and go about to learne hu¦mayne dyscyplynes / whithe excedynge great laboures / and great costes besto∣wed a longe tyme: with howe great fer∣uoure of mynde is it mete to learne this philosophie / which came from god / and whiche by pure & cleane lyfe / with mer∣ualouse spede bryngeth vnto that bles∣sed immortalyte? DIS.Math. xiii. Forsoth you speake of a very precyose Margarite or perle / wiche ought (and not vnworthy∣ly) to be purchased and bought: though a man sholde make sale of all the good{is} that euer he hath / to bye it withall. M. ye moreouer it is well bought: though a man purchase it with the losse of his lyfe / ye though it dyd coste hym a thou∣sant tymes his lyfe the purchase of it: yet sholde it be bought good chepe / and nothynge accordyng to the valure of it. But I thynke / it doth not nede me to re¦herce those thynges here / which mygh make the beneuolence and wellwyllyn∣ge / attente and docyle or apte to take in¦struction / it is a great spoore to prycke & prouoke a man to profyght and go fore¦ward in ony scyence or crafte:Beneuolēce Attention. Docilite. the loue of the teacher. But what thyng is more amyable or louely: than is god? nay ray¦ther / what thynge is ony whitte amya∣ble at all: besides hym? And who can be slepy / and not geue quycke attention: to here hym surely and vndowtedly promi¦synge the eternall ioyes? And he is easyly and sone made docile and apte to take instructiō: who so euer both loueth god aboue all thyng{is} / and geueth credē¦ce to hym alone in all thynges / without ony distruste or doutfulnes. DI. My mynde is kendled & enflāmed more and more. MA. But let this cōmunication had hetherto (yf thou lyst) be the fyrst in structiō or lesson / which whā thou shalt haue well recorded and laboured ouer a¦gayn to thy self / by diligene considera∣tion / desyryng & callyng for the helpe of the diuine spirite / thā retourne agayne to me / and thou shalte be taught the re∣sidue. DIS. It shall be don. The fourme. The finall cause or ende of it. Theauthour of the stoike philosophie. The mater. The forme. The ende, Nothīg quse¦teth the myn¦de of man: sa¦ue onelye the grace of Chri¦ste. The author The matter / The fourme / and the ende of the chrystē philosophie. Disciple. I Haue don / as you bad me / & I am more desirouse: thā I was: to here the residue. M. Thanke be therefore: to the moste bounteouse and benigne spirite of Chryste. Nowe it resteth or ramaineth: fyrst of all to recyte the symbole or crede vnto the: whiche thou shalt so much the soner beare away / yf thou shalt vnder∣stonde it: & shalt know both the summe or effecte: & also the ordre of the thynge. D. Therfore I longe. M. Herken than and take hede.Credo in deū patrē oīpotē∣tem creatorē celi & terre. D. Thereupon is all my mynde set. M. ☞I beleue on god the father almightie: creatoure of heuē and of earth. And on Iesu Chryst his onely sonne:Et in Iesum Christū filiū eius vnicū do¦minū nostrū qui cōceptus est de spiritu sctō / natus ex Maria virge¦ne / passus sub Poncio Pilato / cruci¦fixus / mortu∣us / et sepult{us} descēdit ad in ferna / tertia die resurrexi a motuis Ascēdit ad c¦los sedet ad dextrā dei pa¦tris oīpoten∣tis. Inde ven¦turus est iudi¦care viuos e mortuos. Cre¦do. &c. Roma. ix. Math. xii. our lorde which was cōceiued by the holy ghost: and borne of the virgine Marie. And suffred vnder Ponce Pilat was crucyfied: dede: & buried. Went dow¦ne to helle & the thyrde day rose agayne from death to lyfe. Ascended to heuens: and sitteth on the righte hād of god the father almighty. From thence shall he come / to iudge both the quyck & the dede I beleue on the holy ghost. I beleue the holy churche Catholyke: the cōmunion of saynct{is}. The forgyuen{is} of synnes: the rysynge agayn of the flesche: & the lyfe euerlastynge. Amen. D. I here of you a breffe worde. M. And thou seeste a mu∣starde sede. Now thou perciuest: I trow that there is but one god: whiche name for all that cōprehendeth thre persones: that is to witte: the father: which onely is of none other / the sone which was be¦gotten of the father / afore al tyme. The holy ghoste: whiche {pro}cedeth from them both. DIS. I perceyue. MA. Let not mannes witte imagine here ony transy¦torie or bodyly thyng / all thynges here are eternall / vnspeakable / and incompre¦hensyble / to the vnderstondynge of whi¦che / mannes reason is obscure and blyn¦de / and they are perceyuede oneleye by fayth. They are thre distincte in pro∣pretes / but they are al .iii. of one and the same substance or nature / or of one essen¦ce (which some men do suppose to be the more apte and mete worde) They are of one almyghtines / of one maieste / of one wisdome / and of one goodnes.There is an order in the diuine trinite but none ine∣qualyte. There is in dede an ordre in this trinite / but ine∣qualyte there is vtterly in it none at all For none of them is posterioure to the other / in tyme. Neyther is one of them inferyoure to annother / in dignite.The diuysyō of the Crede. The deite of them all thre: is one / & they .iii. are one god. Hereof ryseth the most ge∣nerall and most perfyghte distinction of the Symbole into partesThe father & sone are knit¦te to gether by the holye ghoste. The father hath the fyrste place / the sone hath the seconde / the holy ghoste hath the thyrde whiche is the charyte or loue / and a cer¦tayne vnspeakable bonde or knotte of thē bothe. The father maketh all thyn¦ges / the sonne restoreth thynges fallen and decayde / the holy ghost worketh to gether with them bothe. D. I vnderstō¦de you very well. MA. But in the sonne because he alone toke vnto hym the na∣ture of man his diuine nature beyng in no poynte mynyshed or chāged / though he be one {per}sone / yet is there many sub∣staunces / that is to witte / the diuine sub¦stance / In Christ but one {per}son and yet thre substaunces. which he hath all one & the same with the father and the holy ghoste / the soule of man / and the body of man / whi¦che lykewyse as he was borne very god of god his father: so was he borne a ve∣ry mā / of a womā his mother. To hym doth the church cleue: as the body of mā doth cleue to the heed. And lykewyse as that diuine spirite dothe ioyne and knyt together the father & the sonne:The churche is the misti∣call bodye of Christ ioyned to hym as to her hede / by the diuin spi∣rite. euen so doth the same spirite glue the churche vnto Christe / with a secrete and faste bonde / not able to be lowsed. The mysty¦call body therfore of Christe / occupieth the .iiii. parte of the symbole or crede. There are other diuisyons of the Crede but this diuisyon shall shew some lyght to hym / that is a begynner. Now there¦fore rehere thou the symbole agayn of thy parte. DIS. I shall with a good wyll. ☞ Credo in Deum patrem omnpotentem conditorem celi e terre. The fyrste parte of the Crede. I beleue on god the father almyghty maker of heuen and of erth MA. Here thou haste the fyrste portion. DIS. Et in Iesum Christum filium eius vnicum dominū nostrū.The seconde. And on Iesu Christe his onely sone / our lorde. MA. Now arte thou entred into the .ii. parte of the symbol which teacheth the diuine nature of Christ / wherof I tolde the be¦fore. D. Qui conceptus est de spiritu sctō / naius ex Maria virgine: Whiche was cōceyued by the holy ghost / & borne of Marie the virgine. MA. Here thou hearest the very & {per}fyght nature of man in Christ / & shalt by & by here the redēp∣tion of mankynde. DI. Passus sub Poncio Pilato crucifixus mortuus & se¦pultus est. Dyd suffre vnder Ponce Pilate / was crucified / deade / & buryed. M. Thou hearest here / besyde so many vndouted tokens declaryng hym to be a very man: the meruaylouse battayle & fygth of Chryst / with the tyraūt the de∣uyll. D. Descendit ad inferna. He descended to the helle. MA. Here thou hearest / what that blessed soulle of Chri¦ste dyd: at what tyme his deed body dyd reste in the sepulchre. DI. Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis. The thyrde day he rose from the deed. M. Thou hereste here the victorie of the heed / & the hope of the mēbres. D. Ascendit ad celos. He ascēded to the heuēs. M. Here thou hereste the triūphe of the victoriouse cō∣querour. D. Sedet ad dexterā dei patris omnipotētis. He sytteth at the ryght hande of god the father almighty. M.Mat. xxv Here thou herest the euerlastyng & insu¦perable monarchy or kyngdom of Chri¦ste / to whome is geuen al power & aucto¦rite / both in heuen & earth. D. Inde¦ventur{us} est iudicare viuos et mortuos. From thence shall he come agayn / to iudge the quycke & the deed. MA. Here thou herest his seconde comyng. For at the former tyme / he came in the humy∣lyte & ownes of the fleshe to be the sauy¦our of all mē.Christes two cōynges after two sōdry maners. At the latter tyme / he shal come in the glory of the father / to iudge both good men / & wicked men / & to geue to euery man a reward according o his deseruing{is}.Math. xvi. The. iii. D. Credo in spiritū sctūm. I beleue on the holy ghost. M. Here thou hast the .iii. parte of the symbole or crede.The. iiii. DISC.☞ Sanctam ecclesiam catholicam. I beleue the holy chur¦che. &c. MAS. Here thou haste the .iiii. parte of the Symbole / which describeth the misticall body of Christe / that is the church. Nowe if thou take Christ whol there are but thre portiōs. And the holy churche / very well & cōueniently is an∣nexed & ioyned to the holy ghost. For by the gyfte and benefyghte of this ghoste is holy: what so euer creature is veryly and truelye holy / where fore of sayncte Paule it is called the spirite of sanctify∣cation.Rom. i. This is that spirite of the spou∣se: whiche neuer departeth or goeth a∣waye from the bosome of the spousesse. And because Ecclesia in the Grek / doth betoken a congregation:Ecclesia. by this spyrite doth cleaue togyther: what so euer is well & happely ioyned or knytte to ge∣ther. This is that vnspeakable cyrcle / whiche ioyneth or coupleth to gether / the .iii. persones amonge them selues / & whiche with them also gueth good aū∣gels and good men / all together in one. For the name of the churche maye com¦prehende also the blessed spirites / all be it that god came not to redeme thē whi¦che contynued stable in that good and blessed state / in whiche they were crea∣ted. But mankynd / because it was fallē from the state / in which it was made / in the fyrst parentes Adam & Eue: it neded to haue a redemer. But nowe go forth on with the resydue of the Crede. DI. Sanctorum cōmunionem.The cōmuni¦on of saīctes thre maner wayes taken and expoūded The cōmunion of saynctes. MAG. This parcell / certayne men do so vnderstōde / that it doth by apposytion expound the nexte parcell goynge before / whiche is sanctam ecclesiam catholicam The holy catholike churche. For this worde Ecclesia (id est) Churche: is a name of societie and felowshippe / and it is a con¦tynuall & a faste vnlowse able ioynynge to gether of all the membres of Christ / amonge themselues / eche with other. How be it certayne other men do thyn∣ke rather / that the .vii. sacramentes of the churche are be tokened by these wor¦des. And certayne other agayn do thyn¦ke / by these wordes to be sygnyfyed the cōmune felowshyppe or parte takynge eche with other of all good workes. D. Bemissionem peccatorum. I be∣leue remission & forgyuenesse of synnes. MAG. Here thou dost here / what is the policie and good ordre of this cytie or cōmunaltie / in this worlde / in which worlde as there is no perfyghte felicyte euen so is there in it neither perfyghte puryte and clennes / neither full satury∣te and satisfyeng of mannes mynde. And therfore / it happeneth often tymes that they whiche haue greuously fallen in to synne: haue nede of a remedie / and that they whiche are weake and feble: haue nede of strength and hartenynge. Now either of these .ii. thyng{is} / doth the grace of god geue sufficientlye / vnto vs both by other meanes: but pryncypally and especyally by the Sacramentes of the churche. And therfore whan thou hearest remission and forgeuenesse of synnes: thou hearest a double medi∣cine or salue the one by the holy and bles¦sed bath of baptisme / and the other / by the sacrament of penaunce.Remission of synnes thorw baptisme and pnaunce. DISC. Carnis resurrectionem. I beleue the risynge agayn / of the body. MA. Here is opened & shewed vnto the / the ende of our warre / and the consummation and perfection of the church / ad either the eternall felicite: or els the eternall cala∣mite & miserie of the whole man / that is to witte / both in body and soule. DI. Et vitam eternam. And euerla∣stynge lyfe. MAG. Here thou heareste the vncomparable hire or wage / and rewarde / whiche our capitayne hathe prepayred and ordayned for his soldy∣ers: yf they warrynge faythefully accor¦dyng to the ensaumple of theyr capitay¦ne / vnder his standerde or banner / shall haue behaued them selues manfully / e∣uen vntyll theyr death. Thou hast now all the pryncypalle and generall partes of this holsome tale or Comedy / thou hast also all the actes and stenes of that heuenly order and setter forthe of this cōmedie sette in ordre by a wondre fulle and vnspekable dispensation. DIS. Are there ony that make a more subtile diuision of the Crede: than this? MA. ye there are certayne men of later tyme: whiche in stede of .xii. artycles / do make xiii. Some there are agayn / whiche make .xiiii. not accordynge to the ordre of the the texte. But folowynge this consideration / that all the artycles doo belonge either to the diuine nature of all the persones: or els to the humayn nature of Christ: or els to the misticall body of Christe / to euery one of these / they do applye certayne artycles or par¦celles & so are there made .xiiii. articles. But this distinction or diuision helpeth but smally / and is of litle wayghte or value to the purpose: that we haue in hand. For after this maner myght men ymagyne also other diuisions / accordyn¦ge to the diuersite of mennes wittes / and to the diuerse considerations that may be made of the same thynges. Et in Iesum Christū filiū eius vnicū do¦minū nostrū qui cōceptus est de spiritu sctō / natus ex Maria virge¦ne / passus sub Poncio Pilato / cruci¦fixus / mortu∣us / et sepult{us} descēdit ad in ferna / tertia die resurrexi a motuis Ascēdit ad c¦los sedet ad dextrā dei pa¦tris oīpoten∣tis. Inde ven¦turus est iudi¦care viuos e mortuos. Cre¦do. &c. Roma. ix. Math. xii. But that is the princypall & heed poynt of all: that he sayth here the world to ha¦ue ben myghtyly created of god / and of the same god / by his sone / to haue ben wysely & mercyfully redemed / the begyn¦nyng & decourse of the churche the holy ghost gouernyng it by his secret inspira¦tyons & breathynges / the cōsummation and perfection of the churche whan the sonne shall delyuer his kyngdome hole / perfyghte and quiete to his father. DI. Certayne men doo assygne and geue to euery one of the Apostles: one artycle of this Crede. MAG. yf they that so do saye true / than are they disceyued: whi¦che had leuer make .xiiii. artycles.For what in∣tente it was deuised / that the Apostles made ech one of them one articule of the Crede. But yet neuer the lesse this was profyghta∣bly deuysed & fownde out: to thentente doutlesse that suche as were vnlettred: myghte at ones with one laboure / as it were by ymages sette in ordre: empryn and graue faste in thyr remembraunce / both the names of the Aposteles / & also euery one of the articles. For it shold be very conueniente and accordynge / that all the parlers and closettes of Chriten men were decked & adourned with such maner tables / as these. DIS. O good lorde / how copyouse philosophie or wis∣dome is comprehended in this so lytle / and so shorte a symbole? MAG. But i is very probable & lykely / that amonge thē in olde tyme the crede was yet shor∣ter / than this. For it sholde seme / that they made an ende of the crede with this clause. Inde venturus est iudicare viuos et mortuos. From thence shall he come to iudge the quycke & the deed. This may we gather of the symbole of Athanasius / whiche / though he doth declare this symbole: yet doth he touche none of these thyng{is}. Neither doth the symbole / whiche is reherced in the cano¦nes / for the symbole made in the coūcell holden at Nice: go ony further than the aforesayde clause / saue onely / that it ad∣deth these wordes. Et in spiritum sanctum. And in the holy ghoste / whi¦che same symbole besyde this / diffreth in many wordes / bothe from this symbo∣le / and also from that symbole or crede / whiche is songen in the masse / whiche semeth to haue ben made in the synode holdē at Cōstantinople. The same also is gathered of Tertulliā / as of his boke made agaynste Praxea. Agayn of the boke de virginibus velandis / in the be∣gynnyng. Also in the boke de prescripti∣onibus hereticorum. DIS. Is ony of those thynges than superfluose: whiche are added afterwardes? MAG. God forbydde. But these thynges haue ben added and put to be cause of cōtentiouse and grosse persones / that the speche sholde be more expresse and euidente: ra¦ther than fuller & perfighter. For whan thou hearest these wordes. Qui con¦ceptus est de spiritu sancto. whiche was cōceyued by the holy ghost: thou herest the profession and knowledgynge of the thirde persone. Agayn whan thou herest passus est: that Christ hath suffred: thou vnderstondest also forth with the chur∣che / for whiche he dyd suffre. For our lorde dyd nother suffre for aungelles / whiche neded it not / neyther for the de∣uilles: whiche were fallne neuer to be re¦payred or restored / agayn muche lesse thā dyd he suffre for beast{is}. Thou herest also the fountayne of all remission / for neither baptisme / neither the sacramē of penaunce / hath theyr efficacie and strength from ony where els: than from the precyouse death of Christ. Also whā thou herest Tertia die resurrer a mortuis ascēdit in celos. That he rose gayn from death / & assended into heuē thou seeste the rysynge agayn of the bo∣dyes to be shewed / which we do all loke for with sure and stedfaste hope. For the heade raignynge in heuen / wyll not suf∣fre his membres to be vnperfyghte and lackyng theyr one halffe. He rose agayn whole and perfyghte: and so shall we al so ryse agayn whole and perfighte. Last of all / whan thou hearest. Inde ven¦trus est iudicare viuos et mortos. From thence shall he come to iudge the quycke and the deade: this worde iudica∣re to iudge doth signifie & shewe the dy∣uerse rewardes of good mē / & of wicked synners / whiche after warde was sayde more planly by these wordes. Et vitā eternam. And the euerlastynge lyfe. D. Why is this Crede called the symol of the apostles?why the com¦mūe Crede is called the sim¦bole of the Apostles. M. That by this tytle it mighte be distincte and knowne from the other Symboles / that is from the Symbol made in the councell holden at Nice. From the symbol made in the coū¦cell holden at Constantinople / from the symbol of Athanasi{us} / & many other sym¦bol{is} / of many other mēnes makyng & it is very probable & lykely / that this was the fyrste symbole of all / that euer was made. And lykewise as in the olde tyme amōg those barbarouse / symple & truely knowynge no fraud or gyle / euen in the greateste bargayns of all / either there were no maner oblygations or enden∣tures at all / or els they were very shorte wrytyng{is} / and it was sufficiente to ma∣ke a note in a paper / I do frely geue or bequethe so many acres of londe / to su∣che or suche a churche: euen so as longe as the puryte and synceryte of the fayth was quycke and stronge in the myndes of men: either there was no nede at all of this wrytynge or oblygacyon / or els it was sufftciente for it to be comprehen¦ded in very few wordes.The curiosi∣te of philoso∣phers: & the peruersite of heretikes / ga¦ue the occasi∣on of makyn∣ge so many & so lōg Credes The wicked cu¦ryosyte of philosophers / and the peruer¦site of heretikes / was the occasion of so many wordes and so many symboles to be brought in / and euen lykewise as the crafte and subtyle falsehed of men / hath ben the cause: that in bargayns nowe a dayes there is nede of so many & so lon¦ge instrumentes and wrytyng{is}. But in none of all the churches dyd the feruent loue of holynes and vertue / and the syn∣ceryte of the faythe longer contynue in vigoure & strength / neither haue fewer heresyes: nor more slowlye cropen in to ony congregation or churche: than into the church of Rome: wold god that the pleasures of this world had no more plē¦tuosly flowen vnto it / ye moreouer euen this selffe same Crede / whiche sayncte Cipriane hath expounded and declared is somwhat shorter:Credo in d pre oīpotēte. Et in Iesu Christo filio eius vnico do¦mino nostro qui natus es de spiritu san¦cto / ex Maria virgine. Cru∣cifixus sub Poncio Pi∣to / et sepult{us} est. Tertia die resurrexit. Ascēdit in ce∣los sedet ad dextrā patris Inde ventu∣rus iudicare viuos et mortuos. Et in spiritu sctō / sctām ce¦elestiā / remissi¦onem peccato¦rum. Huius carnis resur∣rectionem. thā this is of owers as we do saye it. DIS. I beseche you reherce it to me / yf it shall be no payne or greffe to you. MAG. Herken than. Credo in d pre oīpotēte. Et in Iesu Christo filio eius vnico do¦mino nostro qui natus es de spiritu san¦cto / ex Maria virgine. Cru∣cifixus sub Poncio Pi∣to / et sepult{us} est. Tertia die resurrexit. Ascēdit in ce∣los sedet ad dextrā patris Inde ventu∣rus iudicare viuos et mortuos. Et in spiritu sctō / sctām ce¦elestiā / remissi¦onem peccato¦rum. Huius carnis resur∣rectionem. ☞ I beleue in god the father almygh¦ty. And in Iesu Christe his onely sonne our lorde / whiche was borne by the ho∣ly ghoste of the virgine Marie: was cru¦cyfyed vnder Poce Pilate: & buryed. He rose agayn the thyrde daye: he ascē∣ded to the heuens: & sytteth on the ryght hande of the father. From thence shall he come to iudge the quycke & the dede. And in the holy ghoste. I beleue the ho¦ly churche. The remyssyon of synnes. And the rysynge agayn of this body. DIS. I perceyue here many thynges to be lefte out: and somewhat also to be added. MAG. And sayncte Ciprian doth not dissemble or hyde that / for forth with in the fyrste artycle / he doth shewe that specyally & chefly in the churches of the easte is added. I beleue in god the father almysthty vnuysyble and vn¦passyble. Agayn he sayth that addytion he wente downe into helle: not to be hadde in the Symbole or Crede vsed in the churche of Rome / lykewise agayn in that percelle the risynge agayn of this fleshe: he confessethe and knowled∣gethe the pronowne this to be added in the churche of Carthago. There do wante somthynges / nay raither they do not wante: but are vnderstonden of other thynges / whiche are expressed and sette out alredy. Saynt Cipriane semethe not to adde this sentence. The creature and maker of heuen and of earthe. But he gathereth this of the Greke worde Pantocrator.Pātocrator. For this worde dothe not somuche syg∣nyfie one that is almyghty: as it dothe sygnyfie one that holdeth all thynges / and that rulethe all thynges / whiche worde dothe not expresse and shewe / that the worlde was created and made by god: but it dothe telle vs and putte vs in knowledge and remembraunce / that it is gouerned of god. Nowe wolde he not gouerne the worlde / that had ben created and made of another. And for as muche as euen the very gen¦tyles or paynymes / by the informacyon and teachynge of poetes / doo beleue / that the world was created by god / and seynge that also the boke of Genesis dothe inculcate and reherce the same thynge by so manye wordes: they iud∣ged this partycle to be more euydente than that it neded to be expressed. These wordes also were lefte out / qui conceptus est: because in the Gospell it is sayde.☞ Natum est for concep∣tum est / for thus speaketh the aungell to Ioseph / ☞quod enim in eanatum est de spiritu sancto estid est:Math. . ☞ For that whiche is conceyued in her: is of the holy ghoste. Therfore this worde natum est / whiche is cōmune bothe to the chylde that is conceyued / and to the chylde that is brought forth into this worlde: semed to the olde fa∣thers a more propre and a more mete and conuenyente worde / to signifie and betoken / that thynge to haue ben do by the workynge of the diuine spirite / in as muche as neither in the concey∣uynge was there ony concupyscence of man: neither in the deliueraūce or byrth was there ony violation of the virgi∣nall dignyte or integryte and clennes / Besydes this / this worde conceptus soundeth or sygnyfyeth a certayne thyn¦ge without facyon and vnperfyghte. For by lytle & lytle doth the sede crudde or grow to gether in the matryce of the woman: and afterwarde taketh lyffe & soule: These thynges to saye of the con∣ception of our lorde: we are afrayd. Agayn in the article folowyng / he doth not say he suffred vnder Ponce Pilate so as we do saye: but he sayde was cru¦cified: that he myghte not onely expresse the death of hym: but also the maer & kynde of his death: neither doth he adde was deed: but onely sayeth was buryed. For to that entente are men hanged on the crosse that they shold there dye: nei∣ther are men buried: excepte they be vn∣dowtedly deed. And also whan he ad∣deth and rose agayn: that is to saye: he reuiued agayn: in so sayenge he doth o∣penly and playnly enough professe / that he was deed. And saynct Augustin doth not dysagree or varye in this poynt frō Ciprian / which repeteth it in this wise. Therfore we do beleue vpō hym: whi¦che was crucyfyed: and buryed vnder Ponce Pilate. Neither dyd Cipriane saye. He rose agayn from deed men: but onely / he rose agayn the thyrd day. For no man reuiueth agayn: but from death. And whan he sayth. That he syt∣teth on the ryghte hande of the father: he addeth not of god / neither almyghty which two wordes do seme to haue ben added and put to / out of the symbole of Athanasiu. For what dyd it nede to ex¦presse these wordes here in this place / seynge that it hath before called the fa∣ther of Iesu: god almighty? Neither doth he rede thus. Credo in spiritū san∣ctum. I beleue on the holy ghoste: leste he mighte seme to begyne a newe sym∣bole or crede / but hauynge respecte / and reformynge his speche vnto those thyn∣ges that wente before / he had leuer vn∣derstande the verbe Credo: whiche was also vnderstonded whan he spake of the sonne. I beleue in god the father / and in his onely sonne / and in the holy ghoste. For it is all one faith: by whiche we do beleue the .iii. persones of one essence. And anone after in the nexte article / he sayth not in sanctā ecclesiam: but leueth out the prepositiō in shewyng the cause with many wordes / why that prepositi∣on is not to be added. Neither doth he adde this worde catholicā / nomore dot saynt Austine neither adde it in the sym¦bole: but he addeth it in his interpretati¦on / sayenge vti{que} catholicam that is to witte catholique. And what neded it to adde this worde catholique: seyng that there is no churche holy / but onely the catholique churche / which churche this Epitheton or adiectiue stām holy disse¦uereth from all the churche of heretikes of the Iewes: and of the paynyms / and whan he sayth. And in the holy ghost / & by & by after doth put these wordes / the holy churche: leuyng out also the prepo¦sition in: it is euidente that Ciprian dyd not rede in sctām ecclesiā. And to make an ende: that laste clause / & euerlastynge lyfe is also lefte out. But this was suffi∣ciently vnderstonded of the worde resur¦rection or risyng agayn that wēte nexte before / in which is cōprehended the son∣dry & diuerse rewardes of good men and wicked men. And also of that clause gone before: to iudge the quycke and the deade / as we haue sayd before. And that Cipriane dyd rede the Symbole none other wise than I haue recyted / it is e∣udente and easye to perceyue / not one∣ly by his interpretation and declarati∣on made vpon the same: but also by the Epiloge or recapytulatyon whiche he putteth to afterwarde in the ende. For there shewynge that onely to the father sonne / and holy ghoste is added this pre¦position in / and not in ony wyse to the other articles: he reciteth in this wise. ☞ Sequitur nan{que} post hunc sermo∣nem. Sanctam ecclesiam. Remissionē peccatorum. Huius carnis resurrectio∣nem. Non dixit in sanctam ecclesiam. Nec in remissionem peccatorum. Nec in carnis resurrectionem. Which s thus muche to saye in Englyshe. For it foloweth after these wordes. The ho∣ly churche. The remyssyon of synnes. The rysynge agayn of this fleshe. It seyde not in the holy churche. Nor in the remyssyon of synnes. Nor in the rysynge agayn of the fleshe. Moreouer beynge abowt warde to expounde and declare this article. The rysynge agayn of the fleshe: he maketh this pre∣face. Sed vltimus iste sermo qui resur¦rectionem pronunciat / summam totius perfectionis succincta breuitate conclu∣dit (whiche is thus muche to saye) But these laste wordes and speche / whiche dothe pronunce and shewe the resurre∣ction / doth conclude & comprehende the umme and effecte of al the hole perfecti¦on / with cōpendiouse breffnes / dothe he not here opēly call this clause the laste? And these .ii. wordes vitā eternā Euer∣lastynge lyfe: seme to haue ben added of some man either out of the symbole of Athanasius: or ls out of that Crede / whiche is songe in the masse. Neither doth saint Augustin rede ony other wise in his lytle boke made of the Symbole / saue onely / that for de spiritu sancto: he redeth per spiritum sanctum / and whe∣ther he dyd adde this clause vitam ter∣nam or no it is not very euydente: but it is very probable & lykely / that he dothe agree with Cipriane / dowtles he tou∣cheth not this perceille he wente downe to helle: neither doth he adde this pro∣noune huius carnis of this fleshe. And Cipriane / seynge that he hath shewed in other poyntes / yf there were ony discre∣paunce or variannce: he wolde also no doute of it haue geuen knowledge in other thyng{is} / yf it hadde ben ony other∣whise in the Romane Symbole / than hymselfe doth recyte. DIS. Seynge that there is so greatte diuersite and va¦riete in so fewe wordes: what shame is there in them (& suche there be certayne) whiche do fastly affirme with asseuerati¦on / that this symbole was made and ge¦uen of the Apostles by cōmune assente / and that also in writynge? For who dur¦ste be so bolde to adde vnto orels to take awaye euen but one tytle from the wri∣tynge of ony Apostle: whiche so euer he were? MAG. A certayn kynge of the Lacedemonians / whan he was asked of a certayne persone / why the officers called Ephori dyd not ryse vp and geue reuerence to the kynge: made aunswere and sayde / euen for this cause: because they are Ephori. So lykewyse may I nowe make the / aunswere / they do affir∣me this after suche maner / euen for this cause: because they are men / yf they ha∣ue redde ony thynge in theyre workes / whiche haue writen of late tyme: that do they holde faste / and cleue vnto with tothe and nayle / but yf a man do alledg or brynge forthe vnto them ony thynge of the olde authoures / whiche they do not rede (such is the scrupulouse feare of them) they do suspecte and mistruste (as it is in the prouerbe) that vnder euerye stone doth slepe a scorpion. DIS. Is not this than the symbole of the Apost∣les? MAG. yes werily / for what soo euer is taughte here in this Crede / the Apostles dyd learne of Christ / and that which they had learned of hym: they ha¦ue truely and faythefully taught to vs. A fewe wordes / do not chaunge the vn∣changeable veryte. But these thynges now set a parte (yf thow thynke it best) make recourse agayn from the begyn∣nyng to the endyng / & demaūd of euery thyng particularly / in such wyse as the spirite shall put into thy mynde. DIS. you haue shewed and taughte vnto me / wh the fyrst place or begynnyng is ge∣u o the father / that is to witte / for that he is the foūtayne or spryng of the hole godhede / & all creatures. But why doth it call the father onely god / & the sonne onely lorde / and the ghoste nothyng els but holy: seynge that the deite of them thre is all one?The cōmune vsage of the scripture in speakynge of the persones of the god¦hed. MAG. This is the coustome and vsage of the holy scriptu∣re / that otherwhiles whan it doth spea∣ke of the persones: it dothe sygnyfie the father by this name god / as for exaum∣ple / our lorde hymselfe sayth in the Go∣spell. yf you do beleue in god beleue al¦so in me / and saynt Paule sayth.Ihān. xiii. God was in Christe reconcilynge the worlde to hymselfe. Agayn God hathe not spared his owne sonne. But of innume∣rable places in the scripture it is mani∣fest and euidente: that it is one and the same godhed of them all thre / whan our lorde sayth in the gospell these wordes. ☞Baptizinge them in the name of the father and of the sonne and of the holye ghoste.Math. 48. None of all the .iii. persones is called by this name god: to thentente / that we sholde vnderstonde and percey∣ue them all thre to be one god. For one∣ly god doth thorow fayth and baptisme forgeue synnes. Other whiles also the same scriptures do signifie the sonn / by the name of god / as whan we do saye / that god was made man for the saluati¦on of mankynde / was borne of a vir∣gine / was deade / and rose agayn from death to lyfe. For neither dyd the father neither the holy ghoste / take vpon them the nature of man / or suffre death. DI. Maye it by onye sensible argumente or token be declared and shewed / howe the thre persones are sayde to be dystyncte and sondrye one from another: and yet are one god? MAG. There is nothyng amonge creatures: whiche proprelye maye be sayde to be lyke to the nature of god. Neither are there ony wordes of men / with whiche we maye proprelye speake of it / neither are there ony images or si∣militudes of mānes mynde / which may perfightly agree vnto the diuine essen∣ce. And iniurie is don to that incompa∣rable maieste alwayes to be had in ho∣noure: yf it be rashely and ouer boldlye cōpared with naturall & worldly thyn∣ges. Howe be it yet / I shall shewe the a certane similitude / but farre vnlyke to it.The fyrste similitude of the sonne and the sonne bea¦mes / and the heate caused of the sonne: & his bames. Beholde and considre the sonne / and the beames that come from it / and than the heate / that cometh forth and is cau¦sed of theym bothe. As the sonne is the fountayne / out of whiche cometh bothe the lyghte / & the heate: so is the father the fountayne out of which yssueth the sonne / whiche is lyghte of lyghte. And as of the sonne and of the bealmes both together / cometh the heate or warmnes so from the father and the sonne bothe together / procedeth and comethe forthe the holy ghoste Now imagine me / that there were a sonne / whiche neuer hadde begynnynge / neither euer shall haue en∣dyng: shold there not than of this sonne come forth eternall bealmes? and sholde also there not from them bothe procede heate egally etarnall with them bothe? DIS. yes dowtles. MAG.The .ii. simili¦tude of the mynde / reasō & wylle. This collation & similitude also pleaseth some men / Mynde / Reason / and wyll / are all in. but one & the same soule. The mynde is the fountayne and orygynall / reason that cometh of it doth iudge / & the wylle that procedeth and issuethe from them both doth loue. So lykewise the father is the foūtayne: the sonne is logos / that is to saye / reason. The holy ghost is cha¦ryte or loue.The .iii. sm∣litude & most alowed. The thyrde similitude: and whiche is most alowed of learned men: is of the mynde / and of the worde concei¦ued in the mynde. Now yf there were a mynd / that were increated: dowtles the worde of that mynd also shold be increa¦ted. But that we may comprehende the holy ghoste also in this similitude / lette vs imagine fyrst a mynde / and secōdary¦ly a worde broughte forth and gendred of it / and in suche wyse stryekynge the eares of other men: that yet neuer the lesse it dyd remayne and abyde stylle in the herte / than thyrdly the breath / with out whiche the mynde dothe not vtter or pronounce the worde. The father is the minde / the sonne: is th worde con∣ceyued in the mynde / the holy ghoste: is the pronunciation and vtteraunce.The .iii. simi¦tude. The father also after a certayne maner may be lykened to the fountayne or sprynge / the son̄e to the ryuer / that cometh forth of the sprynge. The holy ghoste to the fertilite and plenteousnes of the feldes / which the spryng geueth or causeth by or thorow the ryuer.There can be no perfighte simylytudes taken of ony creatures / to declare the mysteries of the godhed sufficientlye. But in these exaū∣ples / there are excedynge many thyng{is} dysagreyng & vnlyke to the persones in the godhede. For the beame is not the same thynge that is the sonne: admyt∣ted that it be a substaūce. And the heate is but an accydente: and not a substaun¦ce / so farre is it awaye from beynge all one with the sonne / & with the beames. And our worde is an accidēte and a trā∣sitory thynge / and the breath wherwith we doo vtter and pronounce the wrde / is an accidēte (for that it is the mouyng of the ayere) lykewise as the fertilite al∣so of the feldes is no substaunce: neither is it all one & the same thynge with the fountayne & the ryuer / wherfore let vs laye a parte these symylituds and lyke¦nesses. And that thynge / whiche mānes reason can not attayne vnto nor {per}ceyue / let fayth holde & stedfastly beleue. That thyng which holy scripture doth teahe whiche Chryste beynge corporallye in arth dyd teache / whiche hath ben con∣firmed with so many miracles / whiche the spirite of Chryste doth teach by the churche: that thynge (I saye) is to be ac¦compted and taken for more certayne & vndowted / than is that thynge / whiche hath ben proued by a thousand euident and playne demonstrations / or whiche thou doste perceyue .vi.C. bodyly sen¦ses: yf thou haddest so many. DIS. Is it not lawfull than to inquyere / and ma¦ke serche of the diuine thynges? MA.To whome & how farre forthe it is lawfull to en¦serche of god¦ly thynges. yes veryly it is lawfull namely to those whiche haue theyr wittes well exercised but it muste be done with drede / it must be done sobrelye / it muste be done / after that they haue sette a sure fundation or grounde warke of faythe / fynally as far¦re forthe / and no farder: than is graun∣ed to man in this mortall lye / in whi∣che we do see god by faythe: But as i were in a glasse / and in a ryddle and ob∣scure maner. For els to speke of the diui¦n nature / euen so as it is in very dede / not the very mynd{is} of aūgel{is} are able to cōprehend it / so that there is place euen there vnto fayth which doth beleue that thynge / whiche passeth all reason & vn∣derstondynge of ony creature created. Therfore by good ryght the fyrst worde of this philosophie is Credo I beleue.Credo. DIS. Two syllables? MA. ye / but who so euer speaketh thes two syllabes from his very herte / vnfaynedly: he is blessed. For no man doth beleue verylye and truly in god:who onely doth verelye beleue in god but onely he / whiche dothe take for certayne and vndoubted thynges / what so euer thynges are wri∣ten in the bokes of the holy scrypture / hopyng without ony doutfullnes or dy¦struste all such thyng{is} / as the sayd scrip∣tures do promyse. And whiche in this lyfe doth put hymselfe / and his / and all his goodes / vnto the wyll of god: forsa∣kynge and renouncynge his owne wyll in all thynges. Although a thousande deathes wer threttened vnto hym / and thoughe all the hole power of the de∣uylles wolde go about to do hym mys∣cheffe: he is very sure and saffe from all daungere / who so euer hath settled hym self faste on this rocke / yf this faithe do wante or fayle: neither doth baptisme / neither ony sacramentes of the churche proufighte ony whitte or auayle: nether doth any good workes helpe ony whit to eternall saluation. For Paule doth proounce i to be synne: what so euer is without fayth.The cōme∣dation of Fayth. This faythe coupleth and ioynethe vs to god the father / this same dothe associate vs to Christe our hede / this same faythe / by the spirite of Christe / doth make vs to be chosen and taken into the noumbre of the sonnes of god. This same faythe / dothe graffe vs into the eternall cōpany & felowshyppe of Aungells / and of all holy sayntes. This fayth doth shyne before vs / & geue vs lyghte in the darknes of this lyfe: sheweng what is verily to be eschewed / and what to be folowed & desyred. This fayth doth arme vs / and make vs bolde without ony feare / & inuincible agaynst all the engynes / and all the ordinaunce of the world & of the deuille. This fayth doth mightely and effectuesly coumfor vs in trybulation & aduersite: with the hope of the heuenly good or felicite / ha∣uyng this saying alwayes in her mouth ☞yf god be on our syed: who can be agaynst vs? And that sayenge also. The afflictions and tribulatiōs of this worlde / are not worthy of the glorye to come / which shall be shewed in vs. This fayth doth truly quiete and sette at reste the mynde of man. Of this faythe after the mynde of saynte Paule dothe come: and vnto it is to be wihted or imputed / what so euer thynge at ony tyme hathe ben don strongely / vertuosly / and tem∣perately / of suche as haue ben excellente in holynesse. By this fayth we do lyue well beloued of God: by this faythe / we doo dye cherefullye / and with good truste towarde god / by this faythe we are created vp vnto blessed immortalyte Agayn of the defaulte & wante of fayth what euylles do springe of vnbeleffe.springeth superstition / sorcerie / idolatry and couetousnes cosen to it / Ambition / Blasphemy / heuynes / desperation / pride feare of death / desyre of vengeaunce / fy∣nally what so euer vices or synnes doo raygne in the hole worlde. DIS. Ueri¦ly I do here many men oftentymes wy¦shynge to themselues / prosperouse heal∣the / longe lyfe / and ryches. But I do here very few men / that do desyere this so excellentely a good gyfte of god. MAG. No meruayle thereof / for ve∣rily there are but fewe: that doo knowe what thynge / and after what maner is to be desyred and prayed for. For this gyfte of faythe: it were mete and conue∣nyente / contynually and Luce. x. without ceas¦syng to knocke at the eares of god / that he wolde vouchesaffe to geue vs faythe: and to encreace his gyfte in vs euerye daye more and more. DISC. yet ne∣uer the lesse the comune sorte and moste parte of men do calle those that are not very wyse: Credulos / that is to saye re∣dye to geue credence. And a certayne wyse man of the Hebrues dothe name those persones leues corde: lyghte myn∣ded: whiche doo easylye and soon geue credece. MAG. Fyrste it is no poynte neither of lyghtnes / neither of credulite to geue credence to those thynges: whi∣che thynges: it hath by so manye argu∣mentes and euydente tokens ben decla¦red: to come not from men: but from god. Paule sayth:☞ that he wolde not geue credence:Galat. . no not euen to an Aūgell yf he dyd teache ony thynge dissonaunt or dysagreynge from the Gospelle of Christe. But rather it is a poynte of ar∣rogance and presumptuose folyshenes: to dowte of these thynges: whiche haue ben taughte and geuen to vs withe soo greatte authorite: and therefore: saynte Paule writeth / Roma. i. that the folishe herte of the philosophers was blynded: because the lyghte of fathe was absente yf ony man beyng vnlettred / wold bable and striue agaynst suche a philosopher / as was Arystotle or Pythagoras / or yf there haue ben ony other conynger thā either of thē both / whan he dyd dyspute de materia prima / of the principles and causes of thynges / de infinito / or of the largenes / the mouynge: and the vertue of the heuenly speres / and wolde dowte of euery thyng / that hymselfe could not by his one witte attayn vnto / and per∣ceyue: shold he not be called an arrogāt and madde foole? But how much great∣ter madnes is it / there fore not to geue credence to the diuine philosophie: be∣cause mannes vnderstandynge can not attayne to the perceyuynge of many thynges? And there is by a thousand partes more difference betwen god and man / be he neuer so greatly learned: thā is betwen the wiseste man that is / & the moste folyshe swyneherde that is. DI. It is euen very so in dede. MA. Among philosophers / he is accompted a person shameles: yf ony man wold reiecte and not receyue the authorite of an excellen and a good approued authoure (for the dyscyples of Pythagoras thoughte it enoughe to cause persuasion and beleffe of ony thynge to say (ipse dixit) our mai¦ster Pythagoras sayde it) And dothe he that is a Christen man:Ipse dixit. drawe backe / & be harde to geue credence: whan he hea∣reth these wordes. God hath sayd this. God hathe done this? Of the kynges writte no man dothe dowte / yf it be so / that he knowe the kynges seale at it / how great folyshenes and presumption is it than / to dowte of the diuine thyng{is} which are so many maner wayes sealed as we haue shewde before? DI. whils you do reasone & dispute these thynges I do perceyue and fele the sede of fayth to encreace euen in me also. But why dothe this fourme and maner of spea∣kynge please them / Credo in deū: whi¦che good and pure Latin men do scasely acknowledge and alowe? MA. Many philosophers also crediderūt deum:Credere deū. that is: dyd beleue: that there is god. And the deuylles also credūt deo:Credere deo. that is to say geue credence to god. For they knowe / that he can not lye. But onelye good & vertuose men Credece in de¦um or in deo. credunt in deum / or in deo: which haue set theyr hole trust and cōfidence / and theyr hole hope stedfastly in god.Onelye good and vertuose men Credunt in deū: do be∣leue or truste in god. Wherfore saynt Cipriane beyng a man both learned / and also holy: doth not thynke / that we sholde rede in this wise. Credo in sanctam ecclesiam: but credo sanctam ecclesiam. And veryly I do knowledge and graunt this sense of his: to be a holy & a godly sence / for the greattest and the shote ancre of our con∣fidence and hope / is not to be fastely set: but onely in god / but in very dede this figure or maner of speakynge / was takē of the propretie of the Hebrue tonge. Which oftentymes doth vse to adde and put to / the preposition in: where the la∣tyne tonge dothe not suffre it. And the Apostles / although they wrote in greke yet for all that do otherwhiles expresse and folowe the propriete of theyr naty∣ue language / as for exaūple / in the .iiii. chapitoure of Luke.Luce. xiiii. Si potest in decē milibus occurrere. Whether he beable with .x. thousande to withstande hym. Nowe yf it were in no wise lawfulle to adde this preposition in / soo ofte as we do speke of humane thynges: how shall we excuse that / whiche saynte Luke the Euangelyste writheth in the .xii. chapi∣toure.☞ Qui in me confessus sucrit coram homi¦nibus: et filius hominis confitebitur in illo coram angelis (id est)Luce. xi. who so euer shall confesse and knowledge me afore men: the sonne of man also shal acknow¦ledge hym afore the Aungels of god? But yet the preposytion dothe seme to adde some strengthe or pithe to the ora∣tion or speche. To saye Confido in te: I can not telle / whether it be good & pure Latyne. But fiduciam habeo in te (id est) I haue truste in the. And in te spes mea sita est (id est) my hope is set in the: is well sayde / though Spero in te / those men dare not saye: which do somewhat relygiouslye and preciselye obserue the elegauncie of the Latyne speche. Where fore lette vs now passe ouer the dyspu∣tation of the fourme and maner of spea∣kynge / how it may be excused / and lette vs embrace the thynge it selfe with our hole harte and mynde / layenge vp all our hole hope / neither in Aungells / nei∣ther in holy men: but onely in god. DIS. Why doth it not saye. Credo in vnum deum (that is tho saye) I beleue in one god? MAGISTER. Because he that dothe nowe speake so / doth more stronglye and effectually ex∣clude the pluralyte and multitude of god¦des. For no man dothe speake in this wyse (vidi vnum solē: id est: I haue sene one sonne. Exortus est vnus sol: id est: one sonne is rysen / vidi vnam lunam: id est: I haue sene one moone) For as muche as neuer so muche as this ima∣gination dothe come in to the mynde of ony man: that there is: or can be mo son¦nes or mo moones thā one. But he that sayth I haue sene one sonne risyng doth put the hearers in dowte / as though he dyd thynke / that there were manye son∣nes or manye moones / and who so euer wold vse that maner of speakyng: shold be accompted for a foole / and laughed to scorne. For that thynge / that is abso∣lutely and symplycyter hyghest: can be but one thynge. DIS. Why is it than sayde in this symbole (whiche as certay¦ne men do wene / was made in the coun∣cell holden at Nice.The crede which is son¦ge at masse: was made in the coūcellhol¦den at Cōstā¦tinople. But as thou doste suppose / was made in the councell holdē at Constantinople) that I here songen in the masse. Credo in vnū deum: id est: I beleue in one god? MA.why this worde vnum was added. This worde vnum was added and put to afterwar∣des / not so muche agaynste the hethen Paynymes / which dyd worshype many goddes as agaynst heretykes. Amonge whome: some dyd dreame: that there are duo principia (id est) two principles or cheffe causes the one of good: & the other of euylle. Other some agayn dyd diuide one god into two goddes the one of thē: whome they called ryghtuose god: they dyd affirme to be the authoure of the olde testamente / and the other of them they sayd to be the authoure of the new testamente: whome they dyd professe to be a good god / but not rightuose: where as in very dede: there is but onelye one god / the maker of all good creatures. For of euyll thynges: god is not the au∣thoure.Genesis .i. For he considred all thynges / whiche he had made and created & they were very good. The same god is rygh∣tuose & good. The same is the authoure of the olde lawe: and also the authoure of the new testamente. And the same is the vnmutable gouernour of all tymes. But whan I doo saye / that god is not the Authoure of euylles: I meane of synnes / and not of afflictions or tribula¦tions.Affliction is good / for .iii skylles. For the affliction or tribulation / whiche god doth sende to men: is good / either because it is rightuose / as whan it is layde vpon vs for our synnes: or els because it is a medicine to make vs re∣pente and waxe wise: or els because it is the mater and occasion of greater glorie which kynde of cuylles for al that / shold neuer haue ben amonge men: yf there had neuer ben synne / and synne came of the deuyll & of the corrupted concupiscē¦ce of man. DI. why doth it adde patrē father? MA. For a distinction of hym from the other persones / for it foloweth anone after. Et in Iesum Christū fili¦um eius vncū. And in Iesu Christe his onely sonne / he alone is called father: be¦cause he alone begate the sonne. Howe be it yf this worde god be so taken / that it do declare the hole trinite / and do cō∣prehende all the .iii. persones together / than is god well called a father / because he is the begynnynge & originall cause of all thynges created. And yf thou vn∣derstonde this word father in a generall sence / for that / of which ony thynge ta∣keth originall begynnynge / than is the fyrst persone father simpliciter of all thī¦ges / he hath not begottē the holy ghost but no more hathe he begotten neither man / nor aungell of his one substaunce. But because after a peculiare maner he is sayd to be the father of those / that do drede or feare hym: after the same ma∣ner he is sayde to be the god of them in the .xxxii. Psalme. Blessed is the nati¦on or poeple: whiche haue the lorde to theyr god. And likewyse in the .cliii. ps. But that god hath begottē a sonne of his oune substaūce this is proprely belō¦gyng to the fyrst persone / he created the worlde:Iacobi. i. but not he alone / he begetteth good men thorow the worde of lyfe: but he doth it by the sonne: and by the holy ghoste. But the onelye sonne: none saue the father alone hath begottē. D. what? lykewise as one man begetteth another man? MA. ye lykewise forsoth in these poyntes that he begatte a sonne / & that he begatte god of god. But as I haue sayde before in euery collation or cōpa∣rison & similitude / whiche is translated from creatures vnto god: there are ma∣ny thynges disagreynge and farre vn∣lyke. For neither the father dothe trans¦fuse or geue from hy ony parte of his substaūce into the sonne: but he hath cō¦mūicated the same hole substaūce to his sonne: neither do he that begetteth: & he that is begottē make two goddes: so as the father beyng a mā & the son̄e beyng a mā do make .ii. men) Neither is the personne that begetteth: in tyme ony whit afore the {per}sonne / that is begottē: but the eternite of them both is all one. I passe ouer to reherce other thynges / wiche are innumerable. DI. whan one man adopteth / or of fauoure taketh another man vnto his sonne: he doth not verely begette hym. But whā he hath a sonne by his wyfe: than he is sayde to haue verylye begotten a sonne / because he hath don it accordynge to na¦ture: yf it be so than / as you do saye / that the father dothe begette the sonne / soo many maner wayes vnlyke to the faciō that a man begetteth a sonne: howe can he be sayde veryly to begette hym? M. yes verily / he doth by so much the more truely begette: in that he doth begette in vnlyke maner vnto man: that is to say / he dothe so muche the more perfightlye begette. For the generation of man / cō∣pared vnto that vnspeakable generati∣on / it is but only a certayne shadowe of generation. For yf it be called amonge vs true generation / because it is accor∣dynge to the nature of man: muche more ryghtefully that is called true ge∣neration / which is according to the na∣ture of god. Excepte peraduenture thou wylte saye / that god hathe not veryly & truely made the worlde / because he hath made it farre otherwise thā a man doth make a citie or a howse. Neither is god therefore not sayde to be verely lyghte / lyfe / wisdome / power / mynde / because these word{is} are otherwise sayde of thē / than of god. D. Is it lawfull to call god a substaunce? MAG. yf by a substaūce thou doste sygnifie & betoken a persone whiche hath beynge: it is not wickedlye sayde / yf thou do professe one essence to be in thre substaunces. How be it yet it is better to refrayne from these wor∣des / which certayne holy mē haue vsed in the olde tyme: at the leaste wise becau¦se of the strauugenes of them / yf by sub∣staūce / thou do vnderstande that to whi¦che accidentes are inherente: than is i erroure to geue this name to god / whi∣che is most symple: neither beyng made of matere and fourme: neither mengled with accidentes: but what so euer is in hym / is one and a singule substaunce. And yf ony suche maner wordes be ge∣uen to god in the holye scripture / as for exaumple / yf we do rede / that god is an∣gry / that god is pacified / that god doth repente that god doth forgete / that god oth remēbre: know thow that in all su¦che places / the scripture dothe attēpre & shape her language accordynge to our wittes & capacite / euen lykewise as a lo∣uyng mother dothe lyspe & speake vnperightely / whan she speaketh to her yong babe. But yf thou calle a substaunce / a thynge substauncially beynge of it selfe: than is there nothynge / wherunto this worde substaūce doth better agre: than vnto god. For by hym it hathe beynge / what so euer hath veryly beynge / nowe than he hym selfe muste nedes haue mo¦ste perfightlye beynge: whiche geuethe to all thynges theyr beynge. DISC. These thynges / me semeth / haue ben ho¦lyly & playnly disputed of you. But seyn¦ge that there are many other wordes / which be agreyng / & ben attributed vn∣to god / as wisdome / goodnes / eternite / vnchaūgeablenes trouth / iustice / mercie & many other such innumerable: why is god here expressely called oīpotēte / & no∣thyng els?why god is onelye called almighty in the Crede. M. Forsoth thou dost aske & demaūd ful wisely / for who so euer doth truly {pro}fesse god / ī so doyng / he doth al∣so {pro}fesse all thyng{is} which be agreyng & belongynge to the nature of god. But or as muche as in this Symbole the thynges are taught to beg ynners / whi¦che are to be beleued raither than to be discussed: & because there are very many thyng{is} not onely in the creation of the world / but also in the redēption & the cō¦summation of the same / whiche do seme vnpossible to mānes reason & iudgemēt therefore to exclude all suche maner rea¦sonynge / is added here this worde al∣mighty. Whan Aristotel doth reasone / & proue by insoluble argumēt{is} / that this worlde hath ben eternally without ony begynnynge / because that of nothynge nought cā be made: we do aūswere: that he is almighty which created the world of nought. Philosophers do saye / that ther can be no retourninge or recourse from the pryuation to the habite and therfor that neither Christe was borne of a virgine: neither hathe risen from death to lyfe / but we do make aunswere vnto them / that god is almighty / whi∣che worketh these thynges. The iewes do denye / that a man can be borne of a womā whitout mānes helpe but we do make aūswer / yt it is god / which wylled this to be don / which was borne / which dyd prepare the wombe of the virgine. Therfor to cōfirme the fayth & beleffe of weake persones no word dothe make or helpe mor thā doth this word almighty But we oughte to saye with the fayth∣full maker of the Psalmes.Psal. cxxxiiii. The lorde hathe made all thynges / what so euer it hath lyked hym / in heuen and in earthe: in the see / and in all depe waters. DI. Creatorem celi et terre (id est) the crea¦toure of heuen and of earthe. hy is the father onelye called the creatoure of the worlde? MAG. Forsoth the creation of the worlde is cōmune to all the thre persones. For the father hath made all creatures by the sonne / the holy ghoste workynge together with them bothe. But yet in suche wyse: that thou mayste not imagine here neither ony instrumēt neither yet ony mynyster. But it was conueniente and accordynge / that the begynnynge of the euangelycall profes∣sion sholde be consonaunte and agreable with the begynnynge of the olde testa∣mente / that we myghte at the leaste euē hereby perceyue and vnderstonde / that the authoure of both lawes is all one. Thus begynneth the boke of Genesis. In the begynnynge God dyd create both heuen and erthe.Genesis .i. Now the Iewes (I speke of the cōmune sorte & the most parte of them) knewe nothynge at all of the sonne / and of the holy ghoste / they knewe onelye the father / not because he hath begotten the sonne beyng also god but because he was the maker ad the gouernoure of mankynde / and the foun¦tayne & originall cause of all creatures. For this worde Father is a worde beto kenynge begynnynge / and it is euydent and vndowted / that the moste perfighte nature and maner of a begynnynge or originall cause / is in the father.Father. For as muche as he alone (as saynt Cipriane saythe) is without ony authoure or fa∣ther: whiche onely is the authoure of al thyng{is} without exception. DIS. why doth some other call hym Creatorem / & some agayne call hym Factorē: whome he doth here calle Conditorem? MA. The Grekes haue but onely one worde Poutin which is cōmune to signifie au¦thorem / creatorem / and factorem (id est) an authoure / a creatoure / and a maker / after what so euer maner it be: that he doth make / how be it the Latyne toge doth refuse this word Factor. Certayne men / for cause of a distinction and differ¦ence to be hadde: haue taughte: that he doth create: whiche doth bryge for the and make somewhat of nothynge / whi∣che belongeth onely to god / and that he dothe make whiche frameth or shapeth ony thynge of some matere or stuffe / as for exaūple / nature gendreth & bringeth forth the tre / of the sede / & ye goldesmyth dothe make a pece or a goblet / of syluer. It cometh therfore ī to disputatiō / whe¦ther god had created heuen & earth / for as muhe as there semeth to haue ben / Chaos afore he made the worlde (that is to say a matter or stuffe without ony shape or fassiō) he dyd not therfore creat the worlde of noughte / howe be it yet it maye be well sayde / that he made it of noughte: seynge that he made the same thyng / wherof al thyng{is} haue ben made To thentēt therfore / that all suche sub∣tile argumentations sholde be excluded: certayne men hade leuer vse this worde cōditorem. DIS. why dyd he raithr calle hym conditorem celi et terre (id¦est) the maker of heuen and of earthe / than conditorem vniuerse creature (id est) the maker of all creatures: MAG. Because (as I sayde ryghte nowe) he had leuer coūtrefayte & folowe the wor∣des of the begynnynge of the boke Ge∣nesis. ☞Heuen cōprehendeth and con¦tayneth all thynges. About the earthe / all the other elementes do moue rounde. These two partes of the world are most set forth vnto our senses. And the scrip∣ture (as I tolde you ryghte nowe) doth oftentymes attempre and shape her spe¦che: accordynge to mannes wittes and capacite. He that hath made heuen and earth: hathe dowtes made all thynges whiche are contayned in them. DIS. But the symbole callyd Symbolū Ni∣cenum / or symbolum Constantinopoli∣tanum: doth adde these wordes visibi¦lium omnium & inuisibilium (that is to say) the maker of all thynges both visib¦le and vnuysyble. MAG. That same Crede sayth the same thynge / that doth this crede / but it speaketh more playn∣ly and euydently: leste ony man sholde thynke / that Aungelles / or the soules of men were not created of god. That thī∣ge whiche is sayde here couertly: saynt Paule the Apostle doth expresslye pro∣nounce / in the fyrste Chapitour to the Collossianes.i. Collos. . ☞ For by hym all thyn∣ges were made / in heuen and in earthe: both visible thyng{is} & vnuisible thynges whether they be thrones / or dominati∣ons / or pucipates / or potestates / all thī∣ges haue ben made by hym and in hym what so euer thīg had neuer begīnynge But the aungelles are the ministers of god / whome they do contynually with∣out ceassyng / reuerently with drede / glo¦rifie ad worshyppe: as there maker & lorde. And what so euer thyng hath had begynnynge: it hath had his originall begynnynge of god onely / whiche alone neither hath had begynnynge / neither euer shall haue endynge / neither is con∣tayned ī place: neither is moued ī tyme. DIS. What remaineth now: but that we maye go vnto the secounde article? MA. I thynke it better to tarye some∣what also abowt this article. DIS. I am redy to do: as shall please you. MA. The fyrste degre than vnto helthe: is Credere deum esse (id est) to beleue / that there is god. The second is Credere de that is / to geue credence vntogoddes wordes. The thyrde is / to caste all our thoughte and mynde vpon hym with full confidence and truste. He that doth not beleue / that god is: he professeth no¦thynge to be at all / in as muche as all thynges that are: are of god. He that beleueth god / whiche is Credere de: he doth professe hym to be true in all thyn¦ges. He that putteth al his trust in god / professethe that all thynges are gouer∣ned of hym / and that there is nothynge neyther better nor wyser than he. who so euer douteth of these latter thynges: he dothe nat truly beleue / that fyrste thyge that is to wete that god is. For no man dothe truly beleue that god is: whiche dothe fayne or ymagine hym to be otherwyse than he is / ye moreouer they do the more shamefully erre of bothe / whiche whan they do professe that there is god / yet for all that do de∣nye that he is almighty / or alknowyng orels do deny that the world was made by hym / & f it were made of him: yet do deny / that it is gouerned of hym. Euen lykewyse as thou thy selfe (if I be nat begyld) wolde be lesse discontēted with him / which sholde suppose or wene / that thou arte nat borne: than with hym / whiche dyd beleue / that thou haste no senses or mannes reason / & suche other thynges / without whiche a man leseth the name of a man. D. For sothe it is euen very so: as you do saye. M. He that nameth a kynge: dothe in this one worde comprehende manye excellente thynges / he that nameth god: in thys one worde dothe cōprehende an infinite sum of all good thynges. Many men saye with theyr mouthe. ☞ Cred in deum. I beleue in god / but he whiche with a christen mynde dothe saye I be∣leue in god: fyrste he dothe hate and de∣fie certayne paganes / whiche do nat be¦leue / that there is any god at al. And he dothe no lesse hate them / which do num¦ber and recken vp vnto vs manye and many folde goddes:It is all one thyng in ef∣fecte, to saye that ther are many goddes and to saye, that there is no god at all. where as in so say∣enge / they do graunte that there is no god at al. For if there be many goddes: than is there some what / where in one of them dothe differ from another / now if that be any good thyng: he is no god / that lacketh or wanteth any thynge that good is. And if it be an euill thing: than can he nat be god / that hathe any euill in hym. Lykewyse he dothe hate them / whiche do thynke nothyng to be at all / saue only suche thynges / wherof they haue perceiuynge by theyr bodyly senses.Anthropo∣morphite. To whome the Anthropomor∣phites are nat muche vnlyke / whiche / because they do rede in the scriptures / of the eyes / the face / the mouthe / the hādes / the harte / the arme / the wmbe / and the breste of god: they dyd wene / that god is a bodily thynge made of manes shape & manes membres / whan in very dede nothynge is forther frome all sensible matter / thā god is / & Iohan also dothe wryte.Iohānis .iiii.☞ That god is a spi∣rite. Moreouer he dothe abhore the Epicureis / which do so graūte one god / or mo than one to be:The opinion of the Epi∣cures. that yet they do deny hym or them to care any whitte what is done in the worlde. These that be of this opinion / do make god eyther impotente / orels folishe / in that they do recken hym eyther nat able to gouerne that / whiche he hathe created / orels so euell wyll / that he wyll nat do it / orels so folyshe and dronken: that he dothe nat retche therfore. These thynges / if they were sayde agaynste any mortall prynce: they were wordes full of blas∣phemy. How moche more than / if they be spoken agaynst god? But our lorde in the gospell sayeth playnly.Math. x ☞That there dothe nat so muche as a litle spa∣rowe fall vpon the ground / without the wyll of the father. And also / that all the heares of his discipes hedes are noum∣bred. * So that nat so moche as one lyle heare dothe peryshe / excepte it be by his wyll. And sayncte Peter agrea∣bly vnto these wordes of his mayster / sayeth.i. Petri. ☞ Castynge all your care and thought vpon hym: for he hathe care and mynd of you. The same doth al∣so detestate ye blasphemy of the Ieues / whiche do professe one god:The erroure of the Iewes. but they do deny the sonne & the holy ghoste / whan in very dede the substaunce or essence of god is so one: that it is euen the same and (to speake after the maner of logi∣cions) eadem numero the same in noumbre.The sub∣stance of the godhed / is al one and the same ī all the iii. persones. Bothe in the sonne / whiche was begotten of the father / and also in the holy ghoste / procedynge from them bothe. The father cryeth from the clou∣des. This is my welbeloued sonne.Math. xvii. et Luce. iii. and the Iewe crieth agaynst it that he hathe no sonne. The same father crieth by the mouthe of his prophete Iohel.Iohelis .ii. I shall poure out of my spirite vpon all fleshe. And the Iewe crieth there a¦gaynste / god hathe no holy ghoste / but is solitary. Agreyng vnto this madnes was folyshe and ignorant Noetus / Noetus.and the wicked heretike Gabelli{us} / Gabellius. of whom sprong the heresy & secte of them / which were called Patrispassia:The patris∣passianes. whiche dyd deuide the substaūce of god nat into thre {per}sones. but into thre voyces or names. The father (sayne they) created the world / the same in ye name of the sōne: toke vpon hym the nature of man / and suffred passion. The same agayn / onely his name changed / and nowe called the holy ghoste: cam down vpon the discip∣les. Here wittyngly and gladly / I passe ouer the dremes more than blashemou¦se: of BasilidesBasilides. and Mercio.Marcio. The Ori∣genistesOrigenistes. also doo come verye nere vnto the impiete and wicked erroure of the Iewes / which do make the sonne of god a creature / and the holy ghoste the mini¦ster of that creature / Cosen to these / also is Arrius / whiche graunted that the fa∣ther hath a sonne / but onely of wyll and lykenes:Arrius. and not of nature. Howe be it he wyll also this similitude to be vper∣fighte / after suche facion / as the shadow is lyke to the bodye: because he dothe thynke / that betwen the creatoure & the creature ther can not be but a slendre & an obscure similitude.Eunomius. But Eunomius doth farre excede the heresy of this sayd Arryus / whiche taughte that the sonne is in all poyntes vnlyke to the father: be¦cause that there is none affinite or lyke∣nesse and agremēte betwen the creatou¦re and the creature: nomore than is be∣twen a thyng that is infinite / & a thyng that is finite. From this Eunomius / Macedonius doth so dyssente:Macedonius that yet he doth not assente vnto the doctryne of the church. For he graunteth the sonne to be in all poyntes lyke vnto the father but he sayth / that the holy ghoste hathe no poynte cōmune with the father & the sonne.Manicheis. Of the Manicheis we haue tou∣ched somewhat all redye / whiche whils they doo make duo principia (id est) two principles cōtrarye / the one to the other of the one of which / visible thynges (as they saye) were created / as uyll thyng{is} of an euyl pncyple / & of the other / inuisi∣ble thyng{is} / were created as good thīges of a good pnciple) without dowt they do of one god make two godd{is} / ye one good & ye other euel / euē likewise as do ye here¦tikes called Gnostici / Synerus / Synerus. whils he maketh tria principia .iii. princyples he maketh as many godd{is} / agayn those that do seperate & departe the sonne or the holy ghost from god / where as in ve¦ry dede they do cleue vnto hym by natur they doo go abowte to thruste vnto vs a maimed or an vnperfight god. Also ther are some which in stede of god:Nature. do reckē nature to be the cause of al thyng{is}: whi¦che yf it be eternall / & almighty: forsoth than it is god / yf it be not such one than is it ye minister of god / & a creatur made of god. The same thyng is to be iudged (as I supose) of the second causes / how be it ī my iudgemēt it is more agreing to the Christē religiō / what so euer either nature / or els the secondary causes doo worke:The secōdari causes. all that to ascribe & geue vnto ye efficacy & mighty workyng of god onely which yf it shold ceasse: neither the sōne shold geue lyghte: neither the fyre shold be hot / but all thyng{is} shold be sodaynly brought to nought / he doth also execrat Selencus / which doth graūte that god made the worlde:Selencus. but he sayth / that the matter or stuffe wherof he made it / was eternal & without begynnyng / makyng a thyng without shape or facion & vn{per}∣fight egal vnto god he doth also execrat & hath the opiniō of Menander / which folowīg Plato / dyd teach / yt the worlde was not made of god:Menader. but of aūgeles cal¦lyng aūgels / those whom Plato calleth sprytes the sōnes of the cheffe & pncipal goddes.Saturnius. And he hateth also Saturnius which is more shameful out of the right opinion thā these afore reherced / whiche dramed the world to haue ben made of seuen aūgels / & also he hatth Basilides most shamefully errig of al other:Basilides. which sayd yt the world was created of heuen. But nowe I am werye to speake onye more of erroures & heresies: whiche are innumerable and without ende. Breffly and generally who so euer thynketh of god otherwise / than he is in very dede / or els dothe not thynke hym to be suche one / as the auctorite of the diuine scrip∣ture hathe described hym vnto vs: that persoe doth not beleue and trust in god but he putteth his hope in an idole. Thou seest here / hou great philosophie and wisdome this one so shorte an arti∣cle hath taught vs: and frō howe great darknes & monstruose erroures it hathe deliuerd vs. DIS. Forsoth now I per¦ceyue and see well / that it is a greatte thynge to say vnfaynedly and with the harte.It is no smal thynge to say truly frō the herte: Credo in deum. Credo in deum: id est: I beleue and truste in god. MAG. ye thou wol dest euen muche more saye this: yf thou dydest recken and considre / hou greate a multitude of men there is / vpon whome saynte Paules sayeng may be verified. Tit. i. ☞They professe themselues to knowe god: but in theyr dedes they doo denye hym.Nota. what so euer thynge man doth pre¦ferre afore god / and more set by / than by god: that same thynge he maketh a god to hymselfe. DIS. Howe so? MA. God saythe / what so euer thynge man doth loue & re¦garde more thā god: that thynge he ma¦keth his god. thou shalte not doo none adultery / nor fornication. The concupi∣scence and luste of the fleshe byddeth the to cōmit adultery / here who so euer not regardynge god / doth obaye his concu∣piscence and luste / doth he not after a cer¦taine maner forsake god & ī his place set vp his owne concupiscence: DIS. It appereth so. MAG. God sayth / Do not forsweare the / or do no periury / and Couetousnes byddeth a man to do per∣iurye / dothe not the couetouse man here in the sted of the very and true god wor¦shippe Mammon? The scripture tea∣cheth vs / that god is psente eueriwhere and that there is nothynge hydde from his iyes.Hebre .iiii. But do those men beleue this: whiche dayly do cōmitte that thyng vn¦der the iyes of god / which they durst not be bold to cōmite in the presence & syght of man? DI. It appereth that no. M. They: which for the death of theyr chil∣dren / or for theyr wares or goodes takē from them / doo hange themselues / or o∣therwise for do themselues / do those per¦sones beleue / that all the world & world¦ly thynges are wisely and mercifully go¦uerned of god? DIS. It is meruayle: yf they do veryly beleue so. MAGIS. They that with theyr hole hert & mynd all theyr lyfe tyme do serue the worlde. Prouer. ii.☞Beynge mery whan they haue done euyll / and reioysynge in synne and vn∣gratiouses: doo these men beleue / that god doth suffre none euyll dede vnpony¦shed / but that they / which wold not here make amendes for thyr synnes by repē∣taunce / are sente into euerlastyng fyre? DIS. In my iudgemente / either they do not beleue it: or els it is but a verye cold and faynt beleffe / that they haue of it. MAG. Agayn they that consider∣ynge the greatnesse and grauyte of ther offēces / do despeyre of forgeuen{is} / do those persones beleue / that god is of infynyte mercye? DIS. It is not very lykely / that they do. MAG. It is therfore a thynge of no lytle wayghte / and no ly∣tle helpynge vnto a godlye and blessed lyfe: a man with a quycke and lyuelye faythe to knowe the verye god. who so euer vnfaynedlye / and from the herte dothe beleue / that he is moste perfyghte¦lye good / and moste perfyghtlye fayre: howe can he loue onye thynge aboue hym? And who so euer beleueth that he is almyghtye: wyll not goo abowte too resyste hym / that can not be ouercomen who so euer beleueth / that he is of most hyghe and perfyghte wysdome: that persone wyll neuer grudge agaynst god in aduersyte and trybulatyon. For as that man myghte seme and be accomp∣ted lewede by the iudgement of all men whiche beyng hymselfe vnlerned / wolde fynde faughte with the phisicion / and wolde rebuke hym / for that he doth pre∣scribe sondry thynges to sondry bodies: so lykewyse he sholde be vtterlye folyshe and without witte / whiche wolde iudge god in lyke maner as though he knewe not / what is beste for euery man. The phisicion doth anoynte and bathe one man / another man he seareth and cut∣teth / another / he dothe lette bloode / to another he mynystrethe a clyster / or ge∣ueth a laxatyue medycyne / too another he geueth a byndynge medycyne. To some man he comaundeth abstynen∣ce. To a another he prescrybeth certay∣ne kyndes of meattes / he counsaylethe one man to reste and slepe / another he dothe forbydde to slepe / and we do saye: he is a physycyon / he knoweth what is expedyente for the person beynge sycke and dyseased. And whan god geueth to one man ryches: and dothe take the same away from another / doth sende to some man chyldren: and to another sen∣deth none at all / and to one man geueth prosperouse helth / & to another sendethe a body full of sicknesses and diseases: do we say / why doth god handle men after this facion? and do we not rayther saye: he is god / and knoweth what is expedy¦ente for euery man? He that beleuethe god to be most ryghtuose: he wyll neuer promise hymselfe to escape vnponished for his misdedes. And who so euer bele∣uethe / that he dothe knowe all thynges: that man wyl not lyghtly do that thyn¦ge in the syghte of god / whiche he wolde be ashamed to do in the syght of a good and an honest man. who so euer beleueth that he is moste sothefast and true: wyll drede the paynes or ponishemētes / that are thretened to wycked men / and wyll haue loue and desiere vnto that eternall blysse / whiche is promised to good and vertuose men. who so euer doth beleue / that his worlde was created for man∣nes cause: that person whiche waye soo euer warde he shal tourne hym selfe shal be stirred and prouoked to honoure and worssyppe the great goodnes and lyber¦alyte of god / and he shall be afrayde to vse the thynges / whiche god hath gras¦ted to hym: otherwise / thā to his honou¦re and glorye. But let here be the ende of this cōmunication. After that thou hast made thy prayer to god / Leuitic .x. and that thou shalte haue chowed thye coode / lyke a cleane beast (that is to saye) after that thou shalte haue dylygently recor∣ded these thynges / and called them well to remembraunce: than haue recourse hether agayn vnto me. Disciple. I Do fele and perceiue / that mustarde sede / whiche thou haste sowed in my mynde:Mat. xiii. to vtter and shew forth his ver¦tue and strengthe more and more. MA. I praye god / that whan I haue plan∣ted and watred it the lorde maye vou∣chesaffe to geue it increacynge / & grow∣ynge euen vnto lawful and full ripenes.i. Corin. iii. DISC. But as I considred and cal∣led to remembraunce / what had ben cō∣muned & sayde betwen vs: this one scru∣pule or dowte troubled my mynde / for what cause it sholde be / that where as in all other dyscyplynes and scyences they do begynne with the moste easy & lyght thynges / and suche as are famylyarlye knowne to our senses: this heuenly phy¦losophye dothe forthwith at the begyn∣nyng speke of god / which is the hyghest thynge / that can be / and moste fartheste from all mannes seses? MA. Ueryly because this phylosophy is a discyplyne of beleffe: and not of disputation and rea¦sonynge / for disquisition or reasonynge doth lede mānes mynde farre abowt by many compasyng and wyndyng wayes and often tymes also doth begye it / and lede it out of the ryghte way. But fayth compendyously and spedlye doth carye and conuaye vp to the hyghest / and set∣teth oure mynde as it were / in a hyghe totyngehyll: frō which it may more cer∣taynlye and perfyghtelye dyscerne and iudge these inferyoure thynges / refer∣rynge all thynges to god / in whome is the begynynge: the increace / and the perfection and full ende of all thynges.The bodylye sēses do other whiles decei∣ue vs. The knowledge / which riseth of the sen¦ses / otherwhiles is vncertayne / because the bodyly senses do oftētymes deceyue vs / as for exaūple / whā the sōne semeth o vs two foote brode: where as in very dede it is greatter / than the hole earthe: and whan we see the lyghtenyng: afore that we here the thundre / and yet for all that / the syghte / and the hearynge / are the cheffe and principall among the out warde senses or wittes. No nor yet the knowledg / which is gathered of the cau¦ses or principles of demonstrations: is alwayes certayne / for as muche as we do see the professoures of wisdome / other whiles to dowte euen of the principles also. But in as muche as fayth comyng from god / doth passe the certaynte both of the senses and also of all pryncyples:The surete: & most cōpendi¦ouse: & easiest knowledg / i had by fayth geuen of god there is no more sure knowledge / than is by fayth / and none also more compen¦diouse and more easye / wylte thou haue a sure token here of? Howe many we∣uers are there nowe a dayes / both men and women / which do talke aud cōmune more wysely of god / and godly thynges thā dyd the cheffest of the phylosophers Plato and Aristotel? of the whiche two the former / that is to witte Plato: how many mad opinions hath he of the prin¦cipal or hee goddes / & of the sprytes the sōnes of the god{is} / & of world made of ye spret{is} / & of the soull{is} falē down frō heuē. And the letter of the two / that is to wit¦te Aristotell / because he goeth abowte to come vp from the lowest thynges to the higheste: by how many longe ambages and coumpasses doth he lede the witte? how longe doth he tarye them and kepe them backe in maters of Logike / of Po¦etrie / of Rethorike / of Naturall Philo∣sophie / of highe and celestiall thynges / afore that he do come vnto the superna¦tural thynges? And yet for al this doth he not come to the knowledg of god / for whose cause he hadde layde these so ma∣ny steppes or stayres / vnto which know¦ledge now by faythe / yongemen are pro¦moted both shortely & easily: ye beynge instructed with no maner humayne dy∣sciplines.Ioan. xvi. ☞ The cheffeste philosophye whiche purchaseth true beatitude vnto man: is to knowe god / and Iesus Chri∣ste sente of hym. To the learning of this philosophy / because it is most agreable and accordynge to nature / euery sexe / & euery age / is apte and docyle / but that age inespecyall and moste cheffly: which is not yet infected with croked and lew∣ed affections and desyers. And verylye relygyon is in so muche accordynge / to nature: that some certayne perceyuyng and fealynge therof / is beleued to be in Elephantes / and other brute beastes.Plinius in naturali hi∣storia D. But who so euer dothe sympely be¦leue those thynges / which are writen or taught concernyng god: that man shall nat be able to match with philosophers and heretikes in disputacion. MA. Trouthe it is.Neque enim hac philosophia iliscitur ad palestram sed ad piam vitam. Quid, autem arrogtius istis, qui rationibus humanis de diuina ntura isputant quū nullus sit illo qui cuicis aut ara∣eoli naturā valeat ad plenū assequi, quis haec quotidie vident. Qui scrututor est ma¦gestatis opprimitur a gloria. non alier uam qui solem inten∣tis immotis{que} oculis diutius intuentur, caecutientes discedūt vt iam interdum im∣pingant & in palum obuuium. Fidei vero simplex columbinus' The eye of faythe is a simple eye: & nat curiouse to est oculus, hac reue¦renter contemplans Deum qua nobis vo∣luit innotescere'. to enserche such thynges as god wolde to be hydde & vnknowē to vs, whils we lyue in this worlde. For this philosophie is nat learned for to helpe to disputation: but to good and godly lyuynge. Nowe what more presumption can there be than is in them / whiche with worldly reasons do dispute of the nature of god: whan there is none of them all / whiche is able fully and perfightely to knowe but euen the nature of a gnatte or of a lytle spyeder / all thoughe they do dayly se these.☞ who so euer is an ensercher of goddes maiesty: is oppressed of the glory. None other wyse / than they / which do stare one whyle on the bryght sonne with theyr eyes stedfastly set and vnmoued: do go awaye dased and halfe blynde / in so muche / that otherwhyles they do stomble / and stryke themselues vpon a stake beyng in theyr waye. But the eye of faythe is a symple doues eye / reuerently beholdynge god that waye / whiche waye it is hys pleasure to be knowne of vs: but nat curiously enser∣chynge those thynges / whiche it is his wyll to haue hyd from vs in the meane season / vntyll we shall come to that he∣uenly theatre: in whiche he shall gyue hymselfe to be seen more nere / and more clerely / to our eyes beynge than more purged & cleane. In thys lyffe it is suf∣ficiente / that thou knowest / that there is god / and that he is one in nature / and thre by distinction of persones. Thou perceiuest and knowest / that the sonne is begotten and cometh of the father / and that the holy ghoste {pro}edeth from them bothe. Thou knowest that god is nat a body: but a mynde of īfinite vertu and power / moste symple / euerlastyng / as whiche hathe ben afore all tymes: and is nat chaunged in tyme. Of thys all myghty mynde thou knowest the whole worlde to haue ben created / and created for mannes cause / for god ney∣ther hath nede of the world / nor of man / nor yet of any creature. He is in hym selfe / and of hym selfe / moste perfyghte. But because he is moste hyghly and perfyghtly good: he wold nat be blessed hymselfe alone / but hathe distributed of his beatitude and felicite vnto aungels / and men / & to all creatures: so farforthe as euery thyng is apte to receiue of the bountuosnes and liberalite of god.How manye ways god hathe spoken to ma to geue to hym knowledg of hym selfe. It was his wyl and pleasure to geue man knowledge of hymselfe: speakynge to him in diuerse maners or facions. Fyrst of all he spake after a certayne maner to mankynd: whan by his sonne / which is the worde of the father / he dyd create of nought thys meruailouse frame of the worlde: to the entente / that of the worke we sholde gesse and make cone∣ture of the worker. For suche a worke:the fyrst spea∣kyng by crea∣tion of the worlde. coulde neyther man / neyther yet aūgel / haue ben able to perfourme and finishe. This was the fyrste degre or step to the knowledge of god. Nexte after cam the lawe:The seconde spekynge by the law writ¦ten & the pro∣phetes. whiche dyd some what helpe the darknes and blindnes of māes mynd / but it besydes that it was geuen to one nacion onely of the Iewes; it dyd by fi∣gures and darke ridles shadowe god vn¦to vs preparyng the myndes of men to the lyghte of the gospell: whiche by the sonne hathe shyned to vs. The philoso∣phers abused the lyghte of nature / to pryde. And the lawe to the moste parte of the Iewes: was an occasion of grea∣ter impiety and synne. The worlde was ful of ydolatry. The Iewes were puffed vp with pryde: thrughe a vayne persua∣sion of ryghtuosnes. Syne did raygne at large vnponyshed in ye world / whils the moste parte of men dyd folowe the fyrste paretes of mankynde: but here the mercy of god dyd shewe forthe it selfe.Psal. 14 4.☞whiche passeth & surmounteth all his workes. He dyd vouchesafe to waxe more nere and more familierly knowne vnto vs / by the same sōne:The thyrde speakynge by his owne son in the nature of mankynd. that at the leaste wyse by the reason hereof / we sholde be drawne to the louynge of him agayne / being prouoked therunto / by so many and so maruailouse bene∣fightes. He had created vs / whan we were nothynge. He wolde also restore vs. Whan we were forlorne / for it had ben better neuer to haue ben created: thā after our cracion to haue perished & ben vtterly forlorne. After the worlde meruailously created / after the lawe geuen by god / after the prophetes inspi¦red with the spirite of god / he sente hys onely sonne beynge made mn: that at the leaste wyse we men sholde loue hym beynge also a man. And he sente hym / nat to be a reuenger or ponysher / but to be a sauioure / by whose death he myght call vs agayn to lyfe / what could the vn¦mesurable charite and loue of god: haue done more than this? He hathe shewed hymselfe palpable after a certayne ma∣ner: vnto vs / he hath also geuen hym∣selfe to deth / as farre forth as he myght to thende / that he myghte restore vs to true helthe & saluation.God shewed his almighty power: in the creatiō of the worlde / & his wisdome ī the redēption of man. He declared his almighty power cheffly: in the creation of the worlde. Nowe he hathe declared his vnmesurable mercy / and his inscru¦table wisdome / his mercy: in that he fre¦ly / without ony deseruynge of our parte hath redemed vs. His wisdome / in that he hath after suche forme and maner re¦demed vs. Therefore what excuse is there nowe lefte / or what cauyllation can ony man lay forthe for hymselffe: yf he do not regarde but do despise this so wonderfull goodnes of god? This parte doth the Crede now teache Et in Ie∣sum Christum filium eius vcū domi∣num nostrum (id est) And in Iesu Chri∣ste his onely sonne our lorde. DISC. Why hath it sygnyfyed & marked forth / the persone of our redemer / by these na∣mes? MAG. Ueryly for thentente to declare / that the seconde persone / which toke fleshe vpon hym: is verye man of his mother and very god of god. DIS. Howe so? MAG. There are some / which do wene / that Iesus is the name of the godhed / & Christe a name of the humane nature / and they seme to be moued and broughte to this opinion by the reason / that in the Hebrue tonge Iesus is as muche to say: as a sauyoure And Christ{us} as muche to say: as anoyn¦ted. Now no man can geue euerlastyng helthe and saluation: saue onelye god. And anoyntynge doth sygnyfie spiritu∣all grace: whiche chaunceth not but one¦ly to man / but in very dede / bothe these wordes or names do belonge to the hu∣mayne nature.Iesus. For Iesus is a propre name of a singulare persone / that is to witte of that man / whiche alone of all mē / was borne of a virgine / whome saīt Iohan shewed & poynted with his fyn∣ger: that they sholde not receyue or em∣brace ony other man / for the very rede∣mer.Ioan. i. ☞ Beholde (sayth he) the lambe of god.Christe. Christus is a name either of kyngdome / or of prestehode. For amon∣ge the Iewes bothe prestes and kynges were anoynted with holy oyntemente / and they of bothe sortes / because of ho∣noure: were called Christi. Nowe bothe these tytles or names are agreynge to Christe / whiche is called Psal. c. ix. Christe is bothe a preste and a kynge anointed / not with outwar¦de corporall oile: but with the fullnes of the diuine spi¦rit. a preste accordynge to the ordre of Mel¦chisedech / and whiche as a preste dyd offre hym selfe a very vnspotted lambe / vpon the aultare of the crosse / for the hel¦the and saluation of the worlde: and whiche also as a kynge / apperynge to his disciples after his resurrection / say∣de lyke a kynge vnto them.☞ To me is geuen all power and auctorite in he∣uen and in earth.Mat. xxviii. Neither dyd he refuse & disallow the speche of the theffe know¦ledgynge and confessynge hym to be a kynge by these wordes.Luce. xxiii.☞ Lorde re∣membre me: whan thou shalte be com∣men into thy kyngdome. How be it our lord was neuer anoynted with outward and bodylye oyle: soo as Aaron was in the .xxix. cha. of Exod / or as kyng Saule was in the fyrste booke of kynges the .x. chapitoure But this was he / whome god hathe singularlye anoynted with the fullnesse of his spirite.Iesus. Howe be it by this worde or name of Iesu / besydes that it doth betoken a singulare persone called to remēbraunce the figure of the olde testamente.Iosue figu∣red Christe. For that Iesus name dyd figure and represente esu the rede∣mer.Deute. xxxi. Moyses / by whome is figured and betokened ceremonies: was not able to brynge the people of Israel into the lon¦de of promisse or beheste. But Iesus the capitayne that succeded hym: broughte them into the sayde londe. For there is none entrie or comynge to true felycyte but by faythe and grace / whiche Iesus the sonne of a virgine hathe broughte & offred to all men. In this worde or na∣me Christus. Christ / which in the gospelles and in the episteles of the Aposteles is often tymes repeted and inculked: there is vp¦brayded to the Iewes theyr folyshe and obstinate incredulyte and vnbeleffe / whi¦che yet vntyll this daye do loke & wayte after theyr Messias.Ioan. x. For hym whome the latyn men do call vnctum: anoynted the grekes do call Christū / the Hebrues do cal Messiam. And they do wayte af∣ter a kynge plentuosly appoynted with riches / with armies or hostes of men / and with other worldly aydes / whiche may restore the nation or people of the Iewes beynge nowe reiected & refused euerywhere / & outlawed / into lyberty & kyngdome. And with this vayne hope: that wretched nation doth cōforte theyr calamite that they are ī. But the christē faythe doth teache vs / that this is truly that onely Messias in the olde tyme pro¦mised of the prophetes: by whome not onely one nation / but through out the hole worlde as many as be true Iewes that is to saye / as many as do professe the name of Christe / & be cyrcuncysed in herte: sholde be / not by bodyly weapons but by his owne blode / delyuered frō the tyrannie of the deuyll / and all theyr syn∣nes cleane forgeuen: sholde be restored vnto true lyberty / & in cōclusion by hym sholde be chosen & made coinherytoures and partetakers with hym of the heuen¦ly kyngdome.Iesus. This word Iesus is ther¦fore expressed: that there sholde be none erroure or mistakynge in the persone / & this name Christ is added & put to: lest ony man folowynge the Iewes:Christe. sholde looke for another Messias or another redemer. He hathe comen ones for all. He hathe ones for all perfourmed and finished that singulare and wonderfull sacryfice: with the misticall cōmemora∣tion and memoriall of whiche sacrifyce he wolde vs to be nouryshed & streng∣thed: vntyll he come agayn the seconde tyme / not to be than a redemer / but a iudge and a rewarder. Fyrste therfore it hathe shewed to vs that verye man so wonderfull: whiche was eternalle ap∣poynted for this purpose / that by hym the worlde sholde be redemed. Anone af∣ter it shewethe to vs in the same verye god / in these wordes filium eius vnicū dominum nostrum (that is to saye) his onely sonne our lorde. For of god / no∣thynge is proprelye begotten but god / lykewise as of man / accordynge to the course of nature / nothynge is begotten but onely man. DIS. But the scrip∣ture doth oftentymes call good and ver¦tuose men / the sonnes of god. MAG. And for that cause is added here this worde vnicum or vnigenitū (that is to say) onely or onely begotten: to separat this sonne of god by nature / frō the son∣nes / whiche are called to the honoure of this name / by the grace of adoption. DIS. Is it not lawfull to call Christ as touchyng the nature whiche he hath taken vpon hym: the sōne of adoption? MAG. It is a more religiouse & god∣ly thynge to abstayne from suche tytles leste we mighte geue some holde to the Arrianes. He is adopted: whiche was not sonne before / lykewise as we / which by nature are borne the chyldrē of wra∣the and displeasure: by faythe in Christ Iesu are made the sonnes of god. But Christe was eternally the sonne of god / but after that he was conceyued by the holy ghoste: his blessed soule was forthe with created full of all heuenly grace. But all thoughe our Lorde was twies borne / ones of his Father without tyme / and afore all tyme / and agayn of his mother a virgine in the tyme afore appoynted of god: yet are there not two sonnes / but onely one son / and not ano∣ther sōne: but the same otherwise borne. He was conceyued of the substaunce of the virgine: that we sholde acknowled∣ge the veryte of the humane nature. But he was conceyued without man∣nes worke or helpe / by the holy ghoste / and that he was borne / his mothers virginite not violated or appayred / it was the prerogatyue of dygnyte. DISE. why is here added Domi∣num nostrū (that is to saye) our lorde? MAGISTER: with this name Lorde / the holy scrip∣tures do oftentymes honoure hym / and namely the scriptures of the newe testa¦mente.why Christe is called our lorde. In that he was god of god: he was lorde of all the world / and that not another sondry lorde from the father / lykewise as he is not a sondry god from the father. But after a certayne specyal and peculiar maner he is called the lorde of the electe and chosen / whom he hathe wonne and delyuered from the dominiō of Satan and hathe made them to hym a people of acquisition.i. Petri. ii. For who so euer cōmitteth synne: he makethe hym∣selfe seruaunte or bondeman to synne / & by synne Satan obtayneth tyranny.Ioan. 8. Therfore the symbole admonesheth and teacheth vs / that the dominion or lorde∣shippe is translated frō this moste cruell tyraunte: vnto Iesus Christ farre most gentle and mercyfull lorde. And by this title the scriptures of the newe testamēt do oftentymes betoken and signifie the sonne of god: shewenge to whome they doo dedycate them selues hole / whiche do receyue baptisme / and to whose com∣maundementes they oughte afterwar∣des to obay all theyr lyfe tyme / without ony resistence or grudgynge / and vnder whose defence and protection they may be sure & lyue quietly without ony feare Psal. c. ix. Christe is bothe a preste and a kynge anointed / not with outwar¦de corporall oile: but with the fullnes of the diuine spi¦rit. Ioan. x☞For nomā is able to take from hym ony thynge: that he possesseth or hathe in his kepynge. DIS. The name of a lorde / how is it agreynge to Christe: as touchynge to his diuyne nature? or as touchynge to his humayne nature? or as touchynge to bothe natures? MA. Forsoth as touchynge to both natures but not after one maner. As touchynge to his diuine nature: he was lorde of all thynges / from the begynnynge of the world / but as touchynge to the humay∣ne nature: whiche he toke vnto hym: he deserued by deathe / and rebuke or dysho¦noure: to entre into glory.Philipens. ii. ☞And a na¦me was geuen to hym: whiche is aboue all names: that in the name of Iesu eue¦ry knee sholde bowe it selfe: bothe of he∣uenly thynges / of earthely thynges / & of thynges vnder earth. DIS. Is he than: as he is man: the lorde of Aungel∣les? MAG. ye veryly: and of deuyls also. DIS. To whether substantiue is this nowne adiectiue vnicum (id est) onely: referred? to the worde filium sōne that goeth before? or els to the word do∣minum lorde that folowethe? MAG. This adiectiue is sete doutfully betwen bothe those substātiues: because it may agree with bothe. For as he is the only sonne by nature: so is he the only lorde of all thynges created. Howe be it yet / it is better to referre thys adiectiue to the worde Filium / id est sonne: because this distinction othe euidently expresse his diuine nature / whihe nature / in that he is begotten of the father / he hathe commune with the father. D Why is it nat than sayde. In vnico fi∣lio eius / id est in his only sonne? For so there sholde haue ben none ambiguite or doubte at all. M. It was moste con¦ueniente / that the worde / whiche is ad∣ded because of difference: sholde be put after. For if he sholde haue sayde. Uni∣cum filium eius: it myghte haue ben so taken and vnder standed / that the name of the sonne of god / dyd agree or belong to none / saue only to that one man Ie∣sus / but nowe / whan he addeth thys worde / Unicum afterwardes: he dothe nat diuide the name filium / but he shew¦eth a distincte and sondry maner of ge∣neracion / that we sholde vnderstande the seconde person / whiche of god his father is borne very god without tyme: the selfe same in tyme conueniente of god appoynted / to haue ben borne of a virgine / very man of woman. Saynte Augustine in hys lytle booke made of ye Crede / for one word putteth twayne / sayinge.☞ Et in Iesum Christum fi∣lium eius vnigenitum vnicum dominū nostrum / id est. And in Iesu Christe his only begotten sōne our only lorde. But for as muche as it is nat euidente by his declaration / whether hymselfe dyd so rede or nat: it is probable and lykely / that the worde vnigenitum / id est only begotten was added by some man: whiche wente about to declare / why he had sayde vnicum / id est only. For the sōne of god is other whyles in the scrip¦tures called primogenitus .i. the fyrste begotten sōne / as touchyng his nature humayne: and vnigenit{us} / as touchyng to his diuine natiuite / as for exaumple in the .viii. chapiter to the Romanes. ☞ Ut sit ipse primogenitus in mul∣tis fratribus / id est. That he sholde be the fyrste begotten sonne among many brotherne. And in the fyrste chapiter of Iohan. Uidimus gloriam eius glo∣riam quasi vnigeniti a patre id est. We haue sene the glory of it / as the glory of the onely begotten sonne of the father. Also in the thyrde chapitoure.☞ Sie¦deus dilexit mundū: vt filium suum vni∣genitum daret (that is to saye) God dyd so loue the worlde: that he wolde ge¦ue his onelye begotten sonne. As tou∣chyng to his former generation: neither is he our brother: neither is he ye heyre of god: neither hath he brotherne / nor coinherytoures. As touchynge his lat∣ter more generation: he hath bothe bre∣therne and coinheritoures. DIS. Is there no dyfference betwen vnicum / and vnigenitum (id est) onely and onely be∣gotten? MAG. He may be called vni∣cus (id est) the onely sonne: which alone is remaynynge and lefte alyue of many chyldren / but a man sholde not call hym aryght vnigenitum (id est) onely begot∣ten sonne / howe be it the interpretoures of the holye scripture doo translate this one greke worde monogenis: other whi∣les vnicum onely: other whiles vnigeni∣tum onely begotten. As in the .vii. cha∣pitoure of Luke: he is called vidue fili∣us vnicus (that is to say) the onely sōne of the widowe: whome the Euangeliste called Monogeni. And {pro}totokos (that is to say) primogenitus the fyrste begot¦ten son: is other whyles called vnigeni∣tus id est ye only begotten son / for thus speketh Mathewe of the mother of Ie¦su.Math. i. Luce. ii. How it is to be vnderson∣den / that Christe is the fyrste begottē son of Mary ☞Peperit filium suum primogeni∣tum .i. She broughte for the her fyrste begotten son. For other whyles that thyng is called fyrste / nat that goeth a∣fore other thynges: but whiche was ne∣uer before / as for exaumple when we do saye. This day is the fyrste tyme / that euer I sawe the emperoure / it is well sayde and aryghte: all though I neuer se hym agayne here after. So lykewise he maye be called primogenitus .i. the fyrste be gotten son: which is the fyrste / that euer his mother broughte forthe: althoughe she neuer do bryng forth any mo agayne after hym. For els those thynges / whiche the lawe dothe com∣maunde to be done / in / or aboute the fyrst be gotten / sholde nat haue ben to be perfourmed & fulfylled / excepte there had folowed two chylde bearīges / for he is nat called primus .i. fyrste: but which is the formoste at the leaste / of thre. D. But if Christe / euen as touchyng to his humane nature also / is the lorde of all thynges: how is it thā / that he is sayde to haue brotherne? M. Albeit that Christ were nat the lord of al thynges / as touchynge to hys humane nature / yet that nat withstandynge he sholde be called aryghte the lorde of all thynges / because of the vnite of hys hypostase or personage / contenynge or comprehen∣dynge in it selfe thre substaunces: euen lykewise / as it is well sayde: that god hathe suffred and hath died for vs. But here this worde brother is nat a name betokenyng equalite: but betokenynge lykenes / kyndred / and charyte. After he same maner he vouchesafed of his goodnes to call hys disciples / nat ser∣uauntes:Iohan. xv. but frendes / nat that he dyd renounce or forsake his ryghte and auc¦torite / whiche in another place he ac∣knowledgeth and taketh to hymselfe / whan he saythe.Iohan. xiii. ☞ You do call me mayster and lorde / and you saye well / for in dede so am I: but for thentente to declare his excellente charite and loue / which refuseth nothyng: so that it may do profighte. And what nouelty or mer∣uayle is it / if he dyd vouchesafe to call them brotherne: towardes whome he dyd nat disdayne to playe the minister?Iohan. xiii. The Iewes dyd cal all those that were of theyr owne nation / brotherne: but specially theyr cosens or kynsmen / now was oure lorde a Iewe borne of the Iewes / which thyng the Euangelistes Mathue and Luke haue euidently ex∣pressed in the genealogie of hym.Math. i. Luc. iii. But in very dede / all men are brotherne eche one to other: by the reason / that they at all of one and the same nature / whiche nature cam forthe of one and the same progenitoures: and in euery man is sub¦dued and in daunger to lyke affections and miseries / saue only in Christe I do excepte synne / and what so euer is incly∣nyng to synne. D. Originall synne is nat proprely any synne. M. No but yet it letteth or hindreth the fulnes of grace:Iohan. i. whiche was in Christ as saynete Iohan witnesseth / but it inclineth a man to synne: though it doth nat moue and driue a man perfightly to it. This thynge is repugnaunte to the dignite of Christe. For it was nat conueniente / that he / whiche was com to purge and clense the worlde from al synnes: sholde be any maner waye agreyng or in cly∣nyng to synne. D. But to be hūgrie / to be thrusty / to be wery / to be āguished / to lothe / to dye / all these are buddes of originall synne: and yet they are geuen to Christe in the scriptures. MA. There is greate difference betwē the na¦ture of man as it was fyrst created: and the same nature as it is after the fall of Adam. Adam afore that he dyd synne / was a very mā / and yet for all that was he free from these incōmodities and mi∣series / wherwith we all are now oppres∣sed:Peccatum is takē in diuer¦se significati¦ons / in the scripture. some of vs more / & some of vs lesse / peccatum (id est) synne / in the scripture is otherwhyles called the payne / that is due to synnes / and otherwhiles it is ta∣ken for the sacrifice / wherwith they doo clense theyr synne and offence. And ther¦fore it was sayd to the prestes of the olde lawe.☞ Peccata populi cōmedetis (id est) you shall eate the synnes of the peo∣ple / meanynge the sacrifices: which the people sholde offre for theyr synnes / and saynte Paule in the seconde epistle & the v. chapitoure to the Corīthianes sayth ☞ Eum qui non nouerat peccatū: pro nobis peccatū fecit.ii. Cort. v. Hym that knewe no synne at al: hath he made to be synne for vs. Our lorde receyued and tooke on hymselfe not onely the veryte of mānes nature: but also the incōmodities & mi∣series whiche don accompanye the na∣ture of man fallen / those thynges onely excepted: whiche either are not cōueniēt or agreynge to the dignite of that perso¦ne / which was both god and man: orels which do exclude (as I sayde before) the fullnesse of grace. For neither dyd he re∣ceiue proclyuyte or redynes to do synne: no neither yet so much as power to syn∣ne: neither dyd he receyue or take vnto hym erroure or ignoraunce. And those incōmodytes / whiche he dyd receyue & take vpon hym: he toke them on hym / not of the necessite of nature: but volun∣tarely for our sake / to make satisfaction for our offences / & to suffre for that whi∣che we hadde trespased. DIS. Why dyd he chaunge the preposition here say¦enge de spiritu sancto / er Maria virgi¦ne? MAG. The Grekes haue but one and the same preposition ex in both pla¦ces: but the signification of this preposi¦tion is diuerse. All thynges are ex ipso et per ipsum (id est) of hym / and by hym: as of theyr authoure & begynner. A pece or goblete is made ex auro (id est) of gol∣de: as of the matter or stuffe / ex arbore nascitur arbor (id est) of one tree cometh another tree: by propagation of kynde. So ex homine gignitur homo (id est) of a man is gendred a man. DIS. Why doth it here expresse the holy ghoste one¦ly: seyng that the hole trinite dyd worke together / this wondrefull misterie? M. Because in the gospell of Luke / the aun¦gell sayde to the virgine.Luce. i. ☞ Spiritus sanctus superueniet in the (id est) The holy ghoste shall come vpon the. For of∣tentymes the scripture dothe attribute and geue to eche one of the persones / cer¦tayne thynges as propre to it:The scriptur doth attribut to eche one of the .iii. persōs in the godhed certayne thīges as pe∣culiare or pro¦pre / whiche for all that / are cōmune all thre. which for all that are cōmune to all thre / as for ex¦aumple: whan it geuethe to the father: eternite and almightines / to the sonne: wisdome: to the holye ghoste: charite and goodnesse / and whan the father is sayd to haue made the world by his son and to distribute and geue his giftes by the holy ghoste. The symbole therfore / and Gabriel in this mistery / hath exps∣sed the workynge of the .iii. persones. Math. i. Luce. ii. How it is to be vnderson∣den / that Christe is the fyrste begottē son of Mary Luce. i.The holy ghost (sayth he) shal come vpon the / aud the power of the hygheste shall ouershadowe the / whan thou hea∣rest speake of the highest: thou vndeston¦dest and perceyuest the father to be pre∣sente / as the fountayne & authoure / as of whome the sone is sente with the ho∣ly ghost / whan thou hearst these wordes virtus altissimi / the vertue or power of ye highest: thou vnderstōdest ye sone / whiche onely toke vpon hym mānes na nature. For nether the father / neither the holy ghoste dyd take our nature and become man. For the holy ghost is cōue¦niently sayd to come vpon / or as it is in the latyne su{per}uenire / that all the world¦ly cogitation of man sholde be excluded: which whā it hereth the worde or name of cōception or birthe: doth īmagine the sede of man receiued in the wombe of a woman / or whā it is tolde and warned / that a mā was borne of a virgine: doth dreame and imagyne also some fowler thynge than these / consyderyng and rec¦kenynge what thynges are spred abro¦de by mennes tales of certayne woman whiche are reported and sayde to haue conceyued chylde by sede of man that hath ben swymmynge in the bathe / and of Mares conceyuynge by of the wynde and of fendes or wicked spretes that ha¦ue gotten women with chylde. I passe ouer here the fayned tales of poetes / by whiche the gentiles or hethen peoples were {per}suaded & broughte in beleffe / that of goddes & womē / & of goddesses & men / were gēdred & broughtforth heroes The euāgelist therfore to exclud al these portē¦tuose imaginatiōs / doth {pro}fesse / yt there was here in stede of a husbonde / the he∣uenly father: which after a certayne ma¦ner dothe begette his sonne agayne / he professeth that the begynnynge of this chylde was not of a deuylle or wicked sprite / that hadde medled or hadde to do with the mother: neither of ony illu∣sion of wicked sprite: but of the holye ghoste. And that it is euen thus & none otherwise:Luce. i. the very tenoure and processe of the Euangelystes wordes doth decla¦re openly / whā vnto the virgine beynge dismayd & indowt at the mention made of conceyuynge and bearynge chylde / & demaundynge how and after what ma∣ner this thinge sholde be done: the aun∣gell easynge her mynde of this scrupule or dowte / made aunswere in this wise. The holy ghoste shall come vpon the. DIS. why doth the symbole or Crede expresse the virgines name? MAG. For the more fayth and credence of the history. So lykewise and for the same cō¦sideration dyd it expresse the name of Iesu Christe / so dyd it expresse the name and syrname of the deputy & ruler vnder thēperoure: Ponce Pilate. And for the same purpose dyd Luke here diligently expresse all the names / of the moneth / of god / that sente the aūgell / of the aūgell: that was sente of embassage / of the regi¦on / of the cite / of the husbāde / of the tribe or kyndred: and of the virgine: whan he sayde these wordes.Luce. i. ☞ And in the sixte moneth / the aungell Gabriell was sent from god / vnto a citie of Galile / whiche was named Nasareth / to a virgine be∣inge spoused to a mā / whose name was Ioseph / of the howse of Dauid. And the virgins name was Marie. Those men do not make narration after this forme and maner: whiche do fayne lyes / & are afrayed to be espied & perceyued. Esaie inspired with the holy ghoste / in olde ty¦me prophecied in this wise.Esaie .vii.☞ Behold a virgine shal conceyue and bryng forth a sonne / and his name shall be called E∣manuel / whiche by interpretation is as muche to saye / as god with vs.Math. i. That virgine / the Euangeliste inspired with the same ghoste: doth here shew vnto vs as it were with a fynger. And the aūgel as it were expoundynge and declaryng the prophecie of Esaie:Luce. i. sayde. And that holy thynge whiche shall be borne of the shal be called ye son of god. This is that Mary / at whose name / al ye soul¦les of good men are recreated / chered& comforted / whā we do here Eue named: we do ware inwardly sorowfull / and do mourne: whan we do here the name of Marie / we do plucke vp our hartes / and are lifte vp into good hope. By Eue / we are borne the chyldren of wrath and dis∣pleasure: by Marie we are borne agayn the chyldren of grace and fauoure: DI. Scholde he be accompted and taken for an heretike: whiche wolde beleue / that Marie the virgine after the byrthe of Christe hadde brought forth other chyl¦dren by her husbande?Of the perpe¦tual virgini∣te of our bles¦sed lady. MAG. ye veri∣ly not onelye for an heretike: but for a blasphemouse person also. DIS. And yet they say / that this thynge is not ex∣pressed in the holy scripture. MAG. That is very trouth / but thoughe it be not expressed: yet is it euydently gathe∣red and concluded of holy scripture / and that it sholde be otherwise: is manifestly repugnaunte to the dygnyte bothe of the sonne / and of the mother. Finally the catholyke church hath with so great consene beleued / taughte / & fastly affyr∣med it / from the begynnynge of the gos∣pell / euen vntyll this day: that it ought no whitte lesse to be beleued / than yf it were expressed in ye holy scriptures. D. I longe to here the scriptures. M. The prophete Ezechiel dyd signifie the perpe¦tual integrite of the virgine by a darcke prophecie.Ezech. xliii. ☞ Wwhan he beynge tourned towardes the way of the gate of the vttermore sanctuary / which gate loked towarde the Easte / herde the same spirite / which dyd consecrat the chastite of Mary / sayeng these word{is} vnto hym This gate shall be shitte / & shall not be opened / and no man shal passe thrugh it for the lorde god of Israell hah entred in by it & it shall be shitte to the prince. Dyd not the prophet in these wordes ve¦ry proprerly & aptely enough descrybe & painteforth the sacred wombe of the vir¦gine: out of whiche wombe / that sone of rightuosnes hathe risen to vs whiche doth lightē euery man that cometh into this worde?Iohan. i. of whiche son zacharie also sayth in the gospell of Luke / Luce. i. he hathe visited vs / spryngynge or risynge from an high to geue lyghte vnto them whi∣che sitte in darknes & in the shadowe of death. This gate was shitte afore the tyme of her deliueraūce of chyld / it was shitte in the tyme of deliueraūce / & it cō∣tynued also stille shitte after the tyme of her delyuerāce / it was open onely to the prince Christe: whiche by his entrynge in / dyd sanctifie it / and by his goynge out dyd consecrate it / for it dyd not loke but onely toward{is} the easte / frōwhence the moste pure sonne dothe vprise / that sonne (I meane) which neuer setteth or goeth downe / and which reneweth and chereth all thynges. It loked to the way of the outward sanctuare: for this natiuite was without the cōmune ma∣ner of natiuites of men: hauing no whit of humane concupiscence or luste meng¦led or ioyned vnto it. Finally whan she herselfe speketh thus to the aungell quia virū nō cognosco .i. for I know no man:Luce. i. she sheweth plainely her perpetual purpose of virginite. DIS. But seyng that wedlocke is an honorable thynge of it selfe / and that company of man and wyfe together is without blame or syn: what indignite or vnworthines sholde it haue ben / yf the lorde hadde ben borne after suche maner / as other prophetes were borne / and as Iohan Baptist was borne / which was more excellēt than al prophetes?why Christ wolde not be begotten be∣twen man & woman / as other holy {pro}∣phetes were, MAG. In dede wedlocke is an honourable thynge / yf it be chaste¦ly kepte / but {per}petuall virginite is a far∣re more honourable thynge / yf it be so / that it be wylfully takē / & for the loue of godlynes and vertue / through concupi∣scence without whiche man is not con∣ceiued. The contagion & infection of ori¦ginal synne goeth from one to another. But more than aūgelicall purite dyd be seme this heuenly chyldebyrthe. I pray the tell me now / yf ony man dyd tourne a tēple made of stone / after it hadde ben ones halowed and sacred to god by a mortal byshop / īto a showemakers shope wolde not all men crye out / that it were shamefully and vnaccordyngly don? DIS. yes veryly / and they wolde also ouerwhelme hym with stones. MAG. And yet is not the showemakers crafte ony filthy occupation. And yf ony man wolde put a vessell / that hadde ben con∣secrated and dedycated to baptisme: or holy oyle / or to other holy vses / vnto pro¦phane vses of the kechen: sholde it not seme an intolerable contumely and des∣pite? DIS. yes dowtles. MA. And yet is there no faughte or synne in the cokes crafte. D. It is trouth. M. what is thā to be sayde of the most sacred & ho¦ly tēple of ye blessed virgines body? wh¦che not euery maner bishop hath dedica¦ted with bodily oyle: but the holy ghost hymselfe hath cōsecrated it wt heuenly that diuine chylde rested so manye mo∣nethes / as in a brydechaumbre: in whi∣che also / as in a workehowse / the hole trinite dyd worke and finishe that miste¦ry / whiche is to be honoured & worship∣ped euen of the aungelycall myndes? Sholde it not seme a verye vnmee and vnsemely thynge: yf it had ben open / I wyll not say to man: but euen to an aun¦gell? D. yes I perceyue it very playn∣ly. M. Now reken & cōsidre this wt thy selfe / whether we sholde rather geue cre∣dēce to the church / so cōsentg & agreing together: orels to the Iewes beynge not onelye in this poynte madde / orels to vile and vnlerned Heluidius / whose erroure taken of the scriptures mysun∣derstonded / is so manifeste:Heluidius that scasely he hathe fownde ony disciples of his er∣roure / and also of the olde doctoures of the church hath ben scasely iudged wor¦thy of confutation? DIS. I see and perceyue / how greatly perpetuall virgi∣nite dyd beseme that byrthe. But why wolde the lord be borne of a maryed wo¦man?why Christe wolde b borne of a vir¦gine beynge maryed to an husbande. MA. It was prouided by that meane / for the ionge virgine / that she sholde haue a keper / an intēder / a noury¦sher / and a minister: without ony sini∣ster suspytion of the wycked and mysde∣mynge cōmun people / and also that she sholde haue her spouse and husbande a waightie and substancyall wytnesse of her virginite / it was semely and conue∣nient / that suche a virgine as she was: sholde be in moste highe and perfyghte tranquillyte and quyetnes / and it was conuenient and mete / that the mother of god shulde be not onely pure from all synne: but it was also accordynge that she shold be not so much as touched ony∣whitte with the false tales of men. For she onely is excellently chaste: of whome the fame is aschamed to speake euyll. And therfore this mystery was hydde & kepte secrete a longe season. For it is ly∣kely / that Marie and Iosephe dyd kepe these misteries in theyr herte: vntyll su∣che tyme yt after the sendyng of ye holy ghost frō heuen / the gospell dyd sprade abrode his lyghte thrugh out the hole worlde. Considre therfore now how ma¦ny thyng{is} we haue learned by this arti∣cle cōprehēded in few wordes fyrste that Iesus Christe is very god of god / & the same to haue ben borne very mā of a wo¦man a virgine / without ye helpe or wor¦kynge of man. But by the worke of the diuine spirite. And that he hathe come in to this worlde nat only to redeme the worlde:The causes of Christes comyng into the worlde. but also to teache and instructe vs with moste full auctorite / & to kendle & enflame vs with diuerse argumētes / vnto the loue of the heuenly lyfe. Now considre me / I praye the howe many horrible heresies & erroures the lyghte of this verite hathe driuen awaye / yt is very sore agaynst my wyl to reherce the detestable and abominable blasphemes / with the vnhappy names of the au∣thoures of them: but yet thys thynge shal profyghte and healpe wel hereunto that we may bothe more fastly hold and kepe our belee: and also geue thankes the more abundantly to god / whiche hathe vouchesaued to open and shewe so greatte lyghte vnto vs. That many dyd erre and holde wronge opinions a∣boute his diuine natiuite of his father: it is lesse to be meruayled.Carpocrates Crinthus Ebion Paulus Samosaten∣sis Photinus. But it is a poynte of more madnesse / that his hu∣mane natiuite which hathe ben proued and declared by so many and so euident argumentes / hathe ben assailed with so many monstres of opinions / Carpocra¦tes / Cerintyus Ebion / Paulus Samo¦satensis / and Photine in name but Scotine in very dede / do graunte / that Christ was a very man. But they saye / that he was a pure & a mere man / borne betwene man and woman / after the maner of other men albeit he had the soule of a prophete. These men do mu∣tilate and mayme the persone of Christ of more than the one halffe. The same men do saye that Christe is called the son of god / but by free adoption: lyke∣wise as other good vertuose men are. And that he was nat at all: afore that he was borne of the virgine. These he∣retikes / sayncte Iohan euāgeliste dothe openly refelle and cōfute / pronouncyng plainly / Iohan. i. That the selfe same worde / which in the begynnyng was with god and was god: to be made fleshe. And in the same euangeliste our lorde hymselfe speaketh openly in this wyse Afore yt Abraham was made:Iohan. viii. I am. Agayne Paule in the .ix. chapiter to the Ro∣maynes saythe.Roma .ix.☞ Of whome Christe cam as touchyng his body: whiche is god ouer all thynges / blessed for euer more. Neither are the Manicheis any whitte lesse madde / than these afore re∣herced / which do gyue vnto Christ som parte of the diuine nature:Manicheis but they do styfly affyrme / that he toke vpon hym mannes body / nat a very body in dede: but only a phantasticall body / lykewise as we do rede / that aungels and fendes haue otherwhiles apered ī bodily shape and lykenesse vnto men. These persons do make Christe a iuglere or a trogeter and a wonderfull deceiuer of men. But a phantasme is nat borne of a woman. Neyther can a phantasme or spirite do those thynges: whiche our lorde dyd so many yeres space throughout all hys lyfe tyme / eatyng / drynkyng / slepynge / waxyng wery / hungrieng / thurstynge / speakyng / beyng conuersaunte among men at none dayes / geuynge hymselfe to be touched and handled / to be cruci∣fied / & slayne. He hymselfe also sayde to his disciples in the laste chapiter of Luke whā they were astonied & abash∣ed / because they thought that they had sene a spirite or a ghoste.Luc. xxiiii. ☞ Wherfore are you troubled (saythe he) and why do thoughtes and musynges ascende into your hertes? Beholde my handes and my fete: for it is euen myne owne selfe. Handle me / & se / for a spirite hathe ney∣ther fleshe / ne bones / so as you do se that I haue.Ualentine. Nexte after these cometh Ua∣lentine the framer & forger of worldes / whiche imagined / Christe nat to haue ben gendred of the substaūce of the vir∣gine: but to haue broughte with hym a celestiall body from heuen / or els (which thyng madde Appelles dothe wene rai∣ther to be true) a body taken of the ele∣mentes / in the ayre:Appelles. and so to haue pas∣sed thrugh the body of the virgine / lyke¦wyse as liquoure and lyghte passethe through a pype of lede / or throughe a cranel or hole. But this is nat proprely to be borne: but to passe throughe / for neyther dothe the cranel or hoe gendre or brynge forthe the sonne be alme: but the sonne itselfe / neyther dothe the pype gendre the liquoure: but the fountayne or sprynge dothe it. But whan Paule the apostle saythe vnto the Romaynes these wordes.Ro. i. Qui factus est ex semi∣ne Dauid secundum carnem .i. Whiche as touchyng fleshe was made of the sede of Dauid / and in the .iiii. chapiter to the Galatianes Misit deus filium suum factum ex muliere .i.Gala. iiii. God sente his son made or gendred of a woman. By these wordes he dothe openly professe / that Christe dyd take the substaunce of his body / of ye substaūce of ye virgins body. Neither euery thynge / whiche ony ma∣ner way is bredde or gendred of man: is forthwith a man (for els lyse sholde be called men) But that thynge / whiche is conceyued in the matrice or wombe of a woman / of the very substaūce of man: and in due and lawfulle tyme is borne & broughte forth by naturall membres in all markes and tokens lyke a man / and whiche is called a sonne / that thynge veryly is a man.Arrius. Nexte cometh Arrius by soo muche the more wretched and madde in opynyon / by howe muche he dothe more subtely & craftily geue vnto Christ the body of a man / & taketh from hym the sowle of man / saynge that the godhed was in stede of soule / soo that in Christ after his opinion there were but two natures / that is to witte the bodye of man / and verbum (id est) the worde / whiche same worde for all that / Arrius willeth to be a creature / in dede more ex¦cellent than all other creatures: but yet a creature. But with what face do they confesse & graūt hym to be a man: from whome they doo take awaye the better parte of man? For who doth not know that man is made of .ii. separable substā¦ces / that is to witte of the body as of the materiall substaūce / and of the soule as of the fourme? wherfore yf ony spirite doth moue the body of a deade man: no man wyll calle it a man / that he seeth: but a wondre or monstre. But seynge yt our lorde hymselfe in so many places of scripture doth make mētion of his oule and doth call hymselfe the sonne of man as whan he sayth.Mat. xxvi. ☞ My soule is heuy euen vnto the death. And whā he sayth / Father into thy handes I do cōmen∣de my soule. And / Luce. xxiii. Iohan. x. Iohan. viii. Noman doth take my soule or lyfe from me: but I do laye it frō me / you do seche to slee me beynge a man whiche haue spoken the trouthe vnto you. And seynge that Paule wit∣nesseth the same sayinge.i. Timot. ii. The media∣toure betwen god & men the man Chri∣ste Iesus: yf they do geue credēce to the scriptures: how or with what face dare they deny that thynge / whiche the scrip¦tures done so manyfestly expresse & pro∣nunce? yf they do not beleue the scriptu¦res: howe may they for shame desyre to be accompted & taken for Christē men? yf they wolde seme to be philosophers: who euer ones dreamed that / yt thynge myghte be called a man whiche lacketh the fourme of man whiche fourme (I meane the soule) whā it is presente / cau∣seth one to be a mā / & whā it goeth away caused that thynge / whiche was before a man / than to lese the name of a man. Those men / whiche haue so wondrefull madde opinions: they stonde in daunger them selues (and not vnworthyly) leste they may seme not to be men. Neither was the opinion / whiche Apollinarius dremed muche wiser than these aforere¦herced / whiche dothe suffre a soule to be geuen to Christe:Apollina¦rius. but so / that he dothe take frō ye sayd soule / the mynd or vnder standynge / for in quicke plantes there is a certayne lyfe: for els they sholde not growe / neither sholde they els be sayde to dye: whan they do widder or drye vp. And in brute beastes also there is a lyfe and soule: for els they shold haue no fea∣lynge or perceyuyng. But mynde or rea¦son and vnderstondynge / amonge al sen¦syble creatures / is onely to man. This mynde is the princypall power of the soule / by whiche it dothe dyscerne and iudge euery thynge from other / by whi∣che it dothe ioyne or knytte together / or els diuide and departe thyng{is} in sondre: and by whiche it gathereth or conclu∣deth one thynge of another / by argumē¦tation and reasonynge. But howe may they for shame professe Christe to be a man: whiche do take awaye from hym that thynge / by whiche man dothe chef∣lye and principallye dyffre from other beastes? DIS. Dyd than the mynde of Christe / by reasonynge / of thynges knowne gather and conclude / suche thynges / as were vnknowne to hym? MA. There was nothynge vnknow∣ne to Christe / and yet as concernynge the condition and state of nature: he had¦de a reasonable soule. For not aungelles neither / do vnderstonde by reasonynge / so as we do / nether shall we our selffes vnderstonde in the general resurrection so as we do nowe. But perfection added to nature / doth not take awaye the ve∣ryte of nature (For els the bodyes glory¦fyed sholde be no bodies) And yet is it none heresye or erroure to saye / that the soule of Christe beganne to knowe cer∣tayne thynges / whiche by the presence of the godhede it dyd afore perfyghtelye ee and perceyue. I saye begane to kno∣we the same thynges otherwise / after the maner of men / not for that he knew theym not before. But because the maner of his knowynge now / was son∣dry and diuerse from the maner of his knowynge before. Iohan. i. He had seen Na∣thanael / whan he was vnder the Figge tree / because he dyd knowe it more cer∣taynly / than we do those thynges / whi∣che we do see with our iyes. But after∣wardes whan he saw hym with his bo∣dyly eyes / in dede he dyd not learne ony newe thyng / whiche he knew not before but he sawe otherwise / the same thynge that he hadde sene before.Appolli∣narius. Apollinarius addeth another madde opynyon / that the worde dyd not take vnto it fleshe or body but that somewhat of the worde was tourned into fleshe / mysunderston∣dynge the wordes of sayncte Iohan. Iohan. i.☞Et verbum caro factū est (id est) and the worde was made fleshe / that is to say after his false interpretation / the worde was chaunged into fleshe: lykewyse as the ayer condensated and made thycke or grosse / is tourned into water / and as the water raryfied / and made fyne and subtyle / is tourned into ayer. But a man is not made of a countrefayte wor¦de tourned into an humayne bodye: but man is made of a reasonable soule and a mortall body. yf by the worde they do vnderstonde the sonne of god: god as he is made of nothynge: soo can he not be tourned into ony thynge / nor ony thyn∣ge into it / yf we wyll speke proprely. And yf philosophers do deny / that fiere maye be tourned into water which are both creatures: how much more agayn¦ste all reason is it / a thynge increated to be tourned into a thynge created? But you wyll saye they make the worde a creature: but a more excellente creature than all aungelles. But yet euen betwē an aungell and the body of man there is more dyfference: than is betwen fyar and water. But this erroure conceyued folyshely of the euāgelystes wordes: the wordes immediately folowynge do re∣felle and confute. Iohan. i. Et habitauit in nobis (that is to say) and he hathe dwel¦led amonge vs. For that thynge is not sayde to be conuersaunte in body / whi∣che is transformed into body. But the body is well & aryghte called the dwel∣lynge place of the soule. And man is well and aryghte called the temple of god.Eutyches in greke is as muche to say as happie / whiche is no righte name: for that vn∣happy & wret¦ched heretike And nowhitte wiser is the errone∣ouse opinion of falsenamed Eutyches / whiche dyd putte in Christe to be but onely one nature / compost and made of diuine and humane nature hothe to ge∣ther. yf he hadde sayde / that one syngu¦lare persone hadde ben vned of two na∣tures / and that euen one persone indiui¦duale (as the terme of logicions is) some what he hadde ben to be herde and bele¦ued / for it is certayne and vndowted / that there was in Christe / two or also thre sondrye natures and distincte eche of them from other. Man is composte and made of a soule and a bodye. But the diuine nature / because it is moste syngle: it refuseth all names or wordes of composition. It vned or dyd knytte it selfe into one hypostase or persone / by the meanes of the soule / beynge ioyned: and cleuynge to the bodye / but it was not confused or mengled into the same nature. Nestorius whiles he dothe dyly¦gently eschewe Nestorius.this lymekylle: he felle into the colekylne / professynge in Chri∣ste to be two perfighte natures / the na∣ture of god / and the nature of man:Prouerbe. but he maketh than as manye persones / de¦nyenge the worde to haue ben vned and knytte to man into one persone: but one¦ly to haue inhabited mā by grace / wher¦fore he gathereth and concludeth / that in one Christe there is one persone of man / and another person of god / and yt Marie is not well called the mother of god / but only the mother of man: all be it that the anngell in Lukes Gospel dothe saye to the virgine.Luce. i. ☞For that holye thynge / whiche shall be borne of the: shall be called the sonne of god. For the vnite of the persona∣ge / causeth / yt by a certayne idiomatū .i. communione of proprietes of speakyn∣ge / euen those thynges / whiche do not agree but onely vnto the humane natu: re: maye also be sayde aryghte of god: but onely in the voyces concrete. God was borne of a virgine / but not the godhed. God suffred / but not the godhede / and Man is god / but not the Nature of man is the godhed. But because there is none ende of errou¦xes: I wyll make an ende of this reher∣sall / and I feare / leste I haue allredye made the werye with rehercynge soo manye erroures. DISCIPLE. Uerylye I haue pitie on these heritikes Howe be it yet there madnes hathe doone me good: by reason of whome it is caused / that bothe I do more clere∣ly perceyue and see the trouthe / and also do more fastly beleue it. MAG. The heretikes are worthy no thāke herefore but god is very greatlye to be thanked / whose goodnes hath tourned the maly¦ce and wickednes of other men / vnto his seruauntes / in to the lucre and en∣creace of godlynesse. DIS. Why is not than the symbole or Crede made in the synode holden at Constantinople / con∣tented to saye natus ex Maria virgi∣ne (id est) borne of the virgine Marie / but addeth et homo factus est (that is to say) and was made man? MAGI. For they which wold dispute ony thyn∣ge subtyly of Christe / allthough they be holden with diuerse & sondry erroures: yet in this one thynge they do al agree / that they do deny hym to be man / in as muche as they do take from hym some thynge / whiche yf we haue not: none of vs sholde be called truely a very man. Therefore is this expressed. Et homo factus est (that is to saye) And he was made man: that no man sholde come to baptisme beynge infected with the poy∣son of them. For els what man is so far¦re without cōmune iudgemēte and rea∣son / that whan he hereth saye / that the two Gracches were borne of Cornelia: wyll aske the question / whether the two Gracches were men? DIS. Whereof come it than / that these men were soo meruaylously blynde? MAG. Ueryly because they had leuer make serche and dispute of the diuine matters / than sym¦plely to beleue thē. The scripture sayth: that we shal haue none vnderstondyn¦ge or perceyuynge / excepte we wyll bele¦ue. But they wold perceyue and vnder∣stonde by the prowde philosophie of the worlde / afore that they wolde beleue. Lette here therfore be the ende of this cōmunication / that after thou haste recorded these thynges with thy selfe in thy mynde and haste geuen thankes to the diuine spirit: thou mayste retourne the more cherefull and lusty / to learne the residue that is behynde. DISCIPLE. IT foloweth.☞ He suffred vnder Ponce pilate: was crucified deade & buried. M. Those men / that geue vnto Christe an imaginarye and phantasticall body: the same men do saye / that all suche thynges as it is red that Christe dyd suffre in hys humane nature / he dyd nat suffre them in very dede: but only phantastically and appa∣rently. But we / whiche taughte by god do beleue / that he was a very man: do also beleue / that he did suffre verily and mater in dede / both in mynd & in body / and that he was verily crucified / deade / and buried. The deathe of a naturall man is the separation of the soule from the body / whiche separation whan it is ones made: all we do knowe / what ma∣ner a thyng the deade body is than: but the soule / be cause it is īmortal / though the body be decayed and fallen awaye: yet hathe it styll beynge / lyuynge with Christe (if it departed frō the body with faythe) and lokynge after the resurrec∣tion and risynge agayne of her owne body. D. What difference is there be∣tewne an aungell / and a soule that is separated from the body?The differēc betwene an aungell, and a soule sepa∣rated frome the body. M. Uerily this / that a soule is in dede a mynde: lykewise as aungels are / but so created of nought / whan it is putte into the bo∣dy: that it is naturally apte to geue life / to gouerne / and to moue nat euery ma∣ner body: but that body only / to whiche it is spicially appoynted and ordayned by god. This diferēce is there betwene the deathe of Christe / and the deathe of one of vs:The differēce betwene Christes deathe and oures. that our soule by the violence of sicknesse and disease / orels thorowe defaulte and wante of humoures / is dri¦uen out from our body. But our lorde willyngly layde from hym his soule and lyfe / euen lykewise as he dyd wylfully com to the crosse and passion. A token hereof and an euidente argumente is / Math. xxvii. that he gaue vp the ghoste vpon the crosse immediately after a greate and a strong crye. Ye moreouer his owne selfe also saythe in the gospell of Iohan.Iohan. x. ☞Noman taketh away my lyfe from me: but I do laye it frō mine owne selfe. D. But where was in the meane season the word or the seconde {per}sone of the god¦hed: whiche thou saydest to be so vned & knytte to man: that both together made one persone? was it in the soule depar∣ted from the body? orels was it in the deade body? M. Saīt Augustine deuote∣ly dyd beleue & suppose / that the godhed was neither separat frō ye body neither frō ye soule / but was psente wt thē both But it is bett not to entre into the cōbre some mase of such maner questions: out of whiche it is harde to fynde ony waye to gete out. Now we do teache onely ru¦dimentes and princyples: and not the moste hyghe poyntes: we do caste a fun∣dation or grounde of our warke: we doo not finishe and make it full perfighte / for we do instructe a nouyce newely con¦uerted / and not a diuine: and to make an ende / we doo informe a ionge soldier to faythe & beleffe: not an olde worne chaū¦pion to battayle and fyghte. DISC. Why do we adde these wordes passus est (that is to say) He suffred: seyng that the sayde wordes are not ded of them in the olde tyme? Dothe he not suffre who so euer is crucified? MAG. It appereth / that this particle also was added agaynste certayne men / whiche dyd imagine / that the worde dyd as it were swalowe vp the body / that it toke vnto it selfe: and transfourming it after a certayne maner into it selfe: dyd make it suche a maner body that it could nat fele any payne or greffe. They say / that Galanus was the authoure of this o∣pinion.Galanus. But the scripture on euery syde speaketh openly agaynste this. Fyrste Esaie the prophete saythe.Esaie .liii☞ He hath verily taken vpon hym our sycknesses / and our sorowes and greffes he hathe borne. And leste any man myghte fynde a cauillation and say / that the prophecy is darke / and that it myghte be / that som other {per}sone is meante in the sayde prophecie than Christe:Actuū. viii. Sayncte Luke in the .viii. chapiter of the actes telleth / how Philippe / which beyng warned of the holy ghoste had ioyned hymselfe to the chariote of the gelded man: dyd by the information of the same spirite / ex∣pounde and declare this whole place / to him / of the passion of Christe. And holy and godly men do apply that vnto the passion of Christe: whiche is red in the lamentacions of Iheremie.Threno{rum}. i.☞ O all you that do passe by / in the waye: take hede and se whether there be sorowe or payne / lyke vnto my sorowe and payne. And in the gospell of Luke / Luc. xxiiii. our lorde saythe / Oughte nat Christe to haue suffered these thynges: and so to entre into his glory? Also in the fyrste epistle of Peter / and the seconde chapiter: it is writen thus. Whiche whan he suffred: dyd nat manace or thretten. Agayne in the same place. Christ hathe suffred for vs: leauyng you an ensample / that you shold folowe his steppes. But how shall we folowe hym in suffryng paynes and greffes: if he hymselfe suffred or felte no payne or grefe at all? And saīcte Paule in the .viii. chapiter to the Romanes saythe. Yf it so be that we do suffre to¦gether with hym: that we maye be glo∣rified also with hym. Sayncte Paule calleth here suffrynge together with hym / nat to haue compassion and to be sory for another mannes euilles / or hurtes / and greffes: but accordynge to the example of hym / to suffre and abyde patiently the persecucion of euyll and wicked men. And that Christ suffred in soule also: euen his owne selfe doth wit∣nesse sayeng.Math. xxvi. My soule is heuy euen vnto the deathe. Adde hereunto / that our lorde euen al his lyfe long dyd suffre many thynges for our sakes: beynge hungry / beynge thursty / waxyng wery and faynte / beyng reuiled / and despigh∣uosly handled / driuēout / taken / boūdē / bespetted / and buffeted. To these thīg{is} / and to other lyke: may this worde pas¦sus est (id est) he suffred / belonge and be referred. D. Why dothe the symbole or Crede so diligently expresse the kynde and maner of his deathe? M. For the same consideration & skyl / for which it dyd expresse the name & the forename of Pylate / that is to witte for the more euidence of the history. D. Why wold god redeme the worlde with the deathe of his owne sonne: and that with suche maner deathe? M. But do thou fyrst make me aunswere to one thynge. If any phisicion beyng excellently skylled in his faculty / dyd take vnto his cure a man / that were sicke of a perilouse and deadly disease: & one / that were nothing skylled in the crafte at all / wolde aske hym the question why doest thou cure this man after this maner? Sholde he nat seme lewde / and very worthily? Howe moche more lewde thynge is it than to requyre an accompte or a cause of god: wherefore he wolde redeme the worlde after thys manner? This thynge thou must surely and sted¦fastly beleue / that nothyng pleaseth god but that / that is beste / whether it seme so to vs / or not seme so. DI. The fun∣dation and groundewarke of my faythe standethe faste and vnshaken: but yet I suppose it is lawfull / religiously & with reuerence to enquiere of these thynges. MAG. ye veryly / and lawfull for vs also to make aūswere / but with ye same religion and reuerence. But these thyn∣ges doo require a peculyare and propre tratise: howe be it yet I wyll touche a fewe thynges / as it were by the waye. Death came into the worlde by an ear∣thely man: it was conueniente / that the same sholde be takē awaye by an heuen∣ly man. By vnlawfull plesure / crope in the death and destruction of mankynde: by paynes and doloures / helthe and sal∣uation was repayred. By a virgine dis∣ceyued with the inspyration of the serpē¦te / came calamite and miserie: by a vir∣gine made greate with chylde by the in∣spiration of the holy ghoste / came agay¦ne welth and felicite. And that god beyn¦ge offended and dysplesed / is reconciled and pacified by the bloud & slaughter of brute beastes / not onely the lawe of Mo¦ses dyd {per}suad it / but also Abel euē forth with in the very begīnyng of the worlde dyd offre of the fyrst begotē of his shepe In so much that the very paynymes al∣so / which neuer had knowledg of the ve¦ry lyuyng god / yet were persuaded & dyd beleue surely / that mēnes offences were clensed and washed awaye with deathe and bloude. In certayne coūtryes / and amonge certayne people it was a cōmu¦ne maner and custome / al the yere longe dylygently to kepe and nouryshe a man whiche had wyllyngly and of his owne accorde offred hymselfe to death / & hym in the meane season they dyd haue in re∣uerence and wourshyppe / as an holy ob¦lation and sacrifice dedicated to god.The maner of certayn paynymes. And at the yeres ende they dyd caste hym into the see / thynkynge & iudgyng that by the death of that one man / what so euer euylles and misfortunes were to¦wardes the cyte: myghte be tourned awaye and kepte from it. And Codrus and Curtius / & the two Decii are hygh¦ly and studiously praysed of authoures:Ual. max. lib. v. titul. vi. de pietate er∣ga patriam. whiche wyllynglye gaue themselues to death for the helthe and saluation of the cōmune weale. yt was cōueniente there¦fore and accordynge / that a true and an effectuall hoste and sacrifice sholde be of¦fred vp / not for the incolumite and pre∣seruation of one cyte or of one nation: but for the helthe and saluation of the hole worlde / whiche mighte take away the other hostes and sacrifices of all mē beynge eyther superstytyouse or els of smalle efficacie and strengthe. For soo greate was the charite of Christe / soo greate was his purite: that he beynge ones offred vp in sacrifice / mighte and shulde suffice to abolishe and take away all the synnes of mankynde: althoughe there hadde ben moo worldes than one.Leuitici. vi. For this dowtlesse was that very whole brēte sacrifice / which whole dyd brenne and was on fiere with the loue of man∣kynde.Exodi .xii. This was that moste pure bloude of the vnspotted lambe / whiche sprincled on the postes / putte by the de∣stroynge aungell.whi Christe wolde dye on a crosse. Nowe the kynde and maner of deathe / besydes that it was moste paynfull: it was also moste vyle & shamefull maner of death that coulde be namely among the Iewes. to whome he was execrable and hadde in abomi∣nation: who so euer dyd hange on a tree It muste nedes be an excedynge greate payne: whiche sholde for all men paye & bye out the euerlastynge paynes: and that was an happye and blessed shame and dishonoure: whiche had to all men opened the waye to euerlastynge glory. Now is there nothynge more execrable and odible to god: than is synne. This ignomyny & curse he dyd translate vnto hymselfe for a season: that he myghte purchace and obtayne the blessynge of god for vs. It dyd also pertayne and be¦longe to the faythe and credence of the historie: that he sholde dye condem∣ned by open iudgemente / and that he sholde geue vp the ghoste a hyghe vpon the crosse: leste onye man myghte els su¦specte and mysdeme / either that it was no very deathe: orels that another man hade ben putte in Christes stede. Laste of all / it was conueniente / that he sholde dye on hyghe with his armes stretched out abrode whiche for his vnspeakable charite dyd couete to embrace all men and wylled all men to be saued / lykewy∣se as he sygnyfienge the kynde & maner of his death to his discples / sayde.Ioan. xi. Whā I shal be lyfted vp frō earth: I wyl dra∣we all thyng{is} vnto myne owneselfe. And I tolde the & gaue the knowledg also here to fore / yt the lorde came into the worlde not onely to clense vs / from our synnes:For what causes our lorde came in to the worle but also bothe to shewe vs the waye by which we must come to eternall glorye / and also to geue strēgth to our weaknes by reason of which we are prone & redy to fall agayne into synnes / & also are to eble to beare either {pro}sperite or aduersite but with the one / that is to witte with prosperite we are corrupted / made wan¦ton / and proude / and with the other we are dismaide / mated / and stricken into heuinesse and despayre. For who so euer with ful fayth and trust setteth his tyes stedfastlye vpon Christe fastened on the crosse: that persone as he is afrayde soo ofte in a certayne maner to crucify Chri¦ste agayn / as he doth cōmitte those thyn¦ges / for the washynge awaye of whiche he suffred death:who soo euer doth cōmitte those synnes / from whiche Chryste dyed to make vs free: doth af∣ter a certayne maner cruci∣fie Christe agayne. euen so scasely is there ony man so feble & weake mynded / but that he doth more paciētly & with more quiete mynde suffre the afflictiōs of this worlde / whan he doth considre & recken in his mynde / howe many thynges he hathe suffred for vs: which was free frō all inflection of synne. And who can be founde so vngentle & vnkynde / that he wyl not loue hym agayn: whiche dyd so fyrste loue hym / and with so great bene∣fyghtes prouoke hym to loue agayn? Brefflye all the philosophie & wisdome: all the solace & cōforth / & al the strength of a christē mynd is ī the crosse of Chrst. But the consyderation of these matters belongeth not to this businesse: whiche we nowe purpose and haue in hande. DIS. why wold he hange in the mid∣des betwen two theues? MAG. To shewe / that euen to malefactours and synnefull persones / there is hope of sal∣uation / in the myddes of theyr vere po∣nishementes: yf they wyll beseche & desi¦re sorowfully the mercy of Christ. DI. Why wolde he not / that his legges shold be brokend? MAG.Num. ix. Because it was so darkely prophecied before / you shall breake no bone of it. DI. ye but these thynges were not so don / because it was prophecied and sayde before / that they shold be don after such maner: but there¦fore were they sayde before: because god had so eternally ordayned and perfixed: that they sholde be don in suche wyse. MA. Thou doest very well & a righte / to thynke that there was nothynge don in Christe without skylle / or by fortune and chaunce: but that all thynges were done by the decre & ordinaunce of eter∣nall god. But yet the scripture dothe otherwhiles speake after this maner. vt implerentur scripture (id est) that the scriptures sholde be fulfylled.How this cō¦iunctiō vt is taken other whiles in the scripture. But in this maner of speakyng / the coniunc¦tion vt id est that dothe nat betoken the ende and finall cause: but that / that fo∣loweth & cometh to passe / and the proffe of the thyng. The scripture wente be¦fore: the proffe or perfourmaunce dyd folowe and cam after. And it was very semely and conueniēt / that / that moste sacred and blessed body of Christe shold haue no maner faughte or deformite / that is to witte none vnperfighte mem¦bre / lame / or croked / lykewise as it is be¦leued / that our bodies shall nat haue in the generall resurrection. To cause be∣leffe of his resurrection: the printes and tokens of the fyue woundes were suffi∣ciente / whiche / as it were certayne pre∣ciouse stones / do nat disfigure that bles∣sed body: but do beautify and anorne it. And for the same purpose he wolde na that his body sholde corrupte & putrify in the graue.Ioannis .xix. He dyed and gaue vp the ghoste / afore it cam to the breakyng of the legges / and he rose agayne: afore that the deade body was corrupted. These thyng{is} do so cōmende the dignite of hym: that they do not let or hyndre the verite of his nature. D Why wold Ioannis .xix. he be layde vp into a newe graue / in which neuer ony man had ben layde as yet: and besydes that cutte or hewde out of the naturall & stronge roche of stone?whi Christe wolde be bu∣ried in a new sepulchre. MA. This thynge dyd make partely for the dignite of Christe: and partelye for the fayth and credence of the history But in euery one of these thynges are hydde greate mysteryes / whiche thou shalte than here: whan thou hast layde awaye thyne infauncie. i. Cor. iii. Nowe we do offre mylke vnto the as to an infaūte or yonge babe. D. Seynge that this histo¦ry is cōfirmed & estableshed by so many argumētes: haue there ben ony mē whi¦che dyd dowte of the trouth? MA. The Iewes do graunte & cōfesse / that Iesus was crucified verye matter in dede:The Iewes. but they do denye / that he was crucified for the saluatiō of the worlde. There haue ben also certayne christē men / which do {pro}fesse / yt Christe dyd verily suffre in his humanite / & yt for the helth of ye worlde but ye same did supose raither thā fastly affirme / yt lykewise as he suffred in his body here vpon earth for lyue mē: euen so his soule dyd suffre ī helle for the soul{is} that were kepte & holdē there / & agayne that after his resurrection he was cruci¦fied or shal be crucified in ye ayer for the spretes of the ayer.Basilides. Basilides a mā full of pytye (god knoweth) doth deny / that Christe hymselfe was fastened on the crosse:Luce. xxiii. but he sayth that one Simon of Cyrene was hanged vp in his stede / whi¦che was compelled to be Christes vicare in bearyng of his crosse. But yf it were soo / that an other man was crucified in his stede: than dyd he hymselfe neither dye / neither ryse agayne / neither dyd he redeme vs with his owne deathe. But these are but the dreames and fonde fan¦tasies of mānes mynde. The scripture dothe moste manifestlye teache vs / that Christe hath not suffred but ones for all & that he died vpō ye crosse vnder Pōce Pilate / & that he died not for ony other creatures / saue onely for the redēptiō of mankynde. Saynte Paule sayth playn¦ly ☞Christe risynge ones from deathe:Rom. vi. diethe no more deathe hathe power no longer ouer hym. And that he diede as touchynge to synne: he died but ones for euer / but as touchyng to that he lyueth he lyueth to god. Peter cryeth i. Petri. iii. Christe dyed ones for our synnes. Thou hereste here expresselye / that he died ones. Thou hereste / that he rose agayne / and that he shal dye no more / and doest thou say that he died not hymselfe: but that another mā was brought in / in his stede and was his vicare in suffrynge deathe: lykewise as it is redde in poetes fables / that in the ilonde called Aulis a whight hynde was conuayde in / in the stede of Iphigenia which sholde haue ben slayn in sacryfyce? And dothe another of you crucifie his soule agayne in helle? And another agayne of you crucyfye whole Christe agayn / in the ayer? Thou hea∣rest the prince of Apostles cryenge open¦ly i. Petri. ii. Christ suffred for vs and wylt thou o Iewe / that his death dothe / not prou∣fighte or auayle onye man? Lette vs nowe procede to other thynges. DIS. It foloweth / he wente downe to helle. MAG. This is the article / which (as I sayde before) Cipriane sayth not to be hade in ye Romane symbole / no neither yet to be added in the churches of the Easte / ye and moreouer / although the symbole of the synode holden at Nice / or of the Synode holden at Constanti∣nople / is none other thyng than a decla∣ration of this symbole / yet is there not there neither / so much as ony thīge that is correspondēt to this particle. Finally ye very incōinnite & vnhādsome ioynī∣ge or hangynge togeder of the speche & oration / is an euidente argument / that it is a percell thruste in amōge the other articles / by some other man. These wor¦des The article descendit ad inferna was no percelle of the Crede / at the fyrste ma∣kynge of it. sepultus est (id est) was buried / do belonge to the body / which layde aslepe by death / doth ryse agayn / that is / doth as it were waken from slepe. But these wordes descēdit ad inferos .i. he went downe to helle / they do referre vnto the soule / which neither was buried / neither dyd rise agayn but beyng departed & sō∣dried for a tyme / shortly after retourned agayn into the deade body. Whether saīt Thomas of Aquine dyd adde this parti¦cle I am somewhat in doute. There is a certayne suspitiō / that it shold be added of some othere man: at the leaste by this argument / for that it is not in the mete place. For whā he doth make the thyrde article of ye resurrectiō: he maketh the 4. article of the goynge downe to helle: ex∣cepte peraduēture he meante this / that Christe after that he was rysen agayne from death to lyfe / went downe in body and soule to hell. Another litle worke / whiche goeth abrode bearynge the title of saynt Thomas vpō the symbole doth interprete and declare the contrary here of / and doth vse also a cōtrary order / for there the goynge down to hell goeth be∣fore the resurrectiō / how be it this sayde opuscle / although it be a clarkely and an holy worke: yet it semeth not to be the worke of Thomas of Aquine. DI. Why was not this particle added or put to?why this ar∣ticle was lef out. A. Because the fathers of olde tyme dyd with great relygyon and feare take hede and beware / that they wold not af¦firme ony thynge / namely in the crede / whiche were not expressed in the holye scriptures of both testamentes. Nowe suche maner articles are all the other: onely this one excepted. DI. Howe thā durste they / that came after / be so bolde to adde it? MA. Because they semed to themselfes / that they hadde gathered this euidently enough of the holy scrip∣tures diligently boulted and examined / to the which they do adde some reasones also / not those verily moste stronge and inuīcible: but yet not vtterly vnprobale They do aledge and brynge forth these authorites of the psalmes.Psal. xxi. Et in pul∣uerem mortis deduxisti me .i. And thou hast brought me into the duste of deathe And Psal. xxix. Que vtilitas in sanguine meo dū descendo in corruptionem .i. what prou∣fighte is there in my bloude: whils I do go downe into corruption? And agayn Descendi in limū profundi et non est sub¦stantia.Psal. lxviii. And that also. Domine eduxisti ab inferno animm meam saluasti me a desendentibus in lacum (that is to say) Lorde thou haste broughte forthe my soule frō hell thou hast saued me frō the noumbre of them that go downe into the pitte.Psal. xv. And that also Non derelin∣ques animā meam in inferno .i. Thou shalte nat leue my soule in hell.Actes .ii, Whiche testimony / Peter / in the Actes / dothe teache to haue ben prophecied afore of Christ & nat of Dauid:Psal. lxxxvii. so as the Iewes dyd interprete it. The alledge also this texte Eruiste animam meam ex infer¦no inferiori .i. Thou haste delyuered my soule from the nether more hell. Agayn this texte / estimatus sum cum descen¦dentibus in lacum / factus sum sicut ho∣mo sine adiutorio / inter mortos liber (id est) I was reputed amonge men goyn∣ge downe into a pytte. I was made as a man without helpe / among deade mē free and at lybertie. Also that texte of Ose the prophet☞Ose. xiii. O mors ero mors tua et morsus tuus inferne (that is to say) O death I wyll be thy deathe / and I shall be thy bytte: o helle. They bryn¦ge forth also of the gospell of Mathue the wordes of sayncte Iohan Baptist / ☞ Arte thou he / which shalte come?Math. . or shall we wayte after another? for this speche some mē do interprete of Chistes goyng downe to hell. They aledge also that texte of the Epistle o Peter. Christ was mortified and killed in dede as touchynge to his fleshe:i. Pet. iii. but was quic¦kened in spirte / in which spirite he went also & preached to the spirites that were in prisō. They alledge also of the .xxiiii. chapitoure of Ecclesiastici / that whiche was spokē and sayde vnder the persone of wisdome. ☞ Penetrabo inferiores partes terre / et inspiciam omnes dormi¦entes / et illuminabo omnes sperantes in domino (id est) I shall entre into the lower partes of the earth: & I wyll loke vpon all them that slepe / & I wyl lygh∣ten all them that hope and truste in the lorde. And many other lyke places of scripture. But there is none of all these authorites / that may constrayne hym / that lyste to ihware and fynde cauylla¦tions: to beleue / that the soule of Chri∣ste wente downe by it selfe personalye to helle / or (as they call it) to lymbum. For the scripture dothe oftentymes call deathe / and the graue / by his name inferos whiche same worde is englys∣shed other whiles helle / as for exaumple in the .xliiii. chapitoure of Genesis.what this worde infery doth signifie otherwhiles in the scrip∣tur. ☞Morietur et deducent famuli tu canos eius cum dolore ad inferos (that is to saye) He shall dye and thy seruaū∣tes shall brynge his hore heares with sorowe to his graue. He called here the aged bodye of Iacob: horeheares: and by this worde inferos / he meante the sepulture or graue. And this thynge dothe saynte Cipriane in fewe wordes in a maner shewe / whan after that he hadde sayde before that this partycle is not hadde neyther in the churches of the west / nor in the churches of the east / he addeth afterwardes these wordes. Uis tamē verbi videtur eadem esse in eo quod sepultus dicitur (that is too saye) Howe be it there semeth to be the same strngthe of the worde: in that / that he is sayde to haue ben buried. As who sholde saye / that descendere ad in¦ferna / were noughte els: but to be bu∣ryed in the graue / which our lorde spea∣kynge of his owne buryall called to be in the hert of the earth. In these testimo¦nies which they alledge of the scripture there are certayne / whiche are well nere of no wayghte / but there is none of thē / but eyther it is darke with the myste of allegorie: orels it dothe receyue dyuerse and manifolde interpretations. Neither are the reasons / whiche they do brynge: of muche more wayghte. Amonge whiche one is playnly and vt∣terlye reiected and refused. DISC. whiche is that? MAG. Because ory∣gynall synne dyd not onely brynge the deathe of body / but also the tourmente and payne of soules / that by the rea∣sone of it they sholde wante the vysyon and syghte of godes face: therefore they do suppose it to be conuenyente and ac∣cordynge / that lykewyse as Christe by th deathe of his bodye / dyd abolyshe and take awaye bodyly payne: euen soo by suffrynge in his soule / he sholde take awaye the payne of the soules. DIS. Are we than at lybertie / whether we lyste / to beleue or not to beleue this par∣ticle? MAG. yf the vniuersall churche hath now receiued it: it is not lawful for the not to beleue it.Nota. It is sufficiente for the / to professe that Christe dyd so descē¦de ad inferos: as the scripture and the churche dothe thynke and meane. But yet as it is a poynte of Christiane wys∣dome not to beleue verye lyghtlye that thynge for certayne and vndowted / whi¦che is not expressed in the holy scriptu∣res: euen soo is it a poynte of Christian mekenes not to refuse prowdly and fro∣wardly that thynge / whiche the relygy¦ouse contemplacyon of good and godly men hathe taughte / either to the solace and comforthe / or els to the erudition of them that do beleue / of whiche sorte are these thynges also. That the holye ghoste toke one of the moste purest drop¦pes of bloude out of the virgine Ma∣ries herte / and layde it downe into her matrice: and that hereof sodeynly was made the perfighte body of a man / soo smalle as is a lytle spyder whiche is but euen nowe cropen forthe from the egge: But yet with all the membres fulle fy∣nyshed and perfyghte: and that in the same momente a soule was infused and putte into it / beynge euen verye than forthewith as perfyghte in all powers and qualytyes / as it is mowe in heuen / lykewyse / that they doo teache / that Christ by the reason of the complexion of his humane body (whiche they wyll to haue ben in hym farre moste subtyle / and so therfore of moste quicke and shar¦pefelynge) dyd suffre more greuouse and bytter paynes than ony man may possi¦bly suffre / the payne of them onely excep¦ted / whiche are perpetuallye damned in helle. These thynges and suche other lyke vnto these / lette them be soo herde as deuoute and holy contemplations of men concernynge Christe: but not as articles of the faythe. Many suche ma∣ner thynges haue certaine men ymagy∣ned also about this particle / whiche we haue shewed to be an addytyon to the Crede / tellynge what persones Christe dyd brynge out from helle / and whome he dyd leue there stylle / and what thyn∣ges with what wordes he dyd speake to euery one of the cyrcles. But this is sufficiente for vs / that he was ones in fleshe borne a very man / that he dyd ve¦ryly suffre passyon / that he hathe veryly died / and ben buryed. And that he hath verylye reuyued agayne / the very same soule returned agayne into the owne na¦turall body. It folowethe / He rose agayne the thyrde daye / vnlesse Christe had rysen agayne: all hope of immorta∣lyte had ben quite and clene taken from vs. But he rose agayne accordynge to the scriptures / for this hathe the symble redde in the masse / added: lykewyse as the blessed Apostle Paule sayde. i. Cor xv.☞ I haue taughte to you principallye that whiche I receiued and learned of the lorde that Christe hathe died ones for our synnes accordynge to the scrip∣tures / and that be hath ben buried / and that he hathe rysen agayne the thyrde daye accordynge to the scriptures. But though the resurrectiō of our lorde hath ben shawwed before by so many figures of whiche our lorde hymselfe dyd expoū¦de and declare one / that is to witteMath. xii. Ione .v. of Ionas / whiche was ī the bely of a whal iii. dayes and .iii. nyghtes / and though it haue ben promised by soo many ora∣cles and prophesies of so many Prophe¦tes / and also so oftētymes shewed before of Christe hymselfe with euidente wor∣des Luce. xviii.nothyge darkened with ony myste of Trope or Allegory. And finally hath ben confyrmed with so many euydente testimonies of the Apostles:Math. xx. Mar. x. yet all this not withstandynge / there haue not lac∣ked some men whiche in very dede (as it is wonte to be sayde in the prouerbe) in the very bryght lyght of the sonne were blynde and could not see.Cerinthus. For Cerinth{us} sayde / that Christ is not yet risen agayn but that he shall in tyme to come longe herafter / rise agayn. Other some agayn dyd fayne / that Christe hymselfe is in dede risen agayne / but yet that our bo∣dyes shall neuer reuyue nor rise agayne whome saynte Paule dothe openly con∣fute / gatherynge / that it dothe necessa¦ryly folowe / i. Cor. xv. Yf Christe dyd not ryse agayne: that neither shal we rise agayn and yf we shall rise agayne: that Christe muste nedes than haue risen agayne. For lykewyse as he dyd suffre for our sa¦kes / that we sholde be delyuered by hym from eternall deathe / euen so hathe he also rysen agayne for our sakes / that by hym we sholde gete and obtayne eternal lyfe.i. Cor. xv. He rose beynge the fyrste frute of them that slepe. But he that is the fyrst can not be alone / neither wyll the hede leue or forsake his membres. Certayne men folowyng Ualentine for theyr authoure / do graunte and confesse the resurrection of the spirite and of the soule:Ualentine. but the resurrection of the bodyes they do denye / not withstondynge / that in Christe was shewed the example and paterne of our resurrection. Nowe he rose agayne whole / that is to saye both in body and soule. But what sholde a man stryue agaynste them / that doo denye the euidente scripture / and agre∣ynge with it selfe in so many places? For nothynge hathe ben taughte more diligently of the Euangelystes: than the argumentes and proffes of the resur¦rection. And saynte Paule dothe not onely confirme the resurrection in euery place: but he dothe also describe the ma∣ner of the resurrection to the Corinthia¦nes / and to the Thessalonianes.i. Cor. xv. i. Thessa. iiii. For as for the opinion of them / that were cal∣led ChiliasteChiliaste. (whiche dyd dreame / that by the space of a thousand yeres / after the risynge agayn of our bodyes / we shall enioye plentuosly in this world all suche maner pleasures / wherewith the bodyly senses are delyted and pleased) it is not worthy to be called an opinion / but raither a prodigiouse and a wondre¦full madde erroure. And as for all the cauillations whiche mānes witte dothe engendre / howe or by what meanes the same bodye / whiche hath ben so manye maner wayes chaunged from one thyn¦ge into another / can be restored agayne the very same in noumbre: these cauylla¦tions (I saye) are shaken of and putte awaye by faythe and beleffe / by whiche we do beleue / that he is god / and that he is almyghty / whiche worketh all these thynges / & that he is not subiecte vnder the lawes of nature: whiche dyd create and make nature. And what meruayle is it / yf he dothe restore the body of that thynge / that is: whiche dyd fyrste at the begynnynge make heuen and earth and aungelles all of nothynge. And seynge that we do dayly see soo many miracles in the workes of nature / as for exaūple / of a very lytle sede to ryse a great strong tree: and of a gressehoper nowe beynge olde / by castynge of his skynne to flye forthe a yonge one: & of a Eruoa (id est) cankerworme redy to dye / to lepeforthe a lusty and a swyfte Papilionem .i. but∣terfly: why sholde ony thynge seme vn∣beleueable / which / god that is almighty dothe worke contrary to the lawes and course of nature? It foloweth / he ascē¦ded into heuē / and sytteth on the ryghte hande of god the father.Ioan. iii. Nomā (sayth saynte Iohan) goeth vp into heuē: saue he whiche hathe come downe from he∣uen / the sone of man that is in heuen. The worde or sone of god came downe from heuen / not that he departed from the father or chaunged his place (for as muche as the diuine nature is so in eue∣ry place that yet that notwithstandyng it is cōtayned in no place) but the same worde / whiche by dyspēsation dyd come into the wombe of the blessed virgine / after that he hadde finished the mystery of our redemption:Actuum .i. beynge than incar∣nate dyd in verye dede ascende vp into heuen / withdrawynge the syghte of his body from his disciples / and caryeng or conuayenge vp the myndes of them to heuenly thynges / that they sholde geue themselues mete vessells and apte to re¦ceyue the spirite that was to come. Neither dyd he laye from hymselfe the body: whiche he hadde taken vnto hym and leue it in the sonne / soo as wretched Salencus dyd fondlye ymagine.Salencus. So he whiche as touchyng his diuine nature: was alwayes in the same glorye with his father is nowe with his humane nature also sette in the glorye of his fa∣ther / beynge made lorde of all thynges whiche are in heuen and in earthe. D. It semeth not vnreasonable / nor vnmet to assygne or geue vnto Christe a ryght parte or a lefte parte / as concernynge his body. But in the father to ymagyne ony suche maner thynge: it semeth too come nere and to be agreynge vnto the erroure of the Anthropomorphites. MAG. To sytte on the ryghte hande of the father is spoken not without a trope or fygure / so that thou moste vn∣derstande by this maner of speakynge / that he is egal in honoure / and felow in raygnynge with the father.what is meāt whan it is sayde / that Christ sitteth on the fa∣thers righte hande. DISC. But why dyd they not rayther expresse this sentence and meanynge by playne and propre or mete wordes / sayenge / he wente vp into heuen / where he rayg∣nethe egall to the father? MAGS. I haue tolde the alredye / that the scrip∣ture dothe oftentymes shape and apply her language vnto our affectiōs. Nowe the crede doth here cōtrefait the worde of the holy scripture / for thus speaketh the holy ghoste in the psalmes of god the fa¦ther & of Christe glorified.Psal. c.ix. ☞The lorde sayde to my lorde sytte thou on my right hande. And our lorde hymselfe sayth in the Gospell.Math. xxvi. ☞ But yet for all that I say to you / hereafter you shal see the son of man syttynge on the ryghte hande of god. Lykewyse Peter the Apostle spea∣kynge of Christe saythe.i. Pet. ii. ☞ whiche is syttyng in heuen at the ryghte hande of god. In lyke maner saynte Paule writ∣eth to the Ephesyanes.Ephe. i.☞ Accordynge to the workynge of his myghty power / whiche he wroughte in Christ Iesu / set¦tynge hym on his owne ryghte hande in heuenly thyng{is} aboue all rule / power myghte / and dominatins / and aboue euery name whiche is named not onely in this worlde / but also in the worlde to come. Moreouer saynte Steuen in the Actes sawe Actuum .vii. the heuēs open / and Iesu standynge on the ryghte hande of god. DISC. Howe dyd saynte Steuen see hym stande:How Christe is sayd to syt and howe to stande on the righte hande of the father. whiche in other places is sayde to sytte? MAG. Here also know thou to be a trope. To sytte is a poynte of one that resteth / of one that raigneth and of a iudge. To stande belongeth to one that succurreth or helpeth. He syt∣teth: whiche without care gouerneth all thynges. He standeth beynge redy to helpe al those that desyre helpe of hym. In that he is a iudge: he is sayde to syt in that he is an aduocate. He is sayd to standei. Ioan. ii. we haue (saythe saynte Paule) an aduocate in heuen. DIS. But Chri¦ste as concerynge his humane nature is not egall to the father. MAG. How coulde that / that is but a creature: be egall to the creator? But for cause of the vnyte of the person / all those thyng{is} are well and a ryghte geuen to Christe: whiche are agreynge to hym as tou∣chynge his humane nature / soo that we doo vse the names or vocables of the persone / or vocabulis suppositi / as some other men do call it. DISC. In as moche asMat. xxviii. Christe dothe promyse that hymselfe wyl contynue and abyde with vs vnto the ende of the world:Actuum .i. why was he lyfted vp into heuen bodyly in the syghte of al his disciples? M. To this question dothe the apostle make aun∣swere in the thyrde chapiter to the Co∣lossianes ☞ Seche you those thynges that are aboue where Christe is sittyng on the ryghte hande of god. This syght was shewed to the bodyly eyes of them: to thende that he wolde kendle and en∣flame our myndes from earthely cares / vnto the desyre of the heuēly lyfe.whereof we be assured by Christes pas∣sion & deathe. Ther¦fore that god hathe for cause of our sal∣uacion sent his owne sonne into this worlde / and hathe dlyuered hym vnto the deathe of the crosse: it maketh vs certayne and out of doubte / that by him we are delyuered from the kyngdome of the deuyll / and from the bond of synnes. And in that he rose agayne:whereof by his resurrecti¦on. here is ge∣uen sure truste and hope to vs that we shall reuiue agayne at that daye / which he hathe wylled to be vnknowne to vs: euen with the same bodyes whiche we do nowe beare about.wherof by his ascension And in that he hathe ascended into heuen: he hathe by an euidente argument taughte / that we sholde nat seche true felicite here in this world / but that we shold vse this worlde as it were a thorowefare / i. Cor. vii.as though we dyd nat vse it / & that we shold translate all our cares and thoughtes vnto that heuenly and eternal lyfe.wherof by that he siteth on the righte hande of the father. And in that he siteth on the ryghte hande of the fa∣ther: it dothe engendre and cause in vs a greate securite / so that we do nat feare any of all the displeasures or fearfull thynges / that are in the worlde / for as moche as we haue so frendly and also so myghty an aduocate in heuen. But leste this so great goodnes of the lord myght prouoke vs to synne ye more boldly and more largely: it is added strayghte∣wayes after. From thense shal he con to iudge the quicke and the deade: that we shold haue vnderstonding and know¦ledge / that suche persones oughte there to loke for a sharpe sentence of the iudge without any mercy or fauoure: whiche here haue despised & wolde nat regarde the goodnes of ye redemer. The more that hathe ben geuen to vs:Luce. xii. so moche the more shall be required of vs / and the strayghter accompte shall we geue. For he shall come than nat in the forme and maner of a seruaūte: but in the maiesty of his father / so as he himselfe speaketh euidently in the gospell of Mathue.Math. xxv. ☞ whan the son of man shall come in his maiesty / and all the aungels with hym: than shal he sitte vpon the seate of his maiesty / and all peoples shall be ga∣thered together afore hym? There shall be made an euidente and one euer∣lastyng separation and disseuerynge of the godly people / Math. xiii. from the wycked and vngodly people: whan the trāmell ne shall be full drawne to the see banke. The same thynges doth Peter preache in the .x. chapitoure of the Actes. This is he / which is ordained of god ye iudge of the quicke and of the deade.Actuum .x. He whi∣che here dyd suffre / & was cōtented to be iudged vniustly for our sakes: shal there iudge the whole world / and shall rendre or geue to euery man accordynge to his workes / Math. xxv. Ioannes .v.whether they be good / or badde DIS. why wolde god / that the daye of iudgemēte sholde be vncertayne and vnknowne to all men?why god wold the day of generall iudgemente & the daye of euery mānes deathe to be vnknowē to vs. MAG. Uerily for the same cause / for whiche he wolde that eche one of vs sholde be moste cer∣tayne of his owne dyinge daye: and yet for al that be vncerteyne of the same (for there is no mā / that dowteth / that hymselfe shall ones dye: but no man doth yet for all that knowe certaynly / whan he shall dye) to thentente that we sholde euery houre be redy to departe and dye / yf god shall call vs from hence. DIS. why is it added here the quicke & the deade?what is mēte in the Crede by the quycke & the deade. For howe can deade bodyes be iudged? M. The symbole / i as much as it is whole taken out of the scriptures: it dothe very conueniently & accordyngly countrefayte and expresse the wordes of the scripture. Certayne men do inter∣prete here by the quicke godly persones / and by the deade vngodly persones: but this interpretation is somwhat to farre fetched. To the symbole whiche was or¦dayned for symple persones: symple and playne thinges are mete and cōuenient.The deade. It is more probable by the deade to vn∣derstonde those that haue departed from theyr bodies afore the daye of iudge∣mente (for as sone as they shall be reui∣ued & risen agayne:The quicke. they shall be iudged) and by the quycke / those / whome that daye shall fynde lyuyng in body / whiche persones certayne men do beleue / that in the very takyng vp and passage into the ayer / they shall dye / and forthwith lyue / agayne. Other some agayne do thynke / that they shall nat dye:Two opini∣ons concer∣nyng them / whiche shall be lyuyng at the daye of dome. but yet that they shall be chaunged to immor∣talite. Neyther of these .ii. sentences or opinions doth the auctorite of the chur∣che reiecte or disalowe / albeit yet that opinion whiche thynketh / that they / whiche shall than be founde lyuynge in body / shall nat dye / but shall be transla∣ted to immortalyte: is more agreyng to the wordes of sayncte Paule in the .xv. chapiter of the fyrste epistle to the Cor∣inthianes / and in the .iiii. chapiter of the fyrst epistle to the Thessalonianes. But deuoute fayth doth nat loue cōtencion. DI. what nede any iudgement to be made than:A notable qustion. seyng that the soules forth∣with after that they are departed from the body / are iudged alredy: so yt eyther if they haue departed fromhence beyng pure and clene / they do go to the heuen∣ly lyfe / orels if they do departe in bon∣dage of sine / they are drawne strayghte to helle. Orels if they be defiled wt any smalle spottes / they are borne into the clensynge fyere of purgatory what so euer or what maner one so euer that fyere of purgatory be? MA.Aunswere. There were certayne men / whiche taught that neyther the wicked spirites / neyther the wicked soules / shall be geuen to eternall ponishementes and paynes afore that laste daye of the world:It is an here¦sy cōdemned by the chur∣che, that no soule shall neyther be in heuen, nor hell afore the day of doe neyther that the soules of good and godly men shall en∣ioye the heuenly lyfe afore the sayd day. But the opinion of these men the aucto∣rite of the churche hathe reiected and disalowed. But this thyng is prouably beleued that to the wicked spirites after that generall iudgement the tourmētes and paynes shall be augmented and en∣creased: and that wicked men shall than fully suffre paynes in soule & body bothe together / lykewyse as also the felicite of good men shal than be full and {per}fighte / whā they shal haue receiued theyr body than beynge glorified: that the same body / whiche they haue had a minister of good workes / and a partener of afflic¦cions / the same they maye haue also a felowe & partener with them of rewarde and ioye. D. If all the men & women which haue ben by the space of so many thousand yeres syns the creation of the worlde / shall stande afore Christes seate of iudgemente: I beseche you / what courte shall that be / able to receiue and cōtayne so great a multitude: Or what tyme shal be sufficiente to the discussyng and examynynge of so many mennes dedes? M. The scripture forsothe (as I haue tolde the heretofore) dothe at∣tempre and shape her speche accordyng to the affections of men / applyinge her selfe to our dull & slowe vnderstondyng: whan she saythe that Ro. xiiii. all men shall be presented and broughte forthe vnto the iudgemente seate of Christe. Lykewise and after the same maner as it saythe / that☞ some men shall be in daunger of iudgemente / Mar. v.and other some in daunger of a coūsayle and other agayne in daun¦ger of hel fyere. And also whan it saith / that of euery idle worde an accompe is to be geuen at the daye of iudgement.Math. xii. Agayne whan it telleth / what the iudge shall saye to them that shall stande on the ryghte hande and what they shall aūswere to hym agayne / Math. xxv.lykewise what they shall aunswere / or what shall be sayde to them / whiche shall sand on the lefte hande. The iudgemente of god / is done farre after another maner / thā the iudgemente of men is done. And yet shall it nat therfore nat be verily done: because it shall nat be done after the maner of men. This is very true that Christ shall appere in his body glorified vnto all men / to good men vnto theyr solace and coumforthe / to wicked men to theyr feare and discōforthe. For this thynge do the aungelles expressly saye in the actes / Actuum .i. whiche dyd appere forthe∣with after that our lorde was ascended into heuen. This Iesus which is taken vp frō you into heuē: euen after ye same maner shall he com / as you haue seen hym goyng. He shall com euen the very same / he shall be sene in the shape of mā / but than shynynge with the glory of im¦mortalyte.The generall iudgemente shal be don in the twyncīg of an eye. But all this busynes shall be done in a momēte and as you wolde say in the twynclynge of an eye. Neither shall there than nede ony longe or dyly∣gente eamination or tryall: whan all the secretes of mēnes hertes shall be open / and whan euery mānes owne con¦science shall condemne hym. And the bodyes beynge than chaunged to im∣mortalyte shal not thā (as they do now) occupye space of place / as touchynge to the thre maner dymensions / that is to witte lengthe / bredthe / and depthe: but innumerable bodyes shall may than be contayned in a very lytle space. Forels mānes witte myghte greatly meruayle howe it may be / that helle / whiche they do prouably putte too be in the loweste partes of the earthe: shall be able to re∣ceyue so many bodyes. DISC. why dothe the quiere / in the Crede that they do synge: adde here these wordes Cuius regni non erit finis (that is to saye) of whose kyngdome there shal be none ende MAG. This particle was added out of the wordes of the aungell / which (as we do rede in LukeLuce. i.) spake in this wise to the blessed virgine. ☞ And the lorde god shall geue too hym the seatte of his father / and he shall raygne in the howse of Iacob for euermore.why in the Crede of the masse / it is ad¦ded. Cuius regni nō rit finis. And of his kyng¦dome there shall be none ende. And this particle was added and putte to because of certayne men / whiche dreamed certai¦ne wonderfull blasphemies of the perio¦des and reuolutions of yeres / whiche Plato dyd put / of whiche Origene toke his eroure (yf it be so / that he dyd thyn∣ke that thynge in very dede:Origenes. whiche he hathe recyted & reherced / rayther than affirmed with asseueratiō in his bokes) that is to witte / that after certayn thou¦sandes of yeres / of fendes shall be made aungells / and of aungells be made fen∣des. And that they whiche are damned in the fyere of helle: shal ones be delyuer¦de from theyr paynes / and beynge pur∣ged / shall retourne agayne to felycyte and blysse / and finally that Christe shal be crucified agayne. And so that the kyngdome / whiche Christe hathe pur∣chaced and gotten too hymselfe by his deathe: sholde ones haue an ende. This is a more fonde and folyshe blasphemye than that it is worthy to be confuted. But yet because there were some amōg the Grekes / whiche dyd somewhat ea∣steme and regarde this dreame or tryf∣lynge opinion: the churches of the easte dyd adde this particle. ☞ And of his kyngdome there shall be none ende. Math. xxv. Ioannes .v. The kyngdome of the deuyll is dissem∣bled for a season: whiche euen nowe also dothe rebell & warre agaynst the kyng∣dome of Christe. Lykewise the raygne of Antichriste shall laste but a while / but the kyngdome of Christe / after that it shall be clensed and ridde clene from all rebellion of the euyll persones: it shall continue and endure for euer / soo as the Prophete Daniell hat euidētly prophe¦cied in the .vii. chapitoure. For after yt he hathe fyrste described his comynge with maieste / and with many thousan∣des of aungels / and by & by / after hathe described the dredefull iudgemente / he addeth consequently these wordes. ☞ And he hathe geuen to hym power:Dani. vii. honoure / and kyngdome / and all peo∣ples / and tribes / and languages / shal do seruice to him The power of him shalbe an eternall power: which shal not be ta∣ken away frō hym / and his kyngdome shalbe a kyngdom / which shal not be cor¦rupted or destroyed / thus farforthe this Crede was sufficiete: yf the worlde had by symple faythe holden and kepte fast that / whiche was taughte them. But for as muche as the peruersite of hereti¦kes dyd brynge in certayne wicked here¦sies & erroniuse opinions of the thyrde persone / whiche is the holy ghoste: and because it semed to haue ben somewhat to darkely spoken and to obscure signifi¦cation to haue ben geuen of the dispen∣sation of the churche in this worlde: therefore was this parte added / whiche bothe dothe more clerely and euidently chalenge and mayntayne to the holye ghoste the diuine nature / which he hath cōmune to hym with the father and the sone: and also doth playnly and lyghte∣somly expresse and declare / what gouer¦naunce is in Christes mysticall bodye / by the holy ghoste / it dothe therefore re∣pete agayne the thyrde persone sayinge I beleue in the holy ghoste: that by the same wordes professyng hym in the thyrde place / it myght declare the distin¦ction of the .iii. persones as touchynge to theyr {pro}preties & the egalyte & euēnes of thē as touching to theyr nature: lyke wise as no mā doth beleue with a chrstē beleffe / no man doth sette his moste cōfi∣dence and trust) in a creature / but in the onely god alone. He that {pro}fesseth hym∣selfe to beleue in the holy ghost: dowtles he professeth hym to be god / & that no another god / but the same god.Erroneouse opinions con¦cernynge the holy ghoste. Certayn men haue sayde that the holy ghoste is not a substauce: but that he is noughte els but the concitation or styrrynge of a godly mynde. But this motion or styr∣rynge of our mynde is in dede caused and cometh of the holy spirite: but it is not the verye holye goste selfe (lykewise as imagination cometh of ye soule / but yet is it not the very soule selfe) For the sayde motion or styrrynge of the mynde in vs is an accidente: but that thynge that is god / is neyder accidente / neyther is it mengled to ony accidente. Other some agayne haue sayde / that the holye ghoste is a creature added as a minister or seruaunte to the sone / whome also they do make a creature. And these men do openlye denye the holye ghoste to be god.Mat. xxviii. But our lorde whan in the forme and maner of baptisyng he dothe ioyne the father / the sone / and the holy ghoste: all .iii. together / he dothe not mengle or ioyne a creature wt the creator / neither an accidente with a substaunce / but he hathe expressed thre persones all of one essence. But because the erroures cōcer∣nÿng the holy ghost haue not very gre∣atly trobled and encombred or febled ye churche of Rome / but haue moste speci∣ally and chefly raged amonge the Gre∣kes:The errores cōcernynge the holy gho∣ste raged mo∣ste in Grece lond. therfor hath ye symbole which was made in the councell holden at Constā∣tinople / added & put to / certayne wordes of the holy ghost / callynge hym dominū lorde and viuificatorem .i. quickener or maker alyue.why the holy ghoste is cal∣led lorde In that it doth call hym lorde: it doth make hym egal to the sone excludyng the name of a minister or ser¦uaunte / for there are not many lordes / for the sone is not called lorde of the ho∣ly goste: but the lorde of all thynges cre¦ated / whiche dominum or lordshippe is cōmune to all .iii. persones. Howe be it this greke word Kyrios is not alwaies a worde of dominion or lordshyppe:Kyrios. but otherwhiles it is a worde betokenynge authorite / nowe is the holy ghoste au∣thour of all those scriptures: whiche the churche accōpeth for diuine scriptures and of which the auhorite is inuiolable but because the father hath in ye gospel testified & wtnessed of the sone.Math. iii. This is my welbeloued sone herken to hym / ge∣uynge to hym / most soueraigne & highe authorite: leste ony man shold thynke or suppose that the authorite of the holy spirite were lesse than the authorite of the sone / they dyd adde & put to / Pneu∣ma kyrion .i. the spirite the authour / & in that it doth cal hym viuificatorē .i. quic¦kener or lyfegeuer:Et spūm do∣minum. whythe same ghoste is cal∣led quickener it doth agayne make hym egall to the sone & to the father / for our lorde saith in the gospell of Iohan. As the father doth raise quicken vp / and make alyue those that are deade:Ioannis .v. so doth the sone also quicken & make alyue whō he lyste. Leste ony man therfore sholde thynke / that the holy ghoste were here excluded: they added t viuificantē .i. & quicknyng or makyng alyue.The differēce betwen the speakynge of the sone & the speakynge of the holy gho∣ste & the diffe∣rēce betwen the qckenyng or raisyng vp deade men of the one / & of the other. And lyke∣wise as this difference there is / that the sone hathe spoken openly in fleshe / & the holy ghost hath spokē by the prophetes & the same dayly dothe speke secretly by the churche: euen so dyd the sone bodily raise vp deade men beynge both the au∣thour & also ye fyrst frut of resurrection: but the holy ghost by pardonynge & for¦geuyng syn̄es / doth spiritually quickē & make alyue / for synne is the death of the soule / frō which to reuoke & call agayne ony man / is a greatt thyng than it was to raise vp Lazar{us} beīg .iiii.Ioannis .xi. dayes deade out of his graue saue onely yt al thyng{is} are lyke muche or egally easy to be done of god. But because this outward spiri or breathe is a thynge inconstante / wa∣ueryng / & vnstable: leste ony man sholde ymagyne ony semblable and lyke thyng of the holy ghoste / they called hym Ky∣rion: that is to saye: of substanciall and stronge inuiolable authorite.Ioan. xv. And in the gospell of Iohan our lorde hymselfe cal¦leth hym the spirite of trouthe. Thus muche as touchynge difference.Quickener. Nowe on the other syde because by the sen∣dynge forthe and receyuynge in agayne of breath or ayer by course / we do lyue bodyly: the holy ghoste very conuenient¦ly and accordyngly is called spiritus viuificator .i. a quickenynge spirite whi¦che doth geue vnto vs / causeth that we do lyue as touchynge the better parte of vs / that is to witte the soule. Agayne because this breathe or wynde seameth a certayne cruel and vnmercifull thyng: whan it dothe rayse or styrre vp waues in the see / & whā it doth cause the earthe to shake or quake / and whan it tearethe trees in sondre: they do geue to the holy ghoste goodnesse. DI.why he is cal¦led the holye spirite. Why is he called holy? MA. For a difference from other spirites / for we do rede in the scriptures: that Saul had an euyll spirite sente of the lorde / and that a lyinge spirite was in the mouthe of the prophetes.i. Regum. xix. and .xvi. We rede also of the spirite vertiginis: of the spirit of sothesayers / of ye spirite of gelosy / weLeuit. xx. Actuum .xvi. rede these wordes / spiritū pessimū .i. the moste euyll spirite / the spirite of fornica∣tion / Actuum. xix.spiritum nequam .i. the wicked spirite / the vnclene spirite / the spirite of this worlde / the spirite of Satan / & we rede also the proude and highe spirites of man / as in the .xvi. chapitoure of the prouerbes. Ante ruinam exaltabitur spi¦ritus .i. Afore his decaye and fall his spi¦rite shall be lyfted vp in pride.what meruai¦louse chāges the holy gost worketh in mānes soule. From all these spirites is the holy ghoste separa∣ted and disseuered / whiche maketh men for proude and highmynded / meke and mylde / whiche ryddeth and delyuereth men from all companie and felowshippe of Satan / whiche inspireth to mn the very despisynge of this worlde / whiche by faythe purifieth and clenseth the her¦tes of men / whiche driuethe awaye alli. Cor. xiii. malice and wickednesse / whiche geueth true charite / that is not misdemyng ney¦theri. Cor. ii. thynket ony euyll / which openeth ye secreth misteries of ye scriptures whi¦che ledeth into euery verite & trouth. D.Iohan. xvi. Are nat aungelles also called spiritus sancti id est holy spirites? MA. Yes verily / and so are they in very dede. So also the spirite of man is well called holy: but there is but one spirite alone / whiche is by nature holy / and which of it selfe dothe sanctifie and make holy all thynges / that are verily holy.Spiritus. What so euer hynge is without body: by a gene∣rall name is called spiritus a spirite or ghoste.Iohan. iiii. So is god in the gospell called a spirite whiche name is commune to all the thre persones as concernynge the diuine nature / but whan we do {pro}prely and specially meane & signifie the thyrde person:By what na¦mes the holy ghoste is cal∣led in the scripture. we do call hym the holy spirite or ghoste / the spirite of god / the spirite of Christe / spiritum paracletum .i. the spirite that is cōforter or aduocate / and the spirite of trouth. And agaynst them whiche denyed that the prophetes made theyr prophecies by the inspiration of the holy ghoste / but by a phanaticall or madde and vayne spirite: the Synode of Nice or of Constantinople hathe ad∣ded this particle Qui locutus est per prophetas (that is to saye) which spake by the prophetes: that we sholde vnder∣stonde & haue in knowledge / that bothe testamētes were aughte and geuen by one and ye same spirie / and that i was none other spirite whiche spake by the mouthe of the holy prophetes: thā euen the very selfe same Luce. iii. whiche descended vpon our lord in the lykenesse of a dowe and in the lykenesse of fyere cam vponActuum .ii. the disciples / and which euen this daye resteth betwene the brestes of the spou∣sesse the churche.A notable question. DI. Dyd the holy ghost take vpon hym the body in which he appered: so as Christe toke his body vnto hym? M.Aunswere. No verily / for Christ toke an humane body into the vnite of personage:It was no. natural body that the holy ghoste appe∣red in. but the holy ghoste dyd so take vnto hym a body / as aungels do oftentymes appere in the lykenesse of a man. Those are but bodyes assumpte / and nat naturall bodyes. The same synode dyd adde these wordes also. Et spūm do∣minum. whythe same ghoste is cal∣led quickener ☞Qui cum patre et filio simul adora∣tur et conglorificatur .i. Whiche is wor∣shipped and glorified together with the father and the son: to thentēe that they myghte the more exclude the blasphemy of them / which do make the holy ghoste inferiour to the son. For creatures are glorified & honoured: but wt the father & the son nothīg is honoured / saue only that / that is god. Under god and for godes sake / holy men also are honoured but with god / nothynge is honoured or glorified / but that which is all one with hym. And for the same purpose also is added this clause. ☞ Qui ex patre filio{que} procedit (that is to saye) whiche procedethe of the father and the sone. For as the sonne is argued and proued to be of the same substaunce with the fa¦ther / because he is begottē of the father: euen so is it concluded & gathered that the holy ghoste also hath the same natu¦re with them bothe / for as muche as he prosedeth & cometh forth of them bothe: how be it these wordes filio{que} .i. and of the sone / semeth to haue ben added of the Latyne men / lykewise as in the sym¦bole of Atanasius: for as muche as this particle neither is hadde in the Greke symbole / whiche we hadde set afore the newe testamente in our seconde edition of it / neither yet in ony symbole whiche is recited in the canon lawe / for I suppo¦se it was not than yet receiued / namelye in the churches of the easte / that the ho∣ly ghoste dothe procede from bothe / nei∣ther was the confession & knowlegynge here of exacted of Christen men / but it was sufficient to professe / that he proc∣ded frome the father / and that he dyd contynue and abyde in the son / as it is expressed in the lyfe of sayncte Andru the apostle. Nat for that they dyd deny hym to procede also from the son: but for that they durste nat fastly affyrme this thynge / vntyll that our lorde dyd reuele and shewe it also vnto them. For nat e∣uery thyng that is sente of any persone / dothe forthwith procede frome the sub∣stance of hym / of whome it is sente. A temporall sendynge / is one thynge: and an eternall procession or comyng forth / is another thynge. D. Seynge that the fathers with so many wordes dyd study and go about to exclude inequalite why dyd they nat breffly and expressly pronounce / that the holy ghoste dyd pro¦cede beyng god of god: in as moche as they haue diligently expressed of ye son / that he is god of god / lyghte of lyghte / very god of very god?Deum de deo / luen de lumine / deum verum de deo vero. For so sholde all cauillations vtterly haue ben excluded. M. To this / I can nat tell what aun∣swere I sholde make / saue only / that the meruailouse religion and feare / The religion & drede that the olde fa∣thers had to speake of di∣uine thinges. whiche the olde fathers hadde to speake of the diune matters / and the wicked babling and talkatiuenes of certayne persones / was ye cause / why they had leuer shewe and demonstrate by circumlocution the name of god / than to expresse it: to then tente that both the godly myndes shold vnderstonde and perceiue the mysterie / and wicked persones sholde nat be pro∣uoked to blasphemy. But that thynge / which that Synode dyd vtter by circū∣locution: sayncte Athanase doth epres∣sly pronounce / saying. ☞ The father is god / the son is god / the holy ghoste is god. And yet are nat ther thre godes / but there is but one god. D. Why do they attribute and assigne to the holy ghoste / goodnes and charite?why goodnes & harite are attributed to the holy ghoste. M. Be∣cause vnto goodnes or benignite two thynges do belong / that is to wytte for geuenes of synnes / & geuyng of gyftes: vnto charite appertaineth conglutina∣tion or ioynyng together. Lykewise as the membres and lymmes of our body / do cleue together whole by ye befight of the spirite: euen so the misticall body of Christe is ioyned and knyt together by the holy ghoste / Christe in the spirite of god dyd caste out deuils.Luc. xi. Math. xii. And he cal∣leth the holy ghoste the spirite of god. But by synne wicked spirites do raigne in a man / as our lorde dyd manifestly teache in the parable ☞ of the spirite / that was driuen out / whiche retourned agayn into his empty house with seuen spirites more wicked than hymselfe. Lc. xi. Math. xii. Therfore the good spirite is conueni∣ently sayde / by abolishyng and puttyng away synnes to dryue out euyl spirites. Which whan it is done: it doth nat suffre the house to be empte or voyde / but doth garnishe and adourne it with diuerse gyfes or graces / that the vices driuen out shold haue none entraūce in agayn. And therfore Math. xii that blasphemy whiche is committed agaynst the holy ghoste / is sayde in the gospel to be irremissible / and suche as can nat be forgeuen. For what hope of remiion dothe that man leue to hymselfe: whiche dothe prouoke the authour of remission & forgeuenes? For charite (as sayth say nete Peter) dothe couer or hyde the multitude of synnes.i. Petri. iii. And to that synfull woman / of whome mentio is made in the gospel / many synnes were forgeuen / because she loued moche.Luc. vii. Beside this / our lorde geuyng auctorite to his apostles of for∣geuyng sines / breathed vpon thē sayīg. Take you the holy ghoste. Benignite or liberalyte is declared in this / that the gyftes whihe sayncte Paule reherceth very many and diuerse:Ioan. xx. Goodnesse or liberalite. i. Cor. xii. Rom. xii. i. Cor. xii. are called the benefightes of one spirite / whiche distri¦buteth at his owne pleasure to euerye man / accordynge to the measure & quan¦tite of his faythe / yt is the maner of thē that do triūphe: to scatter & caste from a hyghe place / monaye or other gyftes a∣monge the people. So lykewise Christe after that he was ascended into heuen / there to make a triumphe: accordyng to the prophecie of the Psalme wryter He ledde captiuite captiue leding away wt hym those whome he had taken out frō hel / neither cōtēted wt this:Psal. lxiii. Ephesi. iiii. he gaue giftes to men lefte behynd hym ī earthe that is to witte / ye gyftes of {pro}phecie / ye gyftes of tong{is} / the gyftes of knowlege the gyftes of curynge maladies or disea¦ses / the gyftes of expulsions agaynste poysons & wicked spirit{is}. Brefly he gaue the hole company of all vertues / which gyftes euey one Christe hath distribu∣ted to his seruaūtes / & dayly doth distri∣bute by his spirite.¶what this worde bonus doth signifie otherwhiles. For this worde bo∣nus .i. good to latyne men dohe sowne and signifie otherwhiles mylde & gentel or mercifull / and otherwiles bountuose and liberall. Therefor saynte Paule pro¦uokyng the Galathians from vengean¦ce to humanite and gentylnesse / doth in culke & oft repete the name of the spirite sayenge.Galat. vi. ☞ yf we lyue in the spirite o¦bretherē: let vs walke also in the spirite yf ony man shall be preuēted or taken in ony synne: you that are spirituall instru¦cte and amende hym that is suche one / in the spirite of mildnes. Dauid saythe.Psal. c. xlii. ☞ Thy good spirite shall cōducte and lede me in to the righte londe. And saynte Paule sayth.Rom. v. The charite of god is spredde or poured abrode in our her∣tes: by the holy spirite / whiche is geuen to vs.Rom. viii. And writynge to the Romanes / he calleth that the spirite of adoption / by whiche we do crye father father. Lyke thynges doth he write to the Ga∣lathians Galat. iiii. Because you are the sones of god: god hathe sente the spirite of his sone in our hertes cryinge father father These two wordes soe and father are names of loue / whiche no man can tru∣ly pronounce and speke / but by the bee∣fighte of the holy ghoste: lykewise as ac¦cordynge to the testimonie of Sayncte Paule.1. Cor. xii. Noman doth call Iesu lorde / but in the holy ghoste. Those men that haue the spirite of this worlde: do falsly crie father father. They do falsely saye to Christ lorde lorde / whose spirite they do wante.Rom. viii. ☞ For who so euer hathe not the spirite of Christ: yt man is none of Christes. And lykewise as the holye ghoste is that ineffable bonde or knotte: by whiche the thre persones are insepar¦able ioyned among them selues eche to other with eternall cōcorde: euen so the same spirite with an vnlowseable bonde dothe ioyne the spousesse of Christe to her spouse / and also dothe couple and knytte to gether all the mēbres of Cri∣stes misticall body with a {per}petull bonde of loue amonge themselues / euery one with other. DIS. yf the holy ghoste doth procede of the substance of god the father & of the sone / what dothe let / that he may not be called sone? MAGI. Saynte Cyprian / hilary / & Augustine / thoughte it sufficiente to aunswere / in this wise to this question / because the scripture dothe call the seconde person sone / and sayth that he is begotten and borne of the father / but it doth in no pla¦ce saye / neither that the holye ghoste is begotten or borne: neither dothe it call hym ony where sone. This aunswere / whiche so ecellente men thoughte suf∣ficiente: it is conueniente and mete for¦the to be contented withall / yf out of two fountaynes or sprynges one ryu dyd issue: that riuer mighte well be saide to come forthe or to be sente from bothe those sayde springes / but yet sholde it be called the sone of neither nouther of them bothe. DIS. Is it sufficiente than / to beleue this yt you haue taught me as touchynge to the holy ghoste? MAG. No verily / but you muste also beleue / yt this spirite which was a fore sayde of the prophetes / and promised of Christe / dyd on whitsonday come down vpon the Apostles and Disciples soo as saynte Luke reherseth:Actuum. ii. because of the wicked and blasphemouse arrogance of certayn persones / whiche haue not ben afrayde to saye / I am that comforter / ☞ whome Christe promised to you / Ioan. xiiii. for to lede you in to all verite and truthe whether he were Maniche / or whether he were Basillides / or Montane / or ony other of those execrable names. DIS.Actes. ii. Actuum. viii That / whiche came downe vpon the di¦sciples and whiche was geuen to them that were baptized / by layeng on of the Apostles handes / whether was it the very substance of the holy ghoste?A question notable. orels was it some gyfte & efficacie of the holy ghoste?Aunswere. MAG. It is more prouable & lykely / that the holy spirite / whiche as touchynge to his diuine nature fyllyng all thynges dothe contynue and abyde vncomprehended: was there after a cer¦tayne speciall and peculiare maner / vn∣der a visible sygne / as touchynge to the propretie of his persone. But to entre∣medle with these matters nowe at this tyme: is (as it is wonte to be sayd in the prouerbe) to lepe ouer the hedge / & passe beyond the boundes. Thou haste nowe gotteu knowledge of the spirite / that sanctifieth all thynges: nowe herken somewhat of the churche / that is sancti¦ied of the sayde spirite. DIS. yf there haue ben a societie and felowshippe of all holy men frō the begynnynge of the worlde / and yf that all godly men haue hadde the holy ghoste present with thē why was there no name to this secrete societie afore the tyme of the lawe? For after the lawe geuen / it was called the synagoge / and after the Gospel geuen / the name beynge chaunged / it was cal∣led the churche. MAG. what name it hadde afore the olde lawe geuen: it is not euidētly knowne of vs / but yet that it hadde some name: is very prouable & lykelye / seynge that the thynge was all one. Christe hathe at all tymes knowne and acknowledged his spousesse / ney∣ther hathe she at ony tyme wanted the spirite of Christ.The churche stode in a ve∣rie fewe per∣sones at the begynnynge. But in the begynnyng lykewise as few men hadde knowledge of the dystynction of the persones / but they dyd professe one god (which speche doth comprehende secretly and closelye thre persones) and fewe men dyd knowe the persone of the sone / and fewer dyd knowe the holy ghost: euen so was this socyete or felowshyppe amonge a fewe persones / and it was coarcted and con∣tayned within narowe meares or bown¦des / euen vntyll the lyghte of the gospel came. But after that Christ (the nature of man takē vpon hym) was cōuersante amonge men / & that after he hadde rede¦med his spousesse with his owne deathe and hadde euidently ioyned her beynge made cleane with his owne bloud / vnto hymselfe / and hadde euidently and abū∣dauntly poured forth his spirite / & after that the grace of the gospell was plen∣tuosly flowē ī / not into one natiō alone / but into the whole worlde: the Apostles chaūged the name of the synagoge into the name of the church. And it is not to be dowted / but that it was done by the suggestiō & inspiratiō of the holy ghost. D. I longe to here the cause hereof. M. Although there where no such differēce in ye word{is} as there is: yet dyd ye chaūg of the nam make for ye glory of the gos¦pell.why the Apo¦stles chaūged the name of synagoge: in∣to the name of the church or cōgregatiō The name of synagoge was recey∣ued & cōmunely vsed among all men for the cōgregatiō of the Iewes / which pro¦fessed the lawe of Moyses now likewise as ye lawe of Moyses was hateful to al other natiōs: euē so was the name of sy¦nagoge vnpleasaūte & mislykyng to the cares of the gētiles,Mar. xvi. Luce. xxiiii. Actuum .i. but the apostl{is} / whā they were cōmaūded of our lord to pche the Gospell to euery creature / not onely within the termes & limites of Iewry & samary / but euē vnto ye vttermost part{is} of ye world: & also beīg taught by ye holi ghost / dyd know / yt there shold certayne Iewes afterwardes springe vp or ryse / which wold face abowt to obscure & de∣face the grace of the gospell & the faythe Actuum .xv.in our lorde Iesu / teaching yt there was no hope of saluatiō to ony mā onlesse he were circumcised / & so by this symbole & s it were / by an earnest peny geuē dyd {pro}fesse the hole lawe of Moyses: ye apo∣stles I saye therfore wolde declare / that the ceremonies of ye lawe frō thēseforth shold be abolished & put away / & wold al¦so declare the newnesse of grace / by cha∣ngynge the olde vocabules or names / in the stede of the lawe callynge the gos∣pel / that is to witte a glad tydyng / & in stede of synagog now namyng the chur¦che or congregation.The lawe. For the lawe dyd threttē & manace ponishemēt / exactyng of men by cōpulsion the obseruation or fulfillyng of the cōmaundemētes.The gospell. The gospel by ye grace of ye spirit / & by faith in Christe Iesu / without the workes of the lawe / doth {pro}mise eternal lyfe / now if the stiffnes & froward stoburnesse of the Ieues was so great / yt the apostl{is} were scasely able w much busines to exclude theyr su{per}stitiō: how muche more harde thyng wold it haue ben to do the same if in stede of the churche the synagoge had ben preached hearing styl the olde name they wolde haue wende & supposed / that there had ī the thyng also no whit at all ben chaūged. D. Is there thā also ī the word{is} some differēce & diuersite?Synagoga. Ecclesia. MA. Bothe wordes / that is to witte Syna∣goga and Ecclesia are Greke wordes and Synagoga is sayde of the greke verbe synagein: whiche signifiethe as muche as cogere .i. dryue together in one Ecclesia is sayde of the greke verbe Ekkalein:Ecclesia. whiche signifieth as muche as euocare to call out or to call forthe. The formore worde therefor / that is to witte synagoga is more mete and agre∣ynge to the grosse / Synagoga. carnall / harde / and stoburne rebellyouse natiō of the Ieues whiche with feare of ponishemente / or with hope of arthely cōmodites: were kepte in / or holden backe by the lawe as it were within hedges or rayles / that they sholde not rūne or falle into all wic¦kednesse and synne. And the lattrmore worde / that is to witte Ecclesia is more mete and conueniente to the Gentiles:Ecclesia. Churche. whiche dyd lightely and easily obay the gospell / beynge allured by theyr eares / whiche thynge belongeth to men: & not drawne by the nosethriles / after the ma¦ner of bugles or other brute beastes. Ioan. xx. Goodnesse or liberalite. i. Cor. xii. Rom. xii. i. Cor. xii. A flocke of beastes is gatherd together: but men are called forth into an assemb∣le / not to worke accordynge to the cere∣monies of the lawe:Rom. x. The obedien¦ce of the gen∣tiles. but to geue eare & herkē. For fayth (as sayth saint Paule) is by hearynge. The Gentiles were called forth from deade idoles / to the ly¦uynge god / from the darknesse of igno∣raunce / to the lyghte of the Euangely∣call verite or trouthe: & they dyd obaye and folowe.The obstina∣cie of the Iewes. The Iewes were lykewise called out from ceremonies / to true holy¦nes / from shadowes / to lyghte / from the lettre / to the spirite: and they dyd refuse to come. And therefor it is come to passe that amonge the Gothes and Uanda∣les the name of the lorde is called on & worshypped: and on the other syde the Iewes do contray wise euen vntyll this daye reuile and blaspheme the worshyp¦full name of Iesu in theyr synagoges / & do yet serue the lettre / and do resiste the holy ghoste. But where the spirite is: there is lybertie. It belongeth to seruā∣tes to be compelled: but it appertayneth to sones to be called forth wherfor saint Paule also is wonte to name those that professe the grace of the gospell voca∣tos sanctos (that is to saye) sayntes called / or saintes by vocation and callyng. DIS. What doth this worde San∣ctus proprely / declare and signifie to la¦tyne men?The signifi∣cations of this worde sanctus holy. MAGT. That thynge is proprely called Sanctum whiche it is not lawful to violate defyle or breake. As the lawes / & the walles / & the yates of a cytie are therefore Sctā (id est) holy or inuiolable: because they are publyke or cōmune. And certayne thynges are therefore sancta that is to saye inuiolat because they are sacred and dedicated to god / wherfore that thynge is called san¦ctum domino (id est) holy to the lorde: whiche is sacred or dedicated to hym. But the vse of this worde is otherwhi∣les translated to sygnyfie also clennes & purite. Nowe the holy churche is so in∣uiolable and not able to be hurte:Math. xvi. that (accordynge to the sayinge of our lorde) not the very yates of hel can preuayle agaynste it. For none other cause is it inuiolable: but onely because it is dedy∣cated and sacred to Christe / Ioan. x. ☞ From whome no man is able to plucke awaye that / which his father hath geuen hym The churche is also pure and clene:Ephe. v. be∣cause Christe hathe ☞ Purified hee and mad her clene with his owne bloud that he wolde make her a spousesse to hym selfe hauyng neither spotte neither wrincle.By Spottes is betokened heresies and rroures. This worde spotte {per}tayneth {pro}¦prely to heretykes / whiche go abowt to defyle & make fowle the pure verite: wt sprinklyng to of filthy erroures. This worde wryncle appertayneth to them / whiche in dede do beleue ryghte:wryncles do signify uyces and synes. but yet do lede a lyfe defyled with the filthe of vices and synnes. Wryncles do betoken age. Suche one verily is that olde man / whiche we haue receiued of Adam / and whome Paule doth bydde vs ☞ to doEphe. iiii. of / and to laye frō vs with all the actes dedes that do belonge to hym / that we myghte do on vs the newe man / and being renewed in ye senses of our mind / we myghte folowe the steppes of Christ and walke in newnes of lyfe.Roma .vi. Christe is a delicate louer Christe is a delicate and a deynty louer / he can nat fynde in his harte to loue the synagoge beynge wrincled with olde ceremonies and with the loue & exercise of the olde law. Neyther can he suffre or abyde the churches of heretikes beyng disfigured and made foule and euylfauoured with the leprie & diuerse spottes of false doc∣trines and erroures. D. If the olde sayng be true / that no man lyueth faut∣les and without synne: where is than that spousesse / which in the canticles is praysed / and is sayde Cantic. iiii. Tota pulcra s amica ma et macula uon est in t. to be all fayre and beautyfull and without all maner spotte or wemme? MAGISTER. It is graūted to very fewe men to lyue without the lyghter / or smaller vyces or veniall synnes which by rechelesnes and ouersyght doo crepe and stele apon the nature of man. But these small faughtes / are rather small speckes: thā greate spottes / and lykewise as they do dayly spring or rise: euē so be they dayly washed awaye either with prayer / or with dedes of almoyse / or with the recō¦pence ad satisfaction of some good wor¦ke / & specially and principally with the receiuinge of the body of our lorde / but from greate synnes or deadlye crimes / they whiche haue professed Christ / both owghte / and also maye abstayne / with the helpe and aide of the spirite of Chri∣ste. DIS. Do not they than / whiche are defiled with great synnes or crymes appertayne & belonge to holy churche? MAG. They do belonge / and they do not belonge.Howe greate Synners are of the church and how not. In so muche / and as farre∣forthe as faythe dothe remayne hole in them: they do belonge to the churche / neither are they kepte frō the cōmuniō and partetakynge of the sacramentes / excepte it be soo / that for some euidente enormite of crimes they be by the pub∣lyke and open iudgemente cut awaye from the company and felowshyp of the churhe.what is the churche in his moste pro¦pre significa∣cion. But because this word Ecclesia id est Churche sayd in his moste propre signification dothe betoken the preuy or secrete society and feloweshyp of them that are predestinated to eternall lyfe / of the whiche company a greate parte lyueth alredy with Christe / and ye other parte that remayneth alyue in this world is called for this entente and pur¦pose / that they sholde laboure and ende∣uoure themselffes vnto most hyghe and {per}fyghte purite: therefore is it wel sayde / that the church hath no spot or wrincle / How the churche hath neyther spot n wryncle. eyther by the figure synecdoche / (that is to witte / sayinge that of the whole / whiche is verified of the parte) orels for cause of the marke or ende entended / of whiche ende the logicions also do con∣fesse and graunte a denominacion or name to be taken. But yet otherwhiles this word or name churche is so dilated and stretched out so farre: that it dothe comprehende and contayne as many as haue receiued the sacramente of baptis∣me / whether they do lyue vertuosly or other wyse. Sometyme the ministers or iudges of the church are called the chur¦che / to whome we oughte to obaye / all∣thoughe they do openly and in syghte lyue an euyll lyfe: as longe as it is so / that they do nat commaunde or teache suche thynges / as are contrary to god∣des lawe / and may nat stande with his cōmaundementes / namely if there shold folowe more trouble and vnquyetnes of the takynge awaye to the commune weale of suche thynges / than of the tole ratyng and suffryng of them. There are also Psalme .xxv. churches or cōgregacions of wic¦ked men / whiche the spouse dothe hate. But whosoeuer professeth the holy chur¦che: doth execrate and abiure all schis∣maticall conspiration agaynst the tran∣quillite of the ecclesiasticall hierarchie / lykewyse all conuenticles & assemblees of heretikes / with whatsoeuer gloriouse title they o set them selues forthe to the sale / for they are innumerable: but the doue is but only one.Cantic. ii. D. In the olde tyme the heretikes also had churches / in suche state of thynges / whan euery one of them dothe crye ☞ Christe is nat there / but here is Christ:Marc. xiii. by what marke or token maye we discerne and knowe that only doue of Christe from other? M. That / which doth swarue and go awrye from the holy scriptures: is none of Christes. D. But heretikes do euen with the very weapons of scripture op∣pugne and fyghte agaynst the churche. M. And no meruayle of it / for they do folowe that disceiuynge spirite / whiche dyd Mat. iii assayle and temple the lorde hym∣selfe also vnto wickednes / with the testi¦monies of scripture wrested & wrenched to a wronge sense / but the false interpre¦tation of scriptures is to be cōfuted and disproued and put by with the true in∣terpretation and declaration of ye same. D. In dede it was no maystry for Christ to do so: but it is nat lykewise so easy a thynge for vs wretched men to do the same. M. It is nat a parte belongyng and fitte for euery man / to fyghte or di∣spute wt heretikes: but it appertaineth only to them / whiche are instructed and well appoynted with that hole armure / whiche the apostle Paule dothe Ephe. vi. in certayne places otherwhiles reherce & recken vp: but to the / and to suche other as thou arte / it is sufficiente to kepe and holde faste by stedfaste and sure beleffe those thynges / whiche the churche hath expresly & openly taughte for thynges necessary vnto saluacion. D. What shall he do / whiche hathe receiued bap∣tisme / and hath taken instruction of be∣leffe / in the churche or congregation of heretikes? MAG. Let hym not chaūge the baptisme / which he hath receiued in the name of the father and the sone and the holy ghoste: but let hym purge and clense his doctrine / let hym withdrawe hymselfe from vnclene cōgregations or assemblees / and let hym reconcile hym∣selfe to the holy churche DI. But that is it / whiche I desiered to knowe of you by what tokē or marke the holy church may be discerned & knowne from other. MAG.Howe / or by what tokens the true Ca∣tholike chur∣che may be knowē from other. There are many coniectures & gesses by which gatherd together ī one it is easily and son perceiued and espied where the douue is. The fyrst is the au∣thorite of the olde Synodes / namely ap¦proued & alowed by the {per}petuall & cōty∣nuall cōsente & agremēte of so many son¦dry ages / or tymes / & of so many diuerse natiōs / nexte afther this is ye authorite of the interpretoures or expositoures / How the olde holye exposi∣tours of the scripture are alowed of the churche & howe theyr workes are to be redde.whome for theyr holynesse the churche hath canonized / & whose bokes the same church hath ap{pro}ued & allowed not so y• it is not lawfull in some poyntes to dis∣sente and disagree from them (for theyr selues do sometymes disagree not onely one of them from another / but also doo vary from theyr owne selues) but that theyr bokes are to be redde with reue∣rence. And that which they do teach not rashely and vndiscretely to be reiected & refused. The same (I suppose) is to be thoughte and iudged of the good & ap∣proued companyes of diuines / whose cō¦tynuall laboure & studie is to fynde out / and to brynge forthe to vs the secrete & hydde trouthe / out of the diuine scriptu∣res. Thyrdly the bredthe or largenesse is to be consydered / for neuer hathe ony heresy spredde so large / as hath the Ca¦tholike doctrine. Laste of all the maner of lyuynge is to be well aduised / & some what nere loked on. DI. But heretikes also haue Christe muche in theyr mou∣thes / and speke muche of hym.Maniches. And also the Manicheis are reported and sayed to haue ben of wonderfull abstinence & also continencie / the Ebionites do despi¦se and sette at nought riches.Ebionite. Psalliani or Euchite, Anthropo∣morphite. The Psal¦lianes doo praye contynually without ceassynge. The Antropomorphites dyd lyue in deserte / & wildernesse / they were couerde & cladde in course hēpen clothes they ponished and kepte vnder theyr fle¦she with fastyng{is} / laboures & slepynges on the bare grounde whan suche maner men assembled and flocked together / do rye here is Christe:Math. xxiiii. sholde not a man (and not with goode cause) as it were one standynge in a place where manye wayes do mete / doute and be in a ma∣merynge / whiche waye he maye take / & whether he may go? MAG. ye moreo¦uer the very theatre of the gospell dothe shewe vnto the Phariseis worshypfull Math. xxiii. Math. vii. Math. xxiii Math. vi.with theyr Philateries set out at large made thynne and bare with fastynges / makynge longe prayers / dealyng forth theyr goodes in almoyse to poore folkes But these outwarde thynges / thoughe they haue the apperaunce and lykenesse of godlynesse and vertue: yet are they of¦tentymes fayned for cause of some tem∣porall and transytorie profighte or com¦modite / namely of lucre / or glorie & prai¦se / and that made me adde here before / that theyr lyfe sholde be looked on some what nere: whiche thynge yf ony man wyll do / he shall fynde & perceiue / yt the same thynges are done in dede bothe of good men & also of euil men / but after a diuerse maner & a sondry fashion.The diffe∣rence betwen the outwarde workes of good mē and of euyll men, beyng all one in apperaūce. Good and vertuose men in theyr abstinences and fastes are cherefull: the other sorte are sadde / heuy / & out of al chere / neither do vertuose men make theyr auaune or boste of these thynges: but raither doo kepe these thynges secret / neyther doo they auaunce and magnifie these thyn∣ges as great and hygh thynges: but do make lyghte of them / and do ertenuate them / neither do they despise & disdayne other men / which do not the same thyn∣ges:Godly & cha∣ritable men doo iudge all thynges to the beste. but they do benignely and charita∣bly interprete & iudge either that they wolde do greatter thynges yf the weyk¦nesse feblenesse of thyer bodie wold geue them leue: orels that they haue theyr fle¦she lesse rebelliose to the spirite / soo that they haue no nede to tame it with suche maner meanes: orels that they do with other good dedes offre to god a more ple¦saunte sacrifice and oblation. The reli∣gion and holynes of godly men / is sym¦ple: and without crafte or disceite. The disciples of Iohā dyd fast:Luce. v. Math. ix. but they dyd backbyte the disciples of Christ & spake euyll of them: for that they dyd more sel¦dome fast.Manichei. The Manicheis dyd abstayn & forbeare from all maner beastes or sen¦sible creatures: but they dyd disprayse & cōdempne the creature of god: & secre∣tely & in cornes dyd fyl themselues with delycyouse meattes bothe more daynty and also more costly.Phariseis. Math. vi. Math. xxiii, The Pharyseis dyd praye: but they dyd it in the hedes of many wayes / where they myghte be moste sene / in theyr chaumbres / eyther they dyd occupie themselues about tri¦les / orels dyd counte and tell monaye. Rom. x. The obedien¦ce of the gen∣tiles. Roma .vi. Christe is a delicate louer Cantic. iiii. Tota pulcra s amica ma et macula uon est in t. Psallianes.The Psallianes dyd praye: but superstitiously / and vnder this pretexte or pretēce they dyd lyue of other mēnes coste & charge / & dyd not accordynge to the doctrine of saynte Paule) Ephe. iiii. i. Thessa. iiii. Actes. xx.☞ La∣boure with theyr owne handes / to gete where of they myghte both fynde ther∣selues theyr necessaries / and also might geue somewhat to poore folkes. The Ebionites had nothynge seuerall or in propre / and they were falsely called apo¦stolici .i. folowers of the apostles:Ebionite or Apostolici. but they dyd condemne and disprayse other that were possessioners / and had ought of theyr owne / chalengynge proudly & presumptuosly to themselues the praise of godlynesse & true vertue or holynesse: whiche stondeth not in londes or in mo∣nay / but in the affections.Holynesse stō¦deth in the af¦fections. The very per fight holyne. of the Apost∣les. They Apostl{is} dyd spende theyr owneselues whole and altogether / to thende that they mighte allure & brynge very many vnto Chrste neyther coulde they by ony iniuries or displesures be compelled and caused to laye away this affection to wardes ony man. They purposed not / nor wente a∣bout to do vengeance to ony man: but whan they were caste into pryson / they dyd synge psalmes / and gaue thankesActes. v. to the lorde / whan they wer beaten with roddes / and beynge ouerwhelmed with stones / they were gladde and reioycedActes. vii. praynge for them / of whome they dyd suffre all these thynges / whan they dyd raise vp deade men / whan they dyd ex∣pulseActes. v. & driue out deuilles / whan they dyd with theyr shadowe heale men / that were sycke & diseased: they neuer spake one worde of bostynge or vayne glorie / but professyng themselues to be nought ells but mortall men:Actes. xiii. they dyd ascribe & referre all the whole praise vnto god. who so euer dothe fulfyll and shewe in very dede this charite / and this paciēce continually with cherefullnesse:Actes. iii. yt man bryngeth forth suche frutes / whereby he maye be dyscerned and knowne to be a goode tree.Math. vii. DIS. I here saye / that vnneth there is ony one of the olde wri∣tersMath. xii. or authors / in whome there are not founde some thynges dissonante & disa∣greynge from the rule of the catholyke faythe: why than that the chyrch recey∣ued and alowed theyr bokes? MAG. Howe the churche hath alowed the bokes of the olde fathers to be reddeThe churche hath admytted and recey∣ued theyr bokes not as canonycal scrip∣ture / that is to say scripture of vndouted and sure auctorite not able to be dispro∣ued: but they are receyued as the cōmen¦taries and workes of men beynge bothe learned and also good and vertuose / ney¦ther Euerye ma∣ner erroure maketh not an heretykedoth euerye maner erroure make a man forthwith an heretyke / and in the olde tyme those that dyd expoune and de¦clare the scripture / were pardoned and hold excused / if they did doute of certayn thing{is} / of which it is not lawful to dout any longer after the sentence of the chur¦che publyshed and openly pronounced / or els if they dyd interpretate and ex∣poune any thyng ī the scriptures / other¦wye than the authorite of the churche doth teache nowe. For neyther were al the Grekes / Heretykes / which dyd pro∣fesse that the holy ghoste dyd procede / & come forthe from the father alone: nor no more peraduēture was OrigenOrigen. ney∣ther an heretyke therfore because that of desyre to serche out the trouth / he dyd dispute whether the sonne and the holy ghoste had all one / and the same diuyne essence with the father / or els were crea∣tures more excellent than all other crea¦tures. It was lawfull also more than .CCC. yeres after the incarnation of Christe / to doute whether there were any clensynge fyer or fyer purgatorye: whiche certayne men dyd iudge to be charite. But it is a very poynt of an he∣retyke / proudly and obstinatly to rebell and stryue agaynste the euydent veryte or trouth / and whiche hath ben taughte with the publyke and commune autho∣rite. DIS. The name of canony∣call scripture / howe many bokes dothe it comprehend and contayne?The bokes of the canoni¦cal scripture. MAG. This thynge hathe sayncte Cipriane very playnly and brefly taught. Fyrste the hole scripture is diuyded into two partes / that is to wytte / the olde testa∣ment / and the newe.The bokes of the old te∣stament. Genesis. Exodus. Leuiticus. Numeri. Deuterono∣mium. Iosue. Iudicum. Ruth. Regum. iiii. In the olde te∣stament are accompted and rekened the fyue bokes of Moyses / that is to wytte / Genesis / Exodus / Leuiticus / Numeri / Deuteronomiū / also the .ii. bokes of Ie∣su Naue / of Iudges / and of Ruth. Be∣sydes these / the foure bokes of kynges / whiche the Hebrues do make but onely two bokes / furthermore the boke Para¦lipomenon Paralipome. / that is to saye / of thynges ouerhipped or lefte out / whiche of the Hebrues is called the boke of Dayes or tymes. Than the .ii. fyrste bokes of Esdre which the bebrues do reckē both / but for one / for the thyrd & the .iiii. boke of Esdre are accōpted amonge the Apo∣criphe scriptures.Esdre. ii. Nexte after these are the .iiii. principal or greater Prophetes Esaias / Iheremias / Ezechiel / and Da∣niel.Esaie / Ihere¦mie / Ezechiel Daniel. To these is added one boke of the .xii. smaller Prophetes.The .xii. smal¦ler prophetes Iob / psalmes {pro}uerbes / Ec∣clesiastes / Cā¦ticum cātico∣rum. Besides this one boke of Iob / & one boke of the psal∣mes .iii. bokes of Salomon / that is to witte / the boke of Prouerbes / Ecclesia∣stes and Canticum canticorum / within this nombre / the Authorite of olde men dyd conclude the wolumes or bokes of the olde testamente beynge of trouthe wherof it was not lawfull to dout: but now the boke also of SapienceSapience. is recey¦ued into the vse of the churche (whiche certayne men do iudge to be the boke of Philo a Iewe) and another boke which is called EcclesiasticusEcclesiastic{us} (whiche men do thynke to be the boke of Iesu the son of Sirach) there is receyued also the boke of Tobie / and the boke of Iudith / and the boke of Hester / and the two bokes of the Machabeis.Thobie / Iu∣dith / Hester / Machabeis. There are receyued also the two Histories which are annex¦ed to the boke of Daniel / that is to wit / the historie of Susanna / and the history of Bel and the dragon / whiche histories the Hebrues hadde not: but saynte Ihe¦rome witnesseth that hymsele dyd trās∣late them out of the edition of Theodo∣tio. But whether the churche hath recei¦ued these bok{is} with the same authorite with the whiche they haue receiued the other bok{is} aforerehersed: that knoweth the spirite of the churche. Under the y∣tle and name of the newe testament the cheffe and principal place haue the .iiii. Gospelles of Mathue / Marke / Luke / and Iohan / and with these the Actes of the Apostles.The bokes of the new te¦stamente. Mathue. Marke Luke Iohan / Actes Epistles. Paule .xiiii. Peter. ii Iames. i. Ide. i. Iohan. iii. Aocalipie. The hebrues ake but .iii. kynde of scri¦ture. Canonica. Nexte to these are the Epistles of the Apostles .xiiii. of sayne Paules. Two of Peters. One of Ia∣mes the Apostle. One of Iude. Thre of Iohan. And last of all in ordre is the Apocalipse of saynte Iohan. The He∣brues do diuide all scipture into .iii. kyn¦des or sortes. The canonicall scripure / they call that scripture / which without ony controuersie or doute was wryten by the inspiration of the holy ghoste / in whiche yf ony thynge be founde / which semeth at the fyrste syghte folyshe / vn∣mete / and agaynste reason: it is not lawfull to iudge that whiche is wryten / but the mystery is religyously and de∣uoutly to be serched forthe / and the dul∣nesse or slownesse of our wytte is to be founde faughte with all / and not the scripture.Hagiogra∣pha. Another sort of scripture they do call hagiographam / as wryten by ho¦ly men of holy thynges. This maner scriptures they did so farre forth esteme and regarde: that they were in dede re∣uerently red in the congregations or as∣semblees / but not that the authoryte of them sholde constrayne / or compell in matters earnest and of wayghte.Apocripha. Apo∣criphe scriptures they called suche as it was lawfull for euerye man to redde at home / accordynge to his owne mynde and pleasure: but in open or comen as∣semblees they sholde not be recyted or redde / nor any man be strayned with the auctorite of them / neyther is euery scrip¦ture forthwith canonicall: whiche is red or songen in the churches: and wolde god that it were amonge all men obser∣ued and kept / which was decreed in the counsell holden at Carthago / that no∣thynge at all sholde be recited or redde in the churches sae onelye the canoni∣call scripture / the interpretation and de∣claration / wherof was done in the olde tyme of prestes and byshopes by worde of mouthe.The decre made in the coūsel of Car¦thage concer¦nynge what thinges shold be red in the churches. DISCIPLE. Now a dayes we are kept and put awaye frō the redynge of the holy scripture. Holynesse stō¦deth in the af¦fections. The very per fight holyne. of the Apost∣les. The bokes of the old te∣stament. Genesis. Exodus. Leuiticus. Numeri. Deuterono∣mium. Iosue. Iudicum. Ruth. Regum. iiii. The bokes of the new te¦stamente. Mathue. Marke Luke Iohan / Actes Epistles. Paule .xiiii. Peter. ii Iames. i. Ide. i. Iohan. iii. Aocalipie. The hebrues ake but .iii. kynde of scri¦ture. Canonica. MAGISTER. But this thynge was in the olde tyme a poynte of most greate and hyghest rely∣giō and holynes. But the vndyscretnes and presumption of the reders caused and brought to passe / that it was nede∣full to shewe a staffe / who so euer redeth the scriptures reuerently / honourynge that thynge / whiche he doth not vnder∣stonde or attayne the knowlege of.How the ho∣ly scriptures are to be red, and for what entent. And who so euer is so moche the more gladde to learne of a connyng man / for that he is somewhat prepayred afore by redyng and who so euer redeth / not to the en∣tent for to be armed / and made redy to contention of stryuyng / but to take som what therof / wherby he may be instruc∣ted to lyue holyly and vertuously / that constitutiō stryketh not hym / nor apper¦tyneth any whyt to such a reder / which constitutiō was ordeyned & set agaynst temerite and vndiscrete presumption / & not agaynst the loue and exercise of ver∣tue and godlynesse. DIS. In as much as of both testamentes there is all one & the same god the father / the same Chri¦ste / the same holy ghost: why is the one called the newe testamente / & the other the olde testamente? for diuine or godly thynges knowe not of ony age or elder∣lynesse.Why the one is called the olde / and the other the new testamēt MAG. The godhed (as thou sayste) knoweth neither oldenesse or age neither newnesse / but it was expediente for vs / that certayne poyntes sholde be newed and chaunged in the exterioure & outwarde thynges / Christ consecratyng brede and wine / called it the new testa¦mente.Math. xxvi. what thyn∣ges are in the newe lawe: chaūged frō the olde. Now yf thou do aske of me what thyng{is} are newed or chaunged: I could recken vp very many thynges. Fyrst in stede of the shadowes of the lawe: is suc¦ceded and cōmen in place the euidente & open verite / and that thyng / whiche the lawe dyd promise by darke rydles and fi¦gures: hathe ben perfourmed / and she∣wed forth to the bodyly senses of men. ii. Cor. iii. The sleynge lettre hathe ben opened or disclosed: and the quickenynge spi∣rite hath appered. Furthermore the out¦warde ceremonies haue certayne of thē ben vtterly and clene taken away: and certayne of them ben chaūged into ano∣ther more mee and conuenient thynge. The Iudaicall choyse of meates is quyte and clene taken awaye / we may lawfully weare garmentes of lynsaye∣wolsaye / weDeute. xxii. may plow or tyll the groūd Deute. xxii. with Oxe & Asse / because I wyll not reherce other thynges innumerable. In stede of soo manye dyuerse kyndes of hostes and sacrifices: we haue but onely one mysticall hoste or sacrifice. In stede of the onelye temple of Iherusalē (for was not lawfull to make sacrifice ony∣where ellys) we haue a churche spredde thrugh out the whole worlde / in which Malach. i. i. Timothis now offred a cleane sacrifice / & pure handes are lifted vp in euery place / and in the stede of iniuriouse & paynful circū¦cision is broughte in the easye bathe of babtyme. The Sabbote daye is chaun∣ged into the Sondaye. In the stede of Moyses the seruaūte of god is succeded Christ the sone of god. The grace of the spirite / which before was dispensed and dealed vnto a fewe persones / and scrace¦ly: hath nowe ben opēly and plentuosly powred out vpon al nations / which are vnder the skye. Finally / heuen / whiche before was shyt euen to godly men also: is sette open by the gospell. For these thynges & many other that are newed and chaunged: it is well called the newe testamente / nat for that it is vtterly an∣other testamente than was before: but for that it is otherwise geuē or taughte. The Iewes:Iewes of the olde tyme, in the new testa¦ment christen men of these dayes, in the olde testamēt such of thē as thrugh hope of the heuēly lyfe did liue in the alacrite and cherefulnes of the spirite: were in the newe testamente. Agayne those men nowe a dayes / whiche do measure and iudge holynes by outward ceremonies / and which do gape gredily after earthly thynges / beynge colde in charite / & hote to do vengeaunce: suche {per}sones (I saye) do euen yet cleue and contynue styll in the olde testamente / for that they haue not yet done of / nor layed from them∣selues the olde man. DIS. All these thynges hytherto for sothe are spoken of you very playnly and clerely. MA. We are comen now to the holy churche / in whiche we do worshyp the father / the maker of all thynges / the sonne / the re∣demer of the world / and the holy ghost / the sanctifier of all thynges. Let vs con¦tynue and abyde in this church. And in this churche let vs walke accordyng to the spirite / & not accordyng to the fleshe. ☞ In this church let vs warre a good warre and fyghte a good felde:i. Timot. vi. ii. Timo. iiii. that we maye come vnto the wage and rewarde of the eternall lyfe. But if thou thynke it beste: let here be an ende of this com∣munication. DISCIPLE. WHat meaneth it / that to the chur∣che is annexed and added the com¦munion of saynctes? MAG. This particle Sanctorū cō¦munionem. Sanctorū communio∣nem is not added in sayncte Cipriane neyther in sayncte Augustine / neyther doo they so muche as by occasion make any mention of these wordes / wherfore it is very lykely / that this particle hath ben added of some man / whiche wente aboute to declare / what thynge was to be vnderstonden by the holy churche.Ecclesia. Ecclesia / that is to say / the churche / is a societe / felowshyp / or company not of all maner men / but of holy men or sainctes lykewyse as this word concioConcio. to latyne men doth signify and betoken an assem∣blee or congregation / not of what so euer maner men you lyste: but of the ci∣tizens all of one commune weale / as∣sembled and gathered to gether in one to take counsayll concernynge the com∣mune profytes. And as for the diuynes of later tyme / amonge home some doo interprete The diuines of later tyme do diuersly ex¦pounde sanc∣torum cōmu∣nionem. the holy hurche to be the societie of men milytaūte and warryng in earthe vnder Christe theyr capitayne and The diuines of later tyme do diuersly ex¦pounde sanc∣torum cōmu∣nionem. the communion of saynctes to be the societie of saynctes triumphynge in heuen / and other some agayne do ex∣pounde by The diuines of later tyme do diuersly ex¦pounde sanc∣torum cōmu∣nionem. sanctorum communionē the suffrages of the churche profytable and auaylable to all men / whiche are in the bodye of the churche. Other some do expounde it to signifye the sacramentes of the church / which do not profyte / but onely to those / which do aggregate and ioyne themselues to the churche. Other some agayne do thynke by the name of Synaxis. communion to be betokened the sa∣crament of the autre / which of the Gre¦kes is called Synaxis / that is to saye / a conciliation or ioynynge to gether / for that by this mysterie is figured and cō∣firmed the moste strayght coniunctiō or ioynyng to gether of the mysticall body with the hede / and suche a mysticall so∣cietie or felowshyp of all them that doo truely professe the name of Christe / as is the naturall societie of all / the mem∣bres / amōg them selues eche with other in the body of one and the same lyuyng sensible creature. Those diuines I saye which haue ymagined and deuysed these thynges in dede they doo speake thyn∣ges that are true / but verily in my iug∣gement they do not expresse that / which is proprely declared by these wordes: saue only yt in the name of holy church all these thynges are couertly and se∣cretly comprehended. But this thynge is true without controuersye or doute / that there is no gyftes in the catholyke churche:All graces gyftes issuen from the hede Christe. but they do come to it from the hede / that is to wytte Christe / although dyuerse membres haue dyuerse offyces and operations. DISCIPLE. There is not in al the world any thyng that good is: but it dothe come from Christe. MAGISTER. Trouth it is / but we do nowe speake of those thynges / which by fayth in Christ and by the sacramentes of the churche do gyue true holynes and vertue. For els god dothe gyue many commodytes and good gyftes euen to wycked men / ye and to asses and oxen also. DISCIPLE. If they be not of the company or felowshyp of the churche / whiche doo lyue wyckedly: and agayne we do not know surely of the most part of men / whether they be good or euyll:A notable question. what maner a societe is that of men / which do not know eche other? MAG.Aunswere. Nor we doo not knowe any of the aun∣gelles / althoughe they do wayte on vs / neyther doost thou knowe thyne owne soule / and yet of it is it longe / that thou dost lyue / that thou dost moue or styrr and that thou haste wytte and percey∣uyng. Noman is compelled or constray¦ned to knowe certaynly / whether this man o that man be a lyue membre of the churche. It is sufficyent to beleue / that in the earth there is such a certayn societye and felowshyp of them / that are predestinated to lyfe / whiche company Christ hath glewed or ioyned to gether with his spirite / whether they be amōg the Indianes / or els amonge the Gadi∣tanes / or els amonge the Hyperborea∣nes / orels among the people of Affryke. And it may be so / that ī the world there are some landes / other Ilandes / or els drye landes / which are not yet found of maryners or geographers: in which for all that the Christen faythe is stronge & quycke. To beholde the secrete partes of mannes harte / belongeth onely to god / by reason wherof it cometh to passe that the iudgemētes of men very often∣tymes are vncertayne. DIS. Why thā are certayn men caste out from the chur¦ches? MAG.The iudge∣mentes of men are vn∣certayn. i. Tim. v. There are certayn ma¦nyfeste and open crymes / whiche (as Paule saythe) do goo afore vnto iudge∣mente. Of these crymes men do iudge / as they maye / for the conseruatiō of the publyke ordre.Nota. And yet for all that it happeneth otherwhyses / that the theffe whiche is hanged on the galowes is fauteles / and that the iudge which hath condemned hym / is worthy an haulter / and it may be also / that the person / that is excommunicated / is in the felowshyp and communion of the churche / and that he which dyd excōmunicate hym / is cut away and departed from the chur¦che. Also it is possyble / that he / which is drawne to the fyer for an heretyke / is a very pleasaunte sacrifyce to god / and that they whiche brought hym to the fyer / are worthy to be brente. DIS. What euen than also / whan a man is ex¦communicated and caste out of the chur¦che / for knowne and euydente murthere or sacriledge MAG. ye verily / for i maye be / that afore that the byshop doo throwe forth the lyghtenyng or sentense of excommunication agaynst the male∣factoure / he be all redy by true contri∣tion of harte / retourned agayne into the fauoure of almyghty god. And yet this thynge because it is vnknowne to men: doth not auayle or help hym any whyt. but that he shall be kepte from the en∣tryng ī to the chyrch.why god wold it to be vnknowne to men / who are predestinated and who not. DIS. why wold god haue this in the meane season to be vnknowne who are verily good and pre¦destinated to eternall lyfe? MAG. Lest euyll men despairyng / shold synne more hayghnously: and that good men sholde lyue more warely and mekely. Seynge that there are euen nowe so many and so greate debates and stryues: what ma¦ner a battayle wold be thā / if there were a manifeste dyfference / wherby the one sorte myght be knowne from the otherIohan. xiii. Our lord wold not so muche as vtter or dysclose and shewe to his other dysci∣ples / who it was that sholde betraye hym. Nowe for asmuche as it is vn∣knowne / whome god hath elected vnto blessed immortalyte both they that do stande / are carefull lest they doo fall / and they that are falne and doo lye on the grounde / do laboure and enforce them∣selues to ryse and gete vp agayn. Final∣ly those persones / whiche are feruente & hote in charite: do study and gyue theyr mynde to doo good bothe to good men and euyll men / to those that are openly euyll / to the entent that they shold waxe wyse agayne and amend / to those of whome they doute whether they be good or euyl: to the ende that they shold be made better if they be good all redy. And albeit that charite dothe here lese her offyce or worke / yet for all that doth she not lese her rewarde. DIS. which are those sacramentes of the churche / of whiche you made mention incident lye and by the waye / not longe ago? And what meaneth or signifyeth this worde sacramēt: MA.what this worde sacra∣ment doth sig¦nifye. Those men which haue spoken more exactely and perfytely / doo call sacramentum an othe / or an obli∣gacion or bonde confirmed & strengthed by the comyng betwen of god or of reli∣gion. But our forefathers haue applied & vsed the sayd word to signify yt thyng whiche the Grekes doo call a mystery / & thou mayst call it a religiouse or holy se∣crete or priuyte .D. Why is it called a se∣crete or priuyter MAG. Because the commune sorte of the people was secluded and kept a part from the medlyng with those thynges. Albeit nowe a dayes many thynges are done openly / as whan the water of bap∣tyme is consecrated and halowed. But these ceremonyes and also the wordes wherwith they are done / were hyd and kepte secrete from the people / and were taughte amonge the byshopes from one to another / to the entent that men shold haue the sacramentes in more reuerēce and worshyp. As soon as euer the bys∣shop made redy and was aboutward to consecrate the brede and the wyne: it was not laufull for any lay men to re∣mayne and abyde within the grates or chauncelle. And a certayne Pope of Rome / whan he had aunswered some∣what to a certayne byshope (as I wene of Englande) demaundynge a certayne question concernyng the rytes and cere∣monyes of the mysteries / he durste not put in wrytyng the wordes / with which the oyle is cōsecrated and halowed / leste peraduenture if the lettres had ben ta∣ken by the waye (which thyng chaūceth oftentymes) the secret myght happe to haue ben vttered and dysclosed. This cause in dede is some maner cause. But yet the more true & more alowed cause is this. For that in the sacramentes / by certayn visyble and sensyble tokens and sygnes: there is infused an insensyble grace correspondente and agreynge to the exteriour and outwarde tokens and sygnes .DIS. Howe many sacramen∣tes be there of this sorte and kynde? M. Of the old fathers they are taughte vn∣to vs to be .vii. in nombre / The .vii. sa∣cramentes. that is to wyte / matrimony or wedlocke / i. wedlocke.by whi∣che we are borne to this worlde.ii. Baptyme. Bap∣tyme / by which we are borne agayne to Chryste / to which sacrament is ioyned. Penaunce / iii. Penaūce. which is as it were another baptyme / by which we are reconcyled to god / but not nowe frely and all out for nought / neyther are the woundes hea∣led without starres.iiii. Confi∣mation. Holye anoyntyng / by which the yong christen soldyer is cō¦firmed and strengthed against the temp¦tations of the dyuell with this sacramēt were they wonte to be fenced or armed / whiche were of age inclynyng and lea∣nynge towardes the ieoperdye and pa∣reyll of synnynge / that is to wyte after they were seuen yeres olde.They were olde tymes. vii. yeres old, afore they were confir∣med. A none after as waxyng yonge men / they were robo∣rated and made stronge vnto greate ba∣tayles with the sacramēt of the aultarev. sacrament of the aultre. by whiche is quyckened and styrred vp in vs the vertue and lyuelynes of fayth / and we are thorow the commemoratiō of that holy and blessed death / enryched with plenteouse grace: renewynge in a mysticall maner (as farre forthe as is lawful / that onely sacrifice / by whiche we haue obtayned saluation. Agayn be∣cause in the tyme of deathe is the laste wrestlynge:vi. Extreme ction. therfore is put to the ex∣treme or laste vction / by whiche eyther the syke man may recouer his helthe / if it so please god / or els he may with faith and good hope slepe in the lorde / with these / as it were with rewardes or gyf∣tes the large benignite and liberalyte of Iesu dothe in the meane season com∣forte / and encorage and harten his sol∣dyers / vntyll the tyme that the batayle or stryfe beyng fully ended / they may be promoted to the stypende or wage of the heuenly lyfe.vii. Holy or∣dre. There resteth or remay∣neth behynde holy ordre / by whiche is gyuen auctorite to beare holy offyces / & to mynister holy thynges. This sacra∣ment maketh for the dignite and also the tranquillyte of the ecclesyasticall hierarchie / for it is semely and accor∣dyng that in the christen cōmune weale the ecclesyastical offyces shold not be as∣sygned and appoynted to any maner men / what so euer they be / but that cer∣tayne able and mete persones therfore shold be chosen and pyked out to execute them / neyther can there be any concord / where no man doth obeye another / but euerye man dothe clayme and chalenge vnto his owne fleshe auctorite to doo what he lyste.Roma. xii. i. Cor. xii. For sayncte Paule a∣mong the gyftes of the holy ghost / doth recken the gyfte of gouernaunce. The iudge∣mentes of men are vn∣certayn. i. Tim. v. Roma. xii. i. Cor. xii. DIS. what grace is gyuen by euery one of the sacramentes?By the sacr¦mentes are graces gyuen as is here par¦ticularly de∣clared of eche one of them. wedlocke. Ephe. v. MAG. If any man shall receyue these sacramen∣tes so as they ought to be receyued in due maner: by the sacramente of matri∣monye / the prayer of the preste beynge put to / is gyuen the gyfte of the spirite / by which the husbonde maye loue the wyfe with chaste loue / lykewyse as Christe loued the churche / and that the woman agayne of her parte may loue and reuerence her husbonde as her lorde / for Christes sake / and that bothe of them maye teache / and brynge vp theyr chyldren (if it please god to sende them any) with very greate dily∣gence in the christen faythe & vertuouse lyfe.Baptyme. ☞ Of baptyme it is no nede to speake. There is no mā but he knoweth that in yt sacrament Rom. vi.the old man doth perysh / all synne beyng vtterly destroyd and kylled / whether you call it originall or personall synne / and that a newe man doth ryse beynge purged and clen∣sed from all spottes of synnes thorowe faith in Christ Iesu / whome Paule cal∣leth a newe creature.Gala. vi. ii. Cor. v. It was mete and conuenient / that he whiche was ones borne agayne in Christe / and clensed with the bloude of Christe: shold not re∣tourne ii. Pet. ii. Prouer. xxvi agayne in to the soyle of myre and durte: but for asmuche as in many men charite is colde and fayth is faynte the goodnes of god hath graunted the remedye of penaunce / Penaunce. of which we shall a none haue occasion and mete place to speake.Cōfirmatiō. And because yong tendre age is more inclynynge and redy to vyce and vnthryftynes than to vertue and godly∣nes / by holy confirmation that procly∣uyte is minyshed and docilite or aptenes vnto vertue is encreaced and augmen∣ted / that it sholde not be infected with vyces / afore that it doth playnly know / what vyce is. Furthermore / because af∣ter the age of .xvi. yeres the dyuell doth laye all his ordenaunce / and vse all his engynes agaynst the soldyer of Christe. Fyrste of fleshely luste / of glotonye / and other pleasures / thā afterwardes of am¦bition and wrathe.Sacrament of the aulter. He is than oftenty∣mes amōg refreshed with strong meate / and with heuenly drynke / that he may be able with a stronge and bolde brest to receyue all the assaultes of the dyuell / bearyng Christ hymselfe and his spirite in his breste.In the olde tyme infātes receyued the sacrament of the auter, forthwith af¦ter theyr bap¦tyme. In the old tyme / they gaue the bodye and bloude of the lorde euen vnto yonge infantes / forthwith after theyr baptyme. That custome is chaun¦ged / and peraduenture it were expediēt / that also the custome of certayne regiōs were chaunged / in which confirmation is gyuen to infantes. For asmuche as these two sacramentes are not of abso∣lute necessyte / so as baptyme is. And therfore the mothers doo well to make haste vnto the sacrament of baptyme: but those other two are gyuen more con¦ueniently in theyr mete tyme / and they are gyuen more profytably: if to the sa∣crament be added also some lytle admo∣nition or counsayll.Holy ordre And to those which are chosen out to the mystical offices / by the sacrament of ordre is augmented & encreaced the gyfte of the holy ghoste / to admynistre and execute worthily and accordyngly the offyce assygned & put vnto them. Lykewyse as we rede / that ctes. xiii.the handes of the Apostles were layd on Paule and Barnabas / that they myght go forth to the spredynge abrode of the gospell.i. Timot. iiii. And vpon Timothe han∣des was put on by the prestes / as saynct Paule wynesseth wrytynge to hym. This much to haue touched somewhat by the waye / concernyng the sacramen∣tes / it is sufficient at this tyme. It fo∣loweth in the Crede. ☞The remission or forgeuenes of synnes. Noman dare entre into the kynges court beyng rag∣ged and spryncled with myre and durte: much lesse than it is conueniēt that any man shold entre into holy church / beyng defyled with synnes. And therfore forth with at the very threshold and fyrste en¦trye of the church is gyuen a bath / that he may entre in pure and clene / whiche thyng euen in the olde tyme was obser∣ued and kept by an outward ryte and ce∣remonye / for the sexten of the churche standyng afore the churche dore / dyd sprincle and cast holy water vpon them that entred in to the churche. And the olde doctoures do referre this article vn¦to the grace of baptisme / by whiche all synnes are frely forgeuen. And in the Crede whiche is songen at masse / there is mencion made of baptisme and none at all of penaunce Confitor ∣num baptis∣ma ī remissio¦nem peccat∣rum. I knowledge and confesse one baptyme in to the forgeue∣nes of synnes. In the symbole of Atha∣nasius there is no mencion made ney∣ther of baptyme neyther of penaunce / for (as I haue tolde the before) he dothe nat expoune this parte of the symbole. The diuines of more late tyme do very well vnder the name of baptyme com∣prehende also penaunce / whiche sholde scasely haue founde any place or haue ben receiued in the churche / if sayncte ☞ Paule had nat commaunded / i. Cor. v. that he which had maried his fathers wyfe / sholde be delyuered to Satan / ii. Corio. ii.and anon after had cōmaunded the same agayne to be receiued into the grace & company of holy men. Amonge the people of Af∣frike there was graunted but only ones retournynge agayne into the churche:The maner vsed in the chyrches of Affrike. leste the seuerite and sharpenes of the ecclesiasticall disciplye & ordre / myghte ware fainte. And by the space of certay∣ne hundreth yers / those that were falen into any greuouse or haynouse cryme: were caste out / and kepte from entrynge into the churche / neyther were they re∣ceyued in agayne but by open cōfession / and also sharpe & longe satisfaction and penaunce. Afterwardes because of the frowardnes of rych men / which had le∣uer styrre and rayse vp a scysme or diui∣sion / than to submytte themselues to the churche / the remedye of penaunce was tempered and modified by the bys∣shops / so that now the preste onely shold here that thynge / whiche before all the people was wont to here / whiche preste also shold remedye and heale the woun∣des with farre more mylde and gentle medicines. This myldenes was not on∣ly ordayned to be vsed for cause of the imbecillite and weakenes of men / but also for the custodie of symple and inno∣cente persons / to whome is is expedient not to know the names of many vices. DIS. Haue there ben none erroures rysen about this article? MAG.Pelagius. Iouinianus. Pela∣gius and Iouiniane dyd teache that in∣fauntes neded not to be baptized / for that (as they thought) infantes had no spotte of synne which myght be washed away / for they sayd that original synne was in none / saue onely in Adam and Eue / but that all other men and wo∣men were borne pure and clene from all maner synne / and therfore that in them baptyme was nothynge els / but an ho∣nourable signe and tokē / by which they myght be receyued into the adoption of sonnes / and myght be commēded to the affections and myndes of christen men. But the erroneouse opinion of these twayne the church doth refuse and con¦demne / folowynge the saying of Christ in the thyrd chapitre of Iohan / Ioannis .iii. vn∣lesse a man be borne agayne by water & the holy ghoste / he can not entre in the kyngdome of god. And saynt Paule in the thyrde chapitour to the Romanes.Roma. iii. All men haue synned: and do nede the glorie of god. Amonge the people of A∣phrike there sprong vp certayn / whiche dyd not receyue them into the commu∣nion & felowshyp of the church / whiche had ben baptized of heretikes / vnlesse that they were baptized agayne of the catholyqs. And this doctrine also hath the church reiected and condemned / and hath taught / accordyng to the saying of sayncte Paule / Ephe. iiii. that there is but one baptyme / wherof any maner man maye be a minyster / all be it that he be an he∣retyke or an euyll man / so that accor∣dyng to the mynde of the churche he do baptyze by the inuocation and callynge on of the holy trinite / howe be it yet where as is no necessyte to the cōtrary / it is conuniēt and accordyng / that bap¦tyme be gyuē by a preste or by deacones and it is a more sure waye to washe a∣gayne those which haue ben baptized of hethen men or of Iewes / but with this exception / if thou be not duely and in right maner baptyzed I do baptize the? In the same Affryke (which accordynge to the prouerbe of the Grekes / always bryngeth forthe some newe monstre) Donatiani.sprāg vp the Donatianes / which bosted that in all churches the grace of bap∣tyme was fayled / saue onely in the chur∣che and congregation of themselues / & therfore they preched openly / that bap∣tyme dyd nothyng auayle any man / ex∣cepte it were receyued agayne amonge them. But the churche accordyng to the Iohon̄ .i.testimony of Ihon̄ Baptiste / vpō whom thou shalt see the holy ghoste lyghtyng & abydynge vpō hym / this is he whiche baptyzed hath taught that mā is noe other thynge than the minyster of bap∣tyme / & that it is Christe / whiche is the true authour of baptyme the vertue and strēgth wherof is of the bloud of Christ & the capacite & aptnes to receyue it is by fayth / & that neyther can it be corrup¦ted through faute of the minister / which god doth gyue by faythe / neyther can yt grace be cōsumed / for asmuch as it is in finite / & sufficient ynough to abolyshe & put awaye all the synnes of the worlde / althoughe there were. x. worldes farre more fylthy & synnefull than this. A fore this there were the Selencianes / which dyd not receyue the water of baptyme:Selenciani. but onely the baptym of the spirite. And there were some also / which dyd put to / & dyd vse the baptyme of fyre: because that ī the thyrd of Matheu Ihon̄ Bap∣tiste doth say. Math. iii. He shall baptize you in spirite & fyre: where as by the spirite he dothe vnderstand & meane the priuye orThe spirite. secrete grace of faythe / which onely the holy ghost doth infuse or powre into m¦nes soule / & Fyere. by fyre he vnderstondeth charite / without which faythe is deade. Of all other ye Iewes were fyrst / whichThe Iewes. falsly taught that baptyme & fayth are not sufficiēt to the obtaynyng of helth & saluation vles circumcision were put to / whose erroure was condemned of the Apostles selues / and specially of Paule:Actuum .xv. Gala. v. so that now there is no nede of ony con¦futation Nouatus Montanus.therof / Nouatus and Monta∣nus dyd not receyue into the companye and felowshyp of the churche those per∣sones / whiche after theyr baptyme had dyshonested and made heuy the churche with some haynouse and manifeste cri∣me / not (as I wene) for that they dyd take awaye from suche maner men all hope of saluation / but that they myght beryue them the honoure of the felow∣shyp or cōpany / to the puttynge of other men in feare of doynge the lyke / whiche thynge saynt Augustine doth wytnesse and recorde euidently of those persones / whiche after beynge ones reconciled to the church by penaūce / had falne agayn into the same / or els into lyke cryme & trespasse. Man may shytte to man the dores of the churche: but heuen no man may shytte but onely god. So in the old tyme those persones / which beynge pre∣stes or deacons / had committed an eui∣dent and manifeste cryme / were put out of the clergy without any hope of com∣myng in agayne. The same thyng was done to the byshopes. But this seuerite or sharpenesse of correction also was mi¦tigated of them that came after. Con∣cernyng cōfession and satisfaction bothe there hathe ben greate stryfe in tymes passed / and also now these dayes is re∣newed agayne.Nota But I doo thynke and iudge it both most surest waye / and also most mete to the sauyng and kepyng of the commune concorde / with symple obe¦dience to folowe that thyng / which the auctorite of the church hath taught vs / that is to say according to the prouerbe of the Brekes / to bowe and lene towar¦des the better syde: and to abstayne and forbere from such thynges / wherof thou doste stande in doubte. Now resteth and is behynd the last part of the Symbole or crede. The risyng agayn of the fleshe. Here thou heareste the endynge of the world / whan Math. xiii. Math. xxv. good men shalbe disseue∣red and sundred from euyll men / so that the wycked and vngodly persones shallApo. xxi. haue no hope to haue an ende ones of theyr payne and tourmentes / neyther the good and godly persones shall haue any sorow or greffe / no nor yet haue any feare of euyl / Roma. viii. whan also the very crea¦ture which doth now mourne with vs / shalbt delyuered and set free from all ma¦ner incommodytes or displeasures.How al thyn¦ges shall e new after the resurrection. All thyges than shalbe newe / not by chaū∣gyng of theyr substaunce: but by the rea∣son that theyr qualite shalbe chaunged. Fleshe.By the name of fleshe here in this par∣ticle is vnderstanded and mente the bo∣dy of man / by Rysynge a∣gayne. rysyng agayn is mente reuiuyng and waryng lyue agayne. All the articles of the Crede in very dede are to be holdē and kept by faste and sta¦ble belefe:The article of resurrectiō of all other, is most firme¦ly to be bele∣ued. but this article most specially of all other is firmely to be beleued / which doth brynge moste chefly solace & comforte to good & vertuose men beyng in tribulation and aduersite here in this world / and also on the other seyd agayn dothe putte wycked men moste in feare and drede / which els wolde fall without measure or ende into all maner abomi∣nations and synnes / if after this lyfe both good men and badde / sholde not be the one rewarded / the other ponyshed ac¦cordingly to theyr deseruynges. This is the fundation and grounde of all our whole faythe / whiche ought to be moste stronge and stable / whiche if it be loose and vnstable: al other thynges wel nere are beleued in vayn. Let the wretched Sadduces therfore goo theyr waye / Sadduce. which in so muche do not beleue the ry∣syng agayn of the bodyes: that they do neyther Math. xxii. Actuum .xxii beleue that there are aungel∣les / no nor yet any spirit{is} / as who shold saye / that there were nothynge verily beyng in the nature of thynges / but one¦ly that / which is open and perceyueable to the bodyly senses / from which senses nothing is more farre away / than is the very godhed. Fare wel they also whiche do professe / that the soules shall ryse or reuiue agayne / but the bodyes in no wyse: where as in very dede the soule (in as much as it is immortal) can no more reuiue and ware alyue agayne: than it can dye. But they do call it the resurrec∣tion of soules: whan they shall be called forth to blysse / out of the secrete places / in whiche (after theyr madde dreames) they had for a certayne tyme and season lyen hydde. Fare well they also / whiche do denye / that this selfe same bodye / whiche we do beare about with vs shall reuiue and lyue agayne / but do say that to euery man shall be gyuen another bo¦dy much more excellent and better than this is. But we shal not be the same mē if we shall not receyue agayne the same bodyes. And I pray you what nede is it to create newe bodyes: whan god by his almyghty power is able to restore these same bodyes / to most perfyght cla¦rite and bryghtnesse / and also to blessed immortalite? not chaungynge the sub∣stance of the body: but chaungynge the qualites of the body into muche better? ChiliasteFare well also the Chiliastes / whiche of the reuelation of sayncte Ihon̄ miscon∣strued and wronge vnderstonded / dyd dreame / that we shall ones reuiue and lyue agayne / and that by the space of a thowsand yeres / we shall vse and enioye plentuosly all the delicies and voluptes of this wordle. But we gyueng credence to the wordes of blessed Iob. Iob. xix. And I shalbe coumpased agayne rounde about with myne owne skynne / and in myne owne fleshe I shall see my god / whome euen I myn owne selfe shall see and not another person and also herkenyng and beleuyng saynt Paule / which wrote in this wyse. ☞ He that hath reysed vp Iesu:Roma. viii. shall rayse vp vs also with Iesu. We (I saye) vpon the faste credence and belefe of these aforereherced auctorites / do recken our selfe moste sure and out of doute / that all men shall reuiue and lyue agayne in the ende of the worlde / with the same bodyes / whiche they doo beare about in earth / and that they shall none otherwyse ryse agayn / than Christ hym¦selfe dyd ryse agayne / whiche shall conforme and make lyke our bodyes to his owne body glorified. The immortalite of the bodyes / shalbe commune bothe to good men and badde men. But to the wycked {per}sones / immortalite shall bryng or cause euerlastynge tourmentes / and to the good and godly persones / it shall brynge or cause eternal ioye and blysse. How be it yet it ought rayther & more truely to be called the eternall deathe of wycked men: than the immortalite of them. And therfore that particle euer∣lastyng lyfe (whiche certayne persones haue added and put to out of the masse crede) appertayneth onely to the good & godly men / where as the word of resur∣rection doth egally appertayn bothe to the good and to the badde. Howe be it yet this worde resurrectiō also is so vsed otherwhyles:Howe this word resurre¦ction is takē other whyles in the scriptu¦res. that it dothe appertayne onely to good men / as for example whā our lord sayth in the gospell of Ihon̄ / I Iohan. xi. am resurrection and lyfe. And Paule lykewyse seldome dothe vse this worde any where / but in the good parte. And our lorde maketh a distinction and diffe∣rence of resurrections in the .v. chapi∣tour of Ihon̄: sayng. And those / which haue done good workes: shall come forth vnto the resurrection of lyfe.Iohon̄. v. And those / that haue done euyll workes / vnto the resurrection of iudgement / for iudge∣mente here he calleth condemnation. This thynge is more expresly sayd and spoken in the symbole of Athanasius. At whose comynge all men must ryse agayne with theyr owne bodyes / and shall rendre and gyue accompt or recke∣nynge of theyr owne dedes. And those which haue wrought well / shall go into eternall lyfe / & those that haue wrought euyll: shall go into eternall fyer. So also sayth Paule in the .vi. chapitour to the Romanes.Roma. vi. The wage or hiere of synne / is deathe / but eternall lyfe is the beni∣fyte and gyfte of god by Christe Iesu our lorde. He added here eternall or euer lastyng / because that lykewyse as vnto those that are damned / there shall be no hope of release / so on the other parte a∣gayne the godly persones shall haue no maner feare / lest theyr felicitye and ioye myght be at any tyme eyther ended / or els minyshed the pleasauntnes and ioy∣fulnes / wherof shall greatly be augmen¦ted and encreased by that communion and felowshyp of all holy men. For cha∣rite / whiche neuer falleth awaye:i. Cor. iii. shall there be moste feruente and hote. Nowe charite is no lesse gladde of other men∣nes welthe and weldoynge: than of her owne. Neyther is there any cause / why we do nede here to ymagine pleasures of the body which do stand ī meate / drynk / or the fleshely company of man & womā for there shalbe than none vse or profyte of these thynges / but the bodyes shalbe spirituall / in which we shall lyue as the aungelles of god done.Mat. xxii. Now the felicite of aungels is to see the face of the father whiche is in heuen. And our lorde sayth the same in the gospel of Ihon̄.Io. xvii. This is the euerlastynge lyfe / that they maye knowe the alone / whiche are the very god: and Iesu Christ / whome thou hast sent. That knowlege begynneth here by faythe. And there it shalbe fynyshed and made full & perfyte / whan we shall be∣hold & see the glorie of hym / his face be∣yng clerely shewed & discouered. DIS. Are these thynges sufficyente to the purchasyng & obtaynyng of saluation: MAG. For the obtaynyng & gettyng of baptyme / these thynges are sufficient to a lay man for to beleue: but also that are learned & somewhat growne in age / ught to beleue all thynges / that are ex¦pressed in the holy scriptures / or whiche are of the sayd scriptures euidently ga∣thered or concluded / besydes this what so euer thyng the catholyk church hath with vniuersall and contynuall consent approued and allowed / which churche / if it haue ordayned or decreed any thing after such fasshyon: it was probable and very lykely / that eyther it was begonne of the Apostles / and so hath contynued as it were gyuen by hande from the el∣ders to the yōgers / orels it was brought forth to vs out of the preuye and secrete storehouse of ye scriptures / or els it hath ben shewed and put in theyr myndes by the inspiration of the holy ghoste accor∣dingly as ye state of tymes dyd requyre. And as touchynge to contentiouse and darke doctrine or opinions: in all suche thynges it shall be sufficient for the and suche as thou arte to professe with this ware and wyse circumspection. Concer¦nynge these thynges / I beleue as the churche beleuyth. This is a more sure waye and more farre from all daunger: than boldly to affirme that thyng / wher of thou arte in doute / or which thou doest not perceyue or vnderstonde. DIS. But in xtreme ieoperdye / whether it isA notable question sufficient to kepe and holde faste the be∣lefe in harte and mynde / or els are we bound also to professe with our mouth? MAG.Aunswere. To this poynte sayncte Paule shall make aunswere to the for me. By the sacr¦mentes are graces gyuen as is here par¦ticularly de∣clared of eche one of them. wedlocke. Ephe. v. Gala. vi. ii. Cor. v. ii. Pet. ii. Prouer. xxvi Pelagius. Iouinianus. Nouatus Montanus. Math. xxii. Actuum .xxii ☞ With the harte (saythe he) we beleue vnto ryghtuosnes:Roma. x. and with the mouth confession is made vnto helthe and sal∣uation. And our lorde hymselfe threte∣neth in the gospell / Math. x. Mar. viii. that he wyll not be acknowne of hym for his soldyer afore his father: who so euer shall haue ben afrayde or ashamed to professe hym afore men. But it is one thynge not to profsse / and another thynge to denye. where there is no hope of frute or good to be done / and yet the ieoperdye is ve∣ry greate: it is not necessary or requisite that thou sholdeste vtter or bewray thy∣selfe in such wyse / as we do rede that cer¦tayne men haue vnprouoked and vncal∣led / euen of theyr owne accorde runne forth into the market / that they myght be slayne and put to deathe with other Christen men / or ls that they haue ra∣ged agaynste the solemne festiuytes of Paganes / not for the entente that they wolde brynge any man to Christe: but to thende that after they were slayne of them / they myght be accompted and rec¦kened amonge martyres / Christ dyd ly∣cence or graunt to his apostles no ma∣ner violent defence of thēselues / agaynst wycked men: but he onely gaue thē leue to flee.Actes. xii. Actes. ix. Peter fledde out of prison / Paule fledde out of Damaske beyng let downe by a baskette of the walles. But so often tymes / as the thyng shall come to suche an exigente or pynche / that the name of our lorde Iesu is to be glorified both a∣monge good men and badde men / the christen / and the hethen: than ought we all the entycementes or pleasures / & eke the feares and displeasures of the world vtterlye despysed & set at nought) chere∣fully and boldly to professe that / whiche the chyrche hath taughte.Elcesaite. The doctrine and opinion of the Elcesaites is refused and condemned / whiche taught / that in the tyme of persecutiō / men myght law∣fully denye Christ with wordes: so that they kept styll the syncerite of the faythe in theyr harte and mynde / which saying if it were true / thā dyd Peter the Apostle in vayne wepe so many teares / for that he beyge troubled with feare of dethe / had denyed his lord and mayster thries:Math. xvi. whan he had not yet so muche spirituall knowledge of hym / as the lyghte of the gospell hath opened vnto vs.Tertullia Tertulliā agayn to much leanyng and inclynyng to the contrary parte / doth not so much as graunt leaue to flee in persecution / saying that than to flee / is a kynd of de∣nyinge Christe. And his sayinge in cer∣tayne circumstancies maye be true / but doutlesse they doo lesse offende / whiche stricken with worldly feare doo denye Christ onely with theyr mouthes: than do they / whiche for temporall profytes sake / do forsake theyr captayne Christe / whose sworne soldyers they became in baptyme both with harte and also with tonge. DIS. Whan tourmentes are thretened more greuouse and paynfull than any death: what shall thā the frayl¦tye of man do? MAG.what is to be done in the greatte stor∣mes of perse∣cution. Our lorde hym∣selfe hath prescribed a fourme and hath set vs an exaumple / whā that excedyng feare / yrkesomnes / & agonye shall come so sore vpon vs: we shall acknowlege the weyknesse of our ouwe might & strēgth & wholly mystrustyng our owne power and ayde / we shall caste our selues flatte vpon the grounde / and with greate con¦fidence and truste shall with wepynge / desyre and call for the helpe of the di∣uyne power / nothyng consideryng how greuouse or how cruell the thynges be / that are manacyd or thretened to vs / or howe frayle our condition and state is: but consideryng and remembrynge / howe myghty / and howe mercyfull the lord is / vnder whose defence and gouer¦naunce we do fyght / which is not deafe whan he is called on with faith & trust / but eyther dothe delyuer from euylles / or els dothe adde and encreace strength to vs / that we may strongly and man∣fully endure and suffre.Fayth is in∣uincible in al maner ba∣taylle. For faythe is a thyng verily inuincible in all kyndes of batayles / for there do not lacke batay∣les and stryues euen amonge christen men also / to such persones / as do studye & labonre to lyue godly in Iesu Christ.ii. Timo. iii. Nowe who so euer done exercyse them∣selues dayly in these lyghter & smalle conflictes or skirmyshes: are at that ba∣tayle founde vnafrayde / wherfore it is conuenient and mete / that the cheffest principall study of a christen soldyer be / to quycken or styrre vp / and also to en∣creace dayly the vigoure and lyuelynes of fayth.A christen ol¦dyer sholde pryncypallye study to quy¦k̄ & encreace this fayth. DIS. By what meanes may one attayne this?The meanes wherby he may do it. M. The fyrst poynte is that / whiche the lordr dothe teache. ☞ Aske & you shall haue. But that the prayer maye not be ydle:Prayer. lette almoyse helpe / not onely outwarde almoyse / which refresheth & comforteth the body but also spirituall almoyse:Almoyse bothe corpo∣rall and spi∣rituall. by monys∣shynge louyngly hym that is out of the ryght waye / by teachyng gentylly hym that is vnlearned / by mercyfully forge∣uynge hym that hath offended or hurte the.Hearing ofte sermones Readynge of holy wrytte. Remēbraūce of Christes death. To these adde also often hearynge of sermones / and holy readynge / some∣tyme the one / sometyme the other / by course / often callyng to remembraunce of the deathe of our lorde / namely whā thou haste receyued his body & bloude / finally often cōmemoration & rehersall of those men & women / whiche in tour∣mentesRemēbraūce of saynctes. i. Timo. i. & diuerse kyndes of death / haue fought a good batayle or feld for Christ sake by these nouryshemētes the sparke of fayth is nouryshed / quyckened / & en∣creased. D. Good syr / I do gyue thākes to the pirite of Christe / whiche by the instrument of your tonge / hath vouche∣safed to teache me so meruaylouse philo¦sophye and wysdome: except there be yet any whyt more remaynynge behynde. MAG. There remayneth not much behynde that I may teache: but perad∣uenture there resteth behynd somewhat wherof I may admonysh the / if thou be not yet waxē wery / how be it this thyng haue I done all redy hertofore / by the way. DIS. I verily by hearyng a ly∣tle and a lytle do waxe more thrusty and desyrouse to here. MAG. Than that that resteth behynde: we shall put to / at our nexte commynge together. Hearing ofte sermones Readynge of holy wrytte. Remēbraūce of Christes death. Remēbraūce of saynctes. i. Timo. i. DISCIPLE. I Am comen agayne now / lo∣kynge and longynge for the laste messe of this moste deli∣cate and swete feaste. MA. This resteth or remayneth behynde to confirme eche thyng contay¦tayned in the Crede / with diuerse testi∣monies of bothe testamentes. For there is nothynge taught herein / which was not many thousand yeres agoo diuersly shadowed by the figures of the lawe of Moyses / and also shewed or told before by the oracles of the prophetes / ye and certayn thynges also were euidently ex∣pressed. As for exaumple / that there are not manye goddes / and that of one god this world was created / for who so euer euen afore the lawe gyuen / dyd lyue ver¦tuosly & godly / dyd worshyp onely one god the creature of all the worlde.Math. xi. Prophecie en¦ded in Iohan Baptiste. Now the gyfte of prophecie resteth & ceassed in Iohon̄ Baptiste / as in the ioynynge together of bothe lawes / whose fortune it was / that whome other prophetes as it were through a myst dyd shew a farre of for to come: hym he shewed present / poyntyng hym with his fynger. But of all prophetes the moste sure and vndow¦tedly true prophete was our lorde to his owne selfe / fullfyllynge with his dedes / & declarynge that which was shadowed by the obscure sayinges and figures of of the olde lawe / amonge the people / in parables / and among his disciples som¦tyme couertly sometyme openly. His di¦uine nature he shewed with workes and dedes / rayther than expressed it with wordes. And who shold euer haue vnder¦stonde / that by the brasen serpente / whiche was hanged vp on a stake was shadowed and figured Christ crucified:Numeri. xxi. if our lorde hymselfe had not vouchesa∣fed to expounde & declare it?Iohan. iii. Iohan. ii. That say∣inge of his louse you a sondre this tem∣ple / and within .iii. dayes I wyll rayse it agayne / was not vnderstanden not of his owne disciples: vntyll after his re∣surrection. Moreouer who wolde haue demed / that Ione .ii. Ionas which was deuou¦red of a whale / & was cast forth agayne alyue on the thyrde daye dyd prefigure the buryal & the resurrection of Christ.Math. xii. And whan the tyme of his death drewe somewhat nere: he gaue his disciples openly monition and knowlege afore / that he shold be delyuered to the Genti¦les / to be mocked / & nayled on a crosse:Math. xx. but he comforteth the same agayn / pro¦mysinge / that he wolde ryse agayne on the thyrde daye.Iohan. xxvi. So lykewyse afore his death / he tolde them somewhat darkely of his ascension: but after his resurrec∣tion he tolde them agayne of the same more euidently.Luce. xxiiii. In lyke maner he tolde them before Math. xiii. Luce. xiii. that the mustarde sede / that is to saye / the fayth of the gospell / from very small begynnynges shold be spredde abrode throughe out the whole worlde / & also shewed them before / Iohan. xv. & xvi. that shold chaunce & betyde the preachers of the gospell.Math. xxi. This thynge also he tolde them before that the religion of the Iewes sholde be taken awaye and des∣troyed / and the religion of the gospell translated / & conuayed to the Gentiles the Iewes styll contynuynge & remay∣nyng in theyr darke blyndenesse / vntyll that at mete & conunient tyme (accor∣dyng to the prophecie of saynct Paule)Roma .xi. ☞ of the Iewes & Geutiles sholde be made one folde vnder the onely hedepa∣pastour Christ.Iohan. x. Neither dyd he so much as hyde this from them that the chyrch sholde in tyme afterward to come be as∣sayled with dyuerse heresies:Math. xxiiii. but not ouerthrowne / what nede me to make many wordes: seynge that all thynges hytherto haue so chaunced & comen to passe / as they were prophecied & fore∣said / to doute now than any whyt of the laste iudgemente / and of the rewardes of good men and of wycked men / se∣meth to be a poynte of extreme blynde∣nesse / we do gyue credence to a diuyner or sothesayer / if he haue tolde vs .iii. or .iiii. tymes before the trouthe as it hath after folowed: and to hym that in so many thynges and so vnbeleueable af∣ter the iudgemente of man / hathe all wayes ben founde true of his sayinges / shall we not nowe gyue credence in one thynge that is behynde? But this part / for asmuch as it belōgeth to the Iewes and Paganes more than to christē men and hath also ben dilygently wryten & taughte of Tertullian and Ciprian: at this tyme I wyll passe ouer it / beynge cōtent as it were with a fynger to haue shewed and poynted to the fountaynes / out of which thou mayst draw vp these thynges / if it please the. Nowe resteth behynd the admonition and coūsaylle / that we may lyue well and a ryght ac∣cordyng to the ryght fayth.Faythe is of a fyre nature alwayes do∣ynge. A similitude. Fayth is a thynge of a fyery nature / where so euer it is / it is not ydle / but lykewyse as in a laumpe the oyle fedeth and norysheth the flamme / lest it be quenched and go out / so doo the workes of charite fede & nouryshe faythe / that it do not fayle or dye.Fayth bryn∣gethe forthe good workes and is nou∣ryshed agayn of them. Fayth gēdreth and bryngeth forth good workes / but they agayne of theyr parte do nouryshe theyr parente or mo∣ther. And therfore dyd the lyghte fayle and goo out in the laumpes of the foo∣lyshe virgines: beause there wāted the oyle of good workes.Math. xxv. And all be it the rule & fourme of good lyuynge is wont to be fet out of al the bokes of holy scrip¦ture / yet for all that in this symbole or Crede / howe so euer shorte it is / there is contayned the hole philosophie of ly∣uyng well & vertuosly / neyther is there any vertue / vnto which it dothe not in∣structe vs / neyther is there any vyce / agaynst which it doth not arme or fence the mynd of man. In this short Crede is con∣tayned the whole philo∣sophie of ly∣uynge well vertuosly. i. Pet. v. For the dyuel wal∣keth about through the fold of the chur¦che / as it were a roryng lyon sechynge whome he myghte deuoure / whome sayncte Peter byddeth vs resyste beyng stronge and bolde / not with confidence and truste of workes or of our owne strength: but in fayth. DIS. you haue armed me with fayth: now you do cha∣ritably / whan you teache a yonge sol∣dyer to vse his armoure. MAG. Our lord hymselfe taughte vs / that all the preceptes of the lawe are summaryly & generally contayned in this one.Matth. xxii. Math. xi. Prophecie en¦ded in Iohan Baptiste. Faythe is of a fyre nature alwayes do∣ynge. A similitude. In this short Crede is con∣tayned the whole philo∣sophie of ly∣uynge well vertuosly. i. Pet. v. ☞ Thou shalte loue thy lord god with all thyne harte / with all thy soule / and with all thy powers: and thy neygh∣bour as thyne owne selfe. But no man can loue god aboue all thynges: except that he do beleue / that there is nothyng more beautyful or fayrer / nothyng bet∣ter / nothyng more true / nothyng more amiable or louely / than he. For who so euer beleueth that any other thyng besyde hym / is eyther better / or els egall to hym: that man doth not beleue that he is god. He therfore that hathe caste hymselfe whole vpon god: can loue no∣thyng / but that which he doth loue for goddes sake / neyther can fare anye¦thynge / but that whiche he fearethe for goddes sake. And euen forthwith with this begynnynge * Credo in deum. I beleue in god: are cutte awaye / or at the leaste wyse are mitigated & aswaged all the desyres of the fleshe: to any of which if thou dost obey / despisyng and not re∣gardyng the commaundemētes of god / it is euydēt & playne / that thou makest to thyselfe another god / what so euer thynge this is that thou preferreste a∣fore god.Math. vi. Luce. xiiii. Our lorde whan he dothe call god / & mammon or ryches / two lordes contrarye the one the other: he dothe as it were compare & matche two goddes to gether / & sayncte Paule calleth coue∣tousenes / that is to saye loue & desyre of money / idolatrye.Ephe. v. The same Paule no∣teth & rebuketh them / that are gyuē to lucre of money & to the pleasures or pro¦fyes of the body with a slaunderous re¦porte / whose belye (saythe he) is theyr god.Philip. iii. The same agayne wrytyng to the Corinthians calleth the dyuel / the god of this worlde / nor for that he is in very dede a god or a lorde: but for that he is both a lord & a god to them / which des∣pisyng the very lord god do gyue themselues to hym into seruitute & bondage. And that / which hath ben sayde of aua∣rice & ye desyre of money or ryches: the same is to be thought & iudged of al vi∣ces / namely capitale & deadly.Apostasie. Aposta∣sie / that is to say forsakynge or goynge away / is a slaunderous & a rebukefull worde amonge christen men / and not without a cause doutlesse (for if among them / which are nought els but mē / the name of a rebel or a runne away or trai¦toure be abominable: howe much more shame & rebuke is it / willingly wthout cause / to go away from such a capitayn to whome we are bounden with so ma∣ny sacramētes / with so many gyftes / so many bondes / not vnto his better / or to his egall or pere / but frō the best capy∣tayn of all / to the very worst of al & the eares of al christē mē wel nere do abhor∣re the name of Apostata / but wolde god the mynde of them dyd lykewyse ab∣horre and hate the thynge selfe.Thre maner of ordinaūce wherwith the dyuell goth aboute to ouerthrow and vayn∣queshe vs. Nowe the dyuell for the moste parte fyghteth agaynst vs / & goeth about to ouercome vs / with thre maner engynes or ordy∣naunce / that is to wyt / ignorance / hope of commodites and feare of the contra¦ryes. But pure faythe (as it hathe ben sayd heretofore) putteth away all dark¦nesse or blyndenesse of the mynde / but neyther flatterynge hope dothe begyle / neyther gastfull feare dothe cause hym to shrynke / or moue a foe from his good purpose: whiche hath set all his whole truste in god.Faythe and sure truste in god: putteth by all maner tmtations. Howe sore doth it vexe and trouble some mennes myndes the loue and desyer to knowe thynges after to come One man wysheth or de∣syreth longe lyfe / and hateth deathe / he counsayleth with astronomers and cal¦kers of mennes natiuites. But he that dothe verily beleue and truste in god / beyng carelesse and without feare / saythe with sayncte Paule. Philip. i. To me Christ is lyfe: and death is auauntage. Another man hath a shyp frayghted or laden with costly merchaundyse / he as∣keth counsayll of astronomers: but the godly man sayth. God send this bage to be prosperouse and luckye if he shall iudge it to be expedient for me: if not: that which he shall gyue me for this dā∣mage and losse: is better than all wares Another man is payned and oppressed with sycknes: and sendeth for an in∣chaunter: the vertuose man saythe. He is my lorde / he is my father / let hym scourge me euen as it shall please hym∣selfe: so that he wyll acknowlege me for one of his sonnes: and inheritoures of eternall felicite. Breflye that man fea∣reth but smally / what so euer fearfull thyng is in this lyfe / which doth truely feare hym / that maye whan he is offen∣ded and displeased Math. x. send both body and soule into hellfyre. He doth but lyghtly and smally hope for the commodites of this worlde: whiche doth consydre and remembre / that god after this transito∣rye and brefe lyfe doth promyse lyfe eter¦nall. And who is so madde / that he wyll despyse or proudely disdayne any man: if he do considre that hymselfe whole is lesse in comparison vnto that vnspea∣keable magesty of god than is a gnatte in comparison to an elephant? Or how can he despyse that man as vyle: whom Christe no foolyshe merchaunt / hathe vouchesafed to raunsome & bye agayne with his owne bloude? If it be a gaye and an excellent thyng / to haue the be∣neuolence and fauoure of a prynce: this is the prynce of princes. If it be a daū∣gerouse thyng to runne into the displea¦sure & wrath of a kyng: this is the kyng of kynges and lord of all lordes.Apo. xix. Many men are sadde and heuye: for that they are commen of a lowe & a pore stocke or kyndred: but fayth comforteth them a∣gayn / tellyng them / that those men are truely noble & gentlemen: whome god dothe acknowledge for his sonnes and heyres / & of whome he is gladde to be called father. Other agayne are made proude & hyghmynded by the reason of theyr noble & worshypfull auncesters: but faythe shewethe them that there is one commune father of all men / afore whome there is no dyfference betwen a prynce & a page / betwen a pore man & a rych man / betwen a bonde man & a free man. The more that euerye man is for vertuose lyuynge accepted & in fauoure with hym: the more noble: the more myghty: & the more ryche he is. This onely lord doth Christe shewe vnto vs: whome we sholde worthily feare. This onely father he doth shew to vs: whome we sholde loue / whome without any re∣systence & gyueng many wordes agayn we sholde obey / whome as sonnes / not bastarde / or goynge out of kynde / we sholde countrefayte and folowe. Be you (saith Christ) perfyte / lykewyse as your heuenly father is perfyte / Math. v. whiche cau∣seth his sonne to ryse vpon bothe good and badde folke: & sendeth downe rayne both vpon the ryghtuose & vnrightuose Those men that haue abundaunce and plentye of the cōmodites of this world / as ryches: honours: nobilite: power: beaulty: & suche other thynges: whiche are wonte to cause the mynde to swell and ware proude: to them theyr pryde is anone tourned into feare / if they do consydre to what lorde they are deters for all these thynges: in whose handes & power it lyeth whan so euer he lyste to take away frō vnkynd persones; what so euer thynge he hath gyuen to kynde persons: & to whome they do know that accōptes must be gyuen of euery parti∣culare thyng / and of whome they maye here forthwith these wordes * why or wherof art thou proude / thou that arte noughte / but earthe ad asches? Why art thou so ioly / and makest thou it so gaye with other byrdes fethers? Why dareste thou despyse thy neygh∣boure as a vyle caytyfe: which hath the same father / and the same lord / that thy selfe hast? Why dost thou disdayne hym as a bondeman: seynge that he is rede∣med and boughte with the same pryce / for whiche thyselfe was raunsomed? Why settest thou lyght by hym and des∣pysest hym as pore / of whom the father hath care and mynde / which is the lord of all thynges? Were they pore men: to whome the Apostle wryteth. i. Cor. iii. Al thyn¦ges are yours / & you are Christes owne Why doeste thou set hym at nought as pore which is ascribed and called to the inheritaunce of the eternall lyfe: as wel as thyselfe / yea and which peraduēture shall in this poynte be preferred / & haue preeminence afore the? For in the gos∣pell it is sayd agaynst ryche men / of the pore men / Luc. xvi.that they may receyue you into theyr euerlastynge tabernacles or dwellynge places. He whome thou ke∣peste vndre as a bondemā / is thy felow seruaunt. He whome thou despysest as vyle borne / is thy brother / he whome thou regardest not / as beynge pore and frendeles: hath aungelles minystrynge and doyng seruice to hym. Thou beyng proude of the palace / doste mocke and skorne the vyle & homelye cotage of the pore man: but for that pore man / the cō∣mune father of you both / hath buylded the palace of the whole worlde / for his cause do the startes shyne / for his cause do the celestial spheres or circles moue and tourne rounde / for his cause dothe the earth bryng forth her frutes / as wel as for the. After this maner hath one & the same faythe caused and broughte to passe / that neyther the prosperite of this worlde can cause vs to be wanton and proude: neyther uersite can make vs to despayre. And who so euer dothe be∣leue / that there is a god gouernynge all thynges: that man beleueth that he is more present to eche one of vs / than any man is present to hymselfe / and that he doth more exactely and perfytly see and beholde the secrete corners of our harte / than we do at none dayes see any body beyng set afore our eyes: How than can it be / but that man / whether he be in darkenes: or els in lyght / or whether he be alone / or els with many in company / shall with much drede and muche reue∣rence so ordre his workes & dedes / leste there myght be any thynge / that sholde offende and dysplease the eyes of his fa∣ther / and lord / and also his iudge?The whole world / is the tēple of god. This whole worlde is the temple of god / in whiche he sytteth as hede and ruler. If than it be so / that we are ashamed in a temple of sone to do any thynge vnho∣nest or vnsemely / with how much more reuerence and drede oughte we to occu∣pye our selfe in this temple? There are dyuerse and sondrye dartes and wea∣pons / wherwith that tyraunte the dy∣uell goeth about to wounde vs: but a∣gaynst them all this onely shelde is suf∣ficient: * Credo in deum. I beleue in god. If he do stryke at ye with the darte of pryde:Pryde. caste forth agaynste hym the shelde I beleue in god / whiche howe greatly he dothe hate proude myndes / he hath declared in Lucifer. If he doth prycke the with wrathe to vengeaunce: make aunswere wrathe. I beleue in god / whiche hath reserued and kept to hym∣selfe the auctorite and ryghte of doynge vengeaunce saying.Rom. xii. Deute. xxxii. Enuye. Uengeaunce or po∣nyshement is myn / and I wyll requyte / If enuye dothe brenne thy mynde: saye ☞ I beleue in god / which distributeth his giftes to euery man as he lyste hym self / why shold I enuye my brother and felowe seruaunt the liberalyte & bounty of our commune father and lorde? How muche more ryght and reason is it that I shold gyue thankes to my father and lorde for two causes? bothe for that he hathe gyuen so manye thynges to me aboue my deseruynge / and also for that he dothe gyue these thynges to me by my brother / for what so euer thynge is gyuen to any one of the membres / that same thynge is both the vauntage / and also the anouramēt of the whole body.Auarice. If auarice dothe tempte and prouoke the to dysceyte and rauine or extorsion sayinge / on lesse thou dost make haste to gather goodes by hooke or crooke / by ryghte or wronge, thou shalt be oppres∣sed with pouerty in thyne age / thy chyl∣dren shall begge: make aunswere / I wyll not do it for Math. vi Lucc. xii. I beleue and truste in god that he the which fedeth the spa∣rowes / whiche clotheth and couereth the lylyes of the feldes: shall not suffre his owne souldyer to starue and pe∣tyshe for hungre.Glotony. If concupiscence shall prouoke the to ecesse and superfluite of meate or drynke and suche other: saye / god forbede that I shold do this / ☞ for I truste or beleue in god / whose lybera∣lite and bounty hath graunted me these thynges / not to glotony and intempe∣rance: but to sobre and measurable vse / what so euer parte hereof is bestowed vpon the fullfyllyng and satisfyenge of concupiscence: it is thefte / it is rauyne / yea moreouer it is sacrilege / it is idola∣trye / what so euer remayned aboue my necessaries it was the goodes of pore mē / it was due to the mēbres of Christ / and that it is bestowed on drunkennes and surfeyte: is in the contempte & dys∣honoure of god offred in sacrifice to de∣uylles. If fleshely luste doth prouoke the to fornication and adultery:Lechery. refuse and defye it: saying. ☞ I beleue in god the father / to whose eyes these thynges are displesaunte. I wyll neuer do so lewedly that for so lytle a pleasure I wyll les the inheritaunce of the heuenly ioyes / & the securite and quietnesse of a good and clere conscience. He is a foolyshe mer∣chaunte / which wyll alowe such maner exchaunge. If I wolde be ashamed to commytte any such synne / if my earthly father were present to loke on me: howe much more ought I to feare the eyes & syght of that heuenly father? Nowe if we do come to Christ / which hath more familiarly set forth afore vs the ensaum¦ple of vertuose & godly lyfe: what parte is there of the christiane philosophie / whiche we maye not sufficiently learne hereof? who wolde not be kendled to the loue of virginite and chastite: whan he heareth that Christ was borne of a vir∣gine / which also in his owne body hath commended virginite to vs? Who wold not be ashamed to defyle wedlocke with adulteries / or in wedlocke to serue the fleshely luste: whan he considereth and calleth to mynde the wedlocke of Mary and Ioseph more chaste than all virgi∣nite?The hygh dignite of the nature of man. Besydes this / whan he shall consi∣dre and thynke / that so muche honoure hath ben gyuen to the nature of man / that it hath ben receyued to the compa∣ny and felowshyp of the diuine persone in Christe / and that it doth sytte on the ryght hande of the father: sholde he not be afrayde to caste downe hymselfe to beastly pleasures of glotony & lecherye? The aungelles do acknowledge and do worshyp the mystery / as sayncte Peter doth wytnesse in the fyrste chapitour of the fyrst epistle. And therfore in the .xix. chapitoure of the Apocalipse / whan S. Iohan fell downe on his knese to wor∣shyppe the aungell: the aungell forbad hym saying. See that thou do not so / I am thy felowe seruaunte / and of thy brothern hauyng the testimonie of Ie∣su / but afore the incarnation of Christe / the same was not sayde lykewyse to A∣braham or to Daniell: whan they wor∣shypped an aungell. In as muche than as aungelles do confesse and acknowle∣ge the dignite of the nature of mā: how vnworthy and howe vilaynouse a dede is it / to defowle it with the moste vyle fylthe of vyces and synnes? Why do we not rayther herken to sayncte Peter ex∣hortynge vs in this wyse.ii. Pet. i. By whome he hath gyuen to vs preciouse and most greate promysses / that by reason herof we sholde be made parttakers of the di∣uine nature: if that we wyl flee from the corruptiō / that is in the world through concupiscence and lust. Furthermore he that with pure & whole fayth doth pro∣fesse hym to be lord & owner: howe dare he be bold to steale any part of hymselfe from hym / & gyue it to the dyuell / in as much as he is whole his owne / to whōe he dedicated & gaue hymselfe whole in baptyme? He that professeth hym to be Iesu: why doth he seche for saluation or helth of any other thyng / than of hym? He that professeth Christe moste soue∣rayng kyng & prest: with what face doth he despyse & make lyghte of his lawes? with what face doth he suffre that bles∣sed and honourable sacrifice to be offred for hymself in vayn: which Christ wold to be frutefull & helthfull to all mē? The sonne of god for thy loue was made mā / to the entent that he wold make the of a mā a god / & doist thou in despyte of hym make thyselfe of a man a creature more vyle & worse than any brute beaste? Be∣syde this / what other thynge is all the lyfe / ye death / & the resurrectiō of Christ than a moste pure and clere myrrour or glasse of the euāgelical philosophy.The lyfe of Christ is the myrroure of all vertues. Obedience. Obe¦dience is hyghly cōmended & praysed / & not without good cause: this without ex¦ceptiō is fyrste & principally due to god. Christ was obediente to his father euen vnto death / & that ye death of the crosse.Philip. i. Next after god it is due to ye parēt{is}.Luce. ii. He was made obedient & subiect to thē: whā he was not {per}ceiued & vnderstōden of thē. Some obediēce also is due to them that beare any cōmune office / although they be euyll men: he dyd not withdraw hym selfe from iudgement / but Math. xxvi. whan Cai∣phas demaunded a question of hym / re∣quyryng aunswere therof in goddes be∣halfe: he made aunswere / and certayne aunswers Iohan. xviii. and .xix. Luce. xxiii. he made also to Pilate. Herode he dyd not greatly regarde to aunswere / for asmuche as he dyd not there beare any commune offyce or au∣thorite / but dyd onely for his pleasure & myndes sake goo about to haue gotten some miracle wrought of hym.Math. iiii. Satan the tempter he dyd reiecte in al poyntes Luce. iiii. of the vnclene spirites he dyd not so muche as suffre to be praysed. It is a greate vertue to dyspise humane and worldly glorie:Despysynge of prayse & vayn glorie. he although he was god yet bare the person / and playde the part of a seruaunte or bondeman in earthe / Iohan. vi. whan a kyngdome was offred to hym he refused it / the glorie of his doctrine & of his miracles he referred whole to his father. The vertue of charite is to hurt no man / and to do good to all men.Charite. All his doctrine / his doynge of miracles all to gether / to be shorte / his whole lyfe / was nought ellys but benefycēcie & wel doyng toward{is} all men: he neuer sought those thynges that were for his owne profyt or pleasure: but he spēt his owne selfe whole / vpon the profyte of other men. This was that onely whole bren sacrifice and most pleasaunt and accep∣table to god. How feruent a sayinge of charite was that whan he sayd. ☞ I am come to send fyre into the earth and what els doo I wyll or desyre than that it shold be kendled and brenne?Luce. xii. I haue a baptyme wherwith I must be baptized: and howe am I troubled and vexed in my mynde to haue it finyshed & brought to an end?Iohn̄ .xv. No man (sayth he) hath grea¦ter charite or loue than to spend his lyfe for his frendes: he not onely spente his lyfe / but also suffred the ignominie and shame of the crosse / and that for his ene∣myes also / with his laste wordes Luce. xxiii. pray¦ing for them / by whome he was put on the crosse / & with whose blasphemouse wordes he was scorned & reuyled / euen in the tyme of his paynfull suffrynge. And yet for all that dyd not the lord say vntruely / for whan he sayde * no man hath greater charite he spake of the cha¦rite and loue that is in man. There are tolde and recited in bokes / raither than are beleued certayn exaumples of excel∣lent loue and frendshyp that hathe ben betwen men as of one frende that hath put hymselfe in daūgyer and ieoperdye of his lyfe for another frend / but the cha¦rite and loue that Christe had / passeth all maner charite of men / for that was an heuenlye: and not an earthlye fyre / which ye holy ghost dyd kendle and not naturall affection: and are not we asha∣med to be called Christen men / whiche not onely doo spende our lyfe for the sa∣uyng of our frendes: but also for a small profyte or auauntage / with disceytes / lyes / & periuryes / do begyle our neygh∣boure / with violence doo spoyle & robbe hym / with false accusations do brynge hym into daunger of his lyfe?Despysynge of ryches. Coue∣tounes or loue of rychesse is a cōmune vyce / as the contempte and despisynge of ryches is an excellēt and a syngulare vertue. But who was more naked and more pore in this world: than he / which had not where Math. viii. Math. xxii. he myght so muche as reste and laye downe his hede? whiche knewe not the coyne of the emperoure? (I speake as touchynge his manhede) whose clothes (which spoyle was onely Iohan. xix.left) was distributed and parted among the soldyers? I do not saye these thyn∣ges / for that men sholde seche for payn∣full and greuouse pouery: but for tha it is a shame and a fowle thyng to hym that hath professed Christe / to take po∣uerty so vnpatiently / that he sholde crye out and call hymselfe therfore many ty∣mes a wretch and a caytyfe. Why shol∣deste thou be ashamed of pouerty / which is commune to the with Christ the lord of all thynges? Or why dothe any man lesse esteme or regarde his neyghbour for pouertyes sake / and dothe not ray∣ther worshyppe in hym the lykenesse of the lorde? Wrath or desyre of vengeaūce is a tyrannicall affection. It is an harde thynge to wyll well to hym / whiche hathe minyshed thy substaunce / whiche hath gone about to take away thy good name or thy lyfe. But this thynge shall be made more easye to the / Pacience. if thou haue respecte and do loke vnto that pure vn∣spotted lambe / whiche was so rayled on with so many reuylyng wordes / so ma∣ny wayes layde in wayte for / to make short / was boundē / bespytted / buffeted / & vexed with all maner mockes & scornes / & hāged on a crosse betwen .ii. theues: & yet neither with any word neither with any countenaunce or sygne euer gaue any signification or betokenynge of an angry mynde / neyther spake any other thyng than wordes of most feruent cha∣rite and myldenesse.Christe after his resurrec∣tion appered onely to his disciples and frendes After his resurrec∣tion also he appered onely to his disci∣ples and frendes / to the entente that he wolde bothe take away theyr heuynes / and also confirme and establyshe theyr fayth / he shewed hymselfe to none of the other / vpbrayding and castyng in theyr tethe the purposes and enforcementes of theyr wycked myndes disapoyntyng and saying. I am he / whome you haue wrongefully condemned / whome you haue reuyled / whome you haue coueted in suche wyse to be destroyed / that there shold not remayne so much as any syg∣ne or token of an honest remembraūce. I am now alyue in spyte of all your te∣thes. But what dyd he? He charged & commaunded his apostles / that euen to those same / of whome he had ben cruel∣ly and vngoodly handled / they sholde preache the grace of the gospell / that is to say / by fayth in Christe free forgeue∣nesse of all synnes / and euerlastyng lyfe in the worlde to come. This lyfe bryn∣geth with it many grefes and incommo¦dites. If we do suffre them patiently for the lordes sake:To suffr with Christ. we doo suffre to gether with hym / but much more / if we do suf∣fre affliction vnworthily for ryghtous∣nesse and vertue. If we do practyse this dayly / that the desyres of the fleshe may without rebellion obey the spirite / we do learne to dye with Christe.To dye with Christe. If beyng departed from this world / not so much in body as in affection / we doo come at that perfection / we are buried to gether with Christ.To be bury∣ed with christ If by baptyme from deade workes (that I maye vse Paules wor∣des) we beyng ones clensed from al spot¦tes doo walke from hence forwarde in newenesse of lyfe / not onely not rollyng agayne into the myer / from whiche we were made clene / but also hastyng to per¦fection by all degrees of vertues / To ascende with Christ. than do we ryse agayne with Christe / whiche raysed from deathe dothe / no more dye / whan by these meanes daylye in vs the contempte and despisynge of earthlye thynges doth encreace / and therwith al¦so doth encreace the desyre of the heuen¦ly lyfe / than do we with hym ascende in∣to heuen / with the fete of our bodyes treadyng on the earth / but with the af∣fections and desyres of the harte beyng conuersaunt in heuen / in suche wyse or∣deryng all our thoughtes / & after suche maner temperynge and disposynge all our dedes & workes / as though we dyd lyue in the syght & presence of god / & in the company of all saynctes / as in very dede we doo. Nowe are we come to the holy ghost / whiche after the doctrine of sayncte Paule / is the geste and inhabi∣ter of godly myndes / whiche hath con∣secrated for a temple vnto his owneselfe That man / that doth beleue this: howe is it possible / that he shold not be afrayd to pollute the temple of god? (for it is polluted euen with vnclene thoughtes: also althouh the dede be away) and such an amiable and louely tenaunt or geste dryuen out / to make of the temple of god a stable or lodgynge of the dyuell?without con¦corde there is no holynesse, nor felicite. Christen concorde is greatly commen∣ded / without which there is no religion or holynesse / no felicite or welthe. Of this concorde haste thou a perfyte ex∣aumple in the father / the sonne / and the holy ghoste Another exaumple nexte to it / haste thou in the name of the church: whiche is knyt to gether with so many bondes / hauyng but one god / one father all one lawes / one baptyme / all one the same sacramentes / the same spirite / and waytyng & lokyng after all one / and the same inheritaūce. In this church if any man cōtynue: although he haue fallen / he hath many of whom he may be hol∣pen vp agayne neyther can he lyghtly miscary or peryshe / hauynge so manye thousand{is} of intercessoures praying for hym. Those shepe that kepe themselues within the walles or cōpasse of the fold: are in lesse daunger of the wolf. But be∣cause here in this world we haue conti∣nuall stryffe & batayl with our aduersa∣rye: we must walke warely & wysely ac∣cordyng to the lawes prescribed & set o our capitayne & lord / to the obseruyng & kepyng of which / for asmuch as our im¦becillite & weakenesse is nothyng suffy∣cient of it selfe / we must with cōtynuall prayer beseche & desyre heuenly helpe / which is redy to all men / if a mā do aske & desyre it feruētly: if cōtinually / if with a tremblyng & a reuerent fayth & truste. To bothe these we shall be more mete / fyrste if we do referre all that belongeth to vs vnto god / as the fountayne and authour. Secōdarely if we do accustome and wonte our selues to haue respecte not to ye particular persones / but to the whole vniuersall company or congrega¦tion of the churche. If we wyll do the former of these two thynges / in al pros∣perouse thynges / and suche as come to passe accordyng to our myndes / we shall gyue thankes to god / and if any aduer∣syte shall chaūce vs (whyles we do take it paciently / as a thyng sene of god / ey∣ther to amende vs / or els to trye & proue vs) the outwarde euyll or grefe shall be tourned to vs into very good or profyte I shall gyue the an euident exaumple. Thy corne cometh vp prosperously in the feldes / here the pagane wyll prayse his owne policie and laboure / he wyll prayse the temperate and sesonable we∣ther of that somer. But a christen man / lykewyse as if he had receyued all these thynges of the hande of god / he gyueth thankes to his bountuose father / which with so greate largenesse and liberalite doth prouyde for his sonnes & seruaun∣tes. And if any good thyng be gyuen or done to vs by men / we shall acknowlege the goodnesse of the lorde / whiche hath gyuen to this man that he is both wyl∣lynge / and also able to do it. Agayne if any grefe or displeasure and hurte haue chaunced to vs by men / and as we do thynke of wrake or vengeaunce / it doth come to our mynde and remembraunce / it is better to suffre this iniurye pacient¦ly / lest if he be prouoked he do me grea∣ter hurte or displeasure / he may beynge my frende recompence me this harme & damage with much encreace and auaū∣tage: peraduenture we do so deserue som prayse of worldly wysdome / but no prayse at all of godlynesse / but if we do thynke thus to our selues / the lord doth by this mannes malyce scourge me / for his loue I wyl suffre this vexatiō what so euer it be: by this meane bothe shall we be lesse angry with our neyghboure: and also we shall be made more redy to the amendement of our lyfe / than to re∣uengynge of the iniurye done to vs. Brefly worldly and carnall affections or desyres shall haue the lesse tyrannye in vs / the violence of whiche is wont to plucke vs and carye vs awaye from the obseruation and fulfyllynge of goddes lawes / to synnefull and wretched dedes. Our mynd is therfore to be accustomed and wonted / that in all thynges / whe∣ther it be prosperite or aduersite: it may forthwith sette her eyes fase towardes god. Nexte thyng to this is / that in our mynde we doo considre and beholde the vniuersall churche / as one body vnder one hed Christe. By this meane it shall be brought to passe / that bothe we shall be the lesse greued with our harmes & incommodites / if we shall call to remem¦braunce & reken / that we do suffre them for many and with many. And also we shall reioyce more of other mennes good fortune and welthe / than of our owne / neyther shall we haue enuye at any mā: if we shall considre / that it is our owne / what so euer good thyng the felowshyp or company of the church hath. Finally god shall here our prayers the more gladly and wyllyngly: if we shall not euery man doo proprelye and seuerallye his owne busynesse / but shall aske and desyre cōmune profyte and furthraunce to his honoure and glorie. For charite is the thynge / that is most acceptable & pleasaūt to god i. Cor. xiii. but she doth not seche those thynges that are her owne: but those thynges that are Iesu Christes / now the churche is the body of Christe. By this meane shall it come to passe / that our lorde beynge delyted with thy charite / shall gyue the euen the same thyng which thou woldest haue desyred proprely & particularely for thyne owne selfe / more largely and plentuosly / than if thou haddeste asked it onely for thy∣selfe. This consideration if it shall be tourned by often vse and custome into an habyte: it shall so enlarge and com∣forte our mynde / that it shall not be of∣fended with euery maner thynge / ney∣ther shall it stond styll at small offenses / neyther whan it sholde doo a benefyte shall it nyggardly counte and recken / he is a french man: and I am an almayne he is a vyle rascalle: and I am a noble man / he sayd this or that not long agoo by me: but shall cherefully and gladly gyue a benefyte / as to the membre of Christe / as to one that is christen / as to one that is a man. DISCIPLE. If it sholde not be any payne or grefe to you: I wolde very gladly learne this also of you / which are the principal and chefe lawes / accordyng to which (as vn¦to the rule or lyne) a man ought to di∣recte and ordre his workes / and also which is the beste sourme and maner of prayinge.The .x. com∣maundemen∣tes of the law MAG. The .x. preceptes of goddes law are knowne to euery man / neyther can any man teache any better preceptes than those whiche god hym∣selfe hath gyuen or taught / neyther can there any better fourme and maner of prayer be prescribed than that whiche our lorde hymselfe hath vouchesafed to prescribe & teach / for the sonne knoweth beste / with what fourme and maner of prayer his father most specially is dely∣ted and pleased. DIS. But those pre∣ceptes and commaundementes were gy¦uen by Moyses to the Iewes. Nowe our lorde hath delyueryd vs from that lawe. MAG. God forbyd it my deare sonne / the whole lawe is owers / and a∣greith with the gospell / saue that we do now professe & knowlege that thyng to be done & fulfylled / which they dyd loke for afterwarde to come / and also saue that the same thyng which was spoken and put forth to them as beynge rude & begynners / in rydles and darke fygures to vs is sayd & spoken in a more playne and clere maner. Onely certayne out∣ward ceremonies are partely put quyte and clene away / and partely are chaun∣ged and applyed to the uangelicall ver¦tue and holynes. But as for the other preceptes or cōmaundementes: the gos∣pell dothe none otherwyse delyuer and make vs free from them / saue that by the reason that charite is augmented in vs / we do those thynges wyllyngly and gladly of our owne accorde / whiche the commune sorte and moste parte of the Iewes dyd for feare of payne or po∣nyshement / for els what a lyberty (I be∣seche you) sholde that be: if we myght forsweare our selues / do adultery / or cō∣mytte theft? Dyd Christ therefore come into the worlde / that we sholde haue ly∣berty to synne vnponyshed? No verily / but that we sholde not synne at all / as beynge borne agayne into hym / whiche knoweth no whytte of synne / we do ho∣noure and worshyp the same god whom the Iewes dyd honoure: all be it as tou¦chynge to the rytes or ceremonyes and maner of immolations and sacrifices / we do worshyp hym after another fas∣shyon. And the fountayne of all the com¦maundementes is that fyrste / that is to saye the greatest of all: ☞ to loue god with all our harte / and our neyghboure as our owneselfe / for this speche dothe summarily and brefly comprehende all the preceptes of lyuynge / & who so euer doth want these two poyntes / although he doth perfourme & fulfyll that thyng / whiche the wordes of the lawe do pre∣scribe and commaunde and though he doth auoyde and estewe that / which the lawe doth forbydde: yet for all that doth he not obserue and fulfyll the lawe / as for exaumple / if a man doth not kyll his enemye / not for that he dothe not owe hym euyl wyl / but for that he doth feare the ponyshement thretened by the lawe: this man is a manqueller afore god. But that man / whome in the heate of angre / the loue of god and of his neygh∣boure doth reuoke and call backe from doyng myschefe / & which thinketh thus to hymself / god forbyd that for cause of any man beynge enemy to me. I sholde fall out from the frendshyp and loue of god / & hurte my neyghboure to whome althoughe he be an euyll man / yet I ought to wyll well for goddes sake / to whome it is moste pleasate and accep¦table / if for an iniurie and displeasure / we doo a good tourne agayne / neyther forceth it to me / though man doth make but euyll recompence to me for my bene¦fytes / I haue a trusty ad a sure fayth∣full detter / to whome I lende this stock to haue encreace / he wyll pay me agayn with inestimable lucre or gaynes: that man (I say) that thus doth thynk onely hath obserued & fulfylled the commaun¦dement of the law. D. Now I long to here those .x. lawes wryten with the fyn¦ger of god. MA. They are recited in the xx. chapitour of Exodi / neyther do they nede any declaration (for the wordes of a lawe ought to be playne and clere) & if any thyng in them doth nede or requyre an interpretour or expositour: there are very many men / whiche haue done this allredy sufficiently. Onely I shall in few wordes admonyshe ad gyue warnyng / that euery one of these preceptes dothe stretch further / and are extended more largely / namely amonge christen men: than the commune sorte and the moste parte of men doth iudge or thynke. The fyrst precepte therfore is this.The fyrst cō∣maundemēt. ☞Thou shalt not haue any straūg goddes in my syght / thou shalt not make the any gra∣uen ymage / nor any maner similitude / or lykenes / whiche is in the firmament aboue / and whiche is in the earthe be∣nethe / neyther of those thynges whiche are in the waters vnder the earth. This precepte agreith with the fyrste artycle of the Crede: so that it nedeth not here to make many wordes / and I haue all∣redye tolde the / that this precepte is violated and broken / not onely of them / which do worshyp the sonne / the mone / and the sterres / or els a man / a serpente / an oxe / or a kowe / or a dogge / or els do worshyppe the ymages of these reherced thynges / or els offendes in stede of god: but also to idolatry do enclyne & apper∣tayne all curiouse artes and crafes / All curiouse artes apper∣tayne to ido∣latrie. of diuyning and sothesaying / of iuglyng / of doyng cures by charmes or withcraft in whiche althoughe there be none ex∣presse conspiration with deuylles or wycked spirites yet neuertheles is there some secrete dealyng with them / and so therefore a secree denyinge of god. If thou desyrest an euident argument and token herof / it is redy and not to seche / whan the inchauntoure goeth about to take out of thy body the hede of a darte or of an arow / say this with good fayth to thyselfe / if this thynge be done with the wyll and pleasure of god / I praye god it may do me helpe or ease / if not / I had leuer suffre the wound of my body / than the wyckednes of my mynd: thou shalt see the inchauntour to laboure all in vayn. Neyther is it vnknowne to me what they are wont to laye for them∣selues / which do sette greate store by the art called magia naturalis / and whiche do greatly esteme and regarde the iudi∣ciall astronomye. It belongethe to the christian religion and holynes / to flee euen from those thynges also / whiche haue the parell and daunger / or els the apperaunce of impietye or mysbelefe. That man refuseth and forsaketh all these thynges / who so euer he be / that truely professyng one very god hath ab∣iured all false goddes. Nor we ought not so much as to receyue any benefyte of any man / which is gyuen with the of¦fendynge and displeasynge of god. To make shorte. Euery cryme appertay∣neh to idolatry.Euery cryme is a spyce of idolatrie. He that for his wyues pleasure hath offended god: hath renyed god / and hath honoured his wyfe for a goddesse. He that for the kynges plea∣sure doth spoyle wardes and fatherlesse chyldrē that neuer deserued it / or which doth commytte any other lyke cryme: he dothe honoure the prynce in stede of god / let them flatter and dysceyue them¦selues as much as they lyste / let them re¦herce this precept euery day a thousand tymes professyng god with theyr mou∣thes: yet Paule cryeth agaynste them / saying: they denye god with theyr de∣des or workes.Tite. i. DIS. Why are they not than ponyshed as idolaters? MA. Because partely the fraylte and wea∣kenes belongynge to the nature of man doth excuse them / and partely the greate multitude of them that do offende: but especiallye because it is a verye harde thynge for vs to iudge of the mynde of mā.Nota. But who so euer all theyr lyfe tyme of a set purpose doo goo aboute to gete ryches by ryghte or wronge / by hoke or by croke / do hunte after pleasures / lay∣inge a parte both the drede and also the loue of god: let them knowe and vnder∣stande surely / that they are no whytte better than thy are / whiche doo brenne frankyn sence in the honoure of Iuppi∣ter / or whiche doo slee a lambe in sacri∣fice to Uenus / or els a gotte in the ho∣noure of the god Bacchus. DIS. Sythe in the same commaundemente ymages are with so greate diligence for boden to be made:Of ymages in the chur∣ches. howe fortuneth it that nowe a dayes the churches of chri∣stendome are full of ymages. MAG. The people of the Iewes was verye grosse and meruaylously inclynyng and redy to the superstition of the Genti∣les: so that scantly they dyd beleue any thynge to be / whiche they dyd not see with theyr eyes: and therfore the lawe with so many wordes fearyd them kea∣pynge them farre away from the moste parylouse and daungerful pyt or dyche. Nowe after that all paynnymrye is by the lyghte of the gospell extincte and de∣stroyde: there is not the same ieopardye and daunger that was than: and if any poynte of superstition dothe remayne styll in the myndes of certayne vnlear∣ned men / it may easely be put awaye by good admonition and holye doctrine. Untyll saynct Hieronymes tyme there were holy and deuout men (and so were they taken and alowed) whiche dyd not suffre any ymage to be in the churches / neyther paynted / nor grauen / neyther wouen / no not so muche as of Christe / (as I trowe / because of the Anthropo∣morphites:) but by lytle and lytle the vse of ymages hathe cropen in / into the churches. And peraduenture it sholde not be verye vnsemely or vnsyttynge / if in those places / in whiche god is so∣lemnelye and communelye honoured / none ymages at all were sette / besyde the ymage of Christe crucified.Of paynting what profyte doth come: if it be aptely & conueniently vsed. But ye payntyng / if it be metely and cōuenient¦ly vsed and put to / besydes the honeste pleasure that it bryngeth or causeth / it doth also helpe verye muche to remem∣braunce / and to the vnderstondynge of the historie / wherfore it was sayde not vnwysely nor vnproprely of one / I wote not how / but payntyng is to vn∣learned men the same thynge / Pictures are the bokes of vnlearned mē that bo∣kes are to learned men / ye moreouer euen a learned man also dothe other∣whyles in payntynge see more / than he doth in bokes or wrytyng / and is more vehemently moued or styrred to affec∣tions: as we shold be more moued and styrred / if we dyd see Christe hangyng on the crosse / than if we dyd rede / that he was crucified. And payntyng setteth the thing forth to the eye / as farre forth as is possible and perfourmeth that eui¦dencie / makynge the thynge manifeste: which many men with crafty spech and narration do couete to attayne / and yet can not / but the lyfe of Christe and of the apostles / namely that whiche is shewed and wryten in the canonicall scriptures: shold do very well to be set in alayes or yles / in the porches / and in cloystres. For suche maner ymages do put into our myndes certayn holy and godly thoughtes: euen whan we are oc∣cupyed about other thynges. And ly∣kewyse as of the olde fathers it was ve∣ry well constituted and ordayned / that nothynge sholde be recited or red in the churches besyde the canonicall scrip∣ture / so were it conuenient / and wold do very well / if in holy places there were nothyng set forth in picture or caruyng which is not had in the holy scriptures. Last of all / Exodi .xxv. Moyses by the commaun¦dement of god / dyd set in the tabernacle two cherubims of golde / in the hyghest partes of the Propitiatorie.iii. Reg. vi. And in the vessels of the temple whiche Salomon dyd buylde: there were grauen ymages of oxen / of lyons / and of the cherubims. Agayne in the thyrde chapitoure of the second boke of Paralipomenon / the che¦rubims are grauen on the walles. In the mytre of the bishop / was the ymage of the mone:Exodi .xxvii in his garmēt / the ymages and similitudes of pomes granates. It is not lykely therfore / that to ye Iewes was vtterly forboden all kyndes & sor∣tes of ymages: but it was forfended thē that they sholde haue ymages after the maner of the paynymes / that is to saye / which sholde be set forth to be adourned and worshypped. The boke of Deutero∣nomium as it were expoundynge and declaryng this same whan it dothe re∣herce this precepte / it addeth.Deute. v. ☞ Non adorabs ea ne{que} coles: thou shalt not honoure nor worshyp them. And for the same purpose and entent was added in the .xx. chapitoure of Exodi these wor∣des coram me .i. in my syght / or pre∣sence / or afore me. That ymage is set in the syght of god: which is made egall to god for nothyng / that wanteth reason:Adoratio is apte to receyue adoration / that is to say outward veneration & worshyp / nor cultum / that is to wyt / inwarde venera∣cion and honoure.Cultus A christen man / if he dothe bowe his hede to the ymage of Christe crucified / he knoweth that none honoure is due to the wodde or tree / but through the occasiō of ye ymage he doth worshyp that thynge / which the ymage doth represent. Now if any man for the loue of Christe doth loue the ymage of Christ / ī so much that he doth otherwhy les kysse it / & dothe laye it vp in a clene place (so that superstition be away) I do suppose that this affection & deuotion is not vnpleasaunt to god. For els whan we do ī the chyrch kysse the gospel boke we do not worshyp the parchemente / or ye gold / or the yuery / but we do worshyp the doctrine of Christ. And peraduēture it shall not be vnprofytable / if the bys∣shopes / euerye one of them in his owne diocese / do ordayne & decree concernyng this matter according to the present vt¦lite of theyr flocke / but yet so / that it be done without disturbaūce / sedition & in∣iurie / for that there sholde be ymages in the churches / there is not so muche as euen any constitution made by mā / that doth cōmaunde it.Nota. And as it is a more easy thyng & soner brought about / euen so it is also a more suerer way & further from leoperdye / to put out all ymages from the churches / than to obtayne or bryng about / that neyther measure shal be passed in them / nor superstition men∣gled or put to in ye vsyng of them. Now although the mynd be pure from all su∣perstitiō / yet it is not without the appe∣raūce of superstitiō / whā one y• maketh his prayers / dothe knele or fall downe flat afore a treen ymage / and hathe his eyes faste sette and lokynge vpon it / speakethe to it / gyuethe kysses to it / nor doth neuer pray at all / but afore an ymage. This wyll I adde moreouer who so euer doth fayne and ymagine to themselues god to be another maner one / than he is:To imagine god to be ano¦ther maner one / than he is in verye dede: is idola¦ie. they do contrarye wyse to this precepte worshyppe ymages of theyr owne makyng. The Iewes haue none ymages in theyr temples: but they haue in theyr myndes moste fowle ido∣les / whyles they do ymagine the father to be without a sonne / whā in very dede he hath a sonne / whyles they do yma∣gine hym to be alone whan he hath in his felowshyppe the sonne / and the holy ghost. They do not therefore worshyp & honoure god / so as they do boste & make auaunt that they do: but in the stede of god they doo worshyp an idole: whiche they haue framed and made to them∣selues in theyr owne myndes. Thus muche to haue sayd for cause of exaum∣ple / let it suffise at this tyme / the residue thou shalt gesse of thyne owneselfe. But for as much as the dignite of that most hyghe and soueraygne magestie requi∣reth this / that not onely thou sholdeste haue a meruaylouse good opinion of it in thy mynde / nor onely that thou shol∣dest abstayne from the worshyppynge of idoles / but also that thou sholdeste not dishonoure it amonge men / so muche as with any vnreuerent or vnsittyng word it is therfore added.The secound precept.☞ Thou shalt not take the name of god in vayne / for custo¦mable vsage of lyght wordes / dothe by lytle and lytle mynishe in the myndes both of the speakers and also of the hea¦rers / the reuerence that is due to god. But suche was the maner of the Gen∣tiles or paynymes / which ī euery thyng welnere / were it neuer so tryyng and folyshe / ye or els neuer so fylthy and ry∣baldouse communication: vsed oftenty∣mes to repete these wordes by Iuppiter Edepoll / Ecastor / Medius / Fidius: and wolde god that there were no christen men now a dayes / which of a lewed and vngratiouse custome / at euerye thyrde word do put to an othe / by god / by god∣des deathe / namely whan they playe at diese or cardes / or els whan beyng well wette they do make sacrifice to the god Bacchus / we do rede that certayne em∣peroures of the Romaynes / althoughe they were paynymes / dyd commaunde those mē to be chastened with whyppes which hadde sworne per genium princi∣pis. And amonge the Iewes the name of god was had in so greate reuerence and honoure: that they dyd wryte that mysticall and priuie name / whiche they do call tetragrammaton / with letters not to be expressed or pronounced: but let this be geuen to the grosse myndes of the Iewes (for god is as much inno∣minable: as he is mymaginable and in∣uisible) it belongeth to the euangelicall holynes / neuer to name god or Christe / or the holy ghoste / without greate cause or vnreueently: lest the wordes or com∣munications be tourned and do go into affections / and affections be tourned & do go into operations and dedes. This thynge is to be noted and marked / that he dyd not saye / thou shalte not name god: but he sayd thou shalte not take the name of god. For that thynge is ta∣ken: whiche he applyed and put to some vse / and that thynge is taken in vayne and vndiscretly: whiche is taken to a prophane and a vyle vse / as whan a man swereth by god in a matter of smal wayghte or valoure / for those men that doo swere / to the entent that by the rea∣son of theyr othe they myghte the soner and more easily disceyue / or whiche doo sweare by the reason of dronkēnes / or wrathe / or for theyr pleasure: those men (I saye) are very nere to blasphemye. At the leaste wyse let vs gyue that reue¦rence to god the prince and lorde of all creatures / whiche the frenche menThe maner of franch mē. doo gyue to theyr kynge / whiche doo neuer name theyr kynge / but puttyng to wor∣des of good lucke / and touchynge theyr bonette. Let vs therefore / whan we doo name god / or Christe / eyther bowe our knees / or do of our cappes / or if it be so / that we maye do neyther of these .ii. at the least wyse with some lytle bowynge of the hed / and with some countenaunce let vs shewe outwardly some token of reuerence. DISCIPLE. By this communication of yours .iiii. doutesiiii. doutes. do prycke and trouble my mynd The fyrste is / because this precepte se∣methe to belonge vnto the loue of our neyghboure / in as much as we are for∣bydden by this name to begyle or dis∣ceyue our neyghboure. The secounde is / for that by this secound precept that thynge semeth to be permytted / whiche by the fyrste commaundement was for∣boden: for the name of god is a creature and lyke to an ymage. The thyrde is / because the same thynge semeth to be forboden by this precepte / which was forbodē by the fyrst precept / for no man dothe wytiyngly forsweare hymselfe by god / whiche hath good opi∣nion and iudgeth well of god / for eyther he iudgeth that god doth not know the myndes of men / or els that he is not of∣fended with synnes. The fourth is / that they / which do now a dayes sweare / for the moste parte doo seme to violate and breake this commaundement: for (ac∣cordyng to the saynge of the wyse prea∣cher) in worldly thynges pertaynynge to men is vanite of vanites / and all is but vanite.Ecclesiastes i In these thynges therfore it sholde neuer be lawfull to sweare. MAG.Aunswere to the fyrst dout To make the aunswere in few wordes to euerye one of these thynges. The .iii. fyrst preceptes are in a certayn maner one / and do chefely appertayne to Latriam which is the greatest & hy∣ghest worshyp / which is due to god one¦ly / as vnto hym that is beste of all / and whose hyghnes dothe not receyue the felowshyp of any creature. But as farre forth as the contempte and despysynge of god doth redounde to the hurte of the neyghboure: so farre forthe this precept doth also appertayne to the loue of our neyghboure / lykewyse as also euery in∣iurie done against our neyghboure doth appertayne to the contumelte and dis∣honoure of god / for as muche as in hym is / that man doth hurte god / which set∣tyng at nought his commaundement / dothe hurte his neyghboure / but he is more nere to blasphemie / which doth be∣gyle his neyghboure / swearynge by the name of god: than he is that disceyueth hym with symple and playne wordes without an othe / for he abuseth to his owne lewed affection and desyre / bothe the honoure of goddes name: and also the religion and deuotion of his neygh∣boure / whiche by reason of the name of god beyng put to / doth beleue hym vpon his othe / and wolde not haue beleuyd hym without an othe. To the secounde doute I make this aūswere.To the se∣conde. The name of god spoken or pronounced of man / is a creature / neyther to that worde is the knee bowed: but to hym whome that voyce or worde dothe signifye and beto∣ken. Now it is nothyng lyke of an yma¦ge / for there is no peryl lest the voyce or word of a man shold be worshypped: but in ymages there is no ieopardye / be∣cause certain philosophers haue taught that lykewyse as into a body beyng ap∣tely made of nature / a sowle doth entre: euen so into an ymage proprely and con¦nyngly made deuylles or wycked spiri∣tes do entre in. And it is necessary that god by some sygne or token be declared and sygnifyed / for and vnto whiche vse the speche of man was chefely and prin∣cipally instituted and ordayned.To the thyrd doute. To the thyrde doute this aunswere take thou / that (after my mynd) those men / which done swere in theyr dronkennesse / or in theyr angre / or whiche for the entent to dysceyue or to hurt / done wyttyngly for sweare theyrselues: are rayther brea∣kers of the fyrst precept and commaun∣dement / than of the second / for such ma∣ner persones (as thou doste saye) eyther do not beleue that god is / or els they do beleue that he is dull and foolyshe / that he dothe not knowe what men done / or els they beleuen / that he is slepy and ret¦cheles / that he doth not care what they done / or that he is euyll / so that he doth fauour vices / or els vnryghtuouse / that he dothe not ponyshe noughtynes. But those persons / which eyther of custome / or els without great cause / do willfully swere / they do synne & trespase agaynste this seconde cōmaundement. And that I maye aunswere somewhat also vnto the fourth doute.To the .iii doute. Our lorde among his aduertisementes and counsaylles of per¦fection putteth this also / that we sholde vtterly abstayne from swearynge any maner othe.Math. v. The same thynge hathe se∣med best to certayn approued doctoures of the churche. But with what coloure the custome may be excused of thē / that nowe euery where done swere well nere in euery matter or busynesse / let other men loke / but veryly me semeth that an othe can scantly be excused / but eyther by necessyte / or els by the grauite and wayghtynesse of the matter. By often othes / we doo learne to forsweare our selues & to make false othes. I can not tell whether any man doo swere well / which swereth willingly.Nota. S Paule doth sweare / but not for a cloke or garment / nor for money / but for the honoure and glorie of ye gospell. How be it yet I wyl not saye / that euery custome or rashenes of swearynge is dealy synne / but dout∣lesse it is very cousen ad nere to synne / and it is no good trustyng to this daun∣gerouse waterbanke. Therfore the more sure way is to folow the counsayll of our lord / and of sayncte Iames.The thyrd cō¦maundement The thyrd precept hath diuerse respectes / for it appertayneth to the ho¦nouryng of god / prescribyng & appoyn∣tyng euery .vii. day / in which man shold altogether / that is to say / both in mynde and body gyue hymselfe to the workes belongyng to the honoure of god / whi∣che is called Latria / that is to wytte / to hymnes / to prayers / to holy doctrine / to sacrifices / and to almoyse dedes / and to other exercyses & passetymes / whiche do quycken and styrre vp fayth and loue towardes god: leste any man myght ex∣cuse hymselfe / and saye that he had no laysour for his necessary occupations & busynesses / to gather his mynd to those thynges / whiche are appertaynynge to deuotion and honouryng of god. It ap¦pertayneth also to humanite and gent∣lenesse towardes our neyghbour / for so greate was bothe the vnmercyfulnes & also the couetousnes of ye Iewes in the olde tyme (and euen so is it now a dayes of some christen men (a lacke the more pitye it is) that they wold graunt no re∣creation or reste at all from laboure / to theyr bondemen / to theyr handemaydes and to theyr hyred labourers or seruaū∣tes beyng alienes and straungers. And this cause dothe not the lawe dyssemble or hyde / whan it addeth in the .v. chapi∣tour of Deuteronomium Deute. v. Remembre that thyselfe also hast ben bonde & haste serued in Egypte / and that thy lord god hath brought the out from thence: to thende that the remembraūce of goddes myldenes and gentlenes shold be an ex∣aumple to them of humanite and gentle¦nes to ve vsed towardes theyr neygh∣bour. For lyke cause was the Iubile in¦stituted / that is to say / the yere of lybertie and fredom / euery seuenth yere.The Iubile Deute. xv. And as for that which is added in the .v. cha¦pitour of Deuteronomium of the oxe al∣so and e asse / eyther it was set against the vnsatiable couetousnes of certayne men / whiche / whan it is not lawfull for themselues to exercyse any seruyle work yet doo let forthe theyr beastes to other men / vpon the sabbot daye / for lucre of money / or els is it an hyperbole or exces added to the entent / that we shold be re∣moued further awaye feom inhumanite and vnmercyfulnes towardes men / syth we are bidden to spare euen our beastes also / for this vnmercyfulnes or cruelty towarde brute beastes / is a degree and steppe to vnmercyfulnes and crueltye towardes those men / that are subiectes vnto vs / for the oxe & the asse also done vs seruice. And as for this saynge of Paule. . Cor. x. ☞Hath god any care or mynd of oxen? He meaneth not by it that god hath no care at all of oxen (for as muche as accordyng to the wytnesse of our lor∣des Math. x.owneselfe in the gospell / there dothe not so much as a lytle sparow fall to the grounde without hym) but he denyeth that goddes onely and chefe care is of oxen / for lykewyse as he hathe created the helpynge beastes for mannes cause / euen so dothe he care and prouyde for them / for mannes cause. IS. What is a seruyle worke? MAG. For what worke is called ser∣yle.sothe all maner outwarde worke / which is wont to be exercysed for cause of lu∣re and getynge of money / as husbon∣drie / carpentrie / bying and sellynge / and suche other lyke. DISCIPLE. Why is that forboden / that is an holy worke? MAG.For what en¦tent the bodi¦ly laboure is forbodē to be vsed on the sabbote day. This outwarde worke is not forboden as beynge vitiouse and noughty / but therfore is it prohibited / that the worke which is of it selfe good / sholde gyue place to that worke which is beste / aud to that worke / for whoseFor what worke man was created chiefly. cause man was principally and chefely created and made / that is to wyte / that he shold know / shold worshyp / shold ho∣noure / and shold loue god aboue al thyn¦ges. DIS. May not god be honoured but by bodily reste and abstaynynge frō laboure? MAG.Nota. yes verily / he bothe maye and ought to be honoured also in ye myddes of our laboures. But vnneth may a man lyfte vp his mynde towar∣des god / so as is mete & accordyng that he sholde do / except he be free from such maner laboures / which both do cōsume & spende away the tyme / and also done challenge to themselues a greate parte of the ynde / and done call awaye from the betie and comelynes of the open & cōmun assemble. Therfore this lawe was chefely & prīcipally gyuē to weake men & of grosse mynd / to the entent that by outward reste of the body they shold learne to haue theyr mynd also idle & at reste frō all troublouse affections & de∣syres / that is to wyte / frō hatred / from wrath / frō ambition & desyre of honoure or promotiō / from all fleshely lust / & such other carnal affectiōs. They therfore yt dyd so reste on the sabbot dayes / y they spende those dayes eyther in slepe / or in tryflyng tales / or in sluggeshnes or idle∣nes: they dyd in no wyse obserue & ful∣fyll this commaundement / for as much as they dyd not that thynge / for whose cause this precept was gyuen. And ther¦fore the lawe speketh thus. Remembre thou / that thou do sanctifie the daye of reste / for to sanctifie: is to spende in holy workes / and not to prophane or pollute it with any operations vnsemely or vn∣mete for god. DIS. Why was the .vii. day appoynted to this? MAG. The lawe it selfe hathe expressed the cause / sayng.Sabbatum. ☞ The seuenth day is the sab∣bote of thy lorde god. Now sabbaton in the Hebrue tonge / is as much to say / as reste. This same thing was more playn¦ly spoken in the .xxxi. chapitour of Ero∣di. In syx dayes the lorde made heuen & earth and in the .vii. day he ceased or re∣sted frō al worke / Do not here imagine a frame or buyldynge wrought and fy∣nished with the labour of .vi. dayes / and than the mayster workman beyng we∣ry on the syxte daye to haue recreated & refreshed hymselfe of his werynes in the seuenth day with rest and idlenes.The entent of the whole boke of Ge∣nesis. The whole mysticall scripture of Genesis en¦tendeth this / that the Iewes sholde re∣membre / that this world was created & made of god / not to thende that we shold reste in those thynges which are of this worlde: but that we by the thynges crea∣ted / hauyng knowledge of the creator & maker / shold according to his exaumple reste from the loue of visyble thynges / & by faythe and innocencie of lyfe (whiche is the true peace and reste of the mynd) make haste vnto that eternall reste. Thou hearest here after a certayne ma∣ner thre sondrie sabbots.Thre man sabbotes. The fyrst was the sabbote of god alone / without vs. The secounde sabbote is owers by his beneficence and goodnes / but vnperfyte here in this lyfe. The thyrde sabbote is perfyte in the worlde to come. Besydes this he wold / that the vnkynde and for∣getfull people sholde haue in remem∣braūce the mercy of god / by which they had ben delyuered from the most harde and cruel seruitude of Pharao / which fi∣gure doth also teache vs / that we sholde haue in memorie / that we haue ben rede¦med by the bloud of ye vnspotted lambe from the most fowle tyrannye of the dy∣uell: lest thorow vnkyndnes we doo fall agayn into greater bondage and thral∣dome. DIS. you sayd ones that the lawe of Moses / as concernyng ceremo∣nies / was abrogated and taken awaye. But this commaundement for the most parte semeth to appertayne to the kynd or sorte of ceremonies. MAG. I sayd that certayne ceremonies were abroga¦ted / but not all / for it is not abrogated to pray vnto god knelyng on our knees neyther is fastyng nor sermons abroga¦ted / & I sayd that certayne were chaun∣ged and applyed to the euangelical ho∣lynes and honouryng of god / of whiche sorte is the obseruation and kepynge of the sabbote daye.why the .vii. daye was chaunged in∣to the .viii. daye. DIS. Why than is the .vii. day tourned to vs into the .viii. daye? MAG. Uerily it is credible / that it was done by the auctorite of the Apostles. The day was chaunged / leste if we hadde agreed with the Iewes in this poynte / we myghte seme to agree with them in the residue also / lykewyse Chrysostomeas Chrysostome (and yet not he alone) doth with meruaylous dilygence and af¦fection feare awaye christen men from fastyng vpon the same dayes / on whih the Iewes dyd communely & customa∣bly fast. DIS. Than was not the .vii. daye without greate skylle & for greate consideration chaunged into the .viii.why more in to the .viii. day / than in∣to the .x. or .xii. or any o∣ther daye. day rayther than into the .x. or into the xii. day? MAG. Thou sayest very wel. For god after a certayne maner hathe twyse created or made the worlde / and man in it / for fyrste he created it of nought / doutlesse by his sonne.God after a certayne ma∣ner hath ma∣de the world twyse. Secon∣darily by the same sonne beynge incar∣nate / he restored that which was perys∣shed and forlorne. There he is sayde to haue rested from the worke of creation. Here Christe restynge from the workes of dispensation whyles he resteth with his body in the graue: he dothe as it were abrogate and put away the iudai∣call obseruyng of the sabbote day / and whyles he rysethe agayne immortall early in the breake of the .viii. day / he cō¦mended to vs the euangelicall sabbote. And therfore is this day called dies do∣minicus .i. the day of the lorde / and in it dothe the quyere in the churche synge. ☞ Hic dies quem fecit dominus id est.Psal. C.xvii. This is the day / whiche the lorde hath made / and it is called Dies Pasche .i. the daye of passynge ouer / by the verye name puttynge vs in remembraunce of the olde figure.Exodi. ii. ☞ The Iewes / after that they hadde ben refreshed and fedde with a lambe / they passed ouer the rede see. We beyng refreshed and wedde with the bloude of Christ / do go to the heuen¦ly lande.Exodi. xii. The bloude of a lambe spryn∣cled on the sydes of the dore / saued them from the destroynge aungell / the bloude of Christ hath delyuered vs from the ty∣rannye of synne. DIS. These thynges forsothe done meruaylously well agree to gether in euerye poynte. But is it ynough / if a man do worshyppe and ho∣noure god on the sondayes? MAG. To godly mē euery daye is sondaye and after what maner.To those that are veryly vertuous and godly / euery day is sonday / or the lordes daye / not for that he dothe alwayes ab∣stayne from outwarde laboures or wor∣kes / but for that he dothe euery day / as ofte as he hath oportunite / oftentymes lyfte vp his mynde towardes god / stir∣rynge vp faythe / prouokynge charite / kendlynge hope / praysynge hym with hymnes: desyryng some holsome thyng of hym / gyuenge thankes to hym for all thynges. But lykewyse as it is a poynt of godlynes to practise this thynge day¦ly / so is it an exceding greate and an hor¦rible offence / not to do it on ye sondayes whan the institution and ordinaunce of Christe and of the apostles / and the com¦mune assemble and comynge to gether of the christen people / besydes this to ho¦ly redyng / the prechyng of the worde of god / and holy and deuoute ceremonies instituted of good holy fathers / done prouoke and call vs hereunto. DIS.whether they do synne dead¦ly: that work on the son∣dayes. Do they than synne deadly: which done any worke on the holydayes? MAG. ye forsothe that they do / excepte eyther great necessyte / or els great vtilite do ex¦cuse them: which thyng our lorde hym∣selfe hathe euidently taughte vs in the gospell / whan he excuseth his disciples / Math. xii. for that they dyd plucke the ares of corne on the sabbotedaye / and alledgeth the Leuites / which wrought in the tem¦ple on the sabbotedayes / and whan he layeth agaynst the phariseis fyndyngeMath. xii. faute that he dyd heale men on the sab∣botedaye / layeth agaynst them (I saye) that theyr selues dyd on the sabboteday lede theyr oxe to the water / and if theyr asse were fallne into a dyche / they wolde not lette to drawe hym out euen on the sobboteday.Mar. ii. Finally whan he pronoun∣ced that man was not made for cause of the sabboteday / but that the sabbotday was instituted and ordayned for mānes cause / so that thou mayste perceyue and vnderstande that this precepte is not of that sorte that it oughte neuer to gyue place vnto charite.The kepyng of the holye daye muste otherwhyles gyue place to charite. Leuitici .xvi. DISCIPLE. Howe doth this agree / that it sholde be called the daye of reste: whan we do rede otherwhyles / in that daye shall you po∣nyshe and vexe your soules? MAG. This songe was songen to the Iewes / to whome it belongeth to wepe / because they haue not the spouse.Math. ix. The christen men haue a farre other songe / which ex∣horten eche other saynge.Psal. C.xvii Exultemus et letemur in ca: let vs reioyce and be mery in this daye. In the olde tyme in many congregations they fasted on the saterdayes / to thende that they myght come with more clene myndes vnto the celebrite of the sonday or the lordes day. Nowe if it be so that any man yet be of iudaicall affections / let hym by confes∣sion and penaunce ponyshe his soule / that beynge reconciled to god / he maye with a quiete or restefull mynde vse and enioye the ioyes of the day. For hereof is it called in the commune tonge of the germanes soendach / Soendache hath his nā of reconci∣lyng. not of the sonne / as certayne men done interprete / but of reconcilynge / that if in the other weke∣dayes any spotte or fylthe of synne be gathered by the reason of worldly bu∣synesse and occupations / he sholde ey∣ther on the saterdaye in the euentyde / or els on sondaye in the mornynge / re∣concile hymselfe / and make an onement with god / and furthermore that if he be at variaunce and debate with any man / he sholde caste it cleane out of his mynd / that bothe beynge pure from hatrede / and also beyng quiete from all synne / he may entre in to the temple of the lorde. Those men therefore / whiche accor∣dynge to the saynge of our lorde. The kepyng of the holye daye muste otherwhyles gyue place to charite. Leuitici .xvi. ☞ Learne you of me / Math. x. for I am mylde and lowly in harte / and you shall fynde reste to your soules / i. Pet. ii. as it were chyldren newlye borne haue layde away all ma∣lyce / and beyng aboue all worldly thyn∣ges / are with all theyr mynde caryed vp vnto the contemplation of that euer¦lastynge reste / those men I saye onely do fele and perceyue howe great a feli∣cite / and a thynge of howe greate ioye / and of howe greate quietnesse it is / to celebrate and kepe the euangelicall sab∣botedaye / what it is to kepe the euā∣gelicall sab∣bote. that is to wyte after the imi∣tation and folowynge of our lordes bu∣ryall / to expresse and countrefayte his resurrection / for this is the very sabote of god / for the worlde hath certay sabbotes / that is to saye certayne reste or quietnesses outwardly / but inwardl it hath laboures farre more seruyle / th the Hebrues dyd suffre / Exodi .i. whan they dy serue the Egyptianes in carying daub and brycke. DIS. These thynges for sothe haue you spoken & declared playnly and euidently ynoughe / for my capa∣cite. MAG. The greateste wyckednes of all is that / whiche is done and com∣mitted directly and immediatly against god. Nexte vnto it is that by which god is offended in that we do hurt our neyghboure. God is to be honoured and loued for hymselfe: and man for goddes sake. Nexte after god the chefeste honoure is due to our parētes / by whome god hath gyuē to vs the benefyte of lyfe by whose care and dilygence he hathe fosterd and brought vs vp / where els we shold haue peryshed / by whome he hathe instructed and taughte vs vnto the knowledge of god the hygheste and soueraygne father of all men / and hath auaunced vs vnto the loue of hym.The .iiii. com¦maundemēt. Therfore he sayth. Ho¦noure thy father and thy mother / that thou mayst be longlyued vpon the land whiche thy lorde god shall gyue to the.what is mea¦ned by honou¦re otherwhy∣les. Cicero .v. tusculanarū questionum This word honos in the Latyne tong doth oftentymes signifie rewarde: as in that sayng of the commedie. Hic tibi ab lo habitus est honos .i. This rewarde is gyuen to the of hym / & in that saynge honos alit artes .i. rewarde nourysheth artes or sciences. Therfore seruice and kyndnesse towarde our parentes is a cer¦tayne recompensation of the costes / and of the paynes and laboures / which they haue bestowed vpon vs in our infancye and yonge age / whyles the mother suf∣freth & abydeth the irksomnesse of bea∣ryng vs in her wombe / of trauaylynge in the byrthe of vs / and the laboures of geuyng sucke and nourishynge vs / and also of the long cares / which the father doth suffre in minystryng and fyndyng to vs all costes and charges / and doyng his vttermost diligence to prouyde that his chylderne maye be taught and in∣structed to the true faythe and godly ly∣uyng. Nowe it happeneth oftentymes that the father and mother eyther sore broken & febled with age / or els by some other casualte and chaunce fallen into pouertie and miserie: doo nede agayne anotherwhyle the helpe & ayde of theyr chyldren. Here in this case we are mo bounde vnto our parentes. The Grkes do call this recompensation of lou and kyndnes to our parentes / anipelagosin:Antipelargo¦sis. because the byrdes called in th Greke pelargi / in the Latyne cicone are sayde to beare on theyr backes / an to fede & cherishe theyr parentes beyng feble & faynte for age. And amonge th Gentiles / Eneas is cōmended:Eneas. which toke his father Anchises vp on his own sholders / & caryed hym out from the cy∣tie beyng all on a fyre.ale max. li. v. Tit. de pic tate erga pa∣rentes. Among the same Gentiles / the yonge woman also hath not ben without prayse: whiche nourys∣shed her mother priuely with her owne pappes / Pietas.wherfore to the loue of god & to the loue of our parentes / is gyuen one commune name in the Latyne / that is to wyte pietas.what this worde pietas doth propre∣ly signifye. For pietas proprely is called the affection or loue towardes god and towardes our parentes / & tow∣ardes our countre / which is as it were a commune parente of many men / lyke∣wyse as god is the father of all men. To make recompence to those persones / by whome eyther we haue receyued / or re∣couered our lyfe: is a poynte belongyng to pietie or naturall loue. To do a good tourne to them / whiche haue afore done good to vs: is a poynte of kyndnes.Greate ho∣nour / loue / & thanke is o duetie to be gyuen to our maysters and teachers And to our maysters or teachers also we owe excellent & singulare loue and honoure / because that lykewyse as of our parētes it is longe that we lyue / euen so of our teachers it is longe that we lyue well / and lykewyse as we may thanke our pa¦rentes / and are detters to them for the lyfe of our body / euen so may we thanke our teachers / and are detters to them for the lyfe of our mynde. We are borne brutyshe and beastly (for what els can we make of it) by teachyng and informa¦tion we are made men. Uery much ho∣noure therfore is due to those parentes: which haue gyuē vnto vs all these thyn¦ges to gether. DIS. What if both the mother doo refuse the yrkesomnesse of gyueng her chyldern sucke: and neyther father nor mother doth teache and nour¦toure them to good maners / but do vse theyr chyldren / as if they were bonde slaues / and do requyre obedience and ser¦uice of them / to honest dedes. what is mea¦ned by honou¦re otherwhy∣les. Cicero .v. tusculanarū questionum MAGISTER. The lesse that they haue ben beneficiall and haue done the office of parentes to theyr chyldren: the lesse honoure is due to them / and yet for all that they also are to be obayd and pleased for goddes sake (accordyng to that saynge of the tragedie. If thou were not my father?) excepte peraduen∣ture they doo commaunde or appoynte thynges to be done / whiche are displea∣saunte to almyghty god / for than it is mete and accordynge to say vnto them / ☞ we oughte to obey god rather than men.Actuum .v. Nowe that whiche hath ben sayd of the parentes: appertayneth also to al those / whiche are ioyned to vs by nere∣nesse of bloud / or which haue done those benefytes to vs / which naturall and lo∣uynge parentes are wont to do to theyr owne chyldren / Nota.for to haue begotten the body is the leaste parte of the offyces be¦longyng to parentes. It doth no doute of it / be come vs to be beneficiall towar¦des all men: but yet there is an ordre to be vsed in doyng of benefytes.There is an ordre in doy∣inge benefy∣tes. Nexte af¦ter our father and mother / as euery one is nexte of bloude to vs / so is he fyrste to be holpen and releued / lest our liberalite beynge consumed and spent vpon other fremmed persones / we haue not wher∣with to succurre & helpe our owne kyns∣folke. Saynt Paule pronounceth that i. Timo. v.womā to be worse thā an infidele which takethe no care nor prouydethe for her owne householde / not for yt it is a more greuous synne not to haue mynde and care of our kynsfolke / than it is / not to gyue credence to the gospell: but for that such a maner woman doth not so much as that benefyte to her kynsfolke which euen the very hethen women are wont to do to those that are of theyr kynne al be it that the faythe and religion of theThe religion of the gospell doth not ab∣rogate / but dothe make perfyte the af¦fectiōs of na∣ture. Marci. vii. gospell dothe not abrogate or put away the naturall affections: but dothe make them full and perfyte. And in the gos∣pell our lorde doth disalow them / which caryng no whytte for theyr fathers and mothers dyd gyue theyr goodes ī offryn¦ges into the treasure of the temple. I wyll adde this moreouer. This precept doth not onely appertayne to fathers & mothers: but also it appertayneth to byshopes / to teachers / & to offycers and rulers / whiche after a certayne maner done beare the roume and stede of paren¦tes / for to whome so euer honoure is cō∣maunded to be gyuen: they are agayne euen by the same commaundement byd∣den to do those benefytes and workes / vnto which greate thanke and honoure is due. And therefore sayncte Paule in the .vi. chapitoure of his Epistle to the Ephesianes / & in other places repetyng this precept & cōmaundemēt: dothe pu both parties in remēbraūce of theyr of∣fice & duetie.Ephe. vi. And you fathers (sayth he do not {pro}uoke your chyldrē to angre wrath / but brynge thē vp in the instruction & the correction or the chastisemen of the lord / whā he forbyddeth the chyl∣dren to be moued or styrred vnto wrath: he dothe exclude lordely rule or gouer∣naūce / & whā he addeth in the correptiō or chastisemēt of the lord: he doth com∣mend mylde & gentyll teachyng & infor∣matiō to vertuous & godly lyuyng that we sholde be such maner ones towardes thē that are vnder our rule & gouernāce: as ye lord hath ben toward{is} vs / for with what face / & howe for shame they do cō∣playne of theyr chyldrē / yt they are not thryftie & vertuose: whan theyr owne sel¦ues haue taught them & brought them vp to ryote / wantonnes / & vnthriftines? D. Are thā all those longelyued / which done louyngly honoure & succurre theyr parētes? M. This thyng hath s. Paule noted & marked out / that to this fyrste precept is added a rewarde euen in this lyfe also / but it was nedeful to speake in such wyse to the grosse & carnall Iewes which lyke infaūes or babes were to be allured & entysed to workes of vertue & godlynes with the promysse & hope of tē¦porall cōmodites. They beyng hardly & cruelly handled in Egypte & also beyng weryed with long iornayes through ye desertes & wyldrenesses / were meruay∣louse gredy & desyrous to come ones into the lande of promission flowynge with mylke & honey: & therefore it was added that it may be wel with the / Deutero. v.& that thou maysthe long lyued vpō the land which the lord shall gyue to the. And it is very lykely / that many persones of that peo∣ple to whom that lawe was gyuen / dyd neuer come to the land yt was promised to thē / which yet for all yt had vsed due honoure & loue toward theyr parentes. But those mē which done spiritually iud¦ge spiritual thinges do not loke for ye re¦ward of vertue & keping of goddes {per}cept here in this world: but they wayte after theyr reward in that land of lyuing peo∣ple / for it can not be wel with hym / that lyueth euyll & vngraciously / & this lyfe although it be cōtinued & {pro}longed euen vnto extreme age: yet is it not for all yt a lyfe of long tyme / but rather a momēt and a poynte of tyme / if it be compared to that euerlastynge lyfe.who hath bē verilye longe lyuynge. That man hath lyued a longe season / who so euer hath with well doyng here / deserued the eternall lyfe / and who so euer beynge brought to an ende in short season / hath fulfylled many tymes / howe be it euen in this lyfe also god oftentymes dothe paye the rewarde of louynge obedience and honoure vsed towardes the paren∣tes / it is some part of reward / an honest fame or name. For euen the commune sorte and most parte of hethen folke al∣so doth hate and abhorre them / whiche do not regard theyr progenitoures / and which done cast them into heuynes and discomfort. And it is communely seen to come passe that as euery man hath vsed and behaued hymselfe towardes his fa∣ther and mother / euen so do his chyldrē vse and demeane theyrselues towardes hym / neyther is there any greater or more greuous calamite / that may hap∣pen to a man: than to haue wycked and vnnaturall or vnkynd chyldren. And vn¦kyndues deseruethe / that the thynge / which a mā hath receyued vndeseruyng he shall lose and forgo agayne not wyl∣lynge. we are detters for our lyfe to our progemtoures and parentes / towardes whome if we be kynde: it is ryghte and reason / that we sholde longe enioy that / which we haue taken or receyued. And yet are not those men disceyued of the thynge here promised them / to whome it chauncethe not to lyue longe here in this worlde. For eyther this thynge is gyuen / whiche is here promysed accor∣dynge to the lettre / or els some thynge much more excellent and better than it / for that man doth not disceyue & breake promyse / which promisyng glasse dothe gyue a preciouse stone. By these .iiii. pre¦ceptes we are warned and taught / that we sholde be kynde towardes them that haue done vs good / & also that we sholde do good vnto them / towardes whome we do after a certayne maner represente the person of god. Nowe to represse the grosse malice of the Iewes / those thyn∣ges are expresly forbyden / by which one man hurteth another man.The .v. pre∣cepte. Of all iniu∣ries the moste haynous and greous is manslaughter / how be it in the name of manslaughter are contayned and vnder stonded all affections or passions / by which we do go towardes manslaugh∣ter / of the which the fyrst grece or steppe is wrat conceyued in the mynde / & ha∣tred.what wrath is. wrathe is a sorowe or grefe desy∣ryng greatly wroke or vengeaunce.Hatred. Hatred is olde roted wrath / an affection or passion at euery occasion redy to hurte. wrath is the more vehement passion or grefe as beyng of a freshe rawe wound: but hatred is the more incurable of the two.Enuie. Enuie is worse than they bothe / whiche doth interprete & iudge another mānes felicite and welth to be her owne iniurie & hurt. The next degre or steppe is wrathe breakyng out into a voyce or sounde of indignation / which voyce our lord in the gospell calleth Racha.Math. v. Racha. The thyrd degree is grefe breakyng out into a manifest & open raylynge or reuilynge word: as whā we say. Thou sole / Amōg men / that man is accused of manslaugh¦ter / which hath taken away the lyfe frō his neyghboure. Afore god / he is a man queller: who so euer haeth his neygh∣boure / that is to saye / beareth euyll wyll towardes hym / & wold hym harme / for we are angry or miscōtented euen with those persons also / to whom we owe be∣neuolence & good wyll: not to the entent that we wolde hurte them / but that we myght amēd thē: & we do hate in a man not that thynge which god hath made: but that thyng which he hymselfe hath made. The false accuser & ye pykequarel in stede of a swerd / of a darte / & of poyson vseth his tong to kyll men with al. The couetous man / whyles he doth not suc∣curre & releue his nedy & hungry neygh¦boure: kylleth hym with famen / for he doutles doth kyll:He kylleth that maye saue & wyll not. whosoeuer dothe not saue / whan he may saue. Peraduenture his neyghbour doth not dye: what thā yet asmuch as in hym is: which dyd not help hym in his necessite / & whā he was in ieoperdy: he is kylled & deade. witches do kyll men with enchauntemētes. The backbyter & slaunderour driueth men to deathe / it forceth not / howe or by what meanes one taketh awaye his neygh∣bours lyfe. where so euer is a froward & maliciouse mynd to hurt / there is man∣slaughter. womē which with medicines prouoke castyng of theyr chylde afore ye due tyme: done cōmitte infant slaughter Those {per}sons which with slaūdrouse bo¦kes done rayle on any mā / apparyng his good fame: done kylle & slee with theyr penne. D. If it be no maner way lawful to kyll or slee / what shall we say of war∣res / & of opē iudgemētes? M. In lawful & ryghtful iudgemēt{is} / it is ye law self yt killeth / & not ye iudge. Now ye law is of god / which commaundeth one membr to be taken away for the helth and sau garde of the whole body / but yet surgeones and leches doo not fall to cuttyng / as longe as there is by any othe waye hope to recouer helth / A similytude betwen a iud¦ge or a prince & a surgeone.so lykewys it belongeth to a christē iudge or princ and ruler / not to come vnto the ponysshement of deathe / except he haue fyrst assayd all other wayes / and whan non otherway wyll helpe be compelled ther∣unto.A notable sen¦tence. He that iudgeth corruptelye / o whiche mysuseth the lawes applyeng them and makynge them serue to his owne pryuate hatrede or aduauntage althoughe the malefactoure be worthy death / yet doth the iudge commyt man∣slaughter.Of warre. As touchynge warre / wha shall I say? wolde god that all men dyd so abhorre warres / as thoughe it were parrycidye there to kyll any man / in as muche as euery christen man is brother to other. But in a batayle ryghtfully be gonne and lawfully made / the law doth kyll / and not mā.Nota. But the prince / which begynnethe warre not of necesite / no for the loue and fauoure of the cōmun weale / but for his owne pryuate affec¦tions / he doth committe so many mudres or manslaughters / as there be men that eyther done dye in that batayle / or els dryuen to starue for hunger. Adde this moreouer / who so euer eyther for hatred / or for hope of praye / doth runne to batayle / although he doth slee no bo∣dy / yet is he a māqueller / for there wan∣ted not wyll: but there wanted to the wyll power or occasion. DIS.A notable question. Aunsre. what if a priuate persone bearynge none offyce / doth kyll one that inuadeth hym / in his owne defence? MAG. If sure and vn∣douted deathe be threttened hym / and there be no waye to auoyde or escape: I wolde counsayle hym / that is a peryte man harely to desyre and call for helpe of god / which is oftentymes more nerer at hande / than we do beleue / seyng tha we doo rede / that euen a dragon beynge wakened with the crye of him of whom she had in tymes afore passed ben fedde and nouryshed / hath runne vnto hym / & delyueryd hym frō theues.Nota. In this case if he had leuer to be kylled / than to kyll: I wolde iudge that he hath done the of¦fice and duetye of a christen man. But to that / that it myghte be lawefull for a man to saue his owne lyfe / by kyllynge of his aduersarie / that ls wolde slee hym: many thynges are requyred / whiche to pursue and speake of here / it is no poynt of our present purpose. DIS what saye you of them that fordon theyrselues? M A. If they be not men they do not commit manslaughter. I except onely suche disease of the mynde / whiche taketh away reason and all iud∣gement. DIS. what of them whiche done eyther kyll themselues / or shorten theyr owne lyfe with fastynges / wat∣chynges / colde / nakednesse / & such other ponyshynges of the body? MAG. If hypocrisie be ioyned therto: they are manquellers. If theyr mynde be pure: theyr offence is the lyghter / namely i they doo excede measure / for desyre to helpe theyr neyghboure. For charite ex∣cuseth many thynges.Charite ex∣cuseth many tynges. The moste hay∣nous and cruell iniurie agaynste our neyghboure is manslaughter. Nexte to it is adulterie / The vi. com∣maundemēt.for as vnto the husbonde there is no thyng ioyned more nere / nor more dearly beloued / than is his lawful wyfe: so is there none iniurie more into∣lerable / than the defylynge of his wyfe by adulterie. And all be it that adulte∣rare in the Latyne tonge / and lykewyse mocheuein in the Greke tonge / is a worde generall to all maner of corrup∣tyng (for both he is sayd / adulterare mo¦net am / which corrupteth the coyne / and also they are sayde adulterare verbum¦de / which done handle the word of god not syncerly but with corrupt mynde & affection) yet for all that the more often and cōmune vse hath applied this word to the breakyng and violatynge of wed∣locke / by the vnlawfull fleshely dealyng of man and woman to gether. Neyther done they saye anusse / which do thynke by this commaundement to be forboden all maner vnlawfull vse of fleshely plea∣sure / of which sort are inceste / both out∣warde and spirituall / buggerie / fleshely medlyng with spirites or brute beastes / all vnclennese or pollution / finally sin∣gle fornication / which is so the lyghtest and smallest offence in this kynde:Single for¦catiō is other whyles by reason of the circumstan∣ces more gre∣ous offence: than aduou∣trie. The husbōd may cōmytte adulterie with his owne wyfe. that yet otherwhyles by the reason of the cir¦cumstances / it is made more greate and greuous offence thā aduoutrie / ye more ouer euen in lawfull matrimonie also is comitted adulterie if they do vnmea∣surably serue theyr fleshely appetite and luste / or if they deale together after such fashyon / that of that acte there be no hope of chylde to be begotten. The religion of the gospell doth not ab∣rogate / but dothe make perfyte the af¦fectiōs of na∣ture. Marci. vii. A notable question. Aunsre. Single for¦catiō is other whyles by reason of the circumstan∣ces more gre∣ous offence: than aduou∣trie. The husbōd may cōmytte adulterie with his owne wyfe. Spirytuall adulterie.They adde also hereunto spirituall ad∣ulterie / whiche is committed in euerye deadly synne / but most specially in apo∣stasy / whan any man gothe away from the worshyppyng of very god / vnto the honourynge of the deuylles / wherof we haue spoken in the fyrste precepte. Now considre me the conuenient and comely ordre.The cōuensēt ordre of the commaunde∣mentes. The .iii. fyrste preceptes done ap∣pertayne to god: than whome nothyng is better / or more to be loued. The .iiii. precept appertayneth to the parentes / to whome most honoure is due next af∣ter god. The .v. appertayneth to the lyfe and body / whiche is the dearest and beste beloued possession / that euery man hath. The syxte precept concernyth the wyfe / whiche is one fleshe with her hus∣bond. The .vii. appertayneth to the out warde goodes / but yet without whiche we can not lyue / wherfore he that spoy∣leth or robbeth a pore mā of his necessa¦ries: as muche as in hym is / he taketh awaye his lyfe from hym / for of those dyd a certayne hethen poete saye very truely / Hesiodus. that money is the lyfe vnto sely wretched men.Furtū in La∣tyne / theft in Englysh: are general wor∣des and com¦mune to ma∣ny thynges. And the name of thefte / whiche in Latyne is called furtum / is a generall worde vnto them / that stealeth out of the cōmune treasurehouse / which are called peculatores / and vnto them that cōmitte sacrilege / by takyng away halowed or holy thynges / to them that stealen away other mennes shepe or ca∣tayle / whiche in the Latyne tonge are called Abigei / vnto those that stealen awaye other menes seruauntes or chyl∣dren which are called plagiarn / vnto ro∣uers on the see / & those that robbe men by violence / and after a certayn fourme of batayle / whiche are called pirate and predones / and to them that done priue∣ly take away other mēnes goodes / and these kyndes of thefte are knowne to euery man: but these that folowē are in dede more close & secrete / but yet as mys∣theuouse and as synnefull as the other because I wyll not say more myscheuo{us} and more synnefull. DIS. whiche be those? MAG.Poyntes of theft / but not so named. He that defraudeth his hiered seruaunt of his due rewarde / in dede he is not called a theffe / but he is a thefe in very dede.Nota. He that boroweth any thynge / or receyueth any thyng de∣liuerid to hym of trust / to kepe or kepeth it with such mynde and purpose / that if he myght / he wolde neuer restore it: he is no lesse a thefe / than is he which brea¦keth vp another mannes cofres / and so taketh away another mannes goodes. Likewyse the workeman / which eyther doth not perfourme that which he hath promised / or whiche is .x. dayes of fy∣nishyng that thynge / whiche he myght haue fynished and made an ende of in .v. dayes: if he doth take his whole reward he is a thefe. As for such persons / which by crafte done appayre and worsen the cōmun coyne: what nedeth it to speake of them? Or what nedeth it to speake of disceyuers / which done sell countrefayte stones in stede of very naturall precious stones / or whiche with some other lyke disceyte done begger theyr neyghboure? Or what of merchaunt men / whiche do sell theyr wares not for so much as they ought / but as dere as they can? They call it lucre or gaynes: but in very dede it is thefte. The same thynge is to be sayd of them / that done engrosse & bye vp any kynde of wares whole īto theyr owne handes to thende that they maye sell it as they lyste. Neyther can it ex∣cuse tauerners or wynesellers and car∣ters / because it is gone into a commune custome / that they doo sell water men∣gled with brymstone / or lee in stede of wyne. Neyther are myllers / bakers / and taylers / whiche done eyther steale / or corrupte and stroye another mannes thynge / therfore no theues: because it is a thyng customably done of very many men. Certayne men do ioyne hereuo clarkes and prestes / which done rece and take the stipendes and renies of e churche: and doo not fare aboute to doo those thynges / for whiche suche lyuyn∣ges were instituted and ordayned. Or els such as take the frutes and profytes of a benefyce: and haue no myndes to be prestes. Brefly it is thefte / what so euer thou shalt be compelled to restore / if thou be of habilite and power / for he is a thefe also / which robbeth any man of his good name / and also who so euer with crafte and subelte doth corrupte the symple mynde of a yong damoysell. There resteth behynde thre preceptes / of which the fyrste restrayneth and hol∣deth backe the tonge / the other two the concupiscence and luste or desyre of the mynde / & they are rather declarations of certayne of them that are heretofore reherced:The .viii. cō∣maundemēt. than newe preceptes / for if he that hurteth his neyghboure with false wytnesse / doth it for loue of lucre and ad¦uauntage: it appertayneth than to the vii. precepte of thefte. If he dothe it for hatred / than appertayneth it to the .v. precept of manslaughter. Now so great was the grosnes of that people of the Iewes / that they dyd beleue / that there was no manslaughter / but that whiche was done with an iron weapon or a staffe / and yet is the tong more noysom and hurtfull than any weapon of yerne and stele.The tong is more noysom thā any wea∣pon. Neyther is it much amysse or agaynste reason / lykewyse as vnder the name of of manslaughter is comprehen¦ded all maner hurtynge of the neygh∣boure: euen so vnder the name and tytle of false wytnesse all maner hurte & dam¦mage to be contayned / which we do to our neyghboure by the meane of our tonge / but Moyses dyd put a notable & a greate exaūple / for false wytnesse doth comprehende also periurie / for in the old tyme both the iudges were sworne that dyd examine and take knowlege of any matter / and the wytnesses also were sworne / that made aunswere. And he doth no lesse kyll a mā / which oppresseth an innocent person with false wytnesse: than doth he that sleth with a swerde. Neyther is he any whytte lesse a rob∣ber or a thefe / which putteth his neygh¦boure from his goodes by corrupte iud∣gement or false wytnesse: than is he / yt spoyleth hym by open robberye. The mynde and purpose is al one. The wyll is all one / onely the instrumēt is chaun¦ged. Upon this rocke done all those stryke theyr shyp which eyther by backe bytyng or flateryng / or by crafty coun∣saylles / or els by corrupt doctrine / done hurte his neyghboure / which thynges the more that they are contrarie vnto christiane charite: by so muche they doo come nerer vnto deadly synne.The .ix. and the .x. precept Exodi .xx. The other two precept{is} are put ioyntly both to gether. In Exodi in this wyse. ☞Thou shalt not desyre the house of thy neyghboure / neyther shalt thou de∣syre his wyfe / nor his seruaunt / nor his handemayde / nor his oxe / nor his asse / nor any of all the thynges that are his. In Deuterono. they are putte in this wyse. Thou shalte not desyre the wyfe of thy neyghboure / not his house / not his land / not his bondman not his hād∣mayde / not his oxe / not his asse / nor any of all the thynges yt do belong to hym / If thou do separate & departe the concu¦piscence & desyre of the wyfe / from the concupiscence of the other possessions: than shall they be two commaundemen¦tes / of the whiche the foremore apper∣tayneth to adulterie / the lattermore vn∣to thefte. D. What nedeth these two cō∣maundementes? Doth not he that for∣byd the an euyll dede: in so doynge for¦byd also an euyll wyll & an euyll desyre? MA. This thyng was done because of the rudenesse & grosnesse of that people / whiche because there was no penaltye sette or appoynted by the lawe vnto a lewde and vngratious desyre: wolde els haue beleued / that that thyng had ben no synne afore god which is vnponished among men / not for that it is no synne: but for that mannes thought is mouea¦ble & ofte tournynge / & the dede may be proued / but the wyll is knowen onely to god.why the de∣syre of periu∣rie & of mur∣dre were not expresly for∣bydden. D. But why was not concupis∣cence or desyre expresly mentioned and spoken of in the precept or commaunde¦ment that forbyddeth periurie and man¦slaughter? MA. There are some men that doo make aunswere in this wyse / that the affection & the desyre of fleshely pleasure / & the desyre of hauyng / that is to saye / lecherye & couetousnes are more inwardly roted in all men by nature: than are the desyre of periurie and man¦slaughter / for from these we do abhorre rather vnlesse it be so / that a violent de∣syre & passion dothe oppresse the iudge∣ment of nature. But the nation of the Iewes was more enclyned to vēgeaūce thā vnto fleshely luste / & therfore it was permitted them to gyue a lettre of di∣uorcement.Deute. xxiiii. But as me semeth (that I may saye my mynde without any man∣nes grefe or displeasure) ConcupiscenceHow concu∣piscence is ta¦ken in these .ii. preceptes. here in this place doth not so much sig∣nifye what so euer maner desyre of ano∣ther mannes wyfe or of another mānes possession / as it doth betoken the enforce¦ment or endeuoure & goyng about to do an euyll dede (Lykewyse as we are sayd in the Latyne tonge appetere aliquem insidus / not for that we haue hurt hym / but for that by workyge traynes and lyeng in wayet / we haue gone about to hurte hym) but that grosse people wold haue iudged it to be no synne / the attēp∣tyng of auoutrie / & the goynge about to do thefte / vnlesse it were also brought to passe / and done in very dede / for ls not euerye desyre is strayghtwayes synne / as for exaumple / if a man doo desyre to wedde a woman to his wyfe / if it sholde chaunce her husbonde to decease / or if man dyd couete and desyre another mā∣nes possession to be made his owne / by gyfte or by purchace. Neyther is euery thefte ponyshed with deathe / neyther euery endeuourment and attemptynge of adulterie / for men are not ponyshed / except they be taken in the dede doyng. But manslaughter committed is po∣nyshed with death / and the attemptyng of it / or ye goyng about to do it / draweth a man into daunger and peryll of iudge¦ment. For this cause is concupiscence expresly forbyden in those thynges / in which the onely attemptyng is not po∣nyshed. Here I do see certayne men to haue laboured about this yt he myghte reduce all preceptes eyther byddyng or forbyddyng any thynge to be done vnto these .x. commayndementes afore reherced / and they do referre euery one of the kyndes of deadly synnes (whiche are ac∣compted .vii. in noumbre) to some one of these preceptes / but with diligence very¦ly more busye than earnest. For after this maner there is made a confusion & menglyng to gether of all the preceptes all are comprehended vnder one precept and otherwhyles agayne one and the same are comprehended vnder dyuerse precept{is}. Besydes this seyng that these lawes were gyuen to the vplandyshe & rude vnlearned people (and a law ought to be playne / clere / and open) how could the Iewes suspecte or deme / that vnder the name of adulterie is forbyden all mā¦ner stupre and fornication / though it be neuer so single? or els that vnder the ty∣tle and name of manslaughter is forfen¦ded all maner malice or euyll wyll?Nota. It is therfore after my mynd the more sim¦ple and playne way / to say / that these .x. commaundementes were gyuen to the intractable and stourdy people / as fyrst rudimētes or principles / that they shold not fall into all vices and synnes / but that from these fyrst principles and be∣gynnynges they sholde profyte and goo foreward vnto the other precept{is} which are innumerable bothe in the lawe / and also in the {pro}phetes / and also in the pro∣uerbes of Salomon / vntyll they myght come vnto the euangelicall perfection / wherof certayne both exaumples & also counsayles and commaundementes are contayned also euen in the bokes of the olde testament. And therfore our lord the beste interpretour and expositour o the lawe / aunswereth to the yong man in this wyse. If thou wyl entre vnto lyfe:Math. xix. obserue thou and kepe the commaūdementes / shewynge that the .x. com∣maundementes of the lawe are the be∣gynnynge and fyrste entrynge in vnto godlynes / but not perfyte religion and holynes. But for as muche as thou in this communication playest the parte of one that is ignoraunt and an infaūt: it is ryght and reason that thou be con∣tent in the meane season with these ru∣dimentes and fyrst instructions.The pater noster. There resteth nowe behynde prayer / whereof the best forme and maner is that / which our lorde hymselfe hath prescribed and taught to vs.Math. viii. And lykewyse as Peter whan he dyd professe Christe to be the sonne of the lyuynge god / spake in the name of all the apostles:Math. xvi. euen so he that doth saye the crede / doth pronounce and speake it ī the voyce of the whole church For it is one and the same faythe or be∣leue of all christen men. Lykewyse who so euer maketh his prayer accordynge to the forme and maner taught of our lorde: he dothe praye in the voyce of the whole church. This thyng is very well shewed and betokened by those pronow¦nes. Nobis / nos et nostra .i. ws / we and owers.Prayer with out faythe & charite: is vayne & vn∣frutefull. And prayer is vnfrutefull and in vayne: if fayth and charite be not pre¦sent. Faythe gyueth boldenesse & truste.Fayth. Charite gyueth heate and feruoure / for who so euer douteth or distrusteth:Charite. doth not beleue hym that sayde / what so euer thyng you shall aske of my father in my name: he wyll gyue it you. And who so euer is without charite: yt man prayeth fayntly / and he prayeth more for hym∣selfe / than for other men. But as there is but one spirite of al the sonnes of god so do they all praye with one voyce for eche one particuler person / and eche par¦ticular person prayeth for all the whole multitude / callyng vpon theyr heuenly father / to whome they are by Christe newe borne agayne / that his name myghte be glorified and honoured tho∣roughe out the whole worlde / that all men myghte reioyce and boste of theyr commune father / and no man of hym∣selfe / that the tyrannye of synne beynge expulsed: his spirite myght raygne in that lykewyse as in that heuenly cytye there is no rebellion agaynste god: euen so in this citye or communaltye labou∣rynge and enforcyng it selfe vnto the si∣militude and lykenesse of it / and beynge ordayned and appoynted to the inheri∣taunce of it / all operations and workes may be disposed and ordred accordynge to the wyll and pleasure of that moste hyghe and souerayne father and ruler / in which particle and perceyll is shewed both the rewarde and also an exaumple / for who so euer doth in earthe represse & subdue his owne wyll / and dothe obey the wyll of god / goeth strayght way to the heuenly lyfe / where is no stryfe or batayle at all / nor any rebelliō. And the chyldren done in the meane season here in this lyfe (which is a continual warre fare) desyre none other wages or vittayl than that theyr capitayne wyll gyue vn¦to them the meate and nouryshement or fode both of the mynde and of the body / that they may be stronge and able to do theyr offyces and duetyes stoutly and manfully. They do not desyre honoures not ryches / not pleasures of this world / not treasures / they do onely dsyre thyn¦ges necessarie o the lyfe of the body / & to the helth and sauegarde of the soule / for these thynges are comprehended vn∣der the name of dayly brede.The. v. And to the ende that there myght be full and per∣fyte concorde bothe betwen the father & sonnes / and also betwen the brethern selues one with another of them / they do pray and desyre / that he wyll forgyue the humayn trespasses / wthout which men do not lyue in this worlde / whiche thyng they are not wyllyng to obtayne excepte theyrselues / by forgyuenge eche other the offences and trespasses com∣mitted amonge them / shall haue prouo∣ked the mercy and gentylnes of theyr father towardes themselues / for it is a∣gaynst all ryght & reason to desyre that god beyng offended and displeased shold forgyue man / if one man beyng muche lesse and more sleyghtly offended / wyll not forgyue another man.The. vi. and .vii. Finally and laste of all / whyles they do considre and remēbre howe benigne a lord they haue and howe louyng a father whiche hath gyuen his owne onely begotten sonne vnto the death to thende that he myght raunsome and delyuer them from the tyranny of the deuyll / they do pray that they may not by his suffrāce be brought agayne into the power of that wycked fende / and so be drawne into temptatiō that they sholde deserue to be disherited of theyr good father. DIS. Who do they not desyre euerlastyng lyfe?why in the pater noster / there is not desyred euer∣lastynge lyfe. MA. Because it belongyth to good soldyers / onely to do the offyces and busynesses / which theyr capitayne hath commaun∣ded and appoynted them: takynge no thought or care for theyr rewarde / and it is the propretie of good chyldren to la¦boure and endeuoure theyrselues here∣unto onely / that they maye haue theyr father well contented & fauourable and louyng to them: takynge no maner care for theyr inheritaunce namely seynge whan that they haue suche maner a fa∣ther / than whome there is none more tych / none more good and liberall / none more true of promisse. Of the Paer noster I wyll make no longer processe at this tyme.That para∣phrase vpon the pater no∣ster is trans∣lated into en∣glyshe by one of M. Mo doughters. There are commentaries and expositions vpon it made by ryght holy and well learned men redy and ethe to come by and specially of sayncte Cyprian If thou wyll take the labou∣r{is} to rede the paraphrase which I made vpon it manye yeres ago: thou shalt to¦gether both praye / and also in prayenge learne the fourme & maner of prayeng / at the least wyse this profyte thou shalt attayne and gette thereby (except I be begyled) that thou mayste come some∣what the more instructe and prepayred vnto the readynge of those commenta∣ries & bokes / whiche I spake of before.
A00389.P4	Preparation to deathe A booke as deuout as eloquent, compiled by Erasmus Roterodame.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	Annno. M. D. XXXVIII. [1538]]	In aedibus Thomae Bertheleti regii impressoris. excus.,	[Londini :	eng	[ "Death -- Early works to 1800." ]	OF ALL DRADFVLL thinges, death is moste dradfull, sayth a certayn Philosopher, of greate Aristotle fame, but which had not herde that heuenly Phi∣losopher, whyche hath taught vs, not onely with wordes, but also with euydente examples, that a man perysheth not by death of body, but is drawen in sondre, and that the soule is ledde forth as it were out of a prison most paynful, in to blessed reste: and the body al∣so shall lyue agayne, to be partaker of the glorye. He had not herde this principle of the spirite: Blessed be the deade, whiche dye in the lorde. He had not herde Paule lame∣tynge Apoc. 14. and syghynge: I couet to be dissolued, and be with Christ. And, Christ to me is lyfe, and deathe is lucre. But it is nothinge to be Phil. 1. merueyled at, if they, whiche beleue, that the hole man perysheth by death, nor haue not this hope, whyche onely the fayth in Christe worketh in vs, eyther bewayle the deathe of other, or feare and abhorre their owne. This is rather to be merueyled, that there be so many such as I am, which, whā they haue lerned and do professe al Christis philosophie, yet so feare death, as thoughe eyther they do beleue, that nothing of man remayneth after the brethe expired, or as thoughe they mystruste the promyses of Christ: or els as thoughe they vtterly des∣payre of them selues. The first propretie of these thre is, of beastly personnes, suche as Sardanapalus was. The seconde is of infi∣delles, which haue no truste in Christ, and the thirde is of theym that be ignoraunt of goddes mercye. In this behalfe they seme lyke to hethen persons, that be ignorant of god. For he is ignoraunt of god, that kno∣weth not hym to be of infynite mercy. This without question, that the commun sorte of men do thus feare at the namynge of death, cōmeth partly of the vnstedfastnes of faith, partely of the loue of worldly thinges. He knoweth of no tremblyng, which in ful trust sayth with the spostle: Whether we lyue, we Rom. 14. lyue to the lorde, or whether we dye, we dye to the lorde. Wherfore whether we lyue, or whether we dye, we be the lordes. But that the lorde ones hath receyued into his pro∣tection, can not peryshe. Out of this foun∣tayne springeth the voyce of the prophete, wytnessynge his vnfearful mynde, If I shuld walke in the myddes of the shadowe of deth, 22. I wyll not feare euyls, bycause thou arte with me. For the faith full lorde neuer forsaketh them; which yelde them holly to his grace, but kepeth them as the moste tender parte of his eye. For he is lorde both of lyfe and death, to whome nothinge is deade, but all thinges lyue, which cleaue to hym by faith. Of the weakenes of faythe is gendred the loue of temporall commodities. For if with our hole herte we beleued the thinges that god hath promysed vs by his sonne Jesus, all the delectations of this worlde shoulde sone be lyttell regarded, and death whiche setteth vs euer vnto them with a paynefulle (but yet a short) passage, shuld be les feared. The wyse man cryeth: O death, how bitter is thy memorye? But what addeth he? To Eccle. 41. a manne hauynge peace in his substaunce. He sayth not, hauynge ryches, For many good men haue possessed rychesse: but to him that hath his quietnes in them. That that is spo ken of ryches, the same is to be vnderstond of honours, pleasurs, wyfe, childern, kyns∣folke, frēdes, of beautie, youth, good helth, brefely of all kynde of commodities, which death plucketh frome both good and euyll. The more ferventely we loue a thynge, the more paynefully we be plucked frome it. If thou be in loue with anye thynge, thou Horace shalte leye it downe agaynste thy wyll, sayth & certayne wyse pagane. Now, he is in loue with these temporall thynges, who so euer resteth in them, as in propre and perpetuall goodes, where as these are but borowed & transytory, to be layde downe not onely pa∣ciently, but also thankfully, so oft as he de∣maundeth them agayne, which gaue them. For in these worldly goodes a manne to set his rest, this is to enioye theym, whiche he ought to vse, and that also by the waye, and as it were in his passage: as the apostle ad∣uertyseth the Corinthes, It remayneth bre∣therne, 2. Cor. 4. that they that haue wyues, shulde be as not hauynge, and they that wepe, as not wepynge, and they that ioye, as not ioyenge, and they that bye, as not possessynge, and they that vse this worlde, as thoughe they v∣sed it not. For the fashion of this worlde pas∣seth awaye. We be wayfarynge men in this worlde, not inhabytantes, we be as straun∣gers in Innes (or to speke it better) in bou∣thes or tentes, we lyue not in our countrey. This holle lyfe is nothinge elles but a ren∣nynge to deathe, and that very shorte, but death is the gate of euerlastynge lyfe. ¶ Amongest the Iewes bycause contra∣ctes 25. and purchases were expyred and en∣ded by a certayn daye, by the order of their lawes, how moch shorter the space of tyme was, so moche was the price of thinges the lyghter. Than howe moche more ought al these transitorie thinges be of lytel regard, that are in daunger of so manye chaunces, whiche though no casualtie plucked away, yet death plucketh away all from all men? Adde herevnto, that they, whiche renne at a game, se howe moche space they haue left behynd them, and howe moch remaineth to the marke: And in tymes past they that lo∣ked for the Iubilie, knewe howe longe they might enioy that that they had bought. But there is no mortall man, whiche certainely knoweth, that he shall lyue vntyll the nexte day. We renne, but hauynge deathe in oure fete, yea carieng it aboute on all our body. We haue receiued our life frely of the lord, but condicionally, that we surrender it at e∣uery moment, whan he demandeth it. Howe though it chanceth vs to liue vntil extreme age, whiche to how fewe it chaunceth, eue∣ry man knoweth, O lorde god, what is the hole lyfe of man, but a very short rennynge place, wherin wyl we wyl we not, we renne contynuallye, slepe we, wake we, be we in welth or in wo? The contynuall course of the worlde carieth vs away lyke a boystous flode, although we seme to our selues, or to other, to stand styl. Than if prices of world ly thynges be estemed by the shortenes of tyme, howe moche more vyle oughte tho thynges to be, whiche haue not so moch as one howre certayne? Nowe the thynges that we lyttelle regarde, we lyttelle force though they be plucked awaye from vs, as they why che be not at home, but in strange countreys, if any cōmoditie appereth vnto them in the way, or in theyr ynnes, they cast not their mynd greatly therto, bicause they must leue forth with the thing that delyteth them, and if any incōmodite chaunce them, they beare it easely, thinkyng thus, Here I dine, my supp is ordeined in an other place. The thinges that be sene (sayth Paule) be tē∣porall, 2. Corl. 4 and tho that be not sene, be eternall. And this is a greate parte of the Christen philosophie, whiche prepareth vs to dethe, that by the contemplation of thinges eter∣nall and heuenly, we maye lerne the despi∣synge of temporall and erthly. Plato iuged the hole philosophy, none o∣ther thynge but a meditation of deathe. He Plato. callyd a meditation a preparation, & as who shuld say, an exercyse to death, none other∣wyse thā a yong warriour, that shal in time commynge fyght with his ennemy, exercy∣seth hym selfe at a tylte. Whiche is a ryghte holsome saying, if that whiche is spoken of the philsopher philosophically, be taken of christen men christēly. For not the contem∣plation of mathematicall formes, abstracte from the mattiers, nor yet the imagination of Idee, whiche Plato deuysed, causeth vs to dye wel, but if with the eies of feithe, we consider in our mindes the goodes passyng al mans wyt, whiche god hath promised by his son Jesus to them that trust vnto hym, & the euils which he hath thretnid to infidels & disobedient. Thone shal feare vs from sin∣ning, the other shal prouoke vs to do wel. I grant an eternall veritie in certayn humayn lerninges, but suche as procureth to no man the true felicitie. But here the promiser is euerlastinge, euerlastyng is he, by whom he promiseth, euerlasting be the thinges {pro}my∣sed, euerlastinge felicitie they brynge to the beleuers, & euerlasting infelicitie to the des∣pisers. This meditation of deth is the me∣ditation of the true life. And it causeth not only, that the philosopher promiseth, which is that the soule shulde depart from the bo∣dye with lesse heuynesse, but also that with cherefulnes of hart, it shuld lepe merily, as it were out of a darke and painful prison, in∣to blessed libertie, & into that light so louely, which is void of any nyght or darknes: For the body, whiche is corruptible, accombreth Sap̄. 9. the soule, and the erthely habitation, depres∣seth the mynd, reuoluing many thynges. And therfore crieth the {pro}phete, Lede out of prison my soule, that it may cōfesse thy name Lorde. Psal. 141. The summe of mans felicitie is to contem∣plate and prayse his maker, redemer, & go∣uernour. To this end is man created. This felicitie of man is oftentymes disturbed by the weakenes of this body, which we cary aboute, subiecte to so many necessities, to so many euyls, to so many peryls. In like wyse also saynt Paule, accombred with the car∣nall habytation, pytyfully syghynge crieth. O I vnhappy man, who shall delyuer me frō Rome. 7. this body of deth? For he saw them in high blysse, whiche dwelled in the house of the lorde, pray synge hym worlde without ende. Of this affection be men of the ryght holy∣nes, of whome though the bodyes kepe in erth, yet their treasure, harte, and conuer∣sation is in heuens. But few men haue this perfection and strongenes of mynde: It is not gyuen to al men to say with Paul, Christ to me is lyfe, and to dye is a lucre. And, I co∣uet to be dissolued, and be with Christe. We beinge our selues weake, prepare this con∣solation to them that be weake, vnto whom yet thexamples of the perfyte lyuers be, as who saith, prickes and prouocations, to ob∣teyne the strength of the spirite. Wherfore this meditation of dethe is through out all the lyfe to be exercysed, and euer amonge the sparke of feyth is to be styred vp, that it may encreace and gather strēgth, to whom charytie annexed, shall drawe vnto it hope, whiche neuer maketh his maister ashamed. But we haue none of these oure selfes, but they be the gyftes of god, with contynuall prayers and vowes to be vowed for: if they lacke, and if we haue them, to be augmentid that they may encreace. The stronger that feyth accompanied with Hope and Chari∣tie is, the lesse is the tremblynge. For that most part of vs thus abhoire from the men tion of death, it commeth commonly of the vnstedfastnes of fayth. But on the promi∣ses of god ought man to haue moste certain trust. For he is onely he, whiche of nature true, can not deny hym selfe. To whom the noble psalmograph syngeth, Euerlastingely lorde thy worde abydeth. In heuen & worlde In aeternia dn̄e pma∣net. &c. without ende is thy trouth. which also in the Euangel pronounceth of hym selfe, Heuen and erthe shall passe, but my wordes shal not Coelum & terra trā∣sibunt. &c passe. What hath he promysed? He hathe promysed vyctorye of deathe, vyctorye of fleshe, of the worlde, and of the dyuell: He hath promysed remission of synnes, he hath promysed an hundrede tymes as moche in this worlde, & euerlastyng lyfe in the next. But in what wyse hathe he promysed? By our owne ryghtwysenes? No truely, but by grace of faythe, whiche is vpon Christ Ie∣sus. And to the entent we shulde be the su∣rer, he hath annulled & cancelled that fyrst handwrityng, whiche Adam vnhappily had described vnto vs, naylynge it to the crosse: and hath giuen vs his handwriting of grace whiche he hath scaled with his owne blod, and hath confirmed it with innumerable te∣stimonies of prophetes, apostels, martyrs, and virgins, whiche with their blode alsoo haue subscribed. And the vnyuersal church of Christen men, and holy fathers also haue subscribed. He hath more ouer added the erneste penye of the spirite, that our truste shulde wauer in no part. And the goodnesse of god not cōtented with these, hath vou∣chesafed to shewe vnto all men an euidente and notable example in his onely begotten sonne. For that he hath ouercome, vndou∣tedly he ouercame for his membres sakes, on whome he holly bestoweth hym selfe. For what were we sely wormes of our sel∣ues? Christe is our Justyce, Christe is our vyctorie, Christe is our hope and surenes, Christe is our tryumphe and crowne. He was borne a chylde, but (which Esai omit∣ted not) to vs he was borne, to vs he was gyuen. In lykewyse for vs he taughte, for vs he healyd diseases, caste forth dyuelles, for vs he hungred and thyrsted, for vs he was blasphemed, for vs the time of deth ap∣proching, he was striken with heuynes and werynes of lyfe, for vs he swette bloud, for vs he was bound and beate, for vs he dyed and reuiued, fynally for vs he sytteth on the ryght hande of the father. Whyles he toke vpon hym all euyls due vnto vs, he delyue∣red them vnto vs, that we shulde ouercome theym. Nowe that he hathe broken theyr strengthes, & hath added the strongenes of spirite, according to the measure of our af∣flictions. He hath shewed vs the way howe to ouercome, he hath added a desire of figh ting, to the fyghters he ministreth help. So he ouercometh in vs, if so be that we tary in hym. We tarie by faithe and charitie. If ye aske where this chyrograph or handwry∣tynge that assureth vs, remaineth: I answer in the canonicall scriptures, in whiche we rede the wordis of god, not of mē. To these no lesse credence is to be youen, than if god had spoken theym vnto the, with his owne mouth, yea I dare boldli say somwhat more largely. For if god had spoken vnto the by some created lykenes, perchaunce, accor∣dinge to thexample of certayne good men, thou woldest haue doubted, whether there were any disceite in the thynge. But al this doubte the perpetuall consent of the catho∣lyke churche, hath cleane take away frome vs. Than in this handwriting to studye all our lyfe, is the best preparation to dethe. As thapostle sayth, that by pacience and cō∣solation of scriptures we maye haue hope. A∣gayne; if a man demaundeth, how and whan Christe ouercame these, I answere, he o∣uercame the flesshe, and shewed vs the ma∣ner of ouercomynge, where as he fearynge and abhorrynge deathe, accordynge to the nature, which he toke vppon hym, sayth to the father, But yet not as I wyll, but as thou wylte. And in an nother place he wytnesseth of hym selfe, sayenge, I came not to do my wyll, but his that sent me. Nothynge is soo horrible to mans nature, that by the helpe of Christe is not ouercome, if we commytte and submytte vs hole to goddis wyl: and in our moste greuous stormes of tribulations haue all tymes in mynde the sayenge of the good father and kyng Dauyd, It is the lord, let him do that semeth best in his eyes. These wordes be not magicall, but they be stron∣ger than all enchantementes, whiche who so euer pronounceth with his hart, and cō∣tinueth with this trust, he can not despayre, thoughe the hole route of euyls with al the diuels in hel shuld inuade him. Almyghty is he, that fyghteth for vs, and which speketh in the Psalme, with hym I am in tribulation; I wyll plucke hym oute, and I wyll gloryfyē hym. Whan thou herest, with hym, doo not prayse thyn owne strength, but haue an eye to the power of the helper. Whan thou he∣rest, I wyll plucke hym out, be not desperate of mynde, thoughe thou be somwhat longe in tribulations. He wyll do withoute doute, that he promysed: and he knoweth whan it is expedient that thou shouldest be lyghted of thy euyls. Whan thou herest, I wyll glo∣rify hym, be thou assured, that as thou were felowe with Christe of the Crosse, so thou shalt be felowe with hym also of glory. But remēbre what went before, He cryed to me. It is thy part to crye & to crye to the lorde, not to the succours of this worlde, not to thy strengthes and good dedes, but to the lorde, which onely maye delyuer the frome these euyls. Nothinge is frayler than man, and yet no man can expresse, with how ma∣ny and how outragious euyls and fearefull myschefes he is besicged. For to omyt thū∣ders, erthquakes, see rages, grounde ope∣nynges, warres, robberies, wytchecraftes, who can recken vp all fourmes of diseses? And amongest these how many be there, so horrible, and so paynefulle, that a man shall quake for feare, to here them but named: of the which sort be the fallynge syckenes, the palsey, the flayinge of the bladder, the frā∣sye. I wyll not speake of the often inuasiōs of Pestilences, which dayly springe not on∣ly newe and newe, but also worse and worse against all the remedyes of the Phisitiens: so that it is most truly spoken of the Poet. ¶ Mille modis leti miseros mors vna fatigat. Onely death with his cruell dart, By thousand meanes make man to smart. ¶ How is it possible, that we so weake both of bodies & of myndes, can be able to match & be good ynoughe for so many outragious stormes? vtterly we were vndone, though the burden of synne were away, yf the hand of the lorde helped not oure imbecillytye. Nowe remayneth an other myschefe, that is to wytte the worlde, whiche bringeth to good and godly persones, no small batayle. I call the worlde, the olde man, with his a∣ctes and concupiscences. Howe be it vnder the name of worlde, ye maye, not vnconue∣nientely vnderstonde menne gyuen to this worlde, which neuer haue ceassed, nor ne∣uer shal ceasse, with their vttermost power, to warre against Christ and his disciples. But vnto this batayl Christ armeth vs, say∣eng, Be bolde, I haue vanquyshed the world. But howe farre strange he was frome the Ioan. 19. concupiscence of worldly thynges, he de∣clareth, whan he sayth, The sonne of manne hath not where to reste his heed. For therin Luc. 9. euerye manne resteth his heed, wherin his mynde is in quyete, and as it were slepeth. And how violent and croked this world is, they knowe, whiche ernestely go about to lyue vertuously in Christ Jesu. He toke v∣pon him our concupiscēce, but none other∣wyse thanne he toke synne, suffrynge for vs punyshement, whiche was due for our affe∣ctions and actes. But all engyns and ordy∣naunces that this worlde had, it threwe vp∣pon our lorde, as shame, sclander, awaytes, myght, tourmentes, deathes. What dydde not this worlde, to the entente it myght vt∣terly quenche the name of Christe? And so he lyueth and flouryssheth bothe in heauen and in erth. Our lorde hath ouercome, not that we shulde nowe slepe, but that we shuld not despayre. He hathe delyuered vnto vs our enemye, not vtterly dead, but broken & vanquyshable, to thentent that we by oure fyghtynge maye haue a crowne of glorye prepared for vs. If thou askest, howe this worlde maye be vanquysshed, John̄ the in∣warde disciple of Christe teacheth. This is, quod he, the victorie which ouercometh the Ioan. 5. worlde, your Fayth. Fyght than faythfully, castyng all thy trust in the lorde: nor doubt not, but throughe his fauour and ayde thou shalt be a conquerour. ¶ Now resteth synne, wherein vnhappily we were borne, and after baptyme more vn∣happely fallen into agayn, an heuy burdein, and suche a burdeyne as causeth alsoo the soule to synke downe to the bottome of hel. This burdeyne whiche was to vs importa∣ble, our lorde vouche safed to take vpō him, as Esay prophecied, The correction of our peace vppon hym, and by his wounde we be Cap. 53. healed. Also Thapostle, God made hym, which dyd no synne, to be a synne forvs, that 2. Cor. 5. we might be made the iustice of god through hym. Synne is thouely thynge that gen∣dreth hatredes betwixt god and man, as E∣say testifieth. But the mercyful father, whā Psal. 59. no sacrifyce coulde be founde sufficient and stronge ynoughe to wasshe of the synnes of mankynde, sent his sonne, a lambe without blemyshe or spot, with this most pure obla∣tion of sacrifyce, reconcylynge the worlde vnto him. A man wyl here say: If by Christ synne is taken awaye, how is it than, that al the lyfe of manne is thus replenysshed with synne? For nowe I speke of good men to. He toke not clerely away syn, but he brake the strengthes of it, not that there shuld be no synne in vs, but that it shulde not reygne in vs, as it reygneth in them, whiche haue not fyxed the ancore of their hope, in the lorde Jesu, but serue and folowe their sen∣suall appetites. And therfore Paule aduer∣tyseth vs to beware, that synne reygne not in our mortall body. There is left vnto vs a mattier, wherin to fyghte, but yet armours & weapons be ministred vnto vs, with why∣che we beynge defensed maye ouercome. So we be made the iustice of God, not by our owne workes, but through the grace of god. By whom? By hym, whom he made a synne for vs, and of synne cōdemned synne. ¶ Yet remayneth Satanas, the parēt both of synne and of deth, & prince of these dark∣nesses, whose power and malicious craftes neuer ceassynge, the children of lyght fere, cryenge with a tremblynge herte to the fa∣ther, Ne nos inducas &c. Leade vs not into temptation, but delyuer vs frome that euyll myght. This is that temptour and accusor of brethern, which after the sayeng of saynt Peter, renneth about as a rorynge lyon, se∣kynge 1. Pet. 5. whom he may deuour. But the lorde hathe not onely ouercome, but alsoo hathe taught vs to ouercome the assaultes of this euyll also. He oftetymes assayled our lorde, for that may be gatherid of Lukes wordis, which sayth, And he departed from hym for a tyme, but he departed alwayes vanquys∣shed. How vanquysshed? With the bucklar of scriptures repelled, with the swerde of goddes worde stryken throughe. Wherfore so ofte as he maketh suggestion, and attēp∣teth vs to the thynge, which is merely con∣trary and repugnant to the wyll diuine, ex∣pressed in the sacre and holy volumes: cast a foyne at hym with the swerde of goddes worde, and accordynge to the ensample of, kynge Dauyd, with fyue most clere and ra∣dyant stones, gathered out of the ryuer of scriptures, fel ye knaue down to the groūde. But before we ioyne handes with this gy∣aunt Solyath, let vs first caste frome vs the armours of Saul, which is the cote armour of pride, that is the truste of worldly wyse∣dome, the confydence of our strength and merytes, whiche lade vs rather than arme vs, let the staffe of faith be sufficient for vs, whiche comforteth & steyeth vs in this our peregrination, and the fyue wordes, which Paule speaketh in the churche. If he be to busy, and call vpon the to importunely, byd hym auaunt Satanas, and stande abacke. It is more right to obey god, callynge to euer∣lastynge felycitie, rather than the, entysing to eternall destruction. Here dothe faythe playe the chiefe and principall parte. And therfore saith Peter, Whom resyst ye strong in fayth. Gyue credence to scriptures, and 5. repose thy holle trust in Christ, and victory is at hande. But there is a kynde of dyuels, which is not cast forthe, but by prayer & fa∣styng sayth Christ. To here thou hast other two weapons. It is probable, and a thynge lykely, that Satanas, where as he so ofte had assauted our lord in vayne, in the crosse assayed and moued al his craftis, subtilties, and engens, whan he sawe hym approching to his deth. For this is the last conflict and batayle, by the profe and chaunce wherof, eyther eternall triumphe is hoped and lo∣ked for, or a perpetuall shame is awayted. For he sayth, The prince of this world came Ioan. 14. vnto me, and in me he founde nothinge. Nor it is no doubt, but that which he entreprised vpon the lorde, he dare entreprise also vpon the membres of the lorde. But in lykewyse as he was vanquyshed of hym, so throughe hym he shall be vanquyshed in vs. For whā he assayleth them, in whom Christ by fayth and charitie doth inhabite and dwel, he ma∣keth batayle with Christ hym self, in whom so longe as we perseuer and abyde, he shall take a fowler fall, and be more shamefullye vanquysshed of vs, than he was ouercome of our lorde hym selfe. All thynges can I do, Omnia possum in co qui me confortat. quod the Apostle, in hym, which enstrengh∣teth me. Satanas, with whom our conflict is, is called the prince of this worlde, not that he hath any auctorite or iurisdiction o∣uer any parte of the creature, but bycause in a maner he raigneth in those, which be lo uers of this worlde. But he whiche prote∣cteth and defendeth vs, is lorde of heuen & of erth, which with his onely becke can do more than all the swarmes and rabyll of dy∣uels, with all their instrumentis & lymmes. Onely he coulde entre the howse of that stronge one, and bynde hym hand and fote, and bereue hym of his vessels. ¶ What temtations do yet remayne? Deth death I saye, at whose mention all thynges waxe heuy. This neyther with force can be shyfted of, neyther with fleynge eschued, neyther with craft and subtyl meanes daly∣ed awaye. The firste affection of nature is, that euery thinge shuld defende it self. But death against this affection of nature, thret∣neth destructiō, which so moch is the more detestable and to be abhorred, that it diuy∣deth. ii. which be most conioyned and knyt togyther. For there is no strayter copula∣tion or knot, than is of the body and soule. This horrour and fere also, our lord of his moste tender mercye, hath mitigate and as∣swaged vnto vs. First in that he for our sa∣kes, dysdayned not the horrour and trem∣blynge of death: and death it selfe, yea and that sclanderous and shameful, and also bit∣ter, to take vppon hym. Nor he wolde not, that any of his sayntes, & of the holy men, were they neuer so excellynge in vertuous lyuynge shulde be free, and be enfraunchy∣sed against deathe, not Abraham the fayth∣full, not Moyses famylyarly beloued, not Dauyd a manne accordynge to his harte, not any of the prophetes, not John Bap∣tist, of whom remaineth so noble a testimo∣nie of our lord hym selfe, not his mother sin gularly beloued, not so moch as that one of his disciples, whom before all the reste, he loued entierly. Euen from the fyrst man, vn∣tyll the consūmation and ende of the world, it was ordeined and by fatall destenye prefi∣xed, euery man ones to dye. And therfore the grekes call dethe in theyr langage mo∣ros, whiche cometh of the verbe miro, that is to say, to allotte, bycause it is allotted, di∣stributed, and appoynted to all men alyke and indifferently, to kinges, bishops, dukes, erles, barons, knyghtes, esquiers, gentylle men, yomen, and beggars. What impacience is it than, a man not to fynde in his harte to suffre that euylle, whiche is common to su∣che, so greatte, and soo many? Doste thou flee, with all the holye men to submytte thy selfe, and surrender that thynge, whyche wyll thou or wyll thou not, must be rendred and repayed to nature? He that of nature was immortall, for the became mortall. And dost thou, which art borne to dye, and haste deserued deth so oft, require besydes all o∣ther men to be had immortal? Wherfore re∣count thou here with thy selfe, howe many, and what felawes of this sort and conditi∣on thou hast: and so doinge thou shalt beare more euenly and with a more quyete mynd, thin allotte and state. Otherwise if thou do, vndoutedly thou shalt seme no lesse proude and presumptuous, in disdainyng that thou shalte dye, than if a man wold dysdayn, that he is borne, or that he is created a man, and not an aungelle. This is the fyrst asswage∣ment of dethe, whiche in my conceite, is not smalle. And it shall be made stronger, yf we iustely accompte with our selues, what ma∣ner thynges tho be, whyche we haue lefte here behynde vs. For many feare deth, on∣ly hauing regard to the commodities, whi∣che they leaue here behynde. Than come in mynde, the swete sight of the sonne, the moste goodly ordynance of the fyrmament, the pleasant hewe of the springynge world, playes, feastes, wyfe, chyldren, house, gar∣deynes. But thou must open the other eie, wherwith thou mayst beholde, how moche more of euils and incōmodities thou leauest behynd, than of plesures and commodities: and in very those, whiche appere good and cōmodious, howe moche calamitie and bit∣ternes is migled therwith. Reuolue in mind all the degrees of lyfe, consider howe foule the conceyuing is, howe perillous the bea∣ryng, howe myserable the delyueryng and byrthe, in how many dangers of hurtes the infancie is, in howe great ieopardie of in∣iurie and wronge is chyldhode, howe spot∣ted with vicious lyuyng is youth, with how many cares distracte is the mannes age, in what myserie and wretchidnes is olde age, and this thinge seriously reuolued in memo rie, I stande in doubt, whether a man canne fynde any one person so happily borne, that if god wolde graunt vnto hym to begynne and come vp agayne, by the same steppes, euen from his conception, through oute all the hole proces & cours of his former lyfe vntyll age, to enioye lyke pleasures, and to suffre like displeasures, wold take this pro∣ferre, annexed to suche condition. What no∣table blyndnes is it than, so greattely to be troubled, whan that thynge is to be surren∣dred, which if it were lauful for vs to begin a new, we wold refuse? I omit now the euils in which this life is so wrapped, that certain hethē men iuged nothing to be yeuē to man of the goddis, to speake after their maner, more liberally & bountifully, than that they haue addid vnto him a power & liberte to be reue him self of his life, so ost as shalbe sene vnto him: And that noble poete douted not to pronoūce, no liuing thing more wretched than man. Than if thautoritie of the hethen prophet be light, Ecclesiastes that godly & Ecclesiast. holy person feared nat to write, that Better is the day of deathe, than of the byrthe. Thus moche haue we spoken of euylles, nowe of goodes and plesures, recount with thy selfe, howe many cares and thoughtes, ryches do brynge, from whiche nowe thou canst nat be plucked away: how moch more gall than hony the wyfe bringeth, for whose loue thou fearest nowe deathe: howe moch busynes and care of mynd bredeth the bryn gyng vp of thy chyldren? how moch grefe and disworship do their maners cause? Adde to all these, the mynde of man alwayes de∣caying & drawyng downeward to wors and wors. For though not in al, yet surely in the moste part of men, the sayeng of Austyn is true. Qui maior est etate, maior est iniquitate. He that is greatter in aege, is greatter in yn wyckednesse. Fynally sette on thy right hande the plea∣sures and commodities of this lyfe: and on thy lefte hande the incommodities, and cō∣syder the shortenesse of the hole tyme that we lyue here. Infancy is not felt, chyldhod slyppeth away er we be ware, youth is takē vp with sondry cares, age crepeth vpon vs er we perceyue it. what is the hole summe of this lyfe, but a minute to that eternitie, wherto we be assumpte, if we lyue wel: and plucked down, if otherwyse? Of these thin ges an ernest contemplation is no light re∣medy ayenst the horrour of deathe. An other is (whiche is stronger also thā this) that the lorde dieng for the, hath cau∣sed, that dethe, whiche heretofore was the passage to hell, is nowe the yate to heuen: and whiche in tymes paste, was the begyn∣nynge of euerlastyng punishmentes, is now the entrynge to euerlastinge ioyes: so that now to them that trust in Christ, deth is not onely no damage, but also a great auayl and lucre. And to the ende that no parte of man shulde be myssed, he hym selfe arrysyng a∣gayn with holy men a great multitude, hath made vs to haue a moste assured hope, that the tyme shall come, whan our bodyes shall reuyue in the laste day, and than glorifyed, shal take again euery one his gest the soule to be from thensforth a solas, and no lengar a burdeyne. But of deth forthwith we shal haue a place to speake more at large. Nowe to accomplyshe the matter that we be in hand with, one euyl is yet left to speke of, more terrible and more horrible than all these gathered togither into one heape, I meane helle, from whens (they say) no man can returne, whiche swaloweth vp all togi∣ther, nor neuer yeldeth ageyne, that it hath ones deuoured. This is the puddell & dun∣geon of desperation, and (as the Apocalips speaketh) the seconde deth. Let euery man thynke with hymselfe, what maner of lyfe that is, where is of all euyls the greattest, that is to say immortalitie, where a greatte parte of punyshement, is the felawshyp of diuels and wicked men, where is fyer neuer to be quenched, to which ours, if it be com∣paryd, is very yce. Adde, that fyer is there the leste portion of sorowes, whiche soro∣wes neuertheles be so greate, that of mans wyt they can not be compassed, no more thā can the ioy & felicitie of them that be good. In euils be they neuer so greuous, neuer so longe, yet some comforte and asswagemente bryngeth hope, as it were a certayne lyttell starre shyning afarre of, in moste thicke and profounde darkenes, but hell with extreme euyls hath extreme desperation annexed thereto. wherfore the horrour of this pas∣seth all horrour: which yet our most merci∣full redemer, to thentent he might mitigate and make lesse paynful vnto vs, vouchsafed to take it vppon him selfe. That in the gar∣deyn he was so dismayed, and so taken with extreme peynfulnes of harte, that he swette blod, was the infirmitie of our nature. And that he, nayled to the Crosse, cryethe, My god, my god, why haste thou forsaken me? 27. 21. Farre from my helthe, be the wordes of my synnes, semeth to fele in his minde the hor∣rour and feare of tourment and peyne per∣petuall. For what remayneth to theym that be destitute and forsakē of god, but extreme desperation? Nor it ought not to seme won∣derfull, that he toke vpon him this most he∣uy affection, whiche also toke vpon him the synnes of all menne: so that either of these two euyls inuyncyble to our strengthes, by his mercy he made vincible. Nor these thin ges doo not mynyshe the dygnytie of oure redemer, but declare his vnspeakable cha∣rytie towardes Mankynde. Under the fy∣gure of hym speaketh Dauyd in the Psal∣mes, The sorowes of deathe haue compas∣sed me aboute, and the flouddes of wycked∣nesses Psal. 17. haue troubled my mynde, and the sna∣res of deathe haue preuented me. We deser∣ued hel, he an innocent toke the feare vpon hym for vs, to thentent that if like affection shulde inuade our myndes, eyther by reson of the prcuitie in our owne conscyence of our wyckednes and manifolde synnes, or by reason of the weakenes of our nature, we shuld not cast away our selues nor to be fals harted: but fixyng our eies on Christ, may, yea in despairing haue good hope. Though the flesshe despayre, thoughe reasone des∣payre, yet lette faythe euen frome Helle crye to the lorde, Lyke as Jonas, whatte tyme he was vtterlye in despayre, cryed oute of the Whaales bealye, and was herde. For that alsoo shewethe the psalme, where as it foloweth by and by, In my tri∣bulation &c. I called on the lorde, and to my god I cryed, and he herde me out of his holy tem∣ple. The temple of god is the churche or cōgregation of good mē, this is the tower of faythe, Syon the citie of our strengthe. Hyther he that wil crie euen from the depe pytte of hel (the sparke of fayth yet quick) he is herde. Therfore whan al the powers of man be drowned downe vnto hell, yet let fayth crie with most blyssed Job, Although he kylleth me, I wyl trust in hym. For this is with the fayth mayster Abraham, agaynste hope to truste in hope. These than so great euyls, the goodnes of our lorde, hathe not onely mitigated and brosed, so that thoughe they vexe and feare vs, yet quench vs they can not: but also the extreme damages, he hath turned into excedyng and great lucre. For what doth synne hurt them, the whiche do cleaue vnto Christ? what? but where that synne abounded, now aboundeth also grace, and that he loueth more, to whom more is forgiuen. What auaileth Satanas vncessing∣ly vexing the mēbres of Christ Jesu? What? but that he dothe increace theyr rewardes, and maketh their crownes more glorious? Yea more ouer, the very cuyls, whiche ac∣cordyng to the state of our mortalite be cō∣mune as well to the good as to the badde, the goodnes of our lord hath turned them, eyther into our lucre, or into our medycine (howe be it this is alsoo a lucre) he turneth them into our lucre and auantage, whan we beyng clere from synne, beare them pacient lye, gyuynge thankes to the lorde for all. And into our medicine he turneth them, yf any thinge remayneth in vs to be pourged, eyther by cuttynge, or vsture, or by bytter potions. Of the whiche sorte be, syckenes, pouertie, age, lacke of father, lacke of chil∣dren, and other innumerable, with whiche the hole lyfe of man is rounde about beset. These, if they draw vs to murmur, grudge, desperation, or blasphemye, be the instru∣mentes of Satanas, and for remedyes be made poysons. But yf for this onely thinge they be suffered, bycause they can not be es∣chewed, for whiche consyderation, manye that knewe not Christ, constantely suffered tormentes and death: they be the afflictions of nature. But yf we take theym as it were of the hande of a louynge father, obedient∣ly and with geuynge thankes, recomptyng with our selues, howe moche more sharper punyshmentes we haue deserued, and how fell and cruell peynes Christ beynge an in∣nocent, suffred for vs synners, now they be none afflictions, but holsome remedyes, or increasementes of heuenlye rewardes. On the tone behalfe, thankes are to be youen to the moste tender and gentyll father, which chastiseth euery childe, that he receyucth in fauour, other wyles with shorte and softe remedies healyng our sores, that he myght spare vs in the worlde to come. On the to∣ther behalfe, the bountyfulnes of oure cap∣tayne is to be magnified and praysed, which ministreth vnto his sowldyours a matter of vertue or manhode, to the intent he myght crowne them more royally. On eyther syde is great lucre, oneles perchaunce it semeth a small lucre, whan a man is sycke of a capi∣tall and mortall syckenesse, drynketh bytter potions, and with a lyght and shorte payne dothe bothe escape the peryll of death, and enioyeth a perpetuall swetenes of helth: or whan the sowldiour for the conflycte of one lytell howre, attayneth great ryches for all his lyfe, and hyghe honours. And by this meanes also, our lorde most mercyfull, dra∣weth all thinges vnto hym, yf onely we lyft vp our eyes to that sygne, whiche is set vp on heyght. He attracteth and draweth vnto hym all our euyls, and tourneth theym into our profyt and his glory, of whiche he ma∣keth vs partakers, that be graste in him by fayth. I praye you, what wynne they, whi∣che in their aduersitie tournyng their eyes from Christ, grudge and murmur agaynste god? Surely that grefe, which of necessitie is to be borne, they double, naye ten tymes fold so moch they make it vnto them selfes, and the medicine by euyll takynge therof, they tourne into pestiferous & mortall poy∣son for them selfes. This vndoutedly is the hyghe and effectuall philosophye, and the meditation of deathe, in whiche yf a manne whan he is hole and sounde, be dylygentlye exercysed, death shall not oppresse hym vn∣prepared. Of these that haue bene spoken, maye be gathered. iiii. sundry sortis of deathe, a spi∣rituall, iiii. kyn∣des of deathe. a naturall, a transformatorie, and an eternall. The death naturall, is a seuerance of the sowle, from the body. The spiritual, is a seueraunce of god, frome the mynde. For lyke as the sowle is lyfe to the body, so is god lyfe to the sowle. This deathe spiri∣tuall hath engendred the naturall death (as moche as to the necessitie atteyned) as is the religious opinion of the olde diuines. Of both these two deathes is gendred the deathe eternall, or yf ye wyll so call it, the deathe of helle, whan the deathe spirituall, and the deathe naturall come togither. For after the deathe of the bodye, there is no place of repentaunce. There remayneth a death, by whiche we The deth transfor∣matorye. be transformed frome the ymage and forme of the old Adam, into the ymage of the new Adam, which is Christ our lorde. This is a separation of the fleshe frome the spirite. Nor here is no small wrastlynge, nor so mo∣che as any hope of victory, if the spirite of Christ helped not the weaknes of our flesh. But the grace of hym, in vs hath slayne the olde man, so that nowe we be led not with our spirite, but with the spirite of god: nor we our selues lyue not, but Christ lyueth in vs. This moste happye deathe, whether it hath chaunced to any man fully, in this lyfe, I can not saye. Neuerthelesse the goodnes of our lorde vouche safeth to supplye of his owne, that that our imbecillytie can not do. This deathe is to be coueted, and with all our deuoyr practysed and meditate through out all our lyfe. Lyke as saynt Paule wry∣teth to the Corynthians: Alwayes bearyng 2. Corl. 4 the mortification of Iesu Christe in our body, that also the lyfe of Iesu myght be manifested in oure bodyes. To the same he exhorteth the Colossenses: Mortyfye your membres, Col. 3. which be vpon erthe. He byddeth not pluck out the eyes, or choppe of the handes, or cut awaye oure preuey membres, but what membres? It foloweth: Fornication, vnclen∣nes, lust, euyll concupiscence, and couetyse. The common sorte of men mourne for thē, the which dye, but blessed Paule to the Co∣lossia ns reioyseth this deathe. Ye be (sayth he) deade: and your lyfe is hyd with Christe in god. This deathe is mother of the spiri∣tuall lyfe, lykewyse as synne is the father of the spirituall deathe, and also of the deathe infernall. But in these kyndes of deathe, the moste parte of men behaue theym selfes preposte∣rouslye, and cleane contrarye to that they shoulde doo. At the mention of the bodyly deth, how tremble we for fere? They of old tyme hated Cypresse, for no other cau se, but that it was wonte to be had in buryals, and also the herbe smallage, bycause graues were hanged about with it: And at this day there be many, which at the sauour of frank insence stoppe their noses, and vse fell cur∣ses and execrations, for bycause (as I sup∣pose) at buryals fumigations be made of it. But the spirituall deathe is more horrible, than syxe hundred deathes of the body: and to this wylfully and with great courage we runne, gloryenge and bostynge, whanne we haue done wyckedly, & reioysynge in thin∣ges moste vngodly. We be dismayd, and be∣syde our selues, whan we be in ieoperdye, that the sowle shuld departe from our wret∣ched body, which shulde lyue moche more happyly out of this prison: but how moche more iustly ought we to be dismayde, whan we be in peryll, lest god the lyfe eternal, wil forsake our sowle? The howse wherin any hath dyed, is called cōtagious, pestiferous, and funestall, and we stoppe our noses whā we passe by it: But the wyse man iudgeth it farre better to go to the hous of mourning, Eccle. 7. than to the house of feastynge. In mournin∣ges we be naturally heuye and sadde. But this heuynes, bycause it is after a godly fa∣shyon, worketh in vs a stedfast helthe & sal∣uation. Whyles it warneth vs of the laste tyme, and of the thinges ensuyng the same, and calleth vs backe to repentance, nor suf∣freth vs not to synne eternallye. They be happyly present at a mournynge, whiche so bewayle an other mans bodyly deathe, that they begynne to be moone them selfes, whi∣che be stryken with a more greuous death: whether than is better to deuoure a bytter potiō, that by the peyne of one howre, thou mayst gayne perpetuall helth of thy bodye, or elles in a feaste to drinke pestiferous and venomous swete wynes, whiche with their shorte pleasure maye brynge to the drynker sodeyne deathe? But of these thynges ma∣ny men are so clere careles, that in baudy cornars they singe and make mery as dronk as myse: Some make their auaunt, and re∣ioyce, whyche by fraude and disceyte haue citeyned to ryches: & some triumphe, whi∣che with wycked craftes, be rysen to ho∣nours and promotions. Do not the commū people call the wallowynge in stynkyng lu∣stes and delicious fare, a lyfe? But tho that thus lyue, be twyse deed. First bycause they be voyde and destitute of the spirite of god. Secondly bycause that euen nowe all redy they be the children of damnatiō and of the euerlastynge fyre. For lyke as the lyfe of good men, deed in the fleshe, is hyd in god, and shall appere and shewe it self, togither with Christ: so in these whiche haue gyuen them selfes to the flesshe, the death eternall is hyd, and shal appere in the last iugement. Onely hope dothe seuer the synner in this lyfe from hell. For as longe as the breth is in man, so longe he hathe hope of pardon & forgyuenes. How be it we had nede to take right good hede, lest our hope whiche co∣meth not of faith and charitie, deceyue vs. Thus some man flattereth hym selfe: I am yong, I wil take the pleasure of this world: whan I come to aage, thanne wyll I fall to goodnes. But O thou hard hart, who hath promysed yt to come to age? Another saith: whyle I am in the flowers of my age, I wil folowe my luste and pleasure, whanne I am maryed, than I wyll begynne to be thryfty. But O thou flatterer of thy self, how kno∣west thou, whether thou shalt lyue vntyll to morowe? There is perchance some manne that thinketh thus: I will at laste make my selfe a fryer, or a monke, and than I wyl be∣wayle my lyfe euyll spente, In the meane whyle I wyl vse the pleasure of this world. Admyt that lyfe be graunted the, who hath promysed the, that thou shalte haue this mynde and wyll, to forsake pleasures & im∣brace repentance? Can euery man that wyl, gyue to hym selfe this mynde? Onely the grace of Christe is cause that a man can re∣pent, and come agayne to his herte. But he frely and at his owne lybertie gyueth it to whome he wylleth, and whan he wylleth. Certes, as touchyng the synner, he is now all redy in hel. Is it not a prodigious blynd∣nesse, that a man beynge in so horrible state, wyll prefyxe hym selfe a daye, whan to re∣cent hym of his lyuinge? the which man yf he shulde fall into a pyt, or be cast in prison, wolde thynke all the hast of them that shuld alucke hym out, to slowe. Out of the pytte he wolde forthwith crye for mans helpe, & whan he is set in so great euyls, wyll he not continent desyre goddes helpe, whiche onely rayseth the deed? Who so euer than in this lyfe will diligently practise the trani∣formatorye death, and vehemently abhorre the deathe spirituall, and the deathe infer∣nall, shall lesse feare the deathe of the body whan it approcheth, which dothe not seuer vs from god, but hathe ioyned vs nerer to god, and maketh an ende for euermore of al afflictions, with the whiche this lyfe is on euery syde vexed, and setteth vs ouer to e∣uerlastynge reste. Thou wylte saye, It set∣teth ouer to reste, but the sowles of good men. Trouth it is. For the dethe of sinners is moste euyll. Than while thou lyuest, and Mors pee catorū pes sima. art in thy floures, do thy deuoire, that thou mayst be of the ryght wyse men. For right∣wyse is also he, whiche with his harte ac∣knowlegeth and damneth his own vnryght wisenes, and fearynge the perpetuall fyre, fleeth to the saynctuarie of the mercye of god, & to holsom remedies of penance. But they, which in al their lyfe, euen as though they were immortall, folowe their sensualle lustes, beinge vtterlye deaffe, and wylle not here the voyces of god so ofte & so louing∣ly prouoking to repentance: what meruayle is it, though they be troubled, whā extreme necessitie calleth vppon them? Than haue they ynough to do with their sicknes, whi∣che suffereth them to do nothyng els: with the phisitions, with their heires, with them to whom they bequethe, and with wayters for prays, with creditours & dettours, with wyfe and chyldren, with stuardes and ser∣uantes, with frendes and foes, with durges and buryal, with confessions, dispensations, and censures, with restitutions and making amendis, with sondry doutes of conscience, fynally with the articles of the feythe. Far∣ther, with the world, whom bicause he hath loued ouer moche, he leaueth with euylle wyll: more ouer with the selfe death of the body, whervnto he is vnprepared, fynallye with the diuell, which than layith about him with all his engins and falsities: with helle, which than obiecteth and layth before hym the most vgly and bradfull furies. But to so great a rout of busynes, that momēt of time suffyseth not, but al diligence must be taken, that to that extreme and most greuous con∣flyct a man come most lyght and voyde of all busynes. Som man wyl aske, by what menes this may be. Let vs here Ecclesiastes, ye∣uyng goode ounsaill: Remembre (sayth he) thy maker in the dayes of thy youthe before the time of thy afflictiō cometh. Let vs here also Ecclesiasticus: Before the dome gette rightwisenes vnto the, before syckenes, seke phisike, and before dome examin thy self, and in the syght of god thou shalte fynde mercy. Before sycknes humble thy selfe, and in tyme of infirmitie shewe thy conuersation. This is ooutles a right holsom counsell, yea though the day of deathe were knowen vnto vs. Howe moche more the thing is to be done, syth euery day to euery man is to be comp∣ted the laste. Whyle we liue and be in helth, let vs discusse, as moche as we may, and ryd our manyfolde busynesse, and er syckenesse doth fyxe vs to the bedde, let vs dispose for our householde. The fyrste duetie is to re∣membre our maker, that by pure confession and repeutance we may come ayen into his fauour. Lette vs examyne our conscience, cutting of, what so euer we fynde there ha∣ted of god, that whan syckenes dryueth vs to the barre to here our iugement, we may fynde mercy. Who that in prosperitie lyft vp theyr styffe and stubburne neckes ayenst god, do we not se howe they cast doune and humble them selfes, if any stronge & sharpe disease threteneth them to dye? But howe moche more plesant and thankful were it to god, if of our own motion we dyd that thing betymes, whervnto siknes compelleth whā it is late? Let vs prostrate our selfes with the publicane, and with the synfulle woman mencioned in the gospelles, in the syght of god, with teares, almes dedes, praiers, & o∣ther good workes, pacifieng goddis wrath and in tyme of syknes such shalbe our deth, as was our lyfe. Some do abhorre from ma kynge their testament, as though in it were some euyll lucke of deth. But the making of thy testament good felawe causeth not the to dye the sooner, but safelyer. In this be∣halfe heppyer is the condition of them that be called relygious persones, bycause they be free and voyde of all cares touching te∣stamentes. But they, whych haue children or brethrē, or els any other heires, let them prouyde, that there growe noo contention betwixte bretherne and alies in the partiti∣on of the goodes. They that haue no hey∣res, lette them prouyde, that they leaue nar to theym that come after, matter and occa∣syon of suite and riottous rapine. Brefely, soo lette theym, whan they be in helthe, or∣der, dispose, and dispatche these mattiers, that they haue no nede in theyr syckenes to busy and vexe them selues with suche ma∣ner vnseasonable cares. More ouer if any man be wrapped in any perplex and doute∣full cases, as of matrimonie, of censures of the churche, of vowes, of restitutions, or reconciliations, let hym rydde hym selfe of such, whan he is hole and sound, nor let him not reserue any intanglynges vntyll his last bay. They do well, whiche whan they lye byenge, commaunde theyr executoures to make for them restitution of their euyl got∣ten goodes: but they do farre more wysely, whyche whan they be in helthe, doo that thynge them selues, whyche oftentymes is commytted to thexecutours in vain. Agein they do well, whiche at the poynt of death, forgyue all men theyr offences, and praye lykewise, that they may be forgiuen, if they haue offended any person: but it is far more thankfull to god, and more sure to the qui∣etnes of cōscience, if they do the same whā they be in helth, not for feare of dethe, but for the loue of Christe. They do wel, whi∣che bequethe parte of theyr goodes, to the reliefe of the poore: but it were a sacrifice moche more thankfuller to god, if after the rate of thy substance, woldest thy selfe re∣leue thy poore neyghbours. For it cometh not alway to the nedy, whiche the deed as∣signed vnto them: and if it cometh, it is now an others and not thyn, which is bowid. What, there be many diseases of that sorte, that they gyue no space of disposynge: nor I wyll not nowe recyte the sodeyn and vn∣thought on chances, which albeit they op∣presse not al persones, yet all muste loke for them, bycause they may happe to all. Lyke as it chaunced to the folyshe man in the go∣spell, whiche promysed hym selfe longe and swete lyfe: It was sayde vnto hym, This nyght thy soule shall be fette fro the. Al pray that they may escape sodayn and vnprouy∣ded deathe. For euery where these wordes a man may here, From sodayn and vnproui∣ded A subita∣nea & im deathe, delyuer vs lorde, What is it, that these do pray for? Is euery sodeyn deathe detestable? No certes: For The ryghtwise man, with what so euer deathe he be preuen∣ted, is in rest. For it can nat be an euyll deth, beit neuer so sodeyne, before whome went good lyfe. Why rather praye we not thus? Frome an euyll lyfe delyuer vs lorde. But why be we not ashamed to call an vnprouy∣ded deth, whiche dayly thrusteth it selfe in∣to all our senses? from our chyldhod, what other thynge here we, than gronynges of them that dye? What other thyng se we, thā corses caried out? than pompes of mour∣ners, than grauestones, tombes, and titles of deed men? That yf we be lyttelle mo∣ued with the deathes of straungers, howe ofte dothe deth plucke vs by the eare more nere, by the funeralles of alyans and kyns∣solke, whiche touch vs by nygh necessitude of nature: and of our frendes, whom en∣terchaungeable loue hath glewed vnto vs more straytly, than the bondes of nature do ioyne any kynsfolke. And if this also be to littell, howe ofte hath it monished our own selues of oure owne frayltie? For who is there of vs, that hathe not sommetyme be brought into the daunger of death, eyther by tempest, or robberie, or battayl, or ruine, or pestilence, or sycknes? What way so euer thou turnest the, deathe lyeth in await. The house is a sure refuge to euery manne: but howe many be oppressed sodeinly with fal∣linges of houses? The erth is of the. iiii. ele mentes most massy and sure, and yet dothe it not otherwhyles synke and swallowe vp hole cities? The verye ayre, wherwith we brethe and lyue, oftentymes is deathe, lyke wyse as meate and drynk is. Finally hunger and thyrst, do they not dayly manace dethe, if thou takest not a remedy? Farther, so oft as man is named, he is monyshed of dethe? For mortall creatures and men be of al one sygnification. What other thynge than doo they, whiche praye to escape from deathe vnprouyded, but accuse their owne impro∣uydence? For to vnprepared persons eue∣ry deathe is vnprouyded, yea to hym that is an hundred yeres olde. Callest thou that vnprouyded, whiche thrustyng and shoting it selfe vpon all thy senses, doste nat see? Soo vnprouyded was the floudde to the wycked persones, whych scorned Noe the beadyll and summoner of Justyce, whyle Luc. 17. he prepared his Arke, eatynge, drynkyng, ioynynge maryages, as though that thyng shoulde not comme to passe, whyche God dydde threatten. Soo vnprouyded felle the distruction to the Sodomytes, whyche mockyd Loth, what tyme he departed frome theyr Cytie. The same shulde haue chaunced to the Ni∣niuites, had they not repented at the prea∣chyng of Ionas. Who so euer knoweth that god is angry with hym, at euery moment let hym loke for vengeance, nay let him eschue it rather by exaumple of the Niniuites and of Dauyd. Full terrible and dradfulle is the yre of the lorde, but yf we caste downe our selues with all humilitie to repentaunce, in his yre he wyll remembre mercy. The Ni∣niuites at the preachynge of the straunger Ionas, were conuerted to penance. But we being deafe at so many preachynges of our lorde, desire and praye to be deliuered from vnprouyded deathe. By so many examples and parables of Noe, of Loth, and of them, whome the falle of the towre in Siloa, op∣pressed vnwares, he crieth vppon oure for∣getfull slouthfulnes, that we shulde be redy at euerye houre. He addeth the similytude of the nyght thefe, of the faythful steward, of the. x. virgyns, and soo ofte he crieth on vs: Watche, for ye knowe not the daye, nor the houre, and cometh there than any dethe to vs vnprouyded? Yea there cometh, but to the retcheles & vnprouyded persones, or (to speake the thinge better) to the deaffe, blynde, and vnsensyble, whiche neyther do here our lorde crienge vpon vs, neither see the thyng, that offreth it selfe to theyr cies, neyther fele that which on euery syde prie∣keth them. They passe not on that our lord semith to speke of the last day of the world. For the laste daye of eche mans lyfe, is his laste day of the worlde. At the ende of the worlde the vnyuersall and general iugemēt shall be openly solemnysed, but the whyles the sowles of eche oone, so soone as they leaue the body, receyue their iugement, all though it be vnknowen to vs. And eyther day our lorde wold haue to be vnknowen to vs a lyke. In this behalfe also declarynge his most tender loue toward vs. For where as we nowe see the vnsufferable vyolence, oppression, and extortion of ryche and wic∣ked persons, what wolde they doo, if they knewe that they shuld liue any long while? On the other syde, the weake in faith, as be the moste parte of men, yf they knewe cer∣taynly, that they shulde lyue tyl they be old, wolde differre vntyl that tyme, the study of a more exact lyfe. Agayn, if they were cer∣tayne, that but a fewe days of their lyfe re∣mayned: they wold lyue full of pensiuenes and sadnesse, and shuld become more slache to many profitable busynesses of the cōmon welthe. Nowe the prouidence of the diuine maiestie, hath so tempered the matter, that vnto all men deathe is so certaine, that eche one knoweth no lesse certaynely, that they shall dye, than they knowe that they were borne: and that neyther the hyghest nor the lowest persons can flatter them selfes with fayne hope. Agayn, the daye of death is so uncertayn, that the lorde wolde not haue it knowe to his bestbeloued. By meanes wher of it cometh to passe, that the wicked do lesse hurt the good men, and the good men so ab∣steyn frō euyl workes, as though they shuld dye the daye folowing, & so do and exercyse good dedes, as though they shuld lyue lōg. What then meane these men, which renne to pronosticatours, which diuine by the in∣spection of a mans hande, of the sterres, of the mans nature, of his byrth, of the bealy, and babylonicall numbres, and wytchecraf∣tes, to thentent they maye knowe the space of their tyme? The Ecclesiastes crieth, A man knoweth not his ende, but as the fysshes be taken with the hoke, and the byrdes be caught with the snare, so be men taken in an euyll tyme, whan it cometh vppon them so∣deynly: and wil we know our ende of them, whiche knowe not their owne ende? Shall men lerne that thinge of vayn people, mau∣gre Christis heed, that Christe the eternall veritie wold not haue knowen, bycause it is not expedient that it were knowē? whether bothe the example of wycked Saul, please Christē men? For what dyd the wytch help or profyt hym, but that he shuld twyse dye? Tho persons also be not euyll, which de∣syre of god some certayne kynde of deathe, and praye that they may lye sycke certayne monethes, to thende they may bestowe, at the leest waye, that tyme vpon repentance and confession. More holy is the request of them, which desyre that deth, wherby they maye least trouble their frendes. For this cometh of charite. But it is of a more sted∣fast and sure faith, to committe vnto god as well the kynde of the death, as the space of the syckenes. He knoweth what is mooste expedient for vs, and wyll gyue, that is best for vs. The formes of deathe be innumera∣ble, and am onge them some be horrible, ey∣ther in that they kyll sodeynly, which thing hapneth to some men euen in the feastinge, or in that they haue sharpe and longe tor∣mentes, as is the palsey, and the yschiacc, or in that they haue an abhominable syght, as they which choked vp with tough flcum, waxe blacke: or in that they take awaye the vse of the tōgue, and the holenes of mynde, as the apoplexis, the phrensy, and certayne feuers, and other peculiar formes, whiche make men to tumble, and breake their nec∣kes, or to leape into a welle, or strāgle their throtes with some corde, or thrust thē selfis into the guttes, with some knyfe or sworde. For there be diseases, whiche do corrupte the inwarde weselles of the mynd, whyche persones be commonly called in the latyne tongue demoniaci, that is to saye, possessed with dyuels. But neyther by these thinges a man is not to be iuged, syth that Chrysosto thus doth moste louyngly comfort a certain monke, whiche was possessed with a dyuell. Howe be it tho kyndes of deth, which haue a manyfest colour of wyckednes, is a good christen mans parte to desyre to escape, and to abhorre it. Contrary wise, somme we see haue so gentyll a deathe, that they seme to sleepe, and not to dye. But what facion of death so euer chaunceth, no man is therby to be estemed. No, not so moch as of them, whiche by the lawes are for their mysche∣ious dedes, put to execution, though they chaunce to haue a shamefull dethe, we maye not iudge temerousely. For it may be, that he, whiche for treason, is hanged, drawen, and quartered, passeth into the company of aungelles, where as an nother, the whiche dyeng in a gray friers cote, and relygious∣ly buried, departeth downe vnto hell. It is the lorde, whiche iugeth of these thynges. By sundry wyses god: exerciseth and pur∣geth his seruantes: but (as I sayd) no euyl deth is that to be thought, which good life spente before. Otherwhyles, they that dye moste easily, go to euerlastyng punyshmen∣tes: and contrary wise, they that be myse∣rably tourmented, flee into reste. Somme wysshe to haue fulle confession before they dye, laste anneylynge, and the receyuynge of their maker, not with an vnlyke mynd as it appereth) that in olde tyme some prolon∣ged the tyme to be christened, tyll their last day, and the baptyste, whiche shulde bap∣tyse them, was not callyd for, vntyl that the phisytion confessed lyttell helpe in his scy∣ence. Why wyshe we but ones that thynge to chaunche, whyche dayly ought and may be done of vs? For it is beste counsayl, that euery man before er he betake him to slepe, dilygentely examyne his conscience: and if he fynde any cryme committed that day, let hym knocke his breste, and callynge for the assistence of god, purpose certainly to lyue a better lyfe. Nor there is no cause why any man shulde here say, I am letted with sun∣dry busynes, I haue no leyser. To a thyng so necessarie the fourth part of an hour suf∣fyseth. It is not longe to say, I haue synned, Haue mercy. And this is sufficient, soo it be spoken with the harte. No man commytting hym selfe to slepe, is sure to awake. Howe great danger is it than, in that state to slepe, in whiche if deathe oppresse vs, whyche is brother germaine to slepe, we shall peryshe for euermore? So great peryll maye be es∣chued with one shorte thoughte. This is dayly to be done to god: but to the prieste, vicare of god. iii. or. iiii. tymes or ofter in the yere with pure confession to purge the conscience, shulde brynge moche tranquil∣itie, and it shall cause that the person, whan he dyeth, shal not be troubled with the scru¦pulosytie of confession. Furthermore bycause in the article of deth, the contemplation of our lordes death, & of the communion of the hole churche, which is the body of Christ, is a principal comfort, it were well done, in both to be dylygently exercysed in the lyfe, to thentent, the doing ofte repeted, may tourne into custome, cu∣stome into cours, and cours into nature. This shalbe if that we, our conscience being clene purged from all affection of synnyng, ofte receyue the mysticall bread, and drinke of the mystycall cuppe: syth that this sacra∣mente commendeth and declareth vnto vs, two thinges, the one is, the most dere loue of the heed towarde his membres: and the other is, the moste strayte felawshyp of the membres betwyxt them selfes. What so euer goodnes is in the body, procedeth from the heed Christe: and what so euer goodnes is in the body, is commun vnto all the mēbres. Lyke as in the bodye of a lyuynge thynge thoughe there be dyuers membres, ordey∣ned to dyuers offices, yet the lyfe yssuinge frome the heed, is spred abrode through al the membres, with suche an inseparable fe∣lawshyp, that lyke as saynt Paule teacheth, yf one membre be greued, that grefe rūneth vnto all: and if one membre ioyeth, the glo∣ry is of all in cōmune. Doutlesse this is that is sayd in the Symbole of thapostels, San∣ctam ecclesiam sanctorum communionē, The holy church, the communion of sayntes. For no streyghter is the grace of Christe in the mystical body, than is nature in the body of a lyuynge thinge. They do deuoutly, which whā deth draweth nere, do send to the mo∣nasterye of the Cartusians, or friers obser∣uantes to praye for the sycke persone, but it is a stronger comforte, if the sycke mā thin∣keth, that the hole church is busy & thought full for him, a membre therof. Whan I saye the churche, how blessed and howe myghty a cōpany do I meane, which includeth pro∣phetes, apostels, so many swarmes of mar∣tyrs and virgyns, so many soules beloued of god. This hole company and felawshyp for eche membre of Christ beynge in ieopardy, prayeth contynually, and with merites and prayers helpeth the sycke person. Nor it is no matter to the, though that thou seest not the church with thy eies: neither thou seest thy soule, by whose benefite al the membres of the body lyue and be moued. The church can not be pore, which is ioyned to so ryche an heed, in which dwelleth al fulnesse of di∣uinitie corporally, nor the membre can not be destitute, whyche is susteyned of so ma∣ny thousandes of sayntes. The tender loue and bountyfulnes of the heed towarde vs, principally wytnesseth the crosse taken for to redeme vs. The memorie and power of these thynges we do renewe vnto vs, as oft as with feith and due reuerence we do eate the fleshe of the lorde, and drynke the blud. And also we be admonyshed, that al be one body, whiche do eate the same breadde, and drynke of the same cuppe. Let no man than be false harted, althoughe that the membre be weake and diseased, consyderynge that it hath an heed, whiche is omnipotent: nor let hym not thynke to be destitute and for∣saken, whiche is releued, kepte, and sustey∣ned with the demerites and prayers of the hole churche. Wherfore who soo euer, that in his lyfe is diligently exercised, in the con templation of these thynges, at his deathe, they shall brynge vnto him more comforte. For than euen of theyr owne accorde, they shall renne into his memorie, as thinges fa∣myliar vnto the mynd and soule. Wherfore, after my mynde and iudgement, they deui∣sed a ryght good and godly thinge, whiche parted the hystorie of our lordes deathe in to certayne houres, as we call them: to the intent that chylderne myght be accustomed to reherse and say euery day a portion of it, with ycuynge of thankes. But they, which ordeyned in the steede of it the seruyce of our lady, though that they inuented a thing not vngodly, yet if a man myghte confesse the trouthe, they tourned wyne into water. By these skylles and meanes it shal come to passe very well, that sodeyne and vnpro∣uyded deth shal not oppresse vs. The swete chylderne muste be forsaken, the dere wife, the wel beloued frēdes, the approwed lan∣des, the sumptuous buyldynges, the ample goodes. But the sowldiour of Christ hath studied to neglecte all these thinges, whose soule doth watche as it were in the garny∣son of the body, and waytyng euery houre for the Trumpette of his captayn, wherby he is commanded to begynne the battaylle, alwayes redy to these wordes, Dispose thy Esai. 38. householde, for thou shalt dye, and not lyue. He hath his body not for an hous, but for a pauilyon, nor he hurdeth not there his tre∣sure, but that whiche suffyseth for his daily sustynance, he beareth in his belte, always wakynge in the watches, always hauynge armours about hym, agaynst the sodayn in∣uasions of his ennemies, no hardnes he re∣fuseth, so he maye please his capitayne, to whome he is sworne. A warfare, saythe Iob, Cap. 7. is the lyfe of man vppon erthe. The mynder of this warfare is exhorted by the wise man Syrach. Sonne, that comeste to the seruyce Cap. of god, stande in ryghtwisenes and in drede, and prepare thy sowle to temptation. The seruyce of god is a profession of a chrysten warfare. To stande, is the propretie of a sowldiour in the felde, prepared and bente to the battayle. Stande in rightwisenes, not in pride, whiche vanteth it selfe ayenst god, but in ryghtwysenesse. They slepe and lye downe, whyche be the sowldiours of this worlde. But the souldiour of Christe stan∣deth bent to euery good worke. The beste worke is, wel to dye in the lorde. For good lyuynge gyueth a great imboldyng agaynst the dyuell. Feyth hathe not lerned to gyue place to the enmy, hope can not be discom∣fyted, charitie ministreth fode to the stan∣der. But syth good lyfe causeth boldenesse, why is added in drede? If thou be righte∣wyse, what dost thou feare? If thou be not, howe doest thou stande? This drede is not that father of desperation, of whiche spea∣keth Salomon. Feare casteth down the slouth full person, and charitie casteth out feare, but Cap. the most good keper of innocencie. The feare of the sonnes is holye, remainynge withoute ende. Who that standeth, sayth the apostle, lette hym se that he falleth nat. And ageyne, Thou by feyth doest stande, doo not looke to hygh, but feare. There is an holye drede of the lorde, which prycketh to good warkes, and dryueth away the man from euylle: and there is a naughty feare of the seruant, whiche entyseth hym to slouthefulnesse, I fea∣red, Matt. 24. {quod} he, and went and dyd hyde thy talente in the erthe. But feare, the felawe of Ju∣styce, causeth ys, distrustynge oure owne powers, more coragiously to work through the ayde of the spyrite, and more circum∣spectly to kepe the gyftes of god. Besyde this, euery rightwisenes of men, be it neuer so perfecte, trembleth so ofte as it is called to the barre of goddis Justyce, in whose syght neyther the sterres be cleane, and in aungels is founde iniquitie. Why than shuld not we, whyche be weake, and dwellynge in erthen tentes, feare this Judgemente, sythe Job the allowed manne of god sayth: I feared all my workes, knowynge, that thou Iob. 4. &. 25. spareste not the offendour. If I be wasshed as with the waters of snowe, and my handes shyne as mooste cleane, yet with fylthy∣nesse thou shalte beraye me. And Paule, a sowldyoure more exercysed thanne Job, 1. Cor. 4 saythe, I am preuy to my selfe of noo euyll, but not in that I am iustifyed. It folowethe, And prepare thy soule to tentation. Sondry be the formes of tentations, by whiche god trieth his men of warre, but the most gre∣uous tentation of all is deathe. For than in good ernest, we must fight hande to hande, nor there is no skypping away, but on both sydes with all our myghte and power, the maystrie must be tried. So that to this bic∣kerynge mans mynde must alway be prepa∣ryd. For what shall an vnexperte souldiour do here, whiche neuer fought with his en∣nemy, nor neuer assayd his strength, gyles, craftes, awaytes, nor yet his owne valiant∣nes? It is a great parte of victorie, to make warre with a knowen ennemy. So the most doughty sowdiour, or rather captayn saynt Paule, That we be not enuyronned, {quod} he, of Satanas. For we be not ignorant of his wyly thoughtes. What meruayle is it, if he know 2. Cor. 2. his wyles, whiche hath so oft coupled with hym, exercysed in all kynd of peryls? Than is the fyre putte to, whiche declareth what euery mans work was, and vpon what foū∣dation it was layde. And here we se other∣whiles chaunce, whiche chauncethe in the warfare of the world. They that in the ten∣tes seemed cowardes, and trembled at the herynge of the trumpe, in the very battaile be founde moste hardy: on the other syde. they, whiche before ieoperdy semed verye fierse, in the very poynt seme moste feare∣full. So there be some, whiche whan they be hole, bost their quietnes and vncareful∣nes of conscience, and that they be redy pre pared to deathe, yea and couete to flee out of this wretched world, trustyng on a feith (I wote not what) that Christe hathe pro∣mysed vs lyfe, and for our synnes hath suf∣fred, sayeng, that it forceth not, what oure workes be, whether good or euylle. But I feare leste many, whiche whyle they be in helthe, boste this quietnes and suretie, doo greatly tremble, whan extreme peryll tou∣cheth them, and that day is at hande, whan the matter is shewed not with wordes, but with the trouth. They hepe vp, how great iniquite is it to dout of the promises of god: but none do more tremble than they, which doubte not of the promyses of god. For he that beleueth not, that helle is prepared for them whiche lyue wickedly, but that dethe bringeth an ende of all euyls, with an extin∣guyshment of the hole man, doth lesse feare ceathe. Faythe than ingendreth in wycked men, the drede of god, whiche is the begin∣nynge of wysedome. The feare of god, that Iob. 28. is the wysedome, and to departe from euyll, is the vnderstandynge. Also Esaias. Of thy feare lorde we haue conceyued, and as who Cap. 29. saythe, we haue trauayled with chylde, and haue brought forth the spirite of helthe. In Luke the thirde chapter, the people afea∣red at the preachynge of John Baptiste, whyche exhorted to repentaunce, sayenge, Nowe the axe is sette to the roote of the tree, sayde: What shall we do? But onelesse they had beleued John, they wold not haue said, What shall we do? Lykewise in the actes of the Apostelles, the multitude feared with the preachynge of Peter, conceyuynge a dreade by their beleuynge, with a prycked conscence, sayth to Peter, & the other apo∣stels: What shall we doo, O bretherne? they wold not haue said so, if their feith ne were, pryckyng their conscience with the feare of helle. This tremblynge in a man also that lyueth welle, is not gendred of a mystruste towarde the promyses and cōminations of god, or of the not beleuyng in the artycles of the fayth, or of doubtynge of the power of the sacramentes, which they haue of the deathe of Christe: but it ryseth of inwarde knowlege of our wekenes, whiche is gret∣ter than may be fully vnderstande of vs. Of singular or particular thinges we be not cō∣streyned to be sure, howe be it we maye dis∣paire of no person. As, for ensaumple, it is necessary to beleue, that who so euer recei∣ueth with faythe the sacrament of baptime, receyueth free remission of all synnes, but it is not necessarie to beleue, that this mā ba∣ptised is free from all synnes. For it maye be, that in this manne there is a peculyar thyng, whiche letteth the general power of the sacramente. Likewise it is of the sacra∣mente of penaunce. It is a wyckednesse to doubte, whether he be assoyled of his syn∣nes, whiche hath rightly taken this sacra∣ment: Yet it is no poynt of heresie to doute, whether this man or that man is assoyled, bycause of peculiar impedimentes, we haue no knowlege. I except a syngular and euy∣dente reuelation, or irrefutable, authoritie, whan there is no expresse authoritie of scri∣ptures, or of the agrement of the church to the contrary. This doutynge is not an in∣fydelitie, but a religious modestie, with his hole hart submitting him self to the wyl and iugement of god, yea though he wyl damne the man. For he shall not therfore be dam∣ned, but by this very submission he shall de∣serue absolution, if to the religious trēblyng be ioyned a truste that cometh of the mer∣cye of Christe. The same is to be thought of the sacrament of the Aultar. We be boūd generally to beleue, that the prieste, duelye doinge his offyce, dothe consecrate the bo∣dye and bloud of our lorde, but it is no vn∣godlynes to doubte, whether this manne or that man dyd consecrate. For this is not to doubte of the sacrament, but of the peculi∣ar circumstances, lettyng the vertue or re∣son of the sacrament. Lykewise we beleue of necessitie, that men by faith and charitie towarde our lorde Iesu, obteyn euerlasting helthe: yet it is lefull to dout, whether this man or that be in the same state. Howe be it neyther of other men we ought rasihely to iuge, and in our selues hope oughte to en∣crease, togyther with the increase of loue and feyth. The same must we thynke of the promyses and manaces of scriptures. For the matter of doutynge ryseth not of god, which can not ly, but of vs. It is not vnkno∣wen to man, howe excedyng good thinges god hath promysed, but to them that feare and loue hym. But who of vs is there, whi∣che hath shewed feare as dewe to suche a lorde, and loue, due and worthy for suche a parent? Wherfore they doubt not, whether god be true in his promises, but whether we be worthy of his promyses. Faythe, hope, charitiie, drede, be gyftes of the spirite. Who thā knoweth, whether the feyth & cha ritie, whiche he hath, be of this sort of gif∣tes, which make vs the beloued of god, and whether they suffyse to euerlasting helthe? Lykewyse god by his sonne hath promised forgiuenes of all synnes, but ones by bap∣tyme, yf it be duely taken. Who is there of vs, which hath not by many wayes spotted the whyte garment, which was frely gyuen vs in baptyme? There is prepared a reme∣dy of penaunce, but to theym, whiche with their hole hert be conuerted to the lorde. Here let euery man examyn hym self, whe∣ther with his hole hart he be conuerted to the lord, whether he hath an hert truly cō∣trite and humbled, and yf he hath, whether it be after a sufficient maner. The baptyste cryeth: Do ye fruytes worthy repentaunce. Who dare take vppon hym, that he hath in due forme hatyd and detested his synnes? God thretneth wrathe and hell to the brea∣kers of his preceptis: and how oft casting awaye the fere of hym, breake we theym? Whom shalt thou fynde, which feareth not more the displesure of a prince or iuge mor∣tall, than of the lyuynge god? Further, how ofte chaunceth it, that manne loueth more a man than god, suffring for his mortal frend, that whiche he wolde refuse to suffre for Christes sake? certes I am this opiniō, that I thynke the fayth of good men, alwaye to be ioyned togither with a deuout and reli∣gious tremblynge. I excepte a fewe, whom god wolde haue to be counted perelesse, to be as examples, to styre all men, but which, few can folowe. They more certeynly hope for mercy of our lorde, which drede his in∣ Wherfore who that thus saye, beleue that thou shalte be saued, and thou shalte be saued, do commyt double synne. For if they lacke of anye maner saythe, the sayenge is and yf they speke of the lyuing fayth, it is folyshly sayde, beleue, as who shoulde saye, it were in any mans power to beleue whan he will, where as I stande in doubte, whether we be certayn, yf the gyft of fayth be in vs. Adde herevnto, that man not on∣ly to other men, but also to hym selfe is ofte rymes vnknowen, where as nothinge, be it neuer so hyd, can disceyue the eyes of god. The herte of man is vnserchable of vs, but no corner of the herte is hydde from hym, which fourmed and made the herte. To vs oftentymes that appereth holy and good, which is wicked in the eyes of god: & pure, which is vnpure. So it happeth, that man thinketh hym cleane from synne, whan vn∣knowynge he hath a wounded conscience. Why shulde not this thinge chance vnto vs. that noble kynge in his Psalme sayth? Delicta quis intelligit, ab occultis meis mun∣ Psal. me domine. Who vnderstandeth his offen∣ces? from my hyd synnes make me cleane, O lorde. Wherfore the moste surest sauegarde and saynctuary is, with a religious feare to frome the iustice of god to his mercy, & with the Psalmografe to saye, Ne intres in iudicium cum seruo tuo, quia non iustificabi∣tur Psal. 142. in conspectu tuo omnis viuens. Entre not lorde into iugement with thy seruaunt, for no lyuynge creature shalbe iustifyed in thy sight. No man than can stande vpright in this iu∣gement, yf our merites be examyned accor∣dyng to the strayte rule of god, onles mer∣cy be present in the iugement. And therfore there wente before, in the same Psalme, In thy trouthe here my petition, in thy iustyce. In uerita∣te tua ex∣audi me. Whosoeuer coueteth his petitiō to be hard, leueth cōtention: and who coueteth his pe∣tition to be harde in the trouth of god, hath a distrust to his owne trouth, knowyng that onely god is true, and euery man a lyar: and he that requyrethe his petition to be harde in the iustyce of god, mystrusteth his owne iustyce. The trouthe and the ryghtwysnes of god, is Christe, the minister of the euan∣gelicall grace. For by Moyses was gyuen the law, which hath disclosed our vnright∣wysnesse, but grace is made by Christ Iesu, which hath imparted and communicate vn∣to vs his ryghtwysenes. We so ofte make a lye vnto god, as we breake and transgresse his lawes, to whyche we be sworne atte the fountstone of regeneration: and so ofte we be vniuste, as we acknowlege not our due∣tie to our maker and redemer, naye rather, we vtterly renounce hym, so ofte as we go backe from our couenauntes: but although we beynge falsely forsworne denye and re∣nounce hym, yet he constantly is faythfull, he can not denye hym selfe, allways true in his promyses, To thentent he myght be iu∣stifyed Psal. Vt in &c. in his wordes, and vanquyshe whan he is iudged. The father heareth our petition in his trouth, in which by his sonne he hath vnto vs promysed forgyuenes of synnes: and he heareth not in our, but in his iustice or rightwysenes, for by his sonne he iustifi∣eth euery one that beleueth, purifyeng our hartes with faith: Blessed be they then, whi∣che serue the lorde in dreade, and reioyce vn∣to Psal. 2. hym with tremblynge. Why shoulde not men, which be in subiection of synne, feare hym, whom the armyes of aungelles feare? It is good to feare afore iugement, that in the iugement we may fynde mercy. Of hu∣mayne histories we lerne, with howe great gladnes, and reioysynge of hert saynt An∣drewe Andrew. wēt vnto the execution of the crosse: But contraryly we fynde, that many, whi∣che were supposed very holy menne, at the tyme of their deth, were sore troubled with great feare, dredynge the iugement of god, and damnynge their hole lyfe before ledde. For it is shewed of one, vnto whome trem∣blynge at the tyme of his deathe, whan his brethern, which were about hym sayd: what meaneth it, that thou art thus aferde, sythe thou hast lyued all thy lyfe so holyly: he an∣swerde thus, O brethern, moch dyuers be the iugementes of men, and the iugemēt of god. Lyke wordes it is sayde, that Benet, Bernarde, and Austyn had. Wherfore one and the same fayth, bothe causeth fere, and ouercometh fere: it causeth, shewyng how great he is, whom we offende in many thin∣ges: it ouercometh, shewing vnto vs Christ, whose charitie purgeth our synnes, & grace supplyeth that our imperfectnes lacketh. But as it is not alwayes a signe of a valiant courage or faithefulnes, not to fere deathe (for sometyme it is token of a brutyshe ret∣chelesnes and lacke of reason, sometyme of an outragious and gyantyshe felnes: at the approchinge of death to waxe fearefull) is not alway a signe of distruste or of an euyll conscience. Otherwhyles it is a mere na∣turall affection, accordynge to the varietie of bodyes, which in some is more moderat, and in other more vehement. Thus feared Ezechias deathe, a man whiche with perfit harte walked before god, but he fered, not grutchynge and murmurynge against god, but with teares, prayenge it from hym, and his prayer was harde. I knew certayn wo∣men, which at the onely mention of deathe wolde begyn to tremble, & yet the self same women, whan their death approched, were most stronge and most cōstant. For that fere and quyuering came not of an yll consciēce, but of a peculiar weakenes of the woman∣kynde, or of nature. The affectiōs of nature if they be ouercome by vertu, doo encrease the victorye, they do not signify a mystrust. So a man shall se some wyttes standynge in their owne conceyt, which do easyly satisfie them selfes in any maner of thinge. There be agayn wyttes of base courage, in nothing contentinge them selfes, although they do a thinge well: to whome if thou reherse all maner comfortes, yet they fele a remorse & a gnawynge in their mynde, drawyng them to mystruste, & hereby they coniecture, that they be not yet allowed of god, bicause they neuer fele a quietnes of conscience. But yf we wyll distinct nature from vertu, neyther they do greately truste vnto their quietnes, which please thē selfes in any maner thing, neyther they cast away vtterly their hope, whiche haue a mynde euer suspectynge the worst. This is a vyce of a peculiar nature, & not of the will, whiche vice a man muste not regard, if he can not conquere it: and take that for a thinge most ratified & sure, which the spirite inwardly speaketh, thoughe the fleshe be neuer so moch against it. I suppose that this is also natural, that men whātheir last day draweth nere, be so in maner trans∣muted, that they allowe none of all those thinges, whiche they dyd in their lyfe, not bycause they be naughte & vngodly, but by∣cause they be humayne and going from the perfection. How be it agaynst these affecti∣ons of nature we must fight with the strēgth of the spirite, all be it by theym we aught to iuge, neyther other men, nor yet our selfes. But let vs returne to our former purpose, which was, to shew by what meanes weake soules (as the most parte be) maye be com∣forted, whom death maketh all dismayd and fearefull, in whose lyfe was moche forget∣fulnes, moche neglygence, moche ceassing, and brefely many mo euyl dedes than good dedes: and if there be any good dedes, they be spotted with moche rustynesse, so that to vtter them into the syght of god, were no∣thinge elles but to angre god. Eyther the mynde is not redy at all vnto deathe, or els it is but lyghtly instructed. In the very ar∣tycle of deathe, whatte shall we doo to this man? No manne is to be despayred, so longe as the breth is in hym. The last battayle is atte hande. The space is shorte, he nedethe spedye counsell. What I saye shall we coun∣selle this manne, whyche is thus troubled not withoute greate cause? Fyrste yf he haue heyres, that shall succede hym, it were best to commyt all the care touching the te∣stament to them. First, this is a lytell com∣pendiousnes. If not, let hym as brefely as he can dispatche this mater by a nuncupa∣tory testamēt, or yf there be any better way. This done let hym auoyde out of his syght all bablers of worldely goodes, in whyche thinge manye men offende aboue measure, which bringe forth doubtes vnto the sycke man, that lyeth a dyenge, of the testament, and of externe thinges: Somtyme also they compell hym to subscribe his name, and that refusynge and vnwillyngly, detestinge their importunitie, by whom he can not be suffred to dye. Than whiche frendes, nothinge is more vnfrendly. Than, yf the maner of the sycknes suffreth, let hym study to heale his sowle before the body, by short confession, but pure and voyde of disceyte, and let hym take of the priest with a full fayth, and with hygh reuerence the remedy of penance, let hym crie for the mercy of god, euen frō the bottom of his hart, and take a purpose of a∣mendment of lyfe, if it chanceth hym to re∣couer. Thā if haply the prest be not at hand or cā not be gottē, let him not forthwith (as som superstitious people be wont to do) de∣spayr in him self, & tremble: but let him with his hart confesse him self to god, of his syn∣nes & vnryghtfulnes, whych of his mercy, wyll take the good wyll of the man in stede of the very dede, and that whyche lackethe to the external signes of the sacramētes, he wyll vouchesafe to supplye of his owne, by his peculyar grace. By hym doubtlesse all sacramentes be of great vertue and opera∣tion, whiche be in maner signacles of the diuine goodnes and benefycence towarde vs, but the selfe same god, so ofte as neces∣sitie requireth, doth tender the saluation of man without signes, only so that negligence and contempt of the sacramentes be away, and feythe, and a gladde wylle be presente. These thynges for this cause be spoken, for that oftentymes we se some persones soore troubled in their myndes, if they thynk that they shall departe without confession to the prieste, without receyuing of the sacrament of the aultar, and the laste anneylynge. Yea and such maner of sayinges we here spoken of very many, he dyed lyke a christen man, he was foure tymes confessed before deth, and receyued all the rites of the churche. On the other syde, we take vp our hande, and blesse vs, if we here that any man dyed without them. This surely is a christē mans part, to wyshe, that he maye lacke none of the sacramentes. For they be great solacies and comfortes of the mynd, and helpynges ges of oure beleue, and it belongeth to the synceritie and purenes of a Christen man, to accomplyshe (yf he maye) all iustice: But it apperteyneth more to a Christen manne to wyshe for faith and charitie, without which the other do nothinge auayle. But by these outwarde thynges we ought not to iuge a∣ny person, onles we certaynely knowe that they were omitted & not done, by contempt, or which is as yll, by negligence. Surely I doubte not, but that many neyther assoyled of the prest, nor their maker receyued, nor aneyled, nor yet buryed, after the rytes of the churche, haue gone to euerlastynge ioye and blys, where as some other, after all the ceremonies of the church solemnely done, and also buried in the churche next to the hyghe aulter, be caried downe to helle. Let them be in stede of an example, whiche sodeynly do peryshe by tempeste of the see, or by punyshment of lawes, or els by some sodeyne syckenes. Wherfore vnto such per∣sons must be added a confidence and truste, to thentent that they maye certenly beleue, that they be no lesse assoyled, than yf they were confessed to the preste, nor that they receyue no lesse spiritual grace, thā yf they had receyued the body of Christ, & the laste anneylyng. Only let them haue (as I haue sayd before) an ardent and brennynge faith, and a prompt wyl and desire. That if a prest may be gotten, & the violence of the sicknes wil not suffre a ful and an hole cōfession that shuld require many wordes: with an inward submission of hert let hym confesse hym self to be all togither a synner, and desyre of the prest absolution with a meke hert, and with a full confidence let him thynke hym self as∣soyled. Soo ofte as necessitie excludeth vs frome the thinges that we couet, god of his goodnes accepteth the desyre of the mynd. Wherfore they, which in this state of thin∣ges doo trouble and vexe the man with ge∣nerall confession, or with often rehersall of his confessyon, with paynfull dyscussynge of the circumstaunces, with the repetinge of euery offence commytted, whether they do a godly thinge I canne not tell, surely in my iugement they do a thinge out of season. Than suffyseth one, & that shorte, but a syn∣cere and pure confession of the principall crymes, whiche cometh to a mans mynde, or if that can not be, a brennynge affection & desyre of confession. More ouer, yf any mā hath done hym any offence, let hym forgiue the vengeaunce therof with his holle hart. If he be vnworthye of forgyuenesse, yet Christe is worthye, for whose sake thou oughtest laye downe the affection of auen∣gynge. Let hym not thenne here recompte howe greatly he hath ben hurt of this man or of that man, but howe many offences he hym selfe requyreth to be forgiuen and par∣doned of god. If he hath offended any man lette hym go about as moche as he may to be reconciled vnto hym. If the other wyll not be at one, and forgyue, lette hym praye god to sende hym a better mynde. He hym selfe in as moche as he hath done all that in hym lyeth, is excused before god. If good workes be required, there is no wark more able to purchase the mercy of god, than for Jesus Christis sake, (and accordyng to the example of hym, whiche hangynge on the crosse, prayed for theym, by whome he was putte to deathe, and of whom he was with spiteful scornes vpbraided) hartily and fre∣ly to forgyue what so euer men haue synned agaynst vs. And I canne not say, whether there be any warke more harde and vneasy to be done: and therfore principally it is to be desyred of god. But yet to this helpeth the very selfe syckenes, whyche breakethe the very wylde fyersenes of the humayne spyrite, and maketh it more supple and easy to forgyue. Here it is the partes of them that be with the sycke person, to dryue from him the cō∣mune affection, whereby many thynke, that deathe is made to come the sooner by con∣fession, houselynge, and anneylynge: And lette theym persuade the sycke man rather (as the thyng is in dede) that by these mea∣nes there is more hope to recouer helthe, eyther bycause, that a sycke mynd doubleth the soore, or bycause that not seldome the sycknes of the body, cometh of the minde, or finally bycause that god sooner wyl here the requestes and prayers for hym that is reconciled, than for an vnrecōciled person. Furthermore it is their partes to gette for the sycke man suche a priest as hath a lernid tongue, that he may with his communyca∣tion of wordes, susteyne and comforte the wery sycke man, and whiche so can mode∣rate his wordes, that neyther by ouer moch flatterie he deceyueth the sycke personne, nor by vnseasonable austeritie and sharpnes he cast hym not into desperation, Nor breke Esai. 42. not the broken staffe, nor quench not the smo kynge flaxe. For in eyther behalf many men offende. Nor let them not rashely lette into the sycke man, all maner of pristes, but these onely, by whose speche he may be releued. Those persons let them dryne out of sight, the whose syght maye renewe the affection of synnynge vnto the syck man, as his com∣paignyons, or of foule pleasures, or of dy∣cynge, or his mortall ennemyes. The phisitians helpe, let hym neyther de∣spise vtterly, nor haue to moche confidence therin. Lette his chiefe hoope be fyxed in god, whiche as he onely dyd fyrst putte the soule in the body, so he onely taketh it out, whan he wyll. Otherwhyles yet the phisi∣tian is to be sent for, leste we seme to tempt god, namely in sodayne diseases, that kylle out of hande, whiche, of the phisytians be callyd Morbi acuti. Lette the multitude of phisitians be put out, not onely for that, that likewise as it is sayde by a prouerbe of the grekes, That the multitude of rulers & go∣uernours distroyed the countrey of Caria, soo many tymes the multitude of phisitions kyll many sycke men, but also that theyr of∣fycious and busy cure, whyle that one coun∣sayleth one thynge, and an nother an other thynge, and eche desyreth at the perylle of an nother to be compted very wise, and by that meanes medicines be heaped vpon me dyeines, it commeth than to passe, that the sycke manne hath noo leysure iustelye and fully to regarde the mattiers concernynge his sowle helthe. Doubtlesse, whan perylle commeth ouerfaste vppon, the moste valy∣ant and strongest comfortes must be giuen, at whiche tyme, many do flatter hym, that is in the departyng, ye and many flatter them selues with vulgar remedies of none effect, as whan one counsayleth hym, to cōmande his executours to bury hym in the coote of suche or suche friers or monkes, or to make an auowe to god, that if he recouer, he wyl be professed in the order of the monkes of Charterhowse. Why is not the sycke man rather monyshed to absteyne frome suche maner of vowes, durynge the tyme of his sycknes, and that it is sufficient, if he pour∣pose to chaunge his lyfe into better: and as touchynge the fourme of lyuynge, let hym delyberate with hym selfe, whan he is hole and free from perturbations and feare. For Eccl. 5. a foolysshe promyse, displeaseth god. And that is foolyshe, whiche feare extorteth of a distourbed mynde. An other saythe, Dye without drede, I within the space of a yere wyll go to Hierusalem for the: or, I wylle crepe on my bare knees to saynt James: or I wyll go into saynt Patrikes purgatorye, whiche is in Ireland. I knewe a woman of noble byrthe and of high prudence, whiche by testamente deuysed to a prieste a good somme of money, to synge masse dayly, du∣rīg the space of a yere at Rome, as though the masses at Rome were of more holynes than the masses of Englande. And yet that money had ben better bestowed, if she had bound that priest neuer to go to Rome. For I know the person very well, whom I iuge rather to do sacrifice to Uenus than to god. Other some exhort him to bye all the good dedes of some house of religion, or of some order. I deny not, but there is gret comfort in the communion of holy men: but yet ne∣uerthelesse, whether god wyll allowe and ratifie suche contractes, I doubt. After my sentence it is a more redy remedy ageinste desperation, to putte before the eies of the sycke perfone, the communion or parte ta∣kynge of the holle church, which spredeth very farre, conteynyng all the good menne from the begynnynge of the worlde, which haue pleased god: In whiche company be also the aungelles. This hole felawshyppe and fraternite, with theyr vowes and pray∣ers dothe helpe the paciente, lokynge for a glorious victorie. Why than shulde he caste away his buckelar, whiche hath soo manye companies succouryng hym? If the prayer of one religious house, causeth the man to hope, in this numbre be al houses. I speake not this, to thentent, that it auayleth not to require the prayers of certayn men, or that the prayers of few be not profitable, name∣ly yf they come of a christen and; free cha∣ritie, but that to styre and pluck vp the hope of the sycke man, the contemplation of the vniuersall churche is of greatter strength. For by this way his hart shall be more con∣firmed. But the moste puisant solace of all, is neuer to remoue the eyes of faith frome Christ, whiche gyueth him selfe holly vnto vs, whome we haue a suter for vs vnto god, which neuer cesseth crienge, Come to me al Mat. 11. ye that labour and be burdened, and I wil ease you. In the hollownes of this rock, let him hyde hym, into this persones woundes, let the sycke man crepe, and he shalbe sure frō Satanas. Wherher to so euer that wyly ser∣pent plucketh away his mynde, let hym al∣wayes haue his eyes to that brasen serpent fixed on a hyghe pole, to the contemplatiō of whiche, Paule calleth backe agayne the Galatees, whiche for none other cause be∣gan to wauer, than that they turned their eies from the crucifixe. The venemous by∣tynges of the fleynge spirites shal not noye hym, yf fayth with vnmouynge eres behol∣deth that signe of euerlastyng helth. Christ hangynge on the crosse is a signe of triūph, a signe of victorie, a signe of euerlastynge glorye. For oure sakes he fought, for oure sakes he ouercame, for our sakes he wanne the triumphe, only so that we haue the eyes of our fayth intentyue and wakynge here∣vpon. In humayne warres it is no lytel help to victorie (which thinge Alcibiades pray∣seth in Socrates) neuer to wynke. But in this conflyct, which we haue with our spiri∣tuall ennemy, the hole hope of the victorye is in the eyes. But there is moche diuersi∣fie in the two batayles. For in the mundane warres it muste be marked on euerye syde with intentife eyes, what the ennemy doth: but in this battayle we muste be blynde and deafe at the assautes of the deuyll, and only haue our eyes fyxed to the sygne of grace, & our eares lyfte vp to the voyce of our re∣demer. Satanas casteth tho thynges into our myndes, which hepe vp the ire of god: But Christ hanginge on the crosse, she weth tokens of mercy. The dyuel barketh ayenst vs such thinges as wold brynge man downe to desperation, Christe speapeth the thinge that plucketh man vp to hope. For fayth as it hath eyes, so also it hath eares. The holy goste requireth of the soule both these two senses, whiche saythe in the. xliiii. Psalme, Audi filia, & vide, & incline aurē tuam. Har∣ken daughter, and see, and incline thyne eare. Harken that thy spouse byddeth and com∣maundeth, and see what he pramyseth. And if that it shall seme inconuenient, & a thinge not lykely, that so great a felicitie is prepa∣red for them, whyche set their truste in our lorde Iesu, inclyne thyn eare, that the thin∣ges which passe mans wytte and reason, for this self consyderation thou mayst well be∣leue, bycause it is the lorde, which hath pro∣mysed it, whose mercy is no lesse incompre∣hensyble, than is almightines. Of these ea∣res maketh mention the. lxxxiiii. Psalme. I Audiam quid in me loquatur dominus. wil heare what the lorde speketh in me. Har∣ken not, what in the, speketh the flesh, what the dyuel, what mās reason: for they speake nothing but desperatiō, but heare what the lorde speaketh in the. For he speketh peace vnto his communaltie. The churche is the communaltie of the lorde, a nation peculiar, and the people of acquisitiō: be thou of this people, and thou shalt heare the lorde spea∣kinge thinges of peace. It foloweth, And Et super sanctos suos. vpon his sayntes, Here agayne mans infir∣mitie falleth downe crienge, I am a damned persone, Alas, I am all laden with synnes, what felawshyp haue I with sayntes or ho∣ly men? But he sayth not, Vpon the holy mē of the lawe or of Moyses, but vpon his holy Sanctos suos. ones. His holy ones be they, whom he hath sanctified by his sonne. If thy mynde be not quieted, harken what foloweth, And vpon them that be conuerted to their hart. Do not Et in eos qui con∣uertuntur ad cor. weye the greatnes of thy crimes, onely re∣pent, and thou shalt heare the lorde speking within the, peace. A worde of peace was that which was spokē to that notorious sin∣full woman, Thy faithe hath saued the, go in Luc. 7. peace. Saye with Dauid, but saye with thy harte. Peccaui domino, I haue trespassed the lorde. With those two wordes thou shalte 2. Reg. 2. turne the prepared and redy vengeance in∣to mercy. Such eares had he, which saith, Sacrifice for my sinne thou hast not required, but eares thou hast made persite vnto me. Of the eyes speaketh the. xii. psalme, Illuminate myne eyes, leaste at anye tyme I sloumbre in deathe, least my ennemy shulde saye, I haue greuayled led against him. Thou seest here, that victorye is in the eyes, rather thanne in the handes. Deathe obscureth the eyes of the body, but there shall be no cause why oure ennemy shall glory and triumphe vppon vs, so lōge as faith sheweth lyght in the mynd, neuer mouynge the eyes from Christ, that was crucyfyed. Yea this hole Psalme goth about nothinge elles, but by the contempla∣tion of the diuine mercy to resuscyte & rayse vp agayne, man that is in agony and in dan∣ger of desperation. And therfore it folo∣weth, They that trouble me, 'shall ioye, yf I be moued: that is to say, if I wauer in faith. Thou hearest a great peryll, but take a so∣uerayne remedye, But I haue trusted in thy mercy. But howe cometh the hope of mer∣cy? My harte shall reioyse in thy saluatory, I shall synge in prayse of the lorde, whiche hath done me good. The saluatorie or Sa∣y of god, is Christ, nor there is none other name, in which we ought to be saued: as it is sayd in the fourth chapter of the actes. So great vertue hath the contemplation of Christ, which was crucified for vs, that de∣speration is tourned into hope, & hope into gladnes. And he which before nyghe to de∣speration sayd: They which trouble me, shal reioyse, yf I be moued, now sayth, My hart shall reioyse in thy saluatorye. Thou haste hard victory, now here the triumphe. I wil synge to the lorde, which hath gyuen good thinges vnto me. Who hathe not his owne good dedes to synge, let him syng the good dedes, whiche god graunteth frely by his sonne. If we haue truste in oure owne good dedes, our aduersary wil therof reioyse, but yf in the lorde Iesu we fyxe the shote ancre of hope, our ennemye will shrynke, lyke as the apostel reioysing, saith in the. viii. chap∣ter to the Romans, If god be for vs, who is againste vs? He also whiche spared not his Si Deus pro nobis quis con∣tra nos. owne sonne, but for vs all delyuered hym to the Jewes, howe will he not also with hym gyue all thinges vnto vs? who shall make a∣ny complaint or accusation against the elect of god? God is he that iustifyeth, who is he that condempneth? By this polycie & mea∣nes it is so brought aboute, that sodeynely thinges shall be tourned and tossed vp sette downe, and by the helpe of Christe he shall beare awaye the victory, whiche semed de∣sperate, and the ennemy beynge discomfy∣ted and repelled, shall shrinke away, which began right now to triūphe. This vndoub∣tedly is the victory of faith, of whych saynt John̄ speaketh in the. v. Epistle, All that is engendred of god, ouercometh the worlde, and this is the victory, which ouer cometh the worlde, our fayth. But who is he, the whi∣che vanquysheth the world, but he that be∣leueth, that Iesus is the sonne of god, whō the father wolde that he shoulde be a sacri∣fyce for the synnes of all mankynde? In this degre so longe as the souldyour of Christe standeth, howe moche so euer that our en∣nemy the dyuell leapeth aboute, how moch so euer he inuadeth vs, we can not be ouer∣come. But in this supreme and last battayle the ennemye to his vttermoste powers at∣tempteth to brynge the sycke man into des∣peration, which is amonge all crymes most greuous. And therfore than in especiall, re∣systence must be made on the contrary syde, with all laboure and meanes, soo that the sycke personne be moued, taught, and per∣swaded, to all suche thynges that maye in∣duce and brynge him to hope, and confirme his mynde. To this thinge shall helpe the ymage of the crucifixe layde right agaynst his eyes, which may euer among renewe the infirme mynde of the sycke. And also the pictures of tho sayntes, in whome oure lorde wolde haue a memorial or monument of his boun∣tie and mercy to be notorised & publysshed: as of Marye Magdaleyne, of Peter, we∣pinge after he had denyed our lorde, and of suche lyke. After this the rchersall of pla∣ces of holy scriptures, which do set forthe vnto vs the immense mercye of god, & cha∣ritie towarde mankynde, but namely tho thinges, which our lorde Jesus for the sal∣uation of the worlde vouchesafed bothe to bo and to suffre. There be innumerable such places, which maye brynge great & stronge comforte to a feble and wauerynge mynde. For in this article of deathe the deuyll hea∣peth vp to mannes mynde all that euer may extynguyshe or put forth the sparke of faith and of hope. He maketh suggestion, how great the maieste and iustice of god is, whi∣che so often hathe bene neglected & defow∣led. He amply fyeth the softnes and bounti∣fulnes of hym, that so oft hath bene negle∣cted and reiected, detortynge and wrasting that selfe thinge for a profe of desperation, which ought to nouryshe hope of forgyue∣nesse. He putteth in mynde so manye yeres euyll spent, so many occasiōs omytted, whi∣che exhorted to well doynge, & yf any thing were ryghtely done, he depraueth it, and sclaunderously constreweth it to the worst. He tempteth also and assayeth the faythe of the man, to thentent he myght doubt of the authoritie of scriptures, & of the artycles, which that the church hath taught vs, prō∣ptyng into our myndes, the reasons of phi∣losophërs, and of heretykes, and perplexe and doubtfull questions, of the creation and redemption of the worlde, of the immorta∣lytie of soules, of the resurrectiō of bodyes, of Christe, whether he was trewe god and man, of the sacramētes of the church, what strength they haue, of the prescience & pre∣destination of god, wrastyng and wrything all thinges to distruste and desperation, de∣prauinge also the testimonies of scriptures to the same purpose, whiche thinge he pre∣sumed to do also vpon our lorde, the author of scriptures. Besyde this, these thinges do helpe our aduersary in this behalfe, as it were by occasion, that is to wyt, the peyn∣fulnesse of the syckenes, the drede of death, the horrour of hell, and the naturall weak∣nesse of the mynde, and heuynesse of harte, which the greuous sicknes causeth. Wher∣fore to this inclination the ennemy is redye in his assawtes, workinge all craft, and lay∣enge all his ordynaunces and engyns, to throwe and dryue to the ground, the weake and wauerynge personne. But in lyke wyse as with synnes a man ought not to struggle, but from consyderation of theym to tourne awaye his mynde to the grace of Christ, so with the deuyll we shoulde not dispute, but whan he suggesteth and casteth into mans mynde wycked and vngodly thynges, he must say to hym, Abi retro Satana, So backe Satanas. It is not lefull for me to doubte of tho thinges, which the churche, instructed by the holy goste, hath taught, and it is al∣so sufficient to beleue tho thinges, which I can not attayne with my wytte. They tell a certayne thinge, not out of holy scripture, but neuerthelesse to the mattier that we go now about it is sufficientely accommodate & mete, of two, whome the dyuell at tyme of their deth tempted of their beleue: the one was lerned in Philosophie, the other was nothinge but a Christen man, rude and vn∣lerned: he assayled the fyrst, how he beleued whether that Christ was god and mā, whe∣ther that he was born of a virgin, and whe∣ther he beleued the generall resurrection. And began with reasons of Philosophie to demonstrate, that it was impossible to ioyne tho thinges in one, betwixt whiche there is no agreance, as betwyxt fynite and infynite, create and increate. Furthermore that it is against nature, that a virgyn shulde brynge forth a childe without carnal knowledge of man, nor that (accordynge to Aristotell the Prynce of the Philosophers) there can be no returne frome priuation to the habyte. What nedeth mo wordes? The man waue∣red, and was conuicte, and the dyuell de∣parted a victour. The other rude man, whā the dyuel asked him how he beleued of this and of that thynge, he aunswered him with a cōpendious way, As the church beleueth. Agayne whan he obiected, howe dothe the churche beleue? Marye quod he, as I be∣leue. How dost thou beleue? As the church beleueth. How beleueth the church? As I beleue. Frome this rude & vnprepared man so disputations, but with symple fayth sta∣ble and stedfast: the gostly ennemy depar∣ted vanquyshed. This aunswere is good y∣noughe, to confounde and dryue awaye the subtyll and craftye ennemy the dyuell. But chiefly it is good in obscure and doubtefull causes and matters. As yf the ennemy wyll suggest, or some other captious felaw, how maye it be, that in thre persones there shuld be one god, and one essencie in numbre? and also by whatte meanes they be distincte the one from the other? Let him make answere thus, Euen as the churche beleueth. How can all one bodye be in dyuers places, all at one tyme? And how in the Sacramente of the aulter maye the trewe body of a man be conteyned in so lytell a space? Let him an∣swere, as the church beleueth. Agayn what maner of fyre is in hell, & how can a bodyly thing be an agent in an vnbodyly substance? let him answere, as the church beleueth. Or yf any thinge is to be answered, let him an∣swere with fewe wordes, eyther out of the Crede, (which dayly ought to be rehersed vnto the sicke man) or out of holy scripture, or els by the spirite of faith. If Satan hea∣peth vp the greatnes of his synnes, let him turne hym to god and say, Auerte faciem tuā a peccatis meis. Turne thy face lorde frome my sinnes, & loke vpon the face of thy sonne Christ Jesus. Dyuell. The noumbre of thy A dispu∣taty on betwyxte the Dy∣uell and the sycke man. synnes do passe the grauell of the see. Man. But yet the mercye of god is more plentu∣ous. Dyuell. How doest thou trust to haue a rewarde of rightwysenes, which art all vn∣rightwyse? Mā. My rightwysnes is Christ. Dyuell. Shalt thou whiche art all beclad in wyckednesse, go with Peter and Paule, to euer lastynge blysse? Man. No, but with the thefe, to whome it was sayde on the crosse: This daye thou shalt be with me in Paradyse. Dyuell. How hast thou this trust, which hast Luc. 23. done nothinge that is good? Man. Bycause I haue a good lorde, an intreatable iudge, and a gracious aduocate. Dyuell. Thou shalt be haled downe to hell. Man. My heed is in heuen. Dyuell. Thou shalt be damned. Man. Thou art a barratour, and a fals har∣lot, no iudge, a damned fende, no damnour. Dyuell. Many legions of dyuels wayte for thy soule. Man. I shoulde despaire, yf I had not a protectour, which hath ouercom your tyranny. Dyuell. God is not iuste, if for thy euyll dedes he gyueth the euerlasting lyfe. Man. Nay, he is iuste that kepeth his pro∣mises: and I, longe sythen, haue appeled frome his iustice vnto his mercye. Dyuell. Thou flattereste thy selfe with vayne hope. Man. He that is verite can not lye, it is thy properte to be false of promyses. Dyuelle. Thou seest what thou leauest behynde, but what thou shalt haue thou seest not. Manne. The thinges that be sene, be temporall, and the thinges that be not sene, be euerlasting, and he seeth, and more than seeth, whiche surely and stedfastly beleueth. Dyuel. Thou departest hence laden with euyll dedes and naked of good dedes. Man. I will praye to the lorde, that he wyll dyscharge me of my euyls, and clothe me in his good thinges. Dyuell. But god heareth not synners. Man. But he heareth penitentes, and for synners he dyed. Dyuell. Thy repentance is to late. Man. It was not to late vnto the thefe. Dy∣uell. The thefes faithe was stedfaste, thyne wauereth. Man. I wyll praye to the lorde, that he will encrease my faith. Dyuel. Thou doeste falsely perswade thy selfe, that thou haste a mercyfull lorde, which with so many euyls vexeth and punyssheth the. Man. He healeth as a louynge phisition. Dyuell. Why than wolde he that thy deathe shoulde be so bytter? Man. It is the lorde, he can not wil, but that thinge which is good. Why shulde I, an vnprofytable seruaunt, refuse to suffre the thinge, that the lorde of glory hath suf∣fred? Dyuell. It is a wretched thing to dye. Mā. Blessed be they, which dye in the lord. Dyuell. But the deathe of synners is euyll. Man. He ceasseth to be a synner, which with hope of mercy acknowlegeth hym self for a synner. Dyuell. Thou leauest this worlde. Man. Frome heuy exyle I departe into my natiue countreye. Dyuell. Thou leauest be∣hynde the many great commodities & good thinges. Man. But many mo euyll thinges. Dyuell. Thou leauest thy rychesse. Manne. They be other mens that I leaue, I beare myne with me. Dyuel. What dost thou bere, syth thou hast no goodnes in the? Mā. That is trewly myne, which the lorde hath frely gyuen me. Dyuell. Thou forsakest wyfe and childerne. Man. They be the lordes, I cō∣myt them vnto hym. Dyuell. It is an harde thinge to be plucked away from the derely beloued. Man. Within short space they shall folow me. Dyuell. From thy swete frendes thou arte sundered. Manne. I go to sweter frendes. In as moche as the moste wyly and subtill ennemy, whome he can not drawe to despe∣ratiō, entyseth and solliciteth them to a trust and confidence in them selfes: to thentent that whō he can not thrust down heedlong, he maye brimge vp on a heyght, and so con∣founde them: therfore against this no smal daungier, the sycke man must be armed, de∣fended, and protected. Lykewyse also as againste the daungier of desperation, it is a right sure & stronge defence, the more that the dyuell depresseth man by the conscience of his synnes, the more to lyfte vp him selfe with the hope of goddis mercy & mysticall societie with Christ: so againste the ieoper∣dy of arrogancy, it shalbe a present and re∣dy remedy, to abiect and humiliate hym self with consyderation of his owne weakenes. For who so euer in Christ is strong & haute, and in hym selfe humble and abiect, can nei∣ther be throwen downe of Satanas, nor yet confounded. Suche a certayne thinge we rede in the olde cronycles of saynt Antony the monke, whome the dyuell assauted by a thousand meanes, and yet he coulde neuer ouercome hym. On a certayne tyme, whan that he had wrought and done all the poly∣cies and subtylnesse that he coulde deuyse, and all in vayne, he confessed hym self to be conuict and vanquysshed, sayenge thus: I labour all in vayne, for yf I deiecte the, and shewe the thy vnworthynesse, thou doest a∣uaunce and lyft vp thy selfe: and yf I extoll the, thou humblest and depressest thy selfe. Wherfore accordinge to the exaumple of saynt Antony, if the dyuell saye, Thou arte worthy to syt amonge the hyghe seraphical sayntes in heauen, than let the sycke manne make answere, My worthynes is nothing, but that I acknowlege my vnworthynesse. Dyuell. Moche hast thou prayed, thou hast fasted moche, thou hast led a streyght and a sharp lyfe, thou hast delt moche to the pore people. Man. All that thou sheweste of me, the dampned Pharisces do the same. If any maner of good worke hath come from me, it is the lordes and not myne. Dyuell. But thou art pure frō those vices, which raigne in hym or in him. Man. I haue then cause to gyue thankes to the lorde, & not to loue my selfe. For oules the lordes mercy had pro∣tected me, and yf that lyke tētation had fal∣len vpon me, I shulde haue committed the same, or els more greuous. ¶ With suche praty answers the sycke man must be armed, short and redy againste the croked suggestions of the dyuell. Ensaum∣ples of holy men muste be called to mynde, but specially of suche, in whome a notable mercy of the lorde hathe bene declared, as in Dauyd, whiche augmented the synne of adultery with manslaughter, and with two wordes he escaped vengeance: in the Ny∣niuites, in Achab, in the prodygall sonne, in the publicane, whose rightwysenes the lord preferred before the pharisaic all holynes: in Mary Magdaleyne, to whom the lorde sayde, thy synnes be forgyuen the: in the a∣uoutrous woman, to whom it was sayd, Go and synne no more: in Peter, whiche thrise denyed our lorde: in Paule, which dyd per∣secute the church of god, bynding and kil∣lynge all that professed the name of our lord Jesus: in Cypriane, which of a southsayer was made a martyr: and in many other mo, which from their ydolatry, from blasphe my from horrible crymes, through their faith in Christ atteyned mercy and crownes. To exclude desperation, & rayse hope, the scri∣ptures of the newe testament be more apte than the scriptures of the olde. Nor it is no wonder, Moyses feared the Jewes with commaundementes, Christe comforted all men by fayth and grace. The holy scriptu∣res haue not onely exaumples, but also say∣enges very many, partly which cast on men a dicde, partly which comfort the ferefull. For vpon these two thinges in maner al the bokes of the prophetes do renne, heapinge vp vnto them that turne awaye frome god, the vengcance of god: and agayne amply∣fyenge the mercye of god to theym that be conuerted to repentaunce. Eyther of these medicines is holsome, if it be taken wysely and in place. Those that be terrible, and put men in fere, must be ministred to hole in bo∣dy and sycke in soule, wylde and dronken in the prosperitie of this worlde, or cast into a slepe with the delytes of this worlde, as it were with the herbe called Mandrake: to the entente that as by takynge of Hellebo∣rus they maye be brought into their ryghte wyttes: or by takynge the herbe Brassica, called Cole, they may returne to sobrenes: or myghtely cryed on, and plucked, they maye awake. Those that cause hope of for∣gyuenes, muste be gyuen to tymorous and fearfull persons, specially in the daunger of deathe. How be it neyther to the one feare must be so ministred, that there shal no hope of forgiuenes be mixed to the medicine, nor to the other asswagementes and comfortes must be so gyuen, that they shall be discey∣ued. For it is two thinges, to chastyse and to cast downe, to comfort & to flatter. Wher∣fore it forceth not a lytell, what persons do kepe and syt with sycke men. They ought to haue alwayes at hande sundry places of scriptures, that eyther by the rehersall or tellynge of them, they maye establyshe and holde vp the fayntynge harte of the sycke person. To this purpose certayne prayers aptely made will helpe. For certayne pray∣ers go aboute, whiche be made of vnlerned persones, & by vnlerned persons be taught to sycke folke. Hope beyng thus called vp, yet remayneth the feare of Purgatory, the which feare some men go about to mitigate and put out with remedyes, after myn opi∣nion, nothinge effectuall. Some do promyse to be sure & redemed from the fyre of Pur∣gatorye by byenge of pardons: but I feare least this be not, to succour and comfort the sycke manne, but rather a mockynge and a mere dissimulation. They do better whiche by Masses and prayers of good men, & also by almes dedes, counsayle hym to dymynish the paynes of Purgatory. But the strōgest remedy of all, is to aduertyse the sycke mā, as moch as he can, to styre and rayse vp his faith and charitie towarde god & his neigh∣boure, with all his harte to forgyue al men, of whom he hath bene hurted and greued, and paciently to suffre for the loue of Christ Jesus the paynes of the syckenesse, and also death, submytting him selfe holly in al thin∣ges to the wil and pleasure of god, thinking that god wil not iudge two tymes vpon one thinge: and that Christ for our synnes hath suffered great peynes on the crosse. Out of these fountaynes, and namely of his blode, let hym fetche a refrigeration and asswage∣ment of the fyre of Purgatory. And so my∣strustynge hym selfe, and trustyng vpon the excedynge mercye of god, the merytes of Christ, and the suffrages of all holy menne, with a contrite harte and religious trust let hym saye, In manus was domine, commendo spiritum meum, Into thy handes lord, I com∣mende my spirite. There shalbe no disdayn, though the synner and weake man vsurpeth the wordes of his lord. For to that purpose our heed expressed these thingis in him self, that we shoulde folowe hym, whiche be his membres. That yf it please any man also of the other holy men to fetche an exaumple, let him saye with saynt Steuen, Lorde god take my spirite. Examples haue a great ver∣tue and strēgth to moue mens myndes. For they shew as it were in a glasse, what is co∣mely, and what is otherwyse: Lykwyse as also in other thīgis we be more moued with those thinges that we se, than that we here. Wherfore it hath no small profyt to be often present at mens deathes, to thentēt that we maye despyse that in them we se detestable, and folow that is good and holy. For in that article of death euery mans faith appereth what it is, and euery mans conscience. But here shall no example be founde more per∣fyte than that, whyche the lorde expressed vnto vs in him self. For whan that last night approched, against the storme of temtation, which was at hande, he armed his disciples with the fode of his moste holye bodye and Mode, monyshinge vs, that so oft as we fall into casualtie or disease, whiche thretneth death, forthwith shulde purge our affectiōs with confession, lyke as oure lorde wasshed the fete of his disciples, and that done that we take reuerentely the body of our lorde, which meat may make our myndes stronge and vnvanquysshable againste our spirituall ennemy. Our lorde made no testament, but in stede of his testamēt was that hole fyer∣y sermon, which John specifyeth and tel∣eth very diligentely, and the ordinaunce of the sacrament of the aulter made in memory of his death. Of a testament these wordes also do sounde, whiche were spoken on the crosse, woman behold thy sonne, And to the disciple, Beholde thy mother. Wherfore of externall thinges we ought to speake lytel, and moche of the thingis that make to faith and charitie. For the wordes of theym that we are wōt to be snatched vp somdele gre∣dyly, and to be printed more depely in the myndes of the hearers, partly that no man is thought to fayne in that ieopardy, partly that the mynd whā it beginneth to be pluc∣ked from the body, wherwith it is combred, oftentymes vttereth a glymmerynge, and a profe of that lybertie and knowlege, wher∣vnto it goth. But let vs retourne to the ex∣ample of our redemer. After his maūdy, he departed from the house into the yarde, and his other disciples, there commanded to sit downe, he toke with him onely thre, Peter, John, and James of Zebedei, to thentente that he might haue the same to be witnesses of his humayne infirmitie, whiche to fore in the mount he wolde haue to be witnesses of his glory. To these he confessed thextreme heuynes of his mynd, which oftentymes is more greuous than the self deth, which be∣inge commanded to watche & praye, agayne he departed to praye. In the corporall de∣partinge of our lorde there is a greate my∣stery. Who prepareth him to deth, must de∣parte frome all vrbane and domesticall affe∣ctions, caste awaye the care of the publyke weale, vtterly do away the thought of pos∣sessions, commende his wyfe and childern to the lorde, conuey away him self from the trust of his frendes & kynsmen, not his most inwarde frēdes receyue into the care of his mynde, he muste be alone frome couerte of house, which than will speake with the he∣uenly father, whā extreme necessite appro∣cheth. Thre tymes he monyshed his disci∣ples. whan they slept, to wake & pray, that they entre not into temptation. He entreth into tentation, whiche gyueth him selfe into the power of the temptour. But they that wake and pray, though they be stryken with tentation, yet it passeth away by & by. That which our lorde spake to the thre disciples, he spake to vs all. They slept, and therfore they fell into tentation. Peter the most strō∣gest of all denyed his maister, the other for scare fled away, and wold haue denyed him moch more, if they had ben in lyke case. So in lyke maner in peryll of death mans infir∣mitie is ouercome, onles instantely, oneles with a pure affection, onles with an vnuan∣quyshed trust he cryeth for the help of him, which onely reuyueth the deed. Now how a man shulde praye beinge in this state, our redemer vouche safed by his exaumple, to shewe vnto vs. He bowed his knees: this was not ynoughe, he fell downe flat on his face. From the grounde he cryed to his fa∣ther so mightely, that his voyce was herde of the thre disciples, whiche were a stones caste of, besyde that they were heuye with slepe. Two tymes he returned to prayer. iii. tymes he repeted the self same wordis, Not as I will, but as thou. He boweth his knees, &c. which submitteth him holly to goddis will: be falleth flat down on his face, which hol∣ly discontenteth him selfe, holly distrusteth his owne strength and good dedes, nor frō any other where hopeth solace, than frome the mercye of oure lorde. Nor we maye not despayre forthwith, though comfort be dif∣ferred, agayne and agayne we must returne to cryenge, not of the mouthe, but of the hart. For if the thynge that our lorde dyd outwardly, we folowe spiritually, the good aungell wyll come and wype of the bloudy sweatte from our minde, and shal either de∣liuer vs from peryll, or giue strength to our spirite, that we boldly may suffre deth. Last of all we must with our lorde all naked, as∣cende vpon the crosse, farre from all erthly affections, lift vp to the loue of the heuenly lyfe, that with saynt Paule we may say, The world is crucified vnto me, & I to the worlde. Gala. And there nayled with thre nayles, feythe, hope, and charitie, we must constantly per∣seuer, fyghtyng valiantly with our ennemy the dyuelle, vntylle at laste, after we haue vanquyshed him, we may passe into eternall reste, through the ayde and grace of oure lorde Iesus Christe, to whom with the fa∣ther and holy gooste be prayse and glorie without ende. Amen.
A00391.P4	Here folowith a scorneful image or monstrus shape of a maruelous stra[n]ge fygure called, Sileni alcibiadis presentyng ye state [and] condicio[n] of this present world, [and] inespeciall of the spiritualite how farre they be from ye perfite trade and lyfe of Criste, wryte[n] in the laten tonge, by that famous clarke Erasmus, [and] lately translated in to Englyshe.	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1543?]]	By [N. Hill for?] me Iohn Goughe. Cum priuilegio regali. And also be for to sell in Flete-strete betwene the two temples, in the shoppe of Hary Smythe stacyoner,	[Imprynted at London :	eng	[ "War -- Early works to 1800." ]	THis sayng amonge ler∣nyd men ys taken for a prouerbe / whiche maye cōueniently be vsyd / ey¦ther for a thynge whiche outward¦ly / and as they say at the fyrste flus¦she semyth to be of no value & scor∣nefull / yet yf a man loke nerer to it and beholde the inwarde parte hit apperith greate and wonderful / or for that man / whose behauoure & coūtenaunce shewyth far wyde frō the inwarde entente of the harte & mynde / some say that Sileni were certayn Images karuen and gra∣uen and made after suche a fasshiō that they might be opened & closed agayne / which when they were clo¦se had a scorneful and monsterous shape / & when they were opened so¦denly thei shewid as godes These faciō of Images was taken of the scorned Scilenus scole maister to Baccus. Silenus was a foole of the Poetes goddes. Moreouer Al∣cibiades goynge aboute to prayse Scocrates when he dyned wyth plato did lyken hym to suche man∣er ymage bycause he fer otherwyse semed to them that inwardly behel¦de his fasshiō then to them that no thynge regardid sawe his outwar¦de shape / whose skyne as they saye yf a man wolde haue set to sell se∣med not to be worthe one fardyng he was rude fauoured / sowre coun¦tenaūsed / crokenosed / & full of sny∣uell / a man wolde haue recounted hym a foole bothe by his spekynge and doynge / his apperell not wor∣the a groote / his speche very rusti∣call / as one that lately came frome the carte / sowter crafte / or sinythes forge / his substaunce very thynne he had suche a wyfe as scarfly a co¦lyar wolde be cōtent to lyue wyth At that tyme when the folysshe de∣syre to be named a wyse & cōnynge man wexed maruelous veruent a∣monge men that eueriche dysday∣ned or coulde not suffre an others prayses / when also there were ma∣ny whyche not a lyttell bosted that they knewe allthynges. This man then only sayde that he knewe well this one thyng or that he knew nothyng / he semed a foole and vnexperte in euery thyng con¦ceruynge the commyn welthe / in so moche that on a tyme whan he be ganne to do a thynge he knew not what he did. In the comon howse his master was dasshed out of coū tenaunce / and he hym selfe lawgh∣ed to scorne of euery man there pre¦sent. But yf a man had behylde the inwarde partye of thys Image so lawghen to scorne / he shulde haue founde as yt had byn rather a god then a man. A mynde of greate va¦ew and full of wysdom. A dispyser of all suche thynges / as other mor¦tall men labour for, sweate for, stry¦ue for / warre for, by see and lande, neuer vnpaciented with eny wron¦ge, Nor ouer maysteryd wyth for∣tune or myschaunse. A man that fe¦red nothyng / not deth / which is to euery man fereful, wherfor euen at that time when all the worlde was replenisshed with wyse men. This foole was onely auctorised a wyse man by the reuelacion of the god∣des / and was estemed to know mo¦che more / whiche said he knew no∣thynge / then they whiche said they knew all thynges / yea and for that one thing he was estemed to know more then the other / because that he only said that he knew nothyng Suche an Image was Antisthe∣nes whose staffe / scripe / and cloke / excelled the riches of the best fortu∣ned kynges. suche an Image was Diogenes counted amonge the co¦monaultye as a dogge / in whome yet Alexandre the grete / among all prynces as he thoughte of hymself the moste excellent parceyued and sawe some goodly thynge whiche also when he consyderyd the mar∣uaylous wysdome of hys mynde / sayde yf I were not Alexandre I wold wysshe to be Diogenes. But after my mynde / seynge he was A∣lexandre he shulde not wysshe to chaūge his name with Diogenes. But rather to wisshe to haue suche mynde as Diogenes had. Suche an Image was Epichetus saruāt and bondeman / a pore man and a lame man. As his Epitaphi shew∣ith. But whiche is moste fortunate of al he is derely beloued of the go¦des / whiche thynges the profet He¦lyas of his lyfe ioyned with wys∣dome openly declaryth. Suche is vndoutdily the nature of ye true {per}∣sit thynges / that what so euer they haue of valew or worthy to be fo∣lowid / that is surely hid and kepte preuy in the iner parte. And that / that is vyle & of no valew / settyth yt selfe forthe before euery mannes syghte / for suche ys the fauoure of the frayle and comon semblance of goodnes / whiche at the fyrste chop peas they saye apperyth to euery man that yt metyth wythall. But yf a manne Inwardely frome the rote marke them / that ys for other wyse in doyng then yt apperyth in semeyng. was not crist a wonder∣full Image / if a man may so bolde¦ly after suche maner speke of hym. and veryly / I see no cause why but euery man that ys a chrystyan may / myght / and shulde speake of hym and declare hym after what faciō so euer he wyll / so that he hur¦te not the cristen fayth / If you be∣holde the outwarde face of this y∣mage what is ther / after the comē course estemyd more vyle or abiect his parentes were poure & of lowe byrth / his howse very symple / him selfe as bare as coulde be / had but few disciples and those very poure not callyd frō kynges courtes / nor from the pharices chayres / nor frō the phylosophers scoles / but euen from the toll howse and euen from the fysshers crafte then hys lyfe / how far was yt from all pleasures whiche through hungre / werynes bobynges / scornes / scourgeynges yea and at the laste / payned on the crosse and suffered dethe. This par¦te of them behylde the mystical pro¦phet / when he disceyued his shape sayng he had no fairenes nor beau¦tye / we sawe hym / and we behylde not / we desired to be with him that was moste dispecte / and menyst of all men / And many other thynges whyche folowe suche lyke purpose But now yf yt happen a man to be holde the inwarde parte of this I∣mage / yf yt vouche safe to shew yt selfe to the pure and cleue lighte of oure mynde. O Immortall god / what an vnspecable tresure a man shall fynde there / what preciouse stone in suche vyle place / what hye and excedynge gretnes / in so lowe and lyttel thyng / what maruelous riches in so poure a thynge / what excellente strengthe in so weake a thynge / what honourable glory in so shamefull and abiecte a thynge what absolute rest in so paynful la¦bours / and to be shorte / what euer¦lastynge fountayne or well of Im¦mortallytye in so bytter and cruell deth / why now abhor they this I∣mage / whyche yet boste them selfe in the tytle of hym / that is to say to be callyd christians / vndoutidly yt was but a smalle thynge for chryst to brynge about to make hymselfe chefe reuler of all the worlde / & to pocesse that / that in olde tyme / the reulers of Rome vaynely went a∣bout to win to passe christ in nūbre of his garde that euer was / to ex∣celle Cresus in riches / ye and stop∣pe the wysest philosophers mouth that euer was / yet thys kynde of shape and ymage pleasyd him best whome he wold that hys disciples and frendes / that is to saye christi∣ans / shuld alway haue before ther face / this phylosophy did he chufe chyefly / for that on euery syde va∣ryeth from the phylosophers decre¦es and worldely wysdom / whyche alonly geuyth vs that thynge that they by sondry wayes goo aboute to get / that is felicite. Such Ima∣ges were the prophetes whiche ly∣ued as outelawes wanderynge in wyldernes, whose meate where vy¦le herbes and rootes / their drynke water / ther clothing shhepes felles and gotes skynnes / but he that lo∣ked in the inner partes of the Ima¦ges sayde that the worlde was not worthy to haue them. Suche an y∣mage was Iohn̄ the Baptyst whi∣che couerid with a Camels skynne and gyrde wyth and heryn gyrdell passed all the riche appereyl of kyn¦ges / and eatyng hony focles excel∣led all the deyntye fare of prynces for veryly he knew what treasure was hyd vnder that rude and vyle garment / whiche with his incōpe∣rable prayse, sayd amonge the chyl¦dren of wome, there hathe not ry∣sen one greter then Iohn̄ the Bap¦tyst / suche Images were the apost¦els / poure / yl shapen / vnlerned, of lowe byrthe, weake, nothyng setby To be shorte, scorned and hated, al most of al the worlde / but open the se Images, beholde the iner parte and what kyng or tyrant maye in mighte or power be cōparyd to thē whiche with a worde ouer mayster dyuels, the cruell tempestes of the rageyng see, and call the dede to lyfe agayn / what Cresus semyth not poure in cōparison of them, which euen with the shado brynge helthe to the sycke, whyche also wyth the only touche of theyre handes gyue the holy gooste, what Aristotle ys not coūted a foole vnlerned and a tryfeler in respecte of them whiche haue drawen the heuenly wysdom gyuen from the very fountayne, to the regarde of whiche all mennes wysoom is more folysshenes, Su∣che an Image was the buss hoppe Marten coūtyd & scorned. Suche pmages were the olde byss hoppes hye in mekenes / ryche in pouertye and Gloriouse in disposyd glory. There are also now a dayes suche Images, but O Lorde god ouer few, for the most parte of men shew¦eth this Image out of hys nature If a man wolde throwly beholde the iner strength & nature of thing es, he shal fynde none farther from the very wysdom then those which with magnified tytles, furred hod∣des, shynyng gyrdels and rynges set full of precious stones, processe absolute wysdom. In somoch that a man shall {per}ceyue more very treu wysdom in one named of the comō people, A wretche an ydiot or halfe a foole, whose mynde hathe ben in∣structed not with the argumentes of the subtyll Doctor as thy calle hym Scotus, But with the heuen¦ly spririt of christe then in many of our hye doctours of diuinite, and greate wyse masters, whose belyes swellyth with the Aristole, and are full of the rafle of the magistral de¦finicions, conclusions, & preposici∣ons. A man shal also fynde now he¦re lesse true noblenes then in those Thrasoes, whiche far the olde Aun¦cestres, for the golden chaines and for theyr glorious names boste not a lytel of theyr hye noblenes. And that none are farther frome trew strengthe then they for ther folyshe hardynes and prowde ferce lokes are estemed of the people most my∣ghty & not vanquysshable, None more abiecte, nor bonde saruantes then they whiche reken them selfe goddes and lordes of al other men None so wrechedful then they that seme moste welthyest, None more beggarly begars / whome the com munaltye reuerence as ryche men None more vnlyke to bysshoppes then they whiche amonge bysshop¦pes couet to holde ye chyefe rowme And that none ar more oftentimes farther from trew relygion, which thynge I wolde were vntrue, then they whiche in name apparral and ceremonyes professe absolute and parfyt relygion. So now what no¦blenes, excellentnes, goodnes so e∣uer be in any thinge / that is alway leste in syghte and sylden myste ap¦peryth outewardely, In trees the flowres and leuys shew fayre out∣wardly to the sighte. The stocke or stemme apperyth very greate and large / but the shade in whome ys the strēgthe of all, how lyttel thing is yt / how preuely hyd / how lyttell cōfortyth se we, how lyttell bostyth yt or shewyth yt his bare Nature. handes hid, golde preciouse stones in depe vaynes of the erthe, Amōg es the elementes as they call them whiche so euer ys moste noble and of moste valew, that ys farthest set from our feleyng parceuerance / as the ayre / and the fyre amongest be∣stes / what so euer beaste and moste effectuell that ys hyd in the inner {per}tes in a man what is most goodli and immortall / that onely can we not see In euery kynde of thynges the vylest parte moste apperith to the sentence / And that / that is mo∣ste chyefe is farthest from the sēten¦ce. Nowe may we also fynde many suche Images in the sacramentes of the churche. Thou seest the wa∣ter / thow seest the oyle & salte / thou herest the wordes that ys but the outwarde partie of the Image / for yf thou nether here nor see the heuē ly strengthe and vertue sente from aboue in to the īner partes of these ymages all the resydue or no other thynges be but very tryfles and of no value The holy scripture hathe also suche ymages yf thou staye in in the vtter parte, the matter is of∣ten vyle and scorneful / but yf thou serche the inner parte thow shalte wonder and reuerence the goodly wysdom / For veryly to speake of the olde testament / yf thou marke nothynge but the hystory, And he∣rist Adam formed of claye, Eue pre¦uely taken oute of the sleapeynge manes syde, the serpent entysynge the woman to eate the apple god passyng by the ayre, The tow egyd swerde hangynge before the dore, leaste the banisshed shulde entre in agayne / woldest thow not thynke that yt were one of Homers fables If thou red the Incest of Loth, the adultry of Dauyd, The woman ly¦yng on the breste of the colde olde man. Osees mariage to an harlot, wolde not they that lytell force the hereynge of suche shamefull mat∣ters not retorne them awaye / dys∣daynyng to here so bawdy a tale. But vnder this shamefull foly. O Immortall god how excellent and florysshed wysdom is hyd, If thou regarde but the vtter parte of the Euangelyke parables who wolde not reken them to be som foles say¦ynge. But yf thow breke the nutte vndoutydly thou shalte fynde the preuy and very wisdom. And to be shorte the more excellent any natu∣ral or mystical thyng is the farther hyd is sett in the inner parte & far∣ther from the outwarde syghte, ly∣kewise in knowlege of thinges the kyndely truthe alway lyeth preuy in depthe whiche nother lyghtely nor of many is foūde out. The gro¦se multytude bycause yt hathe a {per}∣uerse iugement estemyng al thyng by those thynges whiche chyefely ment wyth the sensys of the body slydeth and euery where fallyth in errour and is deluded with the fal¦se similytudes of good thynges & yl, turneyng the image as they say in and out as whiche then they wō¦dre & maruelously beholde, I spe∣ke of suche as be yl, I wyll not hur¦te the good, no, nor the yll veryly. For as moche as a generall decla∣racion of vertue hurtyth no man, wolde to God there were fewer in whome these thynges myghte be layde, when thou seest the Septer the bages, the garde, when thou he rest the tythis, Moste noble, moste excellente, moste victorious, moste dredfull and suche lyke, Honourist thou not a prince and thynkest not that thou haste seen as yt were an erthly god, and a thyng more then a man, but open this ymage & mar¦ke the inner parte, Thou shalt fyn¦de a Tyrant, an enmy of the Cytie an hater of the comon pease, a sow¦er of discorde, an oppresser of good men, a myscheuer of the lawe, a di∣stroter of Townes, a pyller of chur¦ches, a thefe Sacryleger, an adul∣terer, a dycer. To be shorte as the Grekes proucrbe is a hed of all my styef there or that in name and coū¦tenance shew them selfe as hye ru∣lers and maynteners of the comon welthe, when yet in dede they aren wolfes and robbers of the Cytye. There aren also whose shorne hed∣des yf a man only consyder he wol¦de reuerence them as prestes para∣uenture also yf you marke theyr in¦warde fasshon, shal fynde them as yl or worse then ye laye, {per}aduenture also a man may fynde som bysshop¦pes whose solemone consecracion yf thou marke, yf thou beholde the apparell, the myght wyth golde & preciouse stones / the staffe also set with Iouels, then woldest thou re¦ken that thou hadest sene a man co¦men from heuen / or rather a thyng more then a man, but beholde the iner parte of this ymage, then shal¦te thou fynde a warrioure, a mar∣chante, a Tirante. And then shalte thou saye that all this noble appa∣rell is but as yt were dysguysynge Ther are besyde these I wolde the¦re were not so many, that yf a man wolde Iuge them by theyre longe berdes, by theyr collours, by theyr hattes / by the facion of theyr gestu¦re and coūtenaūce / he myghte well accompte them for aūgels or paw∣les. But yf thou marke the inner parte thou shalt fynde them rena∣gates, brawlers, sklanderers, flate¦rers, yea both theues and tyrantes but after an other fasshon. And for that so moche more pestilent as hit is hyd couered and cloked with hy¦pocrysy. And to be short in stede of golde as the prouerbe is, thou shal¦te fynde coles. I now agayne desy¦re that no man take displesur with this my saynge / seynge I name no mā, but touche ye vices / who soeuer offendeth not / let hym not thynke any of thys to be spoken agayne hym, but yf he haue offendid / lette hym thynke hymfelfe rather war∣ned to amende / then rebuked. The one may greatly reioyse / the other oughte to so saye me godamercy. There are in euery kynde of men in whome yf thou beholde the sha∣pe of the body / thou wylt calle thē men / ye and veryly godly men but yf thou loke on the inwarde parte of them / paraduenture thou shalte fynde a Sowe / a Lyon / a Bea∣re or an Asse / thow shalte fynde a thynge quite contrary to that, that the poetes fayne to be in them that are be wiched with Circes / for all∣thoughe they haue outwardly the shape of beastes, yet had they all waye inwardly the mynde of man but they haue outwardly a manes shape & inwardly more then a bea∣stly sence. Of the other parte there are whome by theyr outwarde sha¦pe as afore is sayde / thou woldest reken scarsely for men, when yet in theyr iner parte restith an āgelycal mynde. Hereof now spryngeth the diuersite betwene the worldli man and the treu christen man / for that that the one chefely wōderith and folowith the moste grosist thinges whiche happen to come in hys sy∣ghte. And all other thynges eyther he dispiseth or countyth them to be had in best regarde. The other on∣ly folowyth suche thynges whiche are farthyst from the corporall na∣ture / whiche also in no wyse can be sene with oure outewarde yes / all other thynge other ouer passed / or lesse fauoured countynge the true iugement of euery thynge to be ta¦ken from the inwarde partye of all good thynges for so Aristotell cal∣lyth it, whiche properly partaineth not to man. Riches is the meanyst But amonge the comon sorte / yea almoste amonge al men he is most reuerensed and countyd moste hap¦py whiche possedeth them, what so euer waye they were gotten. For them stryue, For them feyghte / for them kyll we. For them labour we as they saye throughe out fyre and water. The next place to ryches ha¦the the the noblenes of kynred, If for no other purpose / yet for the folysh & vayne glorious name. He ys coū¦ted for halfe a god / whiche cā shew a lyneall discente / from Codrus of Athenis to hymselfe or from Brute of Troye. I knowe not wether e∣uer eny suche was Borne or not / or frome Hercules that ys somo∣che spoken of and ys he worthy no name whiche only deseruyth yt by lerneynge and vertue. He is reco∣ned for a noble man whose graun∣fathers graūfather plaied the mā∣ly murderer in warre. And ys he coūtyd among the vilest sorte who se good mynde and wysdom hathe proprieted the worlde. In the thyr∣de place are set the comodities and propertyes of the body. As hyghe growen / Stronge / myghty / fayre. welfauoured / and suche lyke / who soeuer hathe eny of these is not ex∣cluded from the nombre of the for∣tunat sorte / so now riches optayne the soueraynte. Next is the noble∣nes of blode / thirdly the bodely {per}∣pretyes, & the regarde of that myn∣de leste of all. Now yf thou deuide thys man as Paule dothe in three partes. The flesshe / the soule, and the spyryt, thou shalte se how par∣uersely the comon sorte take them. ¶ To speake after Paules wor∣des, the worste parte whiche ys all waye in syghte, whome the Appo∣stell disalowyth the multytude che¦fely enbrasyth. The myddell parte whome the Appostell alowyth soo that yt be referred to the spryt ma∣ny prayse. The spryte which is our beste parte of whome as of the ly∣uely fountayne, all oure felycytye spryngeth fourthe / by whome also we are coupelyd to god / ys not so moche had in regarde of the multi¦tude that they once inquire not / whether there be any suche or not / or what is the spririt of whome yet Paule so often speakith hereof put¦tyth out the paruers Iugement of the multytude whyche gyue moste honoure to suche thynges as ar le∣ste to be reuerensed / moste hyely co¦uetynge those thynges whiche are moste in contempte / hereof also cō¦yth that money is more set by then lerneyng. The auncient of kynred then goodnes. The fayrenes of the body then the lowlynes of mynde. The ceremonies then the free loue towarde god / the humayne tradici¦ons then christes p̄ceptes. The dys guysynge thynges then the truthe The shadowes then ye very thyng∣es. The dysceptfull / then the true. The variable then ye stedfast. The waueryng, then the eternal. More ouer of these frowarde Iugemen∣tes aryseth the paruerse nameyng of thynges / callynge that ys hye lowe / that is bytter, swete. That is preciouse, vyle. that ys lyfe dethe. To speake of suche thynges by na¦me. They are called louers which eyther be ouer moche fauoure cor∣rupte or laye in wayte to depreue ye woman frome her chastyte & good fame / whan nothynge can be more lyke an enuy / they called yt Iusti∣ce / whan one yll is acquitted wyth another / when one offence is recō∣pensed wt an other / when one wor∣de ys wyth double damage payed home agayne. This fasshon in ma¦trymony is nowe alowed best that defoyleth cōsanguynite / & as nere to virgynite. They call hym a tray¦toure / and an enemy to the prynce whiche wolde that he shulde do no thynge aboue hys lawes or besy∣des ryghte / whyche wolde that he shulde vse hymselfe as a very prin¦ce. And as farre as myghte be to dyffer from a Tyrante. Than whi¦che ys / no booste is moste horrible or fearefull. Of the other parte he ys called a wyse coūseloure. A fren¦de and a faythfulle lege man why∣che corruptith the princes maners wyth worse counsell whiche infea∣tyth the myndes wyth folysshe op¦pinions / whiche contynually fla∣teryth & dalyeth with them whiche that yf counselours draweth them in to the hate of theyr comunaltye whyche entyce them to warre and other folysshe busynes. They saye that the kynges maiestye & hyenes is gretly incresyd when any thyng is won by tyrany / by greate porci∣on of excedyng mysthief / He is cal¦led a robber of the kynges money whiche spekyth one worde agayne any demandid tribute. But now se¦ynge that a prynce hathe thre chefe thynges by whiche he representith god whiche is the only very kynge Goodnes wysdom and power / se∣meth he a frende to the kynge whi∣che wolde beryue hym of two the pryncipall thynges / goodnes and wysdom, and onely leue them pou¦er / which is not onely false but yet also not of hymselfe, for as moche as the onely power of a prynce lyt∣tel auayleth withoute his comons ayde. For veryly power oneles yt be cōioyned with wysdom & good∣nes is Tirany, and no power why¦che also the peoples consent maye euen as they gaue yt / so take yt a¦waye agayne, when yet goodnes & wysdom shal abyde with the kyng banysshed out of his realme / It is treason to vse the kinges badge o∣therwyse then besemeth. And are they rewarded that violat his min¦de causeynge hym to be for a good man / a cruel man. For a wyse man a subtyl / and for a man of power a Tyrant, One dethe is to lyttell for hym that enterpryseth to put poy∣son in the Kynges cuppe, And re∣ceiueth he a rewarde / that with mo¦ste pestylent oppinions corruptyth and poysonyth hys mynde and in∣fectyth as yt were the welthe of the comon welthe / to ye grete myschefe of all ye realme, He is callyd a kyng which hath in his possessyon great dominions and ryches / whan vn∣doutely to playe the very kynge is ys none other thynge, but iustly to mynyster the cōmon welthe. The affynites betwene prynces / & than the renoūsyd consyderacyons are called the ioynyng together of the thrysten pease / whā yet we se, whā these welles sprynge all ouer. All stryfe, all debate, yea and all mys∣chefe of the cōmon welthe they call it a iuste warre / whan the prynces for collusyon to polle and oppresse there cōmeth welthe / They call it pease whā that ended they conspy∣ted togethers. They cōmyt the re∣alme greatly increasyd whan any towne or citye which the prynce by what tyme soeuer it be, claymeth his wonne or rather bought with so great pyllage or accyons of the cytezens with so great inorther / by whiche are made ouer many wy∣dowes & fatherles childerne. After lyke tacyon, they call the churche preestes, bysshopes, & popes / whā verely they are no other thyng but euen the mynysters of the churche. For the church is the chrysten peo∣ple whome Christ hym selfe calleth greatter than the bysshoppes can mynyster vnder / beynge vnable in seruyce / but otherwayes greatter yf they as well by folowynge the maners and lyuynge, as by succes∣syon of dygnyte representeth whi∣che yet whan he was in al thynges lorde and ruler of al men, vse them selfe as a seruaunte, and not as a lorde. The greattest excōmunyca∣tyon shall be publysshed agayne them, as enemyes to the churche / yea and are counted almoste here∣tykes that taketh any money out of a preestes purse. I speke not to bolde any man in suche doynge. I wolde no man shulde take my sayenge so. But yf a enemye of the churche ought to be hated, tell on / whether there can be any enemye more hurteful or more dedely, than an vngodly prelate. If any of the spirytuall landes or annuyties be dymynysshed, they crye with one voyce the churches ryghte is op∣pressed. But whan the worlde is styred to warre whan through the the opon yll lyfe of preestes many thousande sortes are broughte to dystruccyon. No man bewayleth ye churches chaunce whā yet nowe is the churche verely a meruay∣lous fayre churche / not whan the people refuse charytie or loue to∣warde god / whan vyces decrese, whan goodnes increaseth / or whā the holy doctryne is in strengthe. But whan the alters shyne with golde & precyous stones / yea whā that not regarded. The preestes in landes, housholde, voluptuosytle, moyles, horses, in sūptuous buyl∣dynge of houses or rather places & other such lyke thynges may teche or rather excell tyrantes. we dare not speke one worde of thē whiche spende or rather bestowe, as they call it the churches rentes in yll & peruers vses, to the great hurte & occasyon of yll insamples gyuyng of ye rude multytude. If any thyng be gyuen to them, we reioyse and gyue great thankes for it, sayenge that Chrystes church is inryched / whā vndoutly the trewe & hyghest gaynes of the churche is the profe∣tynge of the chrysten lyfe, they call it blasphemye / if a man speke with lytell reuerence of Chrystofer or George / and wyll not take euery story of them or such other euen for ye gospell. But Paule calleth that blasphemy as oftē as throughout the occasyon of ye Chrystyans ma∣ners / it happeth yt the name of god is blasphemed, for what shal ye ene¦myes of ye chrystyan relygyon say / whā they se in ye Euāgelike letters that Chryst holely exorteth to con∣tempne ryches, to exyle voluptuo∣syte to dyspyse all honoure. And of ye other parte whā they se ye heades & chefe rulers of yt chrysten profes∣syon lyue after such a fassyon, that in laborynge to gather ryches in loue of voluptuosyte in gorgeous apparell & exquisyte deintye farre in cruell deuysyng & settyng forth of warre & almost in all other mys∣chefes. Math. yea also excell the very hethens. The wyse reder per∣ceyueth wel what I perceyue here on spoken / for honour of ye christen name, & wherfore I serche to mys∣chefe, howe seyth scornefully, howe mockyngly / Trowest thou to ieste on vs whā these in the gospell that Chrystes seruaunt cōmaunded vs to haue clothing wt meate or other ceremonyes but onely by these. i. If they be ioyned together wt inse∣parable charyte / than after {per}ceyue that we in nothynge agre amonge our selfes / In so moche yt the infy∣dels neuer stryued nor warred for more fylthy or peruicyous cause. One prynce warreth wt another. One citye fyghteth with another. One kynseman agreeth not with another / nor one relygyon as they nowe call it I. with another. All thynges amonge vs is full of de∣bates, dyscencyons and stryues / Call they it not heresye yf a man speke or wryte any thyng yt myght dysagre from the magystrall pre∣posycyons of ye deuyne doctours, & yet not that heresye whiche set that a lofte or take that thynge as the chefe parte of mans felycyte, whi∣che Chryste hym selfe euery where teacheth to be dyspysed and set at nought, whiche bryngeth in a ma∣ner a lyuynge man clene contrary to the euangelyke preceptes and oppostels instytucyons, whiche a∣gayne the worde of Chryst armeth the apostels goynge forthe to pre∣che the gospel, not with the sworde of the spyryte whiche all worldlye affeccyōs set at nought, onely cau∣seth yt they shulde nede no swerde nor with an yron wepyn, whereby they may dyffende thē selfe agayne theyr persecuters. i. And no doubt vnder the name of the sworde, he wolde gonnes, crosbowes & other wepyns mete for warre shulde be comprehended, than haue they a scryppe to bere money in, bycause they shulde lacke nothynge. And vnder the name of this scryppe, he wolde that euery thynge pertay∣nynge to the of this lyfe, shulde be vnderstande to thys purpose / the great noble wyse man Lire wor∣thy to be alowed and preferred be∣fore many / Ieromes interpe the wordes of Luke. It is an vnexpe∣ryable sacrylege if a man take any thynge out of the halowed place, & it is coūted a lyght offence to pylle to defraude, to oppresse wydowes and other poore folke, whiche are the lyuyng temples of god, whiche thynge is cōmenly vsed of P. and R. he is accompted profane, which by fyghtyng or otherwayes causeth ye church to be suspēded / & is he not a cursyd which violateth corrupteth, & polluteth by flaterig gyftes, vayne {pro}myses & other such baudy thinges to pure & chast vyr¦gyns which is ye temple of the holy goste / yet he which doth such thyn∣ges is counted & taken amonge ye multytude for a mery & iely felowe I speke not to gyue occasion to yll doers as I haueher to sure {pro}tested but to shewe how yt the multytude moch more regardeth these thyng / yt are sene wt ye eye / thā those thyn∣ges which are so moche more true as they, or lesse sene wt the eye: thou seest ye cōsecracyon of ye stony tem∣ple, but ye dedycacyons of ye mynde bycause yu seest it not, thou settyst lytell by it, for defence of ye temples ornamētes yu fyghtest with all thy power, but for ye kepyng chast ma∣ners & {per}fyte lyuyng, no man ones taketh yt Euāgelike swerde, whom Chryste cōmaundeth to be bought euen wt sellyng yt cote frō ye backe / it is called moste hye loue towarde god, they be coūted most swetest en¦creasyng of ye spirytuall ryches or realme / fyght & be most cruell war myngle ye holy & {pro}phane togethers and yet for ye loue of spirytuall ry∣ches / vndoutely a thyng most vyle is reuēged / how great & excedyng flowt, or rather a se of myschefe is thereby cōmytted, namely whan a open warreis for yt purpost admyt¦ted / for what myschefe can there be veuysed, which in war is not exer∣cysed. But {per}auēture ye reder p̄uely to hymselfe thikyng for what pur∣pose kepeth he so shamfully sayeng wold thou yt a prynce shuld be such as plato wold yt Gardeynes shuld be in his boke called de republica, the kepers the pale spiryte frō rule auctoryte, dygnytie, honoure, and ryches / and reuokest theym to the apostels scryppe and staffe, Nat so good syr I spoyle thē nat / but in∣ryche thē with farre better ryches, I put them not from theyr possessy¦ons, but prouoke to better. I pray ye which of vs gyueth hyer thanke or perceyueth more of the kynges magestye / thou which gyueth hym lybertie to do what he wyll, ye whi∣che woldest haue hym rather a Ty¦rant than a prynce / whiche fyllest hym full with all voluptuosytie / whiche drownest hym in auoutry, fornycacyon incest and suche lyke / whiche makest hym bounde & sub∣iecte to all couetysnes whiche wol∣dest he shulde haue no more gouer¦naūce than one of his meane sub∣iectes, which burdenest hym wyth suche thynges the whiche disday∣neth the Hethens / alwaye dyspyse and counte theym worthy prayse & honour, that at no tyme regardeth hym, or els I which couet ye prynce ymage he represēteth in wysedom / which is the proper prayse of kyn∣ges to excell all other / to be farre from all fylthy affeccyons and dis∣eases of the mynde which the rude multytude so moche meruayle at, to wōder at no vyle or lowe thing / to sette no great delyte in ryches / brefely to do that thynge in the cō∣mynalte in the realme yt the mynde is in the body, and that god in the hole / whiche of vs bothe intrulyer Imagyneth on the Bysshoppes dygnytie, thou whiche burdenest them with erthely ryches, whiche wrappest theym in fylthye and vyle cares whyche tornest theyn∣to peryllous stormes of cruel war∣re / or I which coueyte to be Chry∣stes vycare and the keper of Chry∣stes spouse / to be moost clene and quyete from the pestylente stalle of all yerthely desyres / and as nere as myghte to be lyke hym, whose place and auctoryte he occupyeth and whose persone also he here in erthe representeth. The Stoyktes saye, that no man canne be a good man, but he that lacketh the dys∣ease of the mynde / the dysease of the mynde they call couetousnesse and affeccyons / so moche more nowe oughte the Chrysten men to be free from suche dyseases but namelest prynces / yet mooste of all the hedes and fathers of the churche Q. I. the B. I wyll that preestes shulde tule and raygne, but I counte this worldely dyg∣nytie, whyche be profyte or ho∣noure lesse worthye, thanne that of an heuenly man shulde be bur∣dened with it. I wyll that the bys∣shoppe shulde haue moost excel∣lent tryumphe, but not suche in blody tryumphes as that vngra∣cyous Mareus, as the vngodly Iulius hadde so vayne that they are spoken agayne of in scornefull Satius / what yf ye mouerytours had beholden them / he wolde haue kylled hym selfe with laughynge, in suche prayse worthye and apos∣tolyke Tryumphes, as the appos∣tell the warryout, and farre more polytyke Capytayne Alexaunder the great dyscrybeth as it were bostynge hys owne prayse sayd in many labours in prisons / more ha¦bundaunt in strypes aboue mea∣sure, in dethe often of the Iewes fyue tymes receyued? yea euery tyme fortye strypes, one excepted / thryse was he beaten wt roddes / ones was he stoned, thryse he suffe¦red shyprake nyght & day / I haue ben in the depe of ye see in iourney, often ī parels of waters, in parels of robers, in parels of my owne na¦cyon in Empyres amonge the he∣then / I haue ben i parels in cytyes in wyldernesse, in parels in the see, in parell amonge false bretherne, in labour & trauayle, in often wat∣chynges, in hunger and thruste, in in fastynges, often in colde and in nakydnes besydes ye thynges whi∣che outwardely happen to me. I am combred dayly and care for all congregacyons / who is sycke and I am nat sycke, who is hurte in the faythe, and my hert burneth nat a∣gayne lytell therfore let vs sayeth he in all thinges behaue our selfes as the mynysters of god / in moche pacyence, in afflyccyons, in necessy¦tyes, in anguysshe, in strypes, in prysonment, in stryfe, in laboure, in watche, in fastyng, in knowlege in longe sufferynge, in kyndnesse in the holy ghost, in loue vnfayned in ye wordes of truthe, in the power of god, by the armoure of ryght∣wysenes on the ryghte hande / and and at the lefte hande in honour & dyshonoure, in yll report and good report / as disceyuers & yet be true / and vnknowen, and yet knowen / as dyenge, & beholde me ye a lyue / as chastened, & not kylled / as so∣rowynge, and yet alwaye mery / as poore, and yet make many ryche / as hauynge nothyng, and yet pos∣cessynge all thynges. Se thou nowe what honouce, what tryumphe commeth of the a∣postelles warre / this is that glory which Paule as by an holy thyng often warred for / these are ye noble actes for which he trusted that any mortal crowne was kept for hym / they wyll nat I thynke dysdayne to walke after ye apostels steppes, which claymeth and take on them the apostelles rowme and aucto∣ryte. I wolde that the bysshoppes shulde be ryche but with the Euā∣gelyke matter / but with the heuen¦ly ryches / whiche the larglyer they dystrybute abrode amōge all men / ye more yet haue they in theyr owne kepynge. I wyll that they shulde haue defence but with the apostels weapyns, and with the buckeler of fayth / with the helmyt of Iustyce / with the sworde of helthe, why∣che is the worde of god / I wyll that they shulde kepe contynuall warre. But agayne, the very ene∣myes of ye church / Symony, pryde, & lechery / desyre of honoure, wro∣the, enuy, and other lyke vngodly∣nesse. These are the veryest turkes that the chrysten men shuld alway take hede of / and alwaye fyght a∣gayne: To suche warre the bys∣shoppes shulde be bothe exortours and chefe capytaynes. I wyll the preestes shuld be regarded amōge the chefe, nat for the tyranus rom∣blynges, but for the excellency of holy doctryne. And for theyr pres∣table vertues, I that they shuld be receyued nat for theyr gloryous names or tragycal vesture, but for theyr holy lyuyng and sad demea∣nour. I wyll that they be fered nat as tyrantes, but as fathers. To be shorte I wyll that they shulde be ryche / but in suche thynge as the rude multytude nat knowen, nat regardeth / and for yt the more sure swet & profytable / wylte thou here the true ryches of the hye bysshop. Here nowe what the chefest nexte to Chryst / sayd golde and syluer I haue none / that I haue that gyue I the in the name of Iesu / a ryse & walke wylte thou fere the beaute∣fulnesse of the posterike name why¦che passeth all worldlye gloryous names / which excelleth all yerthe∣ly shapes and ymages. Here what that noble Paule sayeth / we be the good odor of Chryst to god in eue∣ry place / wylt thou here more than a prynces power, I am able & can do all thynges sayeth he in hym whiche comforteth me / wylte thou here the glory ye or my ioye & my crowne in ye lorde / wylte thou here the tytles worthy for a bysshoppe, and the true pontyfycall vesture. Paule dyscrybeth them to be sobre ornate, prudent, chast, kepyng hos∣pytalyte, a techer, no fyghter / but soberly doyng no stryuer nat newe fangled which hathe good report, whiche also hathe a good iugemēt of suche thynge as are at the vtter syde / that he ronne nat opprobri∣ously in to the snare of the deuyll. Marke well with what ornamen∣tes Moyses adorned the bysshope Aron, with what ryches he inry∣ched theym / with what colours he paynted them with how innume∣rable precyous stones, he innoby∣led them wt howe great substaūce of splender golde he magnyfyed them all, which thinges what they sygnyfye / yf thou wylte knowe the interpretacyon of it, loke Orygy∣nes and Ierome / & there vndoutly thou shalt perceyue what stuffe ye veray true bysshoppes shulde pro∣uyde & seke for / whome shulde the bysshops rather folowe in lyuyng than them whome they expresse in leade, whome they represent in na∣me whose rowme & auctoryte they occupye / is it more conuenyent for chrystes vycare to folowe Iulius, Alexander, Cresia, and xerxes, why¦che are no other but veray straūge and great theues. i. Than Chryste hym selfe whome shuld be the suc∣cessours of the apostels, rather fe∣lowe than the chefe and ye hede of thapostels. Chryst openly denyeth yt his kyngdome is of this worlde, & countest thou it conuenpent that Chrystes successour shulde nat o∣nely admytte, but also couete the worldly kyngdome / and for con∣queryng therof shulde as they say moue euery stone and leaue none vnturned. In this world there are as it were two workes in al thyng betwene them selfe, dysagreyng by one grose and corporall / the other heuenly and as moche as it maye, thynkynge to be that thynge that here after it shall come to / in ye one he is taken for ye chefest that moost refusynge the veray good thinges and laden with false ryches as it were an hethen kynge, passeth all other in lechery, wāton pleasures, vyolence, pryde, presumpcyon, ry∣ches, rapyn, and suche lyke. And so is he counted for the chefest yt hath the most parte of these euyls & lest parte of wysdome / temperaunce, sobernes, iustyce, and other which are the very good thynges. In the other walketh he that is chefest is lest vnquointed with these vyle & grose ryches and moost couete to∣gethers the heuenly and veray {per}∣fyte ryches. More ouer why wol∣dest thou that a prynce shulde be yt thynge that the hethen Phyloso∣phers alwaye dyspraysed & dyspy∣sed / why settyst thou his maiestye in suche thynges whiche are con∣dempned of ye Infydels / why mea∣surest thou hym, be those thynges by which theues are ryche and ty∣rantes great. A preest is a heuenly thynge and thanne a man / there is nothynge worthy for hys hyghnes but an heuenly thynge / why dys∣honestes thou his dygnytie wyth so symple and vyle cōmon thyn∣ges / why vntamynatest hys pu∣renesse with worldly fylthynesse / why sufferest nat hym to be ryche in hys owne realme / why sufferest nat hym to be noble in his glory to be reuerensyd in hys maiestye / to be ryche in hys owne ryches / them hathe the heuenly spiryte chosen euen from the heuenly body / that is to saye, the churche to the moost hye perfyte rowme and dygnytie / why than drawest thou hym to the furyous and romblynge busynesse of Cyrannus warre. Paule reioy∣sed that he was segrogated frome the cōmon sorte, why than ploun∣gest thou the heuenly bysshoppe in ye fylthe of ye rude multytude / why deiectyst hym to the vsurars / why leadest yt deuyne mā to suche busy∣nes / as skars ye vylest of ye multy∣tude wyl do, why mesuryst yt the fe¦licyte of chrysten preestes in suche ges whiche Democritus laughed at as most folysshe / whiche Hera∣clitus wayled at as most wretched which Diogenes dispysed as most frenelous / whiche Crates castyd from hym as a thynge troblous / whiche the holy sayntes alway re∣fuse, alway as pestylent: why este∣mest yu Peters successour by these ryches, whiche Peter hym selfe re∣ioysed that he had nat / why wylte thou that the apostels were alway redy and delygente to trede vnder fete / why callest that Peters patry¦mony whiche Peter hym selfe ne∣uer had and greatly reioysed that euer possessyd it? why entangelyst thou Chrystes vycars with ryches whyche Chryste hym selfe callyd thorons, why buthenyst hym who∣se chefe and appropryate offyce is to sewe seed of goddes worde with ryches, by whyche the good seed sewen is chauked / why wylte that the techer and iudge of rightwyse∣nesse shulde be obedyent to ye wyc∣ked Mamon / why makest the my∣nister of the heuenly sacramentes a perceyuer of moste vyle & abiecte thinges of hym / all the Chrysten worlde loketh for the foode of holy doctryne, loketh for holsome coun∣sell / loketh for fatherly comfort / lo∣keth to knowe howe it maye lyue perfytly: why than seynge that he is destynated & chosen to so noble dygnyte, setteth heuen in the myd∣des of the vyle worlde, with trou∣bles, care, for worldly fylthe, bothe spoyleth ye bisshoppe from his dig∣nytie and the people from the bys∣shoppe. Chryste hathe his realme farre more exident, than yt it shulde be poluted by any hethyn kynge∣dome, or to speke trulyer by ty∣ranny, He hathe his noblenes, he hathe hys ryches and hys plea∣sures / why nowe myngle we to∣gether thynges that are alwayes so clene contrary and alway dys∣ngreynge. why confounde we the erly thynge with the heuenly, the meanest with the hyest, the porest with the rychest / the hethen with the chrystyane / the profame with the sacred. Great and excellente are the gyftes of the moost ryche and be∣nygne spyryte / the gyftes of do∣ynges, the gyftes of prophesye / the gyftes of helthe, the gyftes of knowlege / the gyftes of wys∣dome / the gyftes of lernyng / the deuisyon of spirytes / the exorta∣cyon and comforte, with these ho∣ly gyftes / why ioyneste the pro∣fame gyftes of the worlde / why goste about to ioyne Chryste with Mamam / to ioyne Belyall by the spiryte of Chryste / what hathe the inyter to do with the helmet / the holy Paule with the cote ar∣monye, blessynges with Gonnes / I meke herde, with the vyce ar∣moure / what hathe preesthode to do with warre / why with poly∣ces ouerthrowe hye townes and Castelles, whyche hathe the key of heuenlye kyngdome / howe a∣greeth it that he whyche shulde teche charytie and saue the people with peas, shulde be the begynner and doer of myscheuous warre. Howe shall he teache the chrystyan people to dyspyce ryches whyche setteth all his mynde and thought vpon money / howe shall he teche, whiche Chryste bothe taught and executed / the apostell also so often spake of yt no yll shuld be resysted / but to shewe for an iniury a bene∣fyte to the enemye. And to good to hym yt is oppressyd wt the calamy∣tes of the world, alwayes doynge good for yll / nother for claymynge of one lytell towne, or payment of trybute denayed, moue all ye world to stryfe and discencyon, murder, warre, & other pestylent mischefes. Howe can he gyde the kngdome of heuen, for so chryst calleth his chur¦che, whiche is all together occupy∣ed in the kyngdome of the worlde, but thou berest fauoure to ye chur∣che / thou wylte adhorne the chur∣che wt the chaunce of such ryches / I wolde alowe it, were it not that the churche shulde with that lytell profyte take & receyue also a great company of mischeues, whan thou haste gyuen a lordeshyp to ye chur∣che. Thou haste with yt gyuen thy care & stodye to heape ryches toge∣ther / thou hast gyuen a Tyronnus garde an harnesse, hoste, serchers, horses, moyles, trūpettes, warre, murder, tryumphes, stryues, dys∣cencyons, and batayle / to be shorte all thynges without which a lord∣shyppe can nat be mayntayned & kepte after the worldly appetyte. whan shal he haue leaser or mynde to vse the apostolyke rowme, whi∣che is holden backe & intangeled with a thousande cares and trou∣bles, wyll the muster of soldyours is taken / whyle truce are made & broken agayne / whyle they are po∣nisshed which are traytours / why∣le they are retayned whiche fynde newe deuyses / whyle the enemyes are assauted with batayle / whyle the castels are watched and kepte / whyle the audet is harde, whyle profane imbassadours are a han∣delynge, whyle frendes are promo¦ted to honour, whyle one assendeth by fauer, and another discended by displeasure / whyle one thinge and other is a handelynge whyche I can nat reherse. Semeth he to vn∣derstande the exylency of the Pope & Cardynalles, whiche receyueth it / more meter to withdrawe them fro prayer by whiche they talke wt god from holy contemplacyon / by whiche they are accompanyed a∣monge aungelles, from the moost florysshynge feldes of ye holy scrip∣ture, to these fylthy worldly thyn∣ges / or he which wold drawe them from so great felycyte & tranquy∣lyte of lyfe into besy rumblynge & stryuynge myschefes. For verely seynge that a realme by it selfe is indaungered to moche infyrmyte and labours / therfore chaunseth it farre more for the spirytuall ruler in these cases to cōmyt areuncy to the temporall, & that for two cau∣ses / parfytly for that, that the com∣mynaltie gladlyer wyll obeye the temporall rulers than the spirytu∣all / parfytly for that, that the tem∣porall rulers stey and endeuer to make the realme ryche and florys∣shynge / nat onely for them selfes, but also moche more for theyr hey∣res that shal inioye after them. Of the other parte the spirytualtye for that, they are well stryken in age ye in the later dayes before they be called to rule. And for that, ye onely the rule for them selfe, and can nat leaue ye rule to theyr heyres. Ther∣fore regarde nat the commynaltye nor the welthe of the multytude as the tēporall doth. More ouer whā the temporall ruler rayneth, pera∣uenter than ones warres moued they are promoted and inryched, whome the prynes fauoureth / but whan the spirytual ruleth than al∣most euery yere warre they for de∣fence or clayme of tytell / than this maner putteth hym from his pro∣mocyon & possessyon / that ye other gaue and brought hym to / the suc∣cessour thrusteth hym downe whō his predecessour auaunsyd. Than other newe men must be enryched to the great inpouerysshement of the cōmon welthe. Nowe is this also a thynge that the people soner obey his cōmaundement, whome they haue ben accustomed to / all thoughe his commaundement be harde / whiche prynce whan he is dede, the people yet seme to stande alwaye in a suretye, gyuynge the same reuerence to his sone & heyre. And they recon yt he is nat chaun∣ged but rather renued to theym by his sone and chyldren often repre∣senteth theyr fathers in maners / namely suche as are broughte vp vnder theyr fathers / of whiche {per}te whan ye rule of a realme is cōmyt∣mytted to the spirytualtie cōmeth for the most parte a sudden chaūge of all thynges. Also the temporall prynce cōmeth to ye rule as one in∣stytuted and exercysed in the thing gyuen from his cradell. The spiry¦tual most often besyed any lykely∣hode of promocyon, chaunseth to attayne to hyghe auctoryte, as one yt fortune auaunseth to dyngnytie, whom nature brought forthe from the carte and donghyll / in conclu∣sion it can no otherwyse be, that as Arcules was nat of power to rule two Monsters sarpens at ones. No more is one man able to rule two thynges moost deffuse & con∣trary. It is the dyffusest thynge yt can be to playe the true and good prynce. But it is moch more good∣ly & deffuse to playe ye good preest / cōmeth it nat than to pas whā one taketh on hym / the offyce of bothe ye he can fulfyll his duetye in ney∣ther of them. Hereof cōmeth it as gese / that whan we se the cytyes of the temporal rulers florysshe more and more in ryches, buyldynge, & people, than the townes of the spy∣rytuall rulers / for what purpose nowe nedeth it to labour and pro∣cure for suche thynge whyche are accompanyed wt many great mys∣chefes, fearest thou yt Chryste shall nat, yea and is nat all redy ryche ynough with his owne ryches / ex∣cepte some lay Tyrant gyue them parte of hys lordshyppe, receyuest hym to be nat ornate ynoughe, ex∣cepte some prophane warryour let the tēporall rulers haue ye rowme and auctoryte in temporall thyn∣ges / that that is meanest in a bys∣shoppe passeth the hyest rowme of all temporall kyngdomes. The more the spirytualte receyue of the worldly possessyons, the lesse shall it receyue of the goodnes of god / the poorer that it is of the one, the rycher shal it be of the other. Thou seest nowe how euery thyng shew∣eth contrary to the vtter syghte yf thou marke and beholde the inner fassyon. Suche as semed moost true & faythfull to the prynce, are often proued for traytours & hys enemyes. And suche as semed to mayntayne and prayse moost the bysshoppes dygnyte moost often decayeth and defayleth it. But I speke nat this for that purpose / yt whatsoeuer lande or rent chaunce to the spirytualtie shulde be pluc∣ked and taken from them. But ve∣rely I wolde they shulde haue re∣membraunce & knowlege of theyr excellent hyghnes, that euer they shulde vtterly cast fro theym these cōmon fylthy thynges and hethen ryches / or els they shulde at ye lest set no store by them. And as Paule sayeth, they shulde haue theym as they had them nat. Farthermore I wolde they shulde be so moche in∣flamed with Chrystes ryches, that what so euer they receyue of the worldly treasures, shulde eyther be darked with the bryghtnesse of the letter, or receyued for vyle or ab∣iecte in regarde of ye other / so shall it ende that what so euer they pos∣cesse / they shal possesse it with more ioye and suretye / neyther shal they feare or be troubled, lest any man wyll take them from them.
A00392.P4	A sermon made: by the famous doctor Erasmus of Roterodame	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1533?]	Imprynted by me Robert wyer, dwellynge at the sygne of saynt Iohn̄ euangelyste, in saynt Martyns parysshe, besyde Charynge crosse, in the bysshop of Norwytche rentes,	[[London] :	eng	[ "Sermons, English -- 16th century." ]	A Maryage was made in Caia a cytie of Galile, & Iesus mother was there / And Iesus and his disyples were called vnto the maryage / & whan theyr wyne fayled, Iesus mother sayde to hym. they haue no wyne / Iesus sayd vnto her, woman what haue I to doo with the? myn houre is not yet come. his mother sayd vnto the mynysters. what soeuer he saythe vnto you do it. There were stōdynge syxe water pottes of o∣ne after the maner of the purificacion of the Iewes: Iesus sayd vnto them fylle the water pottes with water, & they fyl∣led them vp to the harde brym / & he sayd vnto them poure out nowe & bere vnto the ruler of the feaste / and they bare it. When the ruler of ye feaste had tasted the water that was turned into wyne, ney∣ther knewe whens it was (but the my∣nysters whiche drewe the water knewe) he called vnto ye brydegrome, and sayd vnto hym / all men at the begynnynge vsen to sette forthe the good wyne, and when men haue drōken theyr fylle / then that, whiche is the worse, but thou haste kepte backe the good wyne hytherto. I Can scacely with my tonge expresse, moste de¦rely beloued brethren, & systren in Chryste, how greatly it reioyseth me, and replenyssheth: & ful¦fylleth my mynde, all full of ioye, and gladnes: that I do se so great a multy∣tude, of you to be assemble here, and to haue come together: & that with so great alacryte, cherefulnes, and good wyll / to the solempne cōmemoracyon of our blys¦sed lady, bothe vyrgyn & mother. This affeccion of you towarde the mother: is deuocyon, & loue towarde the sone / it is a maner, and custome / left to vs of our olde auncestours & Forefathers: vpon the feastefull dayes, to make some royal and costely feaste, or dyner. Wolde god that I, whiche am a father & herdesman hauynge charge of soules myght bryng forth out of the moste ryche & plentuous larder, or storehouse of holy scrypture, to you, Whiche are my sones and my shepe in oure lorde, some meate / whiche neuer wyll perysshe / but fatteth and maketh stronge the myndes of men into eternal lyfe / and also that I myght bryng forth the wyne of the spyryte / whiche by a so∣bre dronkennes maye so chere and glad your hertes: that euen in the very myd∣des of the trybulacyons & euyls of this worlde, you may alwayes synge, gyue laudes, and thank{is} vnto the lorde with spyrytuall hymnes. Whiche albeit that he is gloryous in all his sayntes: yet in his moste blyssed mother, he hathe speci∣ally, or syngulerly aboue all other sayn∣tes declared and (as it were) powred out the ryches of his glorye. Let vs therfore all togyther with oure cōmune prayers call for that holy spyryte, whiche lygh∣tynge vpon the moste blyssed virgyne Marye, dyd consecrate & make holy her yonge and tender virgyns breste or bo∣som, a temple and tabernacle to the de∣uyne Trynyte / & whiche made her vn∣touchyd wombe the workehouse of that wonderful byrthe, whiche brought fth to vs Iesu chryste the Sauyoure of the whole worlde desyred and loked for of all ages. Fyrste of al this is not vnkno∣wen to you good Chrysten people, that the honourynge and worshypyng of the moste holy and blyssed virgyne Marye consystyth and restyth pryncypallye or chefelye in .iiii. thynges / that is to wyt, in laudes or prayses / in honoures / in cal¦lynge vpon her / and in Imytacyon or folowynge of her lyfe / of the whiche .iiii. the laste, that is to wyt the Imytacyon of her lyfe, is so the moste chefe and pryn¦cypall: that without it all, the other .iiii. are vnfruytefull or vnprofytable, and this one also contayneth al the other .iiii. within it selfe / for that man hath suffy∣cyently praysed Marye / hath suffycyent¦ly honoured the blyssed virgyne Marie / and also hath suffycyently called vpon Marie: who soeuer he be, whiche to the vttermoste of his power doth folowe ye sobrenes / dothe folowe ye chastytie / doth folowe the humblenes and lowlynes of Marie / but they whiche throwe folysshe iudgement / and clene out of order, cease not contynuallye to synge, and to hepe laudes, and prayses to Marie / they also whiche with waxe candellys / whiche with gyftes, or obsacyons / whiche with churches, or chapelles do honoure her / & they whiche with longe ambyciōs pray¦ers callyth vpon her desyrynge her helpe and do not so moche as one thynke of fo¦lowynge her lyfe whome they do prayse they stande in iopardye, leste the mother do saye vnto them that, whiche the fa∣ther sayth by the mouthe of his prophete Esaye, to the poeple of the Iewes that worshypped hym. This people honou∣reth me with theyr lyppes / but theyr her¦tes be farre awaye from me. Agayne yt also whiche sayth to the same people in the gospell. Not all they that sayen to me mayster, mayster shall enter into the kyngedome of heuen / but he that fulfyl∣leth my fathers wyl whiche is in heuen. Let this therfore moste dearely belouyd brethren, and systers be our pryncypall studye and care, to folowe, as moche as we maye, the vertues of the blyssed vir¦gyn Marie in our maners, and cōuersa¦cyon of lyuynge leste she also may saye to vs / this people honour me or worshy¦pe me with songes / with pypes / recor∣dars / and other instrumentes of musyc∣ke / with waxe candels, and garlandes: but theyr herte is all sette on suche thyn∣ges / which I haue alwayes hated with my sone Iesu: that is to wyt / on ryches on pleasures / on synfull / and vngra∣cyous playes / vnfylthy tales / and vn∣clenlye cōmunycacyōs / & on pryde / they gyue to me ye pryncypal seate or place in the churches, and in aulters / but within theyr owne brestes or myndes they wyll geaunte me no seate or place at all / they synge and crye to me Regina celi / domi∣na angelorum / vita / dulcedo / et spes no¦stra / that is to saye, they call me quene of heuen / ladye of aungels / they call me theyr lyfe and swetnes / theyr hope & cō∣forte / I am saluted euery where / with moste honourable tytles or names / but not euery one that saythe to me lady la∣dy, shall entre into the kyngdom of my sone / but they onely whiche folowynge the example of my sone, do obey the cō∣maundementes of god / and whiche en∣deuourynge them selues to expresse and counterfayte the example gyuen of me do laboure to obtayne the fauour of my sone by folowynge of his mother / in whom what so euer thyng is worthy to be folowed: it is ye gyfte of the sone. Let vs not therfore suppose or byleue, that the moste holy vyrgyn hath delyte or is pleased with such fastes wherwith some men vpon certayne dayes do honoure & worshyp her fastynge onely for this en∣tent, that the next daye folowyng, they may the more largely be made dronken: or that she hath delyte or pleasur in those songes, whiche certayne persons do syn¦ge vnto her / whiche are moste corrupte with flesshely luste and ryote / or that she hath delyte in theyr gyftes and offeryn∣ges, which are on all sydes defyled with fornycacyons & adulteries. Not for that the moste mercyfull vyrgyne doth hate or tourne awaye her face from synners / but who soeuer are asshamed and do re∣pent them of theyr fylthynes or synnes, ar now no lenger synners / what soeuer thynge is dyspleasaunt or myslykynge to the sone: can not be pleasaunt or well lykynge to the mother. I know that in some places the chapell of our Ladye is sette forth (as it were to shewe) ful of syl¦kes / syluer / golde / and precyous stones / so that they whiche there do worshyp the vyrgyne, maye seme to worshyp mam∣mon or ryches / how moche more accepta¦ble and pleasaunt shuld it be to the blys∣sed vyrgyn Marye, If suche ryches we∣re bestowed and dealte forthe in almesse to the reseuynge and socorynge of Chry¦stes membres / in whom the mother also with her sone after a maner is eyther vexyd and afflycted, or els comforted relyued, and refresshyd? Yf it lyke or pleas you so well to haue an ymage of the blyssed virgyne / let it be made after suche maner, after whiche she her selfe pleased almyghtye god / and let her be portred suche maner one, as shall be a goodlye thynge for vs to folowe / that is to saye, lette there appere chastytye / mekenes / and sobryetye / in the counte∣naūce or face / in all the state, or behauy∣oure of the bodye / and also euen in the very vesture or garmentes, and appa∣rell of her. ¶Now I wyll in fewe wor¦des open / and declare vnto you what thynge it is conuenyent, and mete to folowe moste pryncypallye, in the vyr∣gyn Marie. But fyrste I wyl admonys¦she you in the waye of charytye of this one thynge / that there can not be a more perfecte, or a more sure rule, or forme, & example of holynesse, and vertues lyfe taken of any then of ye son: howbeit this is vndouted / that there is nothyng in ye mother: whiche swarueth, or is dysagre∣ynge from the doctryne of the sone. And here be nowe of attente myndes, geuyn∣ge audyence, & good hede al your yonge bothe boyes / and wenches / wyues / and wydowes / maryed men / olde men / and olde women / there is none of you / but you shall haue somwhat that ye maye folowe in the blyssed vyrgyne: the pryn¦cypall poyntes and as it were markes / whereupon we ought to haue our iyes stedefastlye sette / and wherof we wyll now speke. ¶Are these, her vyrgynall, her maydenly behauour and symplenes ioyned / with moste hyghe prudence / her moste hyghe felycytie ioyned with most perfecte humylyte / her moste hyghe cha∣stytie in wedlocke / the sedulytie, and dy¦lygence of her in doynge the offyce, and dutie of a mother: the passynge great for¦tytude, and strenghe of her mynde in ye frayle, and bretell womankynde. How greatly her mynde / and loue was sette on virgynyte / purytie / and clennes / it is euydente euen hereof / seynge that she was so troubled / and dysmayde at the cōmyng in of ye aungell to her / as LukeLuc. 1. tellyth in his gospell. No doubte of it she vnderstode / and knewe full well / howe great a treasure chastytie, or clen∣nes is / but she perceyued also agayne / howe great hardenes / and dyffycultie it is to kepe the sayde treasure / for whi∣che so many men / with so many tray∣nes / and wyles doo lye in wayte / and whiche many one haue loste afore they knewe howe good a thynge / and howe great a treasoure they had of it in theyr possessyon. Nowe howe farre are these vyrgyns awaye from the example of ye blyssed vyrgn Marye / whiche wylfully and of theyr owne mynde do rōne forth to play, & to haue cōmunycacyon / with yonge men farre vnlyke to the aungell And whiche vyrgyns also with beckes and sygnes with bourdes and mery con¦ceytes / with flatterynge wordes and be¦hauoure / with gest{is} / and lettres of loue do prouoke also yt thynge / wherby they may lease theyr vyrgynytie or mayden hede. The blyssed vyrgyne Marye had an husbonde with whome she lyued in one house: & yet yt notwithstandyng she was trobled & dysmayde at the cōmyn∣ge in of the aungell in a straunge & vn∣knowen shape, that she had neuer sen be¦fore / and she feared al thyng{is} euen those also wherin is no ieopardye at al. That she had ben maryed vnto an husbonde / she dyd it bycause of the custome vsed a¦monge the people of the Iewes / and al∣so to obaye the auctorytie and cōmaun∣dement of her parentes / and yet for all that on virgynytie was all her desy∣re. This she declaryth playnlye her selfe whan she saythe I knowe no man / for here the verbe of the present temps syg∣nyfyeth ye purpose of her mynde. Many women ar kept from vnclēnes through the great fere that they haue of infamye & losse of theyr good name / but the blys∣sed vyrgyne Marye whyles for the loue of chastyte and clēnes, she regardeth not the infamye of sterylytie and of beynge called a barayne woman / whiche was accompted a great rebuke amonge ye Ie¦wes / she deserued both .ii. of them / that is to wyt, that she remaynynge styll a vir¦gyne, shuld brynge forth a chylde / beyn∣ge veray god & veray man / howe may they for shame saye them selues to be the worshyppers of this virgyne / whiche euen in that tyme: in which they professe virgynytie, do vse vngracyous wan∣tōnes, or els whiche beynge nowe olde women / and paste chylde berynge / yet neuerthelesse haue delectacyon / & bur¦nynge luste to pleasure of ye flesshe now beynge oute of season for them? Nowe this that is shamefull, and vnsemely in a woman is moche more shamefull in ye kynde of men. Those that desyre to be taken for virgynes after the example of the blyssed virgyn Marie: let them be hole / and in euery poynte virgynes / for certeyne maydes haue theyr bodyes vn¦touchyd / or vndefyled / but the tieryn∣ge or apparellynge of them selues (not without medycynes payntynge I war¦rant you) to set forth them selfe / and to cause them to appere beautyfull is vn∣chaste / & vnclene / they vse wanton lo∣kes / cytie of the moste blyssed virgyne / this was an euydent argumēt and token se∣ynge that thoughe she loued syngulerly perpetuall virgynytie, yet of a symple mynde / she beynge a yonge mayden ly∣ued in one howse with her yonge spouse or husbande. Nowe harken somwhat of the wysdom of this yonge virgyne / for folysshe virgynes the spouse refuseth / & knoweth them not / as it is redde in the gospell.Mat. 25. After yt the aungell had saluted her / she doth not forthwith salute hym agayn / neyther she lepyth out by an by: but quyetly abydynge she cōsyderyth & thynketh in her mynde,Luc. 1. what maner sa∣lutacyō yt myght be / And agayn whan the aungel had promysed to her / that she shuld brynge forth so noble a chylde ney¦ther she mystrusteth his {pro}myse / neyther she is proude or ouer merye & glad ther∣fore / but demurely and discretelie she de∣maundeth of the aungel / after what ma¦ner / or by what meanes that thyng shul¦de come to passe which he had promysed vnto her she not losynge the treasure of her virgynytie, wherupon was all her herte and desyre set / she had seen the con∣course of the shepherdes / she had seen the veneracyon & worshyp, whiche the thre noble wyse men that came out from far countrees had done to her sone / she had harde also the prophecyes of Anna: and Symeon, & yet for al yt she blabeth forth none of all these thynges (as the moste parte of women wold) but holdyng her tongue, she gatheryd all these thyng{is} to¦gyther, and kepeth theym in her herte or mynde / it is the moste sure token yt may be of wysdom, euen in men also / yt they can kepe secrete to theym selues so great felycyte / wherof came this so great wys∣dom in a yonge virgyn, in a tendre da∣mosell, hauynge none experyence, & vn¦broken in the worlde? That wysdom is an ouerlate & a wretched wysdom: whi∣che is goten or cōmeth to man by longe experyence of hurtes or euylles / the holy ghost dothe remplysshe and fulfyll euen the mynde of yonge wenches, & of yon∣ge boyes also with sage prudence or wys¦dom / lette euery man purge or clense his owne mynde from vyces: that yt ghoste the gyuer of wysdom maye vouchesafe to entre into it. Nowe as for the felycyte of the blyssed virgyne Marie, what ne∣de we to speke of it? who was euermore worshypfully saluted and greted of an Aungell? to whom was euermore great or royall promyses brought? he that is ye maker of heuen and erth sendeth an em∣bassage vnto the virgyne / Gabryell doth the message / and is maker of ye ma¦ryage, a chylde is promysed vnto her su¦che one as was neuer afore nor synce {pro}∣mysed to any / he shall be (sayd the aun∣gell) great and shall be called the sone of the hyghest,Luc. 1. and the lorde god shall gyue to hym the seate of his father Dauid & he shall reygne ouer the howse of Iacob for euermore, and of his kyngdom shall be none ende. what more hygh promyses maye be made then these? Nowe after that the aungell had brought her in such byleue of the sayd promyses, trowe you that this so great felycyte dyd any thyn¦ge mynysshe the humylyte or lowlynes of this yonge virgyne? Forsothe it my∣nysshed it nothynge at all / but rather en¦creased it. Beholde (sayd she) the hande mayde of the lorde of this so great a bu∣synes, she chalenged or toke vnto her sel¦fe no parte of the glorye or prayse, onely she professeth and knowlegeth her self to be an hande mayde obedyent and redy, or well wyllynge to all thynges / what soeuer it shuld please the lorde to do with her. Nowe when she was great with the heuēly chylde / she disdayneth not for cau¦se of good maner & curtesy to visyte her cosyn beyng an olde woman & great wt chylde / her cosyn Elyzabeth sayd to her howe chaunseth this to me yt the mother of my lord doth thus come to me / yet for all that she beyng alwayes lyke her self and contynuynge stylle one maner wo∣man answered and sayd agayne / for he hathe loked vpon the lowe estate of his hande mayde / she graūteth and speketh of her happynes / but she bosteth nothyn¦ge her dignyte, neyther she sayth / all ge∣neracyons shal call me happy & blyssed, bycause I haue deserued it: by bycause he hathe done great thynges to me, whi∣che is of myghte and power to do what soeuer he pleas / and she sayth not, & holy or gloryous is my name: but she sayd, & blyssed is his name / And albeit she kne¦we well ynough that she had suche a no¦ble chylde in her wombe: yet for all that she disdayneth not, ne dispyseth her hus∣bande / what soeuer seruyce any obedy∣ent wyfe doth to her husbāde that same / moche more habundaūtly dyd she to Io¦seph / she gothe with hym to the taxe or cessynge / whiche Cesar had cōmaunded with hym she bare the chylde to his Cir∣cuncision / with hym she fynysshed all ye cerymonyes of the Purificacion / she fo∣loweth hym into Egipt: For when they shuld haue admonyciō to fle into Egipt ye aūgell appered then not to Marie, but to Ioseph, that the auctoryte shuld be or rest in ye mā. In theyr retornyng agayn from Egipt, she cleaueth to hym & neuer departeth from hym, neyther disdayneth she to be comenly called ye wyfe of a car∣penter / neyther she is a shamed of that loue & poore or vyle brethren & susters, or kynnesfolke / neyther she taketh it greuously that her sone was accompted to be the sone of Ioseph / whome she her selfe also called the father of Iesu / ther∣unto was neuer wyfe in this worlde / yt hath more reuerently obeyed her husban¦de / then dyd the mother of god / harken nowe ye women that do worshyppe the moste blyssed virgyn Marie. What shal here those new wedded wyues say: whi∣che beyng proude of their beaute & youth dyspyseth & setteth at nought theyr hus∣bandes. what shall these matrones or da¦mes say whiche often tymes amonge ca¦steth in theyr husbandes tethe the dowry & rychesse whiche they brought to hym. Yea and also otherwhyles dryueth them out of the house: as yf they were ladyes or mastresses / & not wyues / what shall they say? whiche ouer turneth or destroy¦eth the hole house wt chydynge & braw∣lynge. The most blyssed virgyn Marie with moste reuerence, & dreade pleaseth, and obeyeth her husbande Ioseph, she ne¦uer gyueth to hym frowarde answers / neyther taketh she vpon her at any tyme to rewle or mayster hym: or to haue her mynde fulfylled afore his / & are you as∣shamed to obey & folowe your husbādes myndes: without whom ye ar barayn & without honour: and to whome also the auctoryte and cōmaundement of god & of the apostle Paule hath made you sub¦iect{is}? And it is no doubte but loke howe great reuerence she vsed toward her hus¦bande / as great sedulyte and dylygence she vsed in the kepyng & bryngyng vp of her sone / she leadeth hym euery yere ones to ye temple in Hierusalem to shewe that chyldren shulde learne in theyr ten∣dre age to loue and worshyp god / when she had loste hym with howe great care and dylygence dothe she seke hym? And she neuer resteth vntyll she dothe fynde hym / what was ye blyssed virgyn Ma∣rie affrayde of any mysfortune yt might come to her sone: had she seen any token of lyghtnes or wyldnes in her sone / no verely none attall / but she taught you, yt be mothers hauynge chyldren / & gaue to you a lesson that you can neuer be dy¦lygent ynoughe: & take so good hede as oughte to be taken vnto your chyldren in theyr tendre age / youth is frayle and redy to folowe & to be ledde into all ma∣ner vyce. They do worshyp Marie vn∣deuoutly who soeur be neclygēt aboute the bryngynge vp of theyr chyldren / as who shuld say, it were ynough onely to haue conceyued them & borne theym / ye moreouer certeyn women there be / whi∣che by wycked and vnlaufull craftes and meanes, do put from theym selues the yrksomenes of berynge theyr chyl∣de / & the laboures of gyuynge it sucke. And they offēde or synne nothyng lesse whiche with lowde & vngracyous exā∣ple gyuyng / infecten and corrupten the feble yonge age / & whiche teacheth chyl∣dren vnthryftynes & vyce / Before they can perfectly speke. The moste blyssed virgyn Marie she was very carefull & dylygent aboute her sone Iesu / & doste thou wylfully sette out and betray thy sone and doughter / vnto all maners or kynde of fylthynes a synne. Doubtles hereof it cōmeth to passe / that so many womē repent them that euer they were fruytefull & not barayne / bycause they brynge vp euyll & noughtly ye chyldren well borne / and yet to haue brought vp or taught theyr chylde well: is the offyce more properly belongyng to the father & mother / then to haue begotte it / or to ha∣ue borne it / but howe is it possyble / for them to teache and brynge vp theyr chyl¦dren wel whiche eyther be not abydyng at home / or ellys whiche lyueth fylthely and shamfully at home / so yt by the con∣uersacyon and company with theyr pa∣rentes / the chyldren do learne fylthy cō∣munycacyon & rybaldry, do lerane wan¦tones / doo learne to be dronkardes / and to be brawlers / to be dysers and carders to be blabbes and full of ydle and vay¦ne wordes / to be backbyters and sclaū∣derers / and generally do lerane of them all maner vyce and synne. But here of∣freth it self vnto vs large mater / so spe¦ke of, yf we wolde compare the most ex¦cellent vertues of the most holy virgyn vnto our maner of lyuynge / but yet we shal take very moche profyte. Yf we shal study to amende our maners whiche be corrupte vpon euery syde / accordyng to the exāple of this blyssed virgyn. Now it resteth, or remayneth to touche som∣what of ye fortitude, or ghostly strenght of this virgyn: for bothe these be tokens of magnanimite, and stronge mynde. ¶Neyther to be proude, or hygh mīded in prosperyte: neyther to be sadde, & lette the herte falle in aduersyte. Albeit that the worshypfull name of Iesu wexed famouse / & he was so greatly spoken of for his so many & great myracles don: yet we do neuer rede that this most holy virgyn chalēged euer or toke vnto her self any porcion or parte of ye prayse / yea moreouer we scacely rede that she was present at any myracle: saue only when at the brydall he torned water into wy∣ne / she harde all thynges and she gathe∣ryd them togtyher in her herte and myn∣de makyng no wordes / but alwyes bea¦ryng the person of an hande mayde whi¦che she hath professed her selfe to be. with lyke constaunce and stronge mynde she toke it: when her onely sone and dearely beloued was often tymes in ieoperdye by the reason of the Phariseys lyeng in wayte for hym / and in cōclusyon. when he was taken, & was bounde, when he was scourged, when he was condemp∣ned and iudged to death, and when he was ledde to be crucyfyed / the other wo¦men wepte / and they were rebuked of our lorde / what felte she then in her mo∣therly breast or mynd? she was not with out felynge or perceyuyng of all thyng{is} she sorowed and had compassyon with her sone / but she subdued and kepte vn∣der ye naturall or carnall affeccion with the strenght of ye spyryte / she kept in her sobbynges / she held backe and kept in ye teares / whiche wolde fayne haue braste out / and when all the other disciples we¦re slypt and shronke awaye from theyr master for feare / she only and Iohn̄ sto∣de nere to the crosse of her sone. All those ar contumelyous pyctures & to the dys∣honour of our lady / whiche representen or setten her forth fallyng to the groūde & in a swoune without any felyng or {per}¦ceyuynge of her self / well nere deed for sorowe / she neyther cryed out ne tare her heares / ne knocked her breste, ne cryed out callyng her selfe wretched or vnfor∣tunate / she toke more consolacyon and conforte of the redempcyon of mankyn∣de / then she dyd heuynes or sorowe of ye death of her sone / & in this poynte also she sheweth her self an hande mayde: ac¦cordyng to her promyse, vnto hym who¦se wyll and pleasure it was after this maner to restore the kynde of man / and she thought her self to haue ben happely a mother, which had brought forth ye au¦ctor of helth & sauyour to the worlde, she preferred ye publyke and comen felycyte before her owne pryuate sorowe or grefe where then be nowe those women whi∣che for ye losse of money / or for a smaller hurte or dyspleasure do brynge forthe or cast theyr chylde before the due tyme / for sorowe & care? where be these men whi∣che for the death of theyr lytell doughter dystemperen all theyr hole houses with fonde and folysshe lamentyng{is} / cōplay¦nynges and wepynges. It is red that the moste blyssed virgyn Marie dyd be¦holde and se the moste bytter and cruell dethe of her sone / but we rede not any where that she wept and made lamen∣tacyon: other women wepte / and for the lacke or wante of theyr lord taken from them / whome they dyd not yet loue spi∣ritually / they were almoste out of theyr wyttes and besydes them selues / Marie only, hauynge a strong mynde, holdeth her peace abydynge ye wyll and pleasu∣re of god / peraduenture you do suppose or iudge it but a meane thynge and not so hyghly to be estemed to become ye bon¦de seruaunt or hande mayde of the lord. Verely there is nothyng more diffycyle or harder to acheue & attayne, for who soeuer hathe ones wholly gyuen or put hym self to ye wyl & pleasure of the lord, gyuyng the prayse only to hym / yf any welth, or good chaunce hath ben betyde hym or loketh for socoure or ayde from no where els, but onely from hym. Yf he be in dystresse or in aduersyte / that man can not but stonde styffe and vnabas∣shed for any wyles or fearefull assaltes that Sathan can do or inuent agaynst hym. But of these thynges parauentu∣re we shal at another tyme haue oportu¦nytie to speke more largelye. Nowe the solempnytie of this daye requyreth that we shulde pyke oute somwhat or take some parte of the gospel which hath ben redde to you: vnto the glorye of the sone and of the mother: and to our ghostlye helthe & comforte / they whiche are all re∣dye maryed / or els whiche ar purpossed to be maryed / & desyrous to haue a mate in wedlocke gladlye / and with attente eares here this hygh honour to haue ben geuen to matrymonye / and wedlocke. ¶That chryst with his dysyples & mo∣ther, whan he was bydden to the bryde∣ale or maryage feaste / refused not to go thyther / but moreouer vouchesafed to put it to honor by doyng so great a my∣racle at it / but for this cause ye lorde hym selfe beynge a virgyne, & also the sone of a virgyn: ones hath honoured matry¦mony / to the entente that we shulde not dyshonest it with our fyltynes, or vn∣clennes / ye and euen now a dayes also, where soeuer the man and wyfe are ioy∣ned togyther in chaste and faythfull ma¦trymonye with agreable myndes, and with equall loue and exercyse of vertue there the lorde Iesus dysdayneth not to be present with his mother. Neyther she is greued to beseche & entreate her sone for theym: yf any thynge be wantynge to theym, that whiche appertayneth to the more pleasauntnesse or iocundytye of theym that are maryed / all thoughe theyr substaunce or rychesse be neuer so slender or small / and thoughe that they haue a great many of chyldren / for that wyne whiche Iesus gyueth, makethe dulcet and swete all thynges: be they els neuer so heuy / sorowfull and paynfull. Moreouer this thynge also is to be mar∣ked, that as it is syttyng or due that the chyldren do obeye and folowe the wyll of theyr mother / so lykewyse it is conue∣nyent aud semely that the auctoryte of the parentes do gyue place to that whi∣che the gospell calleth vs / for in this no∣thyng is to be consyderyd or regardyd / but only what maketh most to ye glorye of god, and to ye cōmune soule helthe of the people. That his mother callynge vpon hym doth saye / they haue no wy∣ne: it is a poynte of a certeyn louyng sol¦licytude or carefull dylygēce / that she gy∣ueth place to ye auctoryte of her sone / an¦sweryng here to outwarde apparaunce somwhat hardelye, or sharpely in this wyse.Io. 2. woman what haue I to do with the / it is a poynte of certeyne wyse hum∣blenes and mekenes: agayne yt she sayth pryuely to the mynysters, what soeuer thynge he shall say vnto you / do it, it is a poynte of a certeyn trust & confydence that she had in her sone. Nowe a dayes, certeyne fathers & mothers abusen theyr auctoryte, that they haue ouer theyr chyl¦dren: whyles they compell theym whe∣ther they wyll or not to entangle theym selfe in wedlocke or ellys in the order of preesthode, or to put them selfe into some Relygyon / or ellys whyles they drawe them backe from the preachynge of the gospell / or whyles the father or mother compelleth theyr sone beyng a prynce or gouernoure to begyn betayle or warre, whiche shallbe cause of great hurte or de¦struccyon to the cōmen weale. For the prynce or gouernoure in as moche as he beareth a publyke persone & is a cōmen offycer, he maye safely not hurtynge the naturall loue and reuerence, whiche he oweth vnto his father, make answere to his father on this wyse / in this thyng I wyll not take you, or regarde you, as my father / I wyll more regarde the pro¦fyte of the cōmen welth / the gouernaun∣ce wherof I haue taken vpon me, then I wyll regarde the pryuate auctorytie of my father / Here is perauenture a mā hauynge wyfe & chyldren at home, and his mother cōmaūdeth hym to go in pyl¦grymage to saynt Iamys in Cōpostel∣la, bycause she hath made suche a vowe or promesse: lette hym say to his mother. In other thynges I wyll take you and obey you as my mother: but in this thin¦ge I muste obey god, whiche cōmaun∣deth me to prouyde & se vnto my wyfe & chyldren. For whose cause it is well don and accordynge to godes cōmaūdemēt, that a man do also forsake his father or mother / and these thynges we haue spo∣ken as touchynge to the lyterall sense of the gospell / but for as moche as our lord hathe turned the water of the vnsauery lawe into the beste wyne, it is ryght & accordynge or mete that we also do get out some more pryue and hydde sense or meanynge / It was no great thynge yt a yonge wenche was ioyned to a hus∣bande in matrymonye. But it is a ve∣ry great mystery, & to be honoured euen of the Angelicall spirites, that the spyry¦te that is to wytte the sone of god is ioy∣ned with ye flesshe of man, that is to say: the nature of god with ye nature of man For the sone of god toke vnto hym our nature / & by a meruaylous glue it was brought to passe yt the same person was bothe god & man. There was present in the same our lord Iesu at this same spy¦rytuall maryage bothe the spouse & the spouses / there was present in that spyry¦tuall brydale & feaste that blyssed wom¦be, in whiche that wonderfull and vn∣specable maryage, was celebrated & ma¦de / in whiche wombe, as in the worke∣house of the holy ghost that Gyaunt of thre substaunces, was formed / whiche shulde vaynquyshe depresse and subdue all the tyrannye of Satan. There is al∣so another mysterye of the sayd marya∣ge / the sone of god feruentlye loued the churche whiche he hathe puryfyed with his owne blode, to the intent yt he myght haue her a Spouses mete and accordyn for hym selfe,Ephes. 5. hauynge no maner wem∣be, or spotte,Nota. neyther any wryncle in her at all / and for ye loue of this spouses this meruaylous and wonderfull wo wer de¦scended from heuen & cam into the wom¦be of a virgyn, from whense beynge clo¦thed with the robe or vesture of our fles∣she came forthe, as a spouse or brydegro∣me from his bryde chambre. This wom¦be of ye virgyn was certeynly,Ezech. 44. that yate whiche Ezechyell sawe towarde the ry∣synge of the sonne / out of ye whiche yate there arose or spronge the lyghte Iesus chryste to men syttyng in darkenes, & in the shadowe of deth / whiche yate remay¦ned styll closed or shytte to ye prynce the sone of god enterynge in & also brought forth to vs the same Prynce clothed in the body of man, as ī his weddynge gar¦ment, the seale or closure of her chastyte beynge vnhurte / he then after he was come forthe of this chambre / wedded a newe spouses the churche / he maryed her hauynge no dowry or rychesse / he mary∣ed her beynge in captyuyte / he maryed her beynge fylthy & contamynate. But her thus deformed and full of spottes, he hath puryfyed with the bath of his most precious blode he hath raunsomed her be¦ynge prysoner with his owne precyous deth / and her beynge bare and naked he hath plentefully enryched with spyryta∣all gyftes & vertues. The soule of eue∣ry one of vs moste dearely beloued bre∣thren, is the spouses of Chryste we haue ben raunsomed and bought with an ex∣cedynge great pryce, from the thraldom of the deuyll, lette vs not nowe wylful¦ly falle agayne into his seruytude and bondage. We haue ben freely wasshed from fylth, let vs not nowe lyke swyne retorne agayne vnto the soyle or myre of vyces and synnes / we haue ones re∣ceyued the doctryne of the gospell, & we haue dronke in the moste swete spyryte of Iesu: lette vs not nowe beynge vn∣kynde to hym for his so great lyberalyte twardes vs, ronne agayne to the adul∣terer the deuyll / but contynuynge in the fayth & promyse made at the receyuyng of baptysme / by whiche promyse we ha∣ue renounsed the deuyll and all his pom¦pes / let vs alwayes haue in remēbraū∣ce that we were spoused to one husban∣de,1 Cor. 2 that we shulde kepe our selues a cha∣ste virgyn to our spouse Chryste / & lette vs not suffre our senses to be corrupted by the wylynes and crafte of ye serpent, from the sympfycyte whiche is in chryste Iesu / Chryste is a Ialous louer, & not without good cause whiche dyd gette or wynne and set at lybertie his spouses to hym selfe / so dearely lette vs gyue dyly∣gence that we maye be present alwayes at this spyrytuall weddynge or marya∣ge, lette vs by vnfayned fayth, by pu∣re and perfyte charyte cōtynue and aby¦de in the embrasynges of our spouse,Io. 15 let vs that be braunches, abyde and conty¦nue in the vyne tree / lette vs whiche be the membres,1 cor. 12 or lymmes abyde in the bo¦dy,Io. 17 that by the spyryte whiche glueth or soudereth all thynges togyther: we may be made so one with hym: as he is al one with his father, let the synagoge of the Iewes drynke theyr owne colde & vn∣sauery water whiche hath loste her spon¦se / he drynketh this water wheresoeuer he be that putteth his truste and hope of helthe and saluacyon in cerymonyes, in outwarde thynges in the power or stren¦ghte of man. Lette vs syttyng at the ta¦ble of our spouse be made dronken with the spyrytual wyne of the doctryne whi¦che the spouse hath largely & plentuous∣ly powred forth vnto vs / let vs be ma¦de fatte with the precyous body of hym: and with the pocion or drynke of his pre¦cyous blode let vs alwayes waxe yon¦ge as touchynge our inwarde man, all thoughe our outwarde man do decay & fall away. They which be not yet apte or able to be fedde with stronge and sub¦stācyall meate ar to be nourysshed with mylke vntyll that they be growen to ye strēgth that they be mete to receyue this drynke & this meate / that thynge (sayth Paule) is not the fyrste whiche is spyry∣tuall / but that whiche is carnall.1 Cori. 17. The ie¦wes had a carnal lawe whiche the wret¦ched men do cleue vnto, and wyll not yet leue it / but to vs which by receyuyn¦ge the spyryte of Chryste are made spyry¦tuall: it is a great shame to be alwayes infantes or babes, & to sucke mylke, but it is a moche more shame after that we haue tasted of the wyne of heuenly doc∣tryne, to retorne agayne to the water of the Iewes, it is the propertye of other men fyrste to sette before theyr gestes the beste wyne / and afterwardes that whi∣che is worse, that is, to fall from better to worse thyng{is} / But chryste hath chaū∣ged this order to the contrarye, whiche kept the beste wyne behynde and sette it forth laste to teache vs that we shuld al¦wayes profyte or goo forewarde from weake thynges to more stronge and sub¦stancyall thynges / lette vs pray and be¦seche the lorde that he wyll gyue to his spouses moste plentefull fecundite, that is to say: that the sede of the gospell may moste largely be spred abrode / and that dayly there maye be borne quycke yssue or chyldren / fyllynge the howse of god, for through our vyces and synnes / we se it brought to passe, that nowe the ly¦mytes of the Churche be brought into so narowe rowme, and that also amonge these whiche professen the name of the Churche: so fewe be whome the spouse doth recognyse to be his / one of vs doth blame another / the pryuate persone fyn∣deth defaulte with the prynces or gouer∣noures, the laye men with the preestes / why doo we not rather with agreable myndes go aboute eche man to amende his owne selfe: then to rebuke another mans lyfe? yf we wyl do so, by this mea¦ne the spouses of Chryste shall florysshe and prospere, by this meane the brydale feaste shall waxe merye and cherefull / Paule cryeth / you men that are maryed loue your wyues,Ephes. 5. as Chryste loued the Churche and let no man hate his owne flesshe, but lette hym nourysshe and che∣rysshe it. gyuynge honoure to the more weake vessell, lykewyse as chryste hath suffered and doth suffre his spouses,1. Pe. 3 for∣gyuynge her synnes and alwayes dra∣wynge her vnto better thynges, lyke∣wyse the wyues agayne on theyr par∣tes, accordynge to the doctryne of the A∣postle lette theym be subiecte and obedy∣ent,Coll. 3. so as is mete and conuenyent in the Lorde, and lette there be suche tempera∣ture of auctorytie and of obsequy or ser∣uyce betwene theym that the vnlaufull man maye be saued / by the faythfull or chrysten woman,1. Pe. 3 and that the vnchry∣stened woman may be sanctyfyed by ye chrysten man her husband. And I wol∣de wysshe that all men and women shul¦de so come togyther ofte vnto the pray∣synge of the blyssed virgyne Marie, yf by the gyfte of the sone, and the exam∣ple of the mother, euery one of them my∣ghte retorne home better then he came, & myght mynysshe somwhat of theyr vy∣ces and make some encreace & augmen∣tacyon of vertues / suche worshyppyng it is wherwith the most blyssed virgyn Marie is pleased, suche also her Sone lo¦ueth and reioyseth in. To whome with the Father and the holy ghost be glory & prayse without ende. Amen. ¶Laus deo.
A00393.P4	[A ryght excellent sermon and full of frute and edificacyon of the chylde Jesus.]	[ "Erasmus, Desiderius, d. 1536." ]	[1536?]	In fletestrete at the sygne of [the] George by me Robert Redman],	[Imprynted at London :	eng	[ "Sermons, English -- 16th century." ]	I A chylde goynge a∣boute to speake before chyldren of the ineffable chylde Iesus wyll not wyshe the eloquence of Tullie / whiche myghte stryke the cares with shorte and vayne pleasure / for how much Chrystes wys∣dom is in dystaunce from the wysdom of the worlde (the dystaunce is vnmea∣surable) so much ought the christen elo¦quence dyfferre frō the eloquence of the worlde. But this I wolde ye myght with vowes with me of so good a father of the good fyte prayse / that lykewyse as our hole lyfe ought to expresse none other than the spirite Iesus Christ (of whom this daye we do entende to speake) so lyke∣wyse this our sermon maye sauer on hym / represent hym / breath hym / whiche is both the worde of the father and hath all onely the wordes of lyfe / whose lyuely and workynge speche is more percyng then any .ii. edged swerd percynge to the very inwarde chaum∣bers of the herte. And yt he / from whose body flodes of lyuyshe water do renne / wyll vouche salue by the instrument of my voyce as it were by the pype of a cō¦duyt to flowe into the myndes of all you / with the plenteous moysture of the heuenly grace to water them. This thynge so I truste shall come to passe (most derely beloued felows) if we wyll ioyne to the godly requestes / eares which be purged and true thirsting. That is to say such eares as that eter∣nall worde requyrynge in the gospell of sayntte Matthew the. xi. Chapitre saythe. Qui habit aures ad audien∣dum audiat / that is to saye ☞ Who hath cares to the entente to heare / let hym heare. But as tou∣ching me / why may I not be bold to en terpryse this thynge harde I wyll not denye / but yet godly / namely god hym selfe beynge my ayder and helper / in whome the lesse mans infirmyte trus∣teth in his owne powers the more able it shalbe / and in whome Paule bosteth that he can do all thynges. Moreouer syth these persons do with such feruent and affection whiche haue wedded and appoynted themselues to the warfare of this worlde / that is to saye / of the deuyll that eche one of them shulde extolle / auaunce / and magnifie theyr captayne with all the of prayse that can be ymagyned / howe muche better and soner ought we to magnifie euen auye who can do best with deuout hymnys and comminda∣tions our mayster / redemer / & captayne Iesus / and the same also the prynce of all in generall / but of vs chyldren in es∣pecial? Him fyrst & principaly to know let vs studie / knowen let vs prayse / praysed let vs loue / loued let vs expresse expressed let vs counterfet / counterfet∣tynge lette vs enioye / enioynge let vs take immortal felicite. But in so plen∣tyfull & so vnmeasurable copye of thyn ges from whens shal we take a begyn∣nyng of our sermon / or where shall we fynde an ende? Syth he of whome we entēde to entreate is the very foūtayne or (to speake more truely) the occean see of all goodnes and good thynges. But as he hymselfe of nature incom∣prehensible and infinyte / yet was con∣tented to compasse and dryue his owne selfe (as who saythe) into a streyght. So lykewyse our sermon in expoun∣dynge his prayses which be of them∣selfes vnmeasurable / must of necessyte put a measure to it selfe. Ueryly I see that there be thre thynges principally whiche be wont to kyndle and enflame the hertes eyther of scolers or of soul∣dyours to do valiauntly and manly / the fyrste is to be brought in to an admira / cyon of theyr guyde or captayne! the secounde to loue hym / the thyrd the re∣warde. wherfore to thentent we myght with more feruent and cherefull coura∣ges obey our master and captayne Ie∣sus / go we to. Let vs consyder seuerally al these thre thynges with a deuout cu∣riosite in hym. Fyrste of all howe won∣derfull he is on euery syde and to be as∣toyned at. After that howe greatly he is to be loued and for that cause also to be folowed. And last of all what hyghe profyte / frute / and auauntage shall ar∣ryse vnto vs by this loue. Howe / it is the vsage of Khetoriciās in this kynd of oration to shewe ensamples of noble prynces / to this purpose and entēt that by the comparyson of hym whom they prayse with other / his nobles and ver∣tues myght appere the greater. But our captayne so greatly and wonder∣fully surmounteth all the heyth of hu∣mane dignite / and hyghnes that whō soeuer a mā sheweth be he neuer so wor thy excellent and hygh / yet he shal seme to adde darkenes and not lyght. For whose progenye and noblenes shall not seme smoke if thou cōpareste hym with Iesus whiche by an vnspeakable / nay with an vnthynkable reason is borne god of god alwaye without tyme egall in all thynges to his eternall and most hyghe parent. Howe be it though we go no further than to his humane na∣tiuitie / I pray you do it not easyly en∣shadowe and obscure the clearnes of al other kynges & prynces in the worlde? as he whiche wonderfully aboue the course of nature / his father of heuen beyng the worker and authour / the ho∣ly ghoste breathyng / the aungel beyng the massanger / without mans industrie was borne a virgyne / of a virgyne be∣ynge pregnant and with chylde by the handworke of the heuenly father / and was borne a man / and in tyme. And a∣gayne was so borne a man that nother be lefte to be god / nor yet he drew none of our fylthynes vnto hym at all. Now syr what can be ymagyned more am∣ple than he whiche beynge infounded through all / yet restreyned in no place abydeth in hymselfe vncompassable & vnmcasurable? what is more ryche than he which is the very chyef & prin∣cipall goodnes / from whome all good thynges do issue / and yet he is not ther∣by dyminyshed? what is more renou∣med than he whiche is the renoume of his fathers glorie / and whiche onely lyghtneth euery man commynge into this worlde? what is more myghty than he to whome the father almygh∣ty hath gyuen all power in heuen and in earthe? what is of more force than he whiche with a symple becke made all / at whose commaundement the see falleth / the shappes of thynges be tur∣ned / the dyseases flee / the armed fall downe / the deayls are dryuen awaye / the elementes they / the rockes of stone are cutte in sonder / the dead waxe a lyue agayne / the synners be conuerted / fynally all thynges be made new? who is of wyder imperye then he / whiche they in heuen magnifie / they in tremble at / this mydde worlde hum∣bly worshyppeth / to the comparyson of whome / the moste haut and hygh kyn∣ges confesse themselues to be but wret∣ched wormes? what is stronger and more victorious than he whiche alone / death whiche was to all other ouercam with his owne death / and whiche layd downe and abated the ty∣rannye of Satan by his heuenly pro∣wes and vertue? What is more triumphaunt than he whiche breakynge and spoylynge helle accompaynyed with so manye godly soules lyke a valiant conquerour ascen¦ded vp to heuen and there sytteth at the ryght syde of his father? What is wyser than he which with so wonderfull rea∣son created al thynges that euen in the very lytle bees he hath lefte so many & so greate miracles of his wysdom? and which with so wonderful ordre of thyn¦ges and harmonye knytteth / contey∣neth / admynistreth all whiche goyth rounde about all and yet departeth not from hymselfe mouyng all / beyng hym selfe vnmoued / shakyng all / hymselfe quyet / fynally yt which is most folyshe in hym / passeth by longe dystaunce the hole wysdom of the wyse men of the world / whose authorite ought so much the more be the greatter vnto vs / that the father hymselfe openly wytnesseth of hym saynge / ☞ here is my welbelo∣ued sonne in whome is my pleasaunce / harken to hym. What is so reuerend as he to whose eyes all thynges be open? What is so to be drad as he which with his only becke can sende both soule and bodye into hell. What is more beauty∣full than he whose countenaunce to be∣holde is the hygh ioy? Fynally if many thynges be had precious for the anti∣quitie? what is more auncient than he which neyther had begynnyng nor shal haue endyng? But it were perchaunce more conuenient that chyldern shulde wonder at the chyld / for here also he ap pereth wonderfull in so much that the lowest of hym is more hygh than those thynges which be moste hygh in men. Howe great was he whom beyng but a babe cryeng wrapped in cloutes caste lyke an abiecte thyng in the crybbe / yet the aungels from heuen magnifie with theyr songe / the shephardes worshyp / yea she that bare hym worshyppeth / the brute beastes acknowledge / the sterre sheweth / the wyse astronomers / kynge Herode feareth / all Hie∣rusalem tremble at / holy Symeon em∣braceth / Anna prophesieth the well dis∣posed people are brought into hope of saluation. Oh the low hyghnes & hygh lownes. If we wōder at new thynges what lyke thyng was euer outher done or herde / or thought? If we marueyle at greate thynges / what can be by all maner of meanes more ample than our Iesus whome no creature can outher expresse with the voyce / or conceyue with thought / whole greatnes who wyll compasse with wordes / he doth much folysher than if he went about to draw vp the wyde occean see with a dysch / his immensytie is rather to be worshypped than expounded / at which we ought so much the more to wonder that we can not atteyne it / & why shulde we not so wrsyth that great purseuaūt Johan Baptist pronounceth hymselfe vnworthy to vnlose the latchettes of his Bope to / then swete chyldrē let vs glorie with an holy pryde in this so noble a chylde Iesus our mayster / in this so worthy a captayn / let his hygh nes encourage vs to enterpryse deuout∣ly / in hym onely let vs please our selfes that thynkyng all that is his to be com mon to vs all / we may iudge and count our selfes better than (beyuge ones ad∣dicte to suche a captayne) to serue the world or vices / so vyle & fylthy masters BUt the deuyls do wonder & also tremble at hym / onely good men loueth hym / wherfore the other parte of this sermon as it goeth more nyghe vnto vs / so it is to be herde with more attentyfe cares that is to wyte for how many causes Iesus is to beloued of vs / nay to be reloued rather / for he loued vs not yet created before all tyme in hym felfe in whom euen than were all thyn∣ges. And therfore by his natyue good∣nes whan we were nought / he formed vs / and he formed vs / not any maner beste / but man / and he formed to his owne lykenes / that is to wyse / receyua ble of the hyghe ioy and with the holy breath of his mouth he dyd put into vs the breath of lyfe. Besyde this all other beastes and fowles commaunded to be obedyent at our cōmaundement / more ouer the aungels appoynted out to pro tecte and defende vs / he assygned and gaue all this moste wyde and goodly buyldyng of the worlde to our vses and behoues / in whiche he hath set vs in a certayne wonderfull stage to the that in the thynges created we myght wonder vpon the wysdom of the makee loue the goodnes / haue in reuerence and veneration the power / and that we myght the more do thus / be hathe furnyshed vs with so many helpes of senses / and hath garnyshed vs with so many good qualities of mynde and hath decked vs with so bryght & quycke lyght of wytte. what can be ymagyned outher / more wonderfull / or happyer / than this creature? But oh cursed en∣uye alway the compaygnion of welth / agayne by the subtyltie of the serpent he fell wretchedly into synne that is to wyte into worse thā naught. But here agayue thou oh good Jesu with what vnspecable /with what vnherd an example / with what incomparable charite haste thou restored that worke yt thou dydest creater for on suche wyse thou dydest restore it yt i maner it auay led them that they felle / and this faute there is one person whiche not without cause calleth it an happy fautewe were / al yt myght be / bound to hym that crea ted vs / but to hym that repared vs we owe more than all. wylfully thou keste thy selfe downe from the kyngdō of the father into this our exile to the entente thou myghtest make vs which were be fore banyshed and dryuen out of para∣dyse the cytyzens of heuen / thou tokest vpon the our humanite to call vs to the felowshyp of thy diuinitye / thou dydest put vpon the this our flyme to the en∣tent thou myghtest cladde vs with the glorie of immortalitie / beynge couered in our shappe / thou woldest lyue many yeres with vs in this wretched worlde that thou myght bryng vs yea thus in to the loue of the / naked thou crepst vp into this lyght nay nyght rather / with vs nay for vs thou crye lyke a ba be / thou dydst hūgre / thurst / suffer heate cold / labour / werynes / neade / watchyng fastynge / and to so many euyls of ours thou woldeste be thrall / to the entente thou shuldest bryng vs exempted front all cuyls into the communion of the / that is to say of the hygh ioy. Further∣more through out al the hole proces of thy most holy lyfe with how lyuely en∣samples wyst thou enflame our ? with how holsom preceptes doyst thou nourture and forme vs? with how won derfull miracles doyste thou awaken vs? with howe fayre monitions doyste thou drawe vs? with how sure promis∣ses doyst thou muyte? so that there is none more cōmodious way to the than by thy owne selfe whiche onely art the waye / the trouth / & lyfe. But thou hast not onely shewd the way / but also thou haūe opened it whyle thou woldest for vs be bounde / drawē / damned / skorned / whypped / bespytted / be bete / be reuyled and at laste also vpon the rode of the crosse / lyke a lambe without spotte be offcred / that by thy bondes thou mygh∣test loseu vs / by thy woundes heale vs / with thy bloud wesh vs / with thy death brynge vs to immortalite. Brefly thou bestowedst thyselfe holly vpon vs / that by the losse of the (if it were possyble) thou myght saue vs whiche were lost / when thou wert restored agayne to lyfe thou apearedst so often to thy disciples / and in theyr syght dydest stye vp to he∣uen that they myght trust to com thy∣thee wher they sawe theyr hede to haue gone before them. This done to the en∣tent thou myghtest yet more conferme thy frendes / thy father pacified / thou dydest sende that noble pledge of thy perpctuall loue / the holy ghoste / that dead to the worlde we myght lyue now in the farre more truely and blessedly than we lyueby this our owne spirite. I beseche you / what can be added to these proues of hygh charite. Nor these so many and so greate coulde not satys∣fye thy most brennyng loue toward vs. For who can reherse with howe many deathes of martyrs thou doyst encou∣rage vs to despyse this worlde? with how many ensamples of virgyns doyst thou kyndle vs to chastitie? with howe many monumentes of saynctes doyst thou attyse vs to deuoutnes of mynde? with how wonderful sacramētes of thy churche doyst thou fortifie and enryche vs? howe doyst thou comforte / left vp / arme / teache / monyshe / drawe / rauyshe / chaunge / transforme vs with thy my∣sticall and diuyne wrytynges / in which thou woldest certayne lyuyshe sparkes of the to be hydde / whiche myght styre vs a greate enkyndyllyng of loue / who so laboreth to dryue them out with a de uout dyligence. Fynally howe art thou euery where in our waye / to the entent we myght not forgette the / besyde this how fatherly doyst thou suffre vs when we synne? How mercyfully doyst thou receyue vs when we retourne? Nor thou doyste not impute thy good dedes for them that be kynde / nor our euyll dedes thou doyst not lay agaynste vs / whan we / howe euer amonge wyst thou plucke vs and draw vs with secret ? how doyste thou a∣mende and chastyse vs by ? howe entysest vs by prosperities? howe moueste thou euery stone sekeste euery way to the wode? thy most ardent cha∣rite neuer nor no where in cōfor tyng / reuengyng / defendyng & makyng vs blessed? But what a few thynges of so innumerable haue I gen∣tyl compaygnyons) and yet ye se what vnmesurable an hepe of it is? Bo now / who and let hym ma∣gnyfie Pylades / Orestes / Pyrithoos / Theseus / Damon / and Pythias with paynted wordes / whiche be all but try∣fuls to these. And all these benefytes hath he gyuen frely / of his owne mere motton / to vs / which haue nothyng de∣serued them / nay whan we were rena∣weys / traytours / and ennemyes / and whiche coulde do hym no pleasure a∣gayne. If with meane kyndnesses men be kyndeled to loue a man / shall we not at leste waye reloue our creatour / rede∣mer so louyng / so kynde? for he requy∣reth none other amendes of vs / whiche he also powreth agayne to our lucre. The adamante melteth with gootes mylke / cgyls / lyons / leopardes / dol∣phyns / dragons knowlege and requyte kyndnes / and oh the hardncs of mans herte harder than the adamant / if melteth not by suche kyndnes whiche hath not be herde of. O ingratitude / more vnkynde than wylde beastes / if it can forgette so greate deseruynges. O notorious vnsh amefastnes / nay mad nes rather / if so created so restored / so enryched / opprest with so great kynd∣nes / called to so greate hopes can loue any thynge saue onely hym / in whome and from whome be all / and whiche gyueth vs parte with hym of all thyn∣ges. And although euery mortall crea∣ture taketh these commodities / yet we especially be bound vnto hym / because that by many probations he hath de∣clared hymselfe to be of a syngular ten∣dernes and fauour towarde our ordre / I meane towarde vs chyldren. Fyrste that (as he was promysed by the sayn∣ges of prophetes) it pleased hym to be borne a yong chyld where as in dede he was without all measure & quantitie. Moreouer that yet closed in the deene of the virgynes wombe he reioysed to be saluted with the spryngynge and lepyng of an infaūt also not yet borne. Besyde this that forth with he wolde his to be halowed with the bloud of chyldrē / so that with these lyght harnysed souldyers (as I myght saye) the most captayne myght begynne his batell. To this maye be added that / his tryumphale deathe approchynge / he commynge to Hierusalem wolde be gloriously recey∣ued with the procession / metynge and louyng kyndnes of chyldrē rather then of men / and wolde haue his prayses to be songe and proclamed with the swete voyces of chyldren. Nowe syr / how lo∣uyng and busye a defendour & was he of chyldrē which whan the mo∣thers offered theyr chyldren vnto hym that they myght be blessed by touching of hym / he beyng discontēted with his disciples that they wolde not suffre thē to come vnto hym / sayd. Let the babes come vnto me. Nor he dyd not onely blysse them / but also he sayd that myght come to heuen that wolde not humble hymselfe according to ye yong babes. Agayne howe louyngly dyd he also when he so sore frayeth men from offendynge his lytle ones sayng / it were better for a man to haue a mil∣stone henge aboute his necke & be caste into the see / than that he shulde greue one of these babes / and to these wordes marke what a gooly addicyon he made in cōmendacyon of chyldrē? ☞ True∣ly I say vnto you theyr aungels do al∣ways see the face of the father. O good mayster Iesus thy lytle flocke whiche is offered vnto the / gyue thankes vnto the / whome I beseche that thou wylt vouchsaue always to lay thy holy han∣des vpon them / and defende them from all greuaunce. And is not this also a great token of loue when he dyd set a chylde in myddes of his disciples to be an example for them to folowe / saynge. Nisi conuersi fueritis & efficiamini sicut par∣uulus iste, non intrabitis in regnū coelorum. Oneles ye be cōuerted and be made as this babe is / ye shall not entre into the kyngdom of heuen. Hytherto also be∣longeth that whan Nicodemus demaūded of Christe by what waye he myght come to euerlastyng blysse / he demaun∣ded hym to be borne agayne / that is to wyte / to come agayne into a chylde. Lo so greatly infauncy pleaseth Christ our captayne / yt he enforceth also the aged men to waxe chyldren agayne / if they wyll be receyued into his compaygnye besyde whome there is no hope of sal∣uation. Nor S. Peter doth not disa∣gree from his mayster Christe / where as he aduertiseth vs as newe borne chyldren to couet mylke. Nor holy Paule dysaccordeth not / saynge. Filioli mei quos iterum parturio donec for∣metur Christus in vobis. O my lytle chyl∣dren / q Paule / whome I agayne do beare and bryng forth / lyke the woman lyenge in chyldbed / whyle Christ be for¦med in you. The same Paule gyueth his lytle babes (for so he calleth them) mylke to fede on / in Christe. There be ryght many suche sorte of places in the mysticall and holy scriptures. Gene∣rally and at one worde to speake the thynge / Christianitie is none other thynge in the worlde / but a certayne newe byrth whiche in the Byble is cal∣led a regeneration / and is none other thynge a beynge a chylde agayn. is than the mysterie of a chyld / great is the mysterie of chyld∣hode / wherin Iesus so greately was delyted. Let not vs then our age whiche that true and es∣temer of thynges hath made so muche of. Onely this one thynge / lette vs gyue our deuour that we may be suche chyldren as Iesus loueth / surely he lo∣ueth innocent and harmelesse chyldren redy / & apte to / and symple. And let vs also remembre this thynge / that this chyldhode so greatly and so derely beloued of Christe lyeth not in yeres / but in myndes / it consysteth not in ty∣mes but in maners. For there is a cer∣tayne kynde and sorte of chyldren / which is cleane ouert wart / and great∣ly to be fledde of vs / whiche haue smothe chynnes and roughe myndes / chyldren and berdles in age / but olde in vityous sleyght / soteltie / and mys∣cheyfe. wherfore there is also a certayne newe hynde of chyldehode whiche is alowed of Christ a chyldhode without chyldys∣shenes / and generally to speake) a cer∣tayne aged chyldehode / which standeth not in the noumbre of yeres but in in∣nocentie and simplycitye of wytte / doth not Peter openly shewe the same when he sayth. Deponentes igitur omnem mali∣ciam / & omnem dolum / & simulationes / & / & detractiones / sicut modo geniti infantes / rationabile / & sine dolo lac con∣supiscite / vt in eo crescatis in salutem. That is to say / wherfore layng a parte al malyce / & wyle / & hypocrisies / and enuyes / and backebytynges / as newe gotten infasites / reasonable / & without gyle couct ye mylke / that by it ye maye increase into saluation. why added he reasonable? truely because he wolde ex∣clude fowlyshnes which customably is wont cōmonly to be the compaygnyon of this age. why doth he contracte and take awaye enuyes / simulations / and the other vicyes / whiche cspecyally raygne in olde men? surely to the entēt we shulde vnderstand that the chyldren of Christ be estemed by theyr simplicite and purenesse / and not by theyr byrth. And in lyke wyse S. Paule also sayth. Malicia paruuli estote, sensibus aūt perfecti. In malice (q he) be babes / but in wytte be ye perfecte / howe be it there is vnt∣uersally in the very age of chyldrē a cer∣tayne natyue & naturall goodnes / and as it were a certayne shadowe & ymage of innocencye or a hope rather and dys∣positton of a goodnes to come. A softe mynde and plyable to euery behauour / shamefastnes which is a good kepar of innocencit / a wytte voyde of vyces / bryghtnes of bodye / and as it were a flower of a floryshyng worlde / and (I can not tell how) a certayne thyng alye and familiare to spirites. For it is not for naught that as ofte as the aungels appeare with thy shewe themselfes in chylderits lykenes / yea moreouer they that vse art magicke whan so euer they fetch vp spirites with theyr enchaunte mteēs (as men say) they be called vp in sykenesse of a bodely chylde / but howe muche more gladly wyll that heuenly spirite called vpon with deuout and ho ly vowes enter into suche mansions? wherfore to these gyftes of nature if imitation of that hyghe and absolute chylde be caste vnto / then fynally shall chyldrē seme louyng & kynde towardes hym & also worthy & fytte for hym / for the that so prouoketh / who can not but loue? suche is the vcrtue and operation of true loue / that thou to be so lyke (as may be possyble) vnto the thynge which thou louest / thyng if hu∣mayne loue worketh in vs / what zele of folowynge shall loue kyndlc / to which the other compared / is vnneth a lytle shadowe of if true∣ly and with herte / not with onely wor∣des we loue Iesus / let vs cudeuer for our power to expresse Iesus / or rather to be transformed into hym. And if we can not folowe the man / let vs chyldren folowe the chylde / howe be it this is no chyldes fete / yea it passeth the powers of aged ysons / but it is a thyng which in maner neuer chaūseth more happely than in chyldrē / for so oft as the matter depende on maas helpe / theyr strength / age / the distinction of male & female is & cōsydered / but where ye mat ter / nature / there his wonderfull worke / so much ye more that there is but lytle helpe & trust in the fleshe. Finally what doubt we or distruste / syth he hymselfe formeth / fathoneth / & transformeth vs / whō we cudeuout to expresse? who ad∣ded so great prudēce to the chylde who to the chyld Salomō gaue so great wysdō? who to tho. . chyldren so great pactēcer who made child Hely worthy to com to goddes speath? who to chylde Nicholas / to Bylys / to Beuet / to Agnes / to Lesyly / to so ma∣ny so tender virgyns gaue so manly & inuincible vertue? Truely not nature but grace / & where nature lesse helpeth / there more wōdetfully worketh grace / wherfore bearing ourselfes bold of this grace / let vs with a great hert and sto∣macke enterrpryse ye studie to folow ye chylde Iesus / & let vs neuer moue our eyes from hymbeynge (as who shulde saye) our marke. we haue a perfyte and an absolute exemplar / there is no∣thyng els where / to be softe. All his lyf cōtinually cryeth what we ought to do. For what teacheth vs that moste pure chylde that he was borne of a moste pure virgyne? but to eschue all fylthe and defowlementes of this worlde / And to meditate a certayne angely call lyfe euen nowe in erthe that is / to me∣ditate that here / which there we shalbe contynyully. Truely the spirite of Iesu generally abborteth and hateth all fyl∣thynes but specyally that beastly luste and vtterly vnworthy for man. what taught he vs in that he was borne frōm home in another countre / delyuered of his mother in a vyle cotage / cast downe in a cribbe / wrapped aboute with vyle cloutes? but that we shulde always re∣membre that we be here straungers for a fewe dayes / and that all ryches tro∣den vnder fete and the false honours of the worlde despyfeth we shulde haste vs beynge as lyght and lose as maye be to our heuenly countre through vertuose labours / in which our heuenly and na∣tyue countre we ought alredy to lyue in mynde although we touche as per the erthe with our corporall fete. Agayne what monyshed he vs in that he fledde into Egypt / but that by all meanes we shulde eschue to entermedle with con∣tagious people whiche labour to put out Christ in vs (that is to wyte) inno∣cencye / and the despysyng of the world? what taught he vs that he was / but that we shulde cut of all car∣nall atrections whiche disturbe vs hal∣tyng vnto Christe / & that beynge dead as were in our owne selues be led and nouryshed onely with the spirite of Ie∣su? what taught he vs in that he was vp in the temple / but that we shulde holly offer vp and dedicate our selues euen from our infauncie to god and to holy thinges / and forthwith the vessell of our mynde beynge yet newe and fresh drynke into vs Iesu / for no age is̄ to learne holynes / naye rather none other age is more tymely and mere to learne Christe / than that whiche knoweth not yet the worlde. Nowe consyder ye with our selues (oh chyldren) with howe holy studyes and occupacyons that same chylde so borne so offered vp to god dyd passe our his chyldhode. Not with ydelnes / not with eatynge and drynkyng / not with slepe / not with vayne sportes and playes / not with fowlyshe fables / not with strayn∣ges abrode / as the common sort of chyl dren are wont to do / but outher with minystryng and seruyug his parentes / or with holy prayers / or hearynge the preachers and teachers / or with de∣uout meditations or with holy and ar∣nest communications with other chyl∣dren / hath not saynte Luke in his gos∣pell comprysed brefly all these and ma∣ny other lyke / when he wryteth in this maner. Puer crescebat & confortabatur plenus sapientia, & gratia dei erat millo. That is to say. The chylde grewe and wexed stronge / full of wysdom / and the grace of god was in hym. Do ye not manifestly see a newe kynde of chylde∣hode. Of the chyldren in tymes paste it was sayd. Stulticia colligata est in corde pueri. That is to saye. Foly is teyed to gether in a chyldes herte. Of the newe chylde ye here. Plenus sapientia full of wysdom / why do we any longer excuse our rudenes vnder the clock of our ten∣der age / when we heare a chyld not one ly wyse but full of wysdom? Se howe this chylde hathe inuerted all order of thinges which sayth in the Apocalyps Ecce ego noua facio omnia / that is to saye. I make all newe. The wys∣dom of the aged is destroyed / and the prudence of the prudent is dysalowed / and chyldren be replenyshed with wys∣dom. And for this very cause he gyueth thankes to his father / saynge. Quoniam absondisti haec a sapientibus & renelasti paruulis. because thou haste hydde these from wyse / and hast dysclosed them to infauntes. But leste we shulde here co∣uette and studye for the fowly she and desceytfull wysdom of this worlde he addeth forthwith. Et gratia dei erat ī illo The grace of god was in hym. He whan all is done is the wyse man and hathe the ryghte knowledge / whiche to the worlde is but a fole / and whiche sauereth nothynge but Christe. He is knowen not by the bokes of the phylo∣sophers / nor yet by subtyll and sophis∣tycall argumentes / but by pure faythe he is knowen / by hope he is holden / by charitie he is wonne. Howe manye thynges hathe this chylde taught by his ensample? when he was but. xii. of age he stale awaye preuely frō his parentes / whiche coulde not be founde neyther among his kynsfolke / nor among his acquayntaunce / at last was founde after the space of. iii. dayes. But wheare I beseche you was he founde? In fayres / in markettes / in ways / i tauerns daunsyng or synging? Harken ye chyldren where the chylde Iesus was founde / leuyng his frendes and in maner a fugityue & a renaway / and ye shall casyly vnderstande where ye ought to be consernaunt. In the tem ple (I saye) he was founde syttynge in the myddes of the doctours hearynge theyr reasons / and demaundynge ques∣tiōs of them. What hath Iesus taught vs by these so wonderfull deades? No doubt but that he hath taught vs some great thynge / som earneste matter / and to be hyghly folowed / & what is that? Surely that whyle Christ ware bygge in vs (for he is also borne in vs / & hath his degrees of ages / vntyl he growe vp to a stronge and perfet man / and into the measure of his fulnes) wherfore whyle (I say) he ware bygge in vs / he teacheth vs to transferre and shyft our naturall affections whiche be towarde our parentes and other frendes vpon god / nothyng to loue here / nothyng to magnifie but in Christe & Christ in all / let vs remembre that we haue our true father / countre / kynsfolke and frendes in heuen. But left a man wold ymagyn with this neglectyng of parentes shuld sauer any pryde or disobediencie / it fo∣loweth. Et erat subditus illis. And he was subiet vnto them / nay rather none more truely loueth his parentes / none more naturally honoreth them / none obeyeth them more obsequiosly / than he which thus cōtemueth them. What is it to sytte in the temple / but to rest in holy thynges / and to brynge a mynde to learne / quyet from al worldly cares? Nothynge is more turbulent than vy∣ces / and agayne wysdom loueth and quyetnes. Now / of what any per∣son shall we disdayne to lerne / howe at∣tentyte cares ought we to gyue to our maysters / whan that heuenly chyld Ie sus the wysdom of god his father / syt∣teth in myddes of the doctours / hea∣ryng and agayne demaundyng of them and aunswerynge / but so aunswerynge that all wondered on his wysdom? Nor no wonder syth he was suche one / to whome all the wysdom of the world is folyshe. The knowledge of lawes is a goodly thyng / the setēce of philosophie is a noble thyng / the profession of divi∣nitte is a thynge hyghly to be magni∣fied. But who heareth Iesus / forth∣with all thynge ware folyshe / but our aunswer though it can not styre a my∣racle of wysdom at lest way let it sauer of sovernes and discretion / let it sauer innocencie. Agayn I beseche you how obeysaujit / how seruyable becommeth it vs to be to our parentes & maysters (whome we ought to preferre as they whiche be the parentes of the wytte) syth that lorde of all / at what tyme he was of that depe wysdom that his pa∣rentes vnderstode hym not / yet he retur ned with them to Nazareth submyt∣tyng hymselfe vnto them. we owe this to the naturall loue / we owe this to the reuerence towarde our parentes / that otherwhyles we gyue place to theyr wyl though we see better what is to be done than they. But now it is good to see with howe mete an ende Luke hath concluded the chyldehode of Iesus. Et Iesus (q he) proficiebat sapientia, aeta∣te, & gratia apud deum & apud homines. Iesus ( sayncte Luke) dyd further in wysdom / age / and grace with god and with men. Howe many thynges in howe fewe wordes hath he taught vs? Fyrste of all that with the growe and the encreace of age / the encreace also of holynes ought to be copled / that sayng be ryghtly spokē vpon vs which sayncte Augustyn spake vpon the com mon sort of men. Qui maior est aetate, ma∣ior est iniquitate. 1. the in age / the greater in lewdnes. Or lest in this most goodly and fayer baiell we shulde at any tyme reste vs and stande styll / or thynke that we haue wonne the fylde / but after the maner of them / whiche renne at a game neglectyng that whi∣che we haue lefte behynde vs / contende always and labour fourther vp / and alwaye assaye to clyme from good to better / from better to the best / tyll as laste it be come to the marke (that is to saye) to the ende of this lyfe. Socrates what tyme he was very aged euen as though he knewe nothynge / so always he thursted to learne / and that of any one. So lykewyse we the more we be in Christ / the lesse we shal please our selues if so be that we profyt in him truely / so that always the standyng in a maus owne conceyt is the very pesti∣lence and veter destruction both of stu∣dies and also of goodnes. And after /the ouer rype kynde of wyt tes cōmeth not lyghtly to thryste ney∣ther of leruyng nor goodnes / I thynke that the order also is not in vayne apud deum, & apud homines with god & with men. So that we ought to vnderstand that cheyfly & fyrst of all we muste ap∣ply vs that our lyf may please god / and if we do so / the fauour of mā shall folow alone. For nothyng is more fayer than vertue / nothynge more amiable / after whome prayse is accustomed the more to folowe / the lesse that it be coueted. With as fewe wordes as we myght we haue expressed vnto you (chyldren) an exampler & president of a chylde / whom we ought both to loue most / and folow most effectually. And surely so muche shall we seme to loue / as we shall folow hym. Agayne howe much the more we shall loue hym / so muche the fuller we shall folowe hym. Wherfore let vs require this one thynge of hym with dayly & pure prayers / that he wyl graūt vs to brenne in his loue / to proue lyke vnto hym / that is / chaste / pure / vn spotted / mylde / symple / easy to be en∣treated / voyde of craft / ignorāt of gyle / knowynge not what enuye meaneth / obeysant to the parentes / obsequious to the comaundemēt of our maysters des∣pysers of the world / auowed to holy thynges / attent and wedded to godly letters / passynge our selues dayly in goodnes / allowed of god / well accepted among men / and by the sauour & smelle of our good name alluryng very many to Christ. These thynges (I say) conti∣nually let vs requyre / these let vs at∣tempt both with handes & fete / whyle our age serue vs whiche wyll els flee shortly away / for if Duintilian monys∣sheth a ryght saynge. Optima statim ac primo discenda. 1. The beste thynges are by and by and fyrste to be learned / I praye you / what ought to be learned soner than Christ / whiche is beste of all thynges / nay rather what other thyng ought a christian man to learne than hym / whome to knowe is lyfe as hymselfe wytnesseth prayuge his father in the gospell / which thynge if we do / we shall as it were for our power yelde thankes and acquyte his kyndnes and singular goodnes toward vs / & in thus acquyryng hym / we shall wynne hym vnto vs. And the more fully we shall acquyte / howe much the more we shall reloue hym. So much the more we shal reloue hym howe muche the more we expresse hym in lyfe and manners. And the more we expresse hym / so much the more we shal be enryched in hym. But in the meane whyle some per chaunce wyll thynke that this is an hard warfare to cast vp all and take the crosse with Christ / but let vs remē∣bre (most dere brethern) that the nature of the worlde and of Christ is farre con trarye and dyuerse. The worlde as it were a paynted harlat at ye fyrst syght sheweth it selfe vnto vs amyable / and (as it were) golden. But after / the de∣per ye entre in / and the more narre ye loke in / so muche the more and more / fowle stynkyng & bytter be all together Cōtrary wyse Christ / to thē yt behold hym a farre of / he semeth sō what hard whyle we see crosses and the despysyng of pleasurs and of lyfe. But who that with a trusty & bolde hert casteth hym∣selfe holly vpon hym / he shal fynde no∣thyng softer / nothynge more at large / nothynge sweter. Oneles perchaunce he hymselfe beyng the very trouth spe∣keth not the trouth in the gospel where he sayth. Colligite iugum meum super vos, & inuenietis requiem animabus vestris. iugum enim meum suaue est, & onus meum leue. Take my yocke vpon you (sayth Christ) and ye shall fynde reste to your hertes / my yocke is swete / and my bur∣den is lyte. This vndoubtedly is the very harde way of vertue which in olde tyme longe before Christes commyng Hesiodus in maner dremed on / at the fyrst enteryng in and cōmyng to / sum∣what roughe and harde / but after one be a whyle entered / it is alwaye more and more easy and pleasaunt. But admitte it to be a very sharpe waye of it selfe / I praye you howe can it seme sharpe syth by it we go ye way to so cer tayne & so greate a rewarde. If accor∣dynge to the saynge of the wyse man. Spes premii minuit vim flagelli. The hope of the reward doth minyshe the violēce of the skorge / who in this transitorie lyfe wolde not iudge it lyte and swett / wherby he getteth that heuenly lyfe / & which shal neuer for sake him to raygne eternally with Christ / to behold conti∣nually that hygh ioy & goodnes / to be conuersaunt in the cōpanye of aungels to be farre from all feare of cuyls? who I praye you this so greate a rewarde wolde not gladly bye yea with a thou∣sand deathes? and this so greate a sty∣pend doth Iesus our captayne promise to his souldyers / whiche wyll not lye / nor can not deceyue. Now ponder with your selues the frutes / the eternite / and the magnitude and greatues therof / agaynste whiche set the shorte tyme of this warfare whiche is no longer than ye very which lyf what is it els thā a vapor aperynge for a lytle tyme / or a slepe of one houre. But we go to / of this mestunable rewarde let vs a whyle be styll / & let vs now see with howe abun∣dantly greate rewardes our guyde and captayne recompenseth the labours of his souldyers also in this lyfe / & howe an onlyke haruest they repe whiche be souldyers of the world / and they which fyght vnder Christ Jesu. Let vs here what ye wycked men themselfes say in the boke of sapiētie. Lassati sumus in via iniquitatis & perditiōis, ambul auimus vias difficiles, viam autem domini ignorauimus. That is to say. we be wery in the way of /and of perdition / we haue walked harde ways / but the way of the lorde we haue not knowen. The world entyseth vs with his cloked & coūterfet shadows of goodes / which be nothyng els but poysons couered with honye / and by & by when we be ones plucked out of them & as it were put out of ser∣uyce & forsaken / lord god / into what ca∣res / what thoughtes / what troubles / what losses / what disworshypes / into what vexation of the conscience of the mynde / into what wretched ende doth it bring the vnhappy persons? So that they myght seme to haue suffered pe∣naunce ynough for theyr wyckednes / though no hell shulde cusewe. But he whiche all the deceytes of the worlde reiected / fireth his hole loue / care / and studie / vpon Iesus / that is / the hyghe good thynge / and hang holly on hym / he accordyng to the promise of the gos∣pcll shal not oncly possesse eternal lyfe / but also shall receyuc in this worlde an hundreth tymes folde so muchc. And what is it to receyue an hūdreth tymes so muche? Ueryly for forged and coun∣terfelled goodes / true / for vncertayne certayuc / for transitorie crernal / for pure / for cares quyetnes / for vexation of mynde truste & confidence / for troublesomnes tranquillitte / for los∣ses profyte / for lewdnes goodnes / for the torment of consciēce secrete and in∣cffable ioy / for a fowle & miserable ende a glorious and triumphant deathe. Thou haste dcspysed ryches for Chris∣tcs louc / iii hym thou shalt fynde true tresures. Thou haste reiected false ho∣nours / so muche in hym thou shalt be the more honorable. Thou hast neglec ted the affections of thy parentes / so muche the more tenderly wyll the true father cheryshe the / which is in heuēs. Thou haste set at nought the wysdom of the world / in Christ thou shalt much more truely be wyse / and more happy∣ly. Thou hast despysed pestiferous plea surs / in hym shalt thou fynd facre other deynties. Brefly to speake when thou seyst ones tho secrete / and true ryches of Christ / the mysty clowde of the world dryuen in sonder / then all thyuges whiche here tofore semed pleasaunte / whiche sollicite the / thou shalt not only not magnific & haue them in admi ratiō / but a certayn pestilēt destructiōs & poysons thou shalt / / cast of. For it chaunseth wonderfully that so sone as that heuenly lyghte toucheth throughly our myndes / sodenly a cer∣tayne newe face of all thynges spryn∣geth forthe / so that it whiche a lytle to fore semed dulcet / nowe waxeth tart / whiche sower / waxeth swete / whiche semed vnfarynge waxethe amyable / whiche semed amyable waxeth vnfa∣rynge / whiche tofore gorgyous nowe fylthy / whiche myghty / weake / which beautyfull defourme / whiche noble vnnoble / whiche ryche nedy / whiche hygh lowe / whiche gaynes dammage / which wyse folyshe / whiche lyfe death / which to be desyred to be fledde / and cō∣trary wyse. So that sodenly the face of thynges chaunged thou wolt iuge it to be nothyng lesse than that which it se∣med before / wherefore in Christ all good thynges be founde compendiously and truely of which the vayne and counter fet ymages and shadows / & as it were ioglynge castes / this worlde sheweth / whiche the wretched cōmon sort of peo ple pursueth and seketh with so greate trouble of mynde / with so great losses / with so great daungers / by ryght and wronge. I beseche you what blysse can ye compare with this mynde which is nowe free from errour / free from affec∣tions / without care / always ioynge for the testimonie of conscience / vexed with nothynge / haut / hygh / and next to heuen and nowe aboue the lot of man / which in Christ the most hygh pyllar & rocke / beynge borne & steyed by / all the falsities of this worlde / the troubles / frayes / & stormes depely laugheth at / disuyseth / or rather reweth. For what shulde he feare which hath god his pro∣tectour? shulde he feare reproche? Nay it is an hyghe glorie to suffer reproche for Christ. nay the burdayn of ryches he gladly casteth awaye who so hastcth hym to Christ. Death? nay / for that he most wysheth / wherby he is assured to be set ouer to immortall lyfe. For what thyng shuld he take thought whose father in heuē hath not so much but his heares numbred & told? & what shulde he couet which in Christ posses∣seth al thynges? For what is not com∣mon to the membres and to the hede? Now how great is mans not onely fe∣licitie / but also dignitie to be a lyuyshe mēbre of the most holy body the church to be al one with Christ / the same fleshe the same spirite / to haue all one father with hym / in heuens / to haue Christe our brother / to be destinate with hym to the same enherytauncc. And (shortly to conclude) to be no longer a man but a god? Put hereunto / a certayne taste of the felicitie that is to com / which the good & vertuous mynd do perceyue and enioy euer among. This vndoubtedly saw / this felt ye prophete whā he saith. Nec auris audiuit, nec oculus vidit, nec in ascendit, quae parasti. Deus di∣ligentibus te. i. Neyther care hath held / nor cpe hath seue / nor it hath not ascen ded into mans herte / whiche thou ( god) haste prepared to them that loue the. wherfore most derc companyons it we wyll do our that we may be be truely the membres of Christ / accor∣dynge to the saynge of the prophete. Iustus vt palma storebit / the ryghtwyse∣man shal flower lyke the palme tre / yea also in this lyfe we shall spryng and flo∣ry she with a certayne perpetual youth / not onely in mynde but also in bodye. For lyke as that flowryng spirite of Ie su shall redounde into our / so a∣gayne ours shall slowe into his bodye / and so much as may / it shalbe transfor med into it. Nor this so greate beauty both of body and mynde can not beare the fylthyncs of garmente. For our mynde is the habitation of god / the bo∣dy is the of the mynde / and the garment to as who shuld say in ma ner the bodye of the bodye. So shall it com to passe that all the hole man shal∣be correspondaunt to the puritie & clea∣nes of the hede vntyll at laste / this lyfe fynyshed we be ledde awaye to euer∣lastynge GO ye to then / good felowes / to this so greate felicitie lette vs la∣bour with our hole myght / let vs onely magnifie / and haue in admiration our captayne Iesu / then whom nothyng is greater / nay rather without whom no thyng is at al great. Hym onely let vs loue / then whō nothynge can be better / nay rather without whō nothyng at al is good. Hym let vs folowe which one∣ly is the true and perfyte exemplay of goodnes / without whō who so semeth wyse is a fowle. To hym onely let vs cleaue / hym onely let vs embrace / in onely hym let vs take fruition / in whō is the true peac / ioy / tranquillitie / plea∣sure / lyfe / immortalitie. what neadeth many wordes? he is the sum of al good thynges. Besyde hym let vs magnifie nothing / loue nothyng / desyre nothyng hym onely let vs studie to please. Lette vs remembre that vnder his eyes / & vn¦der the eyes of his angels which shalbe our wytnesses in tyme comynge / we do al thyng what so euer we do. He is ia∣lous nor cā suffre any fylthynes of this world wherfor let vs lyve ī him a pure & angelycal lyfe / let hym be to vs in hert / in mouth / in al our lyfe. Hym through let vs sauer / hym let vs speake / hym in maners let vs expresse. In hym let vs set our busynes / our quyetnes / toy / so∣late / hope / all our trust and confidence. Let hym neuer from our myn∣des when we be wake / and in our slepe let vs contynually dreme of hym. Hym let our and studie / yea and our playe and bysportes also sauer & smell of / by hym and in hym let vs / and ware tyll at laste we he growen up to a perfyte man / and our va∣liantly brought to ende / we may kepe a perpetual trumphe with hym in heuē.
A00395.P4	The great mystery of godliness Jesus Christ our Lord God and man, and man with God; one in Jesus Christ our Lord. By Mr. Erbury minister of the word.	[ "Erbery, William, 1604-1654." ]	1640.	Printed by M. F[lesher] for Rob. Milbourne, in little Britain, at the signe of the Holy Lambe,	London :	eng	[ "Jesus Christ -- Mystical body -- Early works to 1800." ]	Q.WHat must you do to be holy here, and happy hereafter? A. Two things; First, Know CHRIST, John, 17. 3. Secondly, Be knit unto him, John 7. 21, 22, 23, 24. Q. By what meanes may we come o this? A. First, Outwardly. 1. In the Word I am taught to know him Joh. 17. 8. 2. In the Sacraments I am tied and knit to him, 1 Cor. 10. 61. Secondly, inwardly 1. By Faith on my part, Ephe. 3. 17. Gal. 3. 27, 28, 29. 1. Grounded on the Word wherein I receive him. 2. Growing in the Sacrament wherein I am received into him. 2. By the Spirit on Gods part, 1 Cor. 6. 17. and 12. 13. 1. Assuring Christ unto me in the Word, Eph. 1. 13. 2. Sealing Christ unto me in the Sacrament, Rom. 4. 11. This is my Body, so the Word saies without, when the bread is given in the Sacrament, and so the Spirit speaks within, assuring, yea, Quest. WHat is it to know Christ? First, when I feele the want of Christ in respect of the guilt and filth of sin in me. Secondly, find the worth of Christ to pardon and purge my sin. Thirdly, feele and find a willingnesse in me to receive, Christ, that is, to ac∣cept of him on his own conditions. 1 Not only to be my Priest and Je∣sus to save me by his blood, Heb. 2. 17 2 Nor only to be my Prophet and Christ, to teach me by his Word, Act. 3. 22. 3 But also to be my Prince & Lord to rule mee by his Spirit, leaving my old lust, and living by his laws, deny∣ing my selfe, and delighting to do whatever he commands, Act. 5. 31. Then I know Christ, and this is to beleeve in him. Read 1 Joh. 1. 6, 7. and cha. 2. 1, 2, 3, 4. So Mat. 28. 20. Mar. 9. from v. 43. to the end. Luke 6. 46. Joh. 15. 14. Q. HOw do you know the want of Christ? A. 1 I am far and for ever in my selfe separated from God by my sin naturall and actuall, Isa. 59. 2. Psal. 58 3. Ephe. 2. 13, 14. 2 I am foully stained and stinking with all sin in my whole nature, soule and body, Psal. 14. 3. and 51. 5. Rom. 3 from ver. 10. to 20. 3 There is no power in me to think a good thought, or to keep any one of Gods commandements once in all my life, 2 Cor. 3. 5. Rom. 3. 9, 10. James 3. 2. 4 There is no plague but is upon me, and for the sinfulnesse of my nature & sins of my life, every curse of God is on my soule and body in this life, and that which is to come, Deut. 27. 26. & 28. 16 Mat. 25. 41. 5 There is no good dwelling in my flesh, nay not onely an emptinesse of all good, but an enmity against it, Gen. 6. 5. Rom. 7. 18. & 8. 7. 6 I have no power to please God in any good I doe, Rom. 8. 8. Prov. 15. 8. Heb. 11. 6. 7 I have no hope to goe to heaven when I die, 1 Cor. 15. 50. Rev. 21. 27. O how miserable and wretched is that man or woman that lives and dies (as many doe, Mat. 7. 13.) in this corrupt and cursed condition without Christ! Q. VVHat worth do you find in Christ? A. 1. The excellency of his person, being the onely begotten, beloved Son of God, the heire of all things, the head of his Church, Angels, Principalities and Powers, being subject unto him, Eph. 1. 21, 22. Col. 1. 15, 16, 17, 18, 19. Heb. 1, 2, 3, 4. 1 Pet. 3. 22. 2 The exceeding riches of his grace freely offered, and fully given unto me in the Gospel, Eph. 2. 7. & 3. 8. Isay 61. 1, &c. 3 The blessings that he brings, Acts 3. 26. Eph. 1. 3. 4 The graces that he gives, John 1. 14. 16. O how happy is that man or woman that is made one with the Son of God! (how few are they Christ knowes, Mat. 7. 14.) yet thrice happy is hee or shee that have him for their head and husband, who hath all power in his hands, all heavenly blessings to bestow upon them, all spirituall graces to give unto them, and an unsearchable ri∣ches of grace to endow them to eter∣nall glory. Q. What is the grace of Christ? A. It is an honourable, holy and happy condition that Christ hath cal∣led me unto by the Gospel; who be∣ing the second Adam, received my nature unto himselfe, restored it with himselfe into favour with God againe from whom I fell, and raised my faln nature into a higher favour and grace with God the Father then it was in the first Adam before his fall, Eph. 2. 5, 6. 1 He hath taken my nature separa∣ted from God, and hath now united it to the Godhead for ever, Joh. 1. 14. Heb. 2. 11, 14. 2 He hath sanctified my nature sin∣full in me, but perfectly holy in him, Luke 1. 35. Joh. 17. 19. Heb. 7. 26. 3 He hath in my nature fulfilled the whole Law for me, which I could ne∣ver doe, Rom. 10. 5. & 8. 4. 4 Hee hath for my sin in my stead suffered the whole wrath of the Lord, the curse of the Law which I could ne∣ver suffer, Isa. 53. 4, 5. 2 Cor. 5. 21. Gal. 3. 13. 1 Pet. 2. 24. 5 He filled my nature in himselfe with all grace, God gave him not the Spirit by measure, but being made flesh, we beheld his glory, the glory as of the only begotten of the Father, full of grace and truth, John 1. 14. and 3. 34, 35. 6 He fulfilled all righteousnesse that was to be done or suffered in life or death by me, in my nature, in whom God was well pleased, Mat. 3. 15, 17. Mat. 12. 18. 7 He raignes in my nature glori∣fied above all in heaven, Ephes. 1. 20. Q. VVHy are you so willing to receive Christ? A. That I may be knit unto him, Gal, 3. 26. 28. Q. VVHat is it to bee knit unto Christ. A. To become one with him by his Spirit, and my faith looking up and laying hold on my nature in him, that as hee tooke my flesh and made it his, so I take his flesh and make it mine, that thus I might bee one with him and he with me. I dwell in him and he in me; hee dwelleth in me by faith, and I dwell in him in my flesh; that as my nature is become his, so all his might be mine, Joh. 17. 21. and 6. 56. Ephes. 3. 17. Cant. 6. 7. Q. How are you one with Christ Jesus? A. 1. Not one in conceit and imagination. 2 Nor one in consent and affe∣ction. 3 Nor one in substance and trans∣fusion, as if the Godhead or manhood of Christ were mixt with any sub∣stance. 4 But one in spirit, or rather one spirit, that is more, the self-same spirit dwelling in him, dwels in me: so uni∣ting me unto him, that through his manhood from his Godhead, it con∣veyes, and I receive all spirituall life in soule and body for ever, 1 Cor. 6. 17 Rom. 8. 11. 1 Joh. 3. 23. John 6. 60. Q. What union then is this that is betweene Christ and you? A. The nearest that may be ima∣gined: for there is an union, first, of linage or flesh; thus many kinsmen are one. 2 Of love or friendship; thus ma∣ny men are one, Acts 4. 32. the soule of Jonathan was knit to David, and this union of Spirits is nearer then the first of bodies. 3 Matrimoniall; thus man and wife are one, and this union is nearer then both the former, seeing married persons are not onely one in flesh, but in highest love and friendship; besides a man must forsake father, nearest flesh and friends to follow and cleave to his wife. 4 Mysticall, thus Christ and his Church are one by a nearer union then all the three; for Christ is not onely, first, partaker of flesh and blood with us, Heb. 2. 14. Secondly, We are his friends, John 15. 14. Thirdly, he is our husband also, Isay 54. 5. Fourthly, But also he is our head, and we are members of his body, of his flesh, and of his bone; and this union is called Mysticall, because it is more then any, unconceivable in thought, and unutte∣rable by tongue; kinsmen, friends, and married ones must die, and then their union ends. But Christ hath so taken my flesh as never to be divided from it; such a friend as not life nor death can divide me from him, whose love passeth all knowledge and time, loving me unto the end, and after all; and not onely beloved, but I am be∣trothed and married to him for ever, and not onely betrothed, but I am of his body, of his flesh, and of his bones, nay, by faith I eate his flesh and drink his blood, what nearer union can be? Q. What is it to eat his flesh? A. 1. To apprehend, apply, and partake of his flesh as my owne, as the meat I eat is mine. 2 To beleeve that I am truely and really (though spiritually) united unto him, and one with him, of his bone, and of his flesh, as the meat I eat be∣comes one with my substance. 3 To expect in faith for all grace and growth in good strength in his services, quickning and comfort, and eternall life from the flesh of Christ: as the meat I eat maintaines life, gives nourishment and enables mee for all naturall actions, so doth Christ, for spirituall bread strengthens mans heart, and wine cheares it, so, and more in mee doth Christs flesh and blood. Q. How shall I make this know∣ledge of Christ effectuall, and the knot fast for ever? A. 1. By a faithfull humble medi∣tating on the grace of Christ, Joh. 6. 43, 44, 45, 55, 56. 2 By an affectionate hearty thanks∣giving to God the Father who hath blessed me with all spirituall blessings in Christ, Eph. 1. 3. 3 By a fruitfull diligent growing in all the graces of the Spirit, Joh. 15. 3. 4 By fervent daily prayer to God the Father through Christ Jesus by the Spirit to enlighten and lead me to the love of God unto eternall life, Eph. 1. 17. and 3. 19. 2 Thess. 3. 5. Q. HOw doe you meditate on Christ? A. I desire to know Christ, not as one farre from mee, but as one with me, and I in him, and from him, or rather through my flesh in him, recei∣ving all things from God the Father for my salvation. This is the meaning of that, Joh. 6. 56. spoken of before, to eate the flesh of Christ (i. e.) by faith to apply and truly to partake of Christs flesh as mine owne, and being out of my self, in it to have life, and through it to have all things that concerne grace and glory. This is that S. Paul determined to know, onely Jesus Christ, and him crucified, 1 Cor. 2. 2. Gal. 2. 20. for this excellent knowledge S. Paul counted all things but dung, that he might win Christ; what is that? That I might bee found in him not having mine owne righteousnesse but his, not my selfe, but him, Phil. 3. 8, 9, 10. Q. What doe you meditate of in Christ? A. 1. I finde my nature, soule and body united to God in him, and therefore feele my self reconciled, and at one with God the Father; his Fa∣ther, my Father, his God my God, Joh. 14. 20. 21, 23. & 20. 17. 2 I see my nature sanctified perfect∣ly in his person, from which I seek a power to sanctifie mine more and more in my person, Heb. 2. 11. John 17. 10. 3 As hee hath fulfilled the law for me, so 1 In him God accounts me righte∣ous, Rom. 3. 22. 2 Cor. 5. 21. 2 In me God accepts of my upright purpose to please him in all things for perfect righteousnesse, Psal. 119. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. 3 From him I receive a power to perform the whole law in every point, though not perfectly in the highest pitch and purity that the Law re∣quires, yet (seeking and striving to perfection) pleasingly as God accepts in Christ Jesus; who fulfilling the Law for me in my flesh, which he took, writes the Law in me by his Spirit, which he gives, making me to delight n the Law of God in the inward man, to be ready to doe his will, to have re∣spect to all his Commandements, to refrain my feet from every evill way, to purge my self from all filthinesse of flesh and Spirit, perfecting holinesse in his fear, Jer. 31. 33. & 32. 40. Heb. 8. 10. Rom. 7. 22. Psal. 40. 8. & 119. 6. 101. 2. 2 Cor. 7. 1 Phil. 3. 12, 13, 14, 15. 4 He hath satisfied Gods justice in suffering in my stead, being made a curse for me, and in his own self bea∣ring my sins in his own body upon the tree; so I look for 1 Peace in my self from above, be∣ing crucified with Christ, Gal. 2. 20 2 Power over sin within, being cru∣cified with Christ in my corrupt nature, Rom. 6. 6. Christ stood on the Crosse as my surety in my stead. 1 As a sinner; for he was made sin for me, 2 Cor. 5. 2. 2 As accursed, for hee was made a curse for me, Gal. 3. 13. So being one with him. 1 As hee in my nature is full o grace, so out of his fulnesse I looke to receive grace for grace, Joh. 1. 16. Col. 1. 9. & 2. 3, 9, 10. 2 My best duties are in me damna∣ble, but in Christ Jesus, God and Man, my Mediator and Master, my person is accepted, and all my actions plea∣sing, Eph. 1. 6. 3 I see my self shut out of Paradise, I have no hope of heaven in my selfe, a dead dog, a damned creature, an heir of hell; but God which is rich in mer∣cy, for his great love wherewith hee hath loved me when I was dead in sin, hath quickned me together with Christ, and raised mee up with him, and made me sit together in heavenly places with Christ Jesus. So then in Christ I rose, and in Christ now I raign in heaven being now on earth, (i. e.) I see by faith my own nature in Christ sitting at the right hand of God, who is my good and great high Priest, Q. VVHat are the blessings that Christ Jesus brings? A. First, Eternall election to life in his Fathers love, Eph. 1. 4. 2 Adoption to become the son of God with himselfe, Eph. 1. 5. 3 Acceptation of my person, and all my actions in him, Eph. 1. 6. 4 Redemption of my soule and bo∣dy by his blood; and justification, whereby I am fully cleared from Gods judgement, freed from Gods wrath, my sins forgiven, and I freely accoun∣ted as just, Eph. 1. 7. 5 Vocation, whereby I am the cal∣led of Christ Jesus, Rom. 1. 6. in the Gospel, wherein he hath abounded to me in all wisdome and prudence, ha∣ving made knowne unto mee the my∣stery of his will, Eph. 1. 8, 9. 6 Eternall salvation, and an im∣mortall inheritance in heaven with all Angels and Saints that ever were or shall be, Eph. 1. 10, 11. And all this to the praise of the glo∣ry of his grace, Eph. 1. 6, 12. Q. VVHat are the graces that Christ Jesus gives? A. 1. Knowledge, Col. 2. 3. to un∣derstand, 1 The Word of God and meaning of the Scriptures, Luke 24. 45. 2 The will of God, Iohn 15. 15. and the minde of Christ, 1 Cor. 2. 16. 3 The mysteries, of the kingdome of heaven, Mat. 13. 11. 4 The misery, wretchednesse, blind∣nesse, poverty, nakednesse of my naughty nature, Rev. 3. 17, 18. Rom. 7. 18. 5 The graces of the Spirit in me, and the good things which are freely given unto mee of God through Christ Jesus, 1 Cor. 2. 12. 2 Faith, with the beginning and in∣crease thereof, Mark 9. 24. Luke 17. 5. Eph. 2. 8. 3 Repentance with a mourning melting spirit, Acts 5. 31. for every sin in my self and others by Christs look on me, Luke 22. 61, 62. and mine on Christ, Zech. 12. 10. 4 Love to God and men, good and bad, Deut. 30. 6. Rom. 5. 5. 1 Thes. 4. 9. Mat. 5. 44. 5 The feare of the Lord God, Ier. 32. 40. This covenant is made in Christ, Heb. 8. 8. therefore he gives it, working it in mee by his Spirit, and warning me of it by his Word, Luke 12. 5. 6 Hope of my inheritance in hea∣ven, Rom. 15. 13. 2 Thess. 2. 16. 7 In a word all other graces spring∣ing from the Father, the fountaine of grace, conveied in Christ, through his flesh by his Spirit into my heart, shed abroad and streaming on to ever∣lasting life, Iohn 4. 14. & 7. 37, 38. Gal. 5. 22, 23, 24. Q. VVHat must you doe on your part to continue your communion with God the Father in Christ Jesus by the Spirit? A. 1. Generally. 1 Fly for my life every sin open or secret, and every appearance of evill that may separate betweene God and me, or make mee faile of his grace in Christ, or grieve his holy Spirit, Esay 59. 2. Heb. 12. 15. Eph. 4. 30. 2 Follow after holinesse, and in all holy occasions, company and courses, commanded by God and commended by good men, continue and increase in all goodnesse & all good duties, clean∣sing my selfe continually from all filthinesse of flesh and spirit, perfecting holinesse in his feare, 2 Cor. 7. 1. 2 Particularly. 1 I give all diligence alwayes to make my calling and election sure, 2 Pet. 1. 10. 2 Walke humbly with my God hourely, with a reverend awfull re∣spect of his presence, fearing to offend his Majesty in any thing, Mich. 6. 8 Psal. 139. 2, 3. 3 Renew my repentance daily for my hourely offences or frailty, confes∣sing them in particular, and craving pardon, and purging, 1 Joh. 1. 9. 4 I humble my selfe weekly in fa∣sting for some speciall sins and daily slips in his service, or my calling; put aside some houres, if I cannot a whole day, Mat. 5. 20. and 6. 17. 5 Remember to covenant monthly with my Lord in the Sacrament of the Body and Bloud of Christ Jesus, or as oft as it is administred, 1 Cor. 11. 26. 6 Once in the yeare cast up all my accounts, see how my Communion is increased, and my corruptions lesse∣ned, and how far I am gone and grown in grace, and in the knowledge of Christ, Lev. 16. 34. Once a yeare Mer∣chants cast up their whole accounts, and Husbandmen know their increase of corne and cattell; So they who are wise Merchants and working Christi∣ans, may observe in themselves a change or increase in a yeares space, what cannot be so sensibly perceived in a short time. 7 The Christian Sabbaths and Saints must be my delight, holy and hono∣rable, when, and with whom I have more opportunity and time to have communion with thy God, Isa. 58. 13. Psal. 16. 3. 8 The Word of God must abide & dwell in me richly, wherein I may ac∣quaint my selfe with my Masters will, my Fathers love, and communicate both to my fellow servants and bre∣thren, Col. 3. 16. 9 Take heed of omitting any occasi∣on of doing good, or receiving good in conference or company with men, or my good duty in publicke or private before God, Mal. 3. 16. 10 Beware of carelesse and custo∣mary performance of any holy duty, but do it in love of Communion with my God, that by every prayer I make, every word I heare, &c. I may come neerer to him in Christ Jesus, Jer. 48. 10. Psal. 73. 28. 11 Weane my selfe from the world, use the world as not using it, entangle not my self in other mens matters nor mine own, draw heavenly thoughts from earthly things, deny my selfe not only in indifferent, but in lawfull, yea necessary things, 1 Cor. 7. 31. & 6. 12. 12 Watch my heart with all dili∣gence, the rising of my lust, the checks of my conscience, the motions of the Spirit, &c▪ Pro. 4. 23. 13 Worke out my salvation with feare and trembling, striving harder▪ running faster, and pressing on to the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus, Phil. 2. 12. and 3. 14. 14 Observe still my present estate▪ the tempter of my soule, my spirituall decayes, deadnesse, dulnesse, hardnesse of heart, security, strangenesse from God, I suffer not these to stay long up∣on me, but stir up my selfe by repen∣tance and prayer, and strengthen the things which remaine and are ready to die, Rev. 3. 2, 17. and 2. 4, 5. 15 Goe forward in good duties, fruitfull in good works, fervent in spi∣rit, zealous in Gods cause, sensible of the least sinne, and above all things beward of barrennesse and back-sli∣ding, and an evill heart of unbeliefe in departing from the living God, 1 Cor. 15. 58. Col. 1. 10. Rom. 12. 11. 1 Thes. 5. 22. Heb. 10. 16 Stir up my faith continually, seek to the Lord, strengthen it, study the promises, apply them perfectly, and in them Christ to thy selfe, sticke very fast unto the Lord, cleave unto him, cling about him, depart not from him, depend upon him, delight in him, and be thankfull to him, beleeve and live in the light of his countenance, and of his Commandements, Isa. 64. 7. 2 Tim. 1. 6. 1 Pet. 1. 13. Act. 11. 23. 17 In my nearest approaches, and dearest imbraces by him, I am not too bold, but in my strongest feelings, sweetest refreshments, spirituall con∣solations in Christ, comforts of the spirit, joy in Gods face and favour, I feare and tremble before him, Psal. 2 11. 1 Pet. 1. 17. 18 Feare the Lord my God all my dayes, a feare not of distrust but of di∣ligence to work, & jealousie to watch my selfe, a feare not servile only of his justice, but sonnelike of his goodnesse, a feare not to drive me from God, but to draw mee to him; wee cannot be∣leeve or love the Lord too much, but yet God doth not cocker his children, therefore when thou most beleeves that thou liest in the arms of his love, feare the more, lest then thou fall a∣sleep, secure and sweetly sin: Satan seeks but this, to find thee thus, hee cares not then, but rocks, sits by, and sings, and keeps thee fast asleep, with the sweet sound of faith and assurance Pro. 28. 14. Oh the slights of Satan, the methods, mysteries, and depths of the Devill, in our neerest communion with God to cast us farthest from him! 19 Continue constant in prayer, watching thereunto with all perseve∣rance, present my selfe oft before the Lord upon my knees, in my Closet, or some corner, if it bee but a word or two, 'twill increase my acquaintance and my communion with him; have my heart ever upward, heavenly and humble, sending up sometimes strong groanes, sudden sighs, short ejaculati∣ons, petitions or prayses in the midst of worldly affairs, callings and company, &c. when they think not of it, steale a secret thought to the throne of grace, and my Father which seeth in secret, &c. Luk. 18. 1. Eph. 6. 18. Col. 4. 2. 1 Pet. 4. 7. Neh. 2. 4. Q. VVHat should you especi∣ally pray for? A. 1 That the God of our Lord esus Christ, the Father of glory may give unto me the spirit of wisdom and revelation in the knowledge of him; The eye of my understanding being enlightened, that I may know what is the hope of his calling, and what the riches of the glory of his inheritance in the Saints: And what is the excee∣ding greatnesse of his power to us∣ward, who beleeves according to the working of his mighty power. Which he wrought in Christ when he raised him from the dead, and set him at his own right hand in the heavenly places, far above all principality, and power, and might, and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this world, but also in that which is to come: And hath put all things under his feet, and gave him to be the head over all things to the Church; which is his Body, the fulnesse of him that fil∣leth all in all, Eph. 1. 17, 18, &c. 2 That God would grant me accor∣ding to the riches of his glory, to be strengthened with might by his Spirit in the inner man, that Christ may dwell in my heart by faith, that being rooted and grounded in love, I may be able to comprehend with all Saints what is the breadth, and length, and depth, and height: And to know the love of Christ which passeth know∣ledge, that I may be filled with all the fulnesse of God, Eph. 3. 16, 17, 18. 1 The fulnesse of the knowledge of his Will, Col. 1. 9. 2 The full assurance of his favour, Col. 2. 2. 3 The fulnesse of all grace in Christ Jesus. 4 The fulnesse of all joy in the holy Ghost, unspeakeable and glorious, not only in the feelings of faith, but of af∣flictions, 1 Pet. 1. 6, 8. Rom. 5. 3. 5 The fulnesse of glory in his hae∣venly kingdome at his right hand, when he sits to intercede for mee and his whole mysticall body, to raigne in us his members, and over his and our enemies, till the last day, when he shall deliver up the kingdome to God the Father, 1 Cor. 15. 28. Then God shall be all in all, when wee shall bee filled with the fulnesse of God, and see him face to face. Now we see God the Fa∣ther mediately in the face of Christ, then we shal see him immediately face to face with Christ: yet without a Me∣diator; now we are filled with the ful∣nesse of Christ only, then we shall be filled with the fulnesse of God alone. 1 We are the fulnesse of Christ who being his members, he accounts him∣selfe but maimed without us, Eph. 1. 23 1 Cor. 12. 12. 2 We have the fulnesse of God, in Christ, who being our head, supplies by his Spirit all things unto us, that can be had in God the Father, or from him, what ever can make us: 1 Holy in him here, 2 Happy with him hereafter. Ephe. 3. 19. 1 John 1. 3. Now unto him who is able to do ex∣ceeding abundantly above all that we aske or thinke, according to the power that worketh in us: unto him be glo∣ry in the Church by Christ Jesus, throughout all ages, world without end, Amen, Eph. 3. 20, 21. In him (that is Christ) we actually are by our actuall incorporation into that society which hath him for their head, and doth make together with him one body (he and they in that re∣spect having one name, 1 Cor. 12. 12.) for which cause by vertue of this my∣sticall conjunction, we are of him and in him, even as though our flesh and bones should be made continuate with his. Hooker pag. 123. Ergo gratulemur & agamus gratias, non solumnos Christianos factos esse, sed etiam Christum. Intelligitis, fratres, grati∣am Dei super nos; capitis, admiramini, gaudete. Christus facti sumus; Si enim ille caput est, & nos membra, totus ille ho∣mo & nos. August. in Iohan. tract. 31. Let us rejoyce and give thankes, that we are not onely made Christian men, but also made Christs Brethren; yee understand the grace of God, that is upon us; ye understand it, ye wonder at it. Rejoyce ye, we are made Christ. For if he be the head and we the mem∣bers, both he and we are one whole man. God with us: receiving us into him∣self, uniting our nature with his into the person of his Son, Mat. 1. 23. Ioh. 1. 14. Heb. 2. 16. 1 Tim. 3. 16. God with us: reconciling us unto him∣selfe, accepting our persons, not im∣puting our sins by the blood of his Son, 2 Cor. 5. 18, 19. God with us: renewing our natures to bee like himselfe, partakers of the divine nature, changing us into his owne Image by the Spirit of his Son, Col. 1. 27, 28. 2 Cor. 3. 18. 2 Pet. 1. 4. God with us: uniting our persons to his Son by his Spirit and our faith, wherby we are members of Christs body, of his bone, and of his flesh, which we feed on, finding life, grace, and spirituall strength, con∣veyed through it by the Spirit from God the Father, Eph. 5. 30, 32. Ioh. 6. 56, 60. God with us: who were without God, without Christ, without hope or mercy, no people, strangers from the Common-weale of Israel, and covenant of promise, enemies of God, children of his wrath, in the power of the Devil, sitting in dark∣nesse and shadow of death, dead in sins, and the damnation of hell, at that time we were thus, being Gen∣tiles, till Christ came in the flesh: and at this time we are thus, being as Gentiles, till our effectuall Cal∣ling by Christs Spirit, Eph. 2. 12. & 3. 3, 5. God with us: in calling home his old people Israel (who are now as wee were) into one Church with us to confesse, professe and praise Christ Jesus our Lord, together on earth, Rom. 11. 25. The Jewes restoring a resurrection, Rom. 11. 15. (that is) the first resurrection, Rev. 20. 5, 6. God with us: In calling us all up by the sound of a Trump, at the second comming of Christ, changing our bodies and carrying us up both bo∣dy and soule to meet the Lord Jesus in the aire, where and when the whole Church militant and trium∣phant, the family in heaven and earth, both Jew and Gentile, and all the Israel of God shall meet at once, and so wee shall ever bee with the Lord, 1 Cor. 15. 51. 1 Thess. 4. 17. The first Mystery was God with us, The last Mystery shall bee, we with God, And God All in All. 1 Cor. 15. 28. Though I understand all Mysteries, and have not love, I am no∣thing, 1 Cor 13. Flesh. Spirit. 1 There is therefore now no condem∣nation to— —them that are in Christ Jesus. Who walke not after the flesh— —but after the Spirit, Rom. 8. 1. They that are after the flesh do mind the things of flesh.— But they that are after the Spirit, mind the things of the Spirit, v. 5. The carnall mind is enmity against God, for it is not subject unto the Law of God, neither in deed can be: so then they that are in the flesh can∣not please God, ver. 7, 8. But to bee spiritually minded, is life and peace, v. 6. but ye are not in the flesh, but the spirit, if so bee that the Spirit of God dwell in you; but if any have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his, v. 9. Now then Brethren wee are debtors not to the flesh, to live after the flesh, but yet if ye live after the flesh, yee shall die, ver. 12. But if through the Spirit yee mortifie the deeds of the flesh, yee shall live, v. 13. Now the works of the flesh are mani∣fest, which are adultery, fornication, uncleannesse, lasciviousnesse, idola∣try, witchcraft, hatred, variance, e∣mulation, wrath, strife, seditions, he∣resies, resies, envyings, murthers, drunken∣nesse, revellings, and such like; of which I tell you before, as I have told you in time past, that they which do such shall not inherit the kingdome of God, Gal. 5. 19, 20, 21. But the fruit of the spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentlenesse, goodnesse, faith, meeknesse, tempe∣rance, against such there is no law; and they that are CHRISTS have crucified the flesh, with the affections and lusts thereof. If we live in the Spirit, let us walke in the Spirit, Galat. 5. 22, 23, 24, 25. 2 If any man be—in Christ, he is a new creature— Old things are passed away,— —All things are become new, 2 Cor. 5. 17. If wee say wee have fellowship with with him, and walke in darknesse, we lie, 1 Joh. 1. 6, 7. He that saith he abideth in him, ought himselfe also to walke, as he walked, 1 Ioh. 2. 7. He that saith I know him, and keepeth not his Commandements, is a lyar 1 John 2. 4. But who so keepeth his word, in him verily is the love of God perfected: hereby know we that we are in him, 1 Ioh. 2. 5. He that committeth sin, is of the De∣vill, 1 Joh. 3. 8. Whosoever abideth in him, sinneth not, 1 Ioh. 3. 6. Ye are of your father the Devill, and the lusts of your father ye will do, he also is a lyar, Joh. 8. 44. Whosoever is borne of God, doth not commit sin, for his seed remaineth in him, so that he cannot sin, because he is borne of God, 1 Ioh. 3. 9. Caine was of the wicked one, and slew his brother; and wherefore slew hee him? because his own works were evill, and his brothers good, 1 John 3. 12. Marvaile not my brethren if the world hate you. We know we have passed from death to life, because we love the brethren, 1 Ioh. 3. 13. The wicked shall be turned into hell, and all the nations that forget God, upon the sinners, he will raine snares, fire, and brimstone, storme and tem∣pest; this shall bee their portion for ever, Psal. 9. 17. and 11. 6. Blessed are they that do his Comman∣dements, that they may have right to the tree of life, (Christ Jesus our Lord) and enter in through the gates of the City, Ioh. 20. 14. The hypocrites hope shall perish, and the eyes of the wicked shall faile, their hope shall be as the giving up of the Ghost, Iohn. 8. 13. and 11. 20. But the righteous hath hope in his death; and he that hath the hope purifyeth himselfe as he is pure, Pro. 24. 32. 1 Iohn 3. 3. 3 Shall I take the members of Christ, and make— —them the members of an Harlot? God forbid, 1 Cor. 6. 15. Shall I take the tongue of Christ and make it— —The tongue of a swearer? &c. Psal. 12. 4. Mat. 5. 37. Hee that yeelds any one of his mem∣bers to— —Sinne, is no member of Christ Je∣sus, but— — a limbe of the Devill, of the my∣stery of iniquity,— —and has no part in the Mysticall u∣nion of Christ and his Church, Rom. 6, 13. 14. But the fruit of the spirit is love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentlenesse, goodnesse, faith, meeknesse, tempe∣rance, against such there is no law; and they that are CHRISTS have crucified the flesh, with the affections and lusts thereof. If we live in the Spirit, let us walke in the Spirit, Galat. 5. 22, 23, 24, 25.

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